THE WORKS OF JOSEPHU …

THE WORKS OF JOSEPHUS. With great diligence Revised and Amended, according to the Excellent French Translation OF Monsieur ARNAƲLD D'ANDILLY.

Also the Embassy of PHILO JUDAEUS, TO THE EMPEROR CAIUS CALIGULA. Never Translated before. With the References of the SCRIPTURE, A New Map of the HOLY LAND, And divers Copper-Plates, serving to Illustrate the HISTORY.

Francis. Patricius de Regno, Lib. II. Cap. 10.

Historiarum cognitio Regibus, Ducibus, Imperatoribus & omnibus Principibus perquam necessaria habenda est: quam Cicero appellat Testem Temporum, Vitae Magistram, veram Memoriae & veritatis Nunciam.

Bernardus, Epistola ad Suggerium.

Tune recentia jucundius bona clarescunt, cum fuerint malis comparata prioribus.

LONDON, Printed for Abel Roper at the Sun against St. Dunstan's Church in Fleet-street. M.DC.LXXVI.

ADVERTISEMENTS CONCERNING THE WORKS OF Josephus.

I. Of the Jewish Antiquities.

THE Title alone of this History seems to recommend the same more than any Preface could do; inasmuch as, professing to deduce things from the Creation of the World, to reach as high as the Reign of Nero, and to derive the greatest part of its Relations from the Records of the Old Testament, it implies that no other can equal it, in Antiqui­ty, in Continuance, and in Authority.

But that which further renders it (after the Holy Scripture) pre­ferable to all other Histories, is, That whereas those have no other ground-work but the Actions of Men, this represents to us the Acti­ons of God himself. There is seen resplendent everywhere in it his Power, his Government, his Goodness, and his Justice. His Power opens Seas, and divides Rivers, to give a dry passage to whole Armies, and cause the Walls of the strongest Cities to fall down without battery. His Government regulates all things, and gives such Laws as may be stil'd the Fountain from which has been drawn whatever wisdom there is in the World. His Goodness makes to fall from Heaven, and to issue from the bosome of Rocks, wherewith to satisfie the Hunger, and allay the Thirst of a great People in the driest Desarts. And all the Elements being as the Ministers of the Decrees which his Justice pronounces, the Water destroys by a Deluge those which it con­demns, the Fire consumes them, the Air overthrows them by its Tempests, and the Earth opens it self to devour them. His Prophets foretell nothing, but they confirm the same by Miracles. They who command his Armies, undertake nothing but they atchieve it. And the Leaders of his Peo­ple, being fill'd with his Spirit, act like Angels rather than Men.

Moses alone may be a Proof of all this. Never did so many eminent Qualities meet to­gether in one Person; Nor did God ever shew in any Man under the Old Law, since the Fall of the First, how high the perfection of a Creature may rise, whom he vouchsafes to accumulate with his favors. Wherefore, since a great part of this History may in some sort be said to be the Work of that incomparable Lawgiver, because the same is wholly taken out of him, it ought to be read not only with Esteem, but also with Respect; and the sequel to the end of what is con­tained in the Bible deserves no less, in regard it was dictated by the same Spirit of God which guided the Pen of Moses when he writ the five first Books of the sacred History.

But moreover, what might not be said of those admirable Patriarchs, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob; of David that great both King and Prophet, who deserv'd the unequal Elogium, of being a Man according to God's own heart; of Jonathan, that most accomplisht Prince, whose soul the Scripture saith was inseparably ty'd to that of that holy King; of the illustrious Mac­cabees, whose Piety, equal to their Courage, effected an union of the Supreme Power attending Royalty, with the most Sacred Functions of the High-Priesthood; and lastly of Joseph, of Joshua, of Gideon, and of divers others, who may pass for perfect Models of Virtue, Con­duct, and Valor. If the Heroes of Pagan Antiquity never atchiev'd anything comparable to these Heroes of God's People, whose Actions might pass for Fables, if it were not impiety to re­fuse credit to them, there is no reason to wonder, since those Heathens had onely humane Force; but the hands of those whom God chose to fight under his Command, were arm'd with his invin­cible help: and the example of Deborah, shews that even a Woman may become, in a moment, a great General of an Army.

Now if the Favors wherewith God cherishes those that are his, ought to induce Monarchs not to trust but in his assistance, the dreadful Punishments which he executes on those that lean on their own strength, oblige them to tremble; and the rejection of Saul, and divers other great Princes, instructs them, by the terrible representation of their Fall, to have recourse to God, that they may escape the like misfortunes.

[...]

[Page] Yet not only Princes, but Princesses also may find in this Book examples both to avoid and to imitate. Queen Jezabel is a dismal one both of impiety and punishment. And Queen Esther is a rare one of all the perfections, and of all the rewards which can render the virtue and felicity of a great and holy Princess admir'd.

If great Personages find so great Examples here to lead them to avoid Vice, and embrace Vir­tue, there is no person of any condition whatsoever but may profit likewise by so useful a Book. 'Tis of general benefit for all, so proper to imprint a respect of the Divine Majesty, by the view of so many effects of his infinite Power, and of his adorable Providence, that his heart must be very hard that is not affected therewith.

And how can Christians but be mov'd with such a holy respect, since the same History teaches us, that those illustrious and so celebrated Conquerors, Cyrus, Darius and Alexander, though Idolaters, could not forbear having a Veneration for the Majesty and the Ceremonies of that Temple which was but a Figure of the Christian Church.

But if this History be so excellent in it self, it must be confess'd that no man was so fit to write it, as he that gave it both to his own Age and to Posterity. For who could be better inform'd of the Customs and Manners of the Jews, than a Jew? Who could be better instructed of all the Ceremonies and Observations of the Law, than a Priest? Who could better relate the Events of so many Wars, than a great Captain? And who could better comprehend things, and make judicious Reflections upon them, than a man of great Quality, and a great States-man? Now all these qualifications concenter in Josephus. He was a Jew by birth. He was not only a Priest, but of the first of the four and twenty races of the Priests, who held the chief rank amongst those of their Nation. He was descended from the Asmonaean Kings. His great Exploits in War had made him admir'd even by the Romans. And the several great Employ­ments, of which he so worthily acquitted himself, leave no room to doubt of his experience in Affairs.

Lastly, His Life written by himself, join'd with his History of the Jewish Wars, make him sufficiently known. And as for his manner of writing, I think it needless to commend it, since this Work manifests it so excellent everywhere; particularly in the Nineteenth Book, where he relates the Actions and Death of the Emperor Caligula, which no Roman Author has done so accurately; I think I may say without fear, that there is not in Tacitus any History which sur­passes that eloquent and judicious Narration. I know some will wonder, that after having mention'd the greatest Miracles, he diminishes the belief of them, by saying, That he leaves every man at liberty to have such opinion thereof as he thinks fit. But in my judgment he does it onely on this account, That having compos'd this History chiefly for the Greeks and Romans, as 'tis easie to gather, by his writing the same in Greek, and not in Hebrew, he fear'd their incredulity would render it suspected to them, if he affirm'd positively the truth of things which seem'd to them impossible.

But whatever Reason induc'd him to use that Caution, I pretend not to defend him either in those places, or any others, where he is not conformable to the Bible. This alone is the Divine Fountain of written Truths, which cannot be sought elsewhere without hazard of Error; and one cannot excuse himself from condemning whatever is found contrary thereunto. I do it with all my heart; and there is no person but ought to do it, in order to read this excellent History with satisfaction, and without scruple.

Neither yet do I pretend to justifie this Author, in some places where he speaks of the several sorts of Government; nor as to some other particular sentiments, which no body is oblig'd to follow. Nor do I engage my self in any matter of Criticism, the contests whereof I leave to such as are exercis'd in that sort of study.

If in some places, as amongst others, in the description of the Tabernacle, and of the Table of Shew-bread, some difference be found between this Translation and the Greek, the cause thereof is, that those passages are so corrupted in the Greek Text, that all I could do, was to bring them into the condition wherein they are.

II. Of the History of the Jewish War against the Romans, &c.

If the History of the Jews, advances its Author into the rank of the best Historians, 'tis plain that in that of their War against the Romans, he has surpass'd himself. Several reasons have concurr'd to render this History a Master-piece; the greatness of the Subject; the senti­ments excited in his breast, by the ruine of his Countrey; and the share he had in the most con­siderable Events of that bloody War. For what other Subjects can equal this great Siege, which manifested to all the Earth, that one City alone would have been the Rock of the Ro­man Glory, had not God, for punishment of its sins, overthrown it by the storms of his wrath? What sentiments of Grief can be more lively, than those of a Jew, and of a Priest, who saw subverted the Laws of his own Nation, whereof no other was ever so jealous, and that magnifi­cent [Page] Temple, the object of his devotion and of his zeal, reduc'd to ashes? And what greater in­terest can an Historian have in his Work, than to be oblig'd to bring into it the principal Acti­ons of his own Life; and to labour for his own Glory, by an unflattering advancement of that of the Conquerors; and by acquitting himself at the same time of what he ow'd to the genero­sity of those two excellent Princes Vespasian and Titus, to whom the honour of having finish'd this great War was due.

But for asmuch as there are so many remarkable Occurrences in this History, I think to do the Readers a pleasure, in presenting them here with an Abstract thereof, from which general Idea they may afterwards proceed to the particulars depending thereupon. It is divided into seven Books.

The first Book, and the second, to the twenty eighth Chapter, are an abridgment of the Jewish History, from Antiochus Epiphanes King of Syria (who spoiled the Temple, and went about to abolish Religion) to Florus, Governor of Judea, whose avarice and cruelty were the chief oc­casion of that War which they maintain'd against the Romans. This abridgment is so delight­ful, that Josephus seems to have design'd to shew that he could, like excellent Painters, represent the same objects in different manners, with so much art, that it should be hard to know to which to give the preference. For whereas these Histories are sometimes interrupted by the Narration of things hapned at the same time, they are here written in a continu'd series, and give the Readers the pleasure to behold in one Table, what they saw before separately in several. From the twenty eighth Chapter of the second Book to the end, Josephus relates what pass'd in conse­quence of the troubles rais'd by Florus, till the defeat of the Roman Army commanded by Cestius Gallus, Governor of Syria.

In the beginning of the third Book, Josephus shews the consternation of the Emperor Nero upon this ill success of his Arms, which was likely to be follow'd with a revolt of all the East; and how casting his eyes on all sides, he found only Vespasian fit to bear the weight of so impor­tant a War, and accordingly gave him the conduct thereof. He relates afterwards in what man­ner this great Captain, accompany'd with Titus his son, enter'd into Galilee, whereof our Au­thor himself was Governor, and besieg'd him in Jotapat; where, after the greatest resistance imaginable, he was taken and led Prisoner to Vespasian: and how Titus took divers other pla­ces, and perform'd actions of incredible valor.

The fourth Book brings in Vespasian conquering the rest of Galilee; the Jews beginning to tumultuate in Jerusalem, the Factious, who took the name of Zealots, becoming Masters of the Temple under the conduct of John of Giscala, Ananus the High-Priest stirring up the people to besiege them there; the Idumaeans coming to their assistance, exercising horrible cruelties, and afterwards retiring; Vespasian taking sundry places in Judea, blocking up Jerusalem, in or­der to besiege it; and forbearing that design, by reason of the troubles risen in the Empire, be­fore and after the death of the Emperors Nero, Golba and Otho; Simon, son of Gioras, another Head of the Factious, receiv'd by the people into Jerusalem; Vitellius, who had seiz'd upon the Empire after Otho's death, rendring himself odious and contemptible for his cruelty and debauchery; the Army commanded by Vespasian, declaring him Emperor: And lastly, Vitellius assassinated at Rome, after the defeat of his Forces, by Antonius Primus, who had embrac'd Vespasian's party.

The fifth Book relates how a third Faction, of which Eleazar was Head, was form'd in Jeru­salem; That afterwards those three Factions were again reduc'd to two, and in what manner they made War one against another. It contains also the description of Jerusalem, of the Towers Hippicos, Phazael and Mariamne, of the Castle Antonia, of the Temple, of the High Priest, and of sundry other remarkable things; the Siege of that great City form'd by Titus; the incredible Works, and prodigious Exploits of Valor done on both sides; the grievous famine wherewith the City was afflicted, and the strange Cruelties of the Factious.

The sixth Book represents the horrid miseries whereinto Jerusalem was reduc'd; the conti­nuation of the Siege with the same ardor as before; and how, after many Fights, Titus having forc'd the first and second wall of the City, took and ruin'd the Castle of Antonia, and assault­ed the Temple which was burnt, notwithstanding all this Prince could do to prevent it; and how at last he became Master of all the rest.

In the seventh and last of these Books, 'tis shew'd how Titus caus'd Jerusalem to be destroy'd, saving only the Towers Hippicos, Phazael and Mariamne: In what manner he commended and rewarded his Army; what Spectacles he gave to the Nations of Syria; what horrible Persecuti­ons were exercis'd upon the Jews in several Cities; with what incredible joy the Emperor Ves­pasian, and Titus, who was declar'd Caesar, were receiv'd into Rome; what a magnificent Triumph they made; how the Castles of Herodion, Macheron, and Massada, the only places remaining to the Jews in Judea, were taken; and how those that defended this last, all kill'd themselves with their Wives and Children.

[Page] This [...] in general what this History of the Jewish War against the Romans contains. And there are [...] ornaments wherewith this great person has not enrich'd it. He has omitted no oc­casion of embellishing it, by elegant descriptions of Provinces, Lakes, Rivers, Fountains, Moun­tains, several Rarities, and Buildings, whose magnificence would seem fabulous, if what he re­lates thereof could be call'd in doubt, when we see no person found that has dar'd to contradict him, though the excellence of his History rais'd no small envy against him.

It may be said with truth, that whether he speaks of the Romans Military Discipline, or whether he represents Battels, Tempests, Shipwracks, a Famine or a Triumph, every thing is so lively set forth, that he charms the attention of his Readers. And I fear not to add that no other, not excepting even Tacitus himself, has excell'd more in Orations; they are so noble; strong and persuasive alwayes restrain'd within their own subject, and proportion'd both to the persons to speak, and to those that are spoken unto.

Moreover, can the judgment and faithfulness of this Historian be too much commended, for the moderation which he uses between the praises deserv'd by the Romans for finishing so great a War, and those due to the Jews for having withstood the same, although vanquish'd at last, with invincible courage? so that neither his gratitude for the obligations he had to Vespasian and Titus, nor his love for his Countrey, biass'd him contrary to justice more on the one side than the other.

But that which I account most estimable in him, is, that he never fails upon any occasion to praise Virtue, to reprehend Vice, and to make excellent reflections upon the admirable Providence of God, and upon the fear which we ought to have of his dreadful judgments.

It may be boldly affirm'd, That never was seen a greater example thereof, than the ruine of that ungrateful Nation, of that proud City, and of that venerable Temple; since although the Romans were Masters of the World, and that this Siege was the work of one of the greatest Princes they glory to have had for Emperors, the power of this victorious people, and the heroi­cal valor of Titus, would have in vain undertaken this design, if God had not chosen them to be the executioners of his Justice. The blood of his Son shed, the most horrid of all crimes, was the onely true cause of the ruine of that unhappy City. The heavy hand of God upon that wretched people, caus'd that how terrible soever the War was that assaulted them without, it was yet much more dreadful within, by the cruelty of those unnatural Jews, who more like Devils than Men, destroy'd by the Sword and the Famine, of which they were the Authors, 1100000 persons; and reduc'd the remainder to that pass, that they could hope for no safety but from their Enemies, by casting themselves into the arms of the Romans. Such prodigious effects of vengeance for the death of a God, might pass for incredible with those who have not the happi­ness to be enlightned with the light of the Gospel, if they were not related by a Man of that very same Nation as considerable as Josephus was, for his Birth, for his quality of Priest, and for his Virtue. And methinks 'tis visible, that God minding to make use of his testimony to authorize such important truths, preserv'd him by a miracle, when after the taking of Josaphat, of forty which were retir'd with him into a Cave, the lot being cast so often to know who should be slain first, he only and one other remain'd alive.

This shews that this Historian is to be consider'd with a different respect from all others, since whereas they relate only humane Events although dependent on the orders of the Supreme Provi­dence, it appears that God cast his eye upon him to make him subservient to the greatest of his de­signs.

For we must not only consider the destruction of the Jews as the most dreadful effect that ever was of Gods justice, and as the most dismal image of the vengeance which he will exercise at the last day against the Reprobate; we must also behold it as one of the most illustrious proofs which it hath pleas'd him to give Men of the Divinity of his Son; inasmuch as this prodigious Event had been foretold by our Saviour in precise and intelligible terms. He had said to his Disciples shewing them the Temple of Jerusalem, That all those goodly buildings should be so destroy'd, that there should not be left one stone upon another, S. Matth. 24. ver. 2. S. Mark 13. ver. 2. S. Luke 19. v. 44. And also, That when they should see Jerusalem encompass'd with Armies, they should know that its desolation was at hand, S. Luke 21. ver. 20.

He had mention'd particularly the dreadful circumstances of this desolation. He had said to them, Woe to those that shall be with child or give suck in those dayes; for there shall be great distress in the land, and wrath upon this people. And they shall fall by the edge of the sword, and shall be led away captive into all Nations, and Jerusalem shall be troden down by the Gentiles, S. Luke 21. ver. 23, 24.

And lastly he had declar'd, that the accomplishment of these Prophesies was ready to come to pass; That the time was drawing nigh that their house should be left unto them deso­late: and that even such as were then living should see it, Verily I say unto you, All these things shall come upon this generation, S. Matth. 23. ver. 38, & 36.

[Page] All these things had been foretold by our Saviour, and written by the Evangelists before the revolt of the Jews, and at a time when there was not yet the least appearance of so strange a Re­volution.

Now inasmuch as Prophecy is the greatest of miracles, and the most powerful way whereby God Almighty authorizes his doctrine, this Prophecy of Jesus Christ, to which no other is compa­rable, may be justly accounted the chief and most irrefragable evidence to mankind of his Divine Birth and Mission. For as no other Prophecy was ever more clear, so neither was any more pun­ctually accomplisht. Jerusalem was destroy'd to the ground by the first Army that besieg'd it; there remain'd not the least footstep of that proud Temple, the wonder of the Ʋniverse, and the object of the Jews vanity; and the calamities which ruin'd them, answer'd precisely to that dreadful Prediction of our Saviour.

But to the end so great an Event might serve as well for the instruction of those that were to be born in afier-times, as for those that were spectators of it, it was necessary, as I have said, that the History should be written by an irreprochable Witness. To which purpose 'twas fit the Writer should be a Jew, and not a Christian, lest he might be suspected to have accommodated the Events to the Prophesies. 'Twas fit he should be a person of quality, to the end he might be fully inform'd of all things. 'Twas fit he should see with his own eyes the wonderful things which he was to relate, to the end he might be capable of credit. And lastly 'twas fit he should be a Man, whose eloquence and judgment might be sutable to the greatness of such a subject.

All which qualifications, so necessary to render this History compleat in all points, meet so perfectly in Josephus, that 'tis evident God Almighty chose him expresly to persuade all reasona­ble persons of the truth of this marvellous occurrence.

'Tis certain, that having contributed in this manner to the confirmation of the Gospel, it ap­pears not that he made any benefit thereof for himself, or that he had any share in the blessings so plentifully poured down in his time upon all the earth. But if there be reason to commiserate his unhappiness in this point, there is some also to bless the Providence of God, who has made his blindness serve to our advantage; since the things he writes concerning his own Nation, are, in respect of the incredulous, incomparably of more force for confirmation of the Christian Re­ligion, than if he had embrac'd Christianity: so that we may apply to him in particular what the Apostle saith of all the Jews.

III. Josephus's Answer to Appion.

The next of the Works of Josephus, besides his Life written by himself, is an Answer in two Books to what Appoin and some others had written against his History of the Jews, against the Antiquity of their Race, against the Purity of their Laws, and against the Conduct of Moses. Nothing can be more solid than this Answer, wherein Josephus proves invincibly the Antiquity of his Nation by the Egyptian, Chaldean, Phenician, and even by the Greek Historians them­selves. He shews that all which Appion and those other Authors have alledg'd to the disadvan­tage of the Jews, are ridiculous Fables, as well as the plurality of their Gods; and he excellent­ly sets forth the greatness of the actions of Moses, and the sanctity of the Laws which God gave the Jews by his intervention.

IV. The Martyrdom of the Maccabees.

The Martyrdom of the Maccabees follows next. 'Tis a piece which Erasmus, so famous among the Learned, calls a Masterpiece of Eloquence: and I confess I understand not why ha­ving with reason so advantagious an opinion of it, he paraphras'd it, and not translated it. Never was Copy more different from its Original. 'Tis hardly any of its principal Lineaments; and, if I mistake not, nothing can more advance the reputation of Josephus, than to see that so able a Man intending to embellish his Work, has, on the contrary, so much diminisht the beauty of it, and thereby shew'd how much Josephus is to be esteem'd for writing, not after the manner of most of the Greeks in a long-winded style, but closely and compendiously, as affecting to say nothing but what is necessary. And I cannot sufficiently wonder, that no person hitherto has made a Translation of it from the Greek either into Latin or French, at least to my know­ledge. For Genebrard, instead of Translating Josephus, has only Translated Erasmus. For my part I have faithfully adhered to the original Greek, without following that Paraphrase of Erasmus any where, which invents names that are neither in Josephus, nor the Bible, for the mother of the Maccabees. It should seem Josephus did not write this famous Martyrdom authoriz'd by the Holy Scripture, but to prove the truth of a discourse which he makes in the be­ginning, to shew that Reason is the Mistress of Passions; and he attributes to it a power over them, which there would be reason to wonder at, if it were strange that a Jew should be ignorant that this power belongs only to the grace of Jesus Christ. He is contented to declare that he means only a Reason accompany'd with justice and piety.

V. The Embassy of Philo to C. Caligula the Roman Emperor.

This is a brief account of all the Works of Josephus. Now because Philo, although a Jew as well as he, writ also in Greek upon part of the same Subjects, but handles the same rather as a Philosopher, than an Historian; and because none amongst all his Writings is so esteem'd as that of his Embassage to the Emperor C. Caligula, of whom Josephus speaks particularly in the 10th Chapter of the 18th Book of the Jewish Antiquities, I conceiv'd that this Piece ha­ving so great affinity therewith, it would not be amiss to shew by a Translation of it, the dif­ferent manner of writing of these two great Persons. That of Josephus is undoubtedly more compendious, and has nothing of the Asiatic style; so that he expresses that in few words, which Philo doth sometimes in as many lines. The History of that Emperor may be made up from the Writings of these two famous Authors, inasmuch as Philo relates as particularly and eloquently the Actions of his Life, as Josephus has written nobly and excellently the passages of his Death. Both the one and the other were so extraordinary, that 'tis an advantage there re­mains such Images thereof to Posterity, to animate good Princes to merit by their Virtue as great affection for their Memory, as People have horror for those who have shew'd themselves unwor­thy of the rank which they held in the World.

It remains only to add, That as this Volume comprehends all the ancient holy History, so the Readers are desir'd to peruse it not only for Divertisement or Curiosity, but also with an aim to profit by the useful Considerations for which it affords so much matter. And that whereas the old Translation of Doctor Lodge was, not undeservedly, complain'd of on many accounts; much pains hath been taken in this Edition to amend it, as the Reader will easily find by com­paring it with the former. If it be not so complete as could be wish'd, the Reader is desir'd to accept candidly what has been done for his satisfaction; and to consider, that though an old re­pair'd Building can hardly have all the beauty, yet it may have all the conveniency of a new Fabrick.

A brief Computation very useful to the understanding of the History.

  • FRom Adam till the Deluge, were years 1656
  • From the Deluge till Abraham's time 291
  • From Abraham till the Departure out of Egypt 500
  • From the Departure out of Egypt, till the Building of the Temple by Solomon 480
  • From the Building of the Temple, till the Babylonish Captivity 410
  • From the Return from the Captivity, till the Maccabees time 432
  • From the Maccabees time, till that of Herod 134
  • From Herods time, till the final and fatal destruction of Jerusalem 103

The Jews have two sorts of years; the Civil, which begins in September; and the Sacred or Ecclesiastick, which begins in March.

They have twelve Months or Moons; and every third Year hath a thirteenth Month of 22 dayes; and the fourth hath a thirteenth Month of 23.

Before the Captivity of Babylon, they accounted the Months successively by 1, 2, 3, &c. since their Return, they have named them rather after the manner of the Chaldees, than the Hebrews.

The HebrewThe EnglishThe Greek
Nisan.March.Andineen.
Zin or Jar.April.Veritien.
Sivan.May.Distre.
Tamuz.June.Xantique.
Ab.July.Arthemisien.
Elul.August.Desien.
Ethanin or Tisri.September.Paneme:
Bul or Marksuan.October.Loie.
Casleu.November.Gorpian:
Thebet.December.Hyperberete.
Sebath.January.Dien.
Adar.February.Apell [...].
This Nation in their beginning, was go­verned by Judges.
  • Moses
  • Joshua
  • Othoniel
  • Adol
  • Baruc and Debora
  • Gedeon
  • Abimelech
  • Thola
  • Jair
  • Jeptha
  • Absan
  • Elon
  • Abdon
  • Samson
  • Eli
  • Samuel.
After them they had these Kings.
  • Saul
  • David
  • Solomon
  • Roboam
  • Abia
  • Asa
  • Jehoshaphat
  • Joram
  • Manasses
  • Amon
  • Josias
  • Joachas
  • Ochozias
  • Athalia
  • Joas
  • Amasias
  • Ozi [...]
  • Jonathan
  • Achaz
  • Ezechias
  • Eliacim
  • Joachim
  • Zedechias.
The Captivity of Babylon continued 70 years. Governors after the Captivity, were
  • Zorobabel
  • Rhesa
  • John Ben Resa
  • Judas Hircan [...]s
  • Joseph
  • Abner
  • Heli
  • Mahat
  • Nagge
  • Hagaieli
  • Naum
  • Amos
  • Mattathias
  • Joseph Arses
  • Jannes Hircanus
  • Mattathias.
The Maccabees, who were both Princes and Priests.
  • Judas
  • Jonathan
  • Simon
  • John Hircanus.
These following were both Kings and Princes.
  • [Page]Aristobulus 1.
  • John Alexander
  • Alexandra
  • Aristobulus 2.
  • Hircanus
  • Aristob. son of Aristob.
  • Aristobulus 3.
  • Hircanus.
The Race of Herod.
  • Antipater
  • Herod the Great
  • Archelaus the Great
  • Agrippa son of Agrip.
The names of the High-Priests from the Departure out of Egypt, till the building of the Temple by Solomon.
  • Aaron
  • Eleazar
  • Phinees
  • Abisua
  • Busqui
  • Oses
  • Heli
  • Achitob
  • Achimelech
  • Abiathar
  • Sadoc
  • Achimaas
  • Azarias.
From the building of the Temple, till the Captivity of Babylon.
  • Joram
  • Joses
  • Axioram
  • Sudeas
  • Joathan
  • Ʋrias
  • Nerias
  • Odeas
  • Sellum
  • Helcias
From the Return out of Babylon, till the Maccabees time.
  • Saraia
  • Josedech
  • Josua
  • Joachim
  • Eliasib
  • Eleazar
  • Manasses
  • Onias 2.
  • Simon 2.
  • Onias 3.
  • Joiada
  • Jonathan
  • Jadus
  • Onias 1.
  • Simon 1.
  • Jason
  • Onias 4.
  • Lysimachus
  • Alcimus.
High-Priests from the Maccabees time, till the final destruction of Jerusalem.
  • Simon Boethus
  • Joseph 1.
  • Joseph 2.
  • Joazar
  • Eleazar
  • Joshua the son of Sias
  • Joazar
  • Ananus
  • Ismael
  • Theophilus
  • Simon
  • Mattathias
  • Elion
  • Joseph 3.
  • Ananias
  • Ismael
  • Joseph
  • Annas
  • Eleazar
  • Simon
  • Joseph Caiaphas
  • Jonathan
  • Josuah son of Danneus
  • Josuah son of Gamaliel
  • Matthias
  • Phinees or Panaas.
Kings of Israel, otherwise called Kings of the ten Tribes, or of Samaria.
  • Jeroboam 1.
  • Nadab
  • Baasa
  • Ela
  • Zamri
  • Amri
  • Achab
  • Joram
  • Jehu
  • Joachaz
  • Joas
  • Jeroboam 2.
  • Zachary
  • Manahem
  • Pecha son of Manahe [...]
  • Pecha son of Romelia
  • Oseas.
Kings of Assyria and Babylon.
  • Phulbelocus
  • Phulasser
  • Salmanasser
  • Senacherib
  • Assaradon
  • Berodach Benmerodach
  • Nabuchodonosor 1.
  • Nabuchodonos. the great
  • Evilmerodach
  • Neriglossorar
  • Labosardach
  • Baltasser.
Kings of Persia.
  • Cyrus
  • Cambyses
  • Smerdas Magus
  • Darius son of Histaspis
  • Xerxes son of Darius
  • Artabanus the Tyrant
  • Artaxerxes with a long hand
  • Xerxes
  • Sogdianus
  • Darius the Bastard
  • Artaxerxes Mnemon
  • Artaxerxes Ochus
  • Arsames
  • Darius son of Arsames
Kings of Syria after the death of Alexander the Great.
  • Seleucus Nicanor
  • Antiochus Soter
  • Antiochus sirnam. god
  • Seleucus Callinicus
  • Seleucus Ceraunus
  • Antiochus the Great
  • Seleucus Philopater
  • Antiochus Epiphanes
  • Antiochus Eupator
  • Demetrius Soter
  • Alexander Epiphanes
  • Demetrius Nicanor
  • Antiochus Sedetes
  • Demetrius Nicanor
  • Alexander Zebina
  • Antiochus Gryphus
  • Antiochus Cyzicenus
  • Seleucus Gryphus
  • Antiochus Pius.
Kings of Egypt, after the death of Alexan­der the Great.
  • Ptolomey Soter
  • Philadelphus
  • Evergetes
  • Philopater
  • Epiphanes
  • Philometor
  • Evergetes Phiscon
  • Lathyrus
  • Alexander
  • Auletes
  • Cleopatra.
Kings of the Tyrians.
  • Abibalus
  • Hiram
  • Belastartus
  • Abdastartus
  • Astartus
  • Astarimus
  • Phelletes
  • Ithoballus
  • Badezor
  • Merimus
  • Pigmalion
An Explication of the Coins and Measures mention'd in this History.
  • SAth was a measure containing about some seven quarts English.
  • The Epha contained three Saths.
  • The Core or Homer contained ten Epha's, that is to say, thirty Saths, and was the same measure both in dry and liquid things.
  • The Log contained a French measure.
  • The Hin contained twelve Logs.
  • The Bath contained as much as the Epha.
  • The Cad, was a kind of Pitcher, containing such a quantity as a young Maid might well carry.
  • The common Sicle contained the weight of four ounces, whether it were of gold, sil­ver, or any other metal.
  • The sacred or holy Sicle weighed half an ounce of any metal whatsoever.
  • The common Sicle of silver was valued at about a shilling of our money.
  • The holy Sicle of silver was valued at about two shillings.
  • The common Drachm was the eighth part of an ounce.
  • The sacred Drachm was the fourth part of an ounce.
  • The Pound weighed twelve ounces.
  • The ordinary Talent contained fifty four pounds eight ounces and a quarter of Troy weight in any metal: yet it was not minted money, but a mass made up after the manner of an Ingot.
  • The sacred Talent contained one hundred pounds.
  • Furthermore Note, That when Josephus mentions the Olympiads, without any specifica­tion of the years therein contained, he ordinarily means the space of four years compleat.
  • The Stadium, Stade or Furlong, according to the Greeks account, (which I suppose Josephus most respected in this History) either of 600 Foot as the Olympique, that is of 120 paces; or as the Pyrrhique, which contained 1000 Foot, that is 200 paces.

The Names of the AUTHORS alledged in this History.

A.
  • Acusilaus
  • Agatharcides
  • Alexander
  • Andrew
  • Apion
  • Apollonius Molo
  • Apollodorus
  • Ariphanes
  • Aristaeus
  • Aristotle.
B.
  • Berosus.
C.
  • Cadmus
  • Castor
  • Chaeremon
  • Cherilus
  • Clearchus
  • Conon
D.
  • Demetrius Phalereus
  • Dim.
E.
  • Ephorus
  • Euhemeras.
  • Eupolemus.
H.
  • Hecatusaeus
  • Hellanicus
  • Hermippus
  • Hermogenes
  • Herodotus
  • Hesiodus
  • Hestiaeus
  • Hierom of Egypt
  • Homer
  • Hyperocides.
I.
  • Isidore.
L.
  • Titus Livius
  • Lysi [...]achus.
M.
  • Manethon
  • Menander
  • Mnafeas
  • Mochus.
N.
  • Nicholas of Damas.
P.
  • Pherecydes
  • Philon
  • Philostratus
  • Polybius
  • Polycrates
  • Possidonius
  • Pythagoras.
S.
  • Strabo.
T.
  • Thales
  • Theodotus
  • Theophilus
  • Theopompus
  • Theophrastus
  • Thucydides
  • Timaeus.
Z.
  • Zophyrion.

Imprimatur,

Geo. Hooper Rmo. Dno. Arch. Cant. a Sacr. Domest.

A The Life of FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS, The Son of Matthias, Written by himself.

B FOrasmuch as I derive my Original,Josephus Li­neage. by a long series of Ancestors, from the Sacerdotal Race, I may, with some reason, value my self upon the Nobleness of my Birth; since, as every Nation places the Gran­deur of a Family in some certain marks of Honour that accompa­ny it, so amongst us 'tis one of the most signal to have the admini­stration of Holy things. But I am not onely descended of the stock of the Priests; I am also of the First of the Four and twenty Families of which it consists, and whose Dignity is eminent above the rest. To which I may add, That, by my Mothers side, I reckon Kings amongst my Ancestors. For the Branch of the Asmoneans, from whom she descended, for a C long time exercised both the High Priesthood and Princely Power among our Nation. In this manner stands the order of the last of my Predecessors. My great Grandfa­fathers Grandfather Simon, sirnamed Psellus, the stutterer, lived at such time as Hir­canus was High Priest, the first of that Name, and the Son of Simon the High Priest. This Simon Psellus had Nine Sons: the one of which was Matthias, sirnamed Aphlias. This Matthias took to Wife the Daughter of the High Priest Jonathan, by whom he had one Son, who was Matthias, sirnamed Curtus, who was born in the first year of Hir­canus's Priesthood. Matthias begat Joseph in the Ninth year of Alexander's Govern­ment; and of Joseph came Matthias in the Tenth year of the Reign of Archelaus; and Matthias begat me in the First year of the Empire of Caius Caesar. Joseph the Son of Matthias was born in the first year of Caius Caesars Empire, and the 4001 year of the world, and the 39 af­ter Christs birth. I likewise have D Three Sons, mine eldest is Hircanus, who was born in the Fourth; my next Justus, who was born in the Seventh; and Agrippa my last, who was born in the Ninth year of Ves­pasians Empire. This Genealogy of mine do I in this manner propose, according as I have found it written in the Publick Registers, to the end to confound the Calumnies of my Enemies.

My Father Matthias was considerable for his Extraction, but more for his Justice and Authority in Jerusalem, which is the Metropolis of our Countrey. My bringing up, during my tender years, was with Matthias, who was my Brother by the same Fa­ther and Mother; with whom I happily profited in all kind of Science, having a good Memory,Joseph from his infancy very studious, and addicted to learning. and a quick Apprehension: so that, being yet a Child of Fourteen years of E Age, I was praised by all Men in regard of the good Affection I had to Learning; and the Priests and Noblest Citizens vouchsaf'd to ask my Opinion of things that con­cerned our Laws and Ordinances. About the Age of Sixteen years, my desire was to have a search and insight into the Sects of our Nation, which are Three: The first of the Pharisees, which is the chiefest: The second of the Sadduces: And the third of the Esseans. And this I did, to the end I might choose the better of the Three, when I understood them all. For which cause, with great Austerities and Labours, I passed thorow them all: and not content with this Experience, after I had heard that a cer­tain man called Banus lived in the Desart, clothing himself with that which the Trees brought forth, and feeding on no other kind of meat, but what they freely yielded, F and washing himself oftentimes by day and night in cold water to keep himself chaste, I began to imitate his course of Life: and after I had lived with him for the space of Three years, and satisfied my desires, I returned to the City at the Age of Nineteen years.

At this time I began to engage my self in the exercise of a civil Life,Joseph a Pha­risee. following the Sect of the Pharisees, which very neerly resembleth that Sect among the Grecians, who are called Stoicks. After I was Six and twenty years old, it was my fortune to repair to Rome upon this occasion. Whilst Foelix governed Judea, certain Priests, my fami­liars, men of much honour, and more virtue, were, upon some slight occasion, bound and sent to Rome by his commandment, to answer to what should be objected against G them in Caesar's presence. Whereupon being desirous to do them service, and having special intelligence, that the Torments wherewith they were Martyred, lessened not their Piety, but that they lived contentedly on Figs and Nuts: for this cause I departed [Page 2] for Rome, and was encountred with many great and grievous hazards by Sea. For the H ship,Joseph's ship­wrack. wherein I sailed, was wrackt in the midst of the Adriatick Sea, and about Six hundred of us were forc't to swim all Night long, and at Day-break, by God's Provi­dence, a Cyrenian ship came in sight, and both I and certain others, to the number of Fourscore, out-swimming the rest, were taken up into it, and saved. After I had in this sort escaped, I came to Dicaarchia, which the Italians call at this day Puteoli, and grew acquainted with Aliturus a Jew born, who was a Comedian, and in good repu­tation with Nero; by whose means insinuating my self into the Emperess Poppea's knowledge,Joseph obtain­eth the Priests liberties. I determined to beseech her to procure the liberty of those Priests with all expedition, which she accordingly did; and being gratified likewise by her with many great gifts, I returned into my Countrey. There I found the Commonwealth I much disquieted with Factions and Troubles,The Jews se­ditious. and divers too prone and ready to Re­bel, and withdraw their Allegiance from the Romans. I inforced my self to repress the seditious, and exhorted them to change their opinions, representing, before their eyes, the quality of those, against whom they enterprized War, with whom they could neither compare in experience of War, nor in good Fortune: For this cause I advised them, not to hazard the overthrow of themselves, their Children, and their Countrey, by their rashness and rage.Joseph dehor­teth the Jews from sedition, is suspected by them of trea­son. To this effect I spake to them, and instantly intreated them to desist from their unhappy resolution, for that I foresaw that the end of this War would prove to our utter Ruine, but I prevailed nothing with them. The fury of desperate and dissolute men prevailed above reason: for which cause fearing lest by K continual inforcing of one thing, I should grow into hatred and suspition amongst them, as if I favoured their enemies, and they should put me to death; seeing that the Fort of Antonia was already seized upon by the seditious, I retired my self into the Sanctuary. From whence, after Manahem, and the chiefest Revolters were put to death, I came out again, and join'd my self with the Priests, and chiefest Pharisees; whom I found surprized with great fear, when they saw the People in Arms, and un­certain what to do, wanting the means to pacifie these mutinies. But apparently per­ceiving the danger, both I and the Pharisees feign'd our selves of their mind, and counselled them to contain themselves in peace, and let the Roman Forces depart, in hope, that Gessius would, with all expedition, draw out great Forces, and chastise these L Peace-breakers. But as soon as he arrived, and fought with them, he was overcome, and a great number of his men slain; whereupon follow'd the utter ruine of our whole Nation. For such as desired the War, were puffed up with that Victory, and conceived assured hope that in the end they should overcome the Romans. Besides, this ensuing occasion presented it self: The Inhabitants of the Cities that border upon Syria, The Jews are plagued both by strangers and their own Countreymen. laid hands on those Jews that dwelt among them, and slew them, with their Wives and Children, without any just cause or crime committed by them. For they had not conspired any ways, or intended to revolt from the Romans, or to use any Hostility, or any secret Conspiracy against any of those, with whom they were con­versant. But amongst all the rest, the Citizens of Scythopolis, exceeded all other in M impiety and wickedness. For being besieged by certain of the Jews, they inforced those Jews that inhabited amongst them to take Arms, and fight against those of their own Nation (which is expresly prohibited by our Laws) and having overcome, by their assistance, they, by a detestable perfidiousness, forgot the obligation they had, the faith which they had engag'd to them, and slew every one of them, to the number of many Thousands. The like misfortune also fell upon those Jews that inhabited Damascus. But of this we have more amply spoken in those our Books; which we have written of the Wars of the Jews: and at this present I make mention hereof, onely to signifie to the Reader,The Jews con­strained by ne­cessity to make War. that our Nation became engaged in War with the Ro­mans, not out of voluntary intent and purpose, but in great part by necessity and con­straint.N

After that Gessius was overcome (as is before declared) the chiefest men of Jeru­salem perceiving that the Seditious were strongly armed and provided, they began to fear lest if they should be found disarmed, they should suddenly be overthrown by their enemies (as in effect it fell out afterwards) and hearing that all Galilee was not as yet wholly revolted from the Romans; but that a part thereof as yet remained in peace, they sent me with two other Priests, Joazar and Judas, who were both virtuous and honourable men, to persuade the mutinous to lay down their Arms, and to let them know that it was more advantagious for the Nation, that such Men as were in Autho­rity and Reputation, should have the keeping thereof. The resolution that was taken O by them was, that they had them always ready upon all occasions, but that they expect­ed until they were certified, what the Romans intended to do.

[Page 3] A With this Commission, and the like Instructions, I repaired into Galilee: where I found the Sephorites were ready to come to a Battel with the Galileans, The danger of the Sepho­rites. for that these latter had threatned to ravage their Countrey, in regard of their league of friendship with the Romans, contracted and ratified by Senius Gallus, Governor of Syria. But I delivered them from that fear, and appeased the Common people, by permiting them to send at all times when they pleased,Sedition in the City of Tibe­rias. their Hostages to Gessius, who lay at Dora a City of Phoenicia. I found likewise that the Inhabitants of Tiberias were already in Arms upon this occasion: There were in that City three different Factions, the one of the Nobility, whose Chief was Julius Capella, Three Factions in the City of Tiberias. to whom were joined Herod the Son of Miarus, Herod the Son of Gamal, and Compsus the Son of Compsus. For Crispus the Brother of Compsus, who in times past had been made B Governor of the City for Agrippa, sirnamed the Great, was in his own possessions on the other side of Jordan. All these, I say, were of opinion to remain under the Romans au­thority, and to obey their King. But Pistus alone of the Nobility, would no ways ac­accord to this advice, by the persuasion of his Son Justus. The second Faction was of the common sort, who concluded upon War. Justus, Son of Pistus, who was the Ringlea­der of the third Faction, carried himself very doubtfully touching the War; yet not­withstanding he secretly thirsted after Innovation, hoping that by a change he should encrease his power.The Oration of Justus, Pistus's Son, to the multi­tude. ‘Presenting himself therefore in the midst of the multitude, he endeavored to persuade them that their City was always one of the chief of Galilee; and that during the days of Herod the Tetrarch, who founded the same, it was the C chiefest City, whose pleasure it was that the City of Sephoris should yield obedience to that of Tiberias. That they had not lost that preheminence in the time of King Agrippa the Father, but had continued the same, till Faelix obtained the Government of Judaea. But for the present since they had been given by Nero to the younger Agrippa, they had fallen from and lost their Superiority. For the City of Sephoris obtained the Sove­reignty of Galilee, after that she acknowledged the Roman Government, which had re­moved the Treasure of the Charters and the Receipts of the Kings Money.’ By these words, and others of like nature against King Agrippa, he incited the People to Rebel­lion, Justus incites the people to Rebellion. signifying to them, ‘That an opportunity invited them to take Arms, to the end that being associated with the Galileans, they might recover the advantages which D they had lost unjustly. To which purpose, all the Province would willingly join with them, through the hatred they bare the Sephorites, on whom they would revenge themselves with great power, because they continued in their Allegiance, which they promised to the Romans.

By these words he won the Peoples hearts to him: for he was a Man very eloquent, and by his subtilty and politick discourse,Justus the off­spring of War. easily overthrew all that which his Adversa­ries produced against him. He was also skilful enough in the Greek Language, to at­tempt the writing of the History of those Transactions, to the end to disguise the truth thereof. But in the process of this discourse, I will shew more particularly what his ill designs were, and how by his and his Brothers means, he wanted little of utterly over­throwing E his Countrey. When therefore this Justus had persuaded the Citizens of Tibe­rias to take Arms, and had constrained divers Men likewise, who were of the contrary opinion, to do the like, he issued out with them, and burnt the Villages of the Gadare­nians and Hippenians, that are scituate in the Confines of Tiberias and Scythopolis. In this estate was Tiberias: And as for Gischala, their Affairs were brought to this pass; John the Son of Levi seeing some of the Citizens resolv'd upon a Revolt from the Romans, laboured to restrain them, and required them to continue in their Allegiance: but not­withstanding all his persuasion and diligence, he could not contain them. For the Na­tions round about them, as the Gadarenians, Gabarenians and Tyrians, assembled a great Army,Gischala burn­ed and spoiled. and with the same assailed Gischala, and took it by force: and after they had con­sumed F by fire and utterly destroyed the same, they returned home. John being much displeased with this act, armed all those that were with him, and set upon the above-na­med Nations; and having obtained the Victory, he Re-edified Gischala in better sort than it was before, inclosing it with a Wall, to the intent it might be the better fortified against future Invasions.

But those of Gamala persevered in their faith towards the Romans, Gamala faith­ful to Rome. as I shall now de­clare. Philip the Son of Jacim, who governed under King Agrippa, escaping beyond all opinion,The danger whereinto Philip, Ja­cim's son was fallen. from the Royal Palace of Jerusalem at such a time as it was befieged, fell into another great danger, to wit, to be slain by Manahim, and those Seditious that were with him: but certain Babylonians his Kinsmen being at that time in Jerusalem, hindered the G Revolters from executing their purpose at that time. When therefore Philip had lay hid there for the space of four days, on the fifth he fled away disguised in a false hair, for fear he should be discovered. And as soon as he arrived in a Village, which was of his [Page 4] own possession, scituate near Gamala, he sent for certain of his Subjects to repair unto H him. But God, for Philip's greater good, crossed the scope of his intent, which otherwise had been the ruine of many: for being surprized by a sudden Fever, he committed cer­tain Letters of his written to Agrippa and Bernice, who were yet but young, to one of his Freed-men, commanding him to deliver them to Varus, who was put in trust, by the King and Queen,Varus unjustly executeth him that brought the Letters. to administer the affairs of that Kingdom, whilst they were gone to Beryth to meet with Gessius. Varus receiving Philip's Letters, and understanding that he was escap't, was sorry for it, because he thought the King and Queen would have less use of him after Philip was arrived.Varus's tyran­ny in govern­ing the Coun­trey. He therefore made the people believe that this Freed-man was a Tray­tor, and brought them forg'd Letters, it being certain that Philip was in Jerusalem with the Jews, Varus seeketh to conceal his power and ty­ranny. who were revolted against the Romans: and so he commanded him to be ex­ecuted.I Philip being ignorant of the cause why his Freed-man did not return, sent another with Letters, to the intent he might discover what was become of his first Messenger, and for what cause he stayed so long. But Varus accusing his second Messenger also after the same manner, commanded him to be executed, as he had done the first. The Syrians that inhabit Caesarea, had puffed him up, by telling him that Agrippa should be put to death by the Romans, for the Rebellion of the Jews, and that he who was Royally descended, should possess his Government. And indeed Varus was of the Blood-Royal, deriving his Pedigree from Sohemus King of Libanus. For these causes, he retained Philip's Letters, ho­ping by these means that the King should have no knowledge thereof; and he set watch in every passage, for fear lest any man should flie, and certifie the King of what had hap­ned; K and to give the Syrians the better content who dwelt in Caesarea, he put divers of those Jews that dwelt among them to death. He intended also to undertake a War against the Jews of Bathanaea, who were called Babylonian Jews, by confederating himself with the Trachonites of Barthanaea. For which cause, sending for twelve of the Jews of most estimation amongst the Inhabitants of Caesarea, he enjoined them to repair to Ecbatane, and signifie to those of their Nation there, that Varus understanding that they pretended to take Arms against their King, and scarcely believing it, had sent them thither, to per­suade them to lay down their Arms. And that this should be a certain proof, by which they might perfectly clear their innocence, that seventy of the chiefest of them should be sent to him. These twelve arriving in Ecbatane, and being entertained by those of their L Nation, found that they neither imagined nor intended any commotion: for which cause, they persuaded them to send their seventy men; which they did, little suspecting what would happen.

As soon therefore as these,Varus killeth the seventy Jews with the Ambassadors. with the other twelve Ambassadors, came to Caesarea, Va­rus having notice of their coming▪ met them on the way with the Kings Forces, and slew them, together with the aforesaid Ambassadors, and took his way towards the Jews of Ecbatane. The Jews re­tire themselves into the For­tress of Gama­la, and thither resorteth Phi­lip also. But one of the seventy who had escaped, resorted thither with all expedition, preventing Varus, and certified the rest what had hapned. Whereupon, they incontinently fell to Arms, and with their Wives and Children retired themselves to the Fort of Gamala, abandoning their Villages, with all their Goods, and great numbers of M Cattel. When Philip had tidings hereof, he repaired also to the Fort of Gamala. The people rejoycing at his coming, exhorted him to take the Sovereignty, and to make War against Varus, and the Syrians of Caesarea. For they had intelligence that the King was slain. But Philip, to moderate their impetuosity, recounted to them what benefits the King had bestowed on them, and of what power the Romans were, against whom it was but a folly for them to take Arms; and in the end, he persuaded them to Peace. In the mean time, the King understanding that Varus was determined to kill all the Jews that were in Caesarea, Gamala still faithful to the Romans. with their Wives and Children, all in one day, he sent Equus Modius to succeed him, as it hath been, by us, declared in another place. And Philip kept the Fort of Gamala, and the Countrey thereabouts, in their fidelity and loyalty to the Romans. N As soon as I arrived in Galilee, and learned all occurrences that had hapned, by those who reported the same to me, I presently signified the whole matter by Letters, to the Council at Jerusalem, Joseph, by the commandment of the Coun­cil, remaineth in Galilee. desiring to know what their pleasure was I should do. They gave me this answer, that I should remain where I was, and retain my Collegues that I had with me, if they thought good to take charge of Galilee. But they, after they had ga­ther'd great Sums of Money for the Tenths and Tithes that were due to them, resol­ved with themselves to return to their own houses. But for that I entreated them to remain with me, till such time as we had setled affairs, they willingly consented unto me. I therefore departed with them to the City of Sephoris, and came into a Borough called Bethmaus, distant from Tiberias some four Furlongs, and from thence I sent a Mes­senger O to the Council of Tiberias, desiring the chiefest among the people, to come and speak with me: They came, accompanied with Justus; I told them, that I was sent Am­bassador [Page 5] A to them, with my Collegues, by the Commonalty of Jerusalem, to per­suade them to deface that Palace that was erected by Herod the Tetrach, where­in divers figures of living Creatures were painted; for that our Law forbad such things; and I exhorted them to suffer us to set about that execution as soon as possible.

Capella, The Palace set on fire that was in Tiberias. and those of his party, did for a long time refuse to consent thereunto: but in the end, we press'd them so much, that they condescended. Now whilst we debated this matter, Jesus the Son of Saphi [...]s (of whom we have spoken heretofore, declaring how he was the Chief of the Faction of Sailers and poor men) took with him certain Galileans, and set fire on the Palace, in hope to get great Riches thereby (for that there B were certain Roofs of the House covered with Gold) and they pillag'd many things against our consent. After we had thus conferred with Capella, and the chiefest Tibe­rians, we retired from Bethmaus into the higher Galilee. In the mean time, Jesus's Men slew all the Greeks that remained there, and all who before the War had been their Ene­mies. Which when I was certified of, I was much displeased, and went down to Tiberi­as, to secure the King's Moveables, for fear they should be carried away by the Rob­bers: and having recovered divers Candlesticks of Corinthian work, rich Tables, and no small quantity of massive Silver, I resolved with my self to reserve it to the King's use.Joseph procu­reth the safety of the King's goods. Calling therefore ten of the chiefest Senators, and Capella, Son of Antillus, to me, I delivered the Vessels into their hands, charging them to deliver the same to no Man C but my self.

From thence, with mine Associates, I went to John at Gischala, to know what his mind and resolution was, and I presently discover'd, that he affected Innovation and Tyran­ny. For he desir'd me to grant him liberty to Transport Caesar's Wheat that was stored up in the Villages of higher Galilee, telling me, that he would bestow the price of the same, in re-edifying and repairing the Walls of his City. But I perceiving his drift, de­nied him that liberty. For I thought that that Wheat would either serve the Romans, or the Province, the care of which was committed to my hands by the City of Jerusa­lem. When therefore he could get nothing at my hands, he addressed to my Compa­nions, of whom not foreseeing those Troubles that were likely to come, and greedy of D Rewards, he obtained a liberty to dispose of all the Corn that was in the Province, in that I my self was unable to contradict them both. After this John used another sub­tlety: for he said that those Jews, who inhabited Caesarea Philippi, being by the Com­mand of their King,John's acts in Gischala, and his covetous­ness. restrain'd within their Walls, and wanting Virgin oyl, desired to buy the same of him, for fear lest contrary to their Custom, they should be compelled to use that of the Greeks. This he said, not out of respect to Religion, or Devotion, but for his filthy lucres sake. For knowing that among the Caesareans, two sextaries were sold for a drachm, and that at Gischala eighty sextaries were sold for four drachms, he sent all the oyl that was in that Town to them, pretending my permission. I dar'd not withstand the same, lest the People should stone me to death. By this craft, John ga­thered E a great Sum of Money.

From this place,Joseph sends back his com­panions to Je­rusalem. I dismissed my Companions back to Jerusalem, employing my self wholly afterwards in preparing Arms, and fortifying Cities. In the mean time, calling the stoutest Libertines before me, and having in vain exhorted them to quit their Arms, I persuaded the People to pay them Contribution▪ Joseph Presi­dent of Gali­lee. which was more advantagious for them, than to suffer their Countrey to be spoiled by their Excursions. And thus ha­ving taken their Oaths, I dismiss'd them, on condition that they should not come into our Region, except they were called, or wanted their due pay, nor spoil either the Lands of the Romans, or the Inhabitants of the Countrey. But above all things, my care was to keep Galilee in peace.Joseph joined seventy of the Nobility with him. To which purpose, I got seventy pledges of their F Loyalty, chosen out amongst their Nobility under pretext of friendship. I made them my Companions and Fellow-Judges, and decreed many things according to their opini­ons, having especial care, lest through rashness I should injure Justice, or for Rewards, stain mine incorrupted Honour.Joseph at thir­ty years of age offered no Woman vio­lence, and would not be bribed. I was now Thirty years old; and though a man who bridles himself from unlawful affections, can hardly escape the poysoned sting of de­traction, especially if great authority be annexed to his green years; yet none ever durst say, that I suffer'd Violence to be done to any Woman, or receiv'd a Bribe from any Man; yea, I refused those Tenths, which in right of Priesthood I might have re­ceiv'd. Yet after the Conquest of the Syrians, I took part of the spoil, which, I freely confess, I sent to Jerusalem to my Kinsmen. And though at two times I forcibly over­came G the Sephorites, the Tiberians four times, and the Gadarenians once, and had brought John under my subjection, who had oftentimes sought to entrap me; yet could I not [Page 6] endure to revenge my self on him,Joseph's boun­ty towards his Enemies. or any of the abovenamed People, as in the sequel H of this story I will make manifest.

For which cause I suppose,The Galileans faith and love towards Jo­seph. that God, who is the Tryer, and Searcher of all hearts, both delivered me at this time out of the hands of mine Enemies, and afterwards ma­ny times from several dangers and misfortunes, as hereafter shall appear. But so great was the fidelity and benevolence of the common People of Galilee towards me,John desireth that he might bathe himself in the hot bathes of Ti­berias. that their Cities being overthrown, and their Families led into Captivity, they were less toucht with their own Calamities, than concern'd for my preservation. Which when John perceived, he began to envy me. And he writ to me, that I would give him li­cence, for his health-sake, to bathe himself in the hot bathes of Tiberias: I suspecting no Treason, willingly granted him that which he demanded. Moreover, I wrote to those,I to whom I had committed the trust and administration of the City, to prepare him a Lodging, and to furnish him, and all his Followers, with things necessary for Diet and Entertainment. In the mean space, I past my time in a certain Village of Galilee, cal­led Cana. John's Trea­son. But after that John came to Tiberias, he persuaded the Townsmen to forget their faith and duty to me, and revolt unto him; many of them lent a willing ear to his Entreaties, especially such as were prone to change, and desirous of dissention, and in particular Justus, and his Father Pistus, willingly entertained this occasion to revolt from my obedience, and to submit themselves to John; yet was this Conspiracy of theirs prevented by my speedy access. For a certain Messenger came to me from Silas, whom I had formerly preferred to the Government of Tiberias, who certified me of the K Citizens intent, and exhorted me in all haste to repair thither, otherwise the City would shortly fall into another mans hands. As soon as I had perused Silas's Letters, I Travel­led all night with Two hundred chosen Men;The people of Tiberias came out to meet Joseph. and sending a Messenger before me, to signifie my approach to the Citizens, I neither lost time nor way: and in the morning when I drew near the City, the People came out to meet me, and amongst the rest, John; who, after he had saluted me with a suspitious Countenance, fearing lest his Trea­son being discovered, he should come in danger of his life, he speedily retired himself into his Lodging. When I came to the great Piazza, and had dismiss'd all my Train but one servant,Joseph's ex­hortations to the Tiberians. and retained only Ten armed Soldiers with me, I began to repre­sent to the Tiberians, from a certain high place, from whence I might be heard, how L important it was for them to remain faithful, since otherwise I could no lon­ger trust them, and they would one day repent that they had fallen from their duty.

Scarcely had I spoken this, but one of my Friends advertis'd me to descend, tel­ling me that this was no time to reconcile the Tiberians, or to persuade them, but rather to seek mine own security,John seeketh to betray and murther Jo­seph. and how I might escape mine Enemies. That John having learned that I was destitute of Followers, had sent a Thousand of his chosen Soldiers to kill me; that they were at hand, and ready to commit the Murther; which they had done, had I not speedily leapt down with the help of my servant Ja­cob, and Herod the Tiberian, who carried me to the Lake; where finding a Back by M chance, and putting forth to Sea, I escaped, contrary to mine Enemies expectation, and came to Taricheas.

As soon as the Inhabitants of that City understood how persidiously and [...] ­rously the Tiberians had dealt with me, they were much displeased, and betaking them­selves to their Weapons, persuaded me to lead them forth against them, telling me, that they would revenge the injury that was offered unto their Governor,The Galileans require that they may in­vade Tiberias. of which they sent advice thorow all Galilee. Hereupon, a great number of armed Galileans came to me, and persuaded me to attaque Tiberias, and destroy it, and f [...]ll the Inha­bitants, with their whole Families, under the Spear. The like did my Friends▪ who escaped with me out of the City, persuade me. But I, in no sort, would ad­mit N their advice, out of fear to revive a Civil War, and judging it best to ac­commode the matter. To which end, I shew'd them, that such revenge would be prejudicial to themselves also, if the Romans, at their coming, should [...] them in Civil discords. By this discourse, at length, the Galileans rage was ap­peased.

But when John saw that he had failed of his purpose, he began to fear for him­self, John excuseth himself to Jo­seph. and taking with him those armed Men that he had about him, he left Tiberias, and went to Gischala, from whence he wrote Letters to me, excusing the Fact, as if he had been no ways guilty thereof, and desiring me not to suspect him; and he con­firmed his words with execrable Oaths, to the end to get more credit to them.O But the Galileans who were gathered in great multitudes from all parts of the Re­gion, [Page 7] A knowing that he was a wicked and persidious Man, press'd me to lead them forth against him, promising me to ruine both him, Gischala, and all his Coun­trey. After I gave them Thanks for their love towards me, and promised them that mine offices of love should be answerable to their kindness. But I pray'd them to restrain themselves, and to allow me to appease this Trouble without effusion of Blood.

This Request of mine the Galileans granted: Whereupon we presently went to Sephoris. But the Townsmen, who were resolved to continue faithful towards the Roman people,Jesus Captain of Thieves. fearing my approach, endeavor'd to divert me elsewhere. To which purpose, sending a Messenger to Jesus the Captain of eight hundred B Thieves, that kept upon the Confines of Ptolemais, they promised him a great Sum of Money, if with his Army of eight hundred Men, he would make War against me. He, allur'd by their promises, resolv'd to surprize me unawares: to which end, he desir'd me, by a Messenger, to grant him leave to come and salute me: which when he had obtained, for that I was wholly ignorant of his Trea­son, he took with him a Troop of his Thieves, and hasted speedily towards me: yet failed he of his purposed Treason; for when he was not far off from me, a certain Fugitive of his Troop discovered his intent towards me. Which when I heard, I went out into the Market-place, feigning that I knew nothing of his secret Fraud, being attended with a multitude of armed Galileans, and among them with C certain Tiberians. Jesus seeks to betray Joseph. I sent abroad certain parties to guard the Highways, and com­manded the Keepers of the Gates, that [...] should onely suffer Jesus to enter with the foremost of his Company, and exclude the rest: and if they attempted to break in by force, they should beat them off. Jesus entering with a few, was requir'd, by me, presently to lay down his Weapons, except he desir'd to be slain; he, see­ing himself invironed with armed Souldiers, obeyed. Whereupon, they that fol­low'd him,Joseph poli­tickly surpri­zeth Jesus. and were excluded, perceiving that their Captain was apprehended, suddenly betook themselves to flight; and leading Jesus apart, I told him I was not ignorant of those Treasons which he intended against me, nor by whose pro­vocations he attempted the same. Yet I told him that I would pardon him, if so D be by changing his manners, he would be faithful to me hereafter. He promised me all that I demanded,Joseph's boun­ty towards Je­sus. and I dismissed him with his Weapons: yet threatned to punish the Sephorites, except hereafter they desisted from their Treasons: About the same time there came to me two Noblemen, who were Subjects to the King of Tra­chonites, bringing with them both Horsemen, Armor, and Money: whom when the Jews would have constrain'd to be circumcised,Joseph's care of Religion. if so be they would remain amongst them; I would not permit them to be troublesom to the Trachonites, alledging, that every Man ought to serve God according to his own mind, and not by other Mens impulsion: and that it was not to be suffer'd, that they, who for their se­curity fled unto us, should repent themselves of the trust▪ they put in us. And E thus having persuaded the multitude, I freely and abundantly furnished these Men with all things necessary.

In the mean space, Agrippa sent out his Forces under the Conduct of Equus Modius, to take the Castle Magdola by force; which for that they durst not as­sault, they beset the ways, and only troubled Gamala by placing Forces upon the Avenues.Ebutius against Joseph. But Ebutius Decadarcus, who had the Government of the great Plain, hearing that I was come to a certain Village called Simonias, scituate on the Con­fines of Galilee, and distant from the same some sixty furlongs, took with him by night an hundred Horse that attended him, and about two hundred Footmen, with certain Inhabitants of the City of Gaba their Associates, whom he conducted by F night, and beset the Borough where I was. Against whom after I had drawn forth a valiant Band of Men, Ebutius laboured all he could, to toul us into the Field, for that he trusted very much in his Horsemen: but I would not give him that advantage, considering we were but Footmen, and resolv'd to fight in the place where we were,Ebutius depar­teth without performing any thing. and accordingly Ebutius charged us for awhile very vali­antly. At length, perceiving that he had no use of his Horsemen in that place, he sounded a Retreat, and departed back again with lost labour to Gaba, having onely lost three Men in the Battel. But I presently pursued him with two thou­sand Men: and when I came to Besara, which is scituate on the Confines of Ptole­mais, some twenty furlongs from Gaba, where Ebutius encamped at that time; I G beset all the passages with Corps of Guard, whereby we might be more secure from the Excursions of our Enemies, till we had carried out the Wheat, whereof [Page 8] there was a great quantity stored up in that place,Joseph trans­porteth Corn to Galilee. which was gathered out of H the Townships thereabout, belonging to Queen Bernice: and loading divers Cam­els and Asses, which to that end I had brought with me, I sent the same into Galilee. Joseph against Neopolitanus. Having finished this business, I offered Ebutius Battel: and whereas he de­tracted the same, being terrified by our boldness, I took my course to encounter with Neopolitanus, who (as it was reported) was in the Territory of the Tiberi­ans, and foraged there. This Neopolitanus was a Captain of Horsemen, and had undertaken to defend Scythopolis against their Enemies. I hinder'd him from do­ing any wrong in the Countrey belonging to the Tiberians, and provided for the se­curity of Galilee.

But John the Son of Levi, John malig­neth Joseph's good success. who (as I said) lived at Gischala, after he heard I that all things fell out fortunately with me, that I was loved by the People, and feared by mine Enemies, he consider'd my good fortune as an obstacle to his own, and being filled with no small envy, and greater hope to hinder my good success, if so be he could bring me in hatred with the People; he sollicited those of Ti­berias and Sephoris, and the Gabarenians, to revolt to him, which Cities are the chiefest in Galilee. For he told them, that under his Conduct, they should be more happily govern'd. But amongst the rest, the Sephorites gave least ear unto him, and neglecting us both, onely held for the Romans.

As for the Tiberians, they would not consent to Rebel: yet promised him some friendship.The Gabare­nians revolt upon John's persuasion. But the Gabarenians wholly addicted themselves to John, by the means K of one Simon, a principal Citizen, who was John's friend. Yet did they not o­penly declare for him, because they feared the Galileans, whose good will towards me they were long time assured of, but privily they sought other means to entrap me. And truly I fell into great danger upon this occasion. For when certain De­barrittenians (being audacious young Men) had intelligence that Ptolomy's Wife the Kings steward,The Debarit­tenians spoil Ptolomy's Wife. was Travelling along the great Plain with a great Equipage, out of the Kings Countrey into the Roman Government, they suddenly set upon her, and putting the Woman to flight, they seized on all the Baggage which she carried with her. Which done, they came to Taricheas, where I then was, with four Mules laden with Apparel, and Houshold-stuff of divers sorts: among which were L divers silver Vessels, and five hundred pieces of Gold. Intending therefore to re­serve these things for Ptolomy, as being a Jew (because our Law permitteth not to take any from those of our own Nation, though they be our Enemies) I told those that brought the Goods, that the same should be kept to be sold, and the price bestowed upon repairing the Walls of Jerusalem. This motion of mine, the young men interpreted very hardly, because they were depriv'd of the prey which they hoped for. For which cause, dispersing themselves in the streets of Tiberias, they spread a rumor, that I design'd to betray the Countrey to the Ro­mans, and that I onely feigned that the prey was destinated to repair the Walls of Jerusalem; but the truth was, I kept the same, to the intent to restore it to Pto­lomy. M In which matter they were not deceived. For after the departure of the young Men, I called to me two chief Citizens, Dassian and Jannaeus the Sons of Levi, Joseph labou­reth to restore Ptolomy to his Goods. true Friends to the King, and commanded them, to take the Houshold-stuff, and convey it to the King, threatning them with death, if they revealed this se­cret to any Man.

But when the rumor was spread thorow Galilee, that I would deliver the Pro­vince into the hands of the Romans, all the People were incens'd against me, and resolv'd to destroy me. They of Taricheas also giving credit to the young Mens feigned speeches, persuaded my Guard, and the rest of the Soldiers, to take a time whilst I was asleep, and come to the Horse-race; there to consult with others N how to effect their design. At the appointed place, they found many others as­sembled: Sedition a­gainst Joseph. Jesus the Son of Saphias, conspireth a­gainst Joseph. and all of them determin'd with one consent, to treat me as a Traytor, to the Commonwealth. But he that most of all incited them to this, was Je­sus the Son of Saphias, who at that time was a principal Judge in Tiberias, a Man given over to all Wickedness, and born to breed Troubles and Se­dition.

This Man, holding the Law of Moses in his hand, in the midst of the Assem­bly, spake thus with a loud voice: If (said he) you be touched with no care of your selves, yet at least contemn not these Sacred Laws, which that perfidious Joseph your Governor, hath not feared to violate, and for so great a Crime cannot be too severely O punisht.

[Page 9] A After he had thus spoken, and saw he was approved by the acclamations of the peo­ple, he took some armed men with him, and repaired to the house where I lodg'd, with intent to put me to death.Simon, one of Josephs guard, awaketh him. I suspecting nothing of all this Tumult, and tired with labor, was at rest; when suddenly Simon, one of my Guard, who at that time only remained with me, seeing this furious Troop of people, came and awakened me; and certifying me of the imminent peril, he counsel'd me rather generously to kill my self, than shame­fully die by mine Enemies hands. I recommended my self to God, and putting on a black Garment to disguise me, and having onely my Sword by my side, I went forth, and pass'd through the midst of these people, and so went strait to the Hippodrome by a by way. There falling prostrate on my face,Joseph moves the people to compassion. in view of all the people, I water'd the earth with my tears, B to move all men that beheld me to compassion. And when I perceived the people begin to melt, I laboured all I could, to divide them in opinion, before the armed Soldiers re­turned from my house. I confess'd that I had kept the booty for which I was accus'd, but I desir'd them to hear to what use I had reserved it; after which, if they pleas'd, they might kill me. Hereupon the multitude commanded me to speak; and the armed men be­ing returned back at the same time, and beholding me, would have fallen upon me to murther me: but they were restrained by the peoples exclamations; and they suppos'd that after I had confess'd that I design'd to restore the booty to the King, I should pass for a Traytor, and they might kill me without opposition.

Now silence being made to hear me,Joseph's orati­on and confes­sion before his adversaries. I spake thus: If in your opinion I deserve death, C I refuse not to die: yet permit me, before my death, to certifie you of the whole truth; When I observed that this City was most commodious and fit to entertain strangers, and that many forsaking their own Countries, came to dwell here, and were willing to par­take with you in all sorts of Fortune; I resolved to employ this money to build you Walls to your City, for which being thus destinated to do you good, your indignation is provoked against me. Upon these words, the Taricheans and strangers cried out, that I deserv'd thanks, and wish'd me to be of good courage. But the Galileans and Tiberians continued in their animosity, so that they fell to dissent betwixt themselves, the one threatning me with punishment; the other, contrariwise, willing me to assure my self of security. But after I had promised the Tiberians, and those of other Cities, that I would D build their Walls,Joseph esca­peth from dan­ger. where it was convenient, they credited my words, the multitude sepa­rated, and I, beyond all expectation, having escap'd so great a peril, with certain of my Friends, and some twenty Soldiers, returned to my house.

But once again the Authors of this Sedition,Joseph in an­other danger. fearing lest they should be punished for their offence, begirt my Lodging with six hundred armed men, intending to consume it with fire. Of whose arrival, as soon as I had intelligence, imagining with my self that it would be much dishonor for me to flie, I resolved to use valor and courage against them: for which cause, commanding the Gates to be shut, I required them from the top of the house, to send in some of them to me, to receive that money, for which they had been drawn into this mutiny: whereby they might have no further cause to be incensed against E me.Joseph's stra­tagem. Which done, laying hold of one of the most troublesom Fellows, that with the rest came into me, I caused him to be beaten with many grievous strokes, and his hand to be cut off, and hung about his neck; and thus handled, we thrust him out of doors, to return to those that had sent him.Another Sedi­tion. So bold an action made them wonderously afraid, and suspect­ing I had a great number of armed Soldiers in my house, they suddenly all of them fled away: And thus by my resolution and address I escaped this second danger. Yet wanted there not some, who incited the people once more against me; saying, that the two Lords, who fled to me for refuge, ought not to live, except they submitted themselves to their Laws and Customs, from whom they required protection. They likewise accused them, that they were of the Roman Faction, and prisoners; and presently the people be­gan F to mutiny, being deceived by their words, who laboured to flatter them. Which when I heard, I once more informed the people, that they ought not to persecute those who resorted unto them for succor: that the poysoning they spoke of, was a Fancy, and a Chimera, and that the Romans would not vainly nourish so many thousands of Soldi­ers, if they pretended to make away their Enemies with poyson. Being by these words somewhat pacified, they had scarcely withdrawn themselves awhile, but that by certain outcasts and wicked men, they were incited against the two Lords, so that with Weapons they went to their Lodging, intending to murther them. Which when I heard, I was afraid, that if this wickedness should be committed, no man hereafter would dare to trust his life in my hand. For which cause, being assisted by divers others, I presently resort­ed G to their Lodging,Joseph pri­vately dismis­seth the T­richean [...]. and shut up the Gates: and cutting a Trench betwixt it and the Lake, I called for a Bark, and entring into the same with them, I conducted them to the Confines of the Hippenians: and furnishing them with money to buy them Horses, be­cause [Page 10] they could not transport their own with them in their flight, I dismissed them, desi­ring H them to bear their present misfortune with a constant mind. But indeed it troubled me, that I was once more forced to expose those men in the Enemies Countrey, who had committed themselves to my trust: yet thinking, that if it should so fall out, that they fell into the Romans hands, they would be safer, than if by suffering them to remain in my Countrey, I should see them opprest: I adventured them thus. Yet were they saved, and the King pardon'd them. And this was the end of this Tumult.

But they of Tiberias wrote to the King, desiring him to send a Garrison into their Countrey,The Tiberians Letters to Agrippa. Seven stadia maketh almost a German mile. on which condition they would submit to him. As soon as I knew of it, I went to them, and they desired me that I would build them those Walls which I had pro­mised them: for they had already heard that Tarichea was invironed with Walls. Where­unto I I condescended, and gathering Materials, I set the Workmen to their task. But some three days after, departing from Tiberias toward Tarichea, which was thirty stades distant from thence, by chance a Troop of Roman Horsmen were discovered, not far from the City, which the Inhabitants believ'd were the Kings Army: Whereupon they presently began to utter many things in honour of the King,Sedition and Rebellion in Tiberias. and more in my reproach. And pre­sently a certain friend posted to me, and told me what their mind was, and how they inten­ded to revolt from me. Which when I understood, I was wonderously troubled: For I had sent back my men of War from Tarichea to their houses, because the next day was the Sabbath: for I would by no means, that the Citizens of Tarichea should be charged or troubled with entertaining Soldiers. And at all times, when I remained in that City, I took K no care of the guard of mine own person, having had often proof of the affection of the Inhabitants towards me.Joseph in dan­ger for the Ti­berians sake. Being therefore at that time attended only with seven Soldiers, and a few of my Friends, I knew not what to determine. For I thought it not fit to call back my Forces, because the day was well nigh past; and although they should have been with me the next morning, yet they might not have taken Arms, because our Laws forbid the same, how great soever the occasion be that is offered. And although I should have drawn forth the Taricheans, and the strangers that were retired thither, and, under hope of prey, have led them forth, yet I saw that they were too feeble to resist the enemy. On the other side, I already perceived, that if I stayed over-long, the Army which was sent by the King, being already entred the City, would have excluded me. I therefore determined to L use this stratagem; I presently set a Guard at the gates of the City, consisting of my most trusty Friends, suffering no man to pass out of them: and assembling the chief of every Family, I commanded them to lanch their Boats into the Lake, and to follow me with the Masters of their ships.Joseph saileth to Tiberias. After which, both I and my Friends, and seven other Soldiers, be­took us to a Bark, and sailed toward Tiberias. But when the Tiberians saw that no Forces were come from the King, and that the whole Lake was covered with Barks; amazed, and fearing the ruine of their City, for that they supposed the ships to be full of Soldi­ers, they changed their sentiments. And laying by their Weapons, themselves with their Wives and Children came forth to meet me, and receiv'd me with joyful acclamations, (for they though I had had no notice of their intents) beseeching me that for the safety M of their City, I would enter the same. But I drawing near the City, commanded the Ma­sters of the Barks to cast Anchor far off the shore, lest the Townsmen might perceive that the ships were empty: And I my self drawing near with mine own Bark to them, reproached them, that, contrary to their Oaths, they had been so foolishly induced to re­volt. After which, I promised them pardon, if so be they would deliver me ten of their chiefest Nobility: which when they had incontinently performed, I shipt them in a Bark, and sent them Prisoners to Tarichea. Then I demanded ten more, and I continu'd to use the same artifice, till I had by little and little got all the Senate of Tiberias, and many of the chiefest Citizens, and sent them thither.

At length, the rest of the multitude, perceiving in how great danger they were, they N besought me that I would punish the chief Author of this Conspiracy,Clytus the Au­thor of the Se­dition in Tibe­rias. who was called Clytus, a bold and rash young man. I was unresolv'd what to do, being loth to kill one of my own Nation, and yet it was expedient to punish him; wherefore I commanded Le­vias, one of my Guard, to seize on him, and cut off his hand. Levias not daring, for that he was alone, to enter into so huge a multitude, I, for fear lest his Cowardise should be dis­covered by the Tiberians, called Clytus unto me, and said unto him:

Ʋngrateful and perfidious man, as thou art, since thou deservest to lose both thy hands, I charge thee to become thine own Executioner, left through delay thou procure thy further punishment. And whereas with many prayers he besought me to grant him one of his hands,Clytus cuts off his own left hand. I hardly con­descended. At length, of his own accord, for fear he should lose both, he took a Knife,O and cut off his left hand: and thus was this Tumult appeased.

[Page 11] A As soon as I returned to Tariche [...], and the Tiberians understood what stratagem I had used with them, they were all amazed, seeing how I had punished their ingratitude and disobedience without any bloodshed. Afterwards I sent for such of the people of Ti­berias as were in Prison, amongst whom was Justus and his father Pistus, and invited them to sup with me: and during the repast, I told them that I was not ignorant, that the Ro­man Army excelled all Men of the world in power and force: notwithstanding, that I kept my self silent, in the respect of the Seditious that were round about, and I coun­selled them that they also would do the like in expectation of better days; and yet that in the mean time they would not think amiss of my Government, because no other could treat them better. I reminded Justus also, that before I came from Jerusalem, the Galile­ans B had cut off his Brothers hands, accusing him to have forged false Letters before the War; and that after Philip's departure, the Gamelites, being at odds with the Babylonians, slew Cares, Philip's own Kinsman;Joseph dismis­seth the Tibe­rians. whereas I had moderately punished his Brother-in-law Jesus, who had married his Sister. After this discourse during supper time, I set Justus and his Friends,Philip the Son of Jacim. early in the Morning, at liberty. But before this came to pass, it hapned that Philip the Son of Jacim departed from the Fort of Gamala upon this occasion: As soon as he understood that Varus was revolted from King Agrippa, and that Modius Equus, who was his Friend, was sent to succeed him, he certified him of his estate by his Let­ters: Agrippa's kindness and humanity to­wards Philip. which when he had received, he highly rejoyced at Philip's safety, and sent those Letters to the King and Queen, who lived at Berytus. Whereupon the King understand­ing C the false rumor that ran touching Philip, that he was the Chieftain of the Jews Army, who undertook the War against the Romans; sent certain Horsemen to Philip to bring him to his presence: before whom he no sooner arrived, but he embraced him very kind­ly, and shewed him to the Roman Captains, telling them, that that was Philip of whom it was commonly reported,Hedio, Gada­ra. that he was in Rebellion against the Romans. After which, he sent him with a party of Horsemen, in all diligence to the Fort of Gamala; to draw his houshold servants from thence, and re-establish the Babylonians in Batanaea, and travel, to his uttermost power, that the Subjects might be continued in obedience and peace. After Philip had received this commandment from the King, he hasted to perform the same.

D But one Joseph a pretended Physitian or Treacle-seller,One Joseph stirred up a se­dition in Ga­mala. gathering together a sort of bold young Men, and inciting the Nobility of Gamala, persuaded the People to fall from the King, and take Arms, for recovery of their former liberty. Having thus drawn ma­ny to his party, he fell to killing of all those that durst contradict him. Amongst these, died Cares, Jesus his Kinsman, and the Sister of Justus the Tiberian, as we have heretofore declared. After this, they requested me by Letters, that I would send them aid, and La­bourers to build Walls for their Town. To both which Requests of theirs, I easily con­descended. About this time the Countrey of Ga [...]lonitis, as far as the Borough of Soly­ma, rebelled against Agrippa. I also inclosed with Walls Seleucia and Sogon, which were two strong places unaccessible,Many Jews revolt from the Romans. and fortified by Nature; I did the like also by Jemnia, E Ameritha, and Charabe, a Borough of higher Galilee, although they were scituated among the Rocks. I fortified in like sort Taricheas also, and Tiberias, and Sephoris, Cities of Ga­lilee; and the Cave of the Arbalians, Bersobe, Selamen, Jotapa, Capharath, Comosogona, Ne­papha, and the Mountain Itabyrim. In which places I stor'd up great plenty of Corn, and laid up much of Armor and Munition for defence.

Mean-while,John labou­reth to sup­plant Joseph in his Go­vernment. John the Son of Levi, increased his hatred daily more and more towards me, being greatly grieved to see my prosperity: and whereas he was fully resolved to rid me of my Life, after he had encompassed his Countrey Giscala with Walls, he sent Simon his Brother with an hundred Soldiers to Jerusalem, to Simon the Son of Gamaliel, desiring him to labour the matter in such sort with the City, that my Authority might be F disannulled, and that John, by common consent, might be ordained Governor of Galilee in my place. This Simon was born in Jerusalem, Noble in Birth, and in Sect a Pharisee, (which Sect, of all other, is most strictly observant in the Laws of our Countrey) a Man of excellent wisdom, who, by his counsel, was able to repair the decaying Ruines of his Countrey, and who of long time had made use of John's friendship, because he was at that time mine Enemy.

This Man, sollicited by the intercession of his Friends, persuaded the High Priest Ana­nus, and Jesus the Son of Gamala, and other of his Faction, to stop my increasing honors, before I attain'd to a higher degree of power. For it should be very advantagious for them also, if I were removed from the Government of Galilee. Further, he told Ananus, G and the rest,Simon's coun­sel against Jo­seph. that they were not to delay the matter; lest upon discovery of their coun­sel, I should attack the City with an Army. Ananus the High Priest replied, That is could not easily be done, for that divers Priests and Governors of the People bare witness for [Page 12] me, that I behaved my self honestly in that Government; and that it was ill done to H bring an Accusation against a Man, who could not be charged with any Misdemeanor. When Simon heard what Ananus said, he pray'd him, and the rest, at least, to speak nothing thereof, nor to make his motion known; for he himself would undertake the executi­on of it. And calling unto him the Brother of John, he charged him to tell his Brother that the way to accomplish his design, was to send Presents to Ananus. For (said he) they will work so much with him, that they will make him change his opinion. In the end, Simon obtained that which he long time sought after. For Ananus and his Adhe­rents being corrupted with Money, accorded to remove me from the Government of Galilee, without the consent or allowance of any other of the Citizens. For which cause they thought good to send certain persons Noble in Birth, and no ways inferior to one I another in Learning, whereof two were of the common sort, and Pharisees; the one called Jonathas, Simons second counsel against Joseph. the other Ananias; the third was Jozarus of the Tribe of Levi, who was also a Pharisee, and of the race of the Priests. To these they joined Simon, who was also descended of the High Priests, and the youngest of them all. These they command­ed to call together a Council of the Galileans, and demand of them, why they loved me so well? If they answered that it was because I was of Jerusalem, they should say that Jerusalem was their Countrey likewise. But if they said it was because of my know­ledge in the Law, they were willed to say, that they understood the same as well as I. If they said it was in regard I was a Priest that they loved me,Ambassadors with Soldiers sent to Joseph. they should likewise averr, that two of them were Priests. Being thus instructed, and receiving forty thousand sil­ver K drachms of the Publick treasure, with their Fellow and Collegue Jonathan, they set forwards.

And for that at the very same time a certain man called Jesus, of Galilee, was come to Jerusalem with a band of six hundred Soldiers, they sent for him, and hired him, and gave him three Months pay, commanding him to follow Jonathan, and his Companions, and to do as they should command them: and to these they adjoined three hundred Citizens, whom they hired with Rewards. With this preparation the Legates set forward, being accompanied with Simon, John's Brother, who had one hundred Soldiers with him, with Commission from those that sent them, that if I willingly laid down Arms, they should send me alive to Jerusalem: and if I resisted, by their Authority, they might lawfully kill L me.Joseph's Fa­ther signifieth all these News unto him. They had Letters also directed to John, which incited him to make War against me. Moreover, they charged the Sephorites, Gabarites, and Tiberians, to maintain John against me. After I had intelligence hereof, by my Fathers Letters, who had notice thereof by Jesus the Son of Gam [...]a, one of those who were present at the deliberation, and who intirely loved me. I was much grieved, seeing with how much ingratitude my Coun­treymen requited me, and of malice had decreed my death; and for that my Father in­vited me by most affectionate Letters to draw my self homeward, telling me how much he desired to see me, who was his Son, before he left this life. I imparted these things to my Friends, and certified them, that within three days I would forsake their Countrey, and retire my self into mine own.Joseph resol­veth to return home. Whereupon they were surprized with great sadness,M and besought me with tears, that I would not forsake them; for that they should be ut­terly overthrown, if so be they were left destitute of my conduct. But whereas they could by no means persuade me, and the care of mine own security prevailed very much with me; the Galileans fearing lest I should leave them, and by that means the Thieves should be encouraged to set upon them, they sent Messengers thorow all Galilee, to signifie unto them the resolution of my departure. Whereupon divers understanding the news, resorted unto me from all parts, bringing with them their Wives and Children; not so much, as I suppose, for the sorrow they conceived at my departure, as the fear that they had for themselves. For they persuaded themselves, that if I remained among them, there could no mischief befall them. They assembled therefore in a great Plain, called N Asochim, where I remained.

That night in my sleep I had a strange dream.Joseph's admi­rable dream. For lying in my bed, and being wholly disconsolate and troubled with the News I had received, methought a certain Man from above spake unto me after this manner: Comfort thy self, and fear not. For the distress in which thou art, shall be the cause to make thee great and happy, beyond thine expectation. For not only these things shall turn to a fortunate issue, but also many other. Be not thou there­fore dismayed, but remember the advice that I give thee to make War against the Romans. Af­ter this dream,A number of Galileans be­sought Joseph that he would not forsake them. I awak'd; and as I prepared to go down into the Plain, the people of Ga­lilee, with their Wives and Children, humbling themselves to the earth, and weeping, be­sought me that I would not leave them for a prey to their Enemies: or abandon their O Countrey to their discretion. But seeing that I made small reckoning of their prayers, they uttered a thousand curses against the people of Jerusalem, that envied them the peace and happiness which they enjoyed under my conduct.

[Page 13] A After I had heard these words, and seen the desolation of the People, my heart was melted with compassion,Joseph con­senteth to stay in Galilee. and I resolved in my self, that in respect of so great a multi­tude, my life could not be better hazarded than for their preservation. I therefore gave my consent to remain with them, and gave order that five thousand of the best Soldiers, with fit provisions, should attend me: as for the rest, I sent them back to their own houses. When these five thousand presented themselves, I join'd them to the o­ther three thousand that I had with me, and drew out with them fourscore Horsemen, and marched on towards Chabalon, a Borough upon the marches of Ptolemais, where I undertook to prepare them for the Battel,Placidus a­gainst Joseph. expecting some assault from Placidus, who was come with two Companies of Footmen, and one of Horsemen, sent by Cestius Gallus to B burn the Countrey-towns of Galilee, and other little. Boroughs that border on Ptolemais. And for that he was entrenched before the City of Ptolemais, I encamped my Army like­wise not far from the Borough Chabalon, some sixty stades off: and divers times drew I out my Forces to bid him Battel, but there pass'd nothing but skirmishes. For Placidus, perceiving my forwardness to fight, was dismay'd thereat, and retired himself: yet he departed not from Ptolemais.

About this time came Jonathan, with the other Ambassadors, who (as we have here­tofore declared) were sent by Simon, and the High Priest Ananus; they labour'd to en­trap me by policy, for that they durst not assail me in open field. To which purpose they writ a Letter to me to this effect:Jonathan's Letter to Jo­seph. Jonathan and the Ambassadors with him, who C are sent by those of Jerusalem; to Joseph, Greeting. The chief Men of Jerusalem being in­formed, that John of Gischala hath oftentimes sought to betray you, we are sent to repress his malice, and to exhort him hereafter to submit himself unto you. And being desirous to confer with you, touching what concerneth the publick good, we pray you to resort to us as soon as you can, with some few Attendants, because the Borough is not able to entertain many. To this effect they writ to me, hoping that one of these two things would fall out: either that coming disarmed, I should be easily surprized by them; or else bringing with me [...] great Com­pany, I should be condemned for an Enemy to my Countrey. The Messenger that brought me this Letter, was a valiant young Man, mounted on Horse-back, and had in times past born Arms for the King.A Horseman brought the Letters. The time at which he came to me, was two hours within night, D when I was banquetting with my Friends, and the chief Governors of Galilee. After that, one of my Houshold Servants had certified me, that a certain Jew on Horseback was come to speak with me, I commanded he should be brought in; who saluted me but cold­ly, and delivering me the Letter, said unto me, They that are come from Jerusalem, send you this Letter; give them a speedy answer: For I am commanded to make a speedy return. They that sate at the Table with me, were amazed at the Soldiers insolence. But for my self, I willed him to sit down, and sup with us: but he refusing the same, I open'd the Letter without the observation of any present, and having seen what it contain'd, I folded it up again, and held it in my hand, in such manner as I had received it, and began to talk with my Friends of other affairs: and not long after rising from Supper, and dismissing the rest E to their repose, I only retained with me some of my most intimate Friends, and gave or­der that the Soldier should receive twenty drachms to bear the charges of his Voyage. He having received the same, and giving me thanks, I perceived well that he lov'd Mo­ney, and consequently might easily be wrought upon with it. Whereupon I said unto him, if thou wilt drink with me, thou shalt have a drachm for every glass thou drinkest. To this the Soldier listned willingly, and having drunk good store of Wine, to get the more Money, he became drunk; so that he was unable any longer to conceal his se­crets: but of his own accord he declared the Treason that was prepared, and how the sentence of death was given by them against me.Joseph's poli­cy. Which when I understood, I answer'd them to this effect:Joseph's an­swer to Jona­than. Joseph to Jonathan, and those that accompany him, Health. I am F very glad to hear that you are arrived in Galilee in good health, especially because I may now deliver into your hands the government of the affairs thereof, to the end (according as I have long time desired) I may return into my Countrey. I am willing not only to come to you at Xal­lon, but to any further place also, though you should not send for me. But you will please to par­don me, though I come not at this present: for I am now at Chabalon, to attend Placidus, who pretendeth to invade Galilee. Resort you therefore unto me, after you shall have read these my Letters. Farewel.

After I had written this answer, and deliver'd it to the Soldier to carry it to them, I sent with him thirty of my most approved Friends of Galilee, commanding them to salute the Deputies, without any further speech of any business whatsoever. I assigned also to G each of these, one of my most resolute and best Soldiers, to watch carefully if any of those I sent should confer with Jonathan's Men. They therefore set forward on their way: and Jonathan and the other seeing their first purpose failed them, they sent me another [Page 14] Letter to this effect:Jonathan's Message and Letter to Jo­seph. Jonathan and his Company to Joseph, Health. We command you that H within three dayes, you make your appearance before us, without any of your Soldiers, in the Borough of Gadara, to the end we may take cognisance of the Crimes whereof you have accu­sed John. As soon as they had written this, and received those Galileans whom I had sent, they went to Japha, which is the greatest Town of Galilee, fenced with strong Walls, and peopled with many Inhabitants. The People of that City, with their Wives and Chil­dren, The Ambassa­dors of Jeru­salem coldly entertained in Galilee. came forth to meet them, exclaiming against them with loud cryes, and charging them to return back, and not to deprive them of the good Governor they had, Jonathan and his Companions though displeas'd with these words, yet durst not make any open shew of their displeasure, but without returning them any answer, they resorted to o­ther Towns, where they met with no less peremptory Exclamations from the Multitude,I who protested plainly, that they would have no other Governor but Joseph. Whereupon Jonathan with his Followers departed without any further speech, and went to Sephoris, the greatest City of Galilee. The Inhabitants thereof being affected to the Romans, went forth to meet them: but they said nothing at all concerning me. Departing from Sepho­ris, they went to Asochim, where the Citizens sung the same Song that the Japheans did. Whereupon they being unable to contain their displeasure, commanded their Soldiers to beat with their Truncheons those that exclaimed against them, and desir'd me for their Governor. And when they drew near Gabara, John came out to meet them, accompanied with 3000 Soldiers: and I having intelligence by their Letters, that they were resolved to make War against me, departed from Chabalon, accompanied with 3000 Soldiers; and K having committed the Camp to the charge of one of my trustiest Friends, I went to Jo­tapata, because I would be within forty stades of them, and sent them this Letter: If your will be that I must needs come unto you, Joseph writeth again to them. there are in Galilee two hundred and four Cities and Boroughs, I will meet you in any one of them, which you please, except Gabara and Gischala: for that the one is the place of John's Nativity, and the other is Confederate with him.

After Jonathan had received this answer, he replied no more, but sought means to en­trap me.The consulta­tion of the Ambassadors against Joseph. John was of the opinion to write to all the Cities and Boroughs of Galilee, sup­posing that without question there were one or two in them that were mine Enemies, whom they might incense against me, as against their common Enemy. He gave order al­so, that this his resolution should be sent to Jerusalem, to the end that those of the City L understanding that I was adjudged an Enemy by the Galileans, might in like sort confirm that their decree by their opinion. For he said, that by this means it would come to pass, that the Galileans, who were well affected towards me, would forsake me, for the fear they stood in of them. This advice of Johns greatly pleased them all, and was presently brought unto me about the third hour of the Night, by one Sacchaeas, who flying from them, came and brought me the News, and particularly related to me their intent. For which cause, perceiving that the time requir'd no longer delay, I commanded Jacob, who was one of my most assured and trusty Servants,Joseph beset­teth the wayes of Galilee. to take two hundred Men with him, and to beset the wayes between Gabara and Galilee, and to send me those Passengers whom he should take, and especially those that carried Letters. I sent Jeremy also, who was one M of my Friends, to the marches of Galilee, with six hundred Men at Arms, to keep the passages that way toward Jerusalem, commanding him to seize on all those that carried Letters, and to commit the Men to Prison, and to send me their Packets.

After I had in this sort instructed those whom I sent, I commanded the Galileans the next day following to take their Arms,Joseph with his Troops resort­eth to Gaba­roth. and to furnish themselves with Victuals for three dayes, and to attend me at the Borough of Gabaroth. Those Soldiers that I had, I distri­buted into four Companies, and kept those with me, in whom I reposed most confidence, for the guard of my person: and having appointed Captains over them, and commanded them to be careful, I charged them to suffer no unknown Soldier to enter in among them. The next day I came to Gabaroth, at the fifth hour of the day, where I found all the N fields about the City full of armed Galileans, who resorted thither to assist me, according as I had commanded them. Thither also came a multitude of other Men from other Boroughs. As soon as I came amongst them, and was ready to speak to them, all of them began to cry out, calling me their Benefactor, and the Maintainer of their Countrey. After I had solemnly given them thanks for this favor they shewed me, I charged them to do no wrong, nor attempt any spoil in the Countrey, but to encamp amidst the fields, contenting themselves with that provision they had brought with them, because I was desirous to extinguish these Troubles without effusion of blood. It hapned the same day, that Jonathan's Messengers and Letters fell into their hands, who had the guard of the passages by my appointment; and, according to my direction, the Men were put in custo­dy,O as I gave order: and finding the Letters that were brought me, to be full of no­thing but slanders and lyes written by the Ambassadors; I said not a word to any Man, [Page 15] A but thought it best policy to march towards them.John and the Ambassadors Forces retire to Jesus's house. But Jonathan's Soldiers having in­telligence of my coming, retir'd, and with them John also, to Jesus's house, which was a great Tower, nothing different from a Cittadel, in which they lodg'd a good number of Soldiers, and locked up all the other gates save one; expecting that I should come that way, to salute them. In a word, they had commanded their Soldiers, that when I should enter, they should suffer no Man else to enter with me, but exclude all the rest. For they made no other account, but that by this means they might easily seize on me. But they were deceiv'd of their hopes: For having notice beforehand of their intent, as soon as I came thither, I entred into a [...]dging that was right over against theirs, and feigned that I went to take my rest. Whe [...]eupon Jonathan's Soldiers supposing that I was B indeed asleep, and safe, went forth in all haste into the Plain, and labour'd to dissuade my Soldiers from their fidelity, because of my ill Government. But all things fell out con­trary to what they hop'd: for as soon as they were discovered, the Galileans gave a great shout, testifying the good will they bare to me their Governor, and they blamed the Am­bassadors, that without any cause of injury, they were come to disturb the Publick peace, and requir'd them to be gone, for that they would admit no other Governor. When these things were signified unto me,Joseph presen­teth himself among his Enemies. I made no doubt to adventure my self forth among them, to hear what these Ambassadors had to say against me. Upon my arrival, the whole Troop shouted for joy, and applauded me with a loud voice, giving me thanks for my just and peaceable Government.

C Jonathan and his Adherents hearing this, were afraid, lest the Galileans should set up­on them, and they should be in danger of their Lives; and so they began to bethink themselves how they might escape. But perceiving that they could not retire, because I requir'd them instantly to stay, they were so confounded, that they seem'd out of their senses. I therefore commanded the People to cease their shouting, and planted the Sol­diers of greatest trust in every passage, to prevent John from charging them unawares. After this, I exhorted the People to betake them to their Weapons, to the end that if the Enemy should suddenly assail them,Joseph object­eth treachery against the Ambassadors. they might not be put into disorder. This done, I first of all began to rip up to Jonathan and his Followers, what Letters they had written, and how they had certified me, that they were sent by the Inhabitants of Jerusalem, to D make an end of those differences that were between me and John, and how they had requir'd me to come unto them. Afterwards in the sequel of my discourse, I produc'd their Letters in open view, to the end they might not deny any thing, seeing themselves convicted by their own hand-writing; and spake thus, addressing my speech to Jonathan.

If being accused by John, In the mouth of two or three witnesses con­sisteth truth. I should produce two or three witnesses that were men of reputation, to testifie the sincerity of my action, is it not evident that you, O Jonathan, and you his Collegues, could not but acknowledge mine innocency, and acquit me of that whereof I am accused? But to the intent you may know that I have faithfully governed the estate of Galilee, I am not con­tented to produce three witnesses, but I produce all these whom you see before you. Enquire of them how I have lived, and whether I have governed this Countrey in all honesty and justice? I ad­jure E you all therefore, who are my Fellows and Friends of Galilee, that you hide nothing of the truth; but that before these men, as if they were Judges, you declare if I have done any thing that is contrary to right.

After I had spoke after this manner,The Galileans testimony of Joseph's good Government. all of them, with one accord, called me their Benefactor and Defender, and gave testimony of my forepassed Government, and ex­horted me to continue the same hereafter. And all of them affirmed by Oath, that I had carefully prevented lest any Woman should be violated,Joseph openly readeth Jona­than's Epistles. or any Man by my means drawn into any injury or inconvenience. This done, I publickly read the two Letters in the presence of all the Galileans, which were taken from Jonathan's Messengers, by those who were appointed by me to beset the ways, and were by them sent to me; which let­ters F were full of injuries and falshoods, accusing me that I had behaved my self rather like a Tyrant, than a Governor, towards them: besides that, there were divers other things in them written and urged very falsly. These Letters (said I) were voluntarily offered me by those that carried the same. For I was unwilling that mine Adversaries should know that I had beset the wayes, lest they should forbear to write hereafter.

The People having heard this,The wrath and fury of the people against Jonathan and his F [...]llow Ambassadors. were displeased and animated against Jonathan and his Followers, and press'd on to murther them; as they bad surely done, had I not pacified the displeasure of the Galileans. As for the Ambassadors that accompanied Jonathan, I told them all, that I pardoned whatsoever was past, provided they would change their demeanor, and upon their return into their Countrey, truly report unto those who had G sent them, how all things had past under my Government. This they promis'd, and I dismissed them; notwithstanding that I knew they would perform nothing of that which they had promised. But the whole multitude continuing their fury against them, de­sired [Page 16] me to give them leave to punish with all rigor those who had committed this H slanderous act. But I laboured all I could to perswade them to lay no hands upon them, knowing full well that whatsoever Mutiny it be, it cannot but breed prejudice to the Commonweal. This notwithstanding, the multitude would by no means be satisfied,Joseph pacifi­eth Sedition without bloodshed. but all of them ran in crouds with great fury to the Lodging, where Jonathan and the Embassadors were. Whereupon seeing that it was impossible to restrain their fury, I incontinently betook me to my Horse, and commanded the People to follow me to Sogan a Borough of the Arabians, distant from thence some 20 stades. By this means I brought to pass, that the beginning of a Civil War might not be imputed to me.

When I arrived at Sogan, I made a halt, and admonisht my Followers not to give way to their froward displeasures,Joseph sends one hundred Ambassadors to Jerusalem. nor entertain any desire of revenge: and I commanded I them to choose out an hundred of the chiefest and eldest amongst them, who should re­pair to the City of Jerusalem, and there complain unto the People against those that had kindled Sedition in their Province. And I said unto them, If the People be favourable and listen to your discourse, you shall persuade them to write unto me, that by their authority I re­main in Galilee; and that John and his Followers depart from hence. After I had given them this charge, and that they were furnished with all things necessary for their journey, with all expedition on the third day I dispatched them, and sent five hundred armed Men with them. I writ also to my Friends in Samaria, so to provide for their passage, that they might finish their journey in all security. For Samaria was already in sub­jection to the Romans; and it behoved my Men of necessity, in order to make a short K journey, to pass that way. For, from Galilee, by this means a man may in three days arrive at Jerusalem. Furthermore, I conducted the Ambassadors my self as far as the Frontiers of Galilee, setting Guards upon the ways to the end that none might easily know of their departure. Which done, I sojourned for a certain time at Japha.

But Jonathan and his Companions having failed of their purpose intended against me, dismissed John to Gischala: as for themselves they went to Tiberias, hoping to bring the same under their obedience;The Ambassa­dors hope to get Tiberias into their hands and possession. for that Jesus, who was President at that time, had writen to them, and promised them to persuade the People to entertain them, and to take their part if they came: in which hope they retired thither. Sylas, who (as I declared) was left by me as Agent in Tiberias, certified me of all this by his Letters, advising me to return in all di­ligence:L in doing which, I was brought in danger of my life, upon this occasion that en­sueth; Jonathan and his Followers being come to Tiberias, persuaded divers who were mine Enemies to revolt from me;Joseph falleth in danger. but after they were certified that I was there in person, they were afraid, and came unto me; and saluting me, told me, that they reputed me happy, in that I had so wisely behaved myself in Galilee: and they rejoyced also in appearance, that I was returned with honor; telling me that they participated in that honor as being their Fellow-Citizen. And they protested to me that the friendship which I bore them, was more considerable to them than that of John; and desired me to return, promising very shortly to deliver John into my hands: and these speeches of theirs they seconded with dreadful Oaths,Jonathan and his Confede­rates policy. which made me think that I had no cause to disbelieve them. Furthermore, they M prayed me to take up my Lodging in another place, because the Sabbath being near, it were an inconvenience that the City of Tiberias should be drawn into trouble on that day. I who suspected nothing, repaired to Tarichea, leaving notwithstanding certain of my Friends behind me in Tiberias, who might curiously observe what the common talk was of me: and all along the way betwixt Tarichea and Tiberias, I laid certain Men in wait, who from one to another might certifie me of that which was discovered by them who remained in the City. The next day therefore they all assembled in the Proseucha or Oratory, which was a large house, wherein they prayed, and capable of a great Mul­titude. The People as­semble in the Proseucha. When Jonathan was entred into this place, he durst not openly speak to them of a revolt, but only told them that their City had need of a better Governor. But the Pre­sident N Jesus, without dissembling, spake plainly after this manner unto them; It were bet­ter for you (my Friends) that you were subject to four Men of Nobility and great wisdom, than to one: and thereupon he pointed to Jonathan and his Collegues. Justus stood up, and praised this advice and drew some of the people to his opinion. But the greater part as­sented not, and there had presently followed a mutiny, had not the Assembly been dis­missed, The Jews sixt hour is to ui eleven or twelve a Clock at noon. by reason it was mid-day, which is the ordinary hour amongst them to take their repast. Thus did Jonathans consorts remit the determination of the matter until the next day, retiring themselves without any good done. Which being reported to me, I resolved with my self the next morning to repair to the City of Tiberias: and ac­cordingly arriving there very early I found the People already assembled in the place of O prayer; but they knew not the cause why they were assembled. Jonathan and his Collegues seeing me there, contrary to their expectation, were very much troubled, and [Page 17] A bethought themselves of this subtilty. They told the Multitude that a certain Friend of theirs had inform'd them,Jonathan and his Associates subtilty. that he had discovered certain Roman Horsemen upon the Frontiers of that Territory, some thirty stades from the City, in a place called Homonoea. Whereupon they cry'd out, that they ought not to endure their Countrey to be pillag'd by the Enemy in their sight. They used this Speech, supposing that under pretext of res­cuing the Countrey, they might send me abroad, and so remain Masters of the City, by getting the affection of the Inhabitants to my prejudice.

Now although I knew very well their intent, yet I gave ear to them, lest I should bring the Tiberians into an opinion, that I was negligent and careless of their security. I there­fore rode out, and came to the place of which they had spoken, where finding no foot­step B or appearance of an Enemy,False Accusati­ons and Epi­stles produced by the Ambas­sadors against Joseph. I returned speedily without delay to Tiberias. When I came there, I found the whole Council assembled with a Multitude of People, and Jona­than making against me a very vehement Invective, that I made no account to relieve them in their Wars, and studied nothing but mine own pleasure. And whil'st they spake these words, they produced four Letters, as written unto them by those who live upon the Marches of Galilee, requiring succor of them, for that the Roman Horse­men and Footmen would within three days forage and spoil their Countrey. The Tiberi­ans hearing these Allegations, and supposing them true, cryed out, saying, That it behoved them not in that manner to delay time, but to go and succor their Countreymen invironed with great dangers. Whereupon I answer'd, That I was ready to obey them, and promis'd to C march forth against the Enemy with all expedition.Joseph disco­vereth the sub­tilty of the Ambassadors. Now I knew well the pretence of Jonathan, and declar'd my opinion, that since those Letters said, that the Romans gather'd head in divers places, it was requisite to divide our Power into five Companies, appoint­ing every one of them a Chieftain over them, each of the Ambassadors to command one. For it is an honor for good Men not only to give counsel, but also when need requireth, to be first in action: and it lay not in my power to lead any more than one Company. This my advice was pleasing to all the People, who presently constrain'd these Men to march out to the War:Ananias one of the Ambas­sadors, a wick­ed man. whereby it came to pass, that they were greatly confused to see that they could not finish that which they had imagined, because I crossed all their En­terprizes. Hereupon, one of their Party call'd Ananias, a wicked and subtle Man, coun­selled D the People to celebrate a solemn Fast the next day, and gave direction at the same hour, that all of them should gather together in that place without Arms, to testifie be­fore God, that without his succors and assistance, they were able to do nothing. He spake this, not for any Piety that was in him, but to the end to surprize both me and my Fol­lowers unarm'd. To this advice of his I was constrain'd to condescend, to the end it might appear that I contemned not that which had so great an appearance of Religion.Jonathan wri­teth to John to come unto him. As soon therefore as we retired every one to our several Lodgings, Jonathan and his Collegues writ to John, to resort unto them early in the Morning with his Men of War, and all the Power he could make; for that they might easily lay hands on me, and ac­complish that which they had so long time long'd for. He receiving this Letter, willingly E obey'd. The next day I commanded two of my stoutest and faithfullest Soldiers to hide their short Swords under their Gowns, and to attend me, to the end that if in any sort we were assailed by the Enemy, we might defend our selves. I put on my Curets also, and girt my Sword by my side, in such sort, as no Man might perceive the same, and came with them to the place of Prayer.

But Jesus, as soon as I was entred with my Friends, having the guard of the gate, would not permit the rest of my Followers to enter with me: and as we were ready to begin our Prayers, according to the custom of the Countrey, Jesus rising up, demanded of me What was become of the Houshold-stuff that was taken out of the King's Palace when it was burnt? Jesus talks with Joseph. and where the bullion of silver was? and with whom I had left the same? all which F he mention'd, that he might delay the time till John's approach. I answer'd, That I had put the same into the hands of Capella, and ten of the chief Nobility of Tiberias, and wil­led him to ask them whether it▪ Joseph's debate with Jesus for twenty pieces of gold. were true that I spake? He did so, and they confessed that they had it. But what (said he) is become of those twenty pieces of Gold, that you receiv'd by the sale of a certain weight of massive silver? I answer'd him, That I had deliver'd the same to the Ambassadors, to defray their charges in their Voyage towards Jerusalem. Hereupon Jonathan and his Collegues said, That I had done amiss, in employing the Publick Treasure to the use of those Ambassadors. The People being displeas'd with this Malice: And when I saw that a Commotion was likely to arise, I thought best to animate the People the more against them; I said, That if I had done amiss in furnishing the Ambassadors out of the com­mon G stock, they should need to take no further displeasure for that: for, said I, I will repay those twenty pieces of Gold out of mine own Purse. Hereupon the People were incensed the [Page 18] more against them, because they manifestly discover'd what hatred they wrongfully bare H unto me. Jesus fearing lest some Disturbance might arise, commanded the People to de­part, The Peoples love to Jo­seph. and onely the Council to stay, for that it was unpossible to examine matters dis­creetly, where so much trouble and turmoil was. The People cryed out, That they would not leave me alone among them. Whereupon there came one to Jesus, who secretly informed him, that John with his armed Men was at hand. Jonathan being unable to contain and conceal his joy, and God so providing for the conservation of my life (since other­wise, Joseph almost suddenly sur­prized by the Enemy, is de­livered from peril. John and his Followers had certainly destroy'd me.) Forbear (said he) ye Tibe­rians, to enquire of the twenty pieces of Gold, Joseph meriteth not punishment for this mat­ter; but because he affecteth the Tyranny, and by his words hath deceived the People of Galilee, and gotten the Sovereignty to himself. As he spake these words, he and those of his Faction I offer'd to lay hands on me, intending to murther me. But those two, whom I had with me, perceiving their intent, drew their Swords, threatning those who attempted to offer me violence. The People likewise gather'd stones to cast at Jonathan, and pull'd me away violently from mine Enemies. As I was getting away, I saw John coming with his Troops; whereupon crossing down a private way that led me to the Lake, I got into a Boat, and went by water to Tarichea, avoiding this danger beyond all hope.

There immediately I sent for the chiefest Men of Galilee, and told them, how contrary to all right,Joseph certifi­eth the Gali­leans how trayterously Jonathan and the Tiberians had dealt with him. I had almost been murther'd by Jonathan and the Tiberians. The Galileans were highly incens'd against them, and conjur'd me, without delay, to make War against them; K or if I list not my self, to suffer them with all expedition to cut off both John and Jona­than, with all their Followers. I restrain'd them the best I could, and represented to them that it was best to expect till such time as we knew what News our Am­bassadors, that were gone to Jerusalem, would bring. To the end to do nothing without their approbation and consent; and by these means I persuaded them. But John seeing that at that time his design had no success, return'd back again to Gis­chala.

Some few days after, our Ambassadors return'd from Jerusalem, and certifi'd us that the People of Jerusalem were much displeas'd with Ananus the High Priest,The hundred Amdassadors return from Jerusalem. and Simon the Son of Gamaliel, that without their consent, they had sent Deputies into Galilee, to L dispossess me of the Government there; and their displeasure was so great, that they were ready to set their Houses on fire. They brought me also Letters, by which the Governors of Jerusalem, upon the instant Request that the People made to them, con­firmed me in the Government of Galilee, and commanded Jonathan and his Associates to return back again with all expedition.An Assembly in Arbela. After I had receiv'd these Letters, I repair'd to the Borough of Arbela, where I assembled the Galileans: before whom I commanded the Ambassadors to report how much the People of Jerusalem were displeased at those things which Jonathan had done against me; and how they confirm'd me in the Go­vernment of this Countrey,The Council held against Joseph by Jo­nathan and his Companions. and recall'd Jonathan and his Confederates back again to Jerusalem: After this, I sent them that Letter that was directed to them, commanding the M messenger to observe very carefully both their actions and countenance. They were great­ly troubled, and sent for John, and those of the Council of Tiberias, with the Governor of Gabara, and consulted with them what was best to do. The Tiberians opinion was, that Jo­nathan and dis Collegues should continue to take care of affairs, and not forsake the City which had put itself into their hands, especially because I would attack them: for that I had so threatned them, they were not asham'd to feign and imagin. This advice not only pleased John, but he further gave this counsel, that two of the Ambassadors should be sent from them to the People of Jerusalem, to accuse me that I had unjustly govern'd Galilee; which they might very easily persuade the People to believe, both in regard of their Authority, as also for that the common People are by nature variable and inconstant. This counsel N that John gave, was allow'd by them all: and it was thought fit that Jonathan and Ana­nias should in person repair to Jerusalem, and the other two remain at Tiberias; and for their Convoy they gave them an hundred armed Soldiers.

The Tiberians after this provided for the reparation of their Walls, gave command­ment to all the Citizens to take Arms,The Tiberians intend War against Joseph. Jonathan with his Followers taken and kept captive. and sent for some supplies to John, who was at Gischala, to strengthen their Garison, if they should any ways be assaulted by me. Jona­than travelling onwards of his Journey, came to Dabaritta, a City situated upon the ut­termost Borders of Galilee in a great Plain: there he met about Midnight with some of my Troops that kept the Watch, who commanded them to lay by their Arms, and kept them Prisoners, as I had commanded them. Hereof Levi, who had the charge of this O Quarter, certifi'd me by his Letters. I dessembling the matter for two days, sent Letters [Page 19] A to the Tiberians, by which I counselled them, to lay their Arms aside, and dismiss every one to his own dwelling place. But they returned me an injurious answer: for they sup­posed that Jonathan and his Train were already arrived in Jerusalem. But I setting light by their Injuries, resolved to use Cunning, rather than Force: for I thought it a dange­rous matter to kindle a Civil War. Being therefore willing to draw them out of their walls, I chose out ten thousand of my best Soldiers, whom I distributed into three Bands, and lodged one Company of them secretly at Dora, in ambush. I placed another thousand in a certain Borough scituate in a mountainous place, some four stades from Tiberias; commanding them, that as soon as I gave them a watch-word or sign, they should break forth:The Tiberians scoff very bit­terly against Joseph. as for my self, I drew into the open field, and there quarter'd. B Which when the Tiberians saw, they made continual Excursions towards me, using ma­ny bitter and injurious Taunts against me: and so great Folly possessed them, that they laid a Coffin in the open Plain, and going round about the same, they scornfully seemed to lament me, as dead, whil'st in the mean time I took pleasure to laugh at their follies.

But being desirous to surprize by some policy Simon and Joazar the two other Col­legues, I sent to desire them that they would march forth a little without their walls, at­tended by their Friends, and a Guard for their security; for that I was minded to con­fer with them upon a Peace,Joseph surpri­zed Simon by subtilty, and leadeth him away prisoner. and to share the Government with them. Simon blinded with Ambition, was so weak as to come forth with all expedition: but Joazar suspect­ing some stratagem, would not adventure without the walls. As soon as I saw Simon, C I went out to meet him, and embraced him kindly, giving him thanks for that he was come down; and after walking along with him, as if I intended to communicate some­what with him in secret, I withdrew him from his Friends; and laying hands on him, I deliver'd him to my Friends to lead him into the Borough, and gave a sign to my Soldi­ers to come forth, and with them I assaulted the City of Tiberias. There was a sharp skirmish on both sides, and the Tiberians had well nigh gotten the Victory: for my Sol­diers began to flie; but perceiving how the matter went, I animated those of my Com­pany, and gave a valiant onset on the Tiberians, who almost had the better, and chased them into their City, and sent another Company by the Lake, to set fire on those Hou­ses which they should first light upon.Joseph surpri­zeth Tiberias. Hereupon the Tiberians thinking their City was D taken by force, cast down their Weapons for fear, and pray'd me to have compassion on their Wives and Children, and to pardon their City. Accordingly, being moved with compassion, I restrained the fury of my Soldiers; and because it was late, I sounded a Retreat, both to spare the City, and relieve my wearied and wounded Soldiers. I sent for Simon to come and sup with me, and comforted him in his misfortune, promising him to send him to Jerusalem with all fafety, and to furnish him for his ordinary expen­ces with all things necessary. The next day, with ten thousand Soldiers, I entred into Tiberias, Joseph sends the Authors of the Sedition to Jotapata. and having assembled the chiefest Citizens in the Hippodrome, I commanded them to discover to me who had been the Authors of that Rebellion. They satisfied me, and I laid hands on them, and bound them, and sent them incontinently to Jotapata. As for Jo­nathan E and his Consorts, I gave them Money for their charges, and sent them back to Je­rusalem with Simon and Joazar, and five hundred Soldiers for their Guard. Hereupon the Tiberians re-assembled themselves before me, beseeching me to pardon their misdeeds, promising me to recompence by their future fidelity their former defection:Those Goods that were ta­ken from the Citizens are restored. and desi­ring me to restore those Goods to the Citizens, which in way of pillage were taken from them. Whereupon I gave command, that all the prey should be brought and laid before me: and whereas the Soldiers delayed to perform the same, I espying one of those Sol­diers that stood by me, better apparelled than he was wont to be, asked him where he had gotten that Garment? who confessing that he had taken it in the spoil of the City, I caus'd him to be well-cudgel'd, and threatned a worse punishment to all those that F would not restore what they had taken away. By which means, recovering a great part of the prey together, I gave every Citizen that which belong'd to him.

In this place I cannot forbear to reprehend Justus, A Reproof of Justus the Hi­storiographer, that falsely ac­cused Joseph. and others, for foul dealing. For ha­ving spoken of this business in their Histories, they are not asham'd to gratifie their pas­sion and hatred by delivering it to Posterity otherwise than indeed it was. In which they differ nothing from Counterfeiters of Evidences, and Razers of Records, but that these Men are more encourag'd by impunity. For Justus, to the end he might seem to employ his time well, undertaking to set down the events of this War, hath belyed me in many things, and hath been no less guilty of falsities in matters relating to his own Coun­trey. For which cause I am necessarily enforced in this place to discover that G which hitherto I have concealed, and to reprove that which he hath falsely te­stified of me: neither is it to be wondered at, that I have so long deferred it. [Page 20] For whosoever writes a History, though oblig'd to speak the Truth; yet is not bound H to inveigh against the wickeder sort too vehemently; not for that they are worthy of this favour, but that he may keep himself within the bounds of prudence and mo­deration.

Tell me therefore Justus (for thou desirest to be held for the man of greatest credit amongst all other Historians) tell me, I pray thee, in familiarity (for I must so talk with thee as if thou wert present before me) how I and the Galileans were the Authors of that Rebellion, which thy Countrey began both against the Romans, and their King. For before I was chosen Governor of Galilee by the People of Jerusalem, both thou and all the Tiberians were not only up in Arms, but had already made War against those of Decapolis in Syria. Thy self hadst burnt their Villages, and one of thy Servants dyed in that encounter. Yet I not I alone witness this, but it is extant also in writing in the Records of the Emperor Vespa­sian, how the Inhabitants of Decapolis supplicated Vespasian then in the City of Ptolemais, that thou mightest be punished, as the Author of their mischiefs: and assuredly thou hadst been punished by the Emperor, had not Agrippa, who received Commission to execute thee, up­on the instant request of his Sister Bernice, spared thy life, and kept thee bound in Prison for a long time. But the sequel of thy actions sufficiently shews what the rest of thy life hath been, and how thou didst cause thy Countrey to rebel against the Romans: whereof I will pro­duce hereafter most evident Arguments, and for thy cause will I urge somewhat against those other Tiberians, and will make it plain to such as shall read these Histories, that thou hast been no friend to Rome, Tiberias Ju­stus Countrey. nor faithful to thy King. And I first instance in the greatest K Cities of Galilee, Sephoris and Tiberias two chief Cities of Galilee. Sephoris and Tiberias, in which thou Justus wert born. The former is scituate in the heart of Galilee, having round about it a number of Villages, and being easi­ly able to make a revolt at pleasure; yet notwithstanding the Citizens thereof resolved to observe their faith to the Romans, and would not receive me, nor take Arms for the Jews. And through the fear they had of me, the Inhabitants surpriz'd me by their artifices, and oblig'd me to encompass their City with a wall: and that done, they willingly entertained a Garison which was sent them from Cestius Gallus, who was General of the Roman Legions in Syria, and deny'd me entrance, because at that time he had a great power, and terrifi'd the Countrey round about. Yea, when our great City of Jerusalem was besieged, and the Tem­ple common to all our Nation, was in danger to fall into the Enemies hands, the Sephorites L sent no succors, to the end it might not be said that they took Arms against the Romans: But thy Countrey, Justus, being scituate upon the Lake of Genazareth distant from Hippos thirty stades, from Gadara sixty, from Scythopolis sixscore, in a Countrey obedient to the King, having not any City of the Jews round about it, might have very easily kept their faith to the Romans, if they had pleas'd. For both the City and People were furnished with Muni­tion in all abundance. But as thou sayest, I was the cause at that time. And who after­wards? For thou knowest that before the siege of Jerusalem, I was in the Romans hands; and that Jotapata was taken by force, and divers other Castles; and that a great number of Galileans had been lost in divers Battels. At that time shouldest thou have delivered thy self of that fear thou hadst of me, laying thine arms aside, and presenting thy self to the M King and the Romans, if thou tookest Arms not of thine own accord, but enforced. But the truth is, you expected Vespasian's coming, even until such time as he begirt your City with a siege, and then laid you your Arms aside for fear of danger: yea, even then had your City been overthrown, except the King in excuse of your folly, had obtained your pardon at Ves­pasian's hands. It was not therefore my fault, but your own, that you behaved your selves like Enemies to the Roman Empire. Do not you remember how often I obtained the victory against you, and how seldom you could complain of Bloodshed? But you falling at dissention one with another, became the instruments of your own ruine; and not for the love you bare either to the King, or the Romans, but of your own malice you slew an hundred eighty five Citizens, at such time as I was besieged by the Romans in Jotapata. Nay more, is it not true,N that during the said siege of Jerusalem, there were more than two thousand Tiberians slain, or taken Prisoners? But perhaps thou wilt alledge, that at that time thou wert no Enemy, be­cause thou wert fled to the King: but I tell thee that thou fleddest thither for the fear thou hadst of me. I am a wicked man, as thou sayest: but what art thou? whom King Agrip­pa delivered from punishment,Justus con­demned to death. at such time as thou wert condemned by Vespasian to lose thy head; whom he made Prisoner twice, and as many times past the sentence of Banishment against, and once commanded to be thine own Murtherer, spar'd thy life upon the importu­nate sollicitation of his sister Bernice. And after so many Crimes committed by thee, ha­ving entertained thee for his Secretary, when he found thy corruption in that office, he ba­nished thee from his presence.O

[Page 21] A But I will say no more of these matters; notwithstanding I wonder at thine impudence, that hast openly protested,Justus knew nothing of the Wars of the Jews. that thou hast written more exactly and perfectly of this matter, than any man; whereas thou art utterly ignorant of those things that were done in Galilee. For at that time thou wert at Berytum with the King, and knewest not what the Romans suf­fer'd at the siege of Jotapata, seeing thou didst not follow us. Neither couldst thou be able to learn how I behaved my self therein, for that there was not one of those that helpt me to defend it left alive to give thee certain intelligence. Thou wilt perhaps say, that thou hast carefully described that which hapned during the siege of Jerusalem. And how is this possible? For thou wert neither agent nor spectator in that War; neither hast thou read the Commentaries of Vespasian. Which I clearly affirm, because thou hast written clean contrary to that which is B contained therein.Justus published his Book when Titus and Ve­spasian were dead. And if thou art so confident, that thy History is truer than others, why didst thou not publish it during the lives of Vespasian and Titus, who were the Generals of that War; or during the life of King Agrippa, and his Relations who were all of them very expert in the Greek tongue? For thou hast kept it written by thee above twenty years, and mightest have produced witness of thine exact diligence before them, who were privy to all things. But now when they are dead, and thou thinkest that no man liveth that may reprove thee, thou hast taken the boldness to publish thy Work. I have used no such policy in my Books, but presented them to the Emperors themselves,Manifest Testi­monies of the truth of Jose­phus History. who were eye-witnesses and actors thereof. For I knew in mine own soul that I had set down all things truly: Whereupon I obtained my ex­pected approbation. Moreover, I communicated the same History with divers others, whereof C some of them were present in the War, as was King Agrippa, and some of his kindred. And Titus the Emperor himself was so desirous that posterity should learn the truth of that History out of these Books, that he placed them in his Library, and caused them to be published, being subscribed with his own hand. ‘As for King Agrippa, he sent me seventy two Epistles, testifying the truth of my Books, whereof two are subjoin'd, to the end that the truth may appear thereby. King Agrippa to his dear friend Joseph, Health: I have with great contentment read the Book, wherein thou seemest in my opinion to have handled this matter more exactly,The first Epistle. than any other. For which cause I pray thee send me the rest. Farewel my friend. King Agrippa to Joseph his dear friend, Health: I perceive by thy writings that thou needest no information from me,The second Epistle. how matters passed from the beginning: yet when we D meet next,’ I will between me and thee tell thee certain things which thou knowest not. Thus was he a witness of the truth of my History:Josephus pro­secuteth his History, and leaveth to de­bare with Justus. not flattering me, for it became him not; neither deriding me, for far was it from so noble a mind to be subject to so servile a folly: but onely to this end, that the truth of my writings might be commended to the Reader by his testimony. And thus much have I thought good to set down by way of answer to Justus.

Now as soon as I had pacified these troubles in Tiberias, and had established a council of such as were well affected towards me, I bethought my self of what concerned me to do in respect of John. All they of Galilee were of the opinion, that I should gather together all the forces of my Government and march against John, and do justice upon E him, as he that had been the Author of all this mischief. But for mine own part, I misliked their counsels, because my desire was to extinguish these Troubles without blood-shed; and for that cause I injoyn'd them with all diligence possible, to learn the names of all those who served under him: which being done, I published a Procla­mation, by which I promised safety and pardon to all those, that should forsake John, assigning them the term of twenty daies, to determine of that which seemed best for their own security: and I threatned to set fire on their houses, and confiscate their goods,Four thousand of John's Followers for­sake him and follow Joseph. except they quitted their Arms. They hearing these things, were greatly troubled, and forsook John; and after they had laid down their Arms, they came unto me to the number of four thousand: so that only about fifteen hundred Men remained F with John, either of Citizens, or strangers of Tyre. When John perceived that he was circumvented by this policy, he ever after remained quiet in his Countrey in great fear.

At that time the Sephorites grew so bold, that they took Arms in confidence of the strength of their walls, and for that they saw me distracted with other business. They sent to Cestius Gallus Governour of Syria, praying him to repair to them with all ex­pedition, and take possession of their City, or send them a Garrison at least. Gallus promised to come to them, but he set down no certain time of his approach. Where­of when I was advertised, I took the Men of War I had, and marched against the Se­phorites, and took their City by force. The Galileans very glad of this opportunity, and supposing the time was come wherein they might satisfy the insatiable hatred G they bare against that City, omitted nothing that might wholly ruine the City, with all the Inhabitants. They set fire on the houses which they found desolate: for the Inhabitants were fled away for fear, and retired into a Fortress. They plundred the [Page 22] Town, and left nothing unspoiled; neither was there any kind of misery which they H inflicted not on their Countrymen.Sephoris spoi­led. Which when I saw, I was much grieved, and commanded them to give over; telling them it was impiety in them, to shew them­selves so savage towards their Countreymen. And seeing that neither by any prayer or command I could draw them to obedience, for that their animosity was so violent, I commanded those that were about me, and whom I most trusted, to spread a rumor that the Romans were entring on the other side of the City with a great Army. All which I did, to the end that by this rumor, I might restrain the fury of the Galileans, and save the City of Sephoris. And this policy took good effect; For when they heard this news they were afraid, and forsook their pillage, to trust to their heels, because I who was their General did the like. For I made a shew, that I believed the rumor to be I true, as well as they: and by this stratagem the City Sephoris was saved beyond all hope.

Tiberias also hardly escaped from being spoiled by the Galileans, Tiberias in danger of ru­ine. through this oc­casion which ensueth: The chiefest of their Council writ to the King, to desire him to come and take possession of their City. The King promised to satisfie them very shortly, and deliver his Letters to one of his chamber, called Crispus a Jew born, to carry the same to the Tiberians. The Galileans took this messenger on the way, and brought him unto me: which when the common people understood, of meer spleen they fell to Arms, and the next day divers of them assembled themselves from all parts, and came to the City of Asoch where I made my abode, and made great ex­clamations, calling the Tiberians traitors, and the Kings friends, and demanding of me K liberty to repair to Tiberias, and raze it to the ground, being as much displeased against the Tiberians, as they were against the Sephorites.

Which when I heard, I stood in great doubt how to deliver the Tiberians from that displeasure, which the Galileans had conceived against them: for I could not deny but that the Tiberians had written and sent for the King: for the answer which he made them,Joseph con­sulteth with himself. did evidently express the same. Having along while debated the matter with my self, I said unto them; I know as well as you that the Tiberians have offended; neither will I hinder you from spoiling their City, but you must proceed to the exe­cution thereof with some prudence. For the Tiberians alone do not betray the publick liberty, but others also, who are more accounted of in the Countrey of Galilee. Stay L therefore until such time as I am throughly informed, who they be that are Authors of this Treason; and then you shall have them all under your hands, with all such you paticularly think worthy punishment. By this discourse I appeas'd the People, who departed from me contented.The Galileans wrath pacified, conceived against the Tiberians. As for the messenger that was sent by the King, I caused him to be imprisoned, having respect to an urgent necessity of mine own, which constrai­ned me to depart out of the Kingdom within a little while. And calling Crispus secretly unto me, I charged him to make the Soldier drunk, who had the charge of him, to the end that he might in all security flie back to the King. Thus Tiberias being ready to be destroyed the second time, by my government and providence, avoided a great and fatal danger.M

At the same time Justus, the son of Pistus, fled to the King without my knowledge; the cause of which flight, I will orderly express. As soon as the Romans had begun the War against the Jews, Justus desi­reth to com­mand Galilee. the Tiberians concluded to obey the King, and in no sort to rebel against the Romans. But Justus persuaded them to take Arms, thirsting after alteration, and ho­ping to usurp the Government of Galilee, and of his own Countrey: but his hope failed him; for the Galileans being enviously bent against the Tiberians, for those injuries they had suffered at their hands before the War, would not allow Justus to be their Governor. My self also, whom the People of Jerusalem put in trust with the Government of Galilee, was oftentimes so much moved, that I failed little of killing Justus; so intolerable was his perfidiousness. He therefore fearing least my displeasure should shorten his days, went N to the King, supposing that he might live more freely and securely with him.

The Sephorites beyond their expectation having escaped this first danger, writ to Ce­stus Gallus the second time; desiring him to come to them, to the end he might seize their City; or else send them Forces to withstand the incursions of their enemies. And they wrought so much, that Gallus sent them a Body of Horsemen, and after them Footmen, who came by night, and were received into their City. But seeing that the Country round about was but in poor estate, by reason of the Roman Horsemen, I drew my Forces to­gether and came to Garizim, where I encamped some twenty stades from Sephoris; and by night I approached the same,Joseph assailed the walls of Sephoris. and set Ladders to the wall, with which I entred a great number of my Soldiers, and became Master of the better part of the City; from O whence notwithstanding we were afterwards constrained to retire, because we knew not all the ways, killing before our departure twelve Roman Footmen and two Horse­men, [Page 23] A with some Sephorites, with the loss of one of ours. Afterwards a Fight hapning between us and their Horsemen in open field, we fought for a long time with disadvan­tage: For the Romans having invironed me on all sides, my Reerward, through the fear they conceived, began to retire. In this skirmish I lost one of my Guard, called Justus, who in times past had served in the very same place under the King.Silas Captain of the King's Guard. After this, the King's Forces both of Horse and Foot came thither, under the Government of Silas Captain of the Guard, who encamping some five stades off from Julias, beset the Highways that lead towards Cana with Men of War, and the Fort of Gamala, to hinder the Inhabitants from receiving any Commodities from the Countrey of Galilee.

As soon as I received News hereof, I sent out two thousand Soldiers under the com­mand B of Jeremy, who lodging themselves within a stade of Julias, near the River Jor­dan, offered nothing else but light skirmishes, until such time as I had gathered three thousand Soldiers more, and came to them. The next day, having planted an Ambush in a certain Trench near the enclosure of their Camp, I touled out the King's Soldiers to skirmish, having first forewarned my Soldiers to feign a flight, till they had drawn their Enemies as far as the Ambush; which they cunningly executed. But Silas supposing that our Men fled for Cowardice, set forward to follow them as fast as he could: but they that lay in Ambush charged him on the back,Joseph putteth the King's Sol­diers to flight. and discomfited his Army: and I pre­sently turning, and making head against them, constrained the King's Forces to trust to their heels; and I should have got a signal Victory, had not Fortune cross'd my C success. For the Horse whereon I rode, falling into a certain Bog, cast me on the ground: whereby my hand being put out of joint about the wrist, I was carried to the Borough of Cepharnom. My Soldiers hearing hereof, and fearing least some worse Misfortune had befaln me, than indeed there had, restrained themseves from pursuing the Enemy any further. Having therefore sent for Physitians, and caused my self to be dressed, I stayed there for that day; and being seiz'd with a Fever, I was carried by Night to Tarichea, according to the advice of my Physitians.

Silas and his Soldiers having News of my accident, recovered their courages; and understanding that we kept but slender watch in our Camp, they laid an Ambush by Night on this side Jordan, Joseph's mis­fortune anima­teth the Ene­my. with their Horsemen; and as soon as the day appear'd, he in­vited D out our Soldiers to fight, who willingly condescended thereunto; and being come into the Plain, they perceiv'd the Men that lay in Ambush; by whom they were put to flight, and six of our Men were slain. But they pursued their Victory no further: For having News that certain Troops were coming from Tarichea to Julias, they were afraid, and returned back.

Not long after, Vespasian arrived at Tyre, accompanied with King Agrippa. Against whom the Tyrians began to utter many reproaches, telling Vespasian, that the King was an Enemy both to the Tyrians and the Romans; Vespasian and Agrippa arrive at Tyre. and that Philip his General, had betray'd the King's Palace and the Roman Army in Jerusalem, and that by the King's Commission. Which when Vespasian understood, he reprov'd this impudent boldness of the Tyrians, E for blaming a King of that power, and a Friend to the Romans: and advised the King to send Philip to Rome, to give account of his actions. But notwithstanding that Philip was sent thither, yet he presented not himself before Nero; for finding him extremely busied with Troubles and Civil Wars, he return'd to the King without doing any thing. When Vespasian was arriv'd at Ptolemais, The governors of Dceapolis accuse Justus. the Inhabitants of Decapolis accused Justus the Tiberian, for burning their Boroughs. Vespasian therefore deliver'd him bound to the King,Of Vespasian's arrival, and the siege of Jota­pata, read Jo­sephus l. 4. c. 5. of the Wars of the Jews. as being his Subject, that he might be punished. And the King before that time, un­witting to Vespasian, kept him Prisoner, as it hath been heretofore declared. The Sepho­rites also resorted to Vespasian to salute him, and receiv'd a Garison from him, with their Commander Placidus, against whom I made War, until such time as Vespasian arriv'd in F Galilee: of which arrival I have amply spoken in my Books of the Wars of the Jews, how he came, how he fought against me, the first time near the City of Tarichea; how I departed from thence to Jotapata; how I fell into the hands of the Romans; how I was afterwards set at liberty; and, in a word, all my actions and fortunes during the Wars of the Jews, and the siege of the City of Jerusalem. But now it seemeth necessary that I describe other things exploited by me during my life-time in other places, than in the Wars of the Jews. After the siege of Jotapata was ended, I was Prisoner with the Ro­mans, and kept very carefully: notwithstanding Vespasian did me much honour. For by his commandment I married a Virgin, that was one of those that had been taken captive in Caesarea. But she remain'd not long with me: for after I was set at liberty, and G that I follow'd Vespasian to Alexandria, she left me. After which, I married another Wife in Alexandria, from whence I was sent to Titus to the siege of Jerusalem, where I was oftentimes in danger of death. For the Jews labour'd what they could to destroy [Page 24] me: and the Romans supposing that as often as the lot of Arms was not favourable to H them,The dangers that Joseph past betwixt the Romans and Jews. it was by my Treason, cryed out continually to the Emperor to execute me for a Traytor. But Titus well-experienc'd in the Chances of War, pacified the violence which his Soldiers intended against me, by his silence. And after the City of Jerusalem was taken, Titus often sollicited me to take what I lik'd among the Ruines of Jerusalem, promising to give it me. But I making small account of any thing after the Ruine of my Countrey, pray'd him onely to give me the liberty of some persons, and the Sacred Bible, which I receiv'd for a great consolation in my miseries. All which he graciously granted me. Not long after, having beg'd my Brother, and fifty other of my Friends, they were given me;Joseph dis­chargeth a number of Captives. and I was refused in nothing. Entring into the Temple by Titus's permission, I found a great number of Prisoners shut up therein; and all those Women I and Children of my Friends and Familiars, whom I knew, I deliver'd, to the number of 190, without paying any Ransom: and I restor'd them to their former free condition. Being sent with Cerealis and a thousand Horse into the City of Tecoa by the Emperor Ti­tus, to see if the place were fit for a Camp; in returning from thence, I saw divers Pri­soners Crucifi'd,Joseph delive­reth three from the G [...]b­bet. amongst which, were three of my Familiars; whereat I was griev'd in my Soul and I came and signifi'd the same to Titus with tears: who incontinently com­manded that they should be taken down, and as carefully drest and cured as might be: two of which dyed, notwithstanding the utmost diligence of the Physitians, and the third surviv'd.

After Titus had appeas'd the Troubles of Judea, Joseph repai­reth with Titus to Rome, and is honorably en­tertained by Vespasian. conceiving with himself that the K possessions which I had about Jerusalem, would yield me but little profit, by reason of the Roman Garison that should be placed there, he gave me Lands a greater distance: and intending to embark himself for Rome, he took me with him in his own ship, and did me great honour. As soon as we came to Rome, Vespasian had great care of me; for he lodg'd me in his own house, where he liv'd before he was Emperor, and honour'd me with the title of a Citizen of Rome, and gave me an annual Pension; and as long as he lived, continued his good affection towards me, omitting no kind of bounty which he might use towards me. Whereupon I was so much envied, that I came in danger there­by to lose my life. For a certain Jew called Jonathan, having stirred up a sedition in Cyrene, Joseph envied and slandered. and gathered about him some two thousand Inhabitants of the Countrey, who L were all severely punisht; and himself being sent bound by the Governor of that Countrey, to the Emperor, he accus'd me that I had sent him Arms and Money. But Vespasian knew his falshood, and caused his head to be cut off. After this, my Enemies objected divers Crimes against me, in regard that I was in good Reputation: but God deliver'd me from them all. Moreover, I received in gift from Vespasian, an ample pos­session in Judaea; and about the [...]me time I forsook my Wife, because her manners plea­sed me not, although she was the Mother of my three Children, of whom two are de­ceased, and the third, called Hircanus, is yet alive. After this, I married a Wife that was born in Candy, Joseph's third Wife. by Nation a Jew, and by Birth Noble, and one of the greatest Repu­tation amongst the Inhabitants, endow'd with as laudable manners, as any other Woman M whatsoever. B [...] her I had two Sons, Justus, who was the eldest, and Simon, who was also sirnamed Agrippa. Thus far touching my domestical affairs. To which I must add, that I have always continu'd to be honour'd with the good-will of the Emperors. For after Vespasian's death, Titus, who succeeded him in the Empire, continued the same favor which his Father had shew'd me. For although I was oftentimes accused, yet were not my Adversaries believ'd. Domitian, who succeeded him, augmented my Honors. For he punish'd those Jews that accused me, and gave order that the Eunuch and slave whom I kept to teach my Son,The perpetual favor of the Caesars to­wards Joseph. and by whom I was accus'd, should be punished. He granted me exemption also from all the Tributes of Judaea, which is one of the greatest Honors that a Man can receive. And as for Domitia the Emperor's Wife, she always continued N her good affection towards me. Behold here the short Recital of my whole Life: where­by let each Man conjecture of my Manners. As for you, O thrice excellent Epaphrodi­tus, after I have dedicated to you the Continuation of my Antiquities, I will forbear to say more thereof.

[Page] [Page] [Page]

A MAP OF THE HOLY LAND delineated for the better understanding of the HISTORY OF IOSEPHUS

By P. du Val the King's Geographer 1675. R▪ White sculp

THE HOLY LAND described according to the NEW TESTAMENT to shew the places remarkable for the residences and journeys of our SAVIOUR.

A Scale of Leagues each consisting of 3000 Geometrical Paces

A THE HISTORY OF THE B JEWS:

C The Preface of Josephus.

THey who apply themselves to write History, have not all one and the same intent and motive, but oftentimes very different causes of their labours. For some are led to this study, by a desire to shew their Eloquence, and to gain Reputation: Others do it, to oblige the persons whose actions they re­late; and they strive to the uttermost to please them. Others engage upon it, because having born a part in the Events which they describe, they are willing that the Publick should have knowledge of the same. Lastly, D others employ themselves this way, for that they cannot suffer that things worthy to be known by all the world, should remain buried in silence. Now of these forenamed causes, the two last are these that incited me to write. For on the one side, in regard I was an Actor in the War against the Romans, and a Witness of the Actions which pass'd therein, and also know what were the several Events thereof, I conceiv'd my self oblig'd and, in a manner, forc'd to write the History of the same, to the end to manifest the unfaithfulness of those, who having written concerning this Subject before me, have disguis'd and perverted the Truth. And on the other side, I have reason to believe that the Greeks will be well pleas'd with this Work, because it will afford them an Account of the Antiquity of our Nation, and the Form of our Common­wealth, Translated out of Hebrew into their own Tongue. When I began the History of the E foresaid War, I purposed to lay open to the World, How and whence the Jews had their first origi­nal; What alterations in Fortune they had fall'n into; By what Lawmaker they had been in­structed in Piety, and incited to the exercise of Virtue; What Wars they sustained through seve­ral Ages; and finally, How, against their will, they became engaged in this last against the Romans. But for that this Subject was too ample and copious, to be treated only in passing, I thought fit to make a separate Work after it, and accordingly set upon this Treatise. After­wards (as it usually hapneth to those that attempt matters of great difficulty) I fell into a certain slothfulness, which made me very backward to resolve upon the Translation of so long a History, into a Foreign Language. Yet some there were, who inflamed with a desire of know­ledge, animated me to this action; and especially Epaphroditus, a man enamor'd of all Learn­ing, F and particularly History; which is not to be wonder'd at, since himself hath had very consi­derable Employments, and experienc'd several Accidents of Fortune; in all which he hath shew­ed a marvellous magnanimity of courage, with an unmoveable resolution to follow Virtue. Be­ing thus persuaded by him, who is accustomed to encourage those whom he perceives dispos'd to perform things profitable and honest; and (which is more) being ashamed in my self, that I should rather take delight to follow idleness, than addict my self to so laudable an exercise; I resum'd my Work, and with so much the greater cheerfulness, when I consider'd with my self, that our Ancestors never made any difficulty to communicate matters of this nature to stran­gers; and that the most famous among the Greeks, have been curious to understand what pas­ses amongst us. For Ptolomy King of Egypt, the second of the Name (highly affectioned G to good Letters, and desirous to store and gather Books at incredible charge) caus'd our Laws and Customs, and manners of living, to be Translated into the Greek Tongue. And our High Priest Eleazar (who was not second in virtue to any other whatsoever) thought not fit to [Page 26] deny this satisfaction to that Prince, as he would without doubt have done, had it not been the H ordinary course of our Ancestors, not to conceal from other men, such things as are good and laudable. For which cause I have held it a matter no ways undecent for me, to follow the goodness and generosity of that worthy High Priest; and the rather, for that even at this day I suppose many are no less well affected to good Letters, than that great King. Yet the Copy of all the Holy Scripture was not given him; but those Translators who were sent unto him to Alex­andria, did only communicate that unto him which belongs to our Law. But the things that are found written in the Sacred Books of Holy Scripture, are innumerable; being the History of five thousand years: in which divers extraordinary Events and Revolutions, sundry great Wars, and many glorious Actions done by excellent Captains are described. In sum, if any one have a desire to read this History, he shall principally learn and observe, That all things fall out I happily, and beyond their expectation, to those men who observe the Will of God, and are afraid to transgress his Commandments; and that God hath prepared for such the crown and reward of Felicity: as on the contrary, that they who depart from the diligent observance thereof, in­stead of succeeding in their designs, (how just soever the same may seem to themselves) fall into all sort of misfortunes, and into miseries without recovery. For which cause I exhort all those that shall read these Books, to conform themselves to the Will of God, and to observe in Moses our excellent Law-giver, how worthily he hath spoken of his Divine Nature; how he hath manifested that all his Works are proportionable to his infinite Greatness; and how his whole Narration thereof is pure and free from the vanity of Fables, wherewith all other Hi­stories are poysoned. For the Antiquity alone of his History secures him from the suspition K that one might entertain of his having mingled any thing of fabulous in his writings; inas­much as he was born more than two thousand years ago, which is a continuance of Ages, to which the Poets neither durst refer the original of their gods; neither the deeds or laws of men, whereof they make mention. But in pursuit of our History, the sequel of our Discourse shall declare all things exactly, and in the order which is observ'd in the Sacred Books. For in com­piling this Work, I have promised neither to add, nor to pretermit any thing: And for that all whatsoever we shall declare, doth almost wholly depend on the knowledge which the wisdom of our Lawmaker Moses hath given us thereof; it is necessary before all other things, that I speak somewhat of himself; lest perhaps any man should wonder, that in a History wherein it may seem that I ought to relate nothing but Actions pass'd, and Precepts concerning manners, never­theless L I intermix so many things which concern the knowledge of Nature. We ought therefore to know, that Moses thought it most especially necessary, for him that will either virtuously dis­pose his own life, or impose Laws to other men, to begin with the knowledge of God; and after having attentively consider'd all his Works, to strive as much as in him lieth, to imitate his most perfect example, and follow him with all diligence. For it is impossible, that a Law­giver being void of this contemplation, should have good sense; or that his writings should be of any moment to induce them unto virtue, who should receive those Laws, except before all things they learn, that God who is the Father, and Lord of all, and that seeth all, giveth happy life un­to those that follow him; and contrariwise invironeth them with great calamities, who forsake the way of virtue and righteousness. Moses therefore intending to instruct his Citizens in M this doctrine, began not his Ordinances with the Treatise of Contracts and Covenants, which we practise one with another, as other Lawgivers are accustomed to do, but he hath raised their minds to the knowledge of God, taught them in what manner this World was made by him, and shew'd them that the principal work among all those things which God made in the World, is Man. And after that he had made them capable of things concerning Piety, then might he more easily persuade them in the rest. Whereas other Lawgivers, addicting themselves unto Fables, have in their discourse imposed on their gods the infamy of sins committed by men, and by that means have brought to pass, that the wicked sort are yet more wicked, and addicted to evil do­ing. But our admirable Lawgiver, after having declared that God is in himself all virtue pure and unspotted, he shews that men also ought to endeavor to imitate the same; and on those N that neither conceive nor believe those things, he inflicteth a grievous and inevitable punishment. I exhort the Reader therefore to examine our Writings according to these Rules: for to those that consider after this manner, nothing shall seem either absurd or unworthy the Majesty of God, or of his love to men; by reason that all things have their disposition conformable to the universal nature, which our Lawgiver hath declared sometimes obscurely, sometimes in conve­nient Allegories gravely; and elsewhere expressing that manifestly, and publishing that in plain words, which ought openly to be made known. The causes whereof, if any man would search, he might find need of a most deep and philosophical contemplation; which I overslip at this present, without staying longer thereon: but if God shall give me time, I will inforce my self to compose it in a Volume, as soon as I shall have finished this Work. For this present then I O will apply my self, to relate those things which have been done, beginning at the Creation of the World, according as Moses hath taught us, and I have found written in the Holy Scriptures.

A The First Book of the History of the JEWS, drawn out of the Old Testament, and continu'd to the Empire of NERO, by FLAVIƲS JOSEPHƲS, under the Title of JEWISH ANTIQUITIES.

The Contents of the Chapters of the First Book.
  • 1. The Creation of the World. Adam and Eve disobey the Command of God, and are dri­ven B out of the earthy Paradise.
  • 2. Cain kills his Brother Abel. God banishes him for it. His Posterity is as wicked as him­self. The Virtues of Seth the other Son of Adam.
  • 3. Of the Posterity of Adam till the Deluge, from which God preserved Noah and his Family in the Ark.
  • 4. Of the Tower of Babylon, and the change of Tongues.
  • 5. How Noah's Posterity disperst themselves thorough the whole World.
  • 6. The Descendants of Noah down to Jacob. The several Countries which they possess'd.
  • 7. How Abraham the Author of our Nation departed from the Land of the Chaldeans, and dwelt in the Countrey of the Canaanites, which is now called Judea.
  • C 8. Abraham pressed by Famine, departed into Egypt; where having stayed awhile, at last he returned back again.
  • 9. The overthrow of the Sodomites by the Assyrians. Lot is taken Prisoner.
  • 10. Abraham parsueth the Assyrians, and returneth victorious.
  • 11. The destruction of Sodom.
  • 12. Of Ishmael, Abraham's Son; and of the Arabians Posterity.
  • 13. Of Isaac, Abraham's Legitimate Son.
  • 14. The death of Sarah, Abraham's Wife, Gen. 23. per totum.
  • 15. How the Nation of the Troglodytes descended from Chetura the Wife of Abraham.
  • 16. Of Abraham's death, Gen. 25. 7, 8.
  • D 17. Of Isaac's Sons, Esau and Jacob, and of their Nativity and Education, Gen. 25.
  • 18. How Jacob fled into Mesopotamia for fear of his Brother, Gen. 28.
  • 19. Isaac dieth, and is buried in Hebron, Gen. 35. 29.

CHAP. I.
The Creation of the World. Adam and Eve disobey the Command of God, and are driven out of the earthly Paradise.

IN the Beginning God created Heaven and Earth. The year of the World, 1, before Christ's Nativity, 3963. Now the Earth, not being subject to sight, but covered with thick darkness, and traversed with an Air coming from E high: God commanded that there should be Light; and after the Light was made, having considered the universal matter, he separated the Light from the Dark­ness, and named the Darkness Night▪ Gen. 1. 1. ad fin. and the Light Day; calling the Morning the beginning of the Day,Hedio & Ruf­fi [...], cap. 1. and the Evening the time wherein we cease from Travel; and this was the first Day which Moses in his language called a Day, and not the first Day: whereof at this present I could give a sufficient reason;The creation of the world. but for that in a particular Dis­course I have promised to write of all such things;The first day. I will refer the declaration thereof to its convenient time and place.The [...]econd day. After this, on the second Day, God created the Hea­ven, and placed it above all the World, having separated it from other things; and ma­king it firm by the means of a Cristalline matter, he endowed it with a quality moist and F rainy,The third day. to the end the same might render the Earth fruitful. The third Day, he firmly established the Earth, spreading the Sea round about the same; and the same Day, he with a word caused all Plants and Seeds to spring upon the face of the Earth.The fourth day. The fourth Day, he embellished the Heavens, with the Sun, the Moon, and the Stars, ordaining them their motions and courses, by which the seasons orderly ensuing might be distinguisht. In the fifth Day,The fifth day. he made all kind of living Creatures which dwell upon the face of the Earth, as well those that swim in the deep Waters, as those that flie in the Air; uniting them together by couples and pairs, to the end that each, in their kind, might increase and multiply.The sixth day. The sixth Day, he made all Four-footed Beasts, and distinguisht them into Male and Female: and in the same Day, he formed Man. So that Moses saith, That the G World, Gen. 2. 2. and all that is therein, was made in six Days, and that on the seventh Day, God took rest, Sabbatum, and ceased from his labour. By reason whereof, we likewise desist from Travel on that Day, which we call the Sabbath, which in our language signifies Rest.

[Page 28] After the seventh day, Moses describes more particularly the original of Man, and the H manner of his Creation,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 1. in these terms; God framed Man of the dust of the earth, and breath'd into him a Spirit and Soul;Gen. 2. 19. which Man was called Adam, an Hebrew word, sig­nifying red, Gen. 3. 20. because he was made of earth, which was red or yellow; for the natural earth,The first na­ming of all creatures. called Virgin-earth, is of that colour. Then brought God all kind of living Crea­tures before Adam, shewing him as well the male as the female; on whom Adam bestow­ed those names, which to this present time they retain. And seeing that Adam had no fe­male to accompany and live with him (for as yet there was no Woman) and for that he thought it strange that all other living Creatures had their companions:The year of the World, 1. before Christ's Nativity, 2963. God took one of his ribs from him at such time as he slept, and of the same he form'd a Woman; who being brought before Adam, he did acknowledge that she was made for him. Now in He­brew I a Woman is called Isha, but this was called Eva, which is as much as to say, The Mother of all Living. He declareth also, that God planted in the East a Garden, flourishing and adorned with all sorts of Plants, Gen. 2. 21. amongst which was the Tree of Life, and another the Tree of Knowledge, Eve the mo­ther of all li­ving creatures. by which was known both good and evil. And after he had brought Adam and his Wife into this Garden, he commanded them to keep and cherish the Plants. Now this Garden was watered by a River that invironed it round about,17. Paradise. and divided it self into four Channels or Rivers. The four floods of Para­dise. The first called Phison (which name signifieth abundance or multitude) floweth by the Land of India, and entreth into the great Sea, and is by the Greeks called Ganges. 10, 11, 13, 14. The first Phi­son or Ganges. [...]. The second called Euphrates, and in Hebrew Phora (that is to say, dis­persion or flower.) And the third called Tigris or Diglath (which signifieth strait and swift) K fall into the Red Sea. Gehon, which is the fourth, runneth through the Countrey of Egypt, Hed. Seth. and signifieth as much as coming from the East: the Greeks call it Nilus.

Now God commanded Adam and his Wife to eat of the fruits of all other Plants,2. Euphrates. but to abstain from that of Knowledge,3. Tigris. telling them,4. Gehon, Ni­lus. that at what time soever they should taste of the same,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 3. they should die the death. Now at that time, all living Creatures were at accord one with another; but the Serpent, who was very tame towards Adam and his Wife, Gen. 3. 1. became inflamed with envy, The subtilty of the Serpent. 3, 4, 5. for that he saw they should be happy, if they conti­nued in the observation of God's Commandments: and that contrariwise, they should cast themselves headlong into ruine and destruction, if they should disobey the same. He therefore maliciously persuaded the Woman to taste the fruit of the Tree of Knowledge, L giving her to understand, that the knowledge of good and evil was in the same; and that as soon as they had tasted thereof, they should lead a life no less happy than God him­self: and by this means he caused the Woman to fall, who had no regard of the ordi­nance of God. For having her self tasted of this fruit, and finding it pleasant and delici­ous in taste, 6. Adam and Eves fall. she persuaded her Husband also to taste the same: whereupon they under­stood that they were naked, and sought means to cover themselves: (for this fruit had in it self the virtue to give understanding, and to quicken the mind.) Then covered they themselves with Fig-leaves; 7. which they put before their Privities, esteeming them­selves more happy than they were before, in that they now knew that which before they were ignorant of. But when God came into the Garden, Adam (who before was accusto­med M familiarly to talk with him) finding himself guilty of sin,8, 9. hid himself from his pre­sence: but God asked him for what cause he fled and shunned him at that time, whereas before he had taken pleasure to talk familiarly with him? Adam knowing that he had transgressed the Ordinances and Commandments of God, answer'd him not a word, but God spake unto him after this manner:God speaketh unto Adam. I had provided for you the means whereby you might have led your life without any evil, or sense of misery; so that all whatsoever was requisite for necessity or pleasure,12. Adam asketh pardon. might have hapned of it self unto you, by my only providence, without any travel or care on your parts; which if you had well used, your life would have been very lovely and very happy:Adam's pu­nishment. but you have scorned this mine Ordinance▪ and broken my Commandments.13. Eves punish­ment. For in that thou art silent at this time, it pro­ceedeth N not of respect, but of evil; of which thou findest thy self culpable. Adam excu­seth his sin as well as he could,17, 18. The Seed of the Woman (that is, Christ) shall bruise the Ser­pent's head. and prayed God not to be incensed against him, laying the fault of that which had hapned, upon his Wife, alledging that he had offended, by reason he was deceived by her: and the Woman accused the Serpent. But God for his punishment, because he had suffer'd himself to be overcome by the counsel of a Woman, declared that the earth thenceforward never more of its own accord should bring forth fruit; but on­ly when they till'd it with the sweat of their countenance:Gen. 3. 14, 15. nor should it always yield all that was expected from it.The Serpent's punishment. And as touching Eve, he chastised her with Child-bearing, and throes in Travel; for that being her self deceived by the Serpent, she had drawn her Hus­band by the same means into extreme misery. He took also from the Serpent his speech, and O was displeased with him,Joseph's ig­norance in un­derstanding this place of Scripture. by reason of the malice he had conceived against Adam; and he put venom on his tongue, declaring him an enemy both to Man and Woman; whom [Page 29] A he commanded to bruise the head of the Serpent, as well for that all the evil which chanced unto Men,14. proceeded from his head; as also in that being assaulted in that part, he is most easily put to death.The year of the World, 1. before Christ's Nativity, 3963. Moreover, having deprived him of his feet, he condemned him to slide and trail himself along the earth. After God had ordained them to suffer these punishments, he drove Adam and Eve out of the Garden of delights, into nanother place.

CHAP. II.
Cain kills his Brother Abel. God banishes him for it: His Posterity is as wicked as himself. The virtues of Seth the other Son of Adam.

B BUt Adam and Eve had two male-children, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 2. the first whereof was called Cain (which signifies acquisition) and the second was called Abel (which signifies mourning) they had also three Daughters.Gen. 4. v 1, 2. These Brothers were of very different inclinations.Of Cain and Abel Brethren. Abel the younger honoured justice, and (supposing that God was present in all his actions) he always and wholy fixed his thoughts on virtue: and his exercise was keeping of sheep. But Cain (being a wicked Man,2. The year of the World, 70. before Christ's Nativity, 894. and addicted to unsatiable desire of profit) was he that first found out the use of the Plough. He killed his Brother for the cause which ensueth, Having concluded among themselves to sacrifice unto God, Cain offered the fruits of his labour, and planting; Abel presented milk, and the firstlings of his fold: which sacrifice of his, was more acceptable to God, in that it rather consisted of things produced of themselves by the order of nature, 3. The sacrifice of Cain and Abel. than that which Cains covetousness C had forcibly in a manner extorted from nature. Hereupon Cain (being enrag'd because his Brother Abel was more honoured by God than himself, slew his Brother; and having hidden his body out of sight,4. Weak reason in Josephus. he thought the murder would be concealed. But God well knowing the fact, appeared to Cain, and questioned him concerning his Brother, what was become of him, 5, 6, 7. Cain slew his Brother Abel. for that for some days he had not seen him; whereas before they had been always together. Cain (being troubled, and ignorant what answer to make unto God) said at first that he wondred what was the cause his Brother was so long absent:8. The talk be­twixt God and Cain. but afterwards being troubled that God continued the question, and more closely press'd him; he said he was not his Brothers keeper, nor bound to take care of his affairs.9. 10, 11, 12. Then God reproved and convicted Cain of murthering his Bro­ther, D and ask'd him how he dar'd deny the knowledge of his brothers death, where as he himself had slain him. Notwithstanding God forbare to inflict upon him the punishment deserved for this murther, by reason that Cain offer'd sacrifice, and made request unto God, that it would please him to remit somewhat of the severity of his justice against him. Yet did God curse him, and threaten to punish his Posterity to the seventh Generation.Cain's banish­ment. Then did he drive him and his Wife out of that Countrey: whereat Cain being affrighted (for fear of being encountred and devour'd by some Savage Beasts) God commanded him to suspect no dangerous event for that cause,14. as­suring him that he might safely travel thorow all Regions,15. without being either as­saulted or seized by Savage Beasts: and having set his mark upon him, by which he E might be known, he commanded him to depart the Countrey. After that Cain (ac­companied with his Wife) had travelled thorow divers Regions, he made his abode at Nais, 16. Cain is not bettered by Gods chastise­ments. and in that place had several Children. But he made not use of this chastise­ment for his better amendment, but rather became worse and worse; for he abandoned himself to all sensual pleasures, making it his sport to outrage those with whom he conversed, filling his house with riches gotten by rapine and violence: and gathering together other wicked and debauch'd Men, he taught them to commit all sorts of crimes and impieties: he destroy'd that simplicity which Men before that time had used in their mutual societies,Measures and Waights found out by Cain. by the inventions of Measures and Weights; the ignorance whereof was the cause that the life of Man was estranged from deceit: but instead F and place of free and plain sincerity, Enos the first City. he introduced fraud and deceit. He it was that first bounded the fields, and built the first City, and made a Wall and a rampire, enfor­cing his Followers to dwell therein. This City he named Enos, by the name of Enos his first begotten Son. Jared was the Son of Enos; of Jared issued Malaleel, whose Son was Methusala, 1 [...], 18, 20. who begot Lamech, who had 77 Children by his two Wives, Sella and Ada; amongst whom, Jobel the Son of Ada was the first that made Tents, and took delight to lead a pastoral life; contenting himself with the same. Jubal his Brother invented Musick,Jubal inventes of Musick. and the Psaltery, and Harp. And as touching Thobel one of his Sons, by his other Wife Sella, he surpassed all his other Brethren in courage, and bravely managed the affairs of War, by which means he got Riches, and Means to maintain his G life with more pleasure than formerly.21, 22. He it was that first invented the art of Forging, and was Father to a Daughter named Naama. But Lamech being well instructed in divine things, and foreseeing that he should suffer punishment for the fratricide of Cain, he told it to his two Wives.

[Page 30] So it was, that during the life of Adam himself, the successors of Cain were most H wicked,Ver. 23, 24. teaching and imitating one anothers wickedness, the last of them proving always the worst;The year of the World, 70, before Christ's Nativity, 2894. so that they were strangely inflamed to follow War and Theft: and if perhaps some of them were more remiss than others in committing Murthers, and outrages; yet were they rapacious enough to spoil and possess the goods and heritages of other Men. But Adam the first Man made of Earth (for the History requireth that I should return to speak of him) after the death of Abel, and the flight of Cain, earnestly desired to have Children; Cain the Fa­ther of hypo­crits and evil Men. and accordingly he had many, being about the age of two hundred and thirty years: besides which, after he had lived some seven hundred more, at last he died; amongst whose Children was Seth. Now for that it were too long to speak of all of them, I will onely touch that which concerneth I Seth: 25. Adams years, 930. He being nourished and trained by his Father to the years of discretion, studied virtue, and left his descendants Heirs and followers of his sanctity: who being all of them well born,Gen. 4. 26. remained in the World free from all contention,Gen. 5, 3, 4, 5, and lived happily:Seth the Son of Adam a ver­tuous Man. so that it never hapned that any of them in any sort did injury to any Man. To these we owe the science of Astronomy, and all that which concerneth the Beauty and Order of the Heavens. And to the end that their inventions might not wear out of the memories of Men, nor perish before they were perfectly known, (insomuch as Adam had foretold them of the general destruction of all things after two sorts,Two Pillers raised. the one by the force of fire, and the other by the violence and abundance of Waters) they made two pillars; the one of Brick, and the other of Stone; and in­graved K in each of them such things as they had invented; to the end if that of Brick should be abolished by the overflowings and rage of Waters, that other of Stone might remain, and declare unto Men that which was imprinted thereon for their instructions. That of Brick was destroyed by the deluge, but the other of Stone is to be seen in the Countrey of Syna even to this present day.

CHAP. III.
Of the Posterity of Adam till the Deluge, from which God preserved Noah and his Family in the Ark.

IN this manner Mankind liv'd for seven Generations,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 6. honouring one God the Lord L of all things, and having always a respect of virtue. But afterwards in process of time,Gen. 5. 6. they degenerated from the ancient institutions of their fore-fathers,Those whom Josephus na­meth in this place Angels, Moses calleth the Sons of God. neither observ­ing humane Laws, nor continuing their accustomed service of God; and they that before industro [...]sly exiercised themselves in virtue, afterward with twice as zealous study followed wickedness; and grew at last to that height of impiety, that they provoked Gods heavy displeasure against them. For the Angels of God marrying with the Daugh­ters of Seth's descendants,Gen. 6. 2. produc'd a race of insolent People, contemners of all good, by reason of the trust they had in their Forces;Heb. 11. 7. and for their heinous actions not unlike the Giants which the Greeks mention in their Fables.2. Pet. 2. 7. 11. 13. But Noah perplexed and extremely M displeased with such their misdemeanors, exhorted them to change their lives, and amend their misdeeds: and (seeing them moved by no admonitions, but wholly possessed with the pleasure which they took in vices) he fearing lest they should kill him and his Family, left them to their loosness, and with his Wife, Children, and all his Family, departed into another Countrey.Noah depart­eth into ano­ther Countrey 13. Then God (who lov'd him for his justice) became so provoked with the malice and corruption of the rest of Mankind, that he resolved to destroy all Creatures whatsoever in the World, and to produce another new race innocent, and repurged from all impiety: He abridged also the time of their life, so that they lived not any more so long as they were wont, but onely attained the term of sixscore years; and he covered the Land with Waters, by which means all of them N were destroyed;14. Noahs Ark. onely Noah escaped by the means and way which God taught him: He built an Ark of four stages; in length three hundred Cubits; in breadth fifty: and in height thirty: into this he entred with his Mother, his Wife, and his Children, and their Wives, 15. having provided himself of all things requisite both for their sustenance and use: he closed also therein all sorts of living creatures, Gen. 7. 2, 7, 8. two and two, male and female, for the conservation of every kind, and of some of them seven couples. The sides of this Ark were strong,Noahs genea­logy. and the cover also; so that no water could pierce the same, and whatsoever storm might come,The deluge. it was able to resist it. Thus was Noah (by lineal descent, the tenth from Adam) saved with all his houshold; for he was the Son of Lemech, whose Father was Methusala the Son of Enos, the Son of Jared, the Son of Malaleel, O who with divers other Brethren were begotten by Cainan, who was the Son of Enos who was the Son of Seth, who was the Son of Adam. This destruction hapned in the [Page 31] A six hundredth year of Noah's age (and the second month,The year of the World, 1656. before Christ's Nativity, 1308. which was called Dius by the Macedonians, and by the Hebrews Marsomane) for so have the Egyptians distinguisht the year, but Moses sets down Nisan for the first month in his Chronicles, which is Xanthicus among the Macedonians (for that in this month he brought the Israelites out of the thraldom of the Egyptians;) Nisan or Zan­thicus is April to us. He made this Law therefore, that all things which appertain to divine service, should take their beginning and reckoning from this month: but in respect of civil matters, as Fairs and Markets appointed for Traffick, he observed the ancient order of the year, beginning in December. Moses writes that the Deluge began the seven and twentieth day of the second month in the year two thousand two hundred fifty and six, 11. after the Creation of the first Man Adam (which time is carefully B calculated in Holy Writ,Gen. 5 a v 3. ad finem. in which the birth and death of great personages of that time are most exactly set down.)This compari­son doth not exactly agree with the He­brews, and the 70 Interpre­trs. At such time then as Adam was 230 years old, his Son Seth was born unto him; and the same Adam lived 930 years. Seth about the age of 250 years, begat Enos, who after he had lived 905 years, left the Government of his affairs to his Son Cainan, whom he had begotten about the 190 year of his age. After that Cainan had lived 910 years, he had his Son Malaleel, begotten by him in the 170 year of his age. The said Malaleel having lived 195 years died, leaving his Son Jared: Gen. 5. 24. who at the age of 162 years, begat Enoch, Enochs death is not written in holy Scrip­tures. who lived 962 years. After Enoch, succeeded his Son Methusala, begotten about the age of 162 years, at such time as the said Enochs Father was yet alive: and after that Enoch had lived 365 years, he was taken C up unto God (whence it cometh to pass that his decease hath not been mentioned by any writer.) Methusala the Son of Enoch, in the year of his age 187, had Lamech for his Son, who lived 782 years, and to whom he left the Soveraignty, having held the same 969 years. And Lamech after he had governed 707 years, declared his Son Noah Governor, at such time as the said Lamech had lived 182; which Noah liv'd the space of 900 years.

All these years calculated into one sum, make the number of 2256; yet to perfect this account, we ought not to seek out the decease of the Personages (for they lived in the same time that their Children and successors did:)Gen. 7. 4. but the onely thing we are to observe, is their births.In the Geek copy, and Mo­ses are 40 days [...]v. 17. ad 20. Now God having given the sign, and the rain falling for the space D of forty dayes together, the waters rose and overflowed the whole earth fourteen Cubits, (so that there was no means of flight, or place of refuge for any.) But as soon as the rain was ceased,The Latine Josephus, 90. the water began to decrease by little and little for the space of one hundred and fifty days,Gen. 8. 1. till the 27 day of the seventh month; when Noah perceiving that the Ark was on ground upon the top of a certain Mountain of the Countrey of Armenia he opened the window, and seeing the earth a little discover it self round about he concei­ved some better hope, and began to comfort himself. Some few dayes after, when the water was ebbed somewhat more,Noah sendeth a Raven out of the Ark. he sent out a Raven (desiring to know if the rest of the earth were delivered from the waters, and whether without danger he might go out of the Ark.8. But the Raven finding the earth still cover'd with water, returned unto E Noah: who the seventh day after sent out a Dove to discover the state of the earth, which returned bemired, and bearing in its mouth an Olive branch: whereby Noah perceived that the earth was freed from the Deluge; and having still waited seven dayes more, Noah forsaketh the Ark, and sacrificeth to God. he set at liberty all living Creatures that were in the Ark. But as soon as him­self, his Wife, and his Family came forth, he offered sacrifice unto God, and Feasted, and reioyced,16, 17. both he and all his houshold. The Armenians in their language have called the place where Noah descended, Apobaterion (which signifieth a descent) and in that place, even at this present, the Inhabitants of the Countrey shew some remainers of the Ark. All Historians, even the Barbarians, have made mention of this Deluge, and of the Ark: amongst whom is Berosus the Caldean, who setting down the occurrances F of this Deluge, writeth after this manner: Some say likewise that a certain part of this Ark is still seen in Armenia, upon the Mountain of the Cordaeans, and that some persons have brought from thence some of the Pitch wherewith it was Calked, which the Men of that place are wont to use instead of a preservative against inchantment. Hierome the Egyptian also (who hath written of the Antiquities of the Phoenicians) hath made mention of this matter:Nicholas Da­mascen of No­ahs Ark. as also Mnaseus, with divers others. Nicholas of Damascus likewise in his Ninety sixth Book speaketh hereof after this manner: Above the Region of the Mineans there is a great Mountain in Armenia called Baris, in which it is reported that divers retired themselves for safety, during the time of the Deluge, and there escaped: and that a certain Man born on an Ark, arrived on the highest top of that Mountain; and that certain pieces G of that bottom had been kept there a long while. 'Tis probable this is the Man of whom Moses the Law giver of the Jews maketh mention. But Noah fearing lest God (having condemned all Men to a general perdition) should every year overflow the earth after [Page 32] this manner offered burnt-sacrifice unto God, beseeching him, that hereafter he would H maintain the antient order,The year of the World, 1687. before Christ's Nativity, 2307. and that no such great calamity might arrive, by which all living Creatures might come in danger to be utterly destroyed and exterminated; but that having inflicted deserv'd punishment on the wicked, he would spare the Innocent, whom in his mercy he had preserved from the past danger; otherwise they should be more miserable,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 6. than those that had been buried in the waters, if having beheld with trembling so strange a desolation they should not be preserv'd from the first, but to perish by a second.Gen. 8. 20. He prayed therefore that he would be pleased to accept of his sacrifice,Noah pra [...]eth God that he will drown the earth no more. and in his mercy vouchsafe not to conceive hereafter a ruinous hate and displeasure against the earth; to the end that he and his posterity might by their labours Till it, and building them Cities might possess the same in peace, wanting none of those commodities I which they enjoyed before the Deluge: but that they might equal their fore-fathers in age, and length of life.

Noah having in this sort finished his requests,12. God heareth Noahs Prayer. God (who loved him for the uprightness of his heart) granted him his request, and said he had not been the Author of their deaths who were drowned,Nota. but that they themselves by their own wickedness had pro­cured those punishments due upon themselves.Hedi & Ruf­finus, cap. 8. Man is the au­thor of his death, not God. For had he desired that they should be extinguished, he would not have brought them into the World. For better it is, not to grant life, than to destroy those to whom it is given. But (said God) through their contempt of my service and graces,Gods covenant with Noah. they have inforced me to destroy them with the rigor of this vengeance: hereafter I will not so severely pursue and punish their ini­quities,K in my displeasure,The year of the World, 2007, before Christ's Nativi [...]y, 1949. especially for thy sake: And if hereafter at any time I shall send any tempest, fear not (how great and hideous soever the storms be) for there shall be no more Deluge of water upon the earth. In the mean time I command you to keep your hands innocent from murther, and all man-slaughter; and to punish those that commit wickedness.The Rainbow the sign of atonement be­tween God and Noah, Gen. 9. 11, 12, 14. 15. I leave the use of all other living Creatures to your sustenance or service; in as much as I have made you Lords over them all, as well those that breathe upon the face of the earth, as those that swim in the waters, and such as inhabit and flie in the air: but you shall not eat any blood, in as much as therein consisteth the soul and life of living Creatures.Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 8. And I declare unto you, that I will forbare to draw the shafts of my displeasure against Men; And I will give you the Rainbow for a sign of the L promise which I make to you.Noahs age 950. years.

Noah lived after the Deluge 350 years; and having spent all the rest of his life in happiness▪ he died after he had lived in the world nine hundred and fifty years. Nei­ther is there cause why any Man (comparing this our present age and the shortness there­of, with the long life of the Antients) should think that false which I have said: neither followeth it, that because our present life extendeth not to such a term and continuance of years, therefore they of the former World attained not the age and long life which we publish of them. For they being beloved of God, and newly created by him, using also a kind of nutriment agreeing with their natures, and proper to pro­long their lives, it is no absurd thing to suppose that their lives were of that continu­ance,M Why they in tim [...]s past lived longer than we do. considering that God gave them long life, to the end that they should teach virtue, and should conveniently practice those things which they had invented, the Sciences of Astronomy and Geometry: the demonstrations whereof they never had attained, except they had lived at the least six hundred years. For the great year is accomplished by that number of years:The great year. whereof all they bear me witness, who either Greeks or Barba­rians, have written antient Histories. For both Manethon (who hath written the History of Egypt) and Berosus, who registred the acts and affairs of the Chaldeans (together with Mochus, Hestiaeus, Hierom of Egypt, who writ those of the Phoenicians) and others, accord with me in that which I have said. Hesiodus also, Hecataeus, Hellanicus, and Acusilas, Ephorus, and Nicolaus do declare, that they of the first World lived one thousand years. Notwith­standing N let every man judge of these things,Gen. 9. 18▪ 19. as best liketh him.

CHAP. IV.
Of the Tower of Babylon, and the change of Tongues.

NOah had three Sons,Th [...] year of the World, 1790, before Christ's Nativity, 2174. Sem, Japhet, and Cham, born one hundred years before the De­luge. Gen. 10. per totum. These first descended from the Mountains into the Plains, and there made their habitation: which when other Men perceived (who for fear of the Deluge had fled the Plains, N [...]ah's three Sons. and for that cause were loth to forsake the Mountains) they gathered courage,God com­manded the posterity of Noah to inha­bit the [...]th. and persuaded themselves to do the like: and the Plain where they dwelt was called S [...]ar. And whereas they were commanded by God, that (by reason of the O increase and multitude of Men) they should send Colonies to inhabit divers Countries of the World (to the end no quarrels might grow betwixt them; but [Page 33] A contrariwise in labouring and tilling a great quantity of ground, they might gather great store of fruits) they were so ignorant, that they disobeyed God, and falling into great calamities, suffered the punishment of their offence. Now God seeing their number con­tinually increase, he commanded them again to divide themselves into Colonies. But they (forgetting that the Goods which they possessed, proceeded from him, and his bounty, and presuming that their force was the only cause of their abundance) did not obey him,Ver. 8, 9. but rather suspected that God sought to betray them, to the end that being thus divided, he might the more easily destroy them; Nimrod the Grandson of Cham one of Noah's Sons, incited them in this sort to mock and contemn God. He put them in the head that they should not believe that their prosperity proceeded from God, but that they ought to at­tribute B it to their own valor, which furnish'd them with so much riches: so that in a little space he reduced their estate to a tyranny; supposing by this onely means that he might make Men revolt against God, if he might persuade them to submit themselves to his Government;Chap. 11. 2, 3, 4. giving them to understand, that if God should once more threaten a De­luge, he would protect them against him, and to that end build a Tower, to whose top the water should not reach, and also revenge the death of their Predecessors. The stupid People gave ear to these persuasions of Nimrod, supposing it to be pusillanimity in themselves, if they should obey God. For which cause they began to build the Tower with their utter­most industry; neither was there any one idle in all that work: yea, so great was the number of Labourers, that in a little time the work was raised to a height beyond all ex­pectation. C The thickness of it was so great, that it obscured the height: and it was built of burnt Brick, [...] and cimented and joined with a bituminous morter, to the end that it might be­come the stronger.

God seeing their madness, yet condemned them not to a general extermination (by reason that they had made no profit by their example, The confusion of Tongues. who perished in the first Deluge) but made them mutiny the one against another by changing of their tongue;Ver. 6, 7, 8. so that by rea­son of their diversity of language, they could not understand one another. The place where this Tower was builded, 9. is at this present called Babylon (by reason of the confusi­on of tongues that first began in that place) for Babel in Hebrew signifieth confusion. Of this Tower, and the diversity of languages, Sibylla makes mention in these words: At such D time as men used one kind of language,Sibyls prophe­cy of the Tow­er of Babel. they built a most high Tower, as if they meant by the same to mount up into Heaven; but the gods rais'd winds, and overthrew the Tower, and sent amongst the Builders distinct and several languages; whence it came to pass, that the City which was afterwards built in the same place was called Babylon. But as touching the field of Senaar where Babylon stands, Hestiaeus testifieth after this manner: It is said of those sacrificers, who escaped from this great disorder, that they took the Sacred Reliques of Jupiter the Conqueror, and came into Senaar of Babylon.

CHAP. V.
How Noah's Posterity disperst themselves thorow the whole World.

E FRom that time forward (by reason of the diversity of tongues) the multitude disper­sed themselves into divers Countries, and planted Colonies in all places, and oc­cupied those places whither either God or their good fortune conducted them;Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. [...]. so that both the Sea-coasts, and the Middle-land were replenished with Inhabitants. Some there were also,The year of the World, 1790, before Christ's Nativity, 2174. who passing the Sea in ships and vessels, first peopled the Islands. And there are some Nations likewise, who at this day retain the names which in times past were imposed on them, some others have changed them. Others are altered into names more familiar and known to the Neighbors, deriving them from the Greeks the Authors of such Titles. For they in latter times having grown to great name and power,The Names of Regions and Nations. appropriated the anci­ent glory to themselves, in giving names unto the Nations which they subdu'd, as if they F had taken their original from them.

CHAP. VI.
The Descendants of Noah down to Jacob. The several Countries which they possess'd.

NOw they,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 11. in honour of whom the Nations receive their first names, were the chil­dren of the sons of Noah. Gen. 10. à ver. 10. ad finem. Japhet the son of Noah had seven children, who extend­ed themselves in Asia, The [...] descended from Gomar. from the mountains of Taurus and Amanus, to the River of Tanais; and in Europe unto Gades, occupying the Countries which they first met with, not before inhabited, and calling their several Lands by their own name; Gomar was the founder of the Gomarians, The Progeny of Japhet. whom the Greeks now call Galatians: Magog dwelt amongst those, who G(according to his name) were called Magogians, Noah's first be­gotten Son. and by the Greeks Scythians. Of Mad [...] (the first begotten son of Japhet) issued the Madians, whom the Greeks name Medes; and of Javan his other son, the Jonians, all the race of the Greeks took their original. Thobe­lus [Page 34] gave name likewise to the Theobelians, who at this day are called Iberians▪ Meschus was H the founder of them that were called Meschinians, who were since named Cappadocians; for they shew even at this day a token of their ancient name, to wit, the City of Masaca, which testifieth that this Nation hath been so called. Theres gave name to the Therians, who were under his Government, and whom the Greeks called Thracians. All these Nations took their original from the seven sons of Japhet. The Progeny of the Sons of Gomar. But of the three sons which Gomar had, Aschanaxes gave name to the Aschanaxians (at this day termed Rheginians by the Greeks;) Riphates gave name to the Riphatinians, called at this day Paphlagonians; Tygranes to the Tygraneans, The Progeny of the Sons of Javan. who by the Greeks are called Phrygians. Also Javan the son of Japhet, had three sons; of whom Alisus gave name to the Alisians, who at this present day are the Aetoli­ans, over whom he commanded.Tharsus St. Paul's Coun­trey, Acts 9. Tharsus gave name to the Tharsians, which was the ancient I name of the Cilicians, as appeareth by the name of their Renowned and Metropolitane City Tharsis; Chetim obtained the Isle of Cherine, called at this day Cyprus, (whence it is that not only all Islands, but also all places on the Sea-coast are by the Hebrews called Ce­thim) witness one of the Cities of Cyprus, Whence grew the change of names. which hath had the fortune to preserve its anci­ent name; being called Citium, by those that give Greek names to all things, a word not very much varying from Cethim. These Nations were founded by the sons and young chil­dren of Japhet. But I will first publish one thing which perhaps is unknown to the Greeks, and then prosecute my purposed Narration which I have omitted; that is, that these names have been changed after the manner of the Greeks, to the end their pronuntiation might be more easie and agreeable. For we never alter the terminations of words.K

But the sons of Cham possessed Syria, and all the Region that abutteth on the Moun­tains of Amanus and Libanus; Of the Sons of Cham, and their Progeny. extending their Empire even as far as the Ocean, and giving names to the same. Which names are partly wholly abolished, and partly so changed, that they are very hard to be known. There are only the Aethiopians, of whom Chus, one of Cham's four sons, was Prince, that have always preserv'd their name; and not only in that very Countrey, but also through all Asia they are call'd Chuseans to this day. The Mesreans descended from Mesré, Libya, or Africa. have also preserv'd their name: for we call Aegypt Mes­rée, and the Aegyptians Mesréans. Phut likewise establisht the Colonies of Libya, and cal­led the Inhabitants thereof according to his name, Phutians; and there is a River in the Countrey of Mauritania, which hath the same name, of which it is manifest that divers L Greek Histories make mention, as also of the Countrey near adjoining, which they call the Countrey of Phut, but it hath since changed its name by the means of one Libis one of the sons of Misraim; (why it is called Africa, I will hereafter signifie unto you.) As touching Canaan the fourth son of Cham, The Progeny of the Chana­neans. he dwelt in the Countrey at this day called Ju­daea, and call'd it the Countrey of Canaan, according to his own name. Chus, who was the eldest son of Cham, had six sons; Sabas, Prince of the Sabeans; Evilas, Prince of the Evileans, The year of the World, 1790. before Christ's Nativity, 2174. at this day called Getulians; Sabathes, Prince of the Sabatheans, whom the Greeks name Astabarians; Sabactes, Prince of the Sabactians; and Romus, Prince of the Ro­means; who had also two sons, of whom Juda dwelt in the Countrey of the Indians, amongst those that are called Hesperians in Aethiopia, and Sabaeus founded the Sabeans. M

As for Nimrod the sixth son of Chus, Nabrodes or N [...]mbroth. he setled his Colony upon the Confines of Baby­lon, and tyrannized there, as is before declared.

All the eight sons of Misraim occupied all the Countrey from Gaza unto Egypt; Palestine, so named of Phi­lestine. but onely one of the eight named Philistin, hath left his name to the Countrey which he pos­sess'd, for the Greeks call a part thereof Palestine. As touching the rest, Lom, Enam and Labim, Nethem, Phetrosim, Chestem, Chreesene and Chepthom, we know neither of their actions, nor of their names, except Labim, who planted a Colony in Lybia, and gave his name to it: For the Aethiopians (whereof hereafter we shall make mention) overthrew their Cities.

Canaan also had eleven sons,The Children of Canaan. amongst whom Sidonius built and named Sidon (a City in N Phoenicia,) and Amathus built Amath, which at this day the Inhabitants call Amatha, though the Macedonians call it Epiphania (which signifies famous) from the name of one of its Princes; Arudeus possessed the Isles of Arudus, and Ariceus built the City of Arce, upon mount Libanus. As for the other seven, Eveus, Cheteus, Jebuseus, Eucleus, Sineus, Samarcus and Gorgeseus; there is no memory remaining of them in Sacred Scriptures, but onely their names: For the Hebrews razed their Cities upon the occasions which I am going to relate.

After the Deluge,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 13. when the earth was established in its first estate, Noah gave himself to Tillage,Gen. 9. 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25. and planted Vineyards; and when the Fruit thereof was ripe (and he had pres­sed and made Wine thereof) he drank, and banquetted after he had done sacrifice; be­ing thereby made drunk, and overpressed with sleep, he lay discovered in a most unseem­ly O and shameful fashion; which when Cham his younger son beheld, he scornfully dis­cover'd it to his Brothers; who being asham'd, cover'd their Father's nakedness with [Page 35] A reverence.Noah is made drunk, lieth naked, and is scorned, and curseth him that derideth him. Which fact of his coming to the knowledge of Noah, he wished all felicity to the two other; and as touching Cham (out of a fatherly tenderness) he cursed him not, but only his posterity after him; who accordingly were punisht for the sin of their Forefather, as we shall shew hereafter.

Sem the third son of Noah had five sons, who inhabited the Countrey of Asia, begin­ning at Euphrates, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 14. and extending to the Indian Ocean. For Elimis the eldest left the Elime­ans or Elamites for his Successors, whence proceeded the Persians. Assur the second built the City of Ninive, Gen. 7. 1. and gave his Subjects the name of Assyrians (who were rich above all the rest.)Of the Sons of Sem the third Son of Noah, and of theirs, and Abraham's Progeny. Arphaxad the third, named those of his command Arphaxadians, who at this day are called Chaldeans. Aram the fourth, had the Arameans (whom the Greeks call Syrians;) B And from Ludis the fifth, came the Ludéans, who at this day are called Lydians. Of those four sons which Aram had, Ʋses dwelt in the Region of Trachonites, and built the City of Damascus (scituate between Palestine and that part of Syria, which is sirnamed Caeler or hollow.) Otrus obtained Armenia; Gether, Bactria. Misas was father to the Mezaneans, whose Countrey is called at this day the valley of Pasin. Sale, Arphaxad's son, was Heber's father, from whose name in times past the Hebrews were denominated: Heber begat Jucta and Phaleg, The original of the He­brews. who was so called, for that he was born at such time as Lands came to be divi­ded: for Phaleg in Hebrew signifieth Division. They that follow, were the sons of Jucta: Elmodad, Saleph, Azermoth, Izrais, Edoram, Ʋzal, Dael, Ebal, Ebemael, Sapham, Ophir, Evilas, and Jobel; who occupied some parcel of that Region which was between Cophen a River C in India, and the hither Syria. Hitherto have we spoken of the Progeny of Sem, now we come to speak of the Hebrews. Abraham's Genealogy. Phaleg the son of Heber begat Ragaus, by whom was begot Seruch, from whom Nachor descended, and from Nachor Thares, who was Abraham's father, the tenth in account from Noah, and born 292 years after the Deluge. For Thares being 70 years old, begat Abraham. Nachor at 120 years of age, begat Thares. Nachor was born to Seruch, when he was about the years of 132 of his life, and Ragaus begat Seruch, when he was 130 years old; and about those years Phaleg begat Ragaus. But Heber at 34 years of age, begat Phaleg: (himself begotten by Sela, when he was 135 years old;) which Sela was be­gotten by Arphaxad, when he was 135 years of age. And Arphaxad was the son of Sem, and Grandson of Noah, whom he begat two years after the Deluge. Abraham had two D brothers, Nachor and Aram; of whom Aram left Lot for his son, and Sara and Melcha for his daughters, and afterwards dyed in the land of Canaan in a City called Ʋr of the Chal­dees, where his Sepulchre is to be seen even at this day. His daughters were married, Mel­cha to Nachor, The year of the World, 2950. before Christ's Nativity, 2014. and Sara to Abraham. But Thares growing weary of Chaldaea after the death of his son Aram, he and his Family transported themselves into Charan a City of Meso­potamia; in which place they buried Thares, when he had lived the space of 250 years. For, about this time the life of man was abridged, and grew more short, until the time of Moses: The term of man's life about this term, 120. when the space of man's life limited by God himself was 120 years; to which term Moses attained. Nachor had eight children by Melcha his wife: Ʋx, Baux, Manuel, Zacham, Azam, Phaleg, Jadelphus, and Bathuel, (who were the legitimate sons of Nachor.) E But Tabaeus and Gadan, Thavan and Macham were begotten by him on his Concubine Ru­ma. To Bathuel one of the legitimate sons of Nachor, was born a daughter named Rebecca, and a son called Laban.

CHAP. VII.
How Abraham,Gen. 12. 1. ad. 4. the Author of our Nation, departed from the Land of the Chaldeans, and dwelt in the Countrey of the Canaanites, which is now called Judea.

ABraham having no Issue, adopted Lot the son of Aram's brother, and brother to Sara his wife:The year of the World, 2204▪ before Chri [...] Nativity, 1940. he departed out of the Countrey of Chaldee, when he was 75 years old, (having had commandment from God to depart thence into Canaan) in which Countrey F he remained, and left the same to his Posterity after him. He was a man accomplished in all things, full of understanding, and apt to persuade those that gave ear unto him, with­out any default in his foresight and providence.Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 15. For this cause he was supposed to sur­pass all men in virtue,The wisdom of Abraham. and was he that first undertook to rectifie the received erronious opinions of men touching the Deity. He first of all did most manifestly preach, and prove,Abraham the first Preacher of the Word. That there was but one God, Governor and Maker of all things; and that otherwise if any thing conferred or furthered our Felicity, it hapned unto us not by our own workings, but by his holy Will. And this he observ'd and prov'd by what comes to pass both in the Earth and the Sea, as also by those things which he saw daily occur by the influences of the Sun, the Moon, and other Stars: namely, that there is a certain G power that disposeth them, and decently administreth all things; without whose assist­ance, nothing would be profitable unto us; whereas nothing hath of it self any virtue, but all things are obedient to his Omnipotent Will; and for that cause, honour and [Page 34] [...] [Page 35] [...] [Page 36] thanksgiving should wholly be ascribed to him. For which advices and counsels of his,H seeing the Chaldeans and Mesopotamians began to mutiny against him, he thought it expe­dient to forsake that Countrey, and follow the Will and Command of God, and so went and dwelt at Canaan; where being seated, he built an Altar, and sacrific'd unto God. Berosus, Berosus. amongst other things, maketh mention of our Father Abraham, although he names him not, when he speaketh after this manner: After the Deluge, and during the tenth Generation, there dwelt amongst the Chaldeans, a most just, excellent, and upright man, and exercised in the knowledge of the Celestial bodies. Hecataeus. But Hecataeus makes not a bare men­tion of him; but hath left a Volume which he hath written concerning him. And as touching Nicolaus Damascenus, Nicolaus Damascenus. hear what he saith in the Fourth Book of his Histories: Abraham reigned in Damascus (where he was a stranger) whither he arrived with his Ar­my I from a Countrey scituate above Babylon, called Chaldaea; and a little while after (de­parting out of that Region) he went and dwelt with his People in a Countrey at that time cal­led Canaan, and at this day Judaea, and his Posterity multiplied therein. In another Treatise I will recite that which is reported of him: The name of Abraham even at this day, is honourable in the Countrey of Damascus, Abraham's house. and there is a Village to be seen, which beareth his name, and is called Abraham's house.

CHAP. VIII.
Abraham, pressed by Famine, departed into Egypt; where having stay'd awhile, at last he returned back again.K

AFter this (when Famine had invaded the land of Canaan) Abraham had intelli­gence that the Egyptians abounded in all plenty,The year of the World, 2026, before Christ's Nativity, 1938. and decreed with himself to retire thither: purposing also to confer with their Priests concerning their Notions of God, and either to follow their belief, if they were better grounded in the same than himself, or to rectifie them,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 16. if his judgment were better grounded than theirs. He led with him his wife Sara: and understanding that the Egyptians were much addicted to women, to the end the King might not put him to death,Gen. 12. 10. in order to enjoy his wife Sara, Gen. 12. 13. 15. who was very beautiful, he devised this excuse, to say, That she was his sister; charging her, that if the matter came in question, she should not fail, but confirm the same. But no sooner L came they into Egypt, but the like fortune encountred them, as Abraham had before sus­pected: The lust of the Egyptians. 16, 17. for the beauty of his wife was suddenly published in every place. For which cause, Pharaoh the King of that Nation, (desirous to see that with his eyes, which he had heard with his ears) he sought for, sent and lusted after her: but God withstood this his unbridled lust, by afflicting the King's Subjects with a Plague, and his State by Sedition. Whereupon taking counsel of the Priests, what remedy might be used, and means sought to appease the Divine Majesty;18, 19. they answer'd him, That the cause of their afflictions, pro­ceeded from his intending violence to the stranger's wife: Whereat being much affrighted, the King first questioneth with the woman, what she was, and who her companion should be? and at last resolv'd of the truth, he excus'd himself to Abraham, saying, he suppos'd M her to be his sister, not his wife; and that his purpose was not to offer injury, but seek al­liance: and giving him a great sum of money, he gave him leave to confer with the most excellent and learned Priests among the Egyptians. Abraham taught the Egyptians Re­ligion and Arts. By this conference he grew into great estimation, in regard of his virtues: for whereas that Nation was divided into dif­ferent Sects and Opinions, and through mutual contempt and division, were incens'd one against another, he declar'd, That all their different Opinions in Religion, were most vain, and void of all truth. For these his disputations he was held in great regard among them, and esteemed for a most wise and excellent personage; not only in well under­standing, Abraham an [...]cellent Astronomer. but also in expressing and persuading that which he undertook to teach. He imparted to them the Sciences of Arithmetick and Astronomy: for before Abraham came N into Egypt, the Egyptians were altogether ignorant of those Sciences; but he first brought them from Chaldaea into Egypt, and from thence are they deriv'd to the Greeks. As soon as he return'd into Canaan, Gen. 13. 1. he divided the Countrey with Lot: and for that there grew a contention betwixt their shepherds,The division of the fields be­tween Abra­ham and Lot. (touching the bounds of the pastures where they fed their Cattel) he gave Lot the choice and election of that Countrey which best plea­sed him, retaining unto himself that which was left. Thus pitching his Tents towards a mountain near the City Hebron, (which was by seven years more ancient than Tanis in Egypt) he dwelt there. But Lot chose the Plain near the River of Jordan, not far from Sodom; which in those days was a goodly City: but at this present, by the just judgment of God, is utterly destroyed; so that no memory remaineth thereof. The causes of O which judgment shall be related hereafter.

A CHAP. IX.
The overthrow of the Sodomites by the Assyrians. Lot is taken Prisoner.

AT this time the Assyrians were Lords over all Asia; and the estate of Sodom flou­rished in all affluence,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 17. riches, and multitude of People, and the Countrey was governed by five Kings;Gen. 14. Ballas, Bareas, Senabarus, Symoborus, and Bale [...] (each particular­ly seized of his Province and Kingdom.)Five Kings of Sodom. Against these, the Assyrians encamped them­selves; and having divided their Army into four parts, (under the conduct of four Generals) they waged battel with them; in which the Assyrians attaining the day, B they imposed a tribute on the Kings of Sodom: who (after they had for twelve years space performed their duty, and payed their tribute) in the thirteenth year revolted from them. Whereupon the Assyrians levied a new Army against them, under the con­duct and command of Marphad, The year of the Wo [...]d, 2031. before Ch [...]ists Nativity, 1933. Arioch Chodollogomar, and Thargal, who sacked all Syria, and extinguished the Posterity of the Gyants. And drawing near to Sodom, they en­camped near the bituminous Pits (which at that time were in that valley:) and which after Sodom was destroyed, became a Lake, which (by reason of the bituminous matter that floateth in the same) is called Asphaltites, that is to say, bituminous. Of this Lake hereafter we will speak somewhat.The Lake of Asphaltites. But the Sodomites encountring with the Assyrians, there was a terrible Battel fought, wherein many of the Sodomites perished and many C were made Prisoners; amongst whom was Lot, who came thither to assist them.

CHAP. X.
Abraham pursueth the Assyrians,The year of the World. 2031. before Christ's Nativity, 1934. and returneth victorious.

ABraham hearing of these things, and moved both with the taking of his Cousin Lot, as also with the slaughter of his Friends and Neighbors, presently prepared himself with all his Followers,Hedio & Ruf [...]finus, chap. 18. to succor them: and us'd such diligence in pursuit of the Assyrians, that the fifth night after he encountred them near Dan, which is one of the sources of Jordan: Gen. 14. 14, 15, 16. Where surprising them on the sudden, (disorder'd with Wine, and D disarmed) he kill'd a great number, put the rest to flight; and pursu'd them in such sort, that the second day after he drove them all into Soba of Damascus; manifesting hereby,On what Vi­ctory depend­eth. that Victory consisteth not in the multitude, but rather in the courage of those that fight; and that a few generous hearts are more worth alwayes than a faint-hearted multitude: for he had not with him above three hundred and eighteen of his houshold Servants, and three of his Friends, to defeat this great Army. The few Assyrians that escaped out of this slaughter by flight, returned to their houses with ignominy.

As soon as Abraham had rescued his Nephew Lot, and those other prisoners of Sodom which were taken by the Assyrians, v. 18, 19, 20. he returned into his Country, and met in his way with the King of Sodom (in a place called The Kings field) where also he was enter­tained E by the King of Solyma▪ Abraham bringeth back both Lot and the Sodomites that were pri­soners. called Melchisedech (which is as much as to say, The just King:) for in truth he was no less; but was held worthy, by reason of his justice, in all mens opinion, to sacrifice as the Priest of the most high God. Solyma in process of time was called Jerusalem. The Kings field. This Melchisedech friendly entertain'd Abraham and all his Followers,Solyma was afterward cal­led Jerusalem. not suffering them to want any thing that was fit for their sustenance; he feasted him at his own Table, highly praised him, and rendred publick thanks to the great God, for that he had vouchsafed to grant him victory. Abraham on the other side presented him with the tenths of his spoils.Melchisedech the just King, 20. As for the King of Sodom he remitted all the prey that was taken, and only required to be possessed of those Captives which were of the Countrey: which condition Abraham accepted not, answering, That he F would receive no profit of that Prey, but only some provisions for his Servants and some part of the spoils for his three Friends who had assisted him; the first whereof was called Eschol; 22, 23, 24. and the two other, Ennerus and Mambres▪ For this cause God praised Abraham, saying, Thou shalt not want the reward that is due unto thee for thy valiant Acts. To which he answer'd, And what good shall I reap of this recompence, if I have not an heir to possess it after my decease? Gen. 15. 1. 2, 3 4 5. (for as yet he had no issue.) Then did God promise him a Son,God promiseth Abraham a Son. whose posterity should be so multiplied, that they might in number equal the Stars of Heaven: which when he understood, he offered sacrifice unto God, according to the Commandement which he had received: He took a Heifer of three years old, a Goat of three years, and a [...]am of three years, and a Turtle, and a G Pigeon; 9. all which he divided in twain, as he was commanded, the Birds only excepted. But before the Altar was prepared (at such time as the Fowls hovered about to have part of the blood of those Beasts which were sacrificed) he heard a voice from Heaven [Page 38] which told him,God promi­seth Abraham a progeny, that should many years have ill neighbours of the Egyptians. That his progeny should suffer great oppression in Egypt for the space H of four hundred years; but should at last obtain the Victory over their Enemies: and having conquered the Canaanites, they should be Lords and Possessors of their Countries and Cities. Abraham at that time dwelt near to the Oak that was called Ogis, in the Countrey of Canaan, near to the City of Hebron. There being much grieved that his Wife conceived not, he besought God to give him a Son. And God not onely confirmed to him his former promise of a Son, but assur'd him of all the other blessings which he had promis'd him,Gen. 16. 1, 2, 3. Sara bring­eth Agar, her hand-maid, to Abrahams bed. when he commanded him to leave Mesopotamia. At that time Sara, by the commandment of God, caused Agar one of her handmaids, who was an Egyptian born, to accompany with her husband, to the end he might have issue by her: But Agar, as soon as she saw that she had conceived, began to contemn Sara, aspiring to principality,I and supposing that her issue should succeed in the Kingdom.Agar contem­neth Sara. For which cause, Abraham delivered her unto his Wife, to punish her: which Agar perceiving, decreed to flie, in that she was afraid of punishment, beseeching God to have mercy on her: and as she travelled on her way thorow the Desert, the Angel of God appeared unto her, commanding her to return to her Mistriss,The year of the World, 2034. before Christs Nativity, 1930. and assuring her that if hereafter she were more modest she should be better intreated; having justly fallen into those miseries, by reason she had proudly and insolently behaved herself towards her Mistriss. He added moreover, that if she disobeyed God, and wandred any further, she should die the death:The promise of Ishmael. but if she returned from whence she came, she should be the Mother of a Son who should one day be King of that Countrey where she then was.K

To this commandment of God Agar submitted her self with all obedience,9, 10. and re­turning back again to her Mistriss, she obtained pardon at her hands, and after a while brought forth Ishmael, which is as much as to say, is Heard by God, because God had heard the Mothers prayers.16, 17. Ishmael was born to Abraham when he was fourscore and six years old: but in the fourscore and nineteenth year of his age God appeared unto him, and told him, that he should have a Son by Sara, charging him to call him Isaac, and giving him to understand,Isaac promi­sed, Gen. 17. 1, 2, &c. ad finem: that great Nations and Kings should issue from his loynes, who by force of Arms should conquer all the Countrey of Canaan, from Sidon even unto Egypt. Commanding him also, that his Posterity should be circumcised in their privities, and that this circumcision should be made the eighth day after the birth, by reason that he L would not have Abraham's Posterity intermixed with other Nations. But hereafter I will declare another cause of our circumcision. Abraham also asked counsel of God touching Ishmael, whether he should live or no; and God told him, that he should flourish many years, and that he should become a Father of many worthy Nations. Then gave Abraham thanks unto God, and presently circumcised himself, and his Son Ishmael, with all his Family; and Ishmael at that time was thirteen years old, but Abraham about fourscore and nineteen years of age.

CHAP. XI.
The destruction of Sodom.M

ABout that time the inhabitants of Sodom became immeasurably proud,Gen. 18. by reason of their affluence,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 19. prosperity, and great riches; and committed outrages against men, and impieties against God: The sins of the Sodomites. in such manner as they had forgotten the benefits which they had received at his hands, hating strangers, and giving up themselves to the Practice of unnatural and abominable Lusts. Whereat God being displeased, decreed to punish their intolerable Pride, to ruine their City from the foundations, and in such sort to make desolate their Countrey, that from thence forward it should neither nourish, plant, nor bring forth Fruit. Abraham en­tertaineth An­gels. After God had pronounced this sentence against the Sodomites, Abraham (as he sate under the Oak at Mambres before the door of his Tent) beheld N three Angels, and supposing them to be Men and Strangers, he arose and saluted them; and approaching near unto them,v. 1, 2, 3, 4. 5. he desired them that they would accept of his enter­tainment, and lodge with him. Whereunto when they had condescended, he com­manded his Servants to bake them bread of the finest flower; and having killed and roasted a Calf, he set it before them (as they sate under the oak) which it seemed to him they did eat; but they enquired of him where Sarah his Wife was? to whom he answered, that she was within on the Tent. They told him then that they would return again, and that they should find her a Mother. But when his Wife smiled thereat, and said that it was impossible for her to bear Children,The year of the World, 2084. before Christs Nativity, 1916. especially in that her self was at that time ninety years old, and her Husband an hundred; they discovered themselves,O and declar'd that they were Angels of God, and that they were sent, one of them to assure him that he should have a Son; the other two, to destroy Sodom. Which [Page 39] A when Abraham heard,9, 10. he was sorry for the Sodomites, and arising, besought God that he would not destroy both the just and the unjust together.12, 16. To whom God gave this an­swer, that there was not one just Man among the Sodomites; 17. ad 23. and that if he might but find ten, The Angel promised Abraham that he shall have a Son and fore­tells the de­struction of Sodem. he would spare the City from punishment. Whereupon Abraham held his peace, and the Angels entered into Sodom: where they were no sooner arrived, but Lot invited them to take their lodging in his house, (for he was a Man much given to hospitality, which he had learnt from the example of Abraham.) But the Sodomites perceiving that those young Men which were entered Lots house, were of excellent beauty, began to offer outrage and villany to their persons:Gen. 19. 1. notwithstanding that Lot exhorted them to forbare,The Angels enter Lot's house. and not to offer villany to his guests, but in some sort to have a respect to his B house; telling them, that rather then they should commit such a crime, he would give them his Daughters to use at their pleasure.v. 3, 4. But he prevailed nothing with them; where­upon God was in such wise provoked by their iniquity that he struck them with blind­ness so that they could not find the gate to enter into Lots house, 5, 6. and condemned the Sodomites to a general perdition.7, 8. In order whereunto he commanded Lot to remove out of the City,verse 11. with his Wife,The year of the World, 2948. before Christs Nativity, 1916. and his two Daughters who were as yet unmarried, and their be­trothed Husbands; but these last, although forewarn'd by him, contemned Lots advice and held him for a dotard. Then did God shoot the arrows of his vengeance upon the City, burning it, and all the Inhabitants therein: and desolating by the same fire all the Countries round about;12, 13, 14, 24. in such sort as hath already been declared by me in the History C I writ of the Wars of the Jews. The Sodomites are blinded. But Lots Wife, as they retired thence, looking back towards the City,Lot and his fa­mily are saved. and more curiously beholding the destruction thereof, contrary to the commandment of God, was transformed into a Pillar of Salt, which is to be seen, even until this day.26. Lot himself and his Daughters fled, and dwelt in a little Countrey which the fire had spared,Lot fled to Zoar▪ called Zoar, (which in Hebrew signifieth little:) In this place (which was void of Men,30 ad 35. and scant of Victuals) Lot dwelt a long time, leading a solitary and poor life; and his Daughters supposing that all Mankind was extingushed upon the earth, subtilly circumventing their Father, lay with him when he least suspected it.36, 37, 38. By this their approachment, they bare him two Sons; the elder a Son named Moab, (which is as much as to say,The interpre­tation of the names of Moab and Ammon. of my Father) this is he that was the Father of the Moabites, D which even at this day are a great Nation: the younger, Ammon, (which signifieth the Son of my Race or kind) from whom the Ammonites descended, and both these two Nations inhabit the Countrey of Coelosyria. In this sort Lot escaped from the burning of Sodom.

As for Abraham, Hedio & Ruf­finus chap. 20. he went and dwelt in Gerar, in the Countrey of Palestine, leading with him his Wife Sara in quality of his sister;Gen. 20. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6. (using the same subtilty which before he had practised for fear of the Egyptians) for he feared Abimelech the King of that Countrey,Abimelech sur­prised with the love of Sara. who falling in love of Sara would have ravished her, had he not been hindred by a most grievous sickness, which God inflicted upon him; so that being out of all hope of recovery, at such time as he slept, there appeared unto him a vision, which told him that he should take heed lest he offered any outrage to the strangers Wife, E who was come into his Countrey: and after he was somewhat recovered, he told his Friends how God had sent him that sickness in favour of the stranger, and to preserve his Wife from violence, for that she was not his Sister, but his lawful Wife; and he bid Abraham thenceforward be of good chear, promising him that the honour of his Wife had remained inviolated. This said, he dismissed Abraham by the counsel of his Friends; and told him, that he needed not to suspect his Wife, by reason she had suf­fered no villany: Assuring him, that God had care of her, and that he delivered her in safety to him, (being to that end protected by his mighty power) and in confirmation thereof he called God to record, and the womans conscience, vowing that he would not have taken her from him if he had known she had been Married: moreover, he F desired him to be at Peace with him, and by his Prayers to appease Gods wrath, which was kindled against him: And said that if thenceforward he would stay with them, he should want nothing;11, 12, 13. or if he listed to depart, he promised him Guides and all other things for which he came into his Countrey. Abraham answered him, that he had in no sort dissembled with him in calling his Wife his Sister, for that she was his Brothers Daughter; and that he thought he could not safely travel thorow his Countrey, except he had used this subtilty; avowing moreover, that he was sorry to have been the cause of his sickness which had befaln him; that he heartily wisht his health, and was ready to abide with him.

Whereupon Abimelech bestowed on him both Lands and Money, and accorded to con­verse with him in all uprightness, and without offer of offence, and made a Covenant G and sware unto him at a certain Pit which was called Bersabe, (that is to say, the Pit of swearing or Covenant) which name that place retaineth until this day. Not long after, Abraham had a Son by Sara his Wife, according as God had promised him, and he called [Page 40] his name Isaac, (which in the Hebrew tongue signifieth laughter) because Sara laughed H at such time as God said unto her she should bear a Son,14, 15, 16. having in her self no likelihood of conceiving,Bersabe the pit of swearing. by reason she was stricken in years. For at that time she was ninety years old, and Abraham one hundred when the child was born; and on the eighth day after his birth he was circumcised; which custom is yet continued amongst the Jews who cir­cumcise on the eighth day.Gen. 21, 1, 2, 3▪ Isaac laughter.

CHAP. XII.
Of Ishmael,The year of the World, 2048. before Christs Nativity, 1916. Abraham's Son; and of the Arabians Posterity.

BUt the Arabians circumcise not till the age of thirteen years: because Ishmael their I Ancestor, and Abraham's Son by the Concubine, was circumcised in the thirteenth year after he was born.Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 12. Of which Ishmael it behoveth to speak more exactly in this place. Sara loved Ishmael (begotten on her Servant Agar) from the beginning,Gen. 21. 9, 10. with no less affection than if he had been her own Son;The Jews were wont to cir­cumcise on the eighth day. so that he was brought up as Abrahams heir. But after she had brought forth Isaac, she thought it no more requisite that Ishmael should be brought up with her Son, because he was elder, and might after his Fathers decease, become the Master.The Arabians not before 13. years. She incited Abraham therefore to send both him and his Mother to some other place: but at first he gave no ear to Sara's request, thinking it more than barbarous cruelty,Abraham ba­nisheth Ishmael and Agar. to drive away a tender Child and his Mother, destitute of all neces­saries. At length by the Commandment of God he listened to his Wifes counsel, and K committed the Child unto his Mother, (being of himself as yet unapt to travel) and giving them a Pitcher of Water and Bread, he commanded them to go thither, whither their necessity should drive them. And when their Victuals failed them, and their Water was consumed, she laid the Child, being faint and weak, under an Oak; and to the end that in her presence he should not breathe his last, she went a little way from him. At that time an Angel of God appeared unto her,The Angel of God meeteth with Agar▪ shewing her a Fountain hard by that place, and charging her to look to the careful education of her Child; because that by the conservation of Ishmael, she was to expect great happiness. Upon these promises she took comfort, and falling into the company of shepherds; she by their bounty was re­lieved in her distress.The twelve Sons of Ishmael. L

Afterwards, when Ishmael had attained Mans estate, he Married a Wife of the Nation of the Egyptians, (from whence his Mother had her original) by whom he had twelve Sons:Gen. 25. namely, Nahaioth, Cedar, Abdeel, Edumas, Massam, Memas, Masmes, Chodam, Theman, Jetur, The Region of Nabathaea▪ Naphes, Calmas, (all which inhabit the Lands which are between Euphrates and the Red Sea, the name of which Countrey is Nabathaea.) These are they that began and made famous the Nation of the Arabians, as well in respect of their prowess, as of the dignity of Abraham.

CHAP. XIII.
Of Isaac, Abraham's Legitimate Son.M

AS touching Isaac, Abraham loved him with an entire and Fatherly affection, as his only begotten Son born in his old age by the goodness of God.Gen. 22. 1, 2. The Child also addicting himself unto all vertue,The year of the World, 2074: before Christs Nativity, 1890. careful to honor his Father and Mother, and studious of the service of God, invited both his parents the rather to affect and love him. So that Abraham was very desirous to forsake this present life, provided that he might leave behind him all the goods which he had, unto his Son; which through the mercy of God he happily effected. Whereupon (under tryal and conformity of his faith) God ap­peared unto him, and reckoned up all the benefits which he had bestowed on him; how he had granted him victory over his enemies, and how he had establisht and blest him N with present felicity by his favour; for which cause he required him to sacrifice, and make on oblation unto him of his Son Isaac; 1, 2. commanding him to conduct him to the Mountain of Morea, and there to sacrifice him. In doing whereof, he should manifest the desire he had to serve him, (in preferring that which was agreeable to God, before the life of his Son.) Abraham supposing that it was no ways lawful to disobey God, but that he ought to submit himself to his will,3. Abraham's obedience. (as to him by whose providence all things had their being) said nothing to his Wife, concerning that which God had com­manded him, neither how he had determined the death of his Son; neither did he make it known to any of his houshold-servants, lest they might have diverted him from his resolution. He therefore took his Son Isaac, with two Servants, (loading an Asse with O such things as were requisite for sacrifice) and travelled towards the Mountain, his Servants attending him for two dayes; and on the third day, as soon as he perceived the Mountain, [Page 41] A he left the rest of those that accompanied him in the Plain, and attended only by his Son, The year of the World, 2074. before Christs Nativity, 1890. he ascended up the Mountain (upon which afterwards King David appointed that the Temple should be builded.) They carried with them also the rest of those things which were requisite for sacrifice, (save only the Beast that was to be offered:) About this time, Isaac was five and twenty years old, and did himself prepare the Altar, and en­quired of his Father what he should offer, v. 7, 8. considering that as yet they had no sheep for sacrifice. Isaac was 25. years old when he should have been sacrificed. Abraham answered him that God would furnish them, (being of power sufficient to give Men that in abundance, whereof they have need, and to deprive them of that they have, and whereof they held themselves possessed) if he were well pleased with their sacrifice: Now as soon as the Altar was made ready, and the Wood prepared and B laid upon the same,9. Abrahams ora­tion at such time as his Son should have been sacrificed. and all things in readiness) he addressed his speech unto his Son, in this manner. My Son, I beg'd thee of God with very earnest Prayers; and ever since thou wert born into the world, I have intermitted no care and diligence in thine education; neither have I thought that any thing could make me more happy, than at departing out of this World, to see thee at mans estate, and to leave thee the Heir and Lord of all my substance: But since it hath plea­sed God, that I should be thy Father, and that the same God likewise now thinketh good that I should destroy thee, generously submit, and be contented to be sacrificed to him: For in so doing I fulfil the Commandments of God, who requireth at our hands that we do him this honour, for the favours which he hath bestowed upon us in assisting us, both in War and Peace. Since therefore being born, thou art to die, I deem it reasonable, that in regard it seemeth good unto C God that thou depart out of this life, (not by sickness, nor by War, nor by any other inconveni­ence, that naturally hapneth unto Men) but by being offer'd in sacrifice to him by thine owne Father, that thou render thy Soul unto him in the midst of Prayers, and the celebration of this sacrifice, to the end he may receive and seat thee near himself: Thou shalt then be the comfort of mine old age, (which is the cause for which I have nourished thee) if thou procure for me assistance of God instead of that which I ought to receive from thee. Isaac's answer▪ Here Isaac with a noble heart (like the gracious Son of so godly a Father) heard all which his Father said with great contentment, and answered, that he would rather never have been born, then once disobey the Ordinance of God, and of his Father; or shew himself averse to submit his will to both their pleasures, considering that if his Father onely should command the same, he D should do very ill if he disobeyed him: which said, he leapt upon the Altar, and offered himself to the slaughter. Which had surely hapned at that instant, if God had not hindered it;10, 11. for with a loud voyce he called Abraham by his name, commanding him not to kill his Son, and telling him that he had not given him that commandment, be­cause he took pleasure in humane blood, neither for that by such impiety he would de­prive him of that Son, of whom it was his pleasure to make him the Father; but that by this act he intended to prove his affection, to see whether being commanded such a thing, he would be obedient; and for that he had made tryal of his faith and readiness, and his disinteressed piety, he did not repent him of that good he had done unto him; that he would never forget to have care of him, and his race, whensoever he should pray unto E him;12, 13. and that when the course of his years were happily ended, he should leave a great dominion to those of his children which should be good and vertuous. He told him moreover, that he would multiply his race in divers Nations, and that he would bestow great benefits upon them, and that the memory of the chief of his offspring should be envyed of all Men for their greatness. When God had spoken after this manner,16, 17. it pleased him on the sudden (no Man knoweth how) to cause a Ram to ap­pear thereabouts for a sacrifice.God present­eth a Ram to Abraham to sacrifice in stead of Isaac. And thus (being delivered from all evils and in­conveniences beyond their expectations, after they had heard so many promises of so many blessings) they embraced one another, and celebrated the sacrifice; which done, they returned towards Sara in safety, and pass'd the remainder of their lives in hap­piness, F The year of the World 2087. before Christs Nativity 1878. God giving them his blessing in whatsoever they undertook.

CHAP. XIV.
The death of Sara, Abraham's Wife. Gen. 23. per totum.

NOt long after, Sara died; after she lived one hundred twenty and seven years; and was Buried in Hebron; (where the Canaanites freely offered a place for Burial;)Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 2 [...]. yet Abraham chose rather to buy a place to bury in,The age of Sara 127. of one Ephrem a Citizen of Hebron, for four hundred sicles; and there the Monuments both of himself and his posterity are built.

CHAP. XV.
G How the Nation of the Troglodytes descended from Chetura the Wife of Abraham.

AFter this Abraham married Chetura, by whom he had six Children, strong in travel, and excellent in wisdom: namely Zembranes, Jazar, M [...]dar, Madian, Lusobac, and [Page 42] Sus, The original of Troglodytes. who likewise had Sons; Sus had Sabacan, and Dadanes. Of Dadanes issued Latu­simus, H As [...]urus, Luures. The Children of Madin were Epha, Ophres, Anochus, Ebidas, Eldas. All these Children and their successors, according to Abrahams advice, gathered and established the Colonies which possessed the Countrey of the Troglodytes, and all the Countrey of Arabia the Happy, whose confines extend even unto the Red Sea. Some report that this Ophres conducted an Army into Libya, and possessed the same; and that his successors (making their abode in that Countrey) called it by the name of Africa. Libya called Africa, Alex­ander Poly­histor. Which opinion is confirmed by Alexander Polyhistor, who writeth after this manner. Cleodemus the Prophet, who is also called Malchus, and writ the History of the Jews (after the example of Moses their Lawgiver) saith, that of Chetura there were divers Children born unto Abraham, and he nameth three by their names: to wit, Apher,I Surim and Japher, and that of Surim the Syrians took their name: of the two others, Apher, and Japher, the City of Afra, and the Countrey of Africa take their names. That they warred under the conduct of Hercules in Libya against Antaeus; and how Hercules having taken Ophra his Daughter to his Wife, begot of her Dedor, who was Father to Sophon, from whom those Barbarians that are called Sophaces have taken their name.

Now Abraham thinking fit to provide a Wife for Isaac his Son, who was almost forty years old,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 4. sent the eldest Servant of his Family to demand in Marriage, Rebecca the Daughter of Bathuel, who was the Son of Nachor his Brother, for Isaac, and bound him to the performance thereof with an oath (by causing him to lay his hand under his thigh.) Or 24. 1, 2, 3, 4. He sent also rare presents unto them,Isaac marrieth Rebecca. such as were seldom seen in those parts: The Servant K departing,The manner of swearing among the an­ [...]ient Jews. 10. was long upon the way, (because that in Winter-time it is troublesome to travel thorow Mesopotamia, by reason of the deep bogs, and in Summer for want of Water) besides the robberies of the Countrey, which Strangers and Travellers can hardly escape, except they stand upon their Guard, and have convoy. At length he arrived at a City called Carras; and being in the Suburbs of the same,The year of the World, 2809. before Christs Nativity 1875. he beheld di­vers young Maidens that went to fetch Water; at which sight he pray'd to God, that if the Marriage were pleasing in his sight, he might find Rebecca amongst them, for whose cause Abraham had sent him thither to require her in Marriage for his Son: and that he might know her by this sign,12. 13, 14. that asking all the rest for Water, they should refuse him, and she only satisfie him. With these thoughts he approached the Well, and L desired those Virgins to give him to drink; which they denied, saying, that they could not get Water but with great labour,15, 16, 17, 18. which they must bear unto their houses, and not lavishly bestow on others: whereupon one amongst them reproving the rest for that discourtesie which they used towards the stranger; saying, that they had never been conversant amongst Men, that refused to give him Water that requested it; she gave him Drink with great kindness. This made him conceive a good hope of all his business yet being further desirous to know the event of the matter, he praised the courtesie of Rebecca, who had not refused to travel in her own person to satisfie his necessity; asking her of what Parents she was, terming them happy that had such a Daughter; praying God that it might please him to grant them the good hap to M marry her to their contentment, and match her with a Man of honest reputation, by whom she might be fruitful of good and virtuous Children. Rebecca made no difficulty to tell him the names of her Parents,22. 23. (the better to gratifie him) neither concealed she her own,The year of the World, 2809. before the Nativity of Christ, 1875. but answered in this sort, I am called, said she, Rebecca, my Father was named Bathuel, and is long since dead. Laban is my Brother, who, together with my Mother, hath care of all our Family. Which when he understood, he rejoyced at all that had hapned unto him, and was comforted with those things which he heard, perceiving manifestly how God had prospered his journey. Whereupon drawing out a jewel, (with certain other ornaments,Rebecca grows acquainted with Abrahams Servant. such as Virgins take delight to wear) he offered them unto the Maid, telling her that he gave her these presents, in requital of the kindness N she had offered him in satisfying his thirst, for that she amongst so many other Virgins had onely shewed her self affable and gracious; desiring also that he might be enter­tained in her Brothers house, by reason that Night deprived him of the means of tra­velling any further, and that he was charged with certain jewels of great price, which in no place (as he said) might be in more safety than in their custody, whom in effect he had found so courteous and honest: assuring her, that the vertue which appeared in her, gave him sufficient testimony both of the courtesie of her Mother and Brother, who would not (as he supposed) take it in ill part if he were entertained: and lastly, that he would in no wayes be chargeable unto them, but would pay for his lodging and expences.O

To this Rebecca answered, that he had reason to conceive a good opinion of her Parents humanity, but yet he did in some sort prejudice, them in suspecting their liberali­ty, [Page 43] A assuring him that his entertainment should in no sort be Mercenary, but voluntary and free,The talk which Abrahams Ser­vant had with Rebecca. and according to their affection. Yet first (said she) I will certifie my Brother Laban hereof, and afterwards conduct you to our house: which done, she led him into their Tent, commanding her Brother Laban's Servants to take care of his Camels; and for himself,30, 31, 32, 33. he was entertained at her Brother Laban's Table.

When Supper was past,34, 35, 37. he spake both to the Brother and Mother of the Virgin after this manner: Abraham the Son of Thares is your cousin; For, (said he, addressing to the Mother) Nachor the grandfather of your Children, was Abraham's Brother, by one and the same Father and Mother. He now sendeth me unto you, desiring you to give this Virgin for Wife to his only Son and Heir of all his substance:The year of the World, 2124. before Christs Nativity, 1840. whom although he might B have matcht with the richest of his Countrey, yet hath he refused all of them, desiring rather to render this respect to those of his kindred and Nation: set not light there­fore by his good affection and desire. For, besides all other blessings and good fortunes which have happily befallen me in this my journey, I have, by Gods especial provi­dence, found out both the Maid and your house. For, at such time as I drew near the City, and beheld many Virgins going to fetch Water, I besought God that I might light upon this Maiden,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap 28. and he vouchsafed me my desire: ratifie therefore on your part this Marriage favoured by Gods providence; and honour Abraham in granting your consent to this your Daughters Marriage,Gen. 24. which I am sent to request at your hands, with most entire affection. Now they, in that they both allowed a thing so advantageous, C and perceived also that it was conformable to the will of God, sent their Sister unto him under the conditions demanded:58, 59, 60. and Isaac married her, being already in possessi­on of all his Fathers goods, by reason that the other Sons of Abraham were already de­parted to establish their Colonies in other Provinces.

CHAP. XVI.
Of Abraham's death, Gen. 24. 7, 8.

A Few days after Isaac's Marriage Abraham deceased, a Man full of vertue to his last end,Abraham died after he had lived 175. years. and honoured by God (according to that entire love he hath to vertue) D with great affection. All the dayes of his life amounted to one hundred seventy and five years; and he was buried in Hebron near his Wife Sara, by his Sons Isaac and Ishmael.

CHAP. XVII.
Of Isaac's Sons,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 26. Esau and Jacob, and of their Nativity and Education, Gen. 25.

AFter the death of Abraham, Gen. 25. 21, 22, 23, 24. Rebecca (Isaac's Wife) became big with Child, in an extraordinary manner; and the time of her reckoning being near at hand, Isaac was sore troubled, and sought counsel at Gods hands: who answered him, that Rebecca should bring forth Twins, and that of those two Sons, two Nations should be E derived, both which should be called by their names; and that he who seemed to be the least of them, should grow to be the greatest: not long after (according as God had foretold him) she was brought to Bed of two Twins,verse 24, 25. the eldest of which was very Hairy all over his body;The year of the World 2124. before Christs Nativi­ty 1840. and as he came out of his Mothers Womb, his younger Brother held him by the Heel; the Father loved the elder, who was called Esau and Seir, by reason of his Hair, (which the Hebrews call Seir in their language) but the younger who was called Jacob, was dearly loved by his Mother.

Now it hapned that a great Famine reigned in the Land of Canaan, Isaac resolved to retire himself to Egypt, Isaac came un­to Gerar. Gen. 26. 1, 2. by reason of the plenty of that Countrey, but he went and dwelt at Gerar, according as God had commanded: In which place King Abimelech re­ceived F and entertained him, (according to the Law of Hospitality, and the League of Friendship, which was betwixt Abraham his Father and him.) At first therefore he shewed him great signs of Friendship,v. 6. but afterwards, the envy he had conceived, hindred him from persisting in the same;Abimelech ex­pelleth Isaac, being moved thereunto by envy. for perceiving that God was favourable unto Isaac, and had an especial care over him, he drave him out of his Countrey. He re­tired not far from Gerar to a place called Pharan, that is to say, The Valley, and as he there dig'd to find out Springs of Water,Fauces. Abimelech's Shepherds came and set upon him,13, 14, 15, 16. and hindered him in such sort as he could not finish his purpose; and for that he purposely retired from them, they supposed they had gotten the Victory. Shortly after, when he began to dig in another place, other Shepherds of Abimelech outraged G him again as at the first; for which cause he left this Fountain imperfect also, ex­pecting a more convenient opportunity, which was afterwards offered him by reason that the King gave him leave to dig; whereupon he opened a Fountain, and called it [Page 44] Rooboth, which signifieth large. As for the other two, he called the first of them Escon H which is to say strife: 19, 20, 21. and the other Sienna, which signifieth Hostility,

Thus increased he daily more and more both in power and riches.26, 27, 28, 29. But Abimelech supposing that his affluence would be many ways hurtful unto him, and remembring that he had not faithfully entertained Friendship with him, but in some sort given oc­casion of suspition, by means of some heard measure; fearing least hereafter the in­juries fresh in memory, should more distract him than their old and ancient plighted Friend­ship, Abimelech re­neweth friend­ship with Isaac. 30, 31, 32, 33. and misdoubting his revenge, he repaired unto him, and contracted a new League of amity with him, having with him one of his chiefest Captains, as an Arbiter between them, by whose means he obtained whatsoever he required: so courteous was Isaac, and so ready in memory of his Fathers old covenant to forgive new injuries. So Abi­melech I having obtained his purpose, returned to his house. Esau one of the two Sons of Isaac, having attained the age of forty years, took two Wives, Ada the Daughtr of Edom, Esa [...] his Wives 34, 35. and Alibama the Daughter of Esebion, two Princes of the Canaanites, (and that of his own authority, without his Fathers advice or privity, who would not have consented, had the matter been remitted unto him, because he held it incon­venient to mix and joyn him, or his, in affinity with any dwellers or inhabitants of the Countrey.) This notwithstanding, he would not displease his Son by commanding him to put away his Wives, but determined with himself to conceal and keep the matter silent.

When Isaac was grown old and wholly deprived of his sight,Gen. 27. 3, 4, 5. he called Esau his Son, and told him that though through his blindness he could not see the day-light,Isaac sendeth Esau on Hunt­ing. nor K serve God so exactly as he had wont to do, yet he would give him his blessing before he dyed; and therefore he willed him to go a Hunting, and to make ready what he should catch for him that he might eat;The year of the World, 2186. before Christs Nativity, 1778. and that after his repast, he would pray to God that it would please him to be assistant unto him all his life-time, and be a comforter and aid unto him. Since he could not better employ the little time that he had to live, than in imploring the favor of God for him.6, 7, 8, ad 30. Hereupon Esau went a Hunting; but Rebecca in the meane time (desirous that Isaac's Blessing should light upon her Son Jacob) contrary to her Husbands intent and mind,Jacob by his Mothers coun­sel stealeth his Brothers Bles­sing. commanded him to go and kill a Kid, and prepare a repast for his Father. Jacob being obsequious and obedient to his Mother in all things, obey'd her command, and as soon as the meat was ready, he wrapped his L arms and covered his hands with the Goats Skins,The year of the World 2186. before Christs Nativity, 1778. hoping by the Hairiness thereof, to make his Father believe that he was Esau. For being his Twin Brother, he resembled him in all things, except in this thing onely; wherefore fearing lest he should be surprized in his subtilty, before his Father Isaac had finished his prayers, and instead of his Blessings he might be loaden with his Curses, in this dress he presented the Meat unto his Father. But Isaac perceiving some difference in his voyce, from that of his Brother, called his Son, who stretching out his hands unto him covered with the Kids Skins, Thou art (saith he) more like unto Jacob in thy voyce; but by thy Hairiness, thou seemest unto me to be Esau. Thus suspecting no deceit, and having already eaten, he addressed himself to pray, and called upon God, saying, O Eternal Lord, maker of all Creatures, thou hast promised great M Blessings unto my Father, and hast given me many present felicities, and hast vowed that thou wouldest be merciful unto my posterity, and plentifully pour upon them more and more ample benefits; let this thy favor, I beseech thee, be continued towards me, neither dispise thou me by reason of this my present weakness, which is the cause that I have more need of thy help. Save and keep this my Son by thy clemency, preserve him from all evil, give him a happy life, and possession of all blessings and benefits which are in thy power to bestow upon him: make him terrible to his Enemies, and gracious to his Friends. Thus prayed he unto God, thinking he had Blessed Esau. Scarce had he finished his Prayers, but Esau returned from Hunting, which though Isaac perceived, he was no ways moved with displeasure,v. 30, ad 42. but held himself silent. Esau besought him that he might obtain as much as he N had vouchsafed his Brother:Esau required a Blessing. but Isaac denyed him, in that he had bestowed all his Bles­sings upon Jacob: for which cause Esau lamented and wept. His Father (moved by his tears) foretold him that he should excel in Hunting, in force of Body, in Arms, and other such exercises, whereby he should purchase immortal Glory, both to himself and his poste­rity; yet notwithstanding that he should be his Brothers Vassal.Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 27. Now for that Jacob feared lest his Brother should seek to be revenged of him for robbing him of his Fathers Blessing, he was by his Mothers means delivered from this danger. For she persuaded her Husband to send Jacob to take a Wife near Allied unto her, out of Mesopotamia. Esau at that time Married another Wife called Bassemath the Daughter of Ishmael; knowing that Isaac was not well pleased with his former alliance with the Canaanites; v. 42. ad fine [...]. for which O cause to give him contentment he married Bassemath, whom afterward he loved more entirely than any of his other Wives.

A CHAP. XVIII.
How Jacob fled into Mesopotamia for fear of his Brother, Gen. 28.

BUt Jacob being sent into Mesopotamia by his Mother, in order to Marry the Daugh­ter of Laban her Brother,Gen. 28. (whereunto Isaac consented through the counsel of his Wife) passed through the Countrey of Canaan. And for that there was a declared and open enmity betwixt Isaac's People, and the inhabitants of Canaan, he would not take up his lodging amongst them, but lay abroad in the fields, resting his head upon stones, which he had heaped together in stead of a Pillow: 10, 11, ad 19. and during the time of his rest, this vision B was presented unto him.Jacob's Ladder▪ It seemed unto him that he saw a Ladder, that reached from the earth, up unto Heaven, on the steps whereof there descended certain persons more excellent to look on, than the ordinary part of humane kind, and on the top thereof God manifestly appeared, and calling him by his name, spake unto him after this man­ner: Jacob, God speaketh unto Jacob. Thou art the Son of a good Father, and descended from a Grandfather re­nowned and famous for his great vertue; thou must not therefore be daunted, or dismayed by thy present travels, but rather be encourag'd with the hope of a future happiness. For by mine assistance thou shalt be blessed, and endowed with many bene­fits: For I am he that brought Abraham hither, from the Countrey of Mesopotamia, at such time as he was driven away from thence; I have also made thy Father happy, and C will be no less gracious and favourable unto thy self. Be courageous therefore, and prosecute thy journey under mine assistance: The Marriage which thou pursuest shall have a happy issue, and thou shalt have a good children, who in number shall grow in­finite, and shall likewise leave after them a plentiful and famous posterity; and I will give them the soveraignty over this Countrey, both to them and their successors, and they shall people and replenish both the Earth and the Sea, as far as the Sun enlightneth the World.20. Jacob voweth a sacrifice unto God, and cal­leth the place Bethel, which is the house of God. Let not therefore any danger dismay thee, nor travel discomfort thee: for besides all this, whatsoever thou shalt undertake, I will not cease to assist thee in it. These things did God foretel unto Jacob, who greatly rejoycing at that which he had seen, and that which had been declared to him, anointed the Stones on which he had rested his head, D whilst the promises of so many blessings were made to him, and vowed to offer sacrifice to God on the same, if he return'd happy and safe into his Countrey: which as he re­turned, he accordingly performed,The year of the World, 2186. before Christs Nativ,ty, 1778. offering unto God the tenth of all his goods. And as for the place where the vision appeared unto him, he called it by the name of Bethel, which in the Hebrew tongue signifieth the house of God. Continuing then his journey into Mesopotamia, he travelled so long, till at last he arrived at Charran: and having met in the Suburbs of the City with certain shepherds and young Men, accompanied with young Maidens,Gen. 29. 1, 2▪ ad 9. sitting near to a certain Fountain, he drew near unto them, desiring them to give him drink;Jacob arriveth at Charran in Mesopotamia, among his Mothers Kindred. and falling in discourse with them, he asked them, Whether they knew one that was called Laban, and whether he were yet alive? All of them answered, E that they knew him well; and that he was a Man of that reputation, that his name could not be concealed; that his Daughter was accustomed to feed her flock with them, and that they wondered that she was not yet arrived; of whom (said they) thou mayest perfectly understand all that thou desirest to know. Whilest thus they pass'd the time in talk, the Maiden drew near, accompanied with her shepherds; whom one of the company informed, that Jacob was inquisitive after her Father: who rejoycing after the manner of young Maidens, asked him what he was, and whence he came, and what af­fair had brought him thither, wishing she had the means to supply whatsoever his necessi­ties required.v. 9, ad 12. Jacob being mov'd, not so much by the courtesie and Kindred, as by her beauty,Jacob's talk with Rachel. Rachels excel­lent Beauty. which was very extraordinary, said unto her: If thou art the Daughter of Laban, F there is a greater and more ancient conjunction betwixt us than either thine or my birth: for, Abraham, Aran, and Nachor, were Thares Sons; Bathuel, thy Grand father, was Nachors Son; Isaac, my Father, was the Son of Abraham; and Sara, the Daughter of Aran. There is yet a nearer and dearer relation between us: for Rebecca, my Mother, is Sister unto Laban thy Father, born of one Father and Mother; so that we are Cousins: and therefore am I come at this present to salute you, and renew that ancient love which our alliance requireth at our hands. But she remembring all those things which her Father was wont to report and discourse of Rebecca, and knowing, that her Parents were desirous to hear some news from her, wept for joy, and embracing the young Man, said unto him: Thou bringest a most desired and great pleasure to my Father and all his G family, who never forgets thy Mother, but oftentimes makes mention of her; and would esteem it a great felicity to hear tidings from her. Then she desired him to follow her to her Father, lest any longer he might be deprived of so desired a pleasure. [Page 46] This said, she brought him to Laban; where, being acknowledged by his Uncle, he both H by that means lived securely amongst his Friends,v. 12. ad 23. Jacob's talk with Laban. and brought him great contentment, by his unexpected access unto them. Some dayes after, Laban told him, that he took so much contentment in his presence,The year of the World, 103. before Christs Nativity, 1771▪ that he could not express it in words; and desired him to manifest the cause that had induced him to leave his Father and Mother in their old age, when they had most need of him; and he promised him all assistance and favour in whatsoever case he had to make use of him. Whereupon Jacob discoursed unto him the whole matter; that Isaac had two Sons, Esau and himself: that his Brother (because by his Mothers contrivance, he had defrauded him of his Fathers Blessing) sought to kill him, as the ravisher of that principality from him that was destinated unto him by God, and the intercepter of his Fathers other intentions; that this, with his mothers com­mand,I was the cause why he came thither; as to his nearest relation by the Mothers side; adding, that next after God, he hoped to find his greatest assistance and help in him, his Uncle. Whereupon Laban promising to him whatsoever humanity he could desire, (as well in respect of their common ancestors, as for the love he bare unto his Mo­ther; towards whom, although she were absent he would express his good affection, in shewing himself well affected towards him that was there present:) he told him then, that he would give him the charge of his flock, and make him Master over all his shep­herds; and that when he thought good to return back again to his Friends, he should depart with such rewards and honours as might well beseem a Friend so nearly allyed unto him.v. 23, ad 26. Jacob, for re­com [...]ence, re­quireth Rachel for his Wife. Which when Jacob understood, he answered, That he would willingly K endure any sort of labour in Labans service, and that his devoir towards him would be a delight to himself: but that in lieu of his labours, he required Rachel to Wife: who deserved his esteem for her vertue, and particularly for her goodness wherewith she had brought him thither: declaring, that the love which he bare unto her, was the cause why he used those speeches.The year of the World 2103. before the Nativity of Christ, 1771. Laban (being greatly delighted and contented with this his discourse) granted him his consent to the Marriage, telling him, that he could not have wisht for a better Son-in-Law: but with condition that he should sojourn a while with him, for that he was no ways minded to send his Daughter among the Canaanites: and that it repented him, that, by reason of Marriage, his Sister had been carried into so far a Countrey. Jacob accepted the condition, and covenanted to abide L with him for seven years, saying, that he was glad to have found an occasion of making appear to him by his care and good service, that he was not unworthy of his alliance. When the time which was covenanted between them was expired,22. Jacob instead of Rachel, ly­eth with Leah▪ and Jacob expected the contented possession of his love, as was promised him, Laban prepared a nuptial feast: and when night drew on, and Jacob least suspected, he brought his Daughter Leah less fair in face,23. and elder in years, and lay'd her in his Bed. Jacob deceived by the darkness, and for that he had drunk liberally, lay with her: but the day after discovering the deceit, he complained hereof to Laban, who asked him pardon, alledging that he had not brought in Leah with intent to deceive him,27, ad 35, but that the custom of the Countrey, (which forbids to Marry the younger before the elder) compelled him thereunto: yet that the M same should no ways hinder, but that he should Marry Rachel too, on condition to serve him yet seven years more. Herewith Jacob was pacified, and suffered himself to be perswaded, (out of the love which he bear to Rachel;) and when the other seven years were expired, he Married Rachel. Now these Sisters had two Maid Servants which their Father had given them: Lea's Maid was called Zelpha, and Rachel's, Bala; they were no Slaves, but only Subjects. Leah liv'd in great grief, to see that Jacob bare greater affection to her Sister, than to her self, bethinking her oftentimes, that if she could have Children, she should be better esteemed and loved by her husband, for which cause she continually besought Almighty God, that it would please him to give her issue: whereupon it happened that God gave her a Son, and Jacobs affection was turned to­wards N her; for which cause she called him Ruben, that is to say, the Son of Vision, be­cause she had obtained him through the mercy of God.

After him she bare three other Children; Simeon, (whose name signifieth, that God had heard her) Levi, The explicati­on and names of Jacob's Sons. (which is as much as to say the firmness of society) and last of all Juda, (which signifieth thanksgiving.) At that time Rachel fearing lest she should lose part of her Husbands love, by reason of the fruitfulness of her Sister; caused her Maid Bala to lye with him;Gen. 30. by whom he had a Son called Dan, (that is to say, the judgement of God;) Rachel brings in Jacob to Ba [...]a. and after him Nepthalim, (which signifieth ingenious;) by reason that she used subtilty to requite her Sisters fruitfulness. Leah hereupon us'd the same artifice, and gave her Maid Zelpha to Jacob, Leah bringeth in Zelpha. of whom he begat Gad, (which signifieth come O by chance;) Gen. 30. 14▪ 15, 16. and after him Asar, (that is to say, benificent) because that Leah was more honoured for the multitude of her Progeny.

[Page 47] A Ruben, The year of the World, 2206. before Christs Nativity, 1758. the eldest of all the Sons of Lea, brought his Mother apples of Mandrake, which when Rachel perceived, she desired her to give her part thereof, for that she longed to taste of the same: whereunto Lea would yield no consent, replying, That she ought to content her self in that she had the advantage in Jacobs love. Rachel to mollifie the heart of her sister told her, That she would be content that Jacob should lye with her that night; which Jacob accordingly did and Lea once more had children, namely Isachar, Gen. 30. 8. (which signifieth Come by hire) and Zabulon, (which importeth a pledge of good will) besides whom,24. she had a daughter also called Dinah. Not long after this Rachel lay with Jacob, and brought forth a son, who was called Joseph, (which signifieth an addition.) During all this time, (which was for the space of twenty years) Jacob B had the government of his Father-in-laws flocks:Gen. 31. 1, 2, 3. but afterwards he thought good (accompanied with his Wives) to return to his own Inheritance:Jacob with his Wives, children and flocks, flee without his Fa­thers privacy. which when his Father-in-law perceived, he would in no sort give his consent thereunto; for which cause, he covertly determined to forsake him. To this intent he made trial of his Wives, to see how they were affected towards his flight;19. Rachel bea­reth away with her, her Fathers houshold gods. who heartned him by their consents: insomuch that Rachel having stolen the images of those gods which were honored in that Countrey, fled away with her Sister, and the two Maids, and all their Children, with the rest of all their substance. Jacob also drove away the moity of the Cattel, without the knowledge of Laban. 23. Rachel also bare with her the images of the gods, although she had been taught by Jacob to contemn them, and yield them no honour: but C she supposed,The year of the World, 2200. before Christs Nativity, 1758. that if Laban pursued and overtook them, by restoring them, she might obtain his pardon. But Laban a day after the departure of Jacob and his Wives, had notice therof, and being therewith much troubled, he pursued after them, intending to assault them by force, and on the seventh day he overtook them upon a certain hill where they sat down to take their rest,24. Laban pursu­eth Jacob, but God delive­reth him from his purpose. in that it was evening: but God appearing to him in a dream, commanded him to use no violence, neither towards his Son-in-law, nor his Daughters; but rather to listen to a peaceable accord betwixt himself and Jacob: assuring him that if in contempt of Jacobs weakness he should lift up his arm to assail him, that he himself would join with Jacob to protect him.

The next day,26. Labans accu­sation against Jacob. Laban having received this command from God, called Jacob unto him D to the end to confer together (and to tell him what the night before he had beheld in his dream.) As soon as Jacob was come to him, he began to accuse him; alledging, that he had received him into his house, at such time as he came unto him being poor and naked of all means, and had given him great abundance of Goods. I have (saith he) given thee my Daughters in marriage, hoping by that means to increase thy love towards me more and more; but thou hast had neither respect of thy Mother, neither of the acquaintance or parentage betwixt thee and me, neither of the Wives which thou hast married, nor of thy Children, whose Grand-Father I am; but hast dealt with me after an injurious and hostile manner, driving away that which appertained unto me, seducing my Daughters to abandon him that begat them, and carrying away my houshold E gods with them, which both I and my Predecessours have served and honoured; and what none, but men of War, would have done unto their Enemies, that hast thou done unto me: yea, thou that art my kinsman, my Sisters Son, the Husband of my Daughters, my pledge, and my familiar Servant, hast dealt thus with me. On the other side Jacob alledged for himself,31. Jacobs answer to Labans ob­jection. that God had not only made impression in his heart, but that all men also are possest with the love of their Countrey; and that after so long space of time, it seemed good unto him to visit his native soil. And concerning that crime (saith he) which thou objectest against me, touching the prey, if any other but thy self be judge; thou shalt be convicted to have dealt unjustly with me: for whereas thou oughtest to have rewarded me, for the maintenance and increase I have made of thy F goods, hast thou not done us great wrong to envie us a little part and portion thereof? And for thy Daughters; know this, that they have not followed me as persons con­veighed away by subtilty, but under that love and duty which married Wives bare unto their Husbands:36. Jacobs accusa­tion against Laban. they do not therefore only follow me, but they come after their Chil­dren. These things alledged he for himself. Further he replied, and accused Laban, because that being his Mothers Brother, and having given him his Daughters to Wife, he had notwithstanding bitterly vext him by his severe commandments to which he had been obedient during the space of twenty years; that the toyles he had endured in order to his Marriage with Rachel had been grievous unto him; notwithstanding that it was but a trifle in respect of that which he suffered afterwards; which had he born him an G envious affection or hostile hatred,Labans subtil dealing with Jacob. he could very well have escaped. In truth, Laban had dealt most unjustly with Jacob. For seeing that God assisted him in all that he en­terprized, Laban promised to give him all the Cattel that were born white, and sometime [Page 48] that which was brought forth black: but when that which Jacob had named and H chosen did increase,34 Labans cove­nant with Ja­cob. then did not Laban perform his promise unto him, but turned him over to the next years increase, by reason he had alwayes a respect of the greater flock, and promised that which he hoped would not come to pass; and which if it fell con­trary, Gen. 31. v. 32. ad 34. he was ready to infringe. And as touching the gods, he told him he might make search for them.

This condition did Laban accept: but Rachel understanding the same, thrust the gods into a Sack, and made them to be carried on a Camels back, and she sate upon them, saying, that she was indisposed, by reason that at that time she had her natural purgations. And for this cause Laban desisted from searching any further, supposing his Daughter be­ing so affected would not conceal or set her self so near things that were so sacred: and I he made a covenant with Jacob, that neither of them should call to remembrance the un­kindnesses that had past betwixt them, but that he should cherish his Daughters; all which they bound with an oath. This covenant was made upon a certain mountain, where they reared a Pillar in the form of an Altar: whence it came to pass that this Pillar was called Galaad, 45. 46, 47. that is to say, the hill of witness, from whence the Countrey of Galaad bears that name even until this day: and after that the alliance was made, and that they had banqueted together,The year of the World 2206. before Christs Nativity, 1758. Laban returned back again into his own Countrey.

But as Jacob travelled towards the Countrey of Canaan, he had several visions, which presaged unto him good hope of happiness to come; and he called the place where this thing hapned, The field of God. And being desirous to know how his Brother Esau was K affected towards him,Gen. 22. 1, 2. he sent messengers before him to bring him the exact truth thereof, by reason he stood in fear lest the memory of his old discontent should be renewed:Jacob sendeth messengers to his Brother Esau. charg­ing his messengers to signifie unto Esau, that Jacob deeming it a thing inconvenient to live with his Brother, who was displeased with him, had of his own free will forsaken the Countrey,3, 4, 5, and that at this present he was upon his return, conceiving that length of time might have extinguisht his displeasure. He therefore led with him his Wives and children, with all those riches which God had given him; offering himself unto Esau, with all which he had of most esteem, by reason that he thought it the greatest benefit that might happen to him to impart unto his Brother a part of those commodities which he had received at Gods hands.6, 7. All which they signified unto Esau, who rejoyced very L much thereat, and went forth to meet his Brother, accompanied with four hundred ar­med Men. But Jacob hearing that he marched forward to meet him, attended by so many Men at Arms, was very much afraid: yet fixing his confidence in God, he pro­vided for the time, lest any detriment should happen unto him, studying every way to defend both him, and his, from invasion. To which end dividing his Troops, he caused some to march before, and the rest to follow closely after: so that if any did assault the first, they might retire themselves to the Troop that followed.

After this manner having ordered all things about him,13. He sent certain Servants with presents to his Brother, namely, with Beasts of charge, and a great number of divers kinds of four-footed Beasts, (which for their rareness might give more content and M admiration to those to whom they were presented.)17, 18. All these marched one after another, to the intent,Jacob recon­cileth his Bro­ther with re­wards. that being beheld thus in ranks, they might seem to be a greater number than they were: to the end, that if as yet there remained any discontent in the heart of Esau, these presents might serve to mitigate the same. He commanded them also that marched foremost,Jacob wrest­leth with an Angel, and is called Israel. that they should use courteous salutation towards Esau. Ha­ving thus all the day disposed his Troops, as soon as the night was come, he caused all his companies to march, who passed the River of Jaboch: but Jacob, who was left hindmost,24. had a vision, in which he wrestled with an Angel, and he became victor.

Now the Angel spake unto him, exhorting him to rejoyce at that which had hapned unto him, assuring him that he had not atchieved an easie matter, but that he had N surmounted an Angel of God,28. which was a sign of great good which would befall him, and that his posterity should be invincible, and that no man whatsoever, should overcome him: commanding him to call his name Israel, that is to say, according to the Hebrews, a resister of an Angel. These things were foretold unto Jacob upon his request; who perceiving also that he was an Angel of God, prayed him to inform him of that which should happen unto him: which the vision did, and afterwards vanished. Jacob took great pleasure thereat, and called the place Phanuel, that is to say, the face of God: 30. and for that in wrestling he had hurt a part of his thigh, he afterwards ab­stained from eating of the same, and by reason thereof our Nation do never eat that part.O

Now when he had intelligence that his Brother approched, he commanded his Wives to march forward severally with their hand-Maids, to the end that they might [Page 49] A from afar behold the Fight, in case his Brother should assail them. As for himself, when he perceiv'd his Brother drew near him in the Spirit of peace,Gen. 33. 1, 2 [...], &c. without intent of circum­vention, Jacob saluteth his Brother Esau. he cast himself at his feet, and Esau saluted him, and enquired of him touching the companies of Women and Children; and after he understood all things, he offer'd to lead them to his Father.13. Jacob cometh to Scenas. 17. But Jacob excused himself, by reason of the weariness of his Cattel, and Esau retired to Seir where he made his abode, and had imposed that name on that Countrey, by reason of his thick hair. Jacob also retired himself to a place which at this day is called the Tents; and from thence into Sichem, a City of the Ca­naanites.

Now at such time as the Sichemites celebrated their Feast,The History of Dina, Jacob's daughter. Dina, which was Jacob's on­ly B Daughter, went into the City to see the bravery of the Women of that Countrey. But Sichem the Son of King Emmor was so taken with her beauty, that he defloured her: and being passionately in love,Gen. 34. 1, 2, 3, 4. he desir'd his Father that he might have her to Wife: who listening thereunto, went himself unto Jacob, praying him to give Dina his Daughter, in lawful Marriage, to his Son Sichem. The year of the World, 2206, before Christ's Nativity, 1758. Jacob not daring to refuse him, by reason of his authority and quality; and on the other side, not thinking it to be either a thing lawful, or convenient, to match his Daughter with a stranger, desired some time for deliberati­on. Hereupon the King departed, hoping that Jacob would listen to the Marriage. But Jacob having discover'd unto his Sons the ravishment of their sister, and the request of Emmor, desir'd them to consider amongst themselves, what was fit to be done in the mat­ter: C Ver. 21. 25. whereupon some held their peace, not knowing what to say; but Simeon and Levi (the Brothers of the same womb with their sister) complotted together this practice:Simeon and Levi kill the Sichemites. It was now a Festival of the Sichemites, who intended nothing but pleasure, and banquet­ting; and the two Brethren taking this opportunity, by night fell upon their first guards, and killed them as they slept; and from thence entering into the City, they killed all the Males (and with them the King and his Son) but to the Women they offered no violence.Gen. 35. 1, 2. Which being executed without the knowledge of their Father,Jacob digging up Laban's gods, goeth and sacrificeth at Bethel. they brought their sister back again. Jacob was very much astonished at this accident, so strangely exe­cuted, and was greatly displeas'd with his Children: but God appeared unto him, and comforted him, and commanded him to purifie his Tents, and offer those Sacrifices which D he had vowed when first he went into Mesopotamia, Ver. 16, 17, 18. and the Vision appeared unto him. As he cleansed those which followed him,Rachel dieth in Childbed. he found the gods of L [...]ban, which Rachel had stoln,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 28. and hid in Sichem, in the earth, under an oak, without his knowledge.

Afterwards departing from thence, he sacrificed in Bethel, where he had seen the Visi­on, at such time as he first of all took his journey into Mesopotamia: and as he travelled in the Land of Ephrata, Rachel died in Childbed, and was buried there: (and she alone enjoyed not the honour of being buried in Hebron with those of her Parentage.) After he had made great lamentation, he nam'd the Child which she bare at that time Benjamin, (by reason of the Pangs which kill'd his Mother.) These are all the Children of Jacob, twelve Males, and one Daughter; of whom eight were born by his lawful Wives, six of E Lea, and two of Rachel; and of their Maids, four; two, of each of them; whose names I have heretofore mention'd. From thence went Jacob to Hebron a City of Canaan, where his Father Isaac dwelt; but he lost him also shortly after.

CHAP. XIX.
Isaac dieth, and is buried in Hebron, Gen. 35. 29.

JAcob had not the comfort to find Rebecca his Mother still living,The year of the World, 2230, before Christ's Nativity, 1734. and Isaac died in a little time after the arrival of his Son, and was buried with his Wife by his Son Esau and Jacob in Hebron, among their Fathers. This Isaac was a man beloved of God, and F guided by his special providence, after the decease of Abraham: and after he had passed his life in all virtue for the space of 185 years,Isaac dieth 185 years old, Gen. 35. he died.

O

The Second Book of the HISTORY of the JEWS; H

The Contents of the Chapters of the Second Book.
  • 1. How Esau and Jacob, Isaac's Sons, divided their habitations: and how Idumaea fell to Esau's lot, and Canaan to Jacobs.
  • 2. How Joseph, the youngest of Jacob's Sons, by reason of his Dreams, which foretold his future Felicity, incurred his Brothers envy.
  • 3. How Joseph was sold by his Brethren into Egypt, and grew in great authority in that I Countrey, and how at length he had his Brothers under his power.
  • 4. How Jacob, with all his Progeny, came unto his Son.
  • 5. Of the affliction of the Hebrews in Egypt, for the space of 400 years.
  • 6. How under the conduct of Moses they forsook Egypt.
  • 7. How the Red Sea divided itself, and gave the Hebrews a passage at such time as they fled out of Egypt.

CHAP. I.
How Esau and Jacob, Isaac's Sons, divided their inheritance: and how Idumaea fell to Esau's lot, and Canaan to Jacobs.

K

AFter Isaac's death,The year of the World, 2238, before Christ's Nativity, 1734. his two Sons divided their inheritance among themselves, and neither of them remain'd in that same place which they had chosen be­fore to make their abode: but Esau leaving the City of Hebron to his Brother, went and dwelt in Seir, and was Lord of the Countrey of Idumaea, which he named by his name (calling it Edom) for the occasion which followeth.Isaac's Sons departed their habitations. He being very young, returned one day sore wearied with Travel, and hungry, from Hunt­ing: Gen. 36. 6, 7. and finding his Brother dressing for himself a mess of Lentil-pottage, which were very red in colour, and further encreased his appetite;Gen. 25. 53. 27. 36. he desir'd them at his hands, that he might eat them. But he taking the opportunity and occasion of his Brother Esau's hun­ger, constrained him to forsake him Birth-right,Esau, the first begotten, fel­leth his birth-right. and to sell him the same, on condition he L should give him them to eat. Esau then press'd with Hunger, resigned unto him his Birth-right, Esau called Edom. and confirm'd it with a solemn Oath. Hereupon, his equals in age, in way of mockery, called him Edom, by reason of his red meat; for Edom in Hebrew, signifieth red. His Countrey likewise was hence called Edom. Gen. 36. per tot. Esau's Sons and Po­sterity. But the Greeks, to the end they might make the name more agreeable, called it Idumaea. He became the Father of five Children, of whom he had three by his Wife Alibama, whose names were Jaus, Jolam and Chore: of the other two, Aliphates was the Son of Ada: and Raguel, of Mo­sametha: these Children had Esau. Aliphates had five legitimate Children, Theman, Omar, Opher, Jotham, Cenez, (for Amelech was illegitimate, born by one of his Concubines, whose name was Thesma.) These dwelt in the part of Idumaea, which is called Goboli­tis; M and in that part, which by reason of Amelech, is called Amalechitis. For Idumaea be­ing in times past a Land of great extent, continued the name of Idumaea thorow the whole Countrey: and the particular Provinces of the same, kept the names of those that first inhabited them.

CHAP. II.
Joseph, the youngest of Jacob's Children, is envied by his Brothers, Gen. 37.

BUt Jacob attained to that felicity,The year of the World, 2206, before Christ's Nativity, 1658. that scarcely any other in all that Countrey was so happy; for he surpassed all the Inhabitants of it in riches: and by reason of the virtues of his Children, he was both envied and regarded. For, they were accomplished N in all perfections, endowed with stout hearts, apt to execute any work of the hand, and to endure all sorts of Travel: finally, all of them were furnished with knowledge and providence.Gen. 37. 1, 2. But God had such care of him, and so graciously procured and furthered his good fortunes,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 2. that that which seemed unto him to be grievous and contrary, he brought to a prosperous issue for him, to the encrease of his riches; and caused that both he and his Children were the first motive to our Ancestors to forsake the Land of Egypt, on that occasion which here ensueth.Ver. 3, 4. Jacob having begotten Joseph of Rachel, lov'd him entirely, both in respect of the beauty of his body, [...]. and of the ornaments and virtues of his mind; as also his prudence, wherein he exceeded all his other Brothers. This cordial affection of his Father, moved envy and hatred amongst his Brothers towards him: together with the O Dreams which he had seen, and told both to his Father and Brethren, which presag'd un­to him a singular felicity. For, it is the common custom of Men to be jealous of their prosperity, with whom they are familiar.

[Page 51] A Now the visions which Joseph saw in his dream, were these Being sent by his Father, in the company of his Brothers,à v. 5. ad 9. Josephs Dream. to reap Corn in the time of Harvest, he saw a vision (far different from those which commonly happen in sleep) which (as soon as he awoke) he told unto his Brethren, to the end they might interpret it. He told them, that he thought in his dream the night past, that his Sheaf of Corn stood upright in a place where he had fixed it, and that theirs run towards his, to bow down and reverence the same. Which vision of his, seemed to foretel him his ample fortune: and how he should obtain the Lordship over all of them. But they concealed all these things from Joseph; ma­king shew, that they could in no sort interpret the dream: but being by themselves apart, they breathed forth contrary imprecations, wishing that nothing of this prediction, B might take effect, but persevered more and more in envy and hatred towards him. But God (opposing his power against their envy) sent Joseph a second and more strange vision:The year of the World, 2206. before Christs Nativity, 1758. for he dreamed, that the Sun, the Moon, and eleven of the Stars descended down to the earth, and humbled themselves before him. Which vision he revealed to his Father in the presence of his Brethren, (without suspition of any hatred in them towards him) and desir'd him to interpret unto him the meaning thereof.v. 9. 10, 11. Jacob greatly rejoyced at this dream,Josephs Dream of the Sun, Moon, and Stars. by reason he conceived in his mind the interpretation thereof, and (in comparing and alluding his conjectures not rashly, but with prudence) he rejoyced at those great matters which were signified by that dream:The interpre­tation of Jo­sephs Dream. which foretold that his Son Joseph should be very fortunate and happy; and that the time should come, in which his C Father, Mother, and Brethren should honor him, and do him homage. For, he compared the Moon (which ripeneth and encreaseth all things that grow) to his Mother; and the Sun (which giveth form and force) to his Father. And as touching his Brothers, who were eleven in number, he compared them to the Eleven Stars, (which receive their force both from the Sun and the Moon.) Neither did Jacob without judgment and con­sideration, so interpret this vision. But Josephs Brothers were highly grieved at this presage,v. 11. conceiving as enviously and hatefully thereof, as if this felicity had been por­tended to a stranger and not to their Brother, with whom they might equally partake his good fortunes, being as well Allied in felicity unto him, as in consanguinity. Where­upon they resolved on his death and destruction: Josep [...]'s Bro­thers complot his death. and having complotted these counsels D amongst themselves, and gathered in their Harvest, they retired themselves with their flock,Sichem a fit place to graze in. v. 13, 14. towards Sichem, (which was a part of that Countrey very fit to feed their Cattel;) where they kept their flocks without giving any notice of thier departure to their Father. But he perceiving that no Man came from the herd, that might tell him any tidings, being sorrowful and careful of his Sons, sent Joseph to the flocks, to understand how they did, and how their affairs prospered.

CHAP. III.
How Joseph was sold into Egypt by his Brethren, and grew in credit in that Countrey: and how his Brethren at length were under his subjection.

E BUt so soon as they saw their Brother coming towards them,v. 18. they rejoyced, not as at the arrival of one of their neer Friends,Joseph cometh unto his Bro­thers who re­solve to mur­ther him. sent unto them by their Father, but as if their Enemy had met them, and was, by the will of God, delivered into their hands. They therefore mutually agreed to put him to death, and not to let slip the present op­portunity. Reuben dis­suadeth his Brothers death. But Reuben, the eldest amongst them, seeing their disposition and conspiracy to kill him, endeavoured to dissuade them; setting before their eyes, how heinous and wicked the enterprise was, and what hatred they might incur thereby. For (said he) if before God and before Men it be a wicked and detestable thing,v. 21. to lay hands on, and to murther a stranger; how much more heinous a Crime will it be held for us, F to be convicted to be the murtherers of our Brother? whose death will heap sorrow on our Fathers head, and draw our Mother into great grief and desolation, through the loss of her Son robbed and bereft from her against the ordinary course of nature. He prayed therefore them to be advised in these things; and to consider in their minds, what might happen, if this Child, who was fair, vertuous, and young, should be put to death: desiring them to give over this unnatural resolution, and to fear God who was both the judge and witness of their deliberation intended against their Brother: adding that if they would desist from this heinous act, God would take pleasure in their re­pentance and reconcilement: but if they proceeded in their enterprise, he assured them, that he would punish them like fratricides;The year of the World, 2217. before Christs Nativity, 1747. since nothing is hidden from his providence, G whether it be committed in the Desart, or attempted in the City. For wheresoever Men are, there is it alwayes to be thought, that God likewise is. Further, that when they should have perpetrated this fact, they should alwayes have their consciences as an [Page 52] armed Adversary against them, which never would forsake them. That it was an H impious fact to kill a Mans own Brother, although he had done him injury; and much more meritorious, to forgive a Mans Friend, that had offended against him. More­over he said, that Joseph had done them no wrong, whose tender years rather required care and compassion at their hands, than hate and tyranny. Besides that, the cause of his slaughter would aggravate their offence, if it should be known, that for envy of his future felicity they should take away his life; all which good hap they likewise might participate, by reason of consanguinity: and that it was their duty to think, that what­soever blessing God imparted to Joseph, was theirs, and that for that cause they were to consider, that God would be more displeased against them, if they should endeavour to deprive him of his life whom he had esteemed and adjudged worthy of prosperity to I come. Reuben alledging these and many other things, dissuaded, and laboured to divert them from shedding their Brothers blood. But seeing that all these his motives could in no sort mollifie them, and that they hastened the rather to perpetrate the Murther; he counselled them, that at leastwise they should allot him some milder kind of death: telling them, that he endeavoured all what in him lay, at the first to dissuade them; But since it was through­ly resolved among them, that he should not live; that less mischief should follow of it, if they would be ruled by his counsel: for by that means their will should have effect, yet a more mild and less hurtful,v. 29. Reuben per­suadeth them to cast Joseph into a Pit. in comparison of Murther; that it were better for them to withhold their hands, and keep them immaculate, by casting him into the next Pit, and there leaving him in the hands of death. To this counsel, all of them agreed. So Reuben K took Joseph, Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 3. and bound him with cords, and let him down easily into a Pit, which was dry: which done, he departed, to seek out a more convenient place for pasture.

But when Reuben was gon▪ Juda one of Jacob's Sons (espying certain Merchants of Arabia of the Countrey of the Ishmalites, v. 27. who from the Countrey of Galaad carried spicery and Syrian Merchandise into Egypt) counselled his Brothers to draw up Joseph out of the Well,Joseph▪ by the counsel of Juda is sold to the Arabian Merchants. and to sell him to those Arabians: assuring them, by that means it would come to pass, that Joseph should die the farther off from them, amongst Strangers: and as touching themselves, they should he exempt from that pollution. Which counsel of his being commended by them all,29. Reuben by night cometh to the Pit. they drew Joseph out of the Pit, and sold him to the Arabians for the summe of twenty pieces of Silver, at such time as he was seventeen years L of age. Now had Reuben resolved in himself to save Joseph without his Brothers privity; for which cause coming by night unto the Pit, he called him with a loud voice; and seeing that he gave him no answer, he began to conjecture with himself, that his Brethren had put him to death; he reproved them therefore very bitterly: but after they had told him what was become of him, he gave over his mourning. After these things were thus passed, the Brethren consulted among themselves, in what sort they might clear them­selves from their Fathers suspicion;31. and concluded among themselves to tear the Coat wherewith Joseph was attired when he came to them, and which they had taken from him when they cast him into the Well; to the end, that having stained it in the Blood of a Goat, 32. Josephs Bro­thers persua­ded his Father that he is de­voured by Wild-Beasts. they might afterwards carry it to their Father, and shew it him, to the end he M might suppose, that Joseph was slain by wild Beasts. Which done, they came unto the old Man (who had already heard something of Joseph's misfortunes) and told him, that they had not seen their Brother Joseph, neither could they assure him what mishap had befaln him: but that notwithstanding, they had found his Coat, all bloodied and torn; which made them suspect,34. Jacob bewail­eth Joseph for dead. that he was slain by some wild Beasts, if so be he were sent unto them, attired in that Coat.

But Jacob (that hitherto expected more gentle tidings, supposing and hoping that Joseph had only been captive) gave over this opinion, and took the Coat for a most assured testimony of his Sons death; for he knew that he was apparelled therewith, at such time as he sent him to his Brothers: for which cause he lamented Joseph, from that N time forward, as certainly dead. And such was the grief of his heart, that he received no consolation, but suffered himself to be persuaded by the Brothers, that Joseph was slain by Savage Beasts. He therefore sate him down, being clothed in Sackcloth, and charged with sorrow,27 28. Joseph is sold in Egypt to Putiphar. and neither could his Sons by their counsels mitigate his moans, nor he himself remit the rigour of his lamentation.

Now Joseph was sold by the Merchants, and bought by Putiphar, (an Egyptian Lord, and steward of King Pharaohs houshold) who held him in high estimation, and trained him up in all liberal Sciences,Gen 39. 7, 9, 10. suffering him to live, not after a servile, but liberal manner, and com­mitting unto his charge the care of his houshold; all which favours he made use of. Yet was he no wayes diverted by these his priviledges and promotions, from his habitual O virtue; testifying hereby, that prudence doth not submit to adverse fortune, if a Man use the same orderly, and not at that time only when fortune fawneth and flattereth.

[Page 53] A It fortuned not long after,Gen. 39. 7, 9, 10 that his Masters Wife fell in love with him, both for his beauty,Putiphars Wife soliciteth Joseph to lie with her. and for his wit and diligence; and she imagin'd that if she open'd her mind to him, she might easily enjoy him; and that he would esteem it a part of his felicity to be loved by his Mistriss. All which she fancied, having onely regard to that servile condi­tion wherein at that present he was, and not to his manners, which continued always vir­tuous, notwithstanding any change that could happen unto him. So she discover'd to him her passion, and desir'd him to grant her an amorous encounter: but he refused her demand, alledging, that it was a most wicked requital towards his Master, if it should come to pass, that he who had bought him, and so greatly honoured him, should receive so great an iniury and outrage from him. He exhorted her therefore to conquer her ap­petite, B and to lay aside all hope of ever compassing her concupiscence; alledging un­to her, That desire is then less active, when hope is extinguished; and that he had rather suffer all mischief imaginable, than consent or condescend unto her in that wickedness. And although (said he) it be undecent for a Servant to contradict the will of his Mistriss, yet, the filthiness of the fact dissuaded him from attempting the same. This repulse, more and more inflam'd her, having supposed that Joseph would not deny her; and her disordinate affections encreasing daily she devised and complotted a new means, in hope to bring her love to the desired issue.

Whereas therefore a solemn and publick Feast was at hand, wherein (according to custom) the Ladies were wont to adorn the solemnity by their presence;Putiphar's Wife com­plotteth a second subtilty to allure Joseph. she fained C a sickness, and persuaded her Husband to believe it, hoping by this means to have the better opportunity, being alone, to solicite Joseph; which falling out accordingly, she began to court and caress him with these flattering discourses, That he had done well, if (upon her first request) he had obeyed her, without any contradiction, in respect of her dignity who made suit to him; and her incredible passion, which had so far com­manded her, that notwithstanding she were his Mistriss, she had debas'd her self so much as to solicite him: that now he should behave himself more wisely and better; if in amends of his forepassed obstinacy he at last would consent. For if he expected this her second summons, she now made it far more affectionate and importunate than the former, for (saith she) I have fained sickness to this end, to solicite and prefer thy company D before a publick triumph. Or if at first thou didst mistrust me, thou may'st hereby con­ceive that I do not maliciously tempt thee, in that I yet continue in the same affection. For which cause either make choice of this present pleasure, and be obsequious to her that loveth thee, in hope of further preferments, or be assured of my hate and re­venge, if thou preferrest thy opinion of chastity before my favour. For be assured that thy chastity shall profit thee nothing, if I accuse thee to my Husband, and avow, that thou soughtest to violate me: for though thy allegations be more true, yet shall my words be of more force, and my accusations more acceptable in Putiphars ears than thine.Joseph once more repulseth the assaults of her lust, ver. 11, 12. But neither by these words, nor her Tears, the witnesses of her vows, could Joseph be perverted; nor could flatteries allure him, nor terrors compel him to forsake E his resolved chasity; but he constantly contemned those unjust afflictions, wherewith she threatned him: choosing rather to suffer any misery whatsoever, than to be carried away to such criminal pleasures; being well assured that he was worthy of extreme punishment, if on a womans entreaty he should condescend to any such treachery. He admonished her of her duty, alledging the Laws, rights, and customs of Matrimony, willing her rather to respect them, than her inordinate lust: which is speedily followed with repentance, and a continual fear of being discovered: whereas conjugal fidelity is void of fear, and attended by a good conscience before God and Man. Moreover, that it was more convenient for her to govern and command him as his Lady and Mistriss than to debase her self, making him the partaker of their common sin; and far more F pleasant to be assured in the confidence of a good life, than in secret to commit sin. By these, and such words, he endeavor'd to abate the violence of her furious passion, and to reclaim her from her depraved fancies to submit to the law of reason: but she, the more instantly he dissuaded, the more earnestly invaded him; and when by no means she could pervert him by words, she laid violent hands upon him, to constrain him by force.v. 12. But Joseph unable to endure any longer the impudence of the Woman,Joseph leaving his rayment behind him, fled from the Adultress. leaving his Garment behind him, whereby she held him, fled suddenly out of the chamber. She partly impelled by the grief of repulse, partly mov'd with fear, lest her lasciviousness should be made known to her Husband, decreed first of all falsly to accuse Joseph, and by this means to take revenge upon him; holding it to be a craft worthy a Wo­mans G Wit, to anticipate and first of all to accuse her accuser. She therefore sat down sad and perplexed, colouring the grief of her defrauded lust, under the cloak of in­dignation, for her attempted honour and violated chastity. And when her Husband [Page 54] came home, and being troubled to behold her sadness, demanded the cause thereof.H Thou deservest to live no longer (said she) my Husband,v. 14. 17, if thou do not rigorously punish that wretched slave,The Adulte­resses accusa­tion against Joseph. who hath attempted to violate thy Bed, forgetting both what he was when he came into thy house, and with how great goodness thou hast entertained him; and who instead of testifying his gratitude for the same, hath not for­born to offer injury, even to thine own Wife; and which is more, on an holy day, and in thine absence: whereby it manifestly appears, that the moderation which hitherto he hath pretended, rather proceeded of servile fear, than native modesty. And that which hath the more emboldned him, is, that (besides all hope, and beyond his merit) thou hast favoured him: for seeing all thy goods committed to his trust and dispensation, and that he was preferred before all thine ancient Servants, he thought it lawful likewise I for him to attempt and outrage thy Wife. And to procure more credit to her words, she produced his Garment, which (as she said) he left behind him, when he endeavored to violate her. Putiphar moved with the words and tears of a woman, and attributing too much to his wives dissembling love, omitted the further and faithful inquisition of the truth, and after he had praised his Wives faith and loyalty, he cast Joseph, thus condemned of hei­nous wickedness,vers. 20. into the Prison of Malefactors, esteeming his wives chastity, and com­mending it the more,Joseph is cast into Prison. in that he was now made a witness of her approved honesty.

But Joseph committing his innocency to God,Hedio & Ruf­finus chap. 4. neither took care how to excuse him­self, nor to declare how the matter had pass'd: but silently suffering the necessity of his Bonds,Gen. 39. 21, 22, 23. he comforted himself with this only hope, that God was more powerful then K they that had imprisoned him;Joseph's pati­ence in Bonds. and accordingly he soon found the effects of his provi­dence. For the keeper of the Prison considering both his faith and diligence in all that he employed him in,The keeper of the Prison dealeth friend­ly with Joseph. and the comeliness of his person, loosed him out of Bonds, and by that means in some sort lessened his misery; giving him also an allowance more liberal than the rest of the Prisoners had. Now, when they that were in the Prison (as often as they had intermission from their labour) conferred together (as Men in misery are wont to do) and questioned among themselves, of the causes of their mis­fortunes; a certain Butler of the Kings (condemned by him, in displeasure, to be cast into Irons) grew familiar with Joseph: and for that he accounted him a prudent and provident Man, he told him his Dream, praying him, that if any presage might be L gathered thereby, he would expound it unto him; lamenting his misfortune, that he was not onely persecuted by the Kings displeasure, but also when he should take his rest, troubled from Heaven by Dreams. For he said, that in his sleep he beheld three great clusters of Grapes hanging on three Branches of a Vine, which were all ripe, and ready to be gathered; and that he thought he pressed them into a Cup, which the King held; and that afterwards, having strained the Must, he offered it to the King, and that he willingly drank thereof. When he had shewed him his Dream, he desired him, that if he had any knowledge given him from God, he would vouchsafe to interpret his Vision unto him.Gen. 40. 5, 9, ad 15. Joseph bade him be of good courage, and expect, that within three days he should be delivered from his Bonds,The Butlers Dream ex­pounded. admitted again to the Kings service, and M restored to his former credit. For (said he) the Vine bringeth forth a fruit very good, and profitable for Mans use; by the use thereof, faith and friendship is confirmed amongst them,The year of the World, 2238, before Christ's Nativity, 1736. discords dissolved, and troubles and sorrows asswaged, in stead of which, pleasures succeed. Since, said he (as thou tellest me) the King favorably received the Wine pressed out by thy hands, know that thou hast a good Dream offered thee, and that it signifieth thy deliverance from misery within three dayes, according to the number of those Clusters which thou gatheredst in thy Dream. Remember me therefore, I pray thee, as soon as the event hath approved this my prediction to be real and true; and when thou art at liberty, forget not us that are left here to lie in misery, for I am not here thrust into Bonds for my wickedness, but I am punished like a Malefactor for my N Vertue and Modesty; in that I rather respected the honour of the house in which I lived, and his credit who committed me to Prison, than mine owne pleasure. The Butler, rejoyced greatly at the interpretation of his Dream, and expected the event. Now a certain other Man, the Kings Baker, being in the same Prison with the Butler, and conceiving some hope through Joseph's so happy interpretation (for that he likewise had seen a Vision) desired him to expound unto him what interpretation was to be had of a Dream, which he had had the night past, and which he related in these words. Me thought (said he) I caried three Baskets on my head:The Bakers Dream, v. 16. of which, two were filled with bread, and the other with flesh, and divers other kind of cates, such as are prepared for Kings: But the Birds of the air hovering round about me, devoured O all the victuals, being nothing frighted by me, although I endeavored to drive them away. Which said, he expected a presage no less fortunate than the former.

[Page 55] A But Joseph, after he had attentively consider'd the circumstances of the Dream, told him that he would rather have informed him of more favorable success than his Dream did portend;The exposition of the Baker's Dream. and that he had only two days left to live, which were signified by the two Baskets; but on the third he should be hanged and devoured by the Fowls, which he could not drive from him. Neither did it otherwise fall out with both of them, than Joseph had foretold: For upon the perfixed day, the King (celebrating the feast of his Nativity) commanded that the Baker should be hanged,Gen. 14. 1, ad 17. and the Butler delivered from his Bonds, and restored to his former office. But God delivered Joseph (after he had for the space of two years spent histime in the misery of the Prison, and was in the mean space no ways assisted by the ungrateful Butler) by preordinating this means B and manner of his liberty.Pharaoh the King of Egypt his Dream. King Pharaoh having in one and the same night seen in his sleep two Dreams, which he conceived were of ill presage to him, though he had forgot the explication of them which had been made to him at the same time; early in the morning (calling before him the learnedst among the Egyptians) he required the in­terpretation thereof. Now when he could in no sort be satisfied by them, he became more and more troubled: which the Butler perceiving, he called to mind Joseph, and his wisdom and prudence in these sorts of conjectures, and repairing unto the King, told him of Joseph, and of his Vision which he had whil'st he was in Prison, together with Joseph's interpretation, and the event thereof, and how the same day, the Master of the Bakers being condemned to the Gallows, gave greater credit to his predictions: C how he was kept Prisoner as a slave by Putiphar, the Master of his houshold, and that he was a Hebrew, as himself said, descended of good and honourable Parents. Command him therefore (said he) to be sent for, neither despise the Man for his present misery, for thou maist manifestly understand by him,Joseph deli­vered from bonds. the signification of thy Dreams. Here­upon the King sent for him presently, and friendly taking him by the hand, spake to him after this manner. I understand by the report of my Servant, that thou art prudent; and therefore desire thee to shew me the interpretation of my Dreams in such manner as thou discoveredst his unto him, and thou shalt do me an high pleasure: but beware thou neither conceal any thing for fear, nor speak for flattery, nor feed me with falshoods, but tell me all things truly, although such as may breed my discontent to hear them. D Me thought as I was walking by a River side,Pharaoh's Dream of the seven kine. I saw seven well fed and fat kine, which came out of the River into the pasture: and again, me thought seven others came from the pasture to meet them, which were very lean and ugly to behold; these lean de­voured the seven others that were fat and great, yet were never the more increased, but were all of them miserably vexed with hunger.The year of the World, 2231, before Christ's Nativity, 1733. But after this vision, being awaked out of my sleep, and troubled in my mind, what it might signifie, being seized by little and little by a pleasant slumber, I fell a sleep again; And again, I saw a vision more pro­digious than the former, and which likewise troubles and terrifies me more. For I saw seven ears of Corn sprung out of one root, that hung down and bowed their heads, because they were loaden with grain ready to be reapt:The year of the World. 2238, before Christ's Nativity, 1726. after which, there appeared E seven other weak, and dry ears, which devouring those other great and full ears, left me highly astonished. Hereunto Joseph answered: This Dream (O King) although it hath been seen in two figures, yet it importeth one and the same accident, which is to ensue. For both those seven lean Oxen and those seven dry ears of Corn,The interpre­tation of Pha­raoh's Dream. a v. 18. ad 36. which you saw de­vour the seven fat Oxen, and seven full ears of Corn, fore-signifie a Famine and scarcity in Egypt, for so many years as there were Oxen and ears of Corn in good plight: so that the fertility of these good years shall be consumed by the sterility of so many other years, according to their number; and there shall be such scarcity of necessary provision, that it shall be hard to prevent and supply the defect: all which is signified by those seven lean kine which having devoured the good, could not be satisfied by the same. All F these things God foretels unto Men, not to the end they should be terrified and affright­ed; but that being forewarn'd they may provide for themselves, and the more easily prevent the imminent danger. If therefore thou shalt lay up and store the abundance of the plentiful years,v. 47, 48, 49. Egypt shall not feel the penury that shall follow. And when the King (admiring Joseph's prudence and wisdom) demanded after what manner he might provide in the time of plenty,By Joseph [...]s counsel the suc­ceeding scarcity is made more tolerable. to prevent and redress the future sterility, he warned and counselled him, that the Egyptians should use parsimony and that that which remained of those years superfluity, might be reserved for future necessities. He counsel­led him also to command the husbandmen to hoard up their Corn in their Barns, and only to distribute to the People so much as was sufficient, and no more. Hereupon the G King (not only praising Joseph's counsel,v. 42, 43. but also his interpretation of his Dreams) made him Lord and Commissary of all his store;Joseph is inti­tled by Phara­oh to great honours. and commanded him to provide whatsoever he thought necessary for his service and the good of his People: assuring [Page 56] him that he thought no Man more proper to execute this counsel, than himself who H was the author thereof: Having therefore this authority given him by the King to use his own signet, and to be cloathed in Purple, and to ride in a Chariot, throughout all Egypt, he stor'd up all the Corn in the Kings Granaries, and distributed to every one by measure,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap 5. that which they wanted for Seed-Corn, and for their nourishment, with­out letting any Man understand for what cause he did it.

He was now about thirty years old, and was held in great honour by the King, being for his extraordinary prudence, sirnamed by him Psontomphanech, which in the Egyptian lan­guage signifieth,V. 50, 51, 52. The discoverer of hidden things: he was also honoured with a Wife of great dignity.Joseph marri­eth a Wife in Egypt, on whom he be­gat Manasses and Ephraim. By the Kings order likewise he took to Wife a Virgin, Daughter to Putifar I the Heliopolitan Priest, whose name was Asaneth, by whom be begat Children before the Famine began in Egypt. The elder of which was called Manasses, which signifieth Oblivion (because attaining better fortune he grew into oblivion of his former misery:) but the younger was called Ephraim (which signifieth Return, for that he was restored to the liberty of his ancestors.) Now when, according to Joseph's interpretation, the seven years of plenty and affluence were past in Egypt; the years of Famine began to infest the Land,V. 54, 55. and for that the evil was unexpected,The Famine in Egypt. the headlong multitude grievously pres­sed with hunger and misery, began to flock about the Kings gates and Garners. Where­upon the King called for Joseph, who presently distributing Grain to those that wanted it, became without controversie, the Father and conserver of the commonalty. Neither K did he only sell it those that inhabited that Countrey, but to strangers also; accounting the whole race of Mankind so allied together that 'tis reasonable such as want,Gen. 42. 1, 2, &c. should be supplied by those that have plenty.Jacob sendeth his Sons into Egypt to buy Wheat. And because the same calamity both oppressed Canaan and other Kingdoms of the world, Jacob also sent all his Sons into Egypt to fetch Corn; (as soon as he understood that strangers also had liberty to traffique in that place) only with himself he retained Benjamin, whom he begat on Rachel, and who was brother by the whole blood to Joseph. When these ten Brethren arrived in Egypt, they repaired to Jo­seph, beseeching him that they might be permitted to buy corn: for nothing was done with­out his express command; it seem'd an honour done to the King, to do honour to Joseph. He taking knowledge of his Brothers, who thought of nothing less than of him (by L reason that in his youth he was sold away by them, and age had altered the lineaments of his face;V. 7, &c. and besides, none of them could imagine that he had attained to so great dignity) determined to make trial of them,Joseph sound­eth this Bro­thers, to the end he might understand his Fathers and Benjamins estate, V. 10. to the end he might the better gather how they were affected. For he both denyed them his licence to buy Corn, and commanded them also to be apprehended for Spies, telling them that they were of divers Nations, though they feigned kindred: for how can it be (saith he) that a private Man should bring up so many worthy Sons; which felicity scarcely and very seldom is granted to Kings? This did he, to the end he might gather some intelligence of his Father, and in what estate he lived,Rubens an­swer unto Jo­seph both for himself and his Brothers. during his absence; and what was become of Benjamin his Brother: for he was much afraid, they had offered the same hard measure to the youth M which they had us'd to himself. These words struck them with a great fear, in regard of their imminent peril, supposing that they had travelled this long journey all in vain: and for that they saw their accusation must be answered; Ruben the eldest of them, began after this manner to plead their common cause. We come not hither (said he) as Spies, but dire Famine (whose furie we seek to prevent) hath compelled us to come into this Countrey, hoping in your humanity; who (as we have heard) have not only made offer of sale of Corn, and means of sustenance to your own Citizens, but also to all strangers. That we are Brothers, and born of the same Father, our very counte­nances testifie, in that they vary not very much the one from the other. Our Father is called Jacob; by Nation, an Hebrew: who begat us, his twelve Sons, on four Women:N and while we were all living our affairs were fortunate and prosperous; but since the death of one of us, whose name was Joseph, our domestic fortunes began to grow to ruine. Our Father languisheth in continual lamentations; and his Tears do no less afflict us, than in times past the untimely death of our dearest Brother did affect us. Now are we come to buy Corn, having left in our Fathers custody the youngest of our Brothers, called Benjamin. That thus it is, if thou please to send any one unto our house, thou mayest be assured. Thus spake Ruben, both on his own and his Brothers behalf, to remove Joseph's sinister opinion of them: who knowing that both his Father and Brother were in health,V. 17. commanded them to be shut in Prison, under pretence to call them to further examination,Joseph com­mandeth his Brothers to Prison. at better leisure. Some three days O after (calling them before him) he began thus: Since (saith he) you protest, that you came not hither into this Kingdom on purpose, either to prejudice the King, or work [Page 57] A Treasons towards the State, and that you pretend your selves to be the Sons of one Father: you shall induce me to beleive, that your allegations be true, if leaving some one with me as pledge of your loyalties, (who shall be well entertained) you bear hence your desired Corn to your Father, and return again unto me, bringing with you your Brother, whom (as you say) you left behind you: for this shall be an Argument that you lye not. Amazed at these words, and supposing that their extreme calamity was at hand, they lamented their misfortune; oftentimes expostulating amongst them­selves, that God did now punish them for their cruelty towards Joseph. But Reuben re­prehended their too late and unprofitable repentance, saying, That those afflictions which God (the just revenger of innocency) had inflicted on his impious Brothers,v. 21. ought B patiently to be born.Josephs Bro­thers, repent them of that evil they had done unto him After this manner spake they one unto another, supposing that no Man was present who understood the Hebrew Tongue: and they all lamented, being inwardly touched with the words of Reuben; and condemned their perpetrated wickedness: for which, at that time, they thought that God did most justly punish them. Joseph beholding them in this perplexity, and unable to dissemble any longer his Bro­therly love, by reason the Teares already began to burst out of his eyes, which at that time he desired to conceal,v. 24. departed from among them.

Not long after,Joseph sendeth away his Bro­thers, and one­ly retaineth Simeon. returning again unto them, he retained Simeon with him, to be in the mean time as a pledge, until their return; and giving them licence to buy their Corn, he commanded them to depart: giving withall a speciall commandement to one C of his Servants, that the Money which they had brought to buy Corn, should secretly be shut up in their Sacks, and they permitted to depart; all which his Servant performed. But Jacobs Sons returning into Canaan told their Father all that had hapned unto them in Egypt, and how they were taken for Spies, and Traitors to that Countrey: and that when they protested, that they were all Brethren, and that the eleventh was left at home with their Father, the Governour would not believe them. Moreover, that Simeon was left pledge with the Governour,v. 36. until Benjamin should come thither to give testimony of their truth:Jacob is sore grieved for Simeons ab­sence, and be­cause Benja­min should de­part from him. whereupon they desired their Father without fear or sinister conceit, to send their younger Brother with them. But Jacob was displeased with that which his Sons had done; and whereas he was not a little grieved that Simeon was left behind, he D thought it worse then death also to be deprived of Benjamin; and neither could Reuben with his Prayers (offering his Sons for pledges, that if any sinister fortune should fall upon Benjamin by the way,Gen. 42. 1. ad. 10. the Grandfather might revenge it on his Childeren) per­suade Jacob to yield consent: but they uncertain what to do, were more and more terrified,Jacobs Sons, but in especial Juda, urge their Father to send Benja­min with them. in that they found their Money inclosed in their Sacks of Corn. Now when Corn began already to fail them, Jacob being compelled by force of Famine, delibera­ted to send Benjamin with his other Brothers: for they dar'd not return into Egypt, with­out him. And when necessity pressed them daily more and more, and his Sons ceased not instantly to call upon him; yet was he still doubtful and unresolved: till at last Juda, a Man vehement by nature, began more freely to tell his Father that he was too E careful of his Brother Benjamin to whom nothing could happen without the will of God, whither abroad or at home: and that without this superfluous care of his Son Benjamin, endangered his own and all their lives, which could not subsist but by the re­lief which was to be had out of Pharaohs Countrey; that he ought also to have care of the life of Simeon, lest whilest he delayed to send Benjamin on the journey, Simeon in the mean time should be slain by the Egyptians. Moreover he exhorted him to com­mit the care of his Son to God,v. 11 ad 14. promising to bring him back again in safety, or else to die together with him:Jacob sendeth his [...]ons with presents into Egypt. and proposing, that certain Fruits of Canaan, as Balm, Stacte, Terebinth, and Honey, should be sent as Presents to Joseph, together with the double price of their Corn. Thus shedding Tears on both sides, they depart from their Father, F leaving him miserably tormented for the health of his Sons; and contrariwise suspect­ing with themselves, lest through his absence their Father should dye with sorow. And so travelling into Egypt, they mitigated their present grief with the hope of better for­tune. No sooner were they arrived there but they repaired unto Joseph; being sore afraid, lest it should be laid to their charge, that by fraud and deceit they had carried away with them the price of their former Corn: which presently, before Joseph's stew­ard, vers. 16. they carefully excused,Jacobs Sons arrive in Egypt, and Simeon is set at liberty. saying, That they found the Money, among the Wheat at such time as they emptied their Sacks; which now, in discharge of their truth, they had brought back again. But he denying that he ever missed their Money, and they being delivered from this fear, began to be more secure; so that Simeon was suddenly G set at liberty, to converse among his Brethren. Now, when Joseph was returned from the service of the King, they offer him presents: and he enquiring of them, how their Father did? they answered, that he was in health. Then perceiving that Benjamin was [Page 58] yet alive, whom he saw among them, he ask'd whether that were their younger Brother?H and hearing that it was,vers. 29. he only uttered these words,Joseph un­known to his Brethren, salu­teth both them and Benjamin. That God's providence was over all things, and departed from them, being unwilling that any of them should see him shed Tears, which he could not any longer contain. Inviting them afterwards unto a Banquet, he commanded them to sit down in order, according as they were wont to do when they were with their Father; and whereas he kindly entertained all of them, he honoured Benjamin with a double share. After the Banquet, when they were all laid down to rest, he commanded the steward to measure out the Wheat which every one should bear away with him, and to hide the price thereof again in their Sacks: but in Benjamins Sack, he commanded him to put his Cup which he ordinarily made use of. This he did,Hedio & Ruf­finus chap. 6. with intent to make triall of their loves towards Benjamin; and whether I they would stick unto him,Gen. 44. 2, 3, being accused of Theft, or leave him behind as a malefactor, and return unto their Father,Joseph tempt­eth Benjamins Brothers, whe­ther they would assist him. as if the matter no wayes touched them. Which being done according as he had commanded, early in the morning all Jacobs Sons arose, and taking with them Simeon, departed onwards of their journey; rejoycing as well at his re­stitution, as Benjamins return, whom they both promised and protested to bring back again to their Father;Josephs bre­thren are staid in their jour­ney. when behold, suddenly a Troop of Horsemen beset them round; amongst whom, was that Servant who had hid the Cup in the Sack. They being troubled by this sudden incursion, and asking, why they set upon them whom they so lately had both invited and entertained so honourably?v. 5, 12. The Egyptians answered, and exclaim­ed against them,Jacobs Sons are accused of Theft. calling them wicked Men, who forgetting the late benefits received,K and Joseph's gentleness and humanity, were so wicked, as to return him injuries for his courtesies; threatning them that they should be punished for their Theft: and telling them, that although for a time they had deceived the Officer of the Table, yet could they not deceive God; and again asking them, whether they were well in their wits, in supposing that for this offence they should not be incontinently punished? with these, and the like speeches, the Servant insulted over them. But they, who nothing at all suspected this subtilty, accused him saying, That they wondred at the Mans unreasonable­ness, in so rashly accusing them of Theft, who had not kept back the price of their Corn, which they found in their Sacks, whereas none but themselves knew of that Money; so far were they from purposely offering any wrong. Yet in that they thought the search­ing L would better satisfie them, than denial, they bid them search their Sacks; offering themselves, each of them, to suffer punishment, if any one of them were found guilty of the Theft. This search which they offered, the Egyptians accepted; yet agreed the punishment should be inflicted onely on him who had done the injury. Afterwards beginning to search, and orderly looking into each Mans Sack, at length they came to Benjamin; not that they were ignorant the Cup was hid in his Sack, but that they might seem to discharge their duty more exactly. Now all the rest being secure in themselves, they were only careful of their Brother Benjamin; and they hoped that he would not be found guilty of falshood: for which cause, they more freely upbraided their persecutors; objecting unto them, how, through their importunity, they had been hin­dred M a good part of their journey. Now as they searched Benjamins Sack, they found the Cup; whereupon all the Brothers began to mourn and lament, both bewailing their Brothers misfortune, who was presently to suffer death for the Theft; and their own mishap, who having plighted their faith unto their Father for Benjamins safe return, were compelled to falsifie the same through this accident. And that which further in­creased their grief, was, that when as they most of all hoped to be free from dangers, they were, by fortunes envy, thrust into so great calamity; confessing themselves to be the authors both of their Fathers, and this their Brothers misfortune; in that they had never ceased to importune and compel their Father (although he were unwilling, and resisted) to send the Child with them.N

Now the Horsemen having laid hands on Benjamin, led him unto Joseph, and his Brothers followed him.ver. 12. Joseph beholding his Brother in the others hands, and the rest bemoaning him round about them;Benjamin is attached for Theft. Have you, said he (O most wicked Men) either so contemned my humanity, or Gods providence, as that you durst attempt such a hainous injury against him who entertained you with hospitality, and dismissed you with benefits? To whom they answered, that they were ready to suffer punishment for Benjamin, calling again to their remembrance, Joseph's injuries, saying; that he was happy who delivered by death from life was exempt from all calamities: and that (if he lived) God in­flicted that plague on them for his sake. They said also, that they were the plague and great misfortune of their Father, because that to the former sorrow which he had en­dur'd O ever since the time of Josephs death, they had also annexed this new misery: neither did Reuben desist to reproach them in bitter manner with the wickedness which they had [Page 59] A committed▪ But Joseph told them that he dismissed them all (seeing that their innocence was proved to him) and would be contented with the Lads punishment: for (said he) neither is it reasonable that he should be delivered for the sake of those who have not offended: nor they punished for him that hath done the Theft: He commanded them therefore to depart, and promised them safe conduct on their way.

Whilest all of them were grievously wounded with these words (so that scarcely one of them could speak for sorrow) Juda (who had persuaded his Father to send Benjamin with them▪ A ver. 18. ad finem. and who above the rest was a Man of confidence) purposed to ex­pose himself to all danger in that resolution to deliver his Brother: Judah's Ora­tion unto Jo­seph for Benja­min. whereupon he addressed himself to Joseph, and spake thus, My Lord (said he) we confess that we are all B ready to suffer punishment, though we have not all of us committed the offence, but onely the youngest; and though we suppose his life to be almost desperate, yet our onely hope rests in your goodness and clemency. We beseech you therefore, that you will have compassion of us, and be pleased to take counsel, not of your just indignation, but your native goodness; since 'tis proper to great minds, as yours is, to surmount those passions, to which onely vulgar Souls give way, and are wont to submit. Consider, I pray you, whether it stand with your dignity to kill those, who present themselves to be punished, and desire in no sort to live, except it be by the benefit of your mercy? Suffer not your self to be deprived of this honour, after you have delivered us from Famine, and liberally furnished us with Corn to carry to our Family, labouring under the same calamity. For 'tis one and the same bounty to continue them in life, who are afflicted C with Famine; and not to take it from them, who have merited death: And you shall save those whom you have fed; and that life which you would not suffer to fail by Famine, restore and give again: whereby your clemency will be more commendable, whil'st you give both life, and those things likewise whereby life is maintained. Moreover, I think that God himself hath given you this occasion to declare your virtue, that it may appear that you set lighter by the inju­ries offered unto you, than by your will to do good; and that you are not only liberal to them who are poor and innocent, but merciful to those that are guilty. For although it be a glorious thing to yield succor in adversities; yet is a Prince no less honoured by his clemency, especially in a cause that concerneth his particular interest; for if they that remit small offences, are fol­lowed by deserved praise; what is it to restrain a Man's anger in a capital Crime? Doth it not D very near approach the Divine clemency? And had I not good experience by Joseph's death, how grievously my Father taketh the want of his Children, I would not so earnestly intreat for his safety who is so dear to him; or if I did, it should be only to contribute to the praise of your clemency;The year of the World, 2237, before Christ's Nativity, 1726. and were there not some to whom our death would bring both grief and discontent, we were willing all of us to suffer punishment. But now whereas we have not so much commi­seration of our selves (though as yet we are but young, and have not much tasted the pleasures of life) as of our disconsolate Parent, who is oppress'd not only with Age, but Grief, we beseech you, not for our own sakes, but for his, to grant us life, though at this day we are under your justice for our offence. Assuredly he is a good Man, and hath omitted nothing to render us like himself; worthy he is never to taste or be tryed by any such calamity, who now, through our absence, is dis­cruciated E with care and sorrow. Now if he should receive tydings of our death, and the cause thereof, he will not endure any more to live: the infamy of our deaths will shorten his days, and make his death by this means more unhappy; yea rather than hear the rumor of our shame, he would desire to die beforehand. All these things considered, (although you are justly moved by this offence) remit the revenge unto our Father, and rather let your pity towards him, than our iniquity towards you, prevail. Grant this favor to his old age; since if deprived of our presence, he neither will, nor can desire to live: yea, grant it to the very name of a Father, where­with you are honoured your self: so God, the Father of all men, will bless you in that name, and prosper your Family; whom also you shall honour, if in respect of that common name, you take compassion of our Father, in considering the sorrow that he shall endure, if he be deprived of F his children. It now lieth in your power to give us that which you may deprive us of, by that power which God hath given you: and in doing us this favour, you shall imitate the Nature of God,Power given to save. and in this respect become like unto him. For, since it lieth in your power to do both the one and the other, it were better you did good than evil; and contenting your self with your power, not remember then to urge your revenge: but only think that your power was given you to keep and preserve men; and that the more mercy you extend towards many, the more honour you redouble on your own head, Now it lieth in your power, by forgiving our Brothers error, to give us all life. For neither can we be safe except he be saved; neither may we return home un­to our Father, except he return; but here must we suffer whatsoever our Brother suffereth. Nei­ther do we crave any other mercy at your hand if we be repulsed in this, but that you will i [...]flic [...] G one and the same punishment on us, in no other manner, than [...] if we had been partakers of the Felony: for this were better for us, than that we our selves, through [...]orrow, should offer [...]lence to our own Souls. I will not alledge or urge his youth, or judgment, as yet unripe▪, neither will I [Page 60] alledge, that pardon is usually granted to such; but here will I make an end, That whether we H be condemned, in that I have not sufficiently pleaded his cause▪ or whether we be absolved, we may wholly ascribe this grace to your favour and clemency: to whose praise, this likewise shall be ad­ded, That not only you have saved us, but also, in pardoning us the punishment which we have justly deserved, you have had more care of us, than we our selves. If therefore it be your plea­sure to adjudge him to die, let me suffer for him, and send him back unto our Father; or if it please you to retain him for your slave, I am more fit than he to do all sorts of services, as you may perceive; and I am ready to suffer all that which may be inflicted on me When Juda had spoken thus, he humbled himself at Joseph's feet, endevouring, as much as in him lay, to mollifie and appease his anger: in like sort also all the other Brothers prostrated themselves, offering themselves to die for Benjamin.I

But Joseph moved with pity, Gen. 45. 1, 2. ad 16. and unable any longer to personate a displeased Man, sent away all those that were present; Joseph maketh himself known to his Bre­thren. and being alone with them, discovered himself unto his Brothers; and in this sort to them only he disclosed himself, and said, I cannot but commend the piety and love which you bear unto your Brother, which I find to be greater than I did expect, gathering my conjectures from those things which in times past have hapned unto me. For, to this end have I done all this, that I might make trial of your brotherly affection: whereof since you have given me a signal proof, I will not ascribe that which you have done un­to me to your natures, but rather wholly to the Will of God, who hath at this present furnished you with all things which are profitable for you, and I hope will hereafter give you greater things by his special grace. Seeing therefore I understand my Fathers rather desired than ho­ped K health, and find you to be such as I desired you should be towards your Brother, I freely for­get those injuries which in times past were done unto me: rather making choice to give you thanks, as the Ministers of God's Providence, that against this time provided for our common good, than remembring your forepast malice. I therefore pray you, that forgetting those things which are past,The year of the World, 2231, before Christ's Nativity, 1726. you will be of good courage, and rejoyce that it hath pleased God to produce a good event of an ill intent. Let not the evil sentence which in times past you pronounced against me, any ways trouble you, since you perceive it wanted effect: but rejoyce at these Works of God, and go and tell your Father that which you have seen, lest being consumed with immo­derate care of you, I my self be deprived of the chiefest fruit of my felicity, before he come to my presence, and be made partaker of the same. Wherefore depart you, and bringing with L you him, your Wives and Children, and all your Kindred, come back unto me: for it were in­convenient (my dear Brethren) that you should not be partakers of my felicity, especially since this Famine is as yet to continue for the term of five years. This said, Joseph embraced his Brethren: but they were wholly confounded with tears and sorrow, and the greater was their repentance, Ver. 16. in that they had sinned against so kind a Brother. After all this, there follow'd a Banquet. The King re­joyceth to know that Jo­seph's brothers were arrived. Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 7. al. 4. v. 26, 27, 28. And the King understanding that Joseph's Brethren were arrived, he (as if some good fortune had befaln him) very heartily rejoyced, and gave them Chariots laden with Corn, and Gold, and Silver, with other Presents, to present their Father with, who, enriched with divers gifts, (some from their Brother to his Father, and others to themselves, but especially to Benjamin) returned home into their Coun­trey.M Now when Jacob understood by his Sons in what estate his Son Joseph was, that he had not only escaped death (which he had so long time bewailed) but also that he lived in high prosperity, Jacob rejoy­ceth to hear the promoti­ons and honors of Joseph. and ministred to the King of Egypt, and had, in a manner, the whole Government of the Kingdom in his hands: he easily believed all things that were told him, and acknowledged the great Works of God, and his Goodness shewed unto him, although for a time it seemed to be intermitted. And a little time after, he pre­par'd himself to go and visit his Son Joseph.

CHAP. IV.
How Jacob with all his Family went into Egypt.N

WHen Jacob arrived near the Fountain of Covenant, he offered in that place a Sa­crifice unto God; and fearing lest his Children should inhabit Egypt, by rea­son of the fertility of the place,The year of the World, 2239, before Christ's Nativity, 1725. and that his posterity, by not returning back into the Land of Canaan, should lose the possession of that which God had promised them; and furthermore, doubting lest that his Journey into Egypt, being by him enterprized with­out consulting the Will of God, should be prejudicial to his Children; suspecting like­wise lest he should die before he came to Joseph's presence, he was wonderfully perplex­ed in mind. Whil'st thus he ruminated, and cast these things in his mind, he was surpri­zed with a heavy sleep, during which time God appeared unto him, and called him O twice by his name; Jacob asking who it was that called him, God answer'd, Dost thou not know (O Jacob) that God, who hath both protected thee, and thy Ancestors, and succoured you [Page 61] A in all your necessities; The year of the World, 2293. before Christ's Nativity, 1725. who contrary to thy father's purpose, made thee lord of his family; and when as by thy self thou didst travel into Mesopotamia, did not I bring it to pass, that being matched in wedlock very happily, thou returnedst into thy Countrey back again, being blessed with many children, and stored with much riches? Was it not I also that have kept thy family in safety, and when it seemed thou hadst lost Joseph, I raised him to that high step of dignity wherein now he liveth, Gen. 46. 1, ad 5. and made him the next in dignity to the King of Egypt? And now al­so I am come unto thee, God appeareth to Jacob about the Fountain of Covenant. to this end, that I may guide thee in thy journey, and that I may foretel thee that thou shalt depart this life in the arms of Joseph, and that thy posterity shall be mighty and famous for many Ages, and shall possess that Land, the Empire whereof I have pro­mised them. Encourag'd and made confident by this dream, he more willingly hastned B towards Egypt with his sons, and his family, whose number amounted to Threescore and ten.Ver. 6, 7, ad 26. Their names, in that they are somewhat hard, I should not mention, were it not to satisfie some,Jacob with his Sons and Ne­phews depart into Egypt. who contend that we are Egyptians, and not Mesopotamians. The sons of Jacob therefore are twelve in number, of whom Joseph came thither long before them. The rest are these with their sons. Reuben had four sons, Enoch, Phales, Essalon, and Charmis. Jacob's Pro­geny. Simeon had six, Jumilas, Jamin, Puthod, Jachen, Zoar, and Zaar. Levi also had three, Gelsem, Chaath, and Marari. Juda had likewise three, Sala, Phares, and Zara; with two sons of Phares, Esron, and Amyr. Issachar had four, Thulas, Phrusas, Job, and Samaron. Zabulon had three, Sarad, Elon, and Janel. These were the children which Jacob had by Leah, who also led with her Dinah her daughter: the number of whom C amounted to Thirty three. But Rachel had two sons, of which the elder was called Joseph, who had likewise two, Manasses, and Ephraim. Benjamin had ten, Bolossus, Bacca­ris, Asabel, Gela, Naman, Ises, Aros, Nomphthis, Optatis, and Sarod. These fourteen ad­ded to those abovenamed, make up the number of Forty seven. And this was the le­gitimate issue of Jacob. But by Bala, Rachel's handmaid, he had Dan, and Nepthalim; this latter had four sons, Elein, Gunnes, Sares, and Hellim. Dan had onely one son called Ʋsis. Now if these be added to the abovenamed, they make up the number of Fifty four. But Gad and Asser were born by Zelpha, Leah's handmaid; Gad was attended by seven sons: Zophonias, Ʋgis, Sunis, Zabros, Erines, Erodes, and Ariel. Asser had one daughter,Ver. 30. and six sons,Jacob almost deceased for joy. whose names were Jomnes, Essus, Juba, Baris, Abars, Melmiel. These D fifteen being added to the foresaid Fifty four, make up the number Seventy, together with Jacob. Gen. 47. 2. But Joseph understanding that his father was at hand (for Juda posted be­fore to give him notice thereof) went out to meet him,Joseph with his five Bre­thren. and did so, near a Town called Heros. Jacob was fill'd with such extreme and unexpected joy, that he had almost expi­red; and that of Joseph was little less. He desir'd his father to march onwards by easie journies, and taking with him his five brethren, hasted unto the King, signifying unto him, that his father with all his family were arrived. The King no sooner understood it, but he joyfully asked Joseph in what employments he took delight: who answer'd him, that his exercise was in keeping of Cattel, and that he had no other Trade. This answer he made, to the intent they might not be divided one from another, but that li­ving E all together, they might take care of their father: another reason was, lest emula­tion should happen betwixt them and the Egyptians, if so be they should be conversant in the same profession;Ver. 3, ad 10. whereas this people had little experience in the keeping of Cat­tel. Jacob talketh with Pharaoh, and is appoint­ed to inhabit Heliopolis. Now when Jacob was brought into the King's presence, and had done him reve­rence, and pray'd God for the prosperity both of him and his Realm, Pharaoh ask'd him how old he was? and he answer'd, that he was an hundred and thirty years old; at which when the King admir'd, he added, that his Ancestors had lived far longer. Then Pharaoh appointed him and his sons to dwell in Heliopolis, where also the King's shepherds had their pastures. But the Famine increased in Egypt, and the calamity was without re­medy, The famine in Egypt. by reason that Nilus did not overflow the earth after its usual manner; and on F the other side, God rained not upon the earth. Moreover, in that the sterility was foreseen, it was more grievous especially to the Commonalty, who had laid up nothing, neither did Joseph give them Corn without ready money:Ver. 16, 17, 20. which when they began to want,A great profit redounded to the King by this famine. they exchang'd their Cattel and Slaves for Corn; and they that had Lands, sold a portion thereof unto the King for their provision. And when by this means all these possessions came into the King's hands, they went to inhabit here and there, as they could, to the end that the King might be more assured of the possession of their Land; the Priests onely were excepted, to whom the Lands which they had, remained intire. Finally, this necessity reduced both the minds and bodies of the whole Nation into ser­vitude, after such a manner, that they esteemed no labour or means unseemly, that G might serve them towards their sustenance. But when the Famine ceas'd, and the earth water'd by the overflow of the River, began to recover her former fertility; Joseph visiting every City of the Kingdom, and assembling the multitude in every one of them, [Page 62] restored them the possession of those Lands which they had sold to the King,The year of the World, 2311. before Christ's Nativity, 1653. and exhort­ed H them to manure the same in no worse manner than they would do their own, on con­dition to pay the fifth part unto the King, which was due unto him by his Prerogative and Kingly right. The People rejoycing at this unexpected restitution, earnestly intended and prosecuted their Tillage:Joseph com­manded them to pay the fifth part of their profits to the King. and by this means, not only Joseph's authority, but also the Peoples hearts were not a little tyed unto the King: and the inheritance of the fifth part of the profits remained with the Kings that succeeded, and all their Posterity.

But Jacob, after he had lived 17▪ years in Egypt, ended his life in the arms of his Sons, having first prayed God to give them prosperity and abundance; and prophesied, that eve­ry one of their posterities should attain to the possession of a part of the Land of Cana­an, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 8. as in process of time it came to pass. Besides, praising his Son Joseph, for that forget­ting I the injuries done unto him, he had bestowed divers benefits on his Brethren, yea, and such as well beseemed his Benefactors, he commanded his Sons, that they should ad­mit Joseph's Sons,Gen. 49. 33. Ephraim and Manasses, Jacob dyed when he was 147 years old. into their number, at such time as they should di­vide the Land of Canaan, as hereafter it shall be declared. Last of all, he prayed them to bury him in Hebron. He liv'd 150 years wanting three, being second to none of his Ance­stors in piety,Gen. 50. 13. and obtain'd the same blessing,Jacob is buried in Hebron. in that he was a man adorned with equal virtues. Joseph, by the King's permission, transported his Fathers body to Hebron, and there buried it very magnificently. But his Brothers fearing to return with him into Egypt, in that they suspected lest their Father being dead, he should be revenged on them, in that they had not any Friend left alive, under whose favor they might hope for pardon, he K commanded them, that laying their suspitions aside, they should fear no evil: and having brought them back again with him, he gave them great possessions: neither did he ever cease to entertain them with brotherly kindness.Joseph dyeth when he was 110 years old. But he likewise dyed, when he had lived▪ 110 years; a man endowed with admirable virtue, prudent in all Affairs, and moderate in his Government: by which means it came to pass, that neither his Foreign Birth, nor his Calamities, whereof we have spoken, did any ways hinder him, but that he was ex­alted and continued in high dignity.Gen. 50. 22, ad 26. The rest of his Brothers also, having spent their lives in happiness, dyed in Egypt, whose bodies their Sons and Nephews transported and buried in Hebron: Joseph's Bones translated into Canaan. but Joseph's bones were afterwards translated by the Hebrews into Ca­naan, at such time as they departed out of Egypt into Canaan; for hereunto had he L bound them by an Oath, But being oblig'd to declare this, and other actions of this Na­tion, I will first of all shew the cause why they departed out of Egypt.

CHAP. V.
Of the affliction which the Hebrews endured in Egypt, for the space of 400 years.

THE Egyptians are a Nation addicted to pleasures and delicacy,Exod. 1. impatient of la­bour, The History of the Book of Exodus. and affecting gain: whence it came to pass, that bearing hatred to the He­brews, and envying their happiness,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 9. they were very evilly disposed toward them. For see­ing the Race of the Israelites flourish and abound in Riches, which they got by their la­bour M and industry,Exod. 1. 1, 2, &c. they conceived an opinion that their advancement and increase, would be the overthrow and decrease of the Egyptians; so that at length they forgot the be­nefits which Joseph had done to them:The envy of the Egyptians towards the Hebrews. and after the Royalty was transported into ano­ther Family, they committed divers outrages against the Israelites, and complotted against them in what manner they might more grievously afflict them. They enjoined them there­fore to cut Nilus into divers Trenches,Ver. 11. and to inviron their City with Walls, and to build Fortifications and Banks,The Hebrews insupportable servitude. whereby the inundations of the River might be diverted. They also employed our Nation in building their high and vain Pyramides, compelling them to learn divers Arts, and to accustom themselves to endure Labour; and in such afflictions liv'd the Israelites for the space of 400 years, the Egyptians studying nothing else but to N vex them with continual labor,The Prophecy as touching Moses. and our Countreymen endeavoring always to surmount all these difficulties. Living in this estate, there grew afterwards another occasion, which instigated them the more to seek the ruine and desolation of our Nation. For one of the Sacred Secretaries (to whose predictions those kind of People do very much attribute) foretold the King,Ver. 16. 22. that about that time there should be One born among the Israelites, that should grievously afflict the estate of the Egyptians, Pharaoh com­manded that all the Male-children of the Israelites should be put to death. and wonderously enhance the glory of the Israelites, and surpass all other in virtue, and purchase to himself immortal glory, if so be he should attain to mans estate. Wherewith the King being greatly terri­fied, published an Edict, by the advice of this Secretary, that whatsoever Male-child should be born among the Israelites, it should be cast into the River to be drowned: he O commanded likewise the Egyptian Midwives diligently to observe the time when the He­brew Women Travailed with Child, because he trusted not to the Midwives of their own [Page 63] A Nation.The year of the World, 2373. before Christ's Nativity, 1591. He Enacted also a Law with a penalty, that if any should be so bold to con­ceal their Children, both they and all their Family should be put to death. Great was their calamity, not only because they were deprived of their Children and the Parents themselves made the Ministers to murther their own Children; but also because they foresaw hereby, the certain and infallible extirpation of their whole Nation, by reason that when the Children were slain,Exod. 2. 1, 2, 3. the Parents themselves, not long after, were assured to die: thus lamented they in themselves the extreme misfortune whereinto they were fallen. But no man whatsoever, though he complot never so many stratagems, can re­sist the Will of God.Amarames, Moses Father, prayeth God to be merciful to the He­brews. For both the Child, of whom the Sacred Secretary had fore-pro­phesied, was secretly brought up undiscovered by the Kings Spies; and proved by the B events of his life, that he was no false Prophet. Amram, an Hebrew born, and a Noble man amongst his Nation, fearing both the publick peril, lest the whole Nation should be brought to nothing by the want of issue; and his own private misfortune, whose Wife at home was big with Child, and ready to lie down, was troubled in his mind, and uncertain what to do. For which cause he made his recourse unto God, beseeching him that at the length he would have mercy on that People by whom onely he had been per­petually honoured; and that it would please him to bring to an end the present afflicti­on, which threatned the whole Nation with utter ruine and destruction. God being moved to mercy by his most humble Prayer, appeared to him in a Dream, and comforted him, commanding him to be of good courage, telling him, That he had in memory the C piety of his Ancestors, and that he would reward them for it, even as in times past he had been gracious to their Forefathers. For it was he that had increased their poste­rity, and multiplied them to so mighty a Nation, that by his favor Abraham departing alone out of Mesopotamia into Canaan, besides other felicities, had issue by his Wife that was formerly barren, and left ample possessions to his Successors: to Ismael, Arabia; to Chetura's Children, Troglottite; and to Isaac, Canaan. Nor could they ever forget with­out impiety and ingratitude, the attempts also which were happily atchieved in War by his assistance; that Jacobs Name is renowned amongst Foreign Nations, both in respect of the felicity wherein he lived, and that which by hereditary Right he left to his po­sterity; who taking their original from 70 Men that accompanied their Father into Egypt, D were now increased to the number of 600000: and assuring him that now also, he would take care of them all in general, and of him in particular. That this Child, for fear of whose Nativity, the Egyptians have condemned all the Hebrews Children to death, should be born to him: that he should not be discovered by the constituted Spies; and having escaped beyond all expectation, should he be brought up, and in due time deli­ver the Hebrews from the thraldom of the Egyptians, and obtain an eternal memory for this his famous action, not only amongst his own Nation, but also amongst strangers: that he should also have a brother, that should deserve both in himself, and in his posteri­ty, to inherit the Priesthood for ever.Exod. 2. 1, 2, 3▪ ad 10. After these things were declared in a Vision unto Amram, he awak'd, and told it to his wife Jochabel; and notwithstanding the prediction E of this Dream,Moses birth. their suspition and fear the rather increased more and more: for they were not only pensive in respect of their Child, but also by reason that the future great good fortune that was promised them, seemed incredible. But soon after, the woman being brought to Bed, gave credit to the Oracle, having had so easie and gentle a Labor, that she beguiled the Overseers and Spies, in that she felt none of those Throes which commonly afflict such as are in Labour: so that she nourished the Infant three months secretly in her house, without being in any sort discovered. But afterwards, Amram fea­ring to be surprized, and doubting lest he should incur the Kings displeasure, if the mat­ter were discover'd, whereby both he, and the Child should be made away, and Gods promises should be frustrate, he chose rather wholly to commit the safety of his son to F his Providence, supposing that if the Boy were hidden, which notwithstanding would be hard to effect, yet it would be troublesom unto him to live in continual peril both of his own and his sons safety: moreover, he thought that God would provide some means of preservation, to the intent that nothing of that which he had foretold, might be pro­ved false. Having taken this resolution, they prepared and made a Cradle of Sedge, after the manner of a Couch, so great, that it was sufficient to lay the Child in at ease; and having pitched it on every side, lest the water should pierce the same, they put the Child in to it, and suffering him to float along the stream, committed him to the mercy of God.Ver. 3. Whil'st in this manner it was born down by the stream, Mariam, the sister of the young Infant,Moses cast into the floud. by her Mothers command, went along the Bank on the other side of G the River, observing whither at length the Basket would be carried, and where it should arrive. At that time God manifestly declared, That nothing is atchieved by mans wis­dom, but that all things are brought to pass by his admirable Providence; and that they, [Page 62] [...] [Page 63] [...] [Page 64] who for their profit,The year of the World, 2376. before Christ's Nativity, 1588. and particular security, seek the ruine and destruction of others H with never so much subtilty, care and diligence, yet are oftentimes deceiv'd in their ex­pectations: And that they that submit their wills unto Gods Will, are secured from all wrongs by such means as were never thought on, as may most manifestly be perceived by this Child.

Thermuthis, Ver. 5. the King's daughter, walking alone the River side, espied this Basket car­ried away by the course of the stream,Thermuthis, Pharaohs dau­ghter, causeth Moses to be ta­ken out of the River. and presently commanded certain Swimmers to fetch it to Land, and bring it before her: who executing her Command, she opened the Basket, and beheld the Child; who, in that he was fair and well featured, did greatly delight her. Thus God so loved and favoured Moses, that he caused him both to be nourished and brought up by them, who, for fear lest he should be born, had decreed to I destroy all the rest of the Race of the Hebrews. Thermuthis therefore commanded them to fetch her a Nurse who might give the Child suck: who refusing the same, as all other Nurses did that were sent for to suckle him, Mariam, as if by good fortune, and not of set purpose, she had light into their company, began to speak thus unto Thermuthis: In vain (said she) O Princess, doest thou strive to give this Babe suck by any but an Hebrew Nurse, for he will not accept it: for if thou call unto thee a Nurse of the same Nation, and agreeable with his nature, doubtless he will take the nipple. This Speech of hers being both heard, and plausibly accepted, the Princess commanded her to bring her an Hebrew woman that gave suck; which she diligently performing, returned, and brought her Mother with her, whom none of the assistants knew; and who presenting her breast unto the Child,K he willingly took the dug:Moses, whence he received his name. so that upon the Princess command, the suckling of the Child was wholly committed unto her. By reason of this accident, and for that he was cast into the River, he was called Moses; for the Egyptians call water, Mo; and saved, Yses: so this name, composed of these two words, was imposed on this Child; who afterwards (without exceptions) became the wisest Man among the Hebrews, according as God had foretold:Moses, the 7th after Abra­ham. He was the seventh after Abraham; for he was Amrams son, and Amram son unto Cathis, and he to Levi, and Levi to Jacob; who was the son of Isaac, who was the son of Abraham. He had a judgment riper than his age: for even amongst his childish delights, he shewed himself more discreet than all his equals; and whatsoever he did, it gave testimony, that at such time as he should attain to Mans estate, he would be L capable of great things. When he was but 3 years old, God adorned and endowed him with an admirable beauty. He was so fair and amiable, that there was not any, how au­stere and inhumane soever, but in beholding him, would be astonished. Yea, divers who met him, as he was carried through the streets, turned themselves about to behold him, and intermitted their other affairs,Ver. 10. onely to look upon him: for the admirable beauty of this Infant,Moses the ado­pted son of Thermuthis, daughter unto Pharaoh. did ravish all those that saw him. Whence it came to pass, that Thermuthis, in that she had no other Issue, adopted him for her Heir; and carrying him to the King her Father, she presented him to him, saying, That she was careful of a Successor, by reason God had not vouchsafed him to have any Issue; for (saith she) I have brought up this In­fant no less excellent in wit, than divine in beauty, having received him miraculously from the M River Nilus, and I have decreed to adopt him my Child, and to establish him as Successor to thee in thy Kingdom. This said, she delivered the Infant into her Fathers arms: who, after he had embraced and hugged him at his breast, (to give his daughter the more content) he put his Diadem upon the Childs head: but Moses pulling it from his head, after a childish manner, cast it on the ground, and spurned it with his feet; which act of his was supposed ominous to the Realm, and dangerous for the King. Whereupon the sacred Secretary (who had foretold, that his Nativity would be the destruction of the Egypti­ans) willed them to kill the Child, crying out with a loud voyce; to the King, after this manner: O King, this Child, by whose death God promiseth us security, hath already confirmed the presage, insulting over thy Kingdom, and spurning thy Diadem: Take from the Egyptians N that fear which they have conceived of him, by his death; and from the Hebrews that hope which they build on his courage and life. Ver. 10. But Thermuthis hastily conveyed him thence, and the King was not overforward to lay hands on him,Moses deliver­ed from death. by reason that God disposed all things in this manner, in that he had a care of Moses preservation. He was therefore very carefully brought up: and by reason of him, the Hebrews in general were replenished with good hope; but by the Egyptians, his education both was suspected and grudged at: yet by reason that if the Lad should have been slain, there was not any one, either akin, or adopted, that could pretend to the succession of the Crown of Egypt, they ab­stained from his slaughter.Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 10. al. 7. Being therefore thus born, and brought up, when he increa­sed in years, he evidently, by his virtue, made it known unto the Egyptians, that he was O born to abase their pride, and to exalt the Hebrews, by this occasion which ensueth. The Ethiopians, who confine upon Egypt, having spoiled and destroyed the Countrey round [Page 65] A about them, spoiled and made pillage of all the Goods of the Egyptians; who, incensed against them for the wrongs and injuries which they had done, levied an Army, intend­ing to revenge them of that disgrace which their Enemies had offered them: but in the Battel they were all put to flight, so that many of them were slain; and the rest shame­fully flying,Ver. 11. returned with ignominy worse than death, into their own Countrey. The Ethiopians proud with this good fortune,The Egypti­ans war against the Ethiopians instantly pursued them: and supposing it a cow­ardly part, not to take the benefit of their present good fortune, and conceiving an as­sured hope of conquering Egypt, they enter'd the Countrey, and generally wasted the same: and having tasted of the sweetness of pillage, without any temper or moderati­on in their Victory, they were encouraged to attempt greater matters. And whereas B they perceived, that having wasted all the Neighbor-regions, no man durst sally out, to encounter them in Arms, they marched forward toward Memphis, even to the Sea, arri­ving near no City that had the heart, or durst make head against them. By which cala­mities, the Egyptians being much oppressed, they send one to ask counsel of the Oracle, by what means they might redress their miseries; and when an answer was given them, That they should choose an Hebrew to assist them in the Wars, the King commanded his daughter to give them Moses; who, together with the Empire, might govern the whole Army. She taking an Oath of the King▪ that no injury or violence should be offered him, delivered him into his hands; esteeming it to be a great good fortune for Moses, that he was called to the succor of her Countrey: and, on the other side, blaming the Priests, C who were not ashamed to demand his aid and assistance,The Egypti­ans require Moses to be their Captain. whom they had adjudged to be slain as their common Enemy. But Moses, exhorted by Thermuthis, and the King, wil­lingly took the charge upon him. Whereat the Priests of both Nations were very joy­ful: for the Egyptians hoped, that when by his virtue and valor he had overcome their Enemies, they afterwards might more easily dispatch and murther him, by some treason and sinister means;Moses march­eth against the Ethiopians. and the Hebrews conceived an hope, that they might get out of Egypt, by reason that Moses was the General of the Army. Moses therefore making haste, before such time as the Enemies had any notice that he was dislodged, he levied his Army, and conducted them, not along the banks of the River, but through the main Land; where­in he made manifest his most admirable prudence. For the journey by Land being very D dangerous, by reason of the multitude of Serpents, (which the Countrey thereabouts breeds of all sorts, and some of that kind, that the like thereof are not seen in any other place, all different in malignity, and horrible form, and some winged ones, who not only offend those that they encounter on the earth very privily, but also towre very high in the Air, and hover about to hurt those that are not aware of them;) he, for the secu­rity of his Army, and to the end he might march without any inconvenience, invented this marvellous and admirable stratagem: He caused two Paniers of Sedge to be made, in form of Coffers, and filled them with certain Birds called Ibis, who are mortal Enemies to Serpents, and before whom the Serpents flee; and sometimes, in flying from them like Harts, they are laid hold of, and swallowed by them. Otherwise these Birds are ma­naged E and made tame, and are not harmful to any but to Serpents: of whom I will now cease to write any further, because the Greeks do already know what kind of Bird it is.

When therefore he arrived in the Countrey of Serpents,The victory which Moses and the Egyp­tians had a­gainst the E­thiopians. he let flie his Ibis against the venomous Beasts, and made use of them to encounter the other. And having marched in this sort, he surprized the Ethiopians, before they suspected him; and suddenly charg­ing them, he overcame them in Battel, spoiling them of the hope they had to conquer Egypt: and entring the Towns of Ethiopia, he razed them, and made a great slaughter of the Inhabitants. The Egyptian Army having tasted this happy success under the conduct of Moses, omitted not the pursuit; especially, for that they saw that the Ethiopians were well nigh conquered,Saba their chief City besieged. or rather wholly destroyed: and in the end having driven them F even to Saba, the chief City of Ethiopia, (which Cambyses called Meroe, for the love which he bore unto his sister, who was so called) they besieged them. The City was strong, and very hard to be assailed, by reason of the River Nilus which environs it round about: on the other side, the Rivers of Astapus and Astaobora, flow in so fiercely, that they could neither break the course of the water, nor wade over the stream: for the City is built in an Island, environed with a strong wall round about, having great Ramparts betwixt the Rivers and the walls built, to resist the inundations of the waters: by reason whereof, that the City could be very hardly taken, although the opposite Ar­my had found means to pass the water. Now, when Moses was much troubled that his Army profited nothing,Tharbis, the King of Ethi­ops daughter, requireth love and marriage at Moses hands [...] by reason that the Enemy durst not encounter them in open field, G behold what a chance hapned: Tharbis, the daughter of the King of Ethiopia, behold­ing Moses as he approached with his Army near the walls of the City, and seeing how valiantly he fought, and behaved himself, and wondring at the Exploits and Enterprises [Page 66] which he made,The year of the World, 2400. before Christ's Nativity, 1564. (which was the cause that the Egyptians, almost despairing of their H estates and liberty, were grown desperate) and how the Ethiopians, (not long before esteemed the Conquerors, and happy in their warlike exploits and fortunate executions) were in the greatest extremity of danger, she was surprized with love of him, and for that this passion augmented more and more in her, she sent to him seven of her most faithful houshold servants, to offer him her love. Which he accepted, on condition that she should deliver the City into his hands; promising her, by a solemn Oath, That when he was Master thereof, he would take her to Wife, without falsifying, or breach of his pro­mise. The matter was no sooner motioned, but the effect followed. Having conquered the Ethiopians, and given thanks to God for the favors he had done him, Moses accom­plished the Marriage, and sent the Egyptians back again into their Countrey. Who never­theless I conceived great hatred against him, the Author and cause of their safety and vi­ctories; The Egyptians seek to betray Moses. and began seriously to consult and advise amongst themselves, how they might destroy him; suspecting lest by reason of the happy success he had had, should begin to think of making himself Master of Egypt. They accused him therefore of Murther be­fore the King, who already of himself had him in suspition, as well through the hatred he bare him for his noble carriage and courage,Exod. 2. 11. ad 14. whilst he was General, as also through the fear he had conceived of the destruction of Egypt, foretold by his Priests, who inces­santly incited him against Moses: so that the King was upon the point to lay hands on him, and murther him.

But he having intelligence of these practises, escaped, and fled secretly, flying from K his presence through the Desart, by which the Enemies least suspected his flight; and al­though at no place in his journey he found victuals to sustain him, yet overcame he his penury by his patience.Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 11. all 8. And arriving near a City of the Madians scituate upon the shore of the Red Sea, that was named by one of Abraham, and Chetura's sons, he sat him down near a Fountain,Moses flieth to the City of Madian. refreshing himself, and taking his ease, after his laborious journey; for it was about Noon, and the City already appeared in his sight. In this place an occa­sion befel, by which he both gave proof of his virtue, and found an opportunity to bet­ter his estate. For whereas the Region is much troubled with want of water, the Shep­herds had a custom, to strive which of them should first possess the Pits, for fear lest the water would be quite consumed by others, before they and their Catttel had quenched L their thirst. To this Fountain therefore there came seven Virgins, which were daugh­ters of Raguel, otherwise called Jethro, the Priest, (whom the Inhabitants of that place held in great estimation) who had the charge to attend their Fathers flocks; for that is the exercise wherein the Troglodites are wont to employ their Women. These hasted to draw sufficient water for their flocks into the troughs,A v. 16. ad 19. expresly made to receive the wa­ter; Moses assisteth Raguels dau­ghters against the shepherds. and when in the mean time the shepherds came and surprized them, and drove away the Virgins, to the end they might be Masters of the water, Moses judging it a shame to himself to suffer this outrage, drove away the shepherds, who would have enjoyed that which appertained not unto them, and gave a just assistance to the dismayed Maidens; who, as soon as they were returned into their Fathers presence, told him the outrage M that was done them by the shepherds, and the help that they found by the hands of a stranger, beseeching him that the courtesie which he had shewn unto them, might not be forgotten, but that he might receive some token of gratitude. The Father commending his daughters thankfulness towards their Benefactor, commanded them to bring Moses into his presence, to the end he might thank him according as he deserved. As soon as he was come, Raguel told him, That his daughters had given him to understand, how kind­ly he had assisted them: and having his virtue in admiration, he said, that he had not ad­ventured himself,Ver. 21. nor done kindness to those that were without sense of the courtesies that were shewed unto them,Ragnel marri­eth his daugh­ter to Moses, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 12. but unto those who were capable to give him thanks; yea, so ready to requite him, that the greatness of their requital should far surpass the mea­sure N of his humanity. He therefore adopted him for his son, and gave him his daughter Zephora to Wife, and made him Superintendent and Master of the flocks (in which, in those days, the wealth and riches of most Nations consisted.) Moses having obtained this good fortune at Jethro's hands, (for such was Raguels sirname) he abode there with him, and attended his flocks. But not long after he led his Cattel to graze near the Mountain Sinai, which is the highest of all those that are in that quarter, and good for pasturage, by reason of the wholsom Herbs that grow thereabouts: which notwithstanding was not fed upon before that time, because the shepherds durst not frequent it, in regard of an opinion of those that dwelt in that Countrey, That God inhabited that Mountain. There hapned there unto him a marvellous Prodigy, [...]xod. 3. 1, 2. which was, that a flame of fire seemed O round about him in a Bush,God appeared to Moses in the bush. without offending either the green Herbs, or the Flowers, or the Boughs charged with fruit, although the flames were great and vehement. He, not a [Page 67] A little amazed at this unexpected spectacle,The year of the World, 2454. bef [...]re Christ's Nativity, 1510. at last grew more and more so, when he heard a voice issuing out of the fire, which called him by his name; charging him with bold­ness, in that he was not afraid to tread upon that ground, which hitherto had been fre­quented by no Man; bidding him to depart afar off from the flame, and content him­self with that vision;God convin­ceth Moses and the Israelites by miracles, to the end they might put trust in his promises for although that he were a virtuous Man, yet that he ought not to be curious to make further search into the same. The same voice also told him, That the honour and glory which he obtained amongst Men, was by the assistance of God: charging him to be of a good courage, and to repair into Egypt, for in that place he should be Captain and Guide of the Hebrew Nation, and should deliver the People which were there, from the outrage and servitude which they suffered. For (said the voice) they shall B inhabit that happy Country wherein your Father Abraham dwelt, and they shall enjoy all sorts of blessings, under the conduct of thee and thy prudence. Moreover, it com­manded him, That having brought the Hebrews out of Egypt, he should offer sacrifice of Thanksgiving, at such time as he should arrive again in that place. And such was the Oracle which he received out of the flame. Moses altogether ravished at that which he had both heard and seen, spake thus: O Lord, it were madness in me, and no prudence, if I should distrust thy power, which I reverence, and which I know hath been manifested unto my Predecessors; notwithstanding, I stand in doubt, how I, who am a Man of no eloquence, and of less force, should persuade my Brethren, by my words, to forsake the Countrey wherein they inhabit, to follow me into that Countrey whither I will conduct them. And although they C should be persuaded, how can I force Pharaoh to permit them to depart from thence, by whose la­bours and travels the Egyptians are daily increased in goods and riches? Whereupon God commanded him to trust in his assistance,C. 4. v. 2, 3. and to be of good courage, and promised that if he had need of eloquence,Moses Rod is turned into a Serpent. he would bestow upon him the faculty of persuasion; or if he were driven to act any thing, that he would redouble his forces; commanding, That in confirmation of those promises he had made him,Ver. 6. he should let fall his staff up­on the ground:Moses hand is made white. which having done, a Dragon began to creep upon the ground, and in turning and rowling himself,Ver. 9. lifted up his Crest on high, making semblance, to defend himself against those that should assail him,Moses poureth water on the earth, and it turneth to blood. and then a little while after became a staff again. Afterwards he commanded him to put his hand into his bosom, and no sooner D had he obeyed, but he drew it out altogether white, and in colour resembling Chalk: and a little while after,A v. 10. ad 25. it recovered its ordinary colour. Moreover, he further wil­led him to draw water out of the next Well,Moses is sent into Egypt, to deliver the Is­raelites. and to pour it on the ground, and he saw it turned into a bloody colour. Amazed at these accidents, he was commanded to be of good courage, and assured that he should have great assistance. Moreover, that he should use these signs before all Men, to the end, (saith God) that all may believe, that being sent by me, thou doest all this according to my Commandment. Furthermore, I enjoin thee, That without any further delay, thou haste into Egypt; and that thou tra­vel day and night, without losing time, without delaying any more, to succor the poor Hebrews, grievously afflicted in Egypt. Moses having no cause to distrust that which God E had promised him, and being confirmed by these things, whereof he was both an eye­witness and hearer, he prayed God, that if there were any occasion to express the like power in Egypt, he would vouchsafe to further the effect: beseeching him further, that he would not conceal his name from him, to whom he had participated the hearing of his voice, and the sight of his presence: that it might please him therefore to declare unto him his name, to the end, that when he should offer sacrifice unto him, he might call up­on the same. God declared unto him his name, which before time had been concealed amongst Men, and of which also it is not lawful for me to speak. Moses wrought these signs not only at that time, but also when or wheresoever he thought it requisite: by all which he gave further credit to the fire which had appeared unto him, and assured him­self, F Hedia & Ruf­finus, cap. 13. all 10. that God would be his favourable Defender, that he would deliver his Brethren, and involve the Egyptians in great calamities. And after that he understood, that Pharaoh King of Egypt was dead, (during whose life, he fled from thence) he requested Raguel, to give him leave to depart into Egypt, for the profit of those of his Nation; and taking with him Sephora, (who was Raguels daughter, and his married wife) and Gerson and Eleazar, his children, which he had by her, he departed into Egypt. Now this name of Gerson, in the Hebrew Tongue, signifieth Foreign: and Eleazar signifieth favoured by God; in memory,Cap. 4. v. 20. that Moses had escaped from amongst the Egyytians, by the assistance of the God of his Fathers.Moses depart­eth from Ma­dian, to go in­to Egypt. And as he approached near the Mountains, Aaron, his Brother, by the commandment of God, came forth to meet him; to whom he declared all that had G hapned unto him in the Mountain, and that God had given him in charge. And as they passed onward of their way,Moses 2 sons, Gerson and Eleazar. the Men of great estimation among the Hebrews (having intelligence of his coming) came out to meet him, before whom Moses made use of the [Page 68] abovesaid power of doing Miracles,The year of the World, 2454. before Christ's Nativity, 1510. by reason he could not persuade them by words:H and they being astonished at that which they had seen him do beyond their expectation, grew confident, and conceived a good hope of all things, seeing that God has a care of their safety. When he perceived that the Hebrews were ready to obey him, and that they protested to follow him in all that he should command them,Moses enter­tained by the Hebrews, sheweth them his miracles. through the earnest desire they had to be at liberty; he presented himself before the King, who had newly under­taken the Government, and shewed him the great benefits he had done unto the Egypti­ans, at such time as they were despised by the Ethiopians, who had spoiled all their Coun­trey, Exod. 5. v. 1▪ 2. and how he had spared no travel, but sustained all the charge of the War, as if it had been waged for his own proper Nation.Moses persua­deth the King of Egypt to dis­miss the Israe­lites. On the other side, he opened unto him the dangers which he had unjustly suffered for his recompence. He afterwards discour­sed I unto him that which had befallen him near the Fountain of Sinai, and the talk which God had in that place with him;Exod. 7. 9. and the signs in particular which had been shew'd unto him,Moses sheweth Pharaoh his miracles. in confirmation of those things which were promised, exhorting the King not to mi­strust or resist the Will of God. The King hearing this, began to mock him: but Moses made him see, in effect, the signs which he had shewed near the Mountain of Sinai. But the King, instead of being mov'd therewith, waxed angry, and grievously reviled him; accusing him, for that in times past he fled away, for fear to be slain in Egypt, and at this present returned thither, under a subtile pretext, cloaking his Craft with Magick and In­chantment, the more to afright him. And at the same instant he called into his presence the Priests of Egypt, to let him see those signs, and to make it manifest, that the Egyptians K were skill'd in those Sciences; and that he alone was not Master in those things, the which he boasted to perform by Gods power, but that they were deceits and shadows of marvels, to deceive the multitude. Whereupon the Priests cast down their Rods, and they became Serpents. Moses being moved herewith, said, O King, I despise not the wis­dom of the Egyptians; but I protest, that that which I have done, doth so far surpass all their Magick and Art, as there is difference between divine and humane things. I will therefore shew you, Ver. 12. that that which I do, is not by Inchantment, nor with a false appearance of verity, but by the providence and power of God. Moses Rod de­voureth the Rods of the Egyptians. This said, he cast his Rod on the ground, command­ing it to change it self into a Serpent: whereupon it obeyed, and wandring here and there, it devoured all the Rods of the Egyptians, which seemed to be so many Serpents; L and that done,Ex. 5. 5. ad 19. Moses took his staff into his hand again, and it re-assumed its pristine form;Pharaoh en­joineth the Hebrews to more grievous tasks. but the King being never the more astonished, (but the rather incensed at that which was done) said, That this wisdom and subtilty of Moses, which he used in disgrace of the Egyptians, should profit him nothing. He commanded therefore the Overseer of the Works, who had the Government of the Hebrews, that he should remit nothing of their labour, but that he should oppress them with more tedious and grievous tasks than they were wont to be put unto: whereupon (where he was wont to allow them straw, to make their Tyle with) he forbare, after that time, to give them that allowance; and taxing them in the day-time to follow their work, he appointed them by night to seek their straw, doubling thereby the weight of their former labour. Notwithstanding all M this, Moses would neither desist from his purpose, in regard of the Kings threatning, or the continual cry of his Countreymen, neither was in any sort dismayed thereat; but with a confident and undaunted mind,Exod. 6. 6. he resolutely proceeded to restore his Countrey­men to their desired liberty.Moses once more persua­deth the King to dismiss the Hebrews. He therefore once again address'd to the King, persuading him to dismiss the Hebrews, to the end they might repair to Mount Sinai, and sacrifice to God in that place: For no less (saith he) hath he commanded, neither can any resist his Will. That whil'st God was yet favourable to him, his own interest oblig'd him to grant the people the liberty which he demanded. That if he deny'd the same, he could not accuse him as the cause of the Calamities which he should draw upon himself by his disobedience, when he should see himself without Children, the Air, Earth, and all the other Elements become Enemies to him, N and Ministers of the Divine vengeance. That nevertheless the people of the Hebrews should (in despite of their resistance) depart out of their Countrey; but the Egyptians should not es­cape the punishment of their hardness of heart. The King despised these words of Moses, and would not be prevailed upon, wherefore most grievous Plagues fell upon the Land of Egypt; all which I will particularly set down, by reason that at that time the Egyptians suf­fered those things, which never before hapned to any other People; and likewise that I may manifest, that Moses erred not in any of his Predictions: and besides, for that it is expedient for Men to learn and do those things which are agreeable to Gods Will,The first plague of the Egyptians, wa­ter turned into blood. for fear lest he being provoked and incensed against them, should punish them for their in­justice. For first of all, by the commandment of God, the River Nilus was turn'd into O blood, neither was it impossible for them to drink of it, (notwithstanding they had no other Fountain of water) neither was the water only coloured like blood,Exod. 7. 10. but when [Page 69] A any one drank thereof, it caused in him divers pains and gripings. Such was the water to the Egyptians, but to the Hebrews it seemed good and sweet in taste, without any wayes changing the nature thereof. Hereupon the King (not knowing what to do, and seeing this strange accident, and being afraid, in behalf of his Subjects) permitted the Hebrews to depart. But no sooner was this Plague ceased, but he presently changed his mind, and would not permit them liberty to go away. For which cause, God (see­ing his ingratitude, and that he would not be warned, notwithstanding he had delivered him from the former calamity) inflicted another Plague upon the Egyptians. Exod. 9. 6. He sent an infinite number of Frogs among them,Another plague of Frogs. which cover'd the whole Countrey; and the River was so stored with them, that they that drew water to drink, found it altogether B infected with the putrefaction of them, dying and rotting in the waters; so that the whole Countrey was full of filthy Mud, by reason of the Frogs that dyed on the same. They corrupted also their Meats, entring into their Houses, amidst their meat and drink, and creeping in their Chambers; from whence an odious stench exhaled, by reason of the multitude of Frogs that lay dead. Now when the Egyptians saw themselves so sore pressed with these evils, the King commanded Moses to depart with the Hebrews, whither he pleas'd. And as soon as he had spoken this, the multitude of Frogs vanished, and appeared no more, neither on the earth, nor in the water, but they retained their ac­customed nature. No sooner was the earth delivered from this curse, but Pharaoh for­got the cause thereof, and retained the Hebrews still: and (as if he desir'd to experiment C yet greater miseries) he denied them that liberty which before he had granted them, ra­ther out of fear, than good will. For this cause, God once again punished his falshood, by sending him another Plague:Chap. 8. 16. for a multitude of Lice swarmed on the bodies of the Egyptians, The third plague, of lice. by which the poor men were miserably devoured; neither could they exter­minate that Race either by bathings or unctions. The King troubled with this calami­ty, and fearing the ruine of his People, and bethinking him of the shameful end there­of, was constrained to permit the People to depart: but (after the Plague was appea­sed) he required, that they should leave their wives and children behind them for pledges, till their return: and by this means he provoked Gods wrath more heavily against him,Ver. [...]4. in that he supposed to delude his providence; as if it had not been God, D who (in the Hebrews behalf) had punished them,The fourth plague, veno­mous beasts. but Moses, that had plagued the Egy­ptians. For God filled their Countrey with divers sorts of Insects, (the like whereof, before that time, had not been seen there) which cover'd the earth, that it became deso­late and untilled, and many persons dy'd by them; and those that remain'd alive, they were infected with the poyson exhaling from the number of dead and sick bodies. But notwithstanding all these, the King still continued obstinate in his wickedness, and dis­obedience unto God; permitting only, that the women and men should depart, and that their children should be left behind them; but God desisted not to punish his wickedness by divers most grievous Plagues, far more tedious than the former, yea, such as were dis­persed over all the People.

E For their bodies were grievously tormented with ulcers,C. 9. 3. and corrupted inwardly:The fifth plague, the plague. and after this sort, the greater part of the Egyptians perished. But the King being not melt­ed, nor mollified by this Plague, God rained down Hail upon them, (which never before that time was seen in Egypt; Ver. 10. and further so great,The sixth plague, botches. or rather greater than that which fal­leth to the Northward, near the Pole Artique) though it was a considerable time of Spring, and spoiled all their fruit.Ver. 23. After which, an Army of Grashoppers devoured all those buds and fruits which were unhurt by the Hail;The seventh plague, hail. so that all the hope which the Egyptians had of their Harvest,C. 10. 14. was utterly overthrown. These afflictions had been suf­ficient to persuade a man of the meanest wit (except a Reprobate) to grow wise,The eighth plague, gras­hoppers. and make use of that which was most profitable for him. But Pharaoh knowing the cause of F the same, enforced himself to resist God, not only through imprudence, but malice; so that he voluntarily destroy'd his poor Subjects. He therefore commanded Moses, to lead away the Hebrews with their Wives; but that they should leave their substance behind them for a prey to the Egyptians, to recompense them for what they had lost. Moses answered, That he demanded an unjust thing, since that hereby they would not have wherewith to offer sacrifice to God. C. 10. v. 22. Now while the time pass'd in these consultations, a most dismal darkness overspread the land of Egypt, The ninth plague, dark­ness. by reason of which, many perish'd after sundry manners, and others fear'd to run the same fate, living in the most disconsolate condition imaginable. This darkness being dispersed, after three days, and so many nights, Moses seeing that Pharaoh would not repent, nor let the people of Israel depart, came unto G him, and spake after this manner: As long as you shall resist the Ordinance of God, (who commandeth you to suffer the Hebrews to depart) there is no means, whereby you may be ex­empted from these mischiefs in doing that which you do. The King, enraged at these words, [Page 70] threatned him to cut off his head,The year of the World, 2454. before Christ's Nativity, 1510. if once more he durst appear in his presence, to mo­tion H to him any such matter. Moses answered him, That he would no more speak unto him touching this matter; but that shortly both himself, and the chiefest amongst the Egyptians, would entreat him and the Hebrews to depart; which said, he forsook his pre­sence. Ver. 28. But God intending to express that he meant yet once more to plague the Egy­ptians, Pharaoh dri­veth away Mo­ses. and to constrain them to deliver the Hebrews, commanded Moses to declare unto the people that they should have their sacrifice in a readiness, on the thirteenth day of the month Xanthicus, Exod. 12. 2. to celebrate the same the fourteenth of the said month, (by the Egyptians called Pharmuth, Zanthicus amongst the Macedons, is April, as Sui­das testifieth. and by the Hebrews Nisan, and Xanthicus by the Macedonians;) and that he should lead forth all the Hebrews, carrying with them all their Goods. Where­upon he who had the Hebrews already in a readiness to depart, and had distributed them I by families, kept them in one place, and in the same order; but when the fourteenth day was come, all of them (ready to depart) offer'd sacrifice, and with the blood of the Lamb purged their Houses, besprinkling them with branches of Hyssop. And after they had supt,The Hebrews passeover sig­nifieth a pas­sage. they burnt the flesh that remained, as being at the point to depart. Where­upon even at this day we retain the said custom to sacrifice in like sort, and do call this solemnity Pascha, which is as much as to say, the passage; by reason that on that day God leaving and overpassing the Hebrews without harm,C. 12. 29. struck the Egyptians with sickness, for a Plague in the night-time cut off all the first begotten in Egypt; The tenth plague, the first begotten amongst the Egyptians both men and beasts dye. whereupon multi­tudes that dwelt round about the Palace, assembled themselves in the presence of the King, and besought him to let the Hebrews go: for which cause Pharaoh calling Moses, K gave order that they should depart the Countrey, supposing that as soon as they were gone, Egypt would be no more afflicted with such like Plagues. Moreover, they honou­red the Hebrews with Presents, partly to the end they should depart with the more expe­dition, partly for the neighborhood and acquaintance sake which they had one with an­other. And as they departed, the Egyptians wept,33. The Israelites depart out of Egypt. and repented them of the evil usage they had shewed them; but they took their way towards Latopolis, at that time desart, and in which place afterwards Babylon was built, at such time as Cambyses destroyed Egypt. The third day they came unto Beelzephon near the Red Sea; and for that they wanted victuals in this Desart, they tempered their Meal with water, and kneaded it as well as they could, and bak't Cakes, with which they sustained themselves for the space of thirty L dayes: for they had brought no more provision out of Egypt, than enough to serve them for that time; at the end of which they were in want of food, although they had liv'd very sparingly,The feast of the Azymes. rather feeding for necessity, than eating to satiety. For which cause, in memory of that want,The number of the children of Israel. we celebrate a feast for the space of eight dayes, which we call the feast of Azymes, that is to say, of unleavened bread. But it is not easie to number the multitude of them that came out of Egypt, if we consider the Women and Children; but those that were of full age, and fit to bear Arms, were in number six hundred thou­sand.

MNO

A CHAP. VI.
The Hebrews depart out of Egypt, under the conduct of Moses.

THus the Israelites departed out of Egypt the 14 day of the month Xanthicus, 430 years after Abraham our Father came into Can [...]an, and in the 215 year after Jacob went down into Egypt, Exod. 14. 1, 7, 9. and in the eightieth year of Moses age, who had Aaron to his Brother, three years elder than himself;The time of their departure out of Egypt. they carried also with them the Bones of Joseph, according as he had commanded his Sons. But the Egyptians repented that they had suffer'd the He­brews to depart:Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 14. the King also was very much mov'd; supposing, that which was fallen B upon them, had hapned by Moses Inchantments; and it was concluded to pursue them. They therefore arm'd,The Egyptians pursue the He­brews. and furnish'd themselves with all their abiliments of War, intend­ing to pursue them, with intent to bring them back, if they overtook them: for they said, that God would no more be displeas'd against them, for that already they had given them leave to depart. They hoped likewise very easily to bring them under subjection, because they were all of them disarm'd, and wearied with Travel. And having inquir'd which way they held,Why Moses conducted them thorow Palestine. they hasted to follow them, although they knew the Region was very hard to Travel in; not only for those that were to march in Troop, but also for those that were to journey one by one. Now Moses conducted them this way, to the end, that if the Egypti­ans should repent of their dismission, and hasten to pursue them, they might receive the C reward of their wickedness, and the breach of their promise. He chose this way likewise, lest the Philistines should understand their departure, by reason they were displeas'd against the Hebrews, upon an ancient grudge which they bear them; and Palestine confines and borders upon Egypt: wherefore he led them not by the way that directly leadeth thi­ther, but he intended to bring them into Canaan, by conducting them far about, and thorow many calamities; to the end, that afterwards he might lead them to Mount Sinai, there to offer Sacrifice,The Israelites are encompas­sed by the Egyp­tian multi­tudes, and de­part to the red Sea. according to Gods commandment. As soon as the Egyptians overtook the Israelites, they prepar'd themselves to fight, trusting to the number which they had: for with them, there served 600 Chariots, with 50000 Horsemen, and 200000 armed Footmen. They also stopped the passages where they thought the Hebrews might escape, enclosing D them betwixt unaccessible Rocks, and the Sea: on which place there abutteth a Mountain, unfrequented,Exod. 14. 16. by reason of the dangerousness of the way; and by this means they ex­cluded them from all hope of escape, or flight: for on the one side they were shut in by the Mountain, that extended it self even to the Sea: and on the other side, by their Camp, pitched and embattelled before their faces, to cut them off from the Champion, if so be they intended to flie that way. Seeing therefore that they were in no security, but were hemmed in by the straitness of the place, and by reason of want of provision, could not endure a siege, nor yet find any ways to flie from their Enemies; neither, although they greatly desir'd to fight, had they means to defend themselves, because they were disarm'd. Finally,Ver. 11, 12. perceiving that there was no hope of safety left them, but only by their abject E submission,The perplexi­ty of the Isra­elites, being enclosed by the Egyptians. they began to accuse Moses; forgetting those Prodigies which God had done to set them at liberty: and their incredulity proceeded so far, that they were upon the point to stone Moses, and voluntarily to yield themselves subject to their former Thral­dom. For they were much mov'd by the Tears of their Wives and Children, who expect­ed nothing but death, seeing themselves begirt with Rocks, Seas, and Soldiers, and left de­stitute of all hope of flight. But although the multitude were exasperated against Moses, yet ceased he not to take care of them, and to have recourse to God; recounting to them what he had said in times past, touching their deliverance; and assuring them, that after so many Miracles, God would not suffer them to be subjected or overthrown by their Enemies.Ver. 13. And standing up in the midst of them, he said,Moses exhort­eth the people to put their trust in God. If your affairs had hitherto been F managed by Men onely, it were not amiss in you to distrust them, le [...]t hereafter they should not bring them to their determined and your desired issue. But in that at this time you distrust the Providence of God, this sheweth you to be without sense, or understanding; considering it is he that hath made you see all those things which he promised you by me, concerning your deliverance, even at that time when you your selves expected it not: you rather ought to hope, that God will help and assist you in these difficulties, who hath brought to pass, that you are now in this strait, to the end that when he shall have delivered you from these extremities, from which neither you your selves, nor your Enemies suppose you can escape, he may shew his power and providence in your be­half: Ver. 13. for God is not accustomed to yield his favorable assistance, when the dangers are only easie and supportable; When God is most ready to help us. but in those wherein all humane hope is lost and extinct. Therefore rest your selves, G your fortunes upon such a Helper, who can make great things small, and the strongest feeble. Fear not the force and power of the Egyptians; and though you have the Sea and Mountains before you, which permit you not to flie from them, despair not of your lives: for God (if he please) can turn the Mountains into Plains, and change the Sea into dry Land.

CHAP. VII.H
The Hebrews are pursued by the Egyptians, the Red Sea divideth it self, and giveth passage to the Hebrews, but overwhelmeth the Egyptian Army.

THis said, he conducted the Hebrews towards the Sea, in the sight of the Egyptians; who being very much wearied with pursuit and travel, thought best to forbear the Combat till the next day.Exod. 14, 15. But when Moses was arriv'd upon the bank of the Sea, he took his Rod, and called upon God, and implored his aid and succor in these words: O Lord, Thou too well knowest, that it is impossible for us by humane force or policy, to escape these ex­tremities: Moses prayer unto God. but thou art he only that canst save this company, who have forsaken Egypt, follow­ing I thy Commandment. And since of our selves we have not any hope or means, we only recom­mend our selves unto thy Providence, being assur'd that by that means onely we can be delivered from the pursuit and fury of the Egyptians: Send us therefore speedily thine assistance, to the end that thy Power may be known in our weakness. Relieve, encourage, and hearten thy People, assuring them of their safety, who through their distrust have sinned against thee: we are envi­roned with difficulties, which notwithstanding thou canst make easie. For the Sea is thine, and this Mountain that incloseth us; which shall open, and the Sea divide it self, if thou comman­dest. We may likewise flie thorow the Air, if it please thy Power to deliver us in that manner. Having made his Request unto God after this manner,Ver. 21. he strook the Red Sea with his Rod;The Red Sea divideth it self. which suddenly dividing it self at the stroke, and retyring backwards, left a dry K passage thorow the midst thereof, for the Hebrews to escape. Moses seeing how God had heard his Prayer, and how the Sea had left its Channel, he first of all entered into the same,Ver. 22, 27. and commanded the Hebrews to follow him, marching thorow that way which God had by his Divine Power provided for them,The Hebrews pass thorow the Red Sea, the Egyptians are drowned therein. willing them to rejoyce at the danger which attended their Enemies, and to give God thanks for the unexpected succors he had sent them: whereupon they were not negligent, but marched boldly forward. At first the Egyptians supposed them mad, and that they cast themselves headlong into manifest per­dition: but when they perceiv'd that they were entred a good way without hurt, and that they encountred no danger or let, they dislodg'd, and follow'd them, believing the Sea would have given them passage also; and having set their Horse in the Vauntguard,L they entered into the Sea. But the Egyptians having spent some time in arming them­selves, the Hebrews in the mean while got to the opposite shore, without any disturbance; which made their Enemies more bold, supposing that no evil should happen unto them. But they knew not that God had made this path expresly for the Hebrews; but entred the same, as if it had been a common beaten way, forgetting that it was made to save the Hebrews from danger, and not themselves, who sought to destroy them. But as soon as all the Egyptian Army was entred, the Sea returned to his old course, and with winds and waves overwhelmed the Egyptians. The showres from Heaven fell upon them, ve­hement Thunders ratled from the Air, intermixed with flashings and lightnings. In brief, there was nothing that by the wrath of God could be inflicted upon Men, which at that M time hapned not unto them. For, besides all that which hath been spoken, an obscure and dark Night surpriz'd them, in such sort as they were all of them drowned, and there re­mained not one of them to bear back the tydings of their misfortune. The Hebrews could not contain themselves, for the joy they conceiv'd at this their unexpected deliverance, and the total ruine of their Enemies:Exod. 15. 1. when they saw that they who design'd to make them slaves again perforce, The Israelites with Moses sing Songs for their delive­rance. were exterminated, and that God had been so visibly assistant unto them. When they had escap'd this danger, and perceiv'd that their Enemies were punish­ed, after such a manner, as the like punishment had never been heard of amongst Men; they all of them, during the whole Night, sung Hymns and Songs of Thanksgiving. Mo­ses likewise compos'd a Song in Verse,The Sea of Pamphylia di­vided it self, for Alexan­ders Soldiers to pass there thorow. containing the Praises of God, and a Thanksgiving N for the favor he had done unto them. All these things have I particularly declared, accor­ding as I have found them written in Holy Scriptures. Neither ought any man to marvel at this so wonderful a Discourse, that thorow the Sea there should be a passage found, to save so many persons in times past, and they rude and simple, whether it were done by the Will of God,The wind and tide drive the Egyptians arms into the Hebrews Camp. or it chanced of it self; since not long time ago, God so thinking it good, the Sea of Pamphylia divided it self, to give way to Alexander, the King of Macedon's Soldiers, having no other passage to destroy the Empire of the Persians. The next day the Egyptians Arms, carried by force of the stream, were cast ashore where the Army of the Hebrews was encamped: which when Moses perceiv'd that it was done by the Providence of God, to the intent they might not be disarmed, he gather'd them together, and fur­nish'd O the Hebrews therewith; and afterwards led them to Mount Sinai, to sacrifice to God, and to give him thanks for their deliverance, in the behalf of the People, according as he himself had before commanded.

A The Third Book of the HISTORY of the JEWS;

The Contents of the Chapters of the Third Book.
  • 1. How Moses conducted the People out of Egypt to Mount Sinai.
  • 2. Of the slaughter of the Amalekites, and their Confederates; and of the prey which the Israelites attained thereby.
  • B 3. Raguel's counsel unto his Son-in-law, Moses.
  • 4. Moses ascending the Mountain of Sinai, bringeth down the Tables of the Ten Command­ments, which he had received at God's hands, to the People.
  • 5. Of the Tabernacle made by Moses in the Desart, resembling a portable Temple.
  • 6. Of the Ark wherein Moses inclosed the Tables of the Law.
  • 7. Of the Golden Table and Candlestick, and of the Altars of the Tabernacle.
  • 8. Of the Apparel both of the High Priests and the Inferiors.
  • 9. Of Aaron's Priesthood, and of that which was ordained as touching the Feasts and Sa­crifices.
  • 10. The Laws of Sacrifices and Purifications.
  • C 11. The Laws and Customs of War.
  • 12. Sedition against Moses, by reason of the want of Victuals: and the punishment of the Seditious.
  • 13. Of the Spies, who having seen and searched the Countrey of Canaan, and the returning back again to the Israelites, amated them with fear.

CHAP. I.
How Moses conducted the People out of Egypt to Mount Sinai.

THE joy which the Israelites had to see themselves thus deliver'd by the D help of Almighty God,The year of the World, 2454. before Christ's Nativity, 1510. was not a little diminisht, by the weariness and tediousness of the difficulties which they endured in their travel towards the Mountain of Sinai: by reason that the Country was a Desart, and un­inhabitable, destitute of Victuals and Water; and not only barren of what serves for the sustenance of Men, but also everywhere wanting pasturage and provision for Cattel:The Israelites in the Desare are distressed for want of water▪ v. 1, 2, 3▪ so that they were constrain'd to bear with them the water which they had drawn before they entred the Desart, according as their Captain and Con­ductor had commanded them: which being spent, they dig'd Pits, out of which they drew water with great difficulty, by reason of the hardness of the ground: and fur­ther, the water which they found in those places was bitter, and no ways fit to drink; E and, which was worse, very little in quantity. Travelling onwards of their journey after this manner a long time,Marah signifi­eth bitternes [...] they arriv'd about evening in a certain place, which by reason the waters were brackish, they called Marah, that is to say, Bitterness. There, wearied with Travel,Exod. 15. 23. and their Provision failing them, they began to be pinch'd with necessity, so that they resolv'd to stay in that place; and the rather, in that they found a certain Pit there, which although it were insufficient to satisfie so great an Army, yet for that they found it in that Countrey, it yielded them no little consolation. For they were given to understand, that if they travelled onwards, they should find no water; and for the water of that Pit, it was so bitter and unfit for drinking, that it neither was agreeable to the taste, nor supportable for their very Cattel. Whereupon Moses seeing F them so discomforted, and not knowing how to satisfie them, in that he had not to deal with an Army or Enemy, whom he might repel with Valor; but that hunger and thirst alone reduc'd all this great multitude of Men, Women and Children, to great distress; he was greatly perplex'd, and resented in himself the calamity of them all, as if it had been all his own: for all of them had their recourse unto him, and to no Man else; the Women beg'd for their Children, and the Husbands intreated for their Wives, beseech­ing him to take compassion of their distress, and to furnish them with some means to escape their misery.Ver. 15. He addressed himself therefore in most humble manner to Al­mighty God,Moses beseech­eth God to change the bit­ter waters into sweet. praying that it would please him to amend the evil quality of the water, and to make it potable. Which grace and favor he no sooner obtain'd, but he took a G piece of wood, which he cleft in two, and cast into the Pit; giving the Hebrews to un­derstand, that God had heard their prayers, and that he had promis'd to give them the water they desir'd, if so be they would obey him, and with alacrity and diligence per­form [Page 74] that which should be commanded them. And when they were inquisitive what H they ought to do,The year of the World, 2454. before Christ's Nativity, 1510. to the intent the water might be changed; he enjoined every one of them that was of best strength and ability amongst them, to draw water; giving them to understand, that so soon as they had drawn out great store of water from the Pit, the rest that should remain, would be very good and convenient to be drunk. They obey'd, and the water agitated and purifi'd by often drawing,Exod. 16. 1. became potable, and refresh'd the weary multitude.The Israelites came to Elim, where they be­gan to murmur against Moses, for want of sustenance. Hereupon dislodging from that place, they came to Helim, a Coun­trey that afar off seem'd very pleasant, by reason that it was planted with Palm-trees: but the nearer they approched it, the more tedious they found it, (for there were no more than Seventy Palm-trees in that place, and they not very tall, or well-grown, by reason of the driness and barrenness of the Soil.) They found also twelve Springs I there, which were so small, that they did not flow, but only drop. Whereupon falling to dig up the Sand, they could light of no Veins of Water; and if perhaps any little appear'd, it was so troubled by the Sand, that it became unfit to be tasted: neither did the Trees bear any store of Fruit, by reason of the want of Water. For which cause, the whole multitude began to murmur against their Guide, ascribing all the cause of their calamities and miseries unto him. For having marched for the space of 30 days, they had consum'd all the provision which they brought with them; and conceiving that there was no remedy, they were wholly overwhelm'd with despair. Considering therefore only the evil which was before their eyes, and forgetting the marvels which God, by the ministry of Moses, had made them both see and partake, they conceiv'd in­dignation K against him, and were ready to stone him to death, as if he had been the Author of that calamity which oppressed them. But he perceiving the multitude so enraged, and incensed against him, strengthned himself in God; and warranted by the testimony of a good Conscience, and the uprightness of his actions, he came out into the midst of those who revil'd him, and had gather'd stones to cast at him. And for that he was adorn'd with a singular grace and majestick countenance, and endued with pleasing eloquence, he began to appease their wrath; exhorting them to bear their present difficulties, by re­membring their forepassed blessings; and not to permit the Travel which they endur'd at that time, to drive out of their remembrance the graces and favors which they had receiv'd at God's hands. He willed them likewise diligently to expect their deliverance L from that extremity, by the providence of God: who (as it seem'd) made trial of their patience and gratitude; and whether they kept in remembrance those things which had hapned unto them;Exod. 16. 3. or whether forgetting their forepassed pleasures, they would suffer themselves to be swallow'd with their present misery.Exod. 15. 1. 10▪ 22. He willed them therefore to take heed,Moses exhort­eth the people to remember those benefits they had recei­ved at God's hands. lest through their impatience and ingratitude, they should be found unworthy of God's favor, if they neglected his Will, by whose direction they were brought out of Egypt, and threatned and hated him, who was God's Minister; especially since hitherto they could no ways complain of him in any thing which he had undertaken to execute by the Commandment of God. Then reckon'd he up particularly unto them, how the Egyptians were plagued and destroyed,Moses reckon­eth up unto the people all the benefits which God had done unto them. whil'st contrary to God's Will, they endevor'd to M detain them: how the same River, which of it self was bloody and unprofitable to drink of, to themselves became both sweet and potable: likewise, how the Sea retir'd it self, and further'd both their flight and passage, wherein they saw themselves secure and free from danger; and contrariwise, their Enemies destroy'd, overthrown, and drowned: and how, even until that day, being disarm'd, they were by God's providence both fur­nish'd and fortified abundantly. Moreover, how often God had deliver'd them from apparent death and danger, besides all mens opinion▪ who always Omnipotent, gave them at that time not the least cause to despair of his assistance. For which cause, they ought to suffer all things patiently, and to imagine with themselves, that the succor, al­though deferred, was never too late, which was receiv'd before such time as the danger N had prevail'd: and so to think, that God contemn'd not their perils, but made trial of their fortitude and constancy, to see whether they were able and willing to endure the want of meat and drink: or rather, whether after the manner of brute Beasts, they had rather return to the yoke of servitude, to be fed only to be made the better able to en­dure labour. As for himself, he nothing fear'd his life (because that being unjustly slain, no evil could happen unto him) but that he was careful of their safety, lest lifting up their hands to stone him, they should oppose themselves against God and his Commands. Thus pacifi'd he them, and assuag'd the fury they had conceiv'd to endanger his life: and so much prevail'd he, that they repented of that Enterprize whereby they sought to destroy him.Moses implo­ [...]eth God's help. And for that he knew that they had some reason to be thus mov'd, he ad­dress'd O himself to prayer and supplication: and ascending a certain Rock, he desir'd God's help to relieve their infirmities, wants and affliction, (in whose hands only the salvation [Page 75] A of the people consisted;) beseeching him in mercy to forgive the people, being exaspe­rated with extreme miseries, and by reason thereof distracted and withdrawn from their duty. Whereupon God promis'd him to have care of the people, promising him to send them a speedy and present deliverance. Which when Moses understood, he came down to the multitude; who perceiving joy in his countenance, by reason of those promises which he had receiv'd from God, exchang'd their dolesom lamentations into gladness. He therefore standing up in the midst of them, told them, that he brought unto them a most speedy remedy for their necessity.Cap. 16. 13. And not long after, a number of Quails (which about the gulf of Arabia multiply and encrease more than any sort of Birds) flew cross the Sea;God sendeth Quails into the Hebrews Army. and being wearied in their flight, came and fell amidst the Camp of the He­brews; B who caught them, as a provision prepar'd for them by God, and sent to relieve their Famine. Whereupon Moses once more addressed himself to call upon God, yield­ing him thanks for the present and future good he had promis'd him. The people be­ing after this manner fed and refreshed,God feedeth the Israelites with Manna. were soon after supplied with a new kind of food. For as Moses stretched out his hands, and pray'd to God, a dew descended from Heaven, which thickned betwixt his hands: and for that he suppos'd it to be another kind of sustenance sent them by God,Ver. 14. he tasted the same, and found it very pleasant. Then addressing to the people, who knew not what it was, but thought it to be Snow which fell in that place, according to the season of the year, he told them, that it was no ordinary dew falling from Heaven, as they suppos'd, but that God had sent it them, for C the preservation and nouriture of their bodies: and having eaten thereof before them, he gave them of it, to the end he might strengthen their belief; who tasting the same in like manner as he had done, were greatly refresh'd with the sustenance: for in sweet­ness and pleasure, it equal'd Honey; in odor, Bdellium; and in form and greatness, the grain of Coriander: Ver. 16. whereupon, every one gather'd of it. And Moses commanded that every one of them should particularly gather every day but the measure of an As­saron, A Command­ment, how much Manna should be ga­thered. which is the tenth part of an Epha; which was done, lest the weaker should want, whil'st the stronger, through avarice, gather'd more than suffic'd them. And if any one, contrary to the command, gather'd more than was permitted, although he toiled and tra­velled more than any of them, yet was his portion no ways encreas'd by that means. D For whatsoever (beside the appointed measure of the Assaron) remained till the next morning, was of no value, but became bitter and full of Worms. So divine and admi­rable was this kind of food, and of that nature, that who so had sufficient thereof, need­ed no sort of sustenance. Moreover, even in these our days, there falls in that Coun­trey a dew like that,Manna, what it signifieth. which God, in favor of Moses, sent for the peoples sustenance. The Hebrews call it Manna; for in our Tongue, Man is an Interrogation, signifying, What is that? Exod. 17. 1. Thus liv'd they joyfully, being sustain'd by this kind of meat sent them from Hea­ven, The Israelites fed 40 years space on Man­na. and us'd the same for the space of 40 years, during the time they were in the Desart. But afterwards when they were dislodg'd from that place, and encamped near to Raphi­dim, they were extremely troubled with thirst;The Israelites arrive at Ra­phidim, and are troubled with thirst. for upon their first arrival, they found E some few Springs, but afterward they found the land wholly distitute of water. They therefore once more were incens'd against Moses. But he withdrawing himself apart from the fury of the people, betook himself to God in prayer, beseeching him, that as he had given them food in their necessity,3. he would now also give them drink, since they were ready to perish with thirst; and praying him to provide them drink also, otherwise their meat was unprofitable to them. God presently granted his prayer; pro­mising Moses, that he would give him a Fountain, and abundance of Water, from that place from whence he least expected it. To which end, he commanded him to strike with his Rod the Rock which was there hand by, and promis'd to make the water come forth immediately, so that the people should have sufficient without taking pains to F seek for it. Which command when Moses had receiv'd, he return'd to the people, who expected him, and had their eyes fix'd upon him, with great impatience as he descended from the Rock, where he had made his prayer. No sooner was he arriv'd, but he told them that God would deliver them from the necessity wherein they were, and would gra­ciously grant them an unexpected relief,Moses striketh the Rock with his Rod, and there issueth water. by causing a stream suddenly to break from that Rock. But they being amaz'd at that which they heard, and doubting lest tyred with thirst, and spent with journeys, they should be enforc'd to hew and cleave the Rock; Mo­ses struck the same in such sort with his Rod, that it divided asunder, and there issu'd out most clear and pure water in great abundance. The people were greatly astonish'd at this so strange accident, and no less rejoyced. They fell to drink of the Water, and G and found it very sweet and pleasant, as being a miraculous Water, and a Present of the goodness, divine bounty and power of God. For this cause they highly esteem'd Mo­ses, seeing that God had honour'd him in this sort; and they acknowledged God's provi­dence, [Page 76] offering Sacrifices, and humbly thanking him for the care he had over them. The H Holy Scripture which is kept in the Temple, testifies that God foretold Moses, that Wa­ter should in this sort issue from the Rock.

CHAP. II.
How the Amalekites and their Associates were overcome, and how great a Prey the Israelites obtained thereby.

BUt when the Renown of the Hebrews was become great, and spread abroad in all parts, it came to pass, that the Neighbouring Nations were in very great fear of them: whereupon (sending Ambassages the one unto the other) they mutually con­spir'd I to expel, and, if possible, utterly extirpate the whole people.

Amongst the rest,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 2. those of the Countrey of Cobol, and the City Petra, who are call'd Amalekites, (a Nation very warlike, and more active than the rest) were the chief Agents in this Expedition:Exod. 17. 8, 9. whose Kings both encourag'd one another, and stir'd up the Neighbour Nations to the Israelites destruction;The Amale­kites war a­gainst the Is­raelites. telling them, that a Foreign Army, fly­ing from the thraldom of the Egyptians, had invaded their Countrey, whose multitudes were not a little to be suspected; counselling them (before they had gather'd head, and recover'd more means, and a Countrey to dwell in, and grew more confident, by their forbearance) to charge them first, rather than to expect their increase, and so to oppress them; esteeming it a better point of wisdom, to repress their insolency and for­wardness K in the Desart, than to expect whil'st they were possess'd of strong and rich Cities. For this (said they) is the part of wise men, to resist the beginnings of power of their Adversaries, and not to expect, till by daily Exploits they more and more in­crease; and rather to provide to prevent, than deliver themselves from peril. After these Ambassages, it was decreed by general Council, That they should endevor to in­vade and assault the Hebrews. These determinations and designs of theirs, troubled Moses very much, for that he expected no Hostility. When therefore he perceiv'd that the people were affrighted and amaz'd, to see themselves (being wholly unprovided) to be charg'd by so strong and well-furnish'd an Army, he re-comforted them, and will'd them to bethink themselves of God's promises, who by his power had set them at liber­ty; L assuring them, that they should overcome all those that made head against them, to destroy them; wishing them to think, that though they were inferior to their Enemies in Weapons,Ver. 9, 10. Wealth,Moses encou­rageth the people to ex­pect nothing but victory. and Munition, and the like; yet since they had God to friend, and ready to fight for them against their Enemy, they ought to be of good courage, as being furnish'd with more than humane supplies. Alledging further, that they were not ig­norant how great an Assister God was, having had so often tryal of his goodness in their greatest dangers, as an Enemy to their enemies, and favorable to their proceedings: which favor of his he most manifestly express'd, by his miraculous deliverance of them from hunger and thirst; by procuring them free escape, when they were shut in by the Sea and Mountains: And that which should most animate them to the Fight and Victory,M was, That if they came off victorious, they should want nothing that appertain'd to a more commodious and peaceable life. Moses thus having encourag'd the people by his words, call'd unto him the chiefest of the Tribes, and every one of them that had the charge of them, both in private and publick Assembly, commanding the younger to obey the elder, and the elders to be obedient to their General. Hereupon the people contemn'd their danger, and were desirous of Fight, hoping that this Conflict would prove the end of their calamities. For which cause, they earnestly desir'd Moses to lead them forth against the Enemy, and not to dull the alacrity of the Soldiers by any un­timely delay.Ver. 9. Whereupon (choosing out among the whole multitude such as were most fit for War) he appointed the son of Naveus the Ephramite,Josuah made Captain over the Israelites. to lead them, a man N valiant in Arms, and prudent in counsel, and of great piety, as having been train'd up therein by Moses his Master. He also in such sort disposed certain Bands, that he might not be cut off from water: he left so many as might guard the Camp and weaker com­pany. Thus stood they all Night long in Arms, expecting only the Signal of their Ge­neral, and the Order of their Captains, to attack their Enemies. On the other side Moses slept not, but instructed Josuah how he should conduct the Army. And as soon as the day appear'd, he encourag'd Josuah to shew himself such an one in that Battel, as both the place wherewith he was honour'd, and the Cause for which they fought, requir'd; wish­ing him, by his prowess and good conduct, to give life and courage to his Soldiers that follow'd him. He likewise exhorted the chiefest of the Hebrews in particular, and in O general heartned and emboldned all others that entred the Battel.

[Page 77] A After he had thus dispos'd the Army, and given all necessary orders, he, committing the Army to God's protection, and Josuah's conduct, retir'd upon a Mountain. Then encountred the Armies on both sides, and every one fought most valiantly; neither wanted there encouragement on either side. And as long as Moses lifted up his hands, the Hebrews had the better against the Amalekites. But for that he was unable continu­ally to support the same, (and because he observ'd, that as often as he held down his hands, so long the Enemies drove the Israelites to retreat) he willed his brother Aaron, and Ʋron his sister Maries husband, to stand on each side of him, and sustain his hands. Which when they had perform'd; the Hebrews by main force overcame the Amalekites; so that all of them had been slain, if the Chase had continu'd, and had not been cut off B by the approach of the night. Thus our Ancestors obtain'd a most happy and advan­tagious Victory: For besides the glory they got in having overcome so potent Ene­mies, and cast a terror into the hearts of the Nations round about, to whom they have ever since been formidable, they became Masters of the Enemies Camp, and both in ge­neral and in particular got Riches; whereas before that time they had not necessary means to maintain themselves. And this Victory of theirs, was the cause of their very great good fortune, not only for the present, but also for the time to come: For not only had they their Enemies bodies under their subjection, but also their spirits, so as they were fear'd by all the Nations round about. And they multiplied both in strength and riches;Ver. 13. for there was a great quantity of gold and silver taken in the Camp. Divers C Vessels likewise,The Israelites recover a great prey in the Camp of the Amalekites. and Tables of Brass were found therein: likewise great quantity of Tissue-work, and excellent Furniture for War. Moreover, they had all their Baggage, Tents, Harness, and Horses, and generally, the whole provision of an Army became their prey.The distributi­on of the spoils and prey. Thus ended this Battel. The success whereof so exalted the courage of the Israelites, that they thought henceforward nothing would be unpossible to them. The next day, Moses caused the Enemies that were slain, to be rifled, and the scatter'd Arms of those that fled to be gather'd up. He honour'd them also, that had bravely demean­ed themselves in the Battel, and praised the Captain Josuah in publick; whose honour was confirm'd by the applause of the whole Army. There was not one Hebrew that pe­rished that day: though so many of the Enemies were there put to the Sword, as their D number cannot be express'd.The prediction of the utter ruine of the Amalekites. He offer'd likewise a Sacrifice of Thanksgiving unto God, and erected an Altar unto him, and dedicated it To God, the Victor. He prophesied more­over, that all the Amalekites should be utterly extinguish'd, so that none of them should be left alive, in that they had assaulted the Hebrews, and that in the Desart, and at such time as they were in affliction. After which, he made a Feast for the General, to testi­fie the joy he had for his Victory. This issue had this Battel, which was the first that they fought after their departure out of Egypt. The Israelites come to the mountain of Sinai. But as soon as Moses had celebrated a Feast in memory of the Victory, to the end he might give the Hebrews some refreshment after the Battel, he caused them to march in aray; for now the Arms gotten from the Enemies, being given to those that wanted, there were more armed Soldiers than before. E Thus passing onwards by little and little, they arriv'd the third month after their depar­ture out of Egypt, near to the mountain of Sinai, where (as before is declar'd) Moses saw the Vision in the Bush, with other Wonders.

CHAP. III.
What counsel Raguel gave to his Son-in-law, Moses.

WHen Raguel, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 3. Moses Father-in-law, understood of this his good success; he came with great joy to Moses, Exod. 18. 1, 2. with purpose to salute him, his daughter Zephora, and her F children:Raguel cometh to Moses to the Desart of Sinai. who (greatly rejoycing at his arrival) offer'd a Sacrifice to God, and feasted the People, near the Bush that could not be consum'd by fire; and in the Banquet, the People were ranked according to the order and place of every Family. But Aaron, with Raguel, and all the multitude, sung praises to God, ascribing to him both the means and manner of their liberty. They also spake much in honour of Moses, by whose vir­tue all things had so fortunate an issue:Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 4. and Raguel particularly celebrated the honour of the People, and Moses their Governor, by whose prudence so many good and valiant men were guided. The next day, Raguel seeing Moses oppressed with the multitude of business, (by reason that he decided all their differences that were brought to him; as all were out of an opinion of his ability and integrity, so that even they that were con­demned G by him, endur'd the Verdict patiently, knowing that their Cause was by him de­cided rather by the rule of Justice, than by Interest of Affection) he for that time kept [Page 78] silence, (being loth to hinder them, who pretended to receive benefit by the justice of H his Son-in-law.) But when he found him at convenient leisure, he took him apart, and told him privately what he ought to do; counselling him to discharge himself of that trouble, concerning affairs of so little consequence, and to reserve only to himself those of the greatest importance,Exod. 18. 13, 14. ad 24. and which concern'd the publick estate of them all. There being divers persons amongst the Hebrews to be found, capable and sufficient to hear and determine the ordinary Pleas;Raguel, other­wise called Je­thro, Moses father-in-law, counselleth him to choose Judges a­mongst the Israelites. but for those which regarded the general good of the People, he alone was fit to undergo the burthen of them. Knowing therefore (said he) thy vertue, and how worthily thou hast behaved thy self toward the People, being the Minister of God, for their safety; suffer them to determine amongst themselves those differences that arise amongst them, and reserve thy self wholly to intend the service of God, to the end thou may'st I more easily assist the People in their important necessities. If therefore thou givest credit to my counsel in humane affairs, thou shalt muster thy whole Army, and establish Chieftains, that shall command over Ten thousands, and thousands, and five hundreds, and over fifties; and shalt ordain Governors over them, who dividing them by thirties, twenties, and tens, may conduct and rule them. And let some be appointed amongst them, who may receive Titles, according to the number and names of those they commanded; who being approved by the whole company, to be of good fame and upright conscience, may hear and determine all their differences. And if any controversie shall fall out amongst any of them in authority, they shall refer the deciding of that difficulty to thee. By this means neither shall any of the Hebrews be defrauded of his right, and thou thy self serving God without molestation, may'st render him more and more fa­vourable K unto thine Army.

This counsel of Raguel highly pleas'd Moses, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 5. so that he order'd all things according to his advice; not concealing the Author of it, nor attributing it to himself, but declaring publickly to all men,Ver. 24. that his Father-in-law was the Inventor thereof.Moses allow­eth his father-in-laws advice. He hath like­wise written in his Books that Raguel was the Author of this Government: accounting it no less honour, to attribute praise to those that deserve it, than shame to usurp upon another mans merit; so that hereby you may conjecture his virtue: of which, hereafter, in many places we have more to say. Moses afterwards assembling all the People, told them that he would ascend the mountain of Sinai, to talk with God; to the end, that he might afterwards return to them, and impart to them whatsoever good things he L should receive from him on their behalf. He likewise commanded them to pitch their Tents about the mountain, and to have it in reverence, by reason of the presence of God.

CHAP. IV.
Moses ascends the Mountain,Exod. 19. and receives the Tables of the Ten Commandments from God, and gives them to the People.

THis said,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 6. he ascended the mountain Sinai, (which is the highest, beyond compari­son,M of all that Countrey; and which, by reason of its steep and inaccessible rag­ged Rocks,Moses ascend­eth the moun­tain of Sinai. is not only unfrequented by men, but also cannot be beheld, without some fear.) Besides, it being reported, that God commonly dwells on the same, it is held sa­cred by the Inhabitants,Exod. 19. 2, 3, 4. 14, &c. and dreadful and inaccessible to all that behold it. But the Hebrews, according to the commandment of the Prophet, removing their Tents, pitched them at the foot of the Hill, being full of hope of the favors which he had promised them to obtain of God for them. And in the mean space, while they expected their Guide, they kept Holy-day, and feasted, and purifi'd themselves for the space of three days, with all sorts of purification, and abstinence from the company of their Wives, as Moses had commanded them. They besought God also, that he would favourably re­ceive N Moses, and by his means bless them with the favours of which he had given them hope. They banquetted also in great pomp, and their Wives and Children were rich­ly attired. Now, on the third day, before Sun-rising, a Cloud cover'd all the Hebrews Camp, (a thing before-time unseen by them) and environ'd all the place where they had pitched their Pavilions. And though all the rest of the Countrey had a clear and untroubled sky,Horrible Lightnings about the mountain of Sinai, v. 16. yet thereabout violent Winds were rais'd, which hideously roared, and a tempestuous Rain succeeded them; and Thunderclaps dreadful to hear, and Lightnings horrible to behold, signifi'd that God was there present. Let those that read this, judge thereof, as it shall please them: as for my self, it is not any ways lawful for me to depart in any sort from that which is written in Holy Scripture. That which the Hebrews O both heard and saw, being strange and unaccustomed to them, troubled them greatly. [Page 79] A Furthermore,The year of the World, 2455. before Christ's Nativity, 1510. the report that was publish'd touching the mountain, That God dwelt on the same, marvailously amaz'd their spirits. They therefore sad and pensive, contain'd themselves within their [...] thinking that Moses was destroy'd by the wrath of God, and expecting no less misery themselves. But whil'st they were thus troubled in mind, Moses presented himself to th [...], (with a countenance full of pleasing majesty, and looks so contented, that they testified the inward satisfaction of his mind) whom they no sooner beheld, but suddenly all their fear vanish'd, and in place thereof a hope of some great good succeeded; and withal, the air, upon his arrival, recover'd its former clear­ness and serenity. Hereupon he summon'd the People to a solemn and general Assembly, to the end he might report, and they hear, what Commandments God had given them by B him. No sooner were they assembled, but he (from an high place, from which all the People might both see and hear him) stood up, and spake after this manner:

Know (saith he) you Hebrews, Ver. 25. that Almighty God, as he hath never despised my prayers hitherto,Moses Oration to the Israe­lites. so at this time also hath he entertained me very graciously: and behold he hath vouch­safed to honour your Camp with his presence, and to prescribe to you by me, the most happy man­ner of living that can be imagin'd. I conjure you therefore by him, and by the many admira­ble works which he both done for you, to hear with the respect you owe to him, that which he hath commanded me to tell you, without sticking at the meanness of the person whom he hath employ'd for this purpose. Do not consider that 'tis but a man that speaks to you; but reflect rather upon the advantages which you shall receive, by observing the Commandments which I C bring to you in the Name of God; and reverence the Majesty of him who hath not disdained to make use of me for procuring you so great happiness. For it is not Moses, the son of Am­ram and Jocabel, that is going to give you those admirable precepts, but he it is that constrain­ed Nilus to flow with blood, and that through divert plagues tamed the pride of the Egypti­ans: it is he that gave you passage thorow the midst of the Sea: it is he that furnish'd you with meat prepared from Heaven, when you were in extremity: it is he that made water spring out of the Rock, to quench your thirsts: it is he that put Adam into possession and fruition both of the fruits of the Earth, and the fishes of the Sea: by him, Noah escaped from the De­luge: by him, our forefather Abraham, of a wandring Pilgrim, became an Inhabiter of the Land of Canaan: by him, Isaac was born, at such time as his father and mother were old: D by him, Jacob became the father of his sons so accomplisht in all sorts of virtue: by him, Jo­seph became Lord over all the Forces of the Egyptians: he it is that graciously imparteth these words unto you, by me his messenger. Let therefore these wholsom Laws of his be holy and inviolable amongst you, and more dear to you than either your Wives and Children: for in observing the same, you shall lead a happy Life, enjoy a fruitful Countrey, a calm Sea, and a nu­merous Issue, and he always dreadful to your Enemies: for I have talked face to face with God, and have heard his immortal voice;The people of Israel hear God speaking unto them from the mountain of Sinai. so dearly beloved are you unto him, and so careful is he of the prosperity of your Nation. This said, he conducted the People, (both Men, Women and Children) to the end they might hear God talk unto them, and teach them what to do, lest the Law should have been of less regard, if it had been presented to their un­derstandings E by a humane tongue. They all of them therefore heard his voice descend­ing from the Mountain, Exod. 20. 1. ad 17. so that every one understood the precepts which Moses gave them afterwards written in the two Tables of the Law. I may not relate the very words of them, but I will express the sense. The ten Com­madments. Exod. 20. Deutr. 5.

F Commandment
  • 1. That there is but one God, who is onely to be worshipped.
  • 2. That no Image of any Creature is to be adored.
  • 3. That no man ought to swear rashly by the Name of God.
  • 4. That the seventh day is not to be prophaned by any work.
  • 5. That father and mother ought to be honoured.
  • 6. That we ought to abstain from Murther.
  • 7. That Adultery is not to be committed.
  • 8. That no man ought to steal.
  • 9. That false Witness must not be born.
  • 10. That no man ought to covet any thing that belongs to his Neighbour.

When the multitude with great joy had heard God himself speak to them (according as Moses had foretold them) he dismissed them, and each one departed to his Tent. But some few days after they presented themselves before his Pavilion, beseeching him to ob­tain of God such Laws, as might serve for government, and regulating the Common-wealth. G He promis'd them to do it, and perform'd it in some time after, as in due place it shall be express'd. But the greater part of the Laws I defer till another time, mean­ing to write a particular Book upon that Subject. Some time after, Moses once more as­cended [Page 80] the Mountain of Sinai (having premonish'd the People thereof) and ascend­ed H the same in their sight:The year of the World, 2454. before Christ's Nativity, 1510. but when the time seem'd tedious unto them (for he was ab­sent from them 40 days) they were in great fear, lest some evil had hapned unto him: several spoke variously concerning it. They that lov'd him not, said that he was de­vour'd of wild Beasts.Exod. 24. 18. Others, that he was taken up unto God: but they of the wiser sort among them,Moses remai­ned on the mountain 40 days, and 40 nights. who took no pleasure to hear any of these suppositions, contain'd them­selves, being equally affected in respect of both the opinions: for that the one seem'd not inconsistent with humane condition, and the other had some correspondence with the virtues of the man: so that they endur'd his fortune with an equal mind, and lamented their own mishap, in that they were depriv'd of such a Governor and Patron as he was, whose like they thought it impossible to find: neither did their care suffer them to hope,I neither depriv'd of hope could they choose but complain: neither durst they remove their Tents,Exod. 24. 28. in that he had commanded them to expect his return.Deutr. 9. 9. At length (when 40 days and 40 nights were past) he return'd to them:Moses fasted 40 days and nights. having (during that time) tasted no humane sustenance: and by his arrival the whole Host was replenish'd with great joy; whom he certifi'd that God's providence was always assisting them, and that du­ring the time of those days, he had learn'd the means how they should live civilly, or­derly, and blessedly, telling them, that God commanded them to make him a Taberna­cle, whereinto he would descend as often as it pleas'd him, which also in their Travel they might carry about with them: so that they should have no more need to ascend unto Sinai, but he himself would descend into that Tabernacle to hear their prayers.K He told them likewise the measure, and order of the said Tabernacle, and that there wanted nothing,Moses two Ta­bles. but that they presently addressed themselves to the building thereof. This said, he shew'd them the two Tables, containing the Ten Commandments written therein,Exod. 35. 23, &c. (in each of them five) by the hand of God. The People (rejoycing at that which they had heard and seen) ceas'd not to bestir themselves to their uttermost, for the building of the Tabernacle: so that they brought in silver, gold, brass, and store of wood fit for building, and which would not be worm-eaten; the hair of Goats, and the skins of Sheep;The Israelites with great joy address them­selves to the building of the Tabernacle. the one died azure, and the other white; woolls of the same colour, fine linnen, stones inchased in gold, wherewith men were accustom'd to deck themselves, with great quantity of perfumes. Such was the matter of the Tabernacle,L which was made like to a portable and moving Temple: this stuff being thus gather'd together,Exod. 36. 1, 2, 3. and collected with so great affection, (according to each man's utmost ability) Moses appointed Workmasters,Beseleel and Eliab are Workmasters of the Taber­nacle. according to the Commandment of God, but such, as the like could not have been chosen, although the matter had been committed to the Peo­ples suffrages; their names are now likewise extant in the Volumnes of the Sacred Scri­ptures; Beseleel of the Tribe of Juda, the son of Ʋron, and of Mary Moses's sister: and Eliab the son of Isamach, The people are restrained by Edict, from bringing any more offerings toward the building of the Tabernacle. of the Tribe of Dan. The People shew'd themselves so for­ward for the finishing of this work, that Moses was compell'd to restrain them, causing it to be proclaim'd, That they had sufficiently contributed for the work already; for the Workmasters certifi'd him no less. They therefore address'd themselves to finish the M Tabernacle, being particularly instructed by Moses of the measure and greatness thereof, and how many vessels they ought to have, according to the model which God had given Moses. Ver. 6. The Women also strove with emulation to exceed each other in making the Vestures of the Priests, and other things which were convenient for that work, to the end to honour the service of God.

NO

A CHAP. V.
Of the Tabernacle made by Moses in the Desart, resembling a portable Temple.

NOw when all things were thus prepar'd,The year of the World, 2455, before Christ's Nativity, 1509. and the Vessels of Gold and Brass, the sun­dry Ornaments and Pontifical Vestments finisht, Moses commanded them to feast, and sacrifice, each one according to his ability, and set forward the building of the Ta­bernacle. First of all therefore he measur'd the outward Court, which in breadth con­tain'd fifty,Exod. 36. à v. 8. ad finem. and in length in hundred Cubits, in such manner as followeth. He raised B 20 Columns or Pillars, five Cubits high on each of the longer sides, and ten on the short­er; Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 7. in the backside to every one of these Pillars, there were fastned Rings of Silver; their Cornishes were also Silver,Moses erect­eth a Taberna­cle in the De­sart. and the Bases Brass gilded, the lower parts of which re­sembled the point of a Spear, the better to fix them in the earth. Thorow the Rings there pass'd certain Cords of five Cubits length, which on the one side fastned in the ground with brazen Nails of a Cubits length,The first Court of the Temple. did fasten each of the Pillars, and defend­ed the Tabernacle against the force of winds. Then was there a Curtain of very fine Linnen drawn about the same, which hanging from the Chapters to the Bases, and inclo­sing all the place, seem'd to differ in nothing from a Wall. And after this manner were the three sides of the inclosure surrounded. But the fourth side, being of fifty Cubits, C was the Front of the whole Frame; the Door whereof was 20 Cubits wide, having on both sides double Pillars; and these also were of Brass cover'd with Silver, except the Bases; and more inward there stood three Pillars well fastned, which were also hung round about with a Curtain of fine Linnen; but at the Gate there hung a Veil of 20 Cubits long, and five deep, woven of Purple and Violet, fine Linnen embroyder'd with divers figures, but none of any living creature: within the Gates there was a brazen Ew­er, with a foot of the same metal, wherein the Priests might wash their hands and feet. After this manner was the Inclosure of the Court; in the midst hereof he plac'd the Ta­bernacle, turning it toward the East, that the rising Sun might shine upon it: the length thereof was thirty Cubits, and the breadth twelve; one of the Walls thereof lookt to­wards D the South, another towards the North, but the hinder part was towards the West; and it was as high as long; and on each side there were 20 wooden Planks foursquare, and join'd together four Fingers [...]hick, and a Cubit and an half broad, lined both within and without, with plates of Gold; and every Board had two hinges, which were put thorow the two Bases that were of Silver, and in their Sockets receiv'd the hinges of the Boards; the planks of the West-wall were six in number, and gilded both within and without; all of them so closed together, as it seem'd to be but one Wall. But on both sides there were certain Board close join'd together, which in breadth contain'd one Cu­bit and an half, and in thickness, the third part of an hands breadth, and so made up 30 Cubits; but six Boards made up the nine Cubits of the hinder Wall, to which were E join'd other two Boards half a Cubit broad, which they plac'd in the corners in stead of whole ones: every Board had Rings of Gold fastned to the outward Front thereof, ri­vetted in order, and answering one another on every side. Thorow these Rings were put certain Bars which were cover'd with Gold, every one five Cubits long, which join'd the Boards together: and the end of every Bar was put into the beginning of the other, after the manner of a Box. And on the backside of the Walls of the Tabernacle, there was one rank of Bars plac'd long ways, passing thorow all the planks, in which by hooks or hasps, the sides of it were held together, and rivetted and fastned one within the other; by which means the Tabernacle was secur'd from the force of Winds, and kept steddy and unmoveable. Within, the length thereof was divided into three parts: next to one F part thereof, containing ten Cubits, on the inside, were plac'd four Pillars made of the same work and matter, planted on like Bases, and distant one from the other by equal spaces overthwart,The Taberna­cle. beyond these was the secret place. The rest of the Tabernacle was for all the Priests; and this tripartite division of the Tabernacle, resembled the nature of the World; for the third part (which was contain'd within the four Pillars, to which the Priests had no access) did, in a manner, represent Heaven, the Seat of God: but the space of twenty Cubits (which was only permitted to the Priest, and was unaccessible to others) resembled the Sea and Land. In the Front where the en­trance was, they plac'd five Pillars upon brazen Bases; after these, the Curtains were spread about the Tabernacle, woven of Silk, and embroyder'd with Purple, G Violet, and Scarlet Colours; the first of these was spread ten Cubits every way, and was drawn about the Pillars, which separated the Adyt from the other space, and from the sight of men; and all this Temple was call'd Holy. As for the Adyt, [Page]

[figure]

[Page 83] A that was situate beyond the four Pillars, it was called the Sanctum Sanctorum, or Holy of Holiest; and this Curtain or Vail was adorn'd with all sorts of flowers which the earth bringeth forth; but there were no figures of living creatures to be found there­in. The second Vail equalled the first in greatness, workmanship, and colour, and in­compassed the five pillars of the entry; which reaching from the top to the midst of them, and fastned to each of them by a certain Ring, gave access to the Priests that en­tred the same. To this was there annex'd on the outside, another Vail of like highness, and woven of Linnen, drawn upon Cords from the one side to the other, by means of certain Rings; which was sometimes spread, and other times (especially on the Holy­dayes) unspread, lest it should hinder the peoples sight: on the other days (especial­ly B such as were cloudy) it was spread, and serv'd for a coverture to defend the painted Vail from the weather, Which custom hath continued since the building of the Tem­ple, that the like Vail should be spread in the entrance. Besides this, there were ten other Veils, four cubits broad, and twenty eight cubits long, with certain golden hooks, enchased the one within the other, to the end to conjoin them, so that they seemed to be one;The Sanctuary. which being spread, did cover the Tabernacle in the upper part, and the walls on the sides, and behind, not extending to the earth by a foot. Moreover, there were eleven other hangings of equal breadth, but longer; namely, every one of them of thirty cubits,The significa­tion of the di­vision of the Tabernacle. woven, with as great art, of Hairs, as the other of Wooll; which co­vering all the rest, and extending to the earth, resembled the form of a Bedchamber; C the eleventh, serv'd to cover the entrance. These also were cover'd with certain skins sewed together, which protected the same against the injuries of the weather. For which cause to them that beheld it from far, it seemed a thing most worthy of ad­miration. For the colours of the Tabernacle did in no other sort shine, than as if a Man should have beheld the Heavens. But the Vails of hair and skins hung after such manner about the entrance of the Tabernacle, that they serv'd to resist the force and outrages of storms and tempests.

CHAP. VI.
D Of the Ark, wherein Moses placed the Table of the Law.

EF

AFter that the Tabernacle vvas after this manner built,Exod. 37. 1. ad 6. they erected also an Ark vvhich vvas dedicated to God,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 8. of a certain Wood that vvas naturally strong, and permanent, and that resisted corruption, in our Native Tongue, call'd Heoron▪ It was framed after this manner: The length thereof was five hands breadth, and the G breadth and height, three; and both within and without it was covered with golden plates, and it had a cover fitted with golden hinges, equal on every side. And to every [Page 84] side in length there were fastned two rings of gold, driven and riveted thorow the H whole wood, and thorow them certain bars of gold were thrust, that whensoever there were need, it might be carried any wayes: for never was it born on Beasts backs, but the Priests bare it on their shoulders. On the cover thereof there were two figures of Cherubins,Cherubins. having wings, according as Moses saw them near the Throne of God; for no man before him ever had any knowledge of them.The Tables of the Law are placed in the Ark. In this Ark he placed the Ta­bles, containing the Ten Commandments, in each Table five, two and an half in one Column, and two and an half in the other; and this Ark he plac'd within the San­ctuary.

CHAP. VII.I
Of the Table, and Candlestick of Gold, and of the Altar of the Tabernacle.

KL

IN the Tabernacle he placed a Table, not unlike to that at Delphos, two cubits in length,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 9. and one in breadth, and of the height of three hand breadths, the feet M thereof,The Table, Exod. 27. à v. 10. ad finem. from the midst downwards, were like those feet which the Doriens set to their Beds; but that which ascended from the other half upwards, was square. The body of this Table was surrounded with a border, standing out four fingers: and in every of the feet, there were rings fastned about the top of the foot, through which were put bars of wood, gilded, and framed of most firm wood, which were not thrust thorow the circle on both sides, but with a button took hold of the upper border of the Table, and beneath rested upon another upright bar, and so serv'd to carry it whithersoever need required. This was wont to be plac'd in the Temple towards the North-wall, not far from the Sanctuary: and on it were placed twelve unleavened loaves, set six by six, the one over against the other, and made of two Assars of the purest wheat, which measure N of the Hebrews, contained seven Cotylas of the Athenians; and above these loaves, two golden pots filled with frankincense; but after seven dayes, other loaves were set in their place on the festival day, which we call the Sabbath. The cause of which Cere­mony shall hereafter be declared.Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 10. Hard by the Table near the South-wall, was placed a Candlestick of gold (but not massie) of an hundred pound weight,The Golden Candlestick. (this weight the Hebrews call Cinchares, the Grecians name it a Talent in their Tongue) and it was wrought with bowls, lillies, pomegranates, and little cups; then arising upwards from one Base, it was divided into seven branches, according to the number of the Sun, and the rest of the Planets; it stretched out likewise into seven heads, having orderly cor­respondence the one with the other, on which were planted seven candles, according to O the number of the seven planets, which branched out towards the East and South, the [Page 85]

ABCD

Candlestick being set side-long.The Altar of Incense. Between this and [...] (as it [...] was a little Altar erected for Incense, made of lasting wood likewise, and cover'd on every side with a solid plate, being a cubit broad from every corner, and twice as high, on which there stood a little hearth environ'd with a golden crown, in which were rings with their bars and staves,Exod. 38. 1 ad 8. whereby it might be born by the Priests in the way. There was another Altar of wood also before the door of the Tabernacle, cover'd with plates of brass, five cubits E square, and three high, decked with gold in like sort, and plated with brass, the hearth whereof was made after the manner of a grate, so that the earth received whatsoever fire fell from above, by reason there was no Base under; but near unto the Altar there were tunnels and pots, and censors, and cups, with other instruments, made for the di­vine service, all which were of pure gold.

FG

CHAP. VIII.H
Of the Vestments of the Priest, and of the High Priest.

IKL

SUch was the Tabernacle with all that belongeth thereunto.Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 11. Now it remaineth to discourse as well of the Vestments of the ordinary Priests,Exod. 39. 1. ad 32. which they call Chanees, as of the Priest whom they name Sar-Hazbachim, signifying thereby the High Priest.M And first of all,The Priests Vestures. touching the ordinary Priest. When as the Sacrificer purifi'd according to the purification which is ordained by the Law, addresseth himself to Sacrifice: he first of all investeth himself with Manachasses (which is as much as to say,Manachasses. a Truss or Restrainer, which is a kind of Drawers or Slops, covering the privities, made of woven silk) where thorow he thrusts his feet, as in a pair of upper Hose, and fastens the same about his Loyns: over this he puts a Linnen Shirt or Surplice made of double Linnen, (which we call Chetonem, Chetonem. and the word signifieth a Linnen Garment or Surplice, for we call Linnen Cheton) this Garment is a Coat coming down to the ankles bound to the Body, having narrow sleeves about the arms, and tyed upon the breast a little beneath the armholes, with a Girdle four fingers broad, so loosely wrought, that it seem'd like a N Serpents skin. It was likewise adorn'd with red, purple Hyacinthine, and silken flow­ers, but the ground only silk, which being twice doubled about the breast, extendeth down to the ankles at such time as he desisteth from Sacrifice, (and this they seemed to wear in way of ornament) but when he is to minister in Sacrifice, then (lest blown up by the wind, it should hinder his work) he casts it on his left shoulder. This Girdle Moses call'd Abaneth, Abaneth. and we, by a word borrow'd from the Babilonians, name it Emian. This Coat was in no manner pleited, and in the neck hath a broad opening, fastned about the two shoulders with clasps, from the edge of the collar to the breast, and the midst of the back:Massabassanes. this call'd they Massabassanes. But on his Head he weareth a Hat, (not made with a high crown,Masnaemphe­tes. neither▪ comprehending the whole Head, but somewhat O more than the half:) this is call'd Masnaemphthes; it resembleth a Crown, and is of wo­ven Linnen oftentimes doubled and sowed, which in the upper part is cover'd with [Page 87] A another Coife of linnen, descending to the front, hiding those seams of the crown which were unseemly to be beheld: this is curiously fitted, lest during the time of sacrifice it should slip off. Such in general were the ornaments of the Priests.

The High Priest also useth the very same (omitting none of those things which we have reckoned up) but beside the rest, he puts on a Violet coloured Coat, extending in length to his heels (we call it Methir) this he girdeth to him with a girdle of divers colours (not unlike the former) but that it is studded with Gold:The High Priest's orna­ment Methir the skirt of the Vest is bordered with Fringes, to which are tied certain Pomegranates, and Golden Bells intermix'd; so that between two Pomegranates, there is placed a Bell, and be­tween two Bells one Pomegranate. This Coat is all of one piece without seam, open B in the colar, not athwart, but long ways, from the Breast to the middest of the Back. To it is a Riband or Hem fastned, lest the opening should be perceived: it is likewise open in that place where the Hands should be put out. Besides these vestures,C. 39. 2. he hath a third called an Ephod (resembling the Grecian Garment call'd Epomis and made after this manner.)Ephod. It is woven of divers colours, intermixed with Gold; in the midst of the Breast there is a space left open (the sleeves, and all the rest are in such sort com­posed, that it seemeth to be a Coat) in this void space there is a piece enchased of the length of a span,v. 5. embroydred with the same colours, Gold and Flowers, as the Ephod is.Essen se [...] Lo­gion. This piece is called Essen, which signifieth Rational (and wholly filleth the space that was left void by them that wove the Ephod.) And it is joyned with the Ephod, and C to every corner thereof, with Buckles of Gold, which are tyed with a Lace of Hyacinth applied to tie them together with these Buckles. And to the end the space between the Buckles be not slack, the opening is filled with a Hyacinthine Riband: but on either shoulder are two Sardonix Stones enchased in Gold (instead of Buttons) to tie the Hood or Ephod; in these are ingraven the names of Jacob's Sons, in Hebrew Characters, in either Stone six: so that the elder of them were placed on the right shoulder. Moreover twelve precious Stones distinguish the Essen or Rational it self, of excellent greatness and beauty, which for their inestimable price could not be bought by any private Man. They were enchased three and three in four ranks in certain Crowns of Gold, to the end they might not fall out: in the first order was a Sardonyx, a Topaze, D and a Smaragd: in the second a Carbuncle, Jaspis, and a Saphir: in the third, a Lyncurius, an Amethist, v. 10, 11, &c. and an Agate: in the fourth, a Chrysolite, an Onyx, and a Beril Stone. In these were the names of Jacob's Sons engraven, whom we esteem for the first Authors of our Tribes; every Stone being honoured with a several name according to the order of their Birth. But whereas these Rings (whereof before we have spoken) were too weak, to sustain the weight of the precious Stones, they fastned two greater in the top of the Rational toward the neck, being eminent above the texture, which might receive the Golden Chains which met at the top of the shoulders to be fastned with the little Chains, the end whereof was crooked, and conveighed certain Pipes, put thorow the Rings, and were more prominent than the brim behind the Ephod, to fasten the E Rational, to the end it should neither sway this way nor that way. To the same Rational also was there a Girdle sewed, distinguished with the said colours and Gold; which com­passing the whole; and again knit upon the seam, was suffered to hang downwards. And as touching the Fringes, they were fastned to hollow loops of Gold from the on end to the other. Now his Hat was such as the other Priests used, on which there stood an­other sewed thereto, and flourished with Hyacinthine: this was invironed with a Golden Crown, in which there were divers Cups of Gold made after such sort as may be seen in that Herb which we call Daccar, v. 30. and the Grecian Herbalists, Henbane. And lest any Man that hath not heretofore seen the same,The High Priests triple golden crown. should be ignorant of the nature thereof, I have thought good to set down the description in this place. This Herb is of the F height of three spans, hath a root like a Turnep or Navew, and Leafes that resemble Smallage or Rocquet: out of the stem it putteth forth a certain bud cleaving to the branches of it, invested with a coat, which it casteth off when the Fruit waxeth ripe. This bud is as big as the joynt of a little finger, having a circumference like unto a Cup; which I will describe more plainly, that the ignorant may the better comprehend it. In the lower part thereof about the bottom it resembleth in roundness a half bowl: and according as it groweth up it is streightned, until being again dilated in the extremi­ty or brim, it ends in a partition, not much unlike to a Pomegranate cut in the middest, to which there is annexed and groweth a round cover, as if turned and framed on purpose, having these eminent clefts (as I said) like to the middest of a Pomegranate, G resembling the pointed and sharp thorns,Sideritis, and pricking blades. Now it containeth a certain fruit under the cover, and the whole Cup is like to the seed of the Herb Sideritis; its flower is not much unlike that which springeth from the Poppey. This Mites cover'd [Page 88] the back part of the head,The year of the World, 2455. before Christ's Nativity, 1509. and the two temples; for these cups came not near the front H or brow. For on the same there was as it were a plate of Gold, on which the Name of God was engraven. Such were the Ornaments of the High Priest.

I cannot therefore but greatly wonder at the strange and causeless malice which other Nations have conceived against us, as if we were injurious against the Divine Majesty, which (they say) they so much honour. For, if a Man mark the composition of the Tabernacle, and examine the habit of the High Priest, and consider all the Sacred vessels which we use in celebrating the Divine Service, he shall find, that our Law-giver was a Man of a Divine Spirit, and that we without any cause are injured by other Nati­ons. For, if without partiality a Man will duely examine it, he shall find, that all things have been done to represent and figure the World. For the Tabernacle is of I thirty Cubits, divided into three parts; whereof two are left for the Sacrifices, as a place prophane, and common, signifying the Land and Sea, wherein all sorts of Creatures are conversant;v. 51. but the third part is sequestred, and reserved for God alone; in like sort,The significa­tion of the Fa­brick of the Tabernacle, and the Priests Ornament. as the Heaven is unaccessible by Men. The Table on which the twelve Loaves were placed, signifieth the year divided into twelve months. The Candlestick, made of seventy pieces, signifieth the twelve Signs, thorow which every one of the seven Planets pass: the seven Lamps that were therein, represent the seven Planets. The Veyls made of four several kinds of stuff,v. 6. ad 14. resemble the four Elements:Exod. 28. [...] v. 17, ad 21. for the Lin­nen seems to represent the Earth, from whence it was drawn and derived: the Purple resemble the Sea, because the Purple colour is made of the blood of a shell-fish, called K Murex: the Hyacinth, signifieth the Air: and the Scarlet, denoteth the Fire. The Tunicle likewise of the High Priest typifies the Earth, for it is made of Linnen. The Hyacinth which inclines to Azure, shews the Heaven, the Pomegranats resemble the Lightning, as the Bells the noise of the Thunder. The Surcot sheweth, that the whole World is composed of four Elements, resembled by its four colours: to which Gold is annexed (as I interpret it) for that Light is annexed to all things; Essen also is planted in the middle thereof, in such sort, as the Earth obtaineth the middle place of the World. Likewise, the Girdle wherewith he is girt, resembleth the Sea, which enfoldeth and begirteth all things. The two Sardonix Stones (set as Buttons or Loops in the High Priests Garment) signifieth the Sun and Moon. The number of the Gems allude to L the number of the Months, or the twelve Houses, or the equal number of parts of that Circle, which the Grecians call the Zodiack. The Thiara or Mitre likewise hath an al­lusion to Heaven, by reason of its Azure or Hyacinthine colour; for otherwise the Name of God might not be placed therein: and the Triple Crown of Gold, by its brightness, represents his glory and Soveraign Majesty. Let this suffice for the present; for that which we will discourse hereafter, will furnish us with sufficient and ample matter, to shew and set out the Wisdom of our Law-giver.

CHAP. IX.
Of Aaron's Priesthood,Exod. 28, 29. and the Laws which appertain to the Feasts and Sacrifices.M

AFter these things were thus order'd, and it remained onely to consecrate the Tabernacle,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 12. God appeared to Moses, commanding him to establish Aaron, his Bro­ther, Exod. 28. v. 1, 2, 3, High Priest (who, in respect of his vertue, deserved that Title of Honour above all the rest.)29. 1. ad 28. For which cause Moses (assembling the congregation) discoursed unto them his vertues,God elected Aaron, Moses Brother, for High Priest. and discovered his good affection, and reckoned up unto them, how many dangers he had suffered in their behalf. Every one approved this choice, decla­ring the forward zeal and love they alwayes bare unto him. Whereupon he spake unto them after this manner: The work is now brought unto such an end as it hath pleased God, and hath been possible for us: and for that you know we are to receive him into N this Tabernacle, we ought above all things to have a special care in the election of such an one, who is to make sacrifice and supplication for us. Touching my self, if the matter depended on my private choice, I should esteem no Man more worthy than my self to execute this Function, both for that naturally Men love themselves, and for that I am well assured, how many travels I have supported for your sake. But God him­self hath judged Aaron worthy of this honour, and hath chosen him for his High Priest, in that he excelleth all other in equity and justice; commanding, that he should be in­vested with the Sacred Robes, and take charge of the Altars and Sacrifices. He shall make Prayers for you unto God, who will hear them willingly; by reason that he hath care of your Race, and will receive them, proceeding from a person whom he himself O hath elected. These words of his were grateful unto the People, and they all approved the election which God had made. For Aaron was more capable of that honour than any [Page 89] A other, both by reason of his race, and in regard of the gift of prophecy which he had receiv'd, and also for the eminent vertue of his Brother. He had at that time four Sons, Nadab, Abihu, Eleazar, and Ithamar. But whatsoever remained of those things which were gathered for the building of the Tabernacle, was imployed to make Veyles to cover the Tabernacle, Candelstick, Altar, and the other Instruments, to the end, that in their travel they might not be soyled either by rain or dust.Aarons Sons. And having once more assembled the People together,Exod. 36. 8. he commanded them to offer every one of them half a Sicle; (the Sicle is a kind of Hebrew Coyne, that is as much in value as four Athenian Drams) whereunto they obeyed willingly;Sicle. The number of them that offered, was six hundred five thousand five hundred and fifty. And they that brought this Money, B were such as were of a free condition,The number of the Israelites, betwixt twenty and fifty years of age. and betwixt the years of twenty and fifty; and that which was received, was imployed in the necessaries of the Temple. Then did he purifie the Tabernacle, and the Priests in this manner. He took the weight of five hundred Sycles of chosen Myrrh, and the like quantity of Ireos; of Cinamon, and of Calamus (which is a most Odoriferous Drug) the half of the said weight; and he caused all these to to be beaten and infused into a Hin of Oyl of Olive; (this Hin is one of our Measures, containing two Choas of Athens) all which he mixed and boyled together, according to the Art of Perfumers, and he made thereof a most Odoriferous Oyntment; which he took, and anointed the Priest therewith, and all that which be­longed to the Tabernacle,The Holy Oyntment. to the intent to purifie them: offering many and sundry sorts C of Perfumes, of great price, upon the Altar of Gold, (whereof I forbear to speak any further, for fear I should grow tedious to the Readers.) Twice a day before Sun-rise and Sun-set,The Sacrifices. they were to burn Incense, and supply the Lamps of this purifi'd Oyl; whereof, three were to burn every day upon the sacred Candlestick, in honour of God, and the rest were lighted in the evening. Amongst them that wrought and finished these things, Beseleel and Eliah were the most excellent and expert workmen; for what­soever had been enterprized by others,v. 2. they in their Art polished and perfected. And they found out many new things,Beseleel, of their own invention: yet was Beseleel judged the most excellent of the two.

All the time imployed in this work, was seven months; and at that time was the year D accomplished, which began at their departure out of Egypt. In the beginning of the second year, in the moneth which the Macedonians call Xantichus, and the Hebrews Nisan, upon the new Moon; they dedicated the Tabernacle, with all things belonging there­unto, Exo. 40. 1, 2, 3. according as I have made mention. And God presently testified, that both their Gifts and Works were acceptable in his sight;The Taberna­cle was dedi­cated on the first day of April, the second year after their de­parture out of Egypt, the year after the Creation of the World 2455. before Christs birth 1509. by his presence honouring the Tabernacle after this manner: The Sky being elsewhere clear and fair, over the Tabernacle alone there was a Cloud; not wholly thick, like a Winter strom; nor yet so thin, that a Man could see thorow the same; from whenc there descended a Dew, that gave testi­mony of Gods presence unto them that had Faith. Moses having recompenced all the Work-masters with such rewards as appertained unto them by desert, offer'd sacrifice E according as God had commanded him, in the Door or Porch of the Tabernacle, a Bull, and a Ram, and a Kid for their sins; (but with what ceremony these things are done, I will declare, when I treat of Sacrifices, as also what Offerings are to be burnt by fire, and according to the Law are allowed to be fed upon) and with the blood of the slaughtered Beasts he sprinkled the Vestment of Aaron, and purified both him and his Children with Fountain water and the precious Oyntment, to the end they might be sanctified to God. And for seven days space he consecrated both them, and their Vestments,The dedication of the Taber­nacle, and the Priests. and the Tabernacle, with those things which appertained thereunto, with the Oyle abovementioned, with the Blood of Bulls and Rams slain every other day, after their kind. But on the eighth day he proclaimed a Holy day and festival to all F the People,Lev. 18. per totum. and decreed, that every one of them should particularly sacrifice, according to his ability; and they with emulation (striving to exceed one another) obeyed him,Lev. 9. 24. and offered up their Sacrifices, according as it was commanded them.

Whilst thus the Sacrifices were upon the Altar,The sacrifice is consumed of it self. suddenly there issued a fire from them, which kindled of it self; the flame whereof resembled the Light or brightness of Lightning, and consumed all that was upon the Altar. At that time, there hapned an affliction to Aaron, the greatest that could befall a Father, yet he supported it with a constant and generous mind: for he was a Man of much constancy, and such an one as knew, that nothing could befall him without the prescience and providence of God. Of his four Sons, the two eldest Nadab and Abihu, bringing other sacrifices to the Altar G than those that were appointed by Moses, were burnt by the violent flame that issued from the Altar, scorching both their Breasts and Faces, in such sort that they dyed without possibility of being succoured. Moses commanded their Father and Brothers [Page 90] to take their bodies, and carry them out of the Camp and bury them decently: All H the People wept, and were very much amazed at this their death, so strange and un­expected. But Moses forbad both the Father and his Sons to lament; to the end they might make it appear that being honoured with the dignity of Priesthood, they were more sensible of Gods honour, than of their own misfortune. But as touching Moses, he refused all honours which were offered him by the People, neither applied he himself unto any other thing but to the service of God.Na [...]ab and Abihu Arons Sons burned Levit. 10. 1, 2, 3. 4. He went up to the Mountain of Sinai, and entred into the Tabernacle to take counsel of God concerning those things, whereof he needed to be informed. He demeaned himself like a private Man, not onely in his apparel, but in all other things, continuing a familar and modest course of life, and challenging no priviledge above any Man,Numb. 3. 3, 4. but onely in those things which pertained I to the administration of the Common-wealth.

He reduc'd into writing the Laws and ordinances touching policy, in due perfor­mance whereof if they liv'd they should be both agreeable to God, and live in union and peace amongst themselves. And all this he established, following those directions which God instructed him in. But now will I return and bend my stile to speak of that which I omitted in the ornaments of the High Priest; for this apparel of theirs leaveth not any occasion to false Prophets, to excecute their wicked impostures: and if there be any such, as dare intermeddle with that which appertaineth to Gods Majesty▪ this habit maketh them know, that God never honoured their sacrifices with his presence; but he gave visible signs thereof not onely to the Hebrews, A miracle of the Stones in the High Priests vest­ment. but to all those strangers,K who by any occurrence might be eye-witnesses of the same. For of those Stones which the High Priest bare on his shoulders (which were Sardonixes, whose nature is so well known to all Men, that it were unnecessary to speak of it) that which was fastned on his right shoulder, shined very clearly at such time as God was present at the sacri­fice, and cast its rayes afar off, that it might be perceived by those that beheld the same, contrary to its nature and custome: which truly deserveth admiration amongst all Men, except those who through contempt of Religion, do hunt after an opinion of wisdom. But that which I will now speak of, is more to be admired at: which is, that by the twelve Stones which the High Priest bare, Enchased in his Rational in the midst of his Breast, God was wont to fore-signifie victory to those that were prepared L for Battel. For such brightness lightned out of them, even before such time as the Army did dislodge or enter skirmish, that it was manefestly known to the People, that God was present and ready to assist them: for which cause the Greeks that have no aversion for our mysteries, and are convinced by their own eyes of the truth of this miracle, call it Logion, i. e. oracle, which we term Esse [...]. This Rational and the Stone Sardonix gave over to shine two hundred years before I began to write these An­tiquities, by reason of Gods wrath which he had conceived against us for the breach of his Laws (of which at another time I will more fitly treat, and at this time continue and prosecute my intended discourse and purpose.) After the Tabernacle had been thus consecrated, and that which appertained to the Priests was set in order, the People M transported with joy that God dwelt with them in his Tabernacle, began to sacrifice and to sing Hymns of praises,The sacrifices and gifts of the Princes of the Tribes. as to him that had driven far from them all fear of evil, and from whom they expected in time to come, far better and more prosperous things, and both in general and in particular they offered gifts unto God according to their tribes: and the Governors of the tribes (assembling themselves together two by two) pre­pared a Chariot and a yoak of Oxen, so that there were six Chariots to bear the Taber­nacle by the way. Furthermore, every one of them offered a vial of the weight of 70 Sicles, and a Censor containing 10 dariques, and a Coffer or Basin, weighing 130 Sicles. The Censor was filled with odoriferous perfumes, and the coffer and vial served to hold the Meal and Oyl, which they were wont to use at the Altar, at such time as they off­red N sacrifice. They offered likewise a Calf and a Ram, with a Lamb of one year old, for a burnt-sacrifice; and a Goat for a sin-offering. All the other Governors likewise brought every one of them their sacrifice called Salutarie, for every day two Oxen and five Rams, with a Lamb and a Goat of a year old, and sacrificed them during the term of twelve days, every one his day. But Moses ascended no more to the Mountain of Sinai, but entred into the Tabernacle, where he was instructed by God of that which he had to do, and what Laws he ought to make, which are so good and laudable as they ought not to be attributed to humane wisdom:Moses asketh counsel of God in the Taber­nacle. So that our Ancestors observ'd them so religiously during some ages, that they thought that neither the pleasures of Peace, nor the distresses of War could render them excusable O if they violated the same. But I will now cease to speak of these Laws, being re­solved to compose another Treatise touching them.

A CHAP. V.
The Ordinances of Sacrifices and Purifications, Levit. 1.

I will here mention onely some few Laws touching Purifications and Sacrifices (in that we have begun to speak of Sacrifices.)Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 13, ad 12. The sacrifices are of two sorts: some particular,Two kinds of sacrifices. others publique; and these are made after two different manners; for in the one, all is consumed which is upon the Altar, which for that cause are called Holocausts, Holocautoma; Lev. 1, ad, 10. that is to say, Burned. The other are of thanksgiving, and they are made with banquets of those that sacrifice. But first of all I will speak of the first kind. B The particular person that offers a burnt-offering brings an Oxe, a Lamb, and a Goat of one year old, (yet it is lawful to kill Oxen that are older.) But all those Crea­tures which must be consumed by fire, ought to be males; and after their throats are cut, the Priests besprinkle the Altar round about with the blood; then dress the Beast and cut it in pieces, and powder it with salt, and lay it on the Altar already charg­ed with cleft wood, already kindled: after they have well cleansed the feet and entrails, they lay them with the rest; and the Priests take the skins. Such is the man­ner of a burnt-offering or Holocaust. They that offer sacrifices of thanksgiving, kill likewise such sort of beasts without spot,A sacrifice of thanksgiving; Lev. 4. 5. and more than a year old, both male and female; and after they have cut their throats, they sprinkle the blood on the Altar; C then take they the rains, the caul, and all the fat, with the lobe of the liver, and the tail of the Lamb▪ and lay it on the Altar; but the breast and the left leg is left to the Priests: and as touching the rest of the flesh, the Priests banquet therewith for the space of two days; and if then there remain any thing thereof, it is burned. The same custome and ceremonie likewise is observed in the sacrifice for sins: but those that are not of ability to offer the greater offerings, offer two Pigeons, or two Turtles, the one of which the Priests have to feast withal, and the other is consumed with fire. We will treat more expresly of the sacrifice of such beasts, at such time as we shall discourse of sacrifices. For he that hath sinned through ignorance, offereth a Lamb, and a she-goat at the same time.The sacrifice for sin. The Priest besprinkleth the Altar with the blood D thereof, not in such manner as is said before, but the Horns of the Altar only: and on the Altar they offer the kidneys, and the rest of the fat, with the lobe of the lives: the Priests carry away the skins, and [...]at the flesh within the Temple the very same day; because the Law permitteth them not to reserve any thing till the next morning.The sacrifice of him that hath sinned witting­ly. He that hath sinned voluntarily but secretly offereth a Lamb, according as the Law com­mandeth, the flesh whereof is in like sort eaten by the Priests the same day. But if the Governors offer for their sins,Lev. 4, 9. they sacrifice in like manner as private Men do, and [...]re different from them in that they bring a Bull, or a male-kid. The Law also or­daineth, that in sacrifices both private and publique, there should be fine flower brought for a Lamb,The custom observed in sa­crifices. the measure of an Asser; for a Ram, the measure of two; for a Bull, E three; which flower is first of all mingled and wrought with Oyl, and set upon the Altar to be sanctified. They that sacrifice likewise do bring Oyl, the half part of a Hin for a Bull; for a Ram, the third part of the same measure; and for a Lamb, the fourth part: This Hin is an Hebrew measure, which containeth two Attique Choas. They bring also the like measure of Wine as of Oyl, and pour out the Wine about the Altar. And if any one to accomplish a vow, without sacrificing offer up fine flower, he putteth the first-fruits upon the Altar, that is to say, one handful, and the rest is taken by the Priests for their maintenance, either fryed by kneading it in Oyl, or making cakes thereof: but whatsoever the Priest offereth, all that must be burned. The Law likewise forbiddeth to offer the young of any Beast whatsoever with its Dam, F if it hath not fed eight days at least. There are also other sacrifices made for de­liverance from sickness, or for other causes; in which sacrifice they imploy Wine to make cakes, which are eaten with the flesh of the Beasts; of which it is not lawful to reserve any thing against the next morning when the Priests have taken that portion which belongeth to and sufficeth them.Numb. 28. v. 3, 4. The Law commandeth, that on the common purse there be every day killed a Lamb of a year old, the one in the morning, the other at the shutting up of the evening: and on the seventh day, which is called the Sabbath, that two be offered in that manner as hath been declared. And on the new Moon, besides their daily offerings, they sacrifice two Oxen, seven yearling Lambs, and a Wether and a Kid, for the abolition of those sins which are committed through forgetfulness. G On the seventh month (which the Macedonians call Hyperberet [...]on) besides the above­named, v. 19 they sacrifice a Bull,The sacrifice of the month of October. one Mutton, seven Lambs and a Kid for a sin offering. The tenth day of the same month, according to the Moon, they fast till the evening; [Page 90] [...] [Page 91] [...] [Page 92] and on the same day they sacrifice a Bull, two Muttons, seven Lambs, and a Goat, for H a sin-offering; besides which, they bring two Kids, one of which is sent alive, out of the limits of the Camp into the desart (on whom all the evil may fall, if so be any be threatned to the People) the other is carried without the Camp, into a clean place, where it is burned with the Skin, without reserving any thing thereof. In like manner they burn a Bull, which is not allowed out of the common charge, but at the proper costs of the Priest. This Bull being opened and slain, and the blood thereof (with that of the Goat) being carried into the Tabernacle, he sprinkleth the cover thereof with his finger seven times, and the pavement as often, and the Tabernacle and the Altar of Gold, and all the rest about the great Altar, which is abroad in the court. After this, they set on the Altar the reins and the fat with the lobe of the liver, and the Priest offe­reth I unto God a Mutton for a burnt-offering.The feast of Tabernacles. The fifteenth day of the said month (at such time as it draweth towards Winter) he commanded them to pitch Tents every one for his Family,Exod. 29. against the approching cold weather which that season is wont to bring;Lev. 23. and that when they should enjoy their Countrey,Deut. 2. 31. and enter that City which they should hold for their Metropolitan, (by reason of the Temple which should be there builded) they should celebrate a Feast during eight dayes space, in offering burnt-offering and sacrifices to God: and that in witness of their thanksgiving, they should bear in their hands a branch of Mirtle, and of Willow, tyed together with Wool, and a bough of Palm likewise, to which a Citron was to be fastned; and that the first day they should sacrifice thirteen Oxen, and fourteen Lambs, and two K sheep, with a Goat, for a sin-offering. Those dayes that ensued, they sacrificed likewise a like number of Lambs, and Weathers,Exo 12. v. 16. with a Kid; and in rebating day by day the number of Oxen,Lev. 23. v 5, 6. they come back to the seventh. The eighth day they cease from work.The Easter was the 14. of April. On this day (as we have said) they sacrifice a Calf, a Ram and seven Lambs, and a Kid, for a sin-offering. These are the ceremonies of the Tabernacles which have been alwayes observ'd by those of our Nation. In the month Xantique (which we called Nisan) which is the first month of the year, the fourteenth day after the new Moon, the Sun being in Aries, (for at that time were we delivered out of Egypt) he ordained, that every year we should renew the sacrifice, which we call the Passover, and which (as I said,) was celebrated the same time that we departed out of Egypt. L We celebrate this Feast according to our Tribes, without reserving any thing of that which is offered, till the next day; which is the fifteenth day of the month, and the first of the feast of unleavened bread which followeth that of the passover; and during seven days, it is unlawful to eat any unleavened bread: and every day are slain two Bulls, one Ram, and seven Lambs, which are all consumed with fire; to which there is added a Kid, for a sin-offering which the Priests eat. The second day of this feast of unleavened bread (which is the sixteenth of the month) they begin to enjoy th [...] Fruits that are reaped,Lev. 2. 14, ad finem. and till that time untouched. And for that it is very conveni­ent, that God should be honoured with the first-fruits, from whom we receive such abundance,The first fruits they offer the first-fruits of Barley after this manner: After they M have dryed a handful of the ears, they beat or thrash it, and cleanse the Barley from the chaffe, and offer an Asser of the same upon the Altar to God; and after they have cast a handful of the same on the Altar, they leave the rest for the Priests use: and from that time forward it is lawful for them to reap as well in publick as in private. With these first-fruits, they sacrifice to God a Lamb, for a burnt-offering. Seven weeks after the feast of the Passover,The sacrifice of Pentecost. that is forty nine days, on the fiftieth (which the Hebrews call Asartha:) that is to say, fulness of favours, and the Greek Pentecoste) they offer to God leavened bread, made of Wheat flower, of the quantity of two Assars, and sacrifice two Lambs, which are onely offered up to God, and afterwards are prepared for the Priests dinner, and it is not lawful for them to reserve any thing N thereof till the next day.What is obser­ved in every [...]east and sacri­fice. But the burnt-offerings are three Calves, two Wethers, and fourteen Lambs; besides two Kids, for a sin-offering. There is not any feast wherein they offer not a burnt-offering,The bread of Preposition. and desist not from all manual labour: but in every one of these there is ordained a certain sort of sacrifice which they ought to do: and it is first ordered, that they rest from their labours, and after sacrifice, fall to banquet. On the common charge they offer unleavened bread, of twenty four Assars of flower: and those loaves they bake two by two the day before the Sabbath; and the day of the Sabbath, in the morning they bring it, and set it on the sacred Table, opposing six to six, the one against the other; and by them are placed two dishes full of incense: and these things remain after this manner till the next Sabbath, and then O set they new in the place of the first,Lev. 8. which are given to the Priests for their mainte­nance. Numb. 3. The incense is cast into the sacred fire, in which the burnt-offerings are con­sumed, [Page 93] A and in place thereof there is new incense put. The High Priest also sacri­ficeth on his own charge, a Gomor of flour mingled with Oyl, and a little baked by fire; and this doth he twice every day, and bringeth to the fire half an Assar of flour in the morning, and the other half in the evening. But I will treat hereof more ex­presly hereafter;The tribe of Levi sacred to God. having for the present, sufficiently spoken already.

Moses separated the Tribe of Levi, and exempted them from the rest, to the end they might be consecrated to God:Levit. 8. per totum. and he purified them with Fountain-Water, and purged them with solemn sacrifice, and committed the Tabernacle to their charge, with all the holy things pertaining thereunto, and all the rest which had been made for the cover of the Tabernacle, to the end they might be ministers unto the Priests, their superiors, who B were already consecrated unto God. After this, he distinguished the Beasts also; namely, those that were to be eaten,Unclean things. from those that were to be abstained from, (of which we will speak, at such time as occasion is offered us; and will bring proofs, and the reason which induced him to ordain,Levit. 13. 12. 54 and 15. per totum. that some were proper to feed upon, and for what cause he would that we should abstain from others.) He hath generally forbidden all use of blood in meats, esteeming the blood to be the soul and spirit of Beasts, He hath also generally prohibited to eat the flesh of those Beasts that die of themselves; like­wise the caul and fat of Goats,What Men are unclean. of Sheep and Oxen. He separated them likewise from the company and conversation of Men, who were leprous, and such as were troubled with the flux of their seed.Levit. 14, 1 [...] ad 8. And as touching Women that have their pur­gations, C he sequestred them for the space of seven days, after which, it was lawful for them to converse with Men. The like decreed he of those that had assisted at the burial of a dead Man, whom he permitted not to converse with the other till seven days were expired, It was also decreed by Law, that he that had a flux of seed be­yond seven days, should sacrifice two Wethers, one of which should be sacrific'd, and the other given to the Priests. Also that he that hath unnatural pollution, should wash himself with cold water.Go [...]orrha [...]. The like must Husbands do after they have had use of their Wives.Of Lepers. He likewise order'd that the Leprous should be separated for ever, not permitting them to frequent any Mans company, but esteeming them as little dif­fering from the dead: And if any one by his prayers made unto God was delivered D from this disease, and his skin reduced to its native colour, such an one presented him­self before God with divers oblations and sacrifices;Against them that object against Moses and his Fol­lowers, that they fled out of Egypt for Le­prosie. of which, we will speak hereafter. Whence it appears how ridiculous a fable it is, that Moses fled out of Egypt, because he was a Leper, and that all the Hebrews whom he conducted with him, and brought into the Land of Canaan was troubled with that disease. For if that were true, Moses would not have made these ordinances, to his own shame: and if any other had proposed them he would have opposed himself against them; especially, since among divers other Nations there are Lepers, who are held in great honour, and who are so far from disdainand contempt, that they have been made Generals of Armies, and elected for Governors of Common-wealths, having liberty to enter the Temples, and to be present at the sacrifices. E What therefore hindred Moses (if he had been infected with this malady) to make such Laws, and ordain such Statutes among those People, who honoured and obeyed him; whereby such as were therewith infected, might be preferred? By which it is manifest, that those things that are objected against him, are rather of malice than probability. But Moses being clean from such sickness, and conversing amongst his Countrey-men which were untainted, made these ordinances for them that were sick, having regard to the honour of God. But of these things let each Man censure as best liketh him.

He forbad women to enter into the Temple soon after their deliverance,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 14. or to assist at the sacrifice, until forty days were expired (if they had been brought a-bed of a Son;)The Laws of Women that are brought a-bed. but if it were a Daughter, he appointed that the number of the dayes should be F doubled; and that when they should enter, they should present their offerings to God, whereof one part was consecrated, and the other belonged to the Priests. And if any one suspected that his Wife had committed adultery,Numb. 5. v. 15. ad finem. he brought an Assar of Barly Meal, and cast an handful thereof upon the Altar,The Laws of adultery and jealousie. and the rest was reserved for the maintenance of the Priests; and then the Priest placing the Woman in the porch which is right over against the Tabernacle, and taking the cover from her head, writeth the name of God upon a Parchment, and maketh her swear that she hath not violated her faith to her Hus­band; and wish if she had transgressed the bounds of chastity, that her right thigh might be put out of joynt, her belly burst, and death follow thereupon: but if her Husband had been inconsiderately drawn into that suspition through excess of love, then it pleased G God at the end of ten months to give her a Son. And after such an oath ministred unto her, the Priest dippeth in water the Parchment on which the name of God was written, and then taking some of the earth of the Temple, according as he findeth it, [Page 94] and having mingled the same, giveth it to the Woman to drink; and if she had been H unjustly accused, she became with child, and brought forth happily: but if she had falsified her faith to her husband, and forsworn her self before God, then dyed she a shameful death, in the manner above mentioned. You see what Laws Moses pro­vided for the sacrifices and purifications;Of adultery and incest. He furthermore made these Laws which ensue. He generally forebad Adultery, judging it to be a great felicity, if Men de­meaned themselves honestly in Marriage: and that both in politick Estates, and private Families,Exod. 22. it was a thing most profitable,Deut. 17. that children should be born in Lawful Ma­trimony.Levit. 18. 20, 21, 29.

He condemn'd also as a horrid crime for a Man to have the use of his Mother or his Fathers Wife, his Aunt, or his Sister, or his Sons Wife: and detesteth it as a most I heinous and hideous offence. He prohibited also the use of a Woman when she hath her monthly sickness; also the lying with Beasts or boys, by reason that such affections are abominable: and against the transgressors of these Laws he established Capital punishments. He willed also that the Priests should be more chaste than the rest, for he not onely forbad them that which he prohibited others; but moreover he enjoyned them not to marry Women that had been cast off, or Slaves, or Prisoners, or Victualers and Taverners, forsaken by their Husbands for any occasion whatsoever. And touching the High-Priest,Lev. 21. 7, 8, 9, he permitted him not to match with a Widow, (although it were Lawful for the other Priests) and granted him onely liberty to take a Virgin to his Wife,What Wife the High-Priest might marry with. and to keep her. The said High-Priest is also forbidden to approach a dead Man K (although the other Priests are not forbidden to approach their Brothers, Fathers, and Mothers, and children deceased.) Requiring that they should be sincere and true in all their words and actions.

He likewise ordained that the Priest which had any bodily defect, should be main­tained by the other Priests, but in the mean time that he should not approach the Altar, nor enter into the Temple: willing that not onely they should be pure in that which concerned the divine service, but also that they should study and endeavour to be so in all the actions of their life, to the end that no Man might reproach them. For which cause, when they wore the habit of Priests, besides their general obligation to be always pure and sober, they were forbidden to drink Wine; and they were to offer up en­tire L sacrifices, and no ways maimed. These Statutes did Moses make in the Desart, and caus'd to be observ'd during his life.Levit. 25. v. 2. ad 8. Afterwards he made others also, which both the People might practise in that place;The Law of every seventh year. and then also when they should possess the Land of Canaan. He gave rest unto the earth every seventh year; so that it was neither tilled nor planted (in like manner as he had commanded them to rest from their labours on the seventh day of the week) and he ordained, that the fruits which the earth of it self brought forth, should be common to all those that would make use thereof, as well to those of the Countrey, as Strangers, without any forbidding, or reservation. He likewise decreed that the same should be done after seven times seven years, and that the year following which is the fiftieth year,The year of Jubile. and which the Hebrews call Jubile, i. e. Liberty, M the debtors should be acquitted by their creditors, and the Bond-Men made free, mean­ing those that having offended against some Law had been punished with servitude,Levit. 25. â v. 8. ad 14. and not put to death; and to those, who from the beginning had been possessors of Lands, the same were restored in this manner following. The Jubile being at hand (which word signifieth Liberty) both he that sold, and he that bought the Land, met together, and cast up the account of the profits and expences that had been reaped and bestowed on the Land: and if it were found that the profits exceeded the expences, he that sold the Land repossessed it: but if the charges exceeded the value of the profits, he payed the surplusage to the buyer, and retained the Land to himself. And if the profits and expences were equal, the restitution was made to him that had the antient inheritance.N He ratified likewise the same Law in houses that were bought in Villages or Cities. For if he that sold, counted down the money he had received before the year were finished, he compelled the purchaser to restore him his house: but if he stayed till the year were fully finished, the possession and free purchase remained unto him that bought it. Moses received all these Laws from God, upon the Mountain of Sinai, and he gave them in wri­ting to the Hebrews, that they might observe the same.

CHAP. XI.
The Laws and Customs of War.Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 15. all 12.

AFter that these Laws had been after this manner provided,Numb. 1. 2, 3. Moses addressed himself to O the affairs and Laws of war (foreseeing those which his People were to undergo)Moses num­breth up the People. He therefore commanded the Princes of the Tribes (the Tribe of Levi onely excepted) [Page 95] A to take a precise view and muster of those Men that were able to bear Arms (for the Levites were Sacred, and exempt▪ from those Functions) and the search being made, there were found 603650 fighting Men, betwixt the years of twenty and fifty. But in the place of Levi, he put the Tribe of Manasses the son of Joseph, and Ephrai [...] in the place of his father Joseph: according as Jacob had entreated Joseph to give him his sons, that he might adopt them (as hath been before declared.) When they pitched the Tabernacle, it was planted in the midst of the Camp, guarded and defended with the Tribes, which were encamped three by three on every side.The dispositi­on of the Ar­my. There were certain ways or paths likewise laid out between them, and a Market-place, and Shops for all sorts of Merchandize dis­posed by order, and Workmen and Artizans of all Occupations, travelling in their shops; B so that to look upon it, it resembled a City.

The Priests first were placed next the Tabernacle, and after them the Levites (for there was a view also made of them, accounting all the Males exceeding the age of 30 days; and they were found to be 23880.) During all the time that the Cloud before mention'd cover'd the Tabernacle,A cloud on the Tabernacle. as a token of God's presence; the People remain'd al­ways in the same places; and if it departed from the same, then remov'd they likewise. Mo­ses invented also a certain kind of Trumpet made of silver,Numb. 9. 15. after this manner. In length it was almost a Cubit, and it was like the narrow whistle of a Fife, but a little thicker; it had but one hole at which it was to be blown, and the end thereof was like a little Bell,Numb. 10. 2. in form of an ordinary Trumpet. They call it in the Hebrew Tongue Asofra. There C were two of them,Two trumpets made of silver. whereof the one serv'd to call the People to Publick Assemblies; and the other, to summon the Princes of the Tribes, when they were to consult about Affairs of State; and if both of them were sounded, then all in general gather'd to­gether. When the Tabernacle was remov'd, this manner was observ'd; As soon as the first Charge was sounded, they that were incamped toward the East, dislodged; at the second Charge, they to the Southward, disincamped; then was the Tabernacle unpitch­ed, and carried in the midst, six of the Tribes marching before, and six after: the Levites were all about the Tabernacle. And when they sounded the third time, the three Tribes toward the West removed: and at the fourth sounding, those on the North fol­low'd them. They made use also of all these Trumpets in the Divines Service, both on D the Sabbath and other days. Then also was the first Passeover celebrated by our Fore­fathers with solemn offerings after their departure out of Egypt, they being in the Desart.

CHAP. XII.
Sedition against Moses, through the scarcity of Victuals: and the punishment of the Rebellious.

NOT long after this,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 16. they remov'd their Camp from the Mountain of Sinai: and after certain encampings (of which we will speak) they came to a place which is call'd Iseremoth: Numb. 11. 1, 2. There the People once more began to murmur, and to revive their E Seditions,Sedition a­gainst Moses. and lay the fault of their laborious Pilgrimage upon Moses; charging him, That by his persuasion, they had left a fertile Countrey; and now not only were desti­tute of the plenty thereof, but also in stead of hoped felicity, forc'd to wander here and there in extreme misery, so that they had not so much as water to drink; and that if Manna likewise should fail them, they must all inevitably perish for want of sustenance. Hereunto added they divers Contumelies, which were every where cast upon him, though a man of so great desert and consequence. Mean while there arose one amongst the Peo­ple, who (admonishing them of the forepass'd benefits receiv'd by the hands of Moses) counsell'd them to be of good courage; assuring them, that at that time they should not be frustrate either of that hope, or help, which they expected at God's hands. But the F People were the rather incensed by these words, and more and more whetted their spleens against the Prophet: who seeing them so desperate, exhorted them to be of a good cou­rage; promising them, that although by injurious speeches he had undeservedly been offended by them, yet he would obtain of God for them store of flesh, not for one day onely, but also for many. But they being incredulous, (and some one amongst them demanding,Ver. 4. How he could make provision for so many thousand men? God (saith he) and I, The Israelites obtain Quails in the Desart. although we be evil spoken of by you, yet will we never desist to be careful for you, and that shall you shortly perceive. Scarce had he spoken this, but that all the Camp was filled with Quails,Psal. 78. 24. of which every one took as many as he would. Yet God, not long after, puni­shed the insolency and mutiny of the Hebrews, The graves of Concupis­cence. by the death of no small number: from G whence at this day the place hath its name, which for that cause was imposed thereon, and it is called Cabrothaba; that is to say, The Sepulchres of Concupiscence.

CHAP. XIII.H
Of the Spies that were sent to search the Land of Canaan: and how returning to the Israelites, they discourag'd them with fear.

BUt after Moses had led them out of that place, and brought them into a Countrey not so apt for habitation,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 17. not far from the borders of the Canaanites, call'd Pharan; he called the People to a Council,Num. 13. 1. ad 24. and standing up in the midst of them, spake after this manner:

God (saith he) having decreed to grant you two great benefits, Liberty, and the Possession I of a happy Countrey, hath made you already enjoy the one, and will shortly make you masters of the other. For we are upon the borders of Canaan; from whence both the Cities and Kings are so far from driving us, that the whole Nation being united together, is not of power to expel us. Let us therefore address our selves very confidently to attempt the matter: for neither without fight,Moses sendeth Spies to search the Land of Canaan. will they resign the Title of their Countrey unto us; nor without great conflicts, can we obtain the Palm of Victory. Let us therefore send out certain Spies, to discover the Forces of the Countrey, and how great their power is: but above all things, let us be at unity one with another; and let us honour God, who assisteth us in all dangers, and fighteth for us.

After Moses had spoken this, the People (applauding his counsels) chose Twelve out of the Noblest Families of the Tribes, to go and view the Countrey; out of every K Tribe one: who beginning from the parts extending towards Egypt, visited all the Coun­trey of the Canaanites, until they came to the City of Amath, and the Mountain of Li­banus. And having consider'd both the Land, and the nature of the Inhabitants, they return'd home again, having spent 40 days in this journey. Moreover, they brought with them such fruits as the Countrey yielded; and by the beauty thereof, and by the abundance of riches, (which they reported to be in that Countrey) they encourag'd the hearts of the People to fight valiantly: but on the other side, they dismay'd them with the difficulty of the Conquest, saying, that there were certain great Rivers unpassa­ble, both for their wideness and depth; that there were therein also unaccessible Moun­tains and Cities, fortifi'd both with Walls and Bulwarks. Moreover, they told them,L that in Hebron they saw a race of Gyants; and that they had seen nothing so terrible since their departure out of Egypt. Thus the fear of these Messengers, brought the rest of the multitude into a dangerous consternation and perplexity:C. 13. 24. who conjecturing by their discourse,The Spies drive fear into the Israelites. that it was impossible to conquer the Land, dissolving the Assembly, re­turned each to their Houses,C. 14. 1, 2. lamenting with their Wives and Children, saying, That God had only in words promis'd many things,The murmur of the people against Moses. but that they saw no effects of them. Moreover, they blam'd Moses▪ and revil'd both him and his brother Aaron, the High-Priest. And thus spent they all the Night in disquiet, venting their discontents both against the one and the other. But on the morrow they re-assembled their Council tu­multuously, with intention to stone Moses and his brother, and then return back again to M Egypt, from whence they came. But two of the discoverers (namely Josua the son of Nave, of the Tribe of Ephraim, and Caleb, of the Tribe of Juda) seeing this disorder, and fearing the consequences of it,Ver. 6. they went into the midst of them, and appeas'd the multitude:Josua and Ca­leb appease the people. Praying them to be of good hope, and not to accuse Almighty God of unfaithful­ness, by yielding certain slight belief to some, who spreading vain rumors of the affairs of Cannan, had terrified the credulous multitude; but rather, follow them, who both would be the Actors and Conductors also of them in the Conquest of the Countrey: and that neither the greatness of the Mountains, nor the depth of the Rivers, could hinder them, that like vali­ant men were prepared to attempt, especially God being their Guide, and ready to fight for them in that Battel. March forward therefore, (said they) and laying aside all fear, (and be­ing N assured of the divine succors) follow us with a bold courage whithersoever we lead you. Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 18. With these words labour'd they to appease the tumultuous multitude. In the mean while, Moses and Aaron falling prostrate on their faces, besought God, not for their own safety, but that it would please him to restore the despairing multitude to a better mind, who were troubled with so many present necessities, and vain apprehensions of the fu­ture. Whereupon suddenly a Cloud appear'd on the Tabernacle, and gave testimony, that God was there present. Which when Moses perceiv'd, (being full of confidence) he press'd into the midst of the multitude, and told them, That God was provoked to take punishment of the outrage which they had committed against him; yet not so severely, us the iniquity of their sins deserved, but in that discipline which fathers are accustomed to use, for O the amendment of their children. For at such time as he stood before God in the Tabernacle, and besought him with tears for the safety of the multitude, God had recounted unto him how [Page 97] A many benefits and favours they had received from him, and how ungrateful they shewed them­selves towards him: and that at the present being transported with passion and fear, they had given more credit to the reports of the Spies, than to his promises. Notwithstanding all which, he would not utterly consume them all, nor exterminate their whole Race, (whom he had ho­noured above all the Nations of the earth) but for punishment of their sin, Ver. 23. 33. they should not pos­sess the Land of Canaan,The Israelites should wander in the Desart 40 years. nor taste the sweetness and plenty of its fruits; but they should live in the Desart, without House or City, for the space of forty years. Yet hath he promised (said he) to give the Countrey to your children, whom he will make Lords of the Goods, and Heirs of those Possessions of which you have render'd your selves unworthy by your murmuring and dis­obedience.

B After Moses had discours'd these things in this manner,The repen­tance of the people. the People were in great sor­row and calamity, and besought Moses, that he would appease God's wrath conceiv'd against them, beseeching him, that forgetting their faults that were past in the Desart, he would make good his promises to them; Moses answer'd them, That God was not incen­sed against them according to the manner of humane weakness, but that he had given a just sentence against them. In this place it is not to be suppos'd, that Moses (who was but a man only) did appease so many multitudes of displeased men, but that God assist­ed him,Moses, a man of great autho­rity. and brought to pass, that the People were wrought upon by his words (having by divers disobediences, and by the calamities whereinto they were fall'n, known, that obedience was both good and profitable.) But what greater proof can be desir'd of C the eminent virtue of this Lawgiver, and of the strange Authority he acquir'd thereby, than that not only they who liv'd in his time, but even at this day, there is not any one amongst the Hebrews, but takes himself oblig'd to obey the Ordinances made by him, and regards him as present and ready to punish the Transgressors of the same? There are be­sides divers great and evident signs of the more than humane virtue which was in him: and amongst the rest, this was not the least, That of certain strangers that have Tra­vel'd out of the Regions beyond Euphrates, a four months journey, to their great char­ges, and with no less peril, to honour our Temple, and offer Sacrifice; yet some have not obtain'd licence or permission to offer, in that by our Laws it was not lawful for them to do it, and some other, without sacrificing, (others the Sacrifice half finish'd, the D rest not permitted to enter the Temple) have return'd back again to their homes, with­out finishing their purpose, choosing rather to submit to Moses's Law, than to satisfie their own wills; and that without the least repining or complaint. So much did the opinion once conceiv'd of this man prevail, that he is esteem'd more than a man, out of the consideration that he had receiv'd Laws from God, and deliver'd them to men. Of late also,The great scar­city during the Empire of Claudius. (not long before the Wars of the Jews, during the Empire of Claudius, when Ismael was High-Priest amongst us) so great a Famine oppress'd our Nation, that an Assar of Meal was sold for four drams, and there was brought to the Feast of Azymes the quantity of seventy Cores, (which make 30 Sicilian and 40 Athenian Medimni, al­most two Bushels of ours) none of the Priests were so bold as to eat one grain of it, E notwithstanding the Countrey was in that extremity) fearing the Law, and God's dis­pleasure extended always against sins conceal'd. For which cause, we ought not to won­der at that which hapned at that time, considering, that the Writings left by Moses, are in such force, even at this day, that they themselves who hate us, confess, that God insti­tuted our Government by the means and ministry of Moses, and his virtue. But of these things, let every man think as it pleaseth him.

FG

The Fourth Book of the Antiquities of the JEWS; H

The Contents of the Chapters of the Fourth Book.
  • 1. The Fight of the Hebrews with the Canaanites, and their overthrow by them, without Moses's knowledge.
  • 2. The Sedition raised by Chore against Moses and his brother, for the Priesthood.
  • 3. How the Authors of the Sedition were slain by God's judgment, and the Priesthood con­firmed I to Aaron, and his sons.
  • 4. What chanced to the Hebrews in the Desart, for the space of 38 years.
  • 5. How Moses overcame Sehon, and Og, Kings of the Amorites, and overthrew their Armies.
  • 6. Of the Prophet Balaam.
  • 7. The Victory of the Hebrews against the Madianites: and how the Countrey of the Amorites was granted by Moses to two and an half of the Tribes.
  • 8. Moses's Laws, and how he was taken out of the World.

CHAP. I.K
The Fight of the Hebrews with the Canaanites, and their overthrow by them, without Moses's knowledge.

WHilst thus the Hebrews passed their Lives in great penury and perplexi­ty in the Desart,Numb. 14. 4. groaning under the burthen of their grievous Af­flictions; The Israelites, without Gods or Moses com­mand, devise how to assail the Enemies. there was nothing that more distracted and distemper'd them than this, That God had forbidden them to fight with the Ca­naanites. They would now no longer give ear unto Moses, (who persuaded them to Peace) but growing confident in themselves, that both without his L conduct and counsels, they might easily obtain Victory over their Enemies; they accu­sed him, as if he sought after no other thing, but that they being daily pressed with great wants, might be enforc'd continually to depend upon his counsels. Whereupon they re­solv'd upon a War against the Canaanites, presuming with themselves, that God would succor them, not only in regard of Moses, but also for that he had a general care of their Nation, ever since the time of their Forefathers, whom he had always held under his protection; and by reason of whose virtues, he had already granted them liberty. They said likewise, that if they fought valiantly, God would give them Victory; that they were strong enough to overcome their Enemies, though they were left to them­selves; yea; though Moses should endevor to estrange God from them. In a word, that M it was more for their advantage to govern themselves; and that being redeem'd from the servitude of Egypt, they ought not to suffer Moses to Tyrannize over them, or to conform their Necks under his yoke; in a vain belief, that God had only discover'd to Moses, that which was good for them, by reason of the affection which he bare him: As if all of them were not deriv'd from the loins of Abraham, and that he onely were the Guide of all, in foreknowing the things that should happen unto them, by particular instruction from God. That prudence oblig'd them to condemn his pride, and fix their trust onely upon God, for conquering the Countrey which he had promis'd them, in spite of Moses's contradiction; who for this cause hindred them, pretending the Autho­rity of God for it. That therefore considering their necessity, and the Desart, which N daily more and more aggravated their misery, they should prepare themselves couragi­ously to march against the Enemy, the Canaanites; hoping, that God would be their Guide;Ver. 43. so as they needed not the assistance of their Lawgiver.The Canaa­nites put the Hebrews to flight. When this sentence was approv'd by a general consent, they flock out in multitudes against their Enemies: who neither affrighted by their boldness nor multitude, valiantly resisted them, who des­perately charg'd them: so that (the better part of the Hebrews being slain) they pur­sued the rest (enforced shamefully to turn their backs) even unto their Camp. This overthrow (hapning besides all mens opinion) wondrously dejected the minds of the multitude, so that they grew desperate of all future good fortune; concluding, that God had sent and inflicted that plague upon them, because without his counsel and order O they had enterpriz'd the Battel. But when Moses saw that his Countreymen were dis­may'd with the overthrow which they had receiv'd, and the Enemy grown proud with [Page 99] A their late Victory, fearing likewise lest (not content with their present success) they should attempt further, he determined to retire his Forces back again into the Desart. And whereas the People promised thenceforward to be obedient to him, (being taught by their own misery, that nothing would fall out prosperously unto them, without the counsel and conduct of their Guide) they disincamping themselves,Moses retireth the people in­to the Desart. retired into the Desart with this resolution, that they would no more attempt a Battel against the Canaa­nites, till they received a sign of their good success from Heaven. But even as in a great Army it accustomably falleth out (especially in time of trouble) that the common mul­titude wax head-strong and disobedient to their Governors, so did the like also happen amongst the Jews. For whereas they were in number 600000, and even in their better B Fortunes sufficiently disobedient to their Governors, so much the more were they exas­perated by their wants and misfortunes,Sedition a­gainst Moses▪ both amongst themselves, and against their Go­vernor. For which cause there arose so great a Sedition, as neither among the Greeks or Barbarians the like was ever heard. Which things, without doubt, had overthrown them, (being brought into so desperate an estate) had not Moses (forgetting the in­jury he had received, which was no less than a purpose to stone him to death) succoured and relieved their distressed Fortunes. Neither did God utterly abandon the care of them: but although they were contumelious against their Lawgiver, and transgressed al­so against the Laws which he had delivered them by Moses, yet delivered he them out of that danger; of which (without his special Providence) there could be expected no C other but a lamentable issue. This Sedition, as also how Moses governed the estate when the troubles were ended, we will now declare, having first expressed the cause thereof.

CHAP. II.
The Sedition raised by Chore against Moses and his Brother, for the Priesthood.

CHore (a Man noble by Birth,Numb. 16. 1. ad 4. and famous for his wealth amongst the Hebrews, and endowed with a certain kind of popular Eloquence) seeing Moses placed in the highest place of Authority,Chore endea­voureth to persuade the multitude to mutiny against Moses. was filled with jealousie and envy thereat. For although he were of the same Tribe and Kindred, yet he thought it a great indignity to himself, to D be held his inferior, being both more potent in Riches, and his equal in Parentage. For which cause, he began to murmur and complain to the Levites, (which were of the same Tribe with him, and his Kinsmen) telling them, That it was not to be suffered, that Moses, under a pretext of Communication with God, should by ambitious policy (to other mens pre­judice) onely study his own glory; having of late, against all sort of reason, given the Priest­hood to his Brother Aaron, and distributed other dignities, at his own pleasure, like a King, with­out the suffrage and approbation of the People. That this injury done by him, was not to be en­dured, by reason that so covertly he had insinuated himself into the Government; that before it could be observ'd, the People would be brought into servitude. For he that knoweth himself to be worthy of a Government, endeavors to obtain the same by the consent of the People, and not E by force and violence; but they that despair by good means to attain thereunto, do notwithstand­ing abstain from force, lest they should lose the opinion of their goodness and honesty; yet endea­vor they by malicious subtilties to attain thereunto. That it concerned the Commonweal to check the attempts of such Men, lest of private, they at last grow publick Enemies. For what reason (said he) can Moses give, why he hath bestowed the High Priesthood on Aaron and his Sons? If God had decreed, that this honour should be bestowed on one of the Tribe of Levi, there were more reason that I should have it, who am of the same Kindred with Moses, and who surpass him both in riches and age. On the contrary, If this honour appertain to the most anci­ent of the Tribes, that of Reuben ought by right to enjoy it, namely, Dathan and Abiram, and Phalal,Alias Ba [...] who are the most ancient of that Tribe, and the most powerful in riches. These things F spake Chore, under colour and pretence of the good of the Commonwealth, but in ef­fect only to raise a Tumult amongst the multitude, and intrude into the office of the High Priest.Ver. 35. Which discourse of his passing by little and little, from one ear to an­other, Two hundred and fifty men follow Chore's Faction. amongst the multitude, and multiplied by the envious, and such as maligned Aa­ron, at last brought all the Tribes into a mutiny: so that 250 of the chiefest Nobles grew at length to be partakers of Chore's Conspiracy; and all of these conspir'd together to take away the Priesthood from Moses's Brother, and to transfer it to him. The People likewise were in such sort incensed,They cry out to stone Moses. that they sought to stone Moses; and ran all of them confusedly with noise and uproar, crying out before the Tabernacle of God, that the Tyrant was to be cut off, and the People delivered from thraldom, who under pretext G of Religion, had insupportable thraldom imposed on them. For if it were God that had chosen him to be High Priest, he would have preferred such an one to the dignity who had been worthy, and would not have confer'd it on those who were far inferior to [Page 100] others: That if he had decreed to bestow it on Aaron, he would have remitted the ele­ction H to the People, and not left the disposition thereof to his Brother. Although Mo­ses was inform'd of Chore's treacherous Calumnies, and saw the People highly incensed, yet was be nothing at all abashed thereat: but being satisfi'd in his Conscience, that he had governed the estate uprightly, and well assured, that his Brother obtained the Priesthood, not by his favor, but Gods election, he came into the Congregation; where he uttered not one word against the People, but addressing himself to Chore, he expostulated with him, and accused him with great vehemency, being (besides his other qualities) by nature eloquent and fit to speak in publick Assemblies.

I think (saith he) Chore, Moses's Orati­on to seditious Chore. that both thou and every one of these (pointing with his finger at the 250 Men of his faction) are worthy of honour; yea, I contemn not the rest of this As­sembly,I Ver. 8, &c. although they are not to be compared to you in Riches, and other endowments. But nei­ther doth Aaron therefore possess the Priesthood, because he is richer (for thou hast more ample possessions than either of us) neither because he is more noble, (for God hath equally imparted the same unto us all, having given us one and the same Grandfather) neither have I been moved thereunto by Brotherly affection, to bestow that on him which was due unto others. For had I consider'd any thing but God, and the obedience Iowe to him, I should rather have taken this ho­nour to my self, than have given it him; since there is no man more near to me than my self. For what wisdom had it been in me, to expose my self to those dangers which they incur, who commit an injustice, and suffer another man to reap the advantage of it? But God forbid that my Conscience should be stained with any such sin; were I guilty of this fault, God would not leave K me unpunished, who had contemn'd him, nor you ignorant of what ye ought to do, in order to please him. 'Tis he, not I, that chose the High Priest; and by this means he hath acquitted me of that accusation, which in this respect might be brought against me. But though Aaron hath obtained this degree, (not by my favor, but by God's own appointment) yet notwithstanding he referreth and remitteth the matter to the publick disposition and order of you all; neither re­quireth be any prerogative, for that he hath already exercised the charge, but esteemeth it to be the greatest good fortune that may befall him, to see your Muti [...]ies and Seditions cease, although with the loss of that honour which he hath received from your own election. For neither have we been guilty of desrespect towards God, in accepting that which it pleas'd him to give us; nor on the contrary, could we refuse it without impiety. But since it is a thing most reasonable, that L he who gives, should confirm the gift which he hath given; God therefore shall once again deter­mine, who, amongst you, shall be chosen to offer Sacrifice unto him, and to take charge of those things which appertain to Religion. And surely Chore will not be so bold as to pretend by the desire he hath to this dignity, to deprive God of the authority to dispose the same as best liketh him.

Cease therefore to mutiny amongst your selves, and to be tumultuous upon this occasion; let every one of you that desire the Priesthood, to morrow bring each of you his Censer with per­fumes, and fire from his house. And thou, O Chore, be not asham'd to yield unto God, and to expect his judgment, without going about to raise thy self above him: but come thou also amongst the rest of the Competitors in this honour, to hear the decision. Neither see I cause, why M Aaron should not be there also present, to be judged with thee, in that hitherto he hath virtuously and uprightly behaved himself in the execution of that office, and is likewise of the same Tribe and Race that thou art of. To shall all offer Incense in the presence of the People, and let him whose offering shall be most acceptable in God's sight, be declared and established High Priest: so shall I be acquitted of that slander which is wrongfully urged against me, of having (by my par­ticular grace and favour) bestowed the office of the Priesthood on my Brother.

After Moses had spoken in this manner, the People gave over murmuring, and the sus­pitions which they had conceiv'd against Moses; approving in themselves all that which had been spoken, as being profitable for the Commonwealth. So the Assembly sepa­rated.N

O

A CHAP. III.
How the Authors of the Sedition were slain by God's judgment, and the Priesthood confirmed to Aaron and his Sons.

THe next day the People re-assembled, Ruffin. chap. 1▪ to assist at the sacrifice, Numb. 16. 31, 32, 33. and to see the con­troversie decided amongst the Competitors; neither was this Assembly without B some tumult: for the whole multitude were in suspence, in expectation of the event; and some of them were desirous that Moses might be convicted of deceit. But the wiser sort, desired to see an end of the Sedition; for they feared lest the Common­wealth should be utterly ruin'd, if the Tumult should proceed any further. The multitude likewise (being naturally desirous of novelty, and prone to speak evil of their Magistrates) were diversly disposed upon every occurrent. Moses sent his servants to Abiram and Dathan, to summon them to appear (according to the accord) to at­tend the issue of the sacrifice. Dathan and Abiram re­bellious. But their answer was, that they would not obey him, nor any longer permit him to assume to himself a Soveraign authority over them. Which when Moses understood, he took divers of the Elders of the People with him; C and though he was establish'd by God to command over all in general, yet he dis­dained not to go in person to these Revolters. Now when Dathan and those of his faction understood that Moses with the Nobles were coming unto them, they, their Wives and Children came out of their Tents to wait for him resolutely, having with them also their Servants, who were armed to oppose themselves against Moses, if so be he should offer them any violence. He no sooner drew near to them, but lifting up his hands unto Heaven, he cried out with a loud voice in the hearing of the whole Multitude, Moses prayer unto God. and prayed after this manner: O God (said he) Thou Lord over all that which either Heaven or Earth, or Sea containeth; thou art a sufficient witness to me of all mine actions,v. 15. for that I have managed all things by thy will; and thou art he who hast given D me power to execute my purposes: thou that alwayes in commiseration of the Hebrews hast been my perpetual help and asistance, hear this my Prayer. For nothing that is either done, or thought, is hidden from thee: for which cause I hope thou wilt not disdain to testifie and justifie my truth, and manifest the ingratitude, of these Men. Thou knowest Lord every thing that hath passed in the first years of my life; not for that thou hast heard it, but for that thou hast seen and been present at it; Thou knowest also all that hath hapned to me since, nor is this People ignorant thereof; But because they maliciously interpret my management of affairs, be pleas'd, O my God, to give them a testimony of my innocence. At such time as I led a peaceable life, and that by thy help and my labour, and my Father-in-law Raguels favour, I liv'd quietly and happily, I forsook the possession of my goods, and the fruition of my peace, E to ingage my self in these miseries which I have suffered for these Men: and particularly for their liberty; and now likewise for their safety, I have most readily undertaken grievous travels. Now therefore since I am grown into suspition among those Men, who by my care and providence have escaped so many mischiefs and miseries; thou that appearedst unto me in that fire on the Moun­tain of Sinai, and vouchsafedst both to speak unto me, and to confirm me by the sight of miracles; who in thy Name didst send me a messenger into Egypt; who hast abated the pride of the Egypti­ans, and hast given us means to escape from their Servitude; and hast humbled Pharaohs power, when we were ignorant of our way, by giving us a passage thorow the Sea, in whose bottom afterward the Egyptians were drowned; who gavest us Arms, when we were naked; thou madest the bitter water savory, and fit to be drunk of; and in our scarcity of water, F enforcedst drink for us out of the bowels of the hard Rock; and when we found no meat on the Land, didst send it us from the Sea; Moreover (as a thing never before heard of) affordedst us meat from Heaven, and hast established our estate with admirable and holy Laws: Be thou, O Lord, my Judge in all things, and my unpartial witness, that I have not been corrupted by any bribe of any particular Hebrew, to favour injustice, nor suffered a poor Man, in his just cause, to lose his right against a rich adversary. And now having administred the Com­monwealth with all sincerity, I am called in question for a crime, whereof I am altogether guiltless, as if I had conferred thy Priesthood on my Brother for private affection, and not by thy command: make it known that all things are disposed by thy providence, and that nothing is brought to effect by casualty, but by thy special ordinance: And to shew that thou hast care of the Hebrews▪ testifie G the same by thy just p [...]nishment inflicted on Dathan and Abiram, who accuse thee to be insensible, and boast that thou art circumvented by my subtilties. But thou shalt make thy revenge most no­torious upon the unbridled detractors of thy glory, if they perish after no common manner, [Page 102] but let the earth, which they unworthily tread upon, open it self and swallow them up with all H their Families and substance. By this means both thy power will manifestly appear unto all Men, and thou shalt leave an example to posterity, that no Man hereafter shall dare to think otherwise of thy Majesty than becometh him; and my ministry shall be proved to proceed from thy direction.Dathan and Abiram swal­lowed up. But if those crimes be truly urged which are inforced against me, then let the curse return and light on mine head; and let those whom I have cursed, live in safety. But Lord, after thou hast inflicted punishment upon those that disturb thy People, keep the rest of the multitude in peace,v. 31, 32, 33. concord, and observation of thy commandments, since it is contrary to thy justice, that the innocent multitude of the Israelites should answer their misdeeds, and suf­fer their punishments. Whilest he spake these words, and intermixed them with tears, the earth presently trembled, and shaking, began to be agitated (after such a manner as I the waves of the Sea are by the winds in a great Tempest.) Hereat were all the Peo­ple amazed; and soon after with a dreadful noise the earth opened, and swallowed up the seditious, with their Families, their Tents, and all their Goods, so that nothing remained of theirs to be seen. Whereupon in a moment the earth closed again, and the vast ga­ping was shut, so that there appeared not any sign of that which had hapned. Thus perished they all, leaving behind them an example of God's power and judgments. This accident was the more deplorable, in that their was none of their kindred or allies that had compassion of them: so that even those that had sided with them, praised God's Justice with joyful acclamations, esteeming them unworthy to be bemoaned, but to be held as the plague and perverters of the People. After that Dathan with his Family K was extinguished, Moses assembled all those that contended for the Priesthood together, committing again the election of the Priesthood unto God, concluding that that honour should be ratified to him, whose sacrifice was most acceptable in God's sight. For which cause the two hundred and fifty Men assembled themselves, who were both honoured for the virtue of their Ancestors, and for their own abilities; with these also stood Aaron and Chore, and all of them offered with their censors before the Tabernacle, such perfumes as they brought with them; when suddenly so great a fire shone, as the like was never seen, either breaking forth from the bowels of the burning earth, kindled in Forests by the Sun and Winds, but such an one as seemed to be kindled by God him­self most bright and flaming: Chore with two hundred and fifty Men is consumed with fire. by force and power whereof those two hundred and L fifty (together with Chore) were so consumed, that there scarce appeared the least relique of their carcasses; onely Aaron remained untouched, to the end it might ap­pear that this fire came from Heaven. These things thus brought to pass, Moses (in­tending to leave a perpetual memory to posterity of that punishment) to the end they should not be ignorant thereof, commanded Eleazar the Son of Aaron to consecrate their Censors, and fasten them to the Brazen Altar; that by reason of this Monument, all Men might be terrified, who think that the Divine power can be circumvented by humane policy.

CHAP. IV.M
What things hapned in thirty eight years space to the Hebrews in the Desart.

AFter that by so evident an Argument it appeared sufficiently,Numb. 17. 1, 2, 3. ad finem. that Aaron, neither by sinister insinuations, nor by the favour of his Brother, but onely by God's election, had obtained the Priesthood; he ever after, held it without any contradiction. Yet for all this,Another sedi­tion against Moses. a new sedition brake out among the People with greater fury than at first, by reason of the Subject which occasioned it. For though they were perswaded, that all that had hapned was brought to pass by God's order and will, yet they imagined that God wrought these things in favor of Moses; to him therefore imputed they all these things, as if God had not punished those Men through indignation N against their sins, but onely upon Moses sollicitation: and they alledged, that Moses (having given this maim unto the People, by the loss of so many Noble Men, who, as they said, perished onely for the zeal they bear to God's Service) not onely had done them open wrong; but, which was more, had assured the Priesthood to his Brother after such a manner, that henceforward no Man durst pretend to the same, seeing how miserably those others were punisht by a violent death. Moreover, the Kinsmen of those that were slain, sollicited and stirred the People, praying them to restrain the Pride and overgreat power of Moses, in that it lay in their power easily to perform the same. But Moses perceiving that the People were incensed, and fearing lest once more they should fall upon some Innovation, whereby some O great mischief might succeed, he assembled them together, and gave audience to their accusations: and without replying any wayes (for fear he might the more [Page 103] A incense them) he onely commanded the heads of the Tribes, to bring every one a rod whereon the name of each Tribe should be written, promising that the Priesthood▪ should remain with them, in whose rod God should shew any sign. Which proposal being allowed by all, both they and Aaron brought their rods with their inscriptions; and Aaron had written on his the name of the Tribe of Levi. Aaron's Rod fructifie [...]h. These Moses laid in the Tabernacle, and the next morning brought them forth every one, (which were easily known by the People to be the same which the Princes of the Tribes had brought, by the marks which they had made upon them) and they saw that all theirs remained in the same form which the day before they retained, when Moses took them; but out of Aaron's rod there grew Branches and Buds: and which is more to be wondred B at, it bare ripe Almonds, because it was of the Wood of the Almond-Tree. The People amazed at the strangeness of this spectacle, changed their hatred against Moses and Aaron, into admiration of the judgment which God gave in their favour; and forbare any more to repugn against God, or to oppose themselves against Aaron's Priesthood.v. 8. Thus three times confirmed by the approbation of God,Hedio & Ruf­finus▪ chap. 3, 4, by all Mens consent he remain'd High-Priest; and the People of the Hebrews turmoyled with long seditions,Numb. 18. at last by this means became setled peace in and quietness.v. 8. ad 20. But after Moses had made the Tribe of Levi (which was dedicated to God's service) free and exempt from warfare;Lev 14. 18, 23. (for fear lest they should employ themselves in providing neces [...]aries for their maintenance,The revenues of the Priests. and so grow negligent in the service of God) he ordained, that C after the Land of Canaan should be conquered, Forty eight of the best Cities, with their Lands within two Miles compass, should be given to the Levites. Moreover, he com­manded that the tenths of all the yearly fruit that was gathered by the whole People should be given to the Levites and Priests; which hath been ever since inviolably ob­served. Now must I declare what things are proper to the Priests. Of the forty eight Cities which were granted to the Levites, he commanded them to give thirteen to the Priests, and the tenth part of the Tythes. Besides, he ordained that the Peo­ple should offer to God the first-fruits of whatsoever the earth yieldeth: and that the first-born of four-footed Beasts allow'd for sacrifice, if a male, should de delivered to the Priests to sacrifice, to the end they might be nourished with all their Family in D the sacred City of Jerusalem; and that for those which the Law forbids to eat, there should be paid by the owners, in lieu of a firstling, a Sicle and an half; and for the first-born of a Man, five Sicles. He allotted them likewise the first-fruits of Sheep-shearing; and those that bak'd Bread of new Corn were to give them Cakes. But when they who are called Nazarites (because they let their Hair grow and taste no Wine) have accomplisht their vow,Numb. 6. 1, ad 13. and come to present themselves in the Temple to cause their Hair to be cut,Of the Naza­rites. the Beasts which they offer in sacrifice belong to the Priests. And as for those that have consecrated themselves to the service of God, when they de­sire to be dismissed from that ministery (whereunto by voluntary vow they bound themselves) they must pay money to the Priests; a Woman, thirty Sicles, a Man E fifty; and those that have not so much money, refer themselves to the discretion of the Priests. And when any Man kills a Beast to eat in private, and not to offer to God, he ought to give the Priests the fat Gut▪ the Breast and the right Shoulder. This is the al­lowance which Moses assign'd to the Priests, besides what the People offer for sins, as we declared in the precedent Book: and whatsoever is contributed by▪ the People to the order of the Priests,Numb. 20. 14, ad 21. he commanded that both their Wives, Children and Servants should be made partakers of the same,Moses Embas­sage to the Idumaans. except those things which are offered for sins, of which onely the Men which are imploy'd in divine service may eat, and that in the Tabernacle, and the very same day that such sacrifices are offered. After all these constitutions were made by Moses, and the mutiny appeased, he removed the F Camp to the borders of Idumaea, where he sent Ambassadors to the King thereof, desiring him to grant them free passage, on condition to give him what assurance he would demand, that no violence or injury should be offered to his Countrey, and that he would pay for whatsoever victual or water either he or his Army should receive. But the King setting light by the Ambassage, denied them passage, and with a well furnished Army marched forth against Moses to withstand him, if contrary to his will he should attempt to pass thorow his Countrey.C. 20. v. 1, Moses asked counsel of God, who forbad him to begin the War first,Mariam Moses sister dieth. and commanded him to retire back again into the Desart.Numb 19. per totum. At that time died his Sister Mary, the fortieth year after their departure out of Egypt, The manner of Purification. and the first Moon of the month Xantique: she was Magnificently enterred G at the common charge, on a certain Mountain called Sein. And after the People had mourned for her thirty days, Moses purified them after this manner: The High-Priest kill'd near the Camp in a very clean place a young red Heifer without blemish, [Page 104] (which had never yet born the yoke) and dipping his finger in the blood thereof, he H seven times besprinkled the Tabernacle,The year of the World, 2493, before Christ's Nativity, 1473. and then put into the fire the whole Heifer, with the Skin and Intrals, casting in also a branch of Cedar, with a little Hyssop, and Scarlet Wooll. A man clean and chaste gather'd up all the ashes, and put them in a clean place; and all that needed to be purifi'd, either for having touch'd one dead, or been present at a Funeral, cast some of these ashes into Fountain water, wherein they dip a Branch of Hyssop, and therewith besprinkled themselves the third, and the seventh day; after which they pass'd for purified. Moses likewise ordained, that the like ceremony should be used, when they had conquered the Countrey whereof God had promised them the possession.

But after the Army (that had so long mourned for the dead Sister of the General)I were thus purified,Numb. 20. he led them thorow the Desart,v. 23. 24. into Arabia: and arriving in a place (which the Arabians account for their Metropolitan City, in times past called Arce, and at this present Petra) he spoke to Aaron to ascend up a high Mountain, which serves for bounds to the Country; because it was the place where he was to yield up his soul to God. Aaron went up, and in the sight of all the Army, standing on a high place, he put off his Priestly ornaments, and gave them to his Son Eleazer, to whom by eldership the succession appertained. And thus (in the sight of the People) he died in the hundred twenty and third year of his age,Ruffinus, c. 4. on the first Moon of the month of August, Hedio, c. 5. called by the Athenians, Numb. 21. Hecatombeon; by the Macedonians, Lous; and Sabba, by the Hebrews. Thus Moses lost in the same year his Sister and his Brother, and all K the People mourned for him thirty dayes. After this, Moses remov'd his Camp from thence, and pitched his Tents near unto a River called Arnon (which springeth from the Mountains of Arabia, and runneth along the Desart, and then entreth into the Asphaltique Lake, separating the Region of the Moabites from that of the Amorites.) The Countrey is so fertile,Moses sent Ambassadors to Sehon, King of the Amorites. that it suffices to maintain all the inhabitants though very numerous. To Sehon, King of this Countrey, Moses sent Ambassadors, desiring passage thorow his Kingdom, under such assurance as should best please him, that no wrong should be offered, neither to his Countrey, nor the inhabitants thereof: and he would pay the price of whatsoever his Souldiers took either in Victuals, or Water. But Sehon refused him, and Arming his People, pitched his Tents on the Banks of Arnon, L being ready to oppose the Hebrews, if they presumed to pass the River.

CHAP. V.
Moses overcometh Sehon and Og, Kings of the Amorites, and distributeth their Countrey by Lot, unto two Tribes and an half of the Hebrews

BUt when Moses saw the Amorites disposed to hostility,Numb. 21. he judg'd that the injury and contempt was not to be endured,v. 21. ad finem and considering the Hebrews were an un­tractable king of Men,The Hebrews address them­selves to [...]ight against the Amorites. and such, as idleness, and want together, might perswade to renew their former seditions and tumults; in order to prevent all the occasion, he M asked counsel of God, whether he would permit him to force his passage by the sword? God not only allowed his purpose, but also promised him Victory; whereupon he de­termin'd upon a War with great confidence, and animated and encouraged his Troops; telling them, that the time was now come, wherein they might enterprize their long de­sired War with God's approbation and encouragement. They rejoicing at this liberty that was granted them, presently took Arms, and being ranged in battel, hasted to charge the Enemy. On the other side, the Amorite (as soon as he saw them march forward, and begin the onset) forgetting his former fierceness, was both himself ter­rified; v. 35. and his Souldiers (who before the fight of their Enemies, were as cruel and bloody as Lyons) now waxed as fearful and as meek as Lambs.The Hebrews overthrow the Amorites, and put them to flight. So that they scarcely N had endured the first assault, but they fled; reposing the whole hope of their safety in their retreat, to their Walled Towns (which notwithstanding did nought at all avail them.) For no sooner did the Hebrews perceive, that their Enemies began to flie, and that their ranks were broken, but they more eagerly charged them, and put them to the rout. And being extremely nimble, and lightly Arm'd, and besides very expert in using the Sling, and all other weapons proper for fighting at distance, either they overtook such as fled, or with their Slings, Darts and Arrows, stopt the flight of those whom they could not overtake.Ps [...]l. 135. 11. 12. 136. 17, 18, 19 So that there followed a very great slaughter, especially near the River; because those that fled being no less molested with thirst, than with the pain of their wounds, (in that it was O Summer-time) went thither to drink in great multitudes.Sehon King of the Amo­rites slain. Their King, Sehon, also was slain in this Fight. And the Hebrews spoiled those that were slain, and took [Page 105] A many Prisoners.The year of the World, 2493. before Christ's Nativity, 1573. They had likewise great abundance of all kinds of Fruits (in that the Harvest was not as yet gather'd.) Thus pass'd the Army thorow the whole Coun­trey, foraging and spoiling the same without any resistance; by reason that the Enemy, and all his Forces were defeated. This was the destruction which hapned to the Amorites, who neither used their Counsel prudently,Psal. 135. 11, 12. 136. 17, 18, 19. nor manag'd their War valiantly. But the He­brews possess'd their Countrey which is enclos'd between three Rivers, after the manner of an Island. For Arnon terminates the Southern Coasts thereof, and Jobac the Nor­thern, Sehon King of the Amorites slain. (which flowing into Jordan, loseth its name) the Western Coasts is water'd by the River of Jordan. Amidst this prosperity of the Israelites, there arose a new Enemy against them;The Hebrews possess the Land of the Amorites. Og King of Galaad, and of the Countrey of Gaulanitis, was coming as a B Friend and Companion to assist Sehon, and understood the loss of the Battel; yet being very daring,The scituation of the Land of the Amorites. he was in hope to obtain a Victory, and determined to make tryal both of his own Mens and his Enemies valour: which hope of his fail'd him, for he both died in the Battel,Og King of Basan, is slain with his Army. and his whole Army was likewise defeated. Moses no sooner passed over the floud of Jobac, but entring Og's Kingdom, he overthrew one City after another, and destroy'd all the Inhabitants thereof, who were exceeding rich. Og was a man of a most gigantick stature, and prodigious strength; his Bed which was of Iron, and which was found in his chief City call'd Rabatha, was four Cubits in breadth, and nine in length. This success did not only bring present advantages to the Hebrews, but also open'd them a way to greater Conquests;Ruffin. cap. 5. for they took sixty well fortifi'd Cities which were under C his Government:Hedio, cap. 6. Hierico. so that there was not any of the meanest Soldiers but were greatly en­rich'd with pillage. After this, Moses remov'd his Camp toward Jordan, and pitched it in a broad Plain near the City of Jericho (which is rich and fruitful, and aboundeth with Palm-trees and Balm.) And now were the minds of the Israelites in such sort con­firm'd, that they desir'd nothing more than War and Battel; and Moses thinking good to make use of this their forwardness, (having sacrific'd to God in way of Thanksgi­ving, and feasted the People) he sent part of them arm'd to destroy the Countrey of the Madianites, and to force the Cities of that Region: which War had this Original.

CHAP. VI.
D Of the Prophet Balaam.

WHen Balac King of the Moabites (who was both an old Friend and Confederate with the Madianites) saw the progress of the Israelites, Numb. 22, 23, 24. per totum. he began to suspect the security of his own fortune and estate: for he knew not that God had inhibited the He­brews to attempt the Conquest of any other Countrey but the Land of Canaan. And therefore more rashly than prudently, he resolv'd to oppose them: and for that he durst not assail them in Battel, whom he knew elevated with the success of many Victories; yet desirous to hinder them from proceeding any further, he sends Ambassadors to the Madianites to consult with them what was fit to be done.C. 22. 1. ad 5▪ The Madianites knowing that E beyond Euphrates there liv'd a famous Prophet call'd Balaam (who was their especial Friend) sent some of their most honourable Princes together with Balac's Ambassadors,Balac, King of the Moabites, Embassage to the Madia­nites. beseeching him that he would come unto them, and curse the Israelites. The Prophet entertained the Ambassadors with great humanity, and ask'd counsel of God concern­ing what answer he should give them:Bala [...]s and the Madia­nites Embas­sage to Bala­am. God forbad him to do that which they de [...]ir'd. And so Balaam told them, that he wanted not will to gratifie them, but that God, to whom he owed the gift of Prophecy, forbad him; for that Army which they desired should be cursed, was dearly beloved of God. For which cause he gave them counsel to make peace with the Israelites upon any conditions: which said, he dismissed the Ambassadors. But the Madianites (being instantly requested by Balac) once more sent their Ambassa­dors F to Balaam, who desirous to satisfie them in their demands, consulted with God. But God (offended with him) commanded him to assent to the Ambassadors: and he not con­ceiving that God spake thus to him in his anger,Ver. 15. because he had not obey'd his order, de­parted onward with the Ambassadors.The second Embassage to Balaam. But as he Travelled upon the way, the Angel of God came and met him in a narrow place, between two stone walls; which when the She-ass, whereon Balaam was mounted, perceived, she started out of the way, and crushed her Master against one of the walls;Ver. 21. ad 28. and neither by the strokes which he gave her (be­ing grieved by his bruise) nor by any other means,The Angel re­sisteth Balaam. could she be drawn forward. Whil'st the Angel kept his station, and the Prophet continu'd tormenting the Ass, God caus'd the Beast to speak to Balaam with a humane and articulate voice:Ver. 28. 31. blaming him, for that ha­ving G never before that time received damage by her,The Ass speak­eth to Balaam. he had so cruelly tormented and beaten her; and understood not that God did prohibit him from the performance of that [Page 106] which he desired.The year of the World, 2493. before Christ's Nativity, 1473. As he stood amazed at the Prodigy, an Angel appeared to him, bla­ming H him, and telling him that the Ass was not in fault, but that himself deserv'd to be punisht for resisting God's will. These words encreased Balaam's astonishment, and he prepar'd himself to return back again: but God commanded him to continue his inten­ded journey,Balaam is re­proved by the Angel. charging him to say nothing but that which he should inspire to him.

After God had given him this charge, he went unto Balac, who entertained him hono­rably, Ver 35, 36. and caused him to be brought to a certain Mountain, from whence he might be­hold the Hebrews Camp.Balaam com­eth to Balac. Balac also himself being Royally attended, accompanied the Prophet, conducting him unto a Mountain, which was but 60 Furlongs from their Camp. Balaam having well consider'd it, desir'd the King to build seven Altars, on which to offer seven Bulls, and seven Rams. All which being readily executed by the King, he offer'd I a burnt Sacrifice, to the end he might presage on which side the Victory would turn; which done, he address'd his speech in this manner toward the Army of the Isra­elites.

Happy People, of whom God himself vouchsafeth to be the Conducter, on whom he bestoweth so large blessings,C. 23. 1. ad 10. and abundance of riches,Balaam's pro­phecy of the people of Is­rael. and over whom his Providence incessantly watcheth! No other Nation shall equal you in the love of virtue; your Successors also shall surpass you, be­cause amongst Men God only favoureth you, and taketh care that no Nation under the Sun shall either exceed or equal you in happiness. You shall likewise possess that rich Land which he hath promis'd you: and your posterity shall be perpetual Lords thereof; and the glory of your name shall fill both the whole Earth and Sea; and so shall your Nation be multiplied, that there shall K be no place of the World where it shall not be diffus'd. Blessed are you (most worthy Army) and deserving great admiration, being composed of the descendants of one single Man. The Land of Canaan at this present will suffice you, but know that hereafter, the whole World will not be too great for your inhabitation; so that both in the Islands, and in the Continent, you shall live in so great number, that you shall equal the Stars of the Firmament. And though you are like to grow so innumerable, yet notwithstanding God will furnish you with all sort of good things in abundance, in Peace, and in War, he will render you victorious. Wherefore we ought to wish that our Enemies may resolve to take Arms, and to assault you, since they cannot do it without their own total destruction. So greatly are you favoured and loved by God, who takes pleasure to abase the proud and great, and to raise the weak and humble.L

Thus spake Balaam in his prophetical spirit, being inspired by the Spirit of God. But Balac was much incensed against him,Ver. 11, 12. exclaiming that he had not kept his promise; for by great Rewards he had been by his Confederates drawn thither to curse them,Balac being displeased, re­prehendeth Balaam. and in stead of Exercrations against them, he had given them the greatest Benediction. The Pro­phet thus answer'd.

Thinkest thou (said he) that it lieth in our power, as often as destinies are to be discovered, to speak or conceal what we list,Balaam's an­swer. at such time as God speaketh in our mouths? No, he himself cau­seth us to utter those words which pleaseth him; and he publisheth those Oracles by us, which neither we know, nor ever thought upon. I have not forgotten the Request of the Ma­dianites; and I came hither, to execute that which they desired at my hands; but God M is more p [...]ful than my will, who contrary to the will of God, and for the particular favour of Men, had purposed to speak otherwise: but as soon as he entreth into our hearts, he becomes absol [...] master of them. Truly I had determined in my self to speak nothing in their praises, neither was it in my mind to reckon up what God had decreed to bestow upon that Nation, but because he hath purposed to advance their felicity and glory, he put these words into my mouth. Nevertheless (since it is my desire to gratifie both thee, and the Madi­anites, whose Prayers I ought to consider) let us erect new Altars, and prepare other Sacrifi­ces, and make trial if God perhaps will be moved to grant me licence to curse this People.Numb. 14. 3, 4. Here­unto Balac gave consent; Balaam's Pro­phecy of things to come. the Sacrifices were renew'd: but Balaam could not obtain of God permission to curse the Israelites. On the contrary, falling on his face, he predict­ed N the misfortunes of those Kingdoms and Cities which should oppose them, of which some are not as yet built; but by such things as have already happen'd to those that we know both on the Continent, and in Islands; even to our days: we may gather most assu­redly, that what remaineth of this Prophecy to be fulfilled, will surely take effect. Ba­lac being much displeas'd, that the Israelites could not be cursed, sent Balaam back again without honour: Ver. 10, 11. who, as he came near Euphrates, desir'd to see the King and the Princes of the Madianites,Balaam's counsel against the Hebrews. to whom he spake thus: Since it is your desire, O King, and you Princes of Madian, that I gratifie you, although it be against the Will of God, you shall hear all that I can say to you. Hope not that any thing can extinguish the Race of the Hebrews, either by War or Pestilence, or Famine, or any other chance; for God hath care to preserve that Nation O from all evil, so that no mischief can fall upon them, whereby the whole multitude may be ex­tinguished: [Page 107] A though they may come into some affliction for a time, yet they will afterwards flou­rish more than they did before, being by such chastisement render'd more wise. But if you de­sire to obtain some short Victory over them, by this my counsel you shall bring your wishes to ef­fect. Send to their Camp the fairest of your daughters, as trimly decked and beautified as is possible, who by their beauty may conquer, and by their love allure their hearts; let these wan­der about, and offer themselves to the conversation of the youngest and bravest amongst them: and as soon as they see them enamour'd, let them pretend to go away; and being desir'd to stay, let them not yield, except they will be persuaded to forsake their Countrey Laws, and the ser­vice of God from whom they received them, and to adore the gods of the Madianites and Mo­abites. Cap. 25. 1. ad 9. For by this means they shall incense God's wrath against themselves. Having given B this advice,The daughters of the Madia­nites come to the Camp of the Hebrews.he departed. Now when the Madianites (according as they were counsel­led) sent out their daughters, the younger sort of the Hebrews became intangled with their beauty: and conversing with them, desir'd them not to deny them the pleasure and enjoyment of their beauty. The young Women seeing them enamour'd, made sem­blance of a desire to leave them, and depart. Whereupon the young Men earnestly intreated them to tarry, and promis'd to marry them, swearing, that they would not only love them as their Wives, but render them absolute Mistresses of themselves and all their Goods. These promises they seal'd with Tears; and the Women answer'd after this manner: Valiant young Men, we want not at home either riches, or the affections of our Parents and friends; neither come we hither to you for want of these things, or to make sale of C our beauties: but considering you as strangers, for whom we have great esteem, we have not dis­dained to shew you this civility. Now therefore because you say you love us, and are so troub­led at this our departure, we have thought good not to gainsay your entreaties; if therefore you will plight your faith, and promise us marriage (which is the onely condition that can de­tain us) we will willingly live with you as your lawful Wives; but we fear lest when your lusts are satisfied, you will with shame and contumely send us back again to our Parents; which so reasonable apprehension of ours you ought to pardon. These passionate Lovers promised to give their faith in what manner soever, and refused no condition (by reason of their extreme love.) Well then (said the Virgins) since you are so pleased, and that you have Customs so different from other Nations, that you use onely certain meats and drinks; it is D necessary,Ver. 1, 2, 3. if you will marry us, to adore our gods. For by no other argument can you persuade us,The daughters of Madian al­lure the Israe­lites to Idola­try. that your love is unfeigned, except you honour, as we do, the same gods: neither shall you be blamed, if you honour the gods of that Countrey into which you are come, considering that our gods are common unto all Nations, whereas your God is adored by none but your selves. Choose therefore (said they) either to conform your selves in opinion with other Men, or seek out an­other World wherein you may live according to your particular ways and customs.

The Hebrews blinded with the love which they bare to the Virgins, liked well their words,Ver. 6. and consented to that which they said, suffering themselves to be seduc'd accord­ing as they were invited;The Hebrews blinded with the love of the Women, revolt from the Laws of their Fa­thers. so that they transgress'd the Ordinances of their Fathers in following strange gods, to whom they offer'd Sacrifice, according to the manner of the E Countrey. They also fell to eat all those meats which were prohibited them by the Law, and addicted themselves to all kinds of pleasure, according as the Women persuaded them; so that the whole Army was infected with dissoluteness and disorder (amongst the younger sort) and a worse mutiny arose thereby than the precedent, by reason whereof it was to be fear'd, the whole course of Law and Government would be per­verted. For the youth once having had a taste of these foreign and lascivious fashions, were unsatiably transported with the same: and if there were any more excellent than others in Nobility,2. Zambrias and Cosby. they, together (with the rest of the multitude) were wretchedly corrupted. Zambrias chief of the Tribe of Simeon, married Cosby the Madianite, daugh­ter of Zur, a Prince of the Countrey, and, to please her, sacrificed after the manner of the F Countrey,Moses accuseth the Israelites of Idolatry and Voluptuous­ness. contrary to the Law of God. During this state of affairs, Moses being afraid lest some more grievous mischief should succeed, call'd the People together, and accu­sing no man in particular (for that he was unwilling to cast those into desperation, who, whil'st they thought their fault lay hidden, might be reduc'd to a better mind) he told them, That it was a thing unworthy their virtue, and that of their Ancestors, to prefer their pleasure before their Religion. That it behoved them whil'st they had time, to repent, and to shew themselves to be valiant men; not by contemning all holy and divine Laws, but by repressing their disordinate Passions. That it was a strange thing, that having in the Desart lived mo­destly, they should now in a plentiful Countrey grow so dissolute and disordinate, as to lose that merit in affluence, which they had acquir'd in necessity. By such like speeches, he endeavou­red G to reclaim the youth, and to reduce them to a better mind: whereupon Zambrias ri­sing up,Zambrias ora­tion against Moses. spake after this manner: Moses (saith he) use thou, if thou pleasest, thine own Laws, whereunto by long use thou hast added authority, without which thou hadst long ago suf­fered [Page 108] punishment for them, The year of the World, 2493. before Christ's Nativity, 1571. and learnt at thine own cost, that the Hebrews ought not to be de­luded H by thee: For my self, thou shalt never tye me to thy tyrannical decrees; for hitherto hast thou endeavored nothing else, but under pretext of Law and Religion, to bring us into servitude and subjection, and thy self to power and sovereignty, by forbidding us the pleasures and li­berties which all men that are born free, ought to enjoy. Was there any thing worse in our Egy­ptian thraldom, than the power which thou assumest to punish every man by the Laws of thy own making; whereas thou thy self art more worthy to be punished, in that thou despisest those of all other Nations, and wilt have none but thine observed, and so preferrest thy own particular judg­ment before that of all other men whatsoever? But I, as touching that which I have done, in that I suppose it to be well done, am not afraid to confess in this Assembly, that I have taken a stranger to wife: thou hearest mine actions from mine own mouth, as from a free and resolute I man; neither do I desire that they should be hidden. 'Tis true also, that I sacrifice to the gods to whom thou forbiddest to sacrifice, because I think not my self bound to submit to the tyran­ny, of learning nothing that pertains to Religion but from thee alone; and I take it as no obli­gation to me for any man to assume, as thou doest, more authority over me than I have my self. Whil'st Zambrias spoke thus both for himself, and others of his Faction, the People si­lently expected the issue of this great quarrel, especially for that they saw their Law­giver would not contend any longer, lest he should make an insolent man more outra­gious; and lest others, in imitation of him, growing impudent in their speeches, should stir up Tumults amongst the People: so the Assembly for this time was dissolved, and perhaps the mischief had gone further, had not Zambrias been suddenly cut off in K the manner I am going to relate. Phinees (who as well for his own excellent qualities, as the dignity of his Father Eleazar the High Priest, and his great Uncle Moses, was ac­counted the most considerable of those of his age) was much discontented with Zam­brias's contumacy; and lest by his impunity the Law might grow into contempt, he re­solv'd to be reveng'd upon the Transgressors, well knowing how much the example of great men prevaileth either way.Ver. 7, 8. And being of no less courage than zeal,Phinees thrusteth Zam­brias and Chos­bi thorow at one time. he repaired to Zambrias's Tent, and at one stroak slew both him and Chosbi, his wife. By this exam­ple, many of the youth being animated by this worthy act, to do justice on those that had committed the like offence, slew a great number of them with the Sword, and a Pestilence, (which was sent by Gods judgment) destroy'd not only all the rest, but also L those, who when by reason of Consanguinity they ought to have restrained and dissua­ded their Kinsmen from Lewdness,Otherwise, 24000. yet either dissembled or encourag'd them in their Lust; the number of those that perish'd on this manner, was 14000 men. At the same time,Ver. 9. Moses (being incensed against the Madianites) sent out an Army to destroy that Nation,Moses sendeth Forces against the Madia­nites. of which Expedition we will presently discourse, after we have annex'd that which must not be omitted in this History, as tending to the praise of our Lawgiver. Though Balaam, Ver. 16, 17. sent for by the Madianites, to curse the Hebrews; which he could not do, being hindred by the Providence of God, had afterwards given that counsel to the Enemy, by means whereof, within a little space, a great multitude of the Hebrews were corrupted in their Religion; yet Moses hath done him the honour to insert his Prophecy M in his Writings: although it had been easie for him to have depriv'd him of the glory, and to have appropriated it to himself, by reason that there was not any Witness that might contradict him; yet he hath not neglected to give testimony, and to make men­tion of him in his Writings: yet let every one think of this, according as it shall seem good unto him, But Moses (as I began to say) sent an Army of 12000 Men against the Madianites, choosing out of every Tribe a Thousand, and appointed Phinees Captain over these Forces, by whose courage (as a little before I have declared) both the Laws were vindicated, and Zambri, that brake them, punished.

CHAP. VII.N
The Hebrews fight against the Madianites, and overcome them, Numb. 31.

BUt the Madianites (having intelligence that their Enemies drew near them,Hedio, cap. 7. and that they were not far from their borders) gather'd their Forces together,Ruffin. cap. 5. and beset all those passages of their Country, by which they thought their Enemy might break in, pre­paring themselves to repell them with force and valor. Yet no sooner did Phinees with his Forces charge them,Cap. 3. 8. ad 18. but upon the first encounter so great a multitude of the Madia­nites was slain,Five Kings of the Madia­nites slain. that the number of the Carcasses could hardly be reckoned. Neither were their Kings saved from the Sword: these were Och, Sur, Robeas, Ʋbes, and Rechem, (from whom the chiefest City of the Arabians deriveth its name,Otherwise A [...]eme, or Arca. and at this day retain­eth O the same, and is call'd Receme, and by the Grecians Petra.) The Hebrews having thus put their Enemies to flight, ravaged the Region, and carried away with them great [Page 109] A spoils;The year of the World, 2493. before Christ's Nativity, 1471. and killing all the Inhabitants thereof, both Men and Women, they onely spared the Virgins, according to the command Phinees had received from Moses: who returning home with his Army in safety, brought with him a memorable and glorious prey; of Oxen, 52067; of Asses, 60000; of gold and silver Vessels, an incredible number, which the Madianites were wont to use for their domestick occasions,A great prey gotten from the Madia­nites. so great was their great Riches and Luxury. There were also led Captives about 30000 Virgins. But Moses (dividing the prey) gave the fiftieth part thereof to Eleazar, and the Priests, and to the Levites another fiftieth;Num. 27. 18. the remainder, he distributed amongst the People, who after this Battel lived in great security,Deut. 3. 22. having gotten Riches by their Valor,Moses appoint­ed Joshua for his Successor. and Peace also to enjoy the same. Now for that Moses was well stricken in years, he appointed Joshua to B succeed him in the Offices both of a Prophet, a Prince, and a Governor; for God had so commanded, that he should make choice of him to be his Successor in the principality; for he was most expert in all divine and humane knowledge,Numb. 32. 1, 5, &c. being therein instructed by his Master Moses. The Tribes of Reuben, Gad, and the half of Manasses, re­quire the land of the Amo­rites. About that time, the two Tribes of Gad and Reuben, with the half Tribe of Manasses (being abundantly stored with Cattel, and all other manner of Riches) by common consent, requested Moses to give and assign to them in particular the Country of the Amorites, which not long since they had conquered by the Sword, for that it was full of rich Pastures. But he (suspecting that through fear, they sought to withdraw themselves from the War with the Canaanites, under pretext of care of their Cattel) sharply reproved them, saying, that they were fearful; and that their desire was to pos­sess C that Land which was conquered by the Valor of the whole People, to the end they might lead their lives in idleness and pleasure; and not to bear Arms with the rest of the Host, to help them to posses the Land beyond Jordan, which God had promised them, by overcoming those Nations which he commanded them to account for their Enemies. These Tribes, lest he should seem to be deservedly incensed against them, answered, that neither through fear they fled danger, neither through sloth shunned labour, but onely design'd to leave their prey in commodious places, to the end they might be more fit to follow the War: saying, that they were ready (if so be they might receive Cities for the defence and receipt of their Wives, Children, and Substance) to follow the rest of the Army whithersoever they were conducted; and to adventure their lives with them, D for the common interest. Moses satisfi'd with their reason in the presence of Eleazar the High Priest, and Joshua, with the rest of the Magistrates, granted them the Land of the Amorites, with this condition, that (together with the rest of the People) they should march against their common Enemies,Numb. 35. 34, &c. till the War were accomplished according to their desire: accordingly having received that which they demanded, they built them walled Cities,Deut. 4. 43. and left their Children,Josh. 20. 8, 9. Wives and Substance in the same. Moses also built ten Cities in that Region (which are to be reckoned in the number of those 48 abovemen­tion'd) in three whereof he appointed Sanctuaries,The Cities of refuge. and places of refuge, which they only might take benefit of, who fled thither for Casual Homicide; and he appointed them their term of Exile, till the time of the death of the High Priest, under whom the E Manslaughter was committed, at which time they might safely return into their Coun­trey. And during the time of their Exile, it was lawful for any of the Kin to take re­venge upon the Offender by killing him, only at such time as he was found without the City of Refuge: which right he gave onely to those that were akin, but not to others. Now the Cities of Refuge were these; in the Confines of Arabia, Bosora; in the Regi­on of Galadena, Numb. 36. 1, 2. Arimanum: in the Countrey of Bazan, Gaul. Moses also ordained, that after the Conquest of Canaan, The daughters of Salpades have their in­heritance in their fathers place. three more Cities of the Levites should be appointed, to that end that they might give refuge and habitation to such sort of Offenders. At that time, when one of the Magistrates, called Salphates, of the Tribe of Manasses, was dead, and had onely left Daughters behind him, the Governors of the Tribe came unto Moses, F and asked his counsel,The history of Deuteronomy. Whether they should inherit the Lands of their Father? Moses answered them,Ruffin. cap. 5. That if they married within their Tribe, they should inherit; but if they made choice to marry themselves into another Tribe,Hedio, cap. 8. then they should lose their Patrimony in their own:Deut. 41, &c. ad 43. and for this cause made he this Ordinance, to the end, that every Tribe should continually possess its proper inheritance. But whereas now there remained but 30 days only, to fulfill the number of 40 years since their departure out of Egypt, Moses summoning an Assembly in that place near to Jordan, where now the City of Abila is scituate, environed with fields beset with Palm-trees, as soon as he saw the People ready to hear him, spake unto them after this manner.

G

CHAP. VIII.H
Moses Laws, and how he was taken out of this world, from the company of Men, Deut. 4.

MY dear friends,Moses oration unto the peo­ple before his death. and companions, in my long Travels, with whom I have run through so many dangers; since it is thought requisite by God, and mine age (amounting to the number of one hundred and twenty years) requireth no less, that I must depart out of this life; and since it seemeth not good in Gods sight, that either I should be agent or assistant in your affairs beyond Jordan: Deut. 4. 1, ad 43. I have resolv'd to employ that little space of life which remains to me, in order to establish your felicity according to the Grace that is given me; and to provide that by laying open the way unto you that leadeth to the same, I may oblige you to retain some affection for my memory. Give I therefore ear unto me, that when I have first declared unto you, wherein both your felicity, and the happiness of your posterity consisteth, and have left this perpetual testimony and monument of my intire love towards you, I may willingly depart out of this life: For well I know that I deserve to be credited by you, both for that hitherto I have incessantly (in studying for your profits) never deceived you, and because the sentiments of our souls are never so pure as when they are ready to be separated from the body. Ye sons of Israel, there is but one onely way whereby men attain to felicity, to wit, the favour of God, which he onely gives to those that deserve it, and withdraws from those that offend him. Towards him if you continue dutiful (according as he requires, and in such manner as I by his direction have instructed you) you shall never fail to encrease in virtue, and to draw all men to envy your happiness: and which is more,K those goods which you have now obtained, shall be perpetual; and that which you want shall shortly be plentifully bestowed on you. Only take heed to be obedient to Gods Will, and Com­mandments: and never prefer any other Laws before those I have given you, or through con­tempt innovate any thing in your Religion.Moses exhor­teth the peo­ple to be obe­dient to Gods will. Which if you shall perform, you shall excel all other Nations in war, and be invincible by your enemies: for by Gods assistance all things are possible. Moreover there are great rewards (in all the course of life) proposed unto virtue, which is also to it self a great reward: besides, by it all other blessings are easily obtained; and if you practise it among your selves, you shall both lead a blessed life, and obtain im­mortal glory,The promise of Gods assistance. not onely amongst strangers, but also to all posterity. These things are you to hope for, if neither you your selves violate those Laws, (which by Gods command, and my L means) are prescrib'd to you, nor suffer any other to violate the same, but in your selves con­tinually meditate upon the understanding and use thereof. As for my self, I depart this life in fulness of joy,Obedience to the Magi­strates. and the comfort to leave you in great prosperity, commending you all to the Laws of piety and prudence, and the virtue of your Guides and Magistrates, who here­after are to take care of your safety and felicity. God likewise, under whose conduct you have lived, (and to whose favour you owe whatsoever you have received by me) will not fail to take care of you; but as long as you shall honour both him and piety, so long shall you remain in security under his protection: neither shall you want such men, who shall give you excellent instructions; whose counsels if you obey, you shall be fortunate (namely Eleazar the High Priest, and Josua, with the Senate and Magistrates of the Tribes) towards whom M beware lest you grow stiff-necked; knowing and remembring this, that he that is instructed to obey well, will, when he shall attain unto dignity, govern well. Neither imagine to your selves that liberty consisteth in disobeying your Superiors, as hitherto you have done; from which sin if hereafter you shall keep your selves, you shall see your estate become still more flourishing and fortunate: And God forbid that you should ever be so exasperated against them, as you have been sometimes incensed against me. For you may remember, that I have been more often in hazard of my life by your means, than by the enemy: Which I speak not to upbraid you, for I would not leave you afflicted with the remembrance hereof, at the hour of my death, (who even at that time entertained the injury with a quiet mind) but to the end that being by me admonished, you may henceforward be wiser in those things which N hereafter shall concern you, and lest you should grow contumelious against your Governors, being made proud with affluence of your riches, which you shall enjoy at such time as you have passed over Jordan, and conquered Canaan. Otherwise if made more insolent by these blessings you fall into contumacy, and contempt of virtue, Gods favour will never be extended towards you; and if by your sins you shall incense him against your selves, you shall both lose the Land which you have conquered by your courage, by being shamefully oppressed by your Enemies; and being dispersed over the face of the whole earth, both the Land and Sea shall be full of the marks of your servitude; which if it should come to pass, then were it too late to repent you, that you have not observed his holy Laws. Wherefore to avoid this danger, suffer not any one of your Enemies, after your victory is once gotten, to live; and think it O most conducible for your affairs, to kill all, without sparing any; for fear lest living with them, and being intangled in the like customes and delights, you fall into Idolatry, and [Page 111] A abandon your Countrey, Laws and Institutions. Moreover, I command you to destroy their gods, their Altars and Temples, as many as you shall meet with, and so to ruine all the woods consecrated to their false gods both with Fire and Sword, that there may not remain any token or memory of them any more: For so shall you more safely maintain the possession of the goods which you enjoy.The Israelites are command­ed to kill their enemies, and destroy their idols. But lest through ignorance of better things you become depraved, by Gods commandment I have written you Laws, and a form of administration, both of the Commonwealth, and your private estates; from which if you shall no ways divert, or wander, you shall prove the most fortunate People of the earth.

When he had spoken these things, he delivered them a Book, containing in Writ­ing their Laws,Moses deliver­eth the Israe­lites a book, wherein their Laws and man­ner of life was written. and customs of good life: which when they had received, they melted B into tears, and now lamented both for the loss of their Captain, and for that they re­membered how many perils he had suffered for their sakes, and how diligently he had procured their safety and security; and their sorrow increas'd, by their belief that they were not like to have ever again so good a Prince: and they feared likewise that God would not hereafter be so favorable unto them, in that they had not a Moses to pray for them. These thoughts produc'd in them a repentance of those things which (through fury) they had committed against him in the Desart, so that all the People (breaking out into tears) would admit no consolation.Laws made by Moses. But Moses comforted them, and desiring them to give over weeping, encouraged them to observe faithfully the Laws of God:Ruffin. chap. 7. and so for this time the assembly dissolved.The excuse of the writer of the History, why he inno­vated the order of the Laws. But before I proceed, I C have thought fit to declare in this place what these Laws were; to the end the Reader may know how worthy they are of the virtue of so great a Lawgiver as Moses, and see what our customs have been, even from the first institution of our Commonwealth. For all those things are extant which this Man wrote, so that we need not faign or affix any thing by way of ornament: we have onely changed the order; and those Laws which he scatteringly set down according as he received them from God, we have generally digested into their places: whereof I thought good to admonish the Reader; for fear lest hereafter any of our Tribes coming to the view hereof, should rashly ac­cuse me, of not having faithfully delivered the Writings and Justitutions of Moses. First will I reckon up those Laws particularly which appertain to the publick institution D and policy of our Nation; but those that concern private customs and contracts, either betwixt our selves or foregin Nations, I have deferred to be discoursed of in that commentary, wherein (by Gods assistance) I intend to speak of our manners, and of the reasons of those Laws.

After you have conquered the Land of Canaan, Item, the Isra­elites shall live in the Land of Canaan. and built your Cities, you shall in security reap the fruit of the Victory, if by observation of these following Commandments, you shall render your selves well pleasing to God. Let there be one sacred City in the region of Canaan, A sacred City and Temple in Canaan. situate in a commodious and fertile place, which God shall make choice of: in the same let there be one only Temple built, and one Altar erected of rough and unpolished stones, but chosen with such care, that when they shall E be joyn'd together, they shall appear decent and agreable to the sight: let not the Ascent of the same be made by steps, but let the earth be easily and fitly raised. But in any other City let there be neither Altar nor Temple; For God is one, and the Hebrew Nation is one. Whosoever shall blaspheme God, let him be stoned to death, hanged on a Gibbet for a day,Blasphemy against God. and afterwards ignominiously and obscurely bu­ried.Deut. 4.

Let all the Hebrews, Levit. 16. 1, 10, 13. from their several Provinces, assemble themselves thrice in the year in the sacred City and Temple,Thrice in the year the He­brewes ought to meet that they may give thanks to God for the benefits they have received, and by their prayers implore his future assistance; and that by their conversation and mutual entertainments, they may increase their benevolence and F love one towards another. For it is reasonable that they should know one another, who are of the same stock, and are govern'd by the same Laws. For which purpose nothing is so fit as their meetings after this kind of manner, which both by the sight and conversation cause deeper impression in the memory; as contrariwise, they that never see one another pass for strangers one to the other.

Besides, let the tenth part of the fruits (besides them that are due to the Priests and Levites) which you are accustomed to sell in your Markets (being reduced into ready money) be spent on Sacrifices and Banquets in the sacred City. For it is just to celebrate feasts to Gods honour,Tenths. of the fruits of the earth, which we have received from his hands.The hire of a Harlot.

G Let no Sacrifice be made of the Hire of an Harlot:Deut. 23. 18. for neither doth any thing delight God which is gotten by ill wayes:Micha. 1. 7. or is there greater uncleanness, than the shameful and unlawful mixture of our bodies.

[Page 112] Likewise if any man take reward for covering a bitch (whether she be for the H chase, or for the flock) it is not lawful to make sacrifice unto God thereof. Let no man speak ill of those gods which other Countries reverence. Let no Man spoil any strange Temple, nor take that which is dedicated to any god. Let no man wear a Garment woven of Linnen and Woollen, for it belongeth onely to the Priests.

Every seventh year,Other gods. when the People shall be assembled together in the sacred City to sacrifice at the feast of Tabernacles,Deut. 1. the High Priest from a high Pulpit (from whence he may be heard by the whole multitude) shall read the whole Law publickly:Linnen and Woollen. so that neither Women nor Children shall be kept from hearing the same, not yet slaves and bondmen.Deut. 22. 11. For it is good that they retain the perpetual memory thereof, alwayes imprinted in their minds:Deut. 11. for so shall they sin the less,The book of the Law is to be read on the feast of the Tabernacles. in that they understand I what is decreed in the Law. And the Laws likewise will be of more force in the conscience when they themselves shall hear the punishments which they threaten, and with which those that dare to violate them shall be chastis'd: so that the will to perform the Law shall never be inwardly extinguished; and besides, the remembrance will live in them, how many plagues they incur by contempt thereof. Let children especialy learn these Laws, than which discipline there is not any more profitable for them, nor more conducible to their felicity. For which reason, twice a day, in the morning and in the evening, they shall be minded for what benefits they are bound to God,Deut. 11. 19. and how he deliver'd us out of the bondage of Egypt. For it is a thing in nature reasonable,Children shall learn the Law. to give thanks to God, as well in acknowledgement of the Goods K which we have before time received,Deut. 6. 6, 7, as in expectation of his future mercies. The chief of these things also are to be written over our doors, and worn on our arms; and those things which declare his power and benificence, are to be born about, writ­ten on the head and arms,The signs of the Law. that the remembrance of Gods goodness towards his People may continually be renew'd. In every City let there be chosen seven Governours, such as are approved in Virtue, and able for Justice.The seven Presidents. Let each one of these Magistrates have two Ministers of the Tribe of Levi. Honour to the Magistrate. Let those that are appointed Judges in the Cities, be held in high reputation; so that in their presence no man presume either to utter contumelies, or injurious speeches; for so shall it come to pass, that men accustomed to reverence good men, shall also exercise themselves in piety and reverence L towards God. Whatsoever seemeth good to the Judges to decree, let that be held inviolable; except it be apparent that they are corrupted with money, or that they be manifestly convicted of wrong judgement. They ought likewise to judge with­out respect of interest or dignity,The office of Judges. and prefer justice before all other things; for it is contumelious to God,Justice is Gods power. to suppose, that he is weaker than they, for whose sake they wrest the Law, contrary to justice, which is the power of God. He therefore that giveth judgement in favour and partiality to great men, maketh them greater than God himself. And if the Judges cannot determine of the matter in question (as it oftentimes falls out) let them refer the cause to the Holy City, and there shall the High Priest and the Prophet, with the assistance of the Senate, determine that M which shall be convenient.

The testimony of one witness shall not be received,Deut. 19. 16, 17, 18. but of three, or at least of two; whose testimony shall be made good by the examination of their behaviour and life. As for women, it is not lawful for them to bear any witness, by reason of the levity and temerity of that sex. Neither is it lawful for a bond-man to bring in testimony, by reason of his degenerate and ignoble mind; for it is to be suspected, that either for lucre sake, or for fear, he will depose an untrue testimony. And if any false witness shall be convicted of perjury,The punish­ment of a false Witness. let him be subject to that penalty which he should have endured that should have been cast by his false accusation. If man­slaughter be committed in any place, and the Offender cannot be found out, and it N appear not likely,Of Homicide committed. that the man was slain out of malice, let there be a diligent and careful inquisition made (with rewards propos'd to the discoverer;) but if no probabilities or conjectures can be gathered, then let the Magistrates of the Cities adjoining to the place where the slaughter is committed, and the Elders of the same, assemble together, and measure from the place where the dead body lieth: and let the township that is found to be nearest, and the inhabitants thereof buy a Heifer; which they shall bring into a place unlaboured and unplanted, where the Priests, and the Levites, having cut the nerves of the Neck, shall wash their hands, and lay them upon the head of the said Heifer, and protest with a loud voyce, that they, and the Magistrates with them, are not defiled with that homicide; that they did it not, nor were they present when it O was perpetrated; and they shall call and pray to God to avert his anger, and not to permit that any such misfortune ever fall out in that Countrey.

[Page 113] A Aristocracy is without doubt a very good kind of Government because it puts the authority into the hands of more honest and good men; take therefore heed that you desire no other form of policy, but retain and continue the same, having no other superiours but the Laws which God gives you; For it sufficeth you that God is pleas'd to be your Governour.

Yet notwithstanding,Aristocracy▪ the best kind of Govern­ment. if you shall chance to desire to have a King, see that ye elect one of your own Nation, who in all things may be studious to procure justice, and all other virtues,Deut. 17, 15. attributing more to God and the Laws than to his own wisdom and conduct. Let him not undertake any thing without the advice of the High Priest, and the Elders.Of the electi­on of a King. Let him not have divers Wives, neither let him delight to get great B Treasures, or multitude of Horses: lest thereby, he become so insolent, as to raise his power and will above the Laws: and if you see him affected to these things, beware lest he grow more puissant than is expedient for you.Deut. 19. 14.

It is not lawful for any man to remove the Land-marks either of his own Land,The bounds of Lands are not to be re­moved. or any other mans whatsoever; for by them is peace preserved: But they ought to re­main for ever firm and immovable, as if God himself had placed them: since such an alteration may give occasion to great contests, and those whose avarice cannot suffer that bounds be set to their greediness, are easily led to contemn and violate the Laws.

If a man plant a piece of Ground,Levit. 25, 3. and the Trees fructifie before the fourth year, C the first fruits thereof shall not be offered to God,The plants▪ that are not of four years growth are prohibited. neither shall any man eat thereof by reason that they are abortive fruits: and that which is contrary to nature is neither fit to be offer'd to God, nor convenient for the use of man. But all that fruit that shall grow in the fourth year (for then is the time that the Trees should bear) shall be gathered and brought into the holy City (together with the tenth of all other fruits) and they shall be eaten during the Feast which the owner thereof maketh to his Friends, and with Orphans and Widows; but in the fifth year it shall be lawful for him to gather the fruit for himself.

Sow not a Field that is planted with Vines, for it sufficeth that it nourisheth one sort of plants:Vines to be planted. so that it needeth not to be laboured and manured with the Plough. D The Land is to be Ploughed with Oxen, and no other sort of Beasts yoked with them;The Law of the Plough. but the tillage must always be performed by Beasts of the same kind.

The seeds also ought to be clean and without any mixture;Deut. 22. 10. so that two or three sorts ought not to be sowed together; for nature alloweth not a commixion of things that are different,

It is not lawful also to cover the female with the male of another kind, lest this example should draw men to abominable mixtures, and to a contempt of that sex which is appropriate to them; for it often falls out, that from small beginnings, effects proceed of great and dangerous consequence.Levit. 19. 10. For which reason nothing ought to be admitted,Deut. 24. 21, 22. by the imitation whereof, there may chance to grow a corrupting of good E manners; whence it is that the Laws regulate even the lightest things, to the end to re­tain every one within his duty.Some Glean­ings are to be left for the Poor in the Field.

They that Mow and Reap Corn, ought not to gather up all the ears too exactly, but leave some for those that are in necessity, to the end to succor them. They likewse that plant Vines, ought to leave some clusters for the poor, and some fruit on the Olive-Trees, to the intent that they that have none of these, may gather something for their relief: for the owners of the Field shall be so far from suffering damage by the ne­gligent gathering of their Corn, that on the contrary they shall draw profit form their charity: for God will bring to pass that their Land (who regard not their particular profit, but have care of the nourishment of those that are in necessity) shall be far F more fat and fertile to bring forth its fruit.

Neither is the mouth of the Ox to be muzled,Deut. 25. 4. at such time as he treadeth the Corn in the Mow:Oxen treading or grinding For it standeth not with reason, that they who have been partakers of the labour, and have travelled for the encrease of the fruits, should be restrained from all use and benefit thereof.Deut. 23, 24.

Neither ought the Traveller in his journey be denied to gather and taste the fruits of Autumn,Travellers are not to be dri­ven away from ripe fruits. but he is to be permitted to take the same freely, whether he be of the Countrey, or a stranger; who shall depart joyfully, in that they have been made par­takers of such Fruit: but it is not lawful for them to carry any away with them.

They likewise that gather Grapes, ought not to forbid any man to taste of them, G as they bear them to the Press; for it is an unjust thing, that the goods which are given by the will of God for the sustenance of man, should be denied them, that desire to taste the fruit which God gives us in a season, which suddenly passes away.

[Page 114] Yea, they are to be invited, that through modesty make nice to touch the same (if H they be Israelites) for such are to be esteem'd Friends and Masters of what we have,The year of the World, 2493. before Christ's Nativity, 1571. in that they are of the same race: and if Strangers, we ought to exercise hospitality, towards them with out thinking that we lose any thing by the small present we make them of the fruits which we have by God's bounty, Nor is it to be supposed, ill imployed, which in way of courtesie a man permitteth another to take, since it is God that furnisheth and giveth the abundance of all things; not to the end to enjoy the same in private, but also to bestow them liberally. And he it is, that by this means, would declare unto other people the good will he beareth to the people of Israel, and the felicity whereof he maketh them partakers; by reason, that in that abundance which they have, his will is, that other men should have part thereof. But I whosoever shall do the contrary, let him be chastised for his sordidness, and in publick receive thirty nine stripes, because of a free man he maketh himself a slave to his gain, and so dishonours himself,Thirty nine stripes.

It shall very well become you (said Moses) since you have tasted miseries both in Egypt and the Desart, Deut. 25. 3. that you have compassion of those who are in like estate; and for that you are made rich by Gods mercy and providence,The Law laid on 40. but the Jews of super­stition use but 39. as you may see. it behoveth and be­cometh you to impart somewhat to the indigent, who at the present are in that con­dition, in which you were.

Besides the two Tenths which I commanded you yearly to pay,2. Cor. 11. 24 (the one to the Levites, The Tenth for the poor The first-fruits. and the other for your Festivals) you shall for every year pay a third, to be K distributed among the poor, Widows, and Orphans.

When a man hath gathered his First-fruits,Deut. 26, 2, 3. &c. he shall bring them to the Temple, and after he hath given thanks unto God (that the Land which he hath given him in pos­session, hath brought forth fruit) and accomplished that Sacrifice, which the Law com­mandeth him to make, he shall give the first-fruits to the Priests. And after he hath done all that which concerneth him to do, (as well concerning the Tenths of the Levites, as those ordained for the Feasts,) being ready to return home, let him present himself at the door of the Temple, and give thanks to God, That having delivered them from the grievous servitude of Egypt, he hath given them a plentiful and ample Land to enjoy: and making protestation, that he hath paid the Tenths according to L Moses Law, let him beseech God, that he will be favourable both to himself in priva [...]t, and the Hebrews in publick; and that he will continue those goods unto him which hitherto he hath bestowed upon him, and of his great goodness and mercy vouchsafe to encrease them.

Let those that are of full years to be married,Of Marriage match themselves with virtuous Virgins,Lev. 21. 13, 14. and such as are born of honest Parents. And he that will not take a Virgin to Wife,Free-men ought not to marry Servants let him not meddle with one that is married to another man, lest he breed dis­content and sorrow to her first husband. Let not free-men match themselves with such as are slaves, or bondwomen, although they be thereunto moved by love; for it is a thing praise worthy,The marriage of an Harlot. and honorable, to surmount a mans affectionss. Let no man marry with an har­lot,M whose sacrifice God refuseth, by reason she hath dishonor'd her body: besides that the children the more laudably and virtuously inclin'd, who are of virtuous parents, than those who issue from a shameful alliance contracted by unchaste affection.The penalty of a woman married for a Virgin, and not found so, Deut.. 24. If any one that is mar­ried for a virgin, be afterwards found to the contrary, let her be brought before the Judge, and let her Husband produce all the signs he can of his suspition, and let the new-married Wife's cause be defended by her Father or Brother, or by them that are next in blood; and if the Wife be found innocent, let her return and dwell with him that hath ac­cused her, who may not any more refuse her, except she give him great occasions, where­unto she cannot contradict. But he that without cause, and rashly shall accuse and slander his W [...]fe, shall be punished with thirty nine stripes; and in way of amends,N shall pay fifty Sicles to her Father. But if it be proved that she hath been deflowred, and hath been common, then shall she be stoned to death, for that she hath not chastly conserved her Virginity, till the time of her lawful marriage; and if she be of the Race of the Priests, she shall be burnt alive.

If any man have two Wives,Deut. 21. 15, 16, 17. the one of which he holdeth in greater honour and amity,The first be­gotten should hold his right. either for Love, or by reason of her Beauty, than the other; if the Son of her that is more loved, demand to have the prerogative of the elder, which is a double portion of his Fathers patrimony, (for so much import our Ordinances) and challenge the same, by reason that his Father more dearly loveth his Mother than the other, let it not be granted him; For it is against justice, that the eldest should be deprived O of that which appertaineth unto him by birthright, because his Mothers condition is inferior to that of the other, on account of his Fathers affection.

[Page 115] A If a man shall have corrupted a Maiden betrothed to another man, and she hath consented,The year of the World, 2493 before Christ's Nativity, 1471. they shall both be punisht with death, for they are both equally guilty of sin: the man, because he hath persuaded the Maiden to prefer her lust before an honest marriage; and the maid, for suffering herself to be overcome, and abandoning her body to leudness, either for lust or lucre sake. But if meeting her he alone, enforce her, and she have none near to succour her, let him die alone.

He that shall deflowre the Virgin that is unmarried,The punish­ment of adul­tery, or rather ravishing. shall take her to Wife: but if he condescend not to the Father to take her in wedlock, he shall pay fifty Sicles, for amends of the injury.Deut. 22. 23, 24.

If any man pretend to separate himself from his Wife for certain causes;v. 25. such as or­dinarily B happen amongst married couples,The deflow­ring of a virgin. let him confirm it in writing, That he will never more entertain her again; and then she may marry again unto another, and re­fuse the former Husband: and if it happen that she be ill us'd by the second, or that, he being dead, the first would take her again in marriage, it is not lawful for the Wife to return to him.

Let the Brother of him that is deceased without issue,Deut. 25. 5, ad. 9. take to Wife her whom his deceased Brother had married,The Wife of the dead Bro­ther married. and let the Son born by this second wedlock bear his name, and he brought up as the successor of his inheritance. For it is advantageous to the commonwealth, that Families should not come to ruine, and that the goods remain to those of the same kindred. And it will be a comfort to the Widow to be joyned C in marriage with one so near akin to her first Husband. But if the Brother will not take her to Wife, she shall repair to the Senate, and make this protestation, that the Brother of her deceased Husband will not marry her, (although she had desired to remain in that line, and bring forth children to it) and that by him only the memory of her deceased husband is dishonoured. And when the Senate shall have examined the cause, why he declineth this marriage, his excuse shall be allowed of, how great or slight soever it be; and then shall the Widow unloose his shooe, and spit in his face, and tell him, that he hath deservedly suffered these things, in that he hath injured the memory of his dead Brother. And thus shall he depart out of the Court, being defamed for his whole life-time, and the Woman may marry whomsoever she D please.

If any man take a Virgin prisoner,Marriage with a Bond-wo­man. or such an one as hath been already married, and be desirous to take her to his Wife, it is not lawful for him to touch or approach her till she is shaven,Deut. 21. 11, 12, 13. and (having put on her mourning apparel) hath bewailed her Parents, or Friends slain in Battel: but after she hath in this sort asswaged her sorrow, she may afterwards addict herself to mirth and marriage. For it is a matter both honest and just,The lamenta­tation and mourning of thirty dayes. that he that entertaineth her, to have issue by her, should condescend unto her will, in all wherein he may gratifie her; and that he should not only ad­dict himself to the pursuit of his pleasure; but when the thirty dayes of mourning shall be expired, (for that time is sufficient for the Wife to bewail her Friends) then E may she hearken after marriage. And if after he hath had his pleasure with her, it happen that he mislike her, and will not accept her for his Wife, he can no more make her his slave, but she may go whithersoever she pleaseth, for that she beareth with her, her liberty.

All those Children that shall make no reckoning of their Fathers and Mothers,Deut. 21. 18, ad 21. nor shew them that honour which belongeth to them, but contemn them, and behave them­selves insolently towards them,Disobedience▪ [...]. the Parents, whom Nature hath made their judges, shall begin by remonstrating to them, that they were matched together in Matrimony, not for their pleasures sake, or that by uniting their possessions, they might become the richer, but to the end they might beget Children, who might nourish them in their F age, and minister unto them in their necessities; that they had received them at God's hands with great thanksgiving and infinite joy, and brought them up with care and diligence, sparing nothing that conduc'd to their sustenance or instruction. But since some pardon is to be allow'd to the follies of youth, let it suffice, my Son, that hitherto you have forgotten your duty, recollect your self and grow wise; remembring that God is grievously offended against those who disobey or disdain their Parents, because he is the Father of all mankind; and takes himself to be concern'd in that dishonour which is done unto those that bear that name, when they receive not such duty from their Childrens hands as he commandeth; and that the Law likewise in­flicteth an inevitable punishment against such, which I should be very sorry if thou G shouldest be so unhappy as to incur. If by these remonstrances the child amend, it is fit to pardon him the faults committed by him, rather out of ignorance than malice; for in so doing, the Lawgiver shall be accounted wise, and the Parents shall [Page 116] be held happy, when they see that their Son or Daughter is, exempt from the punish­ment H which the Laws appoint. But if such speeches and instructions of the Father are set light by the Son, let the Laws be irreconcileable enemies against such continual out­rages, and let him be drag'd out of the City, in the sight and presence of all the people, and there let him be stoned to death: and after the offender hath lain a whole day in the sight of the people, let him be buried by night. In like manner ought they to be buried, who for any occasion whatsoever are condemned and executed by Justice.

Let the Enemy also be interred after the same manner,Enemy to be buried. and let no dead man lye unburied, after such time as he hath been judged, and hath satisfied the Laws.

It is not lawful for any Hebrew to lend upon Usury; neither money, nor meat, or I drink;Deut. 23. for it is an unjust thing to make profit of the misery of those of our Nation: but it is better to succour their necessities,That which is borrowed must be paid. and expect Gods retribution, as a gain to them,Exod. 22. 14. who practice such kind of benefits. But they that have borrowed either money, or any fruit, dry or moist; when by the favour and assistance of God, they shall reap their own harvest, and gather their fruit, let them make a willing restitution to those that have lent them, as if they had laid them up for themselves, to possess at such time as they had need of them. But if there be any so shameless as they will not make satisfaction, yet let not the Creditor enter into their house to take a Pawn, before the Judges have given order,A pledge. that the pledge be demanded at their door; and then the debtor without contradiction shall bring it to him,Deut. 24. 11, 12, 13. because it is not lawful K for him to oppose him that comes arm'd with the Law. If he, of whom the Pledge is taken, have sufficient ability, the Creditor may retain the Gage, till such time as he be paid: but if he be poor he shall restore him his Pawn before the Sun-set, and especially if it be Garments with which he may cover himself in the night; for God hath compassion on those that are Poor. It is not lawful to receive in way of Gage either a Mill, or ought else that belongeth thereunto, lest any Debtor should be deprived of the necessary Instruments to provide his Victuals with, and endure any misery through want of the means to get his living. Let him that retaineth a Free-man in Bondage be punished with death;Theft. but he that hath stoln either Gold or Silver, let him restore it two-fold. If any man kill such as break into houses to rob,L or that break their walls; let not such an one be punished. Whoso shall steal a Beast, shall restore four times the value for it; except it be an Ox, for which he shall satis­fie five-fold:Exod: 21. 2. ad 7. and if the Thief want means to pay this penalty, let him be their slave against whom he hath trespassed,An Hebrew slave is to be set at liberty, after seven years. and at whose su [...]e he is condemned. If any one be sold unto one of his own Tribe, let him serve him six years; and in the seventh year, he shall depart with liberty. But if during the time that he remaineth with the buyer, he beget any Child upon a female fellow slave, and that he be willing to serve, by reason of the good affection that he bareth unto the house;Deut. 15. 12. ad 19. in the year of Jubile (which hapneth every fiftieth year) let him be set at liberty,Goods that are [...]ound. leading away with him his Children, and Wife, with freedom. If any man find Money or Gold by the M way, let him seek out him that hath lost it, and make known the place where he found it, to the intent he may restore it; knowing that the profit is not good which cometh by another man's injury. The like is to be done with Beasts: for if any man find them strayed in the Desart, and find not out the owner, let him presently keep them by him, taking God to witness, that he has no design to detain with him another man's goods. If any man find another mans Beasts myred or bog'd, let him not pass further, but succor them, and help to save them, as if they were his own.

Let each man direct the ignorant Traveller in his way, and set him in the right path, if he wander,Deut. 22. without deluding him, or hindring him in his necessity, or mis-leading him in his journey.The Law of violence. Let no man speak ill of him that is either absent, or deaf. If N any man be strucken in a quarrel, and it be not with a weapon, let him that struck him be presently punished, by receiving the like number of blows as he hath given. But if he be carried into his house, and lye sick upon it divers dayes, and in the end dye thereof, he that struck him shall not be punisht as a Murderer. And if he escape, and during the time of his sickness, hath been greatly hindered, and charged; then let him that struck him, pay all the charges he hath been at, during the time he kept his Bed, and satisfie the Physitians. He that with his foot shall strike a woman with Child, if the woman miscarry, he shall be, by the Judges, amerced in a summe of money, for that he hath lessened the number of the people, by the loss of him that is dead in his Mothers Womb. Let him likewise be condemned to pay a summe of money unto O the Husband: but if the woman dye of the stroke, he that offered the violence, shall be punisht with death; because the Law justly requireth, that Life be satisfied with Life.

[Page 117] A Let not any one among the Israelites use any mortal Poyson, or Drug, that may do hurt to any man: and if any be found with such things about him, let him dye, because it is just that he suffer the evil which he had prepared for another. Whoso hath maimed any man, or pull'd out his eye, let him in like manner be maimed and blinded, being deprived of the same member of his body whereof he hath deprived another man; except he that is maimed, had rather have a pecuniary amends: for the Law remitteth it to the election of the offended,Poyson. to estimate his injury; and if he will be more severe,Exod. 21. 23. he may.Levit. 24. 20. If any one have an Ox that striketh with his horn, let him kill him:Talions Law. and if the same Ox striketh and killeth any man in the Field or Mow, let him be stoned to death,Deut. 19. 21. and let no man eat the flesh thereof. And if it be proved, B that the Master hath heretofore known the quality of the Beast, and hath not taken order he should do no harm,Of an Ox striking with his horn. let him also be put to death, as being the author of the murther committed by the Ox. But if the said Ox kill a slave, either Male or Female, he shall be stoned;Exod. 11. 28, 29, 32. and the owner thereof shall pay thirty Sicles to the Master of the slave that is slain. If one Ox be strucken by another, so as he dye thereof, let both of them (both that which was dead, and that which struck the other to death) be sold, and the price thereof parted equally betwixt both the owners. They that dig a Pit or Cistern,Deut. 21, 33, 34, 35. must be careful that they inclose and fence it with Planks or Bars,A Pit. not to hinder any man from drawing water, but lest any man by misfortune fall into the same. And if any man's Beast fall into the same unfenced Pit, the owner C of the Pit shall pay to the owner of the Beast the price thereof: Also a Wall shall be made round the roofs of houses,Deut. 24. to the end no body may fall from thence. Let him that receiveth any thing in trust, keep it carefully, as a thing sacred; and let neither man nor woman attempt to alien that which is committed to his custody, al­though thereby he might gain much Gold, and although there were no man that could convince him thereof. For since the conscience knoweth the same, every one ought to endeavor to deal uprightly; and supposing himself a sufficient witness against him­self, let him do those things which are laudable in the sight of men, but especially that which is pleasing to God, from whose sight no wrongful dealing is concealed. If notwithstanding he to whom this trust is committed, shall chance (without any fraud D on his part) to lose the thing that is so left in trust, let him present himself before seven Judges,In the same place. and there take an oath, that nothing is lost by his will, or consent, and that he hath not converted any part thereof to his own use; whereupon let him be dismissed, without any further inquiry. But if he have made use of the least part of that which hath been committed to his charge and trust, and that he happen to lose it,Levit. 19. 13. he shall be condemned to restore all that was committed to his keeping. As it hath been ordained in matters of trust,Hire. the like is decreed touching Hire due unto the Labourer:Deut. 24. 18, 19. let each man take heed lest he defraud a Poor Man of his Hire; knowing that God gave him his Hands instead of Lands and other possessions.Children are not to be pu­nished for their parents offences. For which cause, the payment of Hire ought not to be deferred, but satisfied the same day; by E reason, that God permitteth not, that the Labourer should lose the fruit of his travel. The Children shall not be punished for the misdeeds of their Parents; for if they be virtuous, and are begotten by lewd Fathers, they rather deserve that men should have compassion of them, than hate them: neither are the offences of the Children to be imputed to the Parents, by reason that youth oftentimes engageth it self in those follies,Eunuchs. which it never learned by examples, and for which it endureth not to be re­proved. Deut. 23. 1. Voluntary Eunuchs are to be detested, and their company to be fled, be­cause they have deprived themselves of the means which God hath given to men, for the encrease of mankind. Such people therefore are to be driven far from us, and esteemed wholly inexcusable, as having kill'd their children before they be born. F For it is a matter very manifest, that their spirits being effeminate, their bodies also are degenerate. Each thing also that is monstrous to behold, is to be driven away: neither is it lawful to Geld either Men or Beasts. Let this be the disposition of those Laws, wherewith you shall be Policied and Governed in time of Peace; to the end God may be favourable unto you, and I beseech him to give you grace to use them in good order, and without alteration. And since it cannot otherwise be, but that humane affairs must sometimes fall into troubles and dangers, sometimes beyond de­sire and expectation, and sometimes of set purpose; I will briefly give you some advice touching that point; to the intent, that being fore-instructed of that which you ought to do, you may prevent, and not fall into any danger and calamity.

G I wish that when you have conquered the Countrey which God hath design'd for you, by his assistance and your labour, you may possess the same in security and peace; and that Strangers may not levy Armies to overthrow you, nor any civil Mutiny be [Page 116] [...] [Page 117] [...] [Page 118] raised amongst you, which may cause what hath been well order'd and decreed H by your Ancestors, to come to nought, when you shall abandon the Laws which God hath given you. Live therefore, and persist to conform your selves to those Laws, which both God hath approved for good, and hath also given you. But if perhaps you or your successors hereafter,The Laws of War. shall be oblig'd to undertake a War, I wish it may happen without the Confines of your Countrey: but if the matter must needs be tried by the Sword,Deut. 20. 10. you shall send certain Heralds to your declared Enemies.Heralds to be sent. For before you enter battel, it shall be requisite first of all to parley with them, and to declare unto them, that you have a great Army, and Horses, and Weapons, and (besides all these) that you have Gods favour and assistance; and you shall desire them, that you may not be enforced to War against them, nor to make booty of their Goods, and to carry them I away captive. If they condescend to any reasonable conditions, then entertain Peace; but if they contemn this proposal, you shall lead forth your Army against them, having God for your General, and Soveraign Conductor; and for his Lieutenant, him whom you your selves shall chuse, surpassing all the rest in Valor. For when there are divers Commanders, it falleth out, that that which ought readily to be executed, is hindered, and commonly the issue is unfortunate. Let your Army generally consist of men that are strong in body, and hardy in courage; and remove from your Army him that is fearful, lest such men hapning to fly when they ought to fight, give your Enemies the advantage. Let them also be free from War, who having built a new house, have not enjoyed the same for a years space; as also he that hath planted a Vineyard, and K hath not gathered the fruit thereof; and besides these, he that hath wedded a Wife, and hath not as yet brought her home to his house: lest through the desire of these things, and of reserving themselves to their dear forsaken pleasures, they fight but faintly and coldly.

But when you have brought your Army into the field,Deut 20. 20. take heed you commit no out­rage: Fruitful trees are not to be cut down. and when you shall assault any Cities, if you fortune to need Wood to make Engines of, see you cut not down Fruit Trees, but spare them; remembring, that they are planted for the good of men; and that if they could speak, they would accuse you; that without cause they are ill treated, against all right; and that if they had the power to depart from thence, they would transplant themselves into L another Countrey.

But when the Battel is ended, and the day is yours, kill all those Enemies that resisted you in the Fight;Deut. 20. 15, 16; 17. the rest reserve as your tributaries (except the people of the Land of Canaan, The Canaa­nites are whol­ly to be extin­guished. for they, with all their Families, are to be exterminated.) Beware also (but especially in War) that neither a Woman use a Mans apparel, nor a Man that of a Womans.

These are the Laws which Moses left.Deut. 30. 31, 32, 33, 34. He gave them likewise certain Institutions, (which he had written forty years before,) whereof we will speak in another Treatise. Some few dayes after (for he assembled the people six days together) he gave them his blessing, and pronounced his maledictions against those which should not live ac­cording M to his Laws, but should transgress the determinations thereof: He read also unto them a Canticle of six measures (which he had registred in the holy book) con­taining a prediction of things to come, according to which, all things have and do fall out, without varying any ways from the truth. These Volumes and the Ark he gave to the Priests; in which he also placed the ten Commandments written in the two Tables.Deut. 25. 19. He committed also unto them the custody of the Tabernacle. He likewise exhorted the people that (when by force they had conquered the promised Countrey,The Amale­chites to be punished. and were planted therein) they should not forget the injury which the Amalechites had done them, but that they should lead forth their Army against them, and take vengeance of the wrongs they had done them, at such time, as they were in the Desart. And N he commanded them that as soon as they had taken the Countrey of Canaan, they should exterminate and extinguish all the people.

He commanded them also to erect an Altar towards the East not far from the City of Sichem, between the two Mountains, Garizim on the right hand, and the other called Gebal on the left, and that distributing the people into two parts (six Tribes in every part) they should place them on these Mountains. And he commanded that the Levites and Priests should be with them, and that they that were upon the Mountain of Garizim, should pray to God, to multiply his blessings upon them that are zealous of his service, and careful of the conservation of his Laws which had been given them by Moses. The six other also were appointed to answer them: and when these six O last had prayed, the six first were to answer them, and confirm that which they had pro­nounced. This done, they pronounced maledictions against the transgressors (each one [Page 119] A answering the other) in ratification of that which had been spoken. He reduced also into writing these blessings and curses, to the intent that the memory thereof might never be suppressed or extinguished by time: which he also (being near his death) caused to be written on the Altar, on the two sides thereof, and permitted the people to come near it onely that day, and there to offer burnt offerings; which is forbidden to them by the Law. These ordinances did Moses establish, and these the Hebrew Nation observe inviolably, even unto this day.

On the next morning he re-assembled all the people, with their Wives, and Children; he likewise commanded,Deut. 29 1, ad 10. the slaves should be present, binding them by an oath to main­tain and keep the Laws;Moses bindeth the Hebrews by an oath to keep the Law. and that diligently tying themselves to the will of God, they B should not so much esteem either their kindred, or means, or perils, or any other cause whatsoever, as thereby to be driven to neglect the Laws, or depart from the ordinances thereof: but whether any one of their kindred, or any City whatsoever, should seek to alter and disturb the same, or strive to weaken the authority thereof, that both in particular and publick, they should expose themselves, and endeavour to punish them: and if they should fortune to take such a City, they should raze and utterly deface the same; and if it were possible, not leave one stone upon another, but destroy the foun­dation. But if they were too feeble to take such a revenge, yet, that they should make it known, that they were not consenting to their impiety. Hereunto the whole multitude consented, and promis'd with an oath. He afterwards told them, how the people should C know when the Sacrifices were agreeable unto God; and how they ought to march out to Battel, taking a sign from the stones of the High Priest's Rational, of which I have fore-spoken.

Josua likewise, during the life, and in the presence of Moses, Prophesied whatsoever he intended to perform for the profit of the people, either abroad in the administrati­on of War, or at home in prescribing Laws: and preparing them to that order of life which was newly prescribed them, he told them, that by instructions from God he Prophesied, that if they violated their Countrey Religion, they should not escape de­struction; their Countrey should be filled with Foreign Arms, their Cities Sackt, their Temple Burnt, and themselves sold under the Spear; and that they should serve a D Nation,Deut. 33. 23. which would not be moved or touched with commiseration of their afflictions and miseries; and, at length, they should too late and unprofitably repent of their error: yet, that God, their establisher, would restore the Cities to the ancient Citizens, and the Temple to his people:Deut. 34. 9. And that this should come to pass, not onely once, but also many times.Moses exhort­eth Josua. Then did Moses also appoint Josua to lead his Army against the Ca­naanites, promising him that God would be assisting to his actions and wishing all sort of happiness to the people.

Seeing that (saith he) I go unto mine Ancestors, and God hath prefixed this day for my departure, it is very just, that living as yet, and standing in your presence, I give him thanks for the care and providence, which he hath hitherto had of your affairs, not onely in delivering E you from so many evils, but also in largely imparting his blessings unto you; and for that he hath alwayes favourably helpt me, whilest I endeavoured by my labour and care to reduce your fortunes to a better state:Deut. 3. 13. 23. for it is he which hath given both the beginning and the ac­complishment, Deut. 34. 9. making use of me but as his Minister and Servant in all that good which hath been done to his people. For all which things I have thought requisite, in departing from you, to bless the goodness of God, who in time to come shall have the care and charge of you: and to acquit my self of that debt, I leave you this in remembrance, which is, that you ought to serve and honour him, and reverence the Ordinances which he hath given you; whereby continuing his favour towards you, he will grant you grace to preserve and keep this excellent gift. Truly a Law-giver that were no more than a man, would be greatly displeased with F those, who should violate his Ordinances, and set them at nought: do not you therefore tempt God, who is provoked unto anger, when those Laws, which he himself hath established, and given you, shall be contemned and neglected.

Whilst Moses pronounced these his last words, and fore-told to the Tribes their seve­ral destinies,Deut. 34. 8. and wish'd them a thousand blessings,The Hebrews lamentation at Moses death. the whole Multitude brake into tears; and the women beating their Breasts, shewed the sorrow they resented for his death. The Children likewise lamented, because that in their tender years they had understood the virtue and famous acts of Moses; and betwixt the elder and younger sort, there was as it were a conflict who should weep most bitterly: for the one understanding of how worthy a Governor they were deprived, lamented the time to come; and the G other were perplexed, because they should then lose him, they before had sufficiently tasted and made tryal how great his virtue was. But how great the compassion and com­plaint of the people was, may be conjectured by this that then befell the Prophet. For [Page 120] although he were assuredly persuaded, that a man is not to lament at the instant of his H death (because it happens to him both according to the Will of God, and the Law of Nature) yet beholding the affection of the People, he could not restrain himself from tears. After which, he walkt towards the place where he was to dye, and they all followed him weeping. Then did Moses (beckning with his hand) warn them from afar off, that they should stand still, and keep their places; and he desir'd them that were nearest him, by word of mouth, not to afflict him any longer, by following him with so many testimonies of affection. Accordingly, to obey him, they stood still, and all to­gether bewailed their calamity in so great and so general a loss; only the Senators, xElea­zar the High Priest, and the chief Captain Joshua accompanied him. And when he was arrived on the Mountain called Abarim (which is very high, and scituate near Jericho, I from whence he might discover the greater part of the Land of Canaan) he dismissed the Elders, and whil'st with mutual embraces he took his last leave of Eleazar and Joshua, and discoursed with them, a Cloud suddenly environed him, and he was carried away into a certain Valley: but the Holy Books which he left us, say that he dyed, fearing lest for the excellency of his virtue, they might report that he was taken up into Heaven. The whole time of his Life was 120 years, the third part whereof wanting a month, he spent in government of this great People.Moses when he dyed, was 120 years old. A­mongst the He­brews, Adar is the 12 month, but amongst us it is called March. He dyed the last month of the year, and the first day of that month which the Macedonians call Dystros; and our Countreymen, Adar. He was, of all Men that ever liv'd, the wisest; and who, in execution of his good counsels, had no man to equal him. Moreover, in eloquence he was incomparable, and K in dexterity and grace to entertain and persuade the People, he had no second: and so were his passions always govern'd by his wisdom, that he seemed utterly to want them, and only to know the names of those passions of which he saw the effects in other men.Ver. 10. His skill in War may give him a rank amongst the greatest Captains,Moses was a good Gover­nor, and a great Prophet. and no man ever had the gift of Prophecy in so high a degree: for his words seem'd so many Oracles, and that as inspir'd to him by God himself. The People mourned for him 30 days: nor were they ever seized with so extreme grief, as they were at this time, when the Prophet dyed; neither did he only leave behind him a present desire of him, but a great estima­tion amongst all men, who have ever chanced to read and examine his Writings, and by them estimated his virtues. And these are the things which I thought good to say of the L death of Moses.

MNO

A The Fifth Book of the Antiquities of the JEWS;

The Contents of the Chapters of the Fifth Book.
  • 1. How Joshua, General of the Hebrews, having overcome and slain the Canaanites, di­vided their Land amongst the Tribes by lot.
  • 2. How after the death of the General, the Israelites (neglecting the Ordinances of their Forefathers) fell into extreme Calamities: and through a Civil War that was raised B amongst them, there were but 600 of the Tribe of Benjamin left alive.
  • 3. How, for their impiety, the People of Israel were delivered by God into Captivity, under the Assyrians.
  • 4. Their Liberty by Cenez.
  • 5. How the People were once more overcome by the Moabites, and exempt from servitude by Jodes, otherwise called Ehud.
  • 6. How they were brought under the subjection of the Canaanites, and restored to their li­berty by Barac.
  • 7. How the Amalekites having entred the Countrey of the Israelites, and conquered them, possessed and spoiled the same for the space of seven years.
  • C 8. How Gideon delivered the People.
  • 9. How some Successors of Gideon waged War against the Neighbor Nations round about them.
  • 10. Of Sams [...]'s strength, and what mischiefs he did in Palestine.
  • 11. How the Sons of Eli the Prophet were slain in Battel by the Palestines.
  • 12. How Eli (hearing of the death of his Sons, and the loss of the Ark) fell down from his Seat, and dyed.

CHAP. I.
D How Joshua, General of the Hebrews, having overcome and slain the Canaanites, divided their Land amongst the Tribes by lot, Josh. 2.

AFter Moses was taken from amongst Men (in the manner which I have decla­red) the last duties were paid to him,The year of the World, 2494. before Christ's Nativity, 1470. and the time of mourning was pass'd, Joshua commanded the People to prepare themselves, and to march forward to Battel. He sent Spies likewise to Jericho, who might both sound their minds,Joshua sendeth Spies into Je­richo. and discover their Forces. Soon after he dislodged, and encamped in the open field, intending, with all expedition, to pass the River of Jordan, as soon as any opportunity offered it self.Josh. 2. 1, 2, 3. Then assembled he the Princes of the Tribes of Reuben E and Gad, Joshua calleth to memory, and reckoneth up what the Tribes of Gad, Reuben, and Manasses had promised Mo­ses. and of the half Tribe of Manasses, (for to this half Tribe the Countrey of the Amorites, which was the seventh part of Canaan, was given for an habitation) and remembring them of the care which Moses had taken of them even to his death, he ex­horted them to perform with joy what they had promis'd him, as they were oblig'd, both in acknowledgement of the affection which he had testifi'd to them, and for the common advantage. They shew'd themselves ready and willing to perform that which he com­manded them,Numb. 13. and they furnish'd 50000 Men. After this, departing from the City of Abi­la, The Spies sur­vey Jericho. he drew towards Jordan, and marched forward some 60 Furlongs. When he was en­camped, the Spies returned again, and presenting themselves unto him, certifi'd him of the whole estate of the Canaanites. For being unknown and unsuspected, upon the first F arrival they observed and viewed the walls and strength of the City at their pleasure, searching which of them were more or less defended, and which of the gates were easi­est or hardest to assault; neither did any that met them, offer any offence unto them: for whil'st they thus pryed into, and viewed every place, the Citizens rather interpreted their diligence to be the curiosity of strangers, than suspected that they intended any hostile stratagem. About the shutting in of the Evening, they retired themselves into a certain Hostry that joined to the walls, whither they had been directed to take their re­past; and whil'st after Supper they consulted about their return, the King advertis'd, that certain Spies sent out of the Hebrews Camp, had survey'd the City, and taken up their Lodging in Rahabs house, with intent to conceal themselves, till they might get opportu­nity G to depart, sent Office [...] to apprehend them, to the end that being brought before him, he might by Torture extort from them the cause and reason why they came into his City. But Rahab, having gotten some private intelligence of it, hid the Spies under certain [Page 122] Packs of Linnen, which she dryed near the walls, and told them that were sent by H the King, that certain strangers a little before Sun-set had supt in her house, but that they were departed; and if they were suspected by the King as persons that intended any detriment to the City, they might with little labour and persuit be overtaken in their way.vers. 4, 6. They hearing the woman speak after this manner, and imagining no subtlety or deceit in her,Rahab hideth the Spies. returned back without searching the Hostry, and went in pursuit and search after them every way, tracking every path, where they might be suspected to travel towards Jordan. But having no tidings of them they desisted any further to pursue them. No sooner was the Tumult appeased, but Rahab call'd forth the Spies, and told them the dangers to which she had exposed her self for their security (for had she been convinced to have concealed them, both she and all her family had miserab­ly I perished.) She therefore desired them, to sware to her that when they should take Jericho, and kill all the inhabitants with the Sword, (as God had told her they should) they would save the life of her and her family as she had saved theirs.

This said, she dismissed them, to the end they might return home again. After they had with many thanks protested, and swore to her, to acknowledge her kindness not in words, but in deeds; and had advis'd her that when she should perceive the City ready to be surprized, she should retire all her substance, and all those that appertain­ed unto her, into her house; and that before the door thereof, she should hang a Red Cloath, to the intent that the General perceiving the same, might inhibit the Souldiers from pillaging and spoyling her house: for (said they) we will give him notice K hereof (by reason of that willing forwardness that hath been in thee to save our lives) and if by misfortune any of thy Friends dye in the Combat, do not impute the fault unto us; and we beseech God (by whom we have sworn) that he b [...] not displeased against any of us, but only against such as falsifie their oaths. Having after this manner made the Covenant,Jos. 3. 1, 2, 3. they were let down with a rope from the wall; and when they were arrived in safety among their Nation,Joshua passeth Jordan with his Army. they recounted unto them all that had hapned since their arrival in the City. Joshua hereupon declared unto Eleazar the High Priest and the rest of the Elders, what oath his Spies had made to Rahab; and all of them ratified the same. But the General was pensive and troubled, for that he knew not which way to pass the River of Jordan, by reason that for the present it was very deep L and without Bridges. For before that time there was not any Bridge built thereon; and if they would have built one, the Enemy would have interrupted them: besides that, there were not any places convenient to stay in. But God made him a promise that he would make the waters fall, and give them passage. Joshua therefore waited with his Army two dayes; and then he passed over the River in this manner. The Priests marched first with the Ark; after them went the Levites bearing the Tabernacle, and those vessels which were destinated for Sacrifice;Jos. 4. 1, 2, 3. then followed the whole multitude, distinguished in their Tribes, having inclosed within their Battels the Women and Children whereby they might be the more secure from the force of the stream. But when the Priests had entred, and found the River passable, and the water decreased, and M that the Current thereof was not so violent, but that in the bottom there was good footing (so that it was fordable;) then all of them without fear passed over, finding all things assuredly performed unto them which God had promised unto them: but the Priests kept in the midst of the Channel until the multitude were past over,Josh. 4. v. 5. ad finem. and were in security;Joshua build­eth an Altar on the other side of Jordan. and when every one had gotten to the other Bank, the Priests came out, permitting the River to flow according to its free and ordinary course: which presently flowing, grew to that greatness and swiftness which it had at first. Now when the Hebrews had marched fifty Furlongs,Josh. 5. 10, 11, 12. they encamped about ten Furlongs from Jericho. But Josua built an Altar of twelve stones (which every one of the Princes of the Tribes had gathered out of the Channel of Jordan, The Israelites celebrate Ea­ster, enjoy the fruits of the earth, and cease to feed on Manna. by his order) to the end it might be a N Monument of the prodigious restraint of the River; and on the fame he sacrificed to God, and the solemnity of the passover was celebrated in that place; and at this time, the Army was in as great a plenty as ever it had been in necessity; for they reap'd the Corn of the Canaanites, (which at that time was ripe) and carried away much other prey. In the same season likewise their nourishment of Manna failed them, whereon they had fed for the space of forty years. And whereas the Israelites did all these things with security, and freely, and the Canaanites never sallied out against them, but dismay'd with fear, kept themselves up within their walls; Joshua resolved to besiege them in their Cities: so that on the first day of the Feast, the Priests bearing the Ark, and guarded on every side with Troops of Armed Men,Josh. 6. 3. drew near Jericho, sounding seven Horns, thereby O to animate the Soldiers to behave themselves manfully;Joshua with his Army walketh about the City. and they walked about the walls, being attended by the Senate, neither did they any other thing but Blow their [Page 123] A Horns, and so returned back into their Camp. Which when they had done for the space of six dayes, on the seventh Joshua assembled the Army and all the people, bringing them joyful news of the City, which that day should be taken without labour, (the walls falling down of their own accord, and without mans hand, and yielding them free passage and entrance into the City) and he encouraged them to kill all those whom they met,Cap. 6. vers. 21, 22, 23. and not to give over the slaughter of their enemies, although they were weary, nor to be moved with compassion,Joshua com­mandeth that none but Rahab and hers should be saved. nor allured from the slaughter and execution by desire of prey, or to permit the enemy, in any sort, to flye, but that they should extinguish and root out all that had life, reserving nothing for prey or private profit. He commanded likewise that all the gold and silver that was found should be brought into one place, B to offer to God as the first fruits, and in thanksgiving for his assistance: and that only Rahab with her Kindred should be spared, by reason of the oath which the Spies had sworn unto her.vers. 10. This said, he advanced his Army towards the City; then did they once more walk round about the City,The walls of Jericho fall down of them­selves. the Ark marching before them, and encouraging them to Valour by the sound of their Cornets. And after they had environed the walls seven times, and had a little reposed themselves, the walls fell (though the Hebrews had forced no Engine, nor used any other violence against them.) So that they entering into the City, slew all those that were therein, who were already discomforted by the sudden and unexpected overthrow of their walls,vers. 24, 25. and thorow their sudden fear made unapt to fight;Jericho is ta­ken, the men slain, and the City destroyed, and burnt. so that they were slain in their streets, finding neither refuge nor C relief to succour them: and so great was the slaughter, that they neither spared Women nor Children, but filled the City with dead Carcasses; which at length being set on fire, served for a Funeral flame to consume them;Rahab and hers reserved. and with like fury they ravaged and burnt the houses of the Countrey; only Rahab and her houshold (who kept themselves with­in her house) were saved by the Spies: and being brought to Joshuah's presence, he gave her thanks, for saving his Spies, and promised her that he would reward her courtesies; and soon after he gave her possessions, and ever held her in great honour. All of the City which the fire spared, the sword consumed. And Joshua pronounced Curses against those, who should afterward endeavour to erect that which he had ruined: namely, that he that should lay the first foundation, should be deprived of his first begotten Son; D and he that should finish the work, might lose his youngest Son; and it hath pleased God that this imprecation hath not been frustrate, as hereafter shall be shewen. At the surprize and sack of this City, there was gathered an infinite quantity of Gold, Silver, and Brass; and none but one man brake the Edict, or sought any prey or lucre for him­self. These spoils Joshua delivered to the Priests to be laid up in the Treasury; and after this manner was the City of Jericho destroyed. But Achar the Son of Zebedias of the Tribe of Judah, having got the Kings Coat embroidered with Gold, and an Ingot of Gold of two hundred Sicles in weight,Joshua. 7. v. 1. and thinking in him self that it were not just that the profit he had got by the hazard of his life,Achar hideth certain parts of the prey con­trary to Gods Command­ment. should be taken from him, and presented to God, who had no need thereof; he digged a deep Pit in his Tent, and buried E his spoils therein, thinking by this means to defraud God, as well as his Companions. At that time their Tents were pitched in a place called Gilgal, which signifieth Enfranchi­zed, because being delivered from the affliction of Egypt, and the penury of the Desart, they thought they had nothing more to fear.Gilgal signifi­eth liberty. But some few dayes after the destruction of Jericho, Joshua. 7. 5. Joshua sent out three thousand Armed men against Ain (a City situate a little above Jericho) who encountering with the Ainites in Battel,The Israelites are put to flight by the A [...]inites. and by them put to flight, lost thirty six of their company. The news of which disaster being brought to the Camp, the Israelites were seized with exceeding grief, not onely for the men they had lost (which were all of them valiant men, and worthy of honour) but also by reason of the despair they conceived of their future success. For where­as F they had persuaded themselves that they were already Masters of the field, and that their Army should be alwayes Victorious, according as God had promised them, they saw, on the contrary, that this success had raised the hearts of their adversaries; so that cloathing themselves with sackcloth, they spent three dayes in tears and lamentations without tasting any meat;Josuah's prayer unto God. so grievously were they afflicted with the defeat that had hapned. Joshua seeing the Army dejected after this manner, falling on his face to the earth, ad­dressed himself to God,Joshua. 7. 6, 7, 8, 9. saying, We have not been induced by our own temerity to attempt the conquest of this Land by force; but we have been hereunto encouraged by thy Servant Moses, to whom thou hast promised, by divers signs, that thou wouldest give us this Countrey to inhabit in, and that our Army should have always the victory in battel, and of these thy G promises we have oftentimes experienced the event. But now, beyond all expectation (having received an overthrow, and lost some of our Soldiers) being terrified by this accident, and suspicious of thy promises to Moses, we both abstain from War, and (after so many enterprizes [Page 124] of War) we cannot hope any fortunate or successful proceedings. But be thou assistant unto us H O Lord, (who art Almighty) and canst by thy mercy change our present sorrow into joy, our discouragement into confidence, and give us victory. Joshua having made this prayer, God presently commanded him to arise, and purge the Army of that sacriledge that had hapned therein,Gods answer to Joshua's prayer. v. 10. and of a Theft committed by one of the multitude, who was so hardy as to violate and conceal those things which were consecrated to him, assuring him, that that was the cause of the present calamity: but as soon as he had searched out, and punished the sacriledge, the Israelites should become fortunate, and obtain the victory. This Oracle Joshua declared to the people, and calling for the High Priest and the Magi­strates, he cast lots upon the Tribes; and when the lot had fallen on the Tribe of Juda, it was again cast by Families; and when again the Sacriledge was found to be com­mitted I in Zacharias Family, they cast the same once more man by man, and it fell upon Achar: Achar found out by lot and punished. v. 16, 17, 18. who unable to hide what was discovered by God himself, confessed the fact, and brought forth those things which he had concealed: whereupon being presently put to death, he was by night buried after an ignominious manner, according as he deserved. But Joshua having purified the people, led them forth against Ain, and lay­ing Ambuscado by night above the City, early in the morning he drew the Enemy out to fight, who boldly broke forth (being encouraged by their former victory;) but Joshua making a shew of Retreat, drew them farther off from their City, imagining that the Israelites fled, and that they should gain a second victory over them. But when Joshua suddenly made a stand, and charged them, and gave a signal unto those that lay K in ambush, they march all together towards the City, and easily entred the gates; where, and on the Walls, stood divers of the inhabitants as spectators (as they thought) of their atchieved victory.Ainan sackt and burnt. v. 24, 25. In this manner was the City taken, and all that were there­in slain, Joshua on the other side pressed those in such manner, with whom he maintain­ed skirmish, that they turned their backs, and fled towards the City, as if it had been in the same state as they left it: but when they perceived that it was taken, and saw both it, their Wives and Children consumed with fire, they scattered themselves about the fields,Joshua. 8. 1, 2. not being able to rally, by reason of their disorder. By this overthrow of the Ainites, The prey di­stributed amongst the people. there were a great number of Women, and Children, and Bond-slaves tak­en Captive, and store of all sorts of moveables. The Hebrews also became Lords L of much Cattel, and gathered a great quantity of Silver (for the Countrey was rich.) All which Joshua upon his return to Gilgal distributed amongst the Soldiers. But the Gibeonites (who dwelt not far from Jerusalem) understanding what had hapned to them of Jericho and the Ainites, and fearing lest the like misfortune might fall upon them­selves, thought it to no purpose to endevour to move him by their prayers, because they knew that he warred with a resolution, utterly to root out and extinguish the Nation of the Canaanites from off the earth.Joshua. 9. 3. They therefore persuaded the Cepherites and Cathierimites their neighbours to joyn with them, in order to contract an alliance with the Hebrews, as the only means to secure themselves from the danger which threat­ned them. Which counsel of theirs being accepted, they sent Ambassadors to Joshua, M such men as they thought most capable and wisest amongst them in the affairs of the Common-wealth,The Gibeo­nites send Ambassadors to Joshua. to treat a peace betwixt them and the Israelites; and knowing that it would be very dangerous for them, if they should say that they were Canaanites; and that on the contrary they should avoid the danger, if they protested that they had no community or alliance with them, but dwelt far from them; they told Joshua, that (being incited by his fame) they had undertaken a long journey, the truth whereof he might conjecture by their habits; which upon their setting forth were new, but by their long journey were quite worn, to which purpose they had put on old garments, to the end to colour their subtle insinuation.) Standing up therefore in the midst of the multitude (attired after this manner) they told them that they were sent by the Gibeonites, vers. 6. and N the neighbouring Cities (far distant from that Countrey) to treat and ratifie a Peace between them.The Gibeo­nites oration to the Hebrews. For knowing well that the Countrey of Canaan was given unto them by the favour of God, to the end they should be masters and possessors thereof, they were much rejoyced thereat,vers. 15. and desired to be received as their confederates. By these words, and the oldness of their garments,Joshua maketh a covenant with the Gibeo­ntes. and the pretence of their long journey, they perswaded the Hebrews to enter and accord an amity with them. And the High Priest Eleazar with the Council of the Elders sware unto them, that they should be reputed for Friends and Allies, and that no hostile action should be enterprized against them; the people like­wise approved the alliance. After this, Joshua encamping with his Army upon their confines, and understanding that the Gibeonites dwelt not far from Jerusalem, and that O they likewise were of the race of the Canaanites, he sent for the principal among them, and upbraided them with their deceit: whereunto they answered, that they had no [Page 125] A other means to procure their safety and security, and for that cause they had us'd this fraud. Whereupon he called to him Eleazar the High Priest, and the Council of the Elders; and it was resolv'd not to infringe the Oath made to them, but that they should be obliged to serve for the publique works; Whereupon they were adjudged to attend on these services: and by this means delivered they themselves from their imminent peril. But the King of Jerusalem was much incensed against the Gibeonites, v. 21, 23. for that they had revolted and submitted to Joshua; The Gibeo­nites are ap­pointed to publick mini­steries. and he assembled together the Kings of his neigh­bour Nations, to make War against them. The Gibeonites perceiving the danger they were in, and how the Enemy prepared to assault them, and to that end had pitched their Tents near a certain Fountain not far from the City, they desired Joshua to assist and B defend them.Josh. 10. v. 1. For their affairs were in that state that they expected death from the hands of their Friends:The King of Jerusalem moveth War against the Gibeonites. and contrariwise hoped for help from those Hebrews, with whom they had contracted amity, notwithstanding that they arrived in that Countrey to destroy the whole Nation of the Canaanites. Joshua therefore (hasting onward with his whole Army to give them assistance, and marching both day and night) early in the morning charged the Enemy (at such time as he intended his assault) and having put them to flight,vers. 9, 10 11, he pursued them by a steep tract,Joshua driveth them of Jerusalem to flight. which place is called Bethora, where he saw manifestly that God fought for him by the Thunder, Lightning and Hail that fell, at that time, far bigger than was accustomed. The day also (the like whereof was never heard before) was lengthned,vers. 1. 3. lest by the speedy approach of the night the Enemy C should escape from the Victor:The Sun stood still. and Joshua took all those five Kings in a certain Cave near Makkedah, where they were hidden, and condemned them all to death. And that this day was longer than ordinary,Five Kings slain. it is registred in the sacred Volumes, which are re­served in the Temple. After this wonderful success, Joshua led his Army to the Mountains of Canaan, Joshua 11, &. 12. per totum. where having made a great slaughter of Men, and taken rich booty, he brought back his Army to Gilgal. Now when the renown of the Hebrews valiant acts, and their giving no quarter to any one person of their Enemies, was bruited abroad amongst the neighbour Nations, they were possessed with great fear: so that the Kings of the Canaanites, Joshua 11. 1. ad 5. that bordered upon Libanus, and they also of the Plain of Canaan, The Kings of the Canaanites move War against the Hebrews. joyned themselves Confederates with the Philistines, and all of them encamped D near Berotha, (a City of the higher Galilee, not far from Cedes, which is also scituate in the Land of Canaan.) The whole Army consisted of three hundred thousand Footmen, ten thousand Horsmen,The huge Army of the Canaanites. and twenty thousand Chariots. This great multitude of the Enemy astonished Joshua, and the Israelites, so that they conceived little hope of obtaining the Victory: but God reproached and upbraided them for their timidity, and for that they suspected themselves to be unsecure under his protection; he promised them likewise, that he would overcome their Enemies, and make their Horse unprofitable, and con­sume their Chariots by fire. Joshua emboldened by these promises from God, marched out against his Enemies, and came upon them the fifth day. The encounter was strong, and the slaughter so great, that they who heard the same, would scarcely believe it. Many E were slain in the pursuit; so that (a few only excepted) the whole Army was put to the Sword. The Kings also were all slain; Joshua also commanded that their Horses should be slain:v. 7. ad finem. and he burnt their Chariots, and Victoriously marched thorow the whole Countrey;All the Kings of the Canaa­nites slain. so that no man durst come out, or make head against him. He besieged likewise their strong places, and killed all those that fell into his hands. Now when the fifth year was ended,Joshua spoy­leth the whole Land of Ca­naan. and none of the Canaanites were left alive, (except such as were fled in­to their Cities and Fortresses) Joshua once more retired his Camp towards the Moun­tains, and placed the sacred Tabernacles in the City of Siloe, which seemed to be a very convenient place, by reason of the beauty of the same; where the Ark might remain, till such time as their affairs permitted them to build a Temple. From thence he de­parted F with all the people, to Sichem; and there built an Altar, according as Moses had formerly commanded; and having divided his Army, he planted half of them on the Mountain of Garizim, and the other half on the Mountain of Gebal (on which also he built an Altar) with the Levites and the Priests; and after they had sacrificed and pronounced the curses formerly mentioned, and ingraven them on the Altar, they re­turned to Siloe. Now, inasmuch as Joshua was well stricken in years, and very well perceived, that the Cities of the Canaanites were hardly to be assaulted, both in respect of the places wherein they were scituate, and of the munitions wherewith (besides other advantages of nature) their Walls were strengthned and fortified (for the Canaanites having intelligence of the departure of the Israelites out of Egypt, and how G they hastned thither, with intent utterly to extinguish and overthrow that Nation, spent all that time in fencing and fortifying their Cities) he assembled all the people in Siloe; where he represented to them the happy success which (till that time God had [Page 126] favoured them with,The year of the World, 2499. before Christ's Nativity, 1465. because they had observed his Laws. That the 31 Kings which had H been so hardy as to encounter them, had by them been overcome; that all the Armies that had opposed them in battel, were wholly discomfited, and most of their Cities taken; so that there remained not any memory of them. But for that some of the Cities which remained were so fortifi'd that they required long Sieges to get them,v. 23. he thought good that the Tribes which had been drawn from out the Countrey beyond Jordan, Joshua divi­deth his Army into parts. to be Associates in this common cause of Conquest, and by reason of affinity, had made them­selves companions in their perils,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap 3. Joshua 13. a v. 1. ad 12. should be sent back into their own Countrey, with thanks. And that some of each Tribe of approved uprightness and loyalty should be chosen, who surveying the Countrey might faithfully give a report of the extent there­of. Joshua com­mandeth the dividing of the Countrey, and counsel­leth that the two Tribes and an half should be dis­missed. This sentence was approved by the whole multitude, and thereupon divers men I were sent (accompanied with such as were skilfull in Geometry) to measure out the Land, and to estimate its goodness. For the nature of the Land of Canaan is such, that though there are great Plains very fertile, yet the Land being compared with other places of the same Countrey, cannot be esteemed excellent, compared with the other Countries of Jericho, and the Land about Jerusalem, it may seem to be nothing worth: although generally the whole Countrey be small, and for the great part mountainous, yet in re­spect of the abundance,Joshua sendeth certain men to measure and divide the Land. and beauty of the fruits thereof, it is second to no other whatsoever. For this cause he thought good that the portions should rather be estimated according to their value, than their measure; by reason that oftentimes one Plow-land was worth one thousand other. Those which were sent were ten in number, who (ha­ving K travelled over the whole Countrey,Joshua 13 19. and surveyed the same) returned again,Joshua divi­deth the Re­gion of Cana­an to the nine Tribes, and the half Tribe of Manasses. at the end of six moneths, to Siloe, where the Ark was kept.

Then Joshua, (taking unto him Eleazar, with the Elders, and Princes of the Tribes) divided the Region amongst nine Tribes; and the half of the Tribe of Manasses, pro­portionably to the greatness of each Tribe, and when the lot was cast, there fell to the Tribe of Judah all the higher Judaea; Joshua, 14, 15. 19. per totum which extendeth it self in length to Jerusalem, and in breadth to the lake of Sodom; to which likewise were annexed the Cities of Ascalon and Gaza. The Tribe of Simeon (which was the second) obtained a part of Idumaea, confining upon Egypt and Arabia. The Benjamites had that Countrey which extendeth from Jordan to the Sea in length, and in breadth from Jerusalem to Bethel: this portion L was very small, by reason that the Countrey was good, for it contained the Cities of Jericho and Jerusalem. The tribe of Ephraim was alotted its portion in length, from Jordan to Gadara; and in breadth from Bethel to the great Plain. The half Tribe of Manasses had the Territory from Jordan to the City of Dora in length, and in breadth to the City of Bethsan (which is at this day called Scythopolis.) After them, Issachar had that which lies between mount Carmel, and the River of Jordan, in length, and the Mountain Itobir, for the bounds of its breadth. The Tribe of Zabulon was allowed that Countrey, which stretcheth out as far as Genazereth, and abutteth on mount Carmel, and the Sea. The Countrey which is betwixt Carmel and Sidon, was adjudged to the Asserites, in which portion was comprized the City of Arce, which is also called Acti­pus. M The Nephthalites possessed that quarter that stretcheth out from the East to the City of Damascus, and the lower Galilee, as far as the Mountain of Libanus, and the head of Jordan, that issueth from the same, on that side which confines on the City Arce Northwards. To them of Dan were assigned the Valleys extending Westward, and terminated by the Cities of Azoth and Doris, Supra lib 4. chap. 7. containing all the Countrey of Jamnia and Gitta, from Abaron, even unto that Mountain where beginneth the portion of Juda. After this manner did Joshua divide the Countrey of six Nations (bearing the name of Canaan) and gave it in possession to nine Tribes and an half.Numb. 32. 8, 9 For Am­morhaea (so called from of the Sons of Canaan) had been already taken by Moses, Joshua 13. 24, 29. and assigned by him to two Tribes and an half, as I have already declared. But all the N quarter of Sidon of the Aruceans, Amatheans and Aritheans were not comprized in this division. But Joshua finding himself burthened with years, and unfit to execute his enterprises in his own person;Joshua several­ly commandeth every Tribe to root out the race of the Canaanites. and observing that the Governors of the people to whom he gave employments, acted negligently; he exhorted every Tribe in particular, to be­stir themselves couragously in the extent of the Territory allotted to them, for extermina­ting the remainder of the Canaanites; as Moses had before told them, that their safety, and the maintenance of the Laws and Religion consisted in that one point, which he had likewise learned by his own experience.The Cities of refuge. Further, that they should deliver unto the Levites thirty eight Cities, because they had already ten in their possession, within the Land of Amorrhaea: Numb. 35. 6, 11, 14. three of which were ordained for Cities of refuge to those that O fled:Deut, 19 2. (for he advised them, with all consideration and care to omit, nothing of that which Moses had commanded them,)Joshua 20. per totum. of the Tribe of Juda, Hebron; of that of Ephraim, [Page 127] A Sichem; and of Nephthali, Cades▪ which is in higher Galilee. Moreover, he distributed unto them the surplusage of the prey, which was very great: so that not only in pub­lick, but in private, they got no small quantity of sustenance; for there was so much Gold, and Rayment, and Houshold-stuff, and so great store of Cattel and Horses, that the Common-Wealth and all particular persons were enriched with it.The distribu­tion of the prey. After which he assembled the whole Army, and to those that were planted on the other side of Jordan, (who had born Arms with the rest, and were in number no less than 50000) he spake after this manner.Joshua 22. 22. ad 6.

Since God (the Father and Master of our Nation) hath given this Countrey into our pos­session, B Joshua's orati­on to those that dwelt on the other side of Jordan, and had served with the rest. and hath promised to continue and conserve the same so for ever; and since likewise you have willingly and forwardly assisted us in all our necessities and dangers, (according to Gods command and direction) it is requisite at this present (since there remains not any further matter wherein we have need to employ you) that we dismiss you home, to enjoy some quiet, not doubting, that if hereafter we shall have need of you, you will, with no less willingness, be as industrious to do us kindness. We therefore yield you hearty thanks, for that you have vouch­safed to be companions in our perils: and we desire, that you will continue your mutual affection, remembring us as your friends, and how you have gotten your possessions by our help, as we (by Gods favour and your assistance) have attained to this our present felicity. Neither have you adventured, without some reward of your travels; for in this your warfare you are en­riched, C and shall bear away with you a great quantity of Gold and Silver; and besides all these, our benevolence and love, tyed unto you with all sincerity, whensoever you shall have cause to use us. For you have neither forgot, nor set light by Moses command, before he departed out of this life, and have spared no endeavour, whereby you might tye our affections to you. We therefore dismiss you to your own possessions, in fulness of contentment; praying you to re­member these things, and never to put any bounds to the inviolable amity which is between us; and let not the River Jordan, which is betwixt you and us, hinder you from considering us as Hebrews. For all of us (both those that dwell on this side, and on the other side of Jordan) are the posterity of Abraham; and one and the same God gave life both to your and our progenitors; whose Laws and Religion (instituted by Moses) are diligently to be observed: D for by this means, he will become our helper and favourer; as on the contrary, if we shall de­generate from his Statutes, he will be our Enemy.

After he had spoke to them after this manner, he embraced in particular, the chief of these Tribes, who returned, and their whole people with them. This done, he stayed in that place;Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 4. but the rest of the people accompianed them onward with tears, and they separated the one from the other,Joshua 22. 10, 11, 12. with great grief. But after the Tribe of Reuben and of Gad, and the rest of the Manassites, had passed over Jordan, they built an Altar upon the Bank of the River,The Israelites after they had past over Jor­dan, builded an Altar on the Bank thereof. that might serve for a memorial to posterity, of the alliance which they had with those that dwelt on the other side of Jordan. When the tidings E hereof came to their ears that dwelt on the further side of the River, that they had built an Altar, but they were ignorant of the cause of building it, they supposed, that seeking to innovate their Religion, they would introduce the service of forein and false gods. And being rashly stirred up with this suspition of the violation of their Religion, they put themselves in Arms, with a resolution, to revenge themselves of those who had built that Altar, for that they had forsaken the Laws and Ordinances of their fore-fathers. For they supposed, that they were not so far to respect their parentage, or dignity, as to forget the will of God, and that service which was agreeable in his sight. For which cause (being in this manner incensed) they prepared themselves to the expedition.v. 13, 14, 15. But Joshua and the High-Priest Eleazar, The Ambas­sage of the ten Tribes to the rest of the Is­raelites. with the rest of the Elders, F restrained them; counselling them, first of all to inquire what was their intention; and afterward, if it should appear that they did it with a sinister intent, then they might lawfully invade them with the Sword. Hereupon they sent Phinees, the Son of Eleazar, and ten other of the noblest among the Hebrews, as Ambassadors to them, to know what the intent and reason was, why they had built that Altar on the bank of Jordan.

Now when these Ambassadors had past the River,v 6. and were come amongst them, they summoned an Assembly,Phinees Ora­tion to the Rubenites, and Phinees standing up in the midst of them, spoke after this manner:

G You have committed too heinous an offence (saith he) to be punisht only with words: yet notwithstanding, we have not upon the instant taken Arms to assault you in Battel, nor had re­gard to the heinousness of your Crime, to the intent to punish you; but we are sent to you as [Page 128] Ambassadors (in consideration of our alliance) and for that (as we suppose) you may be H drawn by good persuasions to the acknowledgment and detestation of your fault; to the end, that when we are informed of the cause that hath induced you to erect this Altar, it may not be thought, that we have headlong thrust our selves into Arms against you, if out of a good intent you have built the same: and if it appear otherwise, that the offence is justly charg'd upon you, we may take revenge of the same, according as reason requires. For scarcely could we believe, that you (who are well-grounded in the knowledge of God, and hearers of those Laws which he himself hath given you) should (since your departure from us, and upon your arrival in your own Patrimony which you have obtained by lot, by his favour, and peaceably enjoy by his provi­dence) forget him so soon, as to forsake the Tabernacle, Ark and Altar, and introduce strange gods, to the intent to be partakers of the impieties of the Canaanites. But if you re­pent I of your misdeed, and persevere no longer in so great madness, but reclaim your selves, and return to your ancient Religion, a Pardon is granted you: but if you obstinately persist in your wickedness, there is nothing which we will not do for the maintenance of our Religion, and passing the River for defence of it, (or to speak more fitly) of our God; and accounting you no less hateful and impious than Canaanites, we will treat you after the same manner as we have treated them. For do not suppose, that because you have past the River, you are exempt from God's power; because God is in all places, and it is impossible for you to avoid either his power, or his vengeance. If the Province which you possess is an impediment to your salvation, it were better for you to make a new division of Lands, and leave this Region, how plentiful soever. It behooveth you therefore to renounce your Error, as we conjure you to do, by that love which you K bare to your Children and Wives, and by the respect you hold of that which is most dear unto you, that you inforce us not to wage War against you. Resolve your selves therefore in this present matter, assuring your selves that therein consisteth the issue, whether you had rather perpetually enjoy your peace and safety by our persuasion, or expose both you and yours to the peril of a bloody War.

After Phinees had finished this his Oration, the chief of the Assembly answer'd him in this manner:

We never thought of altering the Ʋnion which joins us so near together,Ver. 21. or of innovating any thing in that Religion of our Fathers;The Reube­nites answer. we will alwayes persevere therein: we know that there is one God, the common Father of all the Hebrews, and none but the Brazen Altar which is L before the Tabernacle, shall receive our Sacrifices. As for that which we have now erected, and which breedeth in you at this present a cause of suspition, we built it not to the intent to offer Sacrifices upon it, but only to remain as a perpetual monument of our alliance, and of our obliga­tion to continue firm in the same belief; but not to the end to make any alteration of Religion. And that this was the onely cause which induced us to build the same, we call God to witness; wherefore instead of continuing to accuse us, you ought, for the future, to have a better opinion of us, than to suspect us of a Crime, of which none of Abraham's Posterity can be guilty, with­out deserving to lose his life.

As soon as Phinees had heard these things, and praised their constancy, he returned to Joshua, Joshua dwelt in Sichem. and gave him account of his Embassy in presence of the People: who rejoycing M that they had no occasion of Civil War,Josh. 23. per totum. or Bloodshed, offered to God Sacrifices of Thanksgiving; and presently dissolved the Assembly, each man returning to his own home:Joshuah's Ex­hortation at his death, to the Magi­strates and El­ders amongst the Hebrews. but Joshua chose his habitation in Sichem.

After twenty years, Joshua being extremely old, call'd to him the most honourable of every City, and the Elders and Magistrates, and as many of the People as might com­modiously be present, and spake unto them. First, he called unto their remembrance the many benefits which God had bestowed upon them; by means whereof, from a poor and afflicted condition, they had attained great riches and glory. Then he exhorted them to observe his Commandments most Religiously, to the end God might continue his merciful hand over them; since they knew that his favour could be kept to them N by no other means, but by their obedience. He further told them, that he thought him­self oblig'd, before he departed out of this life, to admonish them of their duty. Last of all,Josh. 24. 39. he desired them to accept well of that his good admonition, and to be perpetu­ally mindful of the same.Joshuah's death. As he ended these words, he gave up the Ghost, and dyed in the 110 year of his age, whereof he spent 40, as Minister under Moses, their chief Ma­gistrate; and after his death, governed the Commonwealth 25 years. A Man of in­comparable prudence and eloquence, wise and diligent in matters of Government, and equally capable of the most important affairs of Peace and War; in a word, the most excellent Captain Governor of his time.Ver. 33. He was buried in a City called Thamna, be­longing to the Tribe of Ephraim. Eleazar's death. About the same time likewise dyed Eleazar the High O Priest, (leaving the Priesthood to Phinees's Son) his Sepulchre is seen at this day in the City Gabatha. After their deaths, Phinees being demanded by the People what God's [Page 129] A pleasure was,The year of the World, 2525. before Christ's Nativity, 1439. and to whose charge the Wars against the Canaanites should be committed, answered them, that God commanded to give the Government to the Tribe of Judah, which choosing that of Simeon for their Associates, undertook the War, with this condi­tion, that when they had utterly rooted out the remnant of the Canaanites out of their own Tribe,Judg. 1. they should likewise employ themselves to extinguish all the Reliques of that Race amongst the other Tribes.

CHAP. II.
How the Israelites, after the death of their Emperor, forgetting the Religion of their Fore­fathers, fell into extreme Calamities: and how through a Civil War raised amongst B them, there were only 600 of the Tribe of Benjamin left alive.

BUt the Canaanites (whose estate at that time was very potent) expected them with a great Host about the City of Bezec, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 5. al. 2. having their Army conducted by the King of that place,Judg. 1. 1, 2, ad 5. called Adoni-Bezec, which name signifieth, Lord of the Bezecenities: (for Ado­ni in the Hebrew Tongue, is Lord) and these Men promised themselves the Victory, by reason that Joshua was deceased.Ten thousand Canaanites slain, and Adoni-Bezec taken, ver. 6, 7. Against these, the two Tribes of Judah and Sim [...]on fought very valiantly, and slaying 10000 of them in the pursuit, they took Adoni-Bezec Captive, who having his hands and feet cut off, acknowledged the divine justice: for he confessed that he had used 72 Kings before times after the same manner. In this condition C they conducted him near Jerusalem, where departing out of this life, they buried him. Then they over-run the Countrey, sacking and taking the Cities; and after they had divers of them in their possession, they besieged Jerusalem, and entring the lower City, they put all the Inhabitants to the Sword. But the higher Town was very hard to be as­saulted (by reason of the Fortresses, and strength of the Walls, and the naturally strong situation of the place) which was the cause that they rais'd their Camp to go and be­siege Hebron, which they took, and slew all that were therein. Amongst whom there were some of the Race of the Gyants, whose stature was so prodigious, their aspect so terrible, and their voice so dreadful, that it can scarce be believ'd; their Bones are still to be seen at this day. This City being very considerable, was given to the Levites, with 2000 D Cubits of Land round about: the rest of the Countrey was freely given to Caleb, ac­cording as Moses had commanded, he having been one of those Spies which Moses sent to view the Land of Canaan. Jethro's poste­rity, who was the Father of Moses, posses­sed of Lands. They gave lands and possessions likewise to the posterity of Jethro the Madianite (who was Father-in-law to Moses) for that they had forsaken their own Territories, and join'd themselves to the Israelites, and been with them in the Desart. The Tribes of Judah and Simeon took those Cities of the mountainous Coun­trey of Canaan, and also those that were in the Plain near the Sea-coast, namely, Ascalon and Azoth. But they could not take Gaza and Accaron; for those Cities being in the Plain, and defended with a great number of Chariots, repelled those that assaulted the same to their disadvantage. So these two Tribes having had good success in Wars, re­tired E to their Cities, to enjoy in peace the spoils which they had taken.

As for the Benjamites, Ver. 16. to whom Jerusalem appertained,The Israelites overcame not the Canaanites at one time. they received the Inhabitants thereof as their Tributaries; so that all being in peace, and the one ceasing from slaugh­ter, and the other assured from danger, they employed themselves in manuring the Coun­trey. The rest of the Tribes did the like, conforming themselves according to the ex­ample of the Benjamites, Av. 22. ad 26. and contenting themselves to receive their Tributes, they suf­fered the Canaanites to live in peace.The Ephrai­mites recover Bethel by a stratagem. The Tribe of Ephraim having long besieged the City of Bethel, could not see such an end of their design, as the length of time, and the Travels they had taken in the Siege required: and although they were very much toyled and wearied with the same, yet they continued the Siege. At last one of the Inhabitants, F(who was carrying Provisions thither, fell into their hands) whom they promis'd, that if he would let them into the City, they would save him, and grant life and liberty like­wise to all his Family. He was persuaded, and by his means they became Masters of the place; he and his were spared, but all the rest of the Inhabitants were put to the Sword. From that time forwards, the Israelites ceas'd to make War, and employed themselves in Tillage of their Lands, and husbanding their Fruits: and being grown rich, they fol­lowed the delights and pleasures of the World in such sort as they became dissolute, and had no regard either of their ancient Discipline, or the Laws of their Forefathers. Where­upon God was highly incensed against them,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 6. [...]l. 3. and he gave them to understand, that con­trary to his Command, they had spared the Canaanites; and that those Canaanites, in G time to come,Judg. 2. 1, ad 11. should exercise great Cruelties against them. And although they were astonished at what was declared to them,The Israelites omit War yet they would not resolve to renew the War, both for that they had received many Tributes from the Canaanites, and because (being [Page 130] effeminated with delights) they were unwilling to endure labor.The year of the World, 2426. before Christ's Nativity, 1438. At this time the Go­vernment H of the Commonwealth was corrupted, and they respected no more the ancient forms of choosing Senators, or any other Magistrates; they were extremely addicted to Gain, and minded onely private Interest. Amidst this disorder, a particular quarrel hap­ned, which brought forth a bloody Civil War.Judg. 19. per totum. The occasion of which ensueth.

A certain Levite of the common sort, that dwelt in the Dominion of the Ephraimites, took a Wife that was born in the City of Bethlehem, The History of the Levites Wife. which pertaineth to the Tribe of Ju­dah, whom (by reason of her incomparable beauty) he most intirely loved; but was much grieved, that he found not her affection answerable to his: At last, his reproaches of unkindness became so tedious to the Woman, that (tyred with disquiet) she for­sook her Husband, and went and dwelt with her Father. The Husband grieved hereat,I (by reason of the love he bare her) went to her Fathers house, and was reconciled to his Wife. There abode he for the space of four days, being friendly entertained by her Father and Mother. On the fifth day, he thought good to return to his own dwel­ling, and both of them departed about Evening (by reason that the Father and Mother were loth to part with them,Thirty Stadia are four Itali­an Miles. and had consumed the better part of the day in entertain­ment.) They had a Servant which follow'd them, and an Ass likewise, on which the Woman was mounted. Now when they had travelled 30 Furlongs, and drew near the City of Jerusalem, Two Italian Miles and an half. their servant counselled them to take up their lodging in some place, lest by their late Travel they might fall into some disaster, and the rather, because they were not far from the Enemies Countrey; and that the present time was such, as gave K them just cause to fear. But this advice pleas'd not his Master, who would not lodge amongst those of a Foreign Nation (for the City pertained to the Canaanites) but his intent was to pass farther, and Travel yet 20 Furlongs more, to take up his lodging in one of his own Cities. This resolution being taken, they came to Giba, a City of the Tribe of Benjamin, when it was late: and finding no man in the Market-place that would lodge them, at length a certain old man, returning out of the Countrey to his house, (who was by birth an Ephraimite, and dwelt in that City) meeting him, asked him what he was? and why he made it so late before he took up his lodging? he answer'd, That he was a Levite, and that he brought his Wife with him from her Parents, and was returning to his house,A ver. 22. ad 26. which was amongst the Tribe of Ephraim. The old man having regard to L his Parentage,The horrible wickedness of the Gibeo­nites. (by reason that he was of the same Tribe) lodg'd him in his own house. But certain young men of the City, who had seen the Woman in the Market-place, and were taken with her beauty, understanding that she was gone to the old mans house, who, by reason of his weakness and age, was not able to defend her, went and knockt at his door. The old man desir'd them to depart; and not to offer him such a displeasure. But they importun'd him to deliver them his Guest; which done, they promis'd him in no sort to cause his further molestation. But though the old man alledg'd that she was his Kinswoman, and that her Husband was a Levite; and that they should commit an hei­nous offence, in sinning, for the sake of their corrupt pleasure, against the Laws: yet had they no regard of equity, but mock'd him, and menac'd to murther him, because he hin­der'd M them from satisfying their lust. Finally, he was driven to that exigent, that (to avoid the doing violence to his Guest, and a stranger) he offer'd to abandon to them his own Daughter, choosing rather to let them satisfie their unbridled Concupiscence on her, than that his Guest should suffer any Villany. Notwithstanding all this, they ceased not to urge the delivery of the Woman; and they seconded their disordinate desires with violence, taking her by force, and leading her to their own lodgings. Afterwards (ha­ving all night lewdly satisfi'd their lusts on her) they thrust her out of doors from them at break of day. But she being desolate, and discomforted by this disaster, returned to her lodging; and both by reason of the Villany which she had suffer'd, and the shame that hinder'd her from appearing before her Husband, who was outrag'd in her person,N she fell down, and gave up the ghost. Her Husband supposing that she was only fainted away, endeavor'd to recover her, and to comfort her, because she had not willingly con­descended to their violences and lusts, but, in spight of her resistance, was ravish'd by them, and taken out of his lodging. But when he saw she was dead, the excess of his grief caus'd him not to lose his judgment.Ver. 29. He laid the dead body upon his Ass,The Levite di­videth the bo­dy of his Wife into 12 parts, and sent them to the twelve Tribes, Judg. 20. and car­ried it to his house; where he no sooner arriv'd, but he divided the same into 12 pieces, which he sent to the 12 Tribes of Israel; commanding them that bare the same, to tell every Tribe, who were the Authors of his Wifes death, and what Villany they had pra­ctised against her. The Tribes were enrag'd at what they saw and heard, (having never heard of any the like adventure) and incens'd with extreme, yet just, fury, they assem­bled O themselves in Siloe before the Ark, where they resolved suddenly to take Arms, and to attack Giba. But the Elders represented to them, that they ought not after that man­ner [Page 131] A to enterprize a headlong War against their brethren,The year of the World▪ 2526. before Christ's Nativity, 1438. before they had more particu­larly examined the crime whereof they were accused; since the Law permitteth not any War (no not against strangers) before an Enter-parley and Embassage, to demand satisfaction. That accordingly it was just to send certain messengers to the Gibeonites, to demand at their hands the Authors of that villany,C. 20. 1. ad 25. to the end, that when they were delivered,The Israelites send embas­sadors to the Gibeonites to require those at their hands that had com­mitted the rape. they might take satisfaction by their punishment: but if they should not re­gard that which was demanded, then it was lawful for them to assail them with open War. Hereupon they sent certain Embassadors to the Gibeonites, to complain of those youngmen that in perpetrating this indignity against the woman had violated the Law of God, and to demand that they might suffer condign punishment by death for the same. B But the Gibeonites would not yield up the young men, esteeming it an indignity for them for fear of War to be obedient to other mens commandments,They deny to yield them up: hereupon the Israelites make an oath never to match their Daught­ers with any one of the Tribe of Ben­jamin, and they levyed & lead out against them an Army of four hundr­ed thousand men. for they thought them­selves no wayes inferior unto others in feats of War, both in respect of number and courage. The rest of the Tribe also made great pr [...]aration, being all resolved, mutual­ly to defend themselves against whosoever should assail them. When the Gibeonites answer was brought to the Israelites, they sware an oath among themselves, not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, and to make War against them more bloody than that which their predecessors had made against the Canaanites. They speedily there­fore levied and led into the field an army of 400000. men against them. The Benja­mites Army consisted of 25600. armed men; 500. of which were expert in shooting, C and fighting with the left hand. The battle was fought near Giba, wherein the Benja­mites put the Isralites to flight, who were slain to the number of 22000. and more had been slaughtred that day, had not the night suddenly overtaken them, and ended the fight.v. 25. The Benjamites joyfully returned to their Cities and the Isralites were discom­fited by their defeat.Twenty two thousand Is­raelites slain in battel. The next day they once more renewed the battel, and the Benja­mites had the upper hand once again: so that the Israelites lost eighteen thousand men more, and thereupon forsook their camp thorow fear, and retired to Bethel, which was not far off.Eighteen thousand Is­raelites more slain. The day after they fasted, and besought God (by the mediation of Phinees the High Priest) that it would please him to appease his wrath against them, and that contenting himself with the two overthrows which he had sent them, he would now D at last both give them his assistance and valour to encounter their enemies.v. 29, ad 36. All which God promised them by the prophecy of Phinees. The Israelites place one half of their battel in ambush, and as if they [...]ght with disadvantage, they retired by little and lit­tle. Whereupon they divided their Army into two parts, and laid the one in ambush near the City. In the mean time (whilst the other half that made head against the Benjamites, retired themselves, to the intent their Enemies should assault them) the Benjamites suddenly issued, and set upon them that orderly retired, and the more they retired (on purpose to draw them the further from the Town) the more eagerly the Enemy insisted: so that all those who through age and weakness were left in the City, sallied out to be companions and sharers in the future prey. But when they were drawn far enough from the City, the Hebrews stayed, made head, and fought against them. Then gave they a sign to those that were E in ambush, as was accorded amongst them who suddenly issuing out together, rushed upon their Enemies with a great cry. The Benjamites themselves so surprized, knew not what to do, but retiring into certain Barricadoes, defended themselves with Arrows; but all of them were slain except six hundred: who making head, and closely fil­letted and embattelled together, thrust themselves desperately into the midst of their Enemies, and by this means escaped to the neighboring mountains, where they encamped. All the rest to the number of 25. thousand, or thereabouts were slain. And the Israelites burned Giba utterly, and slew both the women and children. They excercised no less severity on the other Cities of Benjamin (so much were they transported with fury.)v. 35. And for that Jabes (a City of Gilead) would not joyn with them in Battel against the F Benjamites, Five and twenty thou­sand Benja­mites slain, and only six hundr­ed escape alive. they sent twelve thousand chosen men out of their [...]panies to destroy the same, who slew all those that bear Arms, with their Wives and Children, except four hundred Virgins. So much rage and fury had they conceived upon the accident that chanced to this woman, against the Benjamites for provoking them unto Arms: which fury being somewhat appeased,Jabes and other Cities of the Benja­mites burned. they were toucht with compassion seeing themselves deprived of one Tribe: wherefore though they thought they had justly punished them for having offended against the Laws of God; yet they appointed a fast and sent to recall those six hundred that were fled,Judg. 21. and that held a certain Rock in the Desart which is called Rhos. These messengers represented to them the concern that the other Tribes had for their misfortune;à v. 41. ad fi­nem. but since there was no remedy,The Israelites revoke the six hundred that were fled. they ought to bear it with patience G and reunite themselves to those of their Nation, to the end to hinder the utter ruin of their Tribe; that they restor'd to them all their Lands and would give them back their Cattel. The Benjamites acknowledging their justice, and that they were condemned by [Page 132] the just judgment of God, returned into the possessions of their Tribe. And the Israe­lites H gave them in Marriage those 400 Virgins of Jabes: and for the rest (which were 200) they deliberated with themselves how they might provide them of Wives, to the intent they might have issue. And whereas in the beginning of the War it was de­creed by an oath, that none of them should match his Daughter with any of the Tribe of Benjamin; Judg. 21, 22, ad 25. there were some that thought good that the oath might be dispensed withall, by reason it was made in wrath, and with precipitation; alledging further, that it would not be displeasing to God,The Israelites gave the Ben­jamites the 400 Virgins of Jabes in mar­riage. if they might save a Tribe which was in danger to be utterly extinct: That Perjury is a great sin, not when inforced by necessity, but when practised with an intent to do evil. But when the Elders declar'd that they abhor'd the mention of Perjury, there rose up a certain Man amongst them, that said he knew a way I whereby without breach of oath the Benjamites might have Wives.When and how an Oath ought to be kept. And being com­manded by the Senate to declare the same, We have a custom thrice every year (said he) to assemble and keep a Feast at Siloe, and for Companions we have both our Wives and Daugh­ters: as many of these as they can [...], let the Benjamites lay hold of, without reproof, (nei­ther being inhibited nor encouraged by us) and if their Fathers shall be displeased therewith, and shall require revenge, we will say that they are in the fault who have negligently kept their Daughters, and that we ought not too much to whet our wrath against the Benjamites, for that we had too much already used the same toward them. Ver. 20. ad fin. This advice was approved by all, and it was decreed,The Benja­mites are per­mitted to ra­vish them Wives. That it was lawful for the Benjamites to seize, and violently take to them­selves Wives amongst them. Now when the Feast was at hand, the 200 Benjamites (of K whom we have spoken) came two by two, and three by three, and lay in ambush near the City (amongst the Vines and other Thickets, and close places, in which they might hide themselves,) to surprize the Damsels; who, suspecting nothing, securely and plea­santly wantoned on their way: but the young men breaking from the ambush, laid hold of them (being scattered and divided here and there;) and after they had married them, they departed home to labour their Land, and began to study anew how to reco­ver their former prosperity. Thus the Tribe of Benjamin (which was well nigh utter­ly exterminated) was preserved, by the wisdom of the Israelites: and it flourished and increased in a little time, as well in number of men, as in all other things.

The like accident hapned to the Tribe of Dan, Hedio & Ruf­fin. cap. 7. al. 4. which fell into the like mischief, for this L cause which ensueth.

The Israelites about this time having forgotten the exercise of Arms,Judg. 18. 2, &c. and being onely occupied in Tilling their Land:The Tribe of Dan oppressed by the Canaa­nites. the Canaanites (in contempt of them) raised Forces, not for that they were afraid for their own Estates, but to the intent that defeating the Hebrews with some memorable overthrow, they might more securely inhabit their Cities for the future. They brought into the Field a great number of Footmen, and Chariots, and they drew Aschalon and Acharon (two Cities within the lot of Judah) into thier Confederacy, and divers other Cities of the Champion Countrey: so that the Tribe of Dan was driven into the Mountains, having no place in the Champion where they might peaceably inhabit; and (for that they were neither able to recover their Lands from M the enemy, nor had sufficient habitation for their number of Men) they sent five Men of their Tribe into the Champion Countrey, to see if they could find any place that were fit and convenient for them to establish and fix their Colonies. These Men Travelled a days journey not far from the Mountain of Libranus, and lower than the sources of Jor­dan, bordering upon the great Plain of the City of Sidon. In which place (having ob­served that the Land was good and fertile in all sorts of fruits) they made their report to their People, who Travelling thither with their Army, built a City in that place cal­led Dan (by the name of the son of Jacob so called, and of their own Tribe.) Many adversities befell the Israelites from that time forwards,They of Dan seek out a place to inha­bit. both by reason they were unex­ercised in Travel, and for that they contemned Piety. For having once forsaken the N observation of the Ordinances, they abandon'd themselves to Pleasures, living accor­ding to their own appetites: so that they polluted themselves with those Vices which were most usual amongst the Canaanites.

O

A CHAP. IIIThe year of the World, 2586. before Christ's Nativity, 1438.
How the people of Israel, by reason of their wickedness, were by God delivered to the servitude of the Assyrians

FOr this cause the wrath of God was kindled against them,Judg. 31. 2, 3, 4. in such sort that he aban­don'd them, and through their luxury they soon lost the felicity which they had gotten by infinite pains.The Israelites oppressed by Schisart. For Schisart King of the Assyrians levied and an Army against them, killed a great number of their men in fight, and either by force, or composition, took divers of their Cities and brought them under his subjection. Many also willingly sub­mitted B themselves to him through fear, and payed great tribute, enduring all kind of out­rage for the space of eight years; after which they were delivered by these means following.

CHAP. IV.
Their liberty restored by Cenez.

A Certain man of the Tribe of Juda called Cenez, a man of understanding and courage, was advertised by a voice from Heaven,Ibidem c. 3. v. 9, 10, 11. that he should not permit the Israelites to be reduced into so extreme necessity, without taking care for them, but adventure himself to set them at liberty.Cenizus, or as the holo Scripture speaks, his Son Athaniel rigned eight years. Upon which calling to him some few whom he knew C generous enough to fear no danger when a yoke so insupportable was to be shaken of; They began with outting the throats of the Assyrian Garison which Schisart had placed over them. This first success, caus'd the number of his followers to increase a little more and more, so that in a little time they seemed sufficient to equal the enemy in open field: whereupon encountring him in one battel, they overcame him and recovered their liberty; and the rest of the scattered and confused Army retired toward Euphrates. After Cenez had by this action given proof of his valour, he received the government at the peoples hands; and exercised the office of Judge forty years, and died.

CHAP. V.
D How the people were made subject to the Moabites, and how by Jodes they were exempt from servitude.

AFter his death (the government being void) the affairs of the Israelites began again to fall to ruine,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 8. and the rather, for that they neither yielded due ho­nour to God,Judg. 3. 12▪ ad 15. or obedience to the Laws: whence it came to pass, that Eglon King of the Moabites (seeing the disorder of their policy) made war against them,Eglon King of the Moabites conquereth the Israelites. and defeated them many times. And for that he was a Prince of greater puissance than any of his Predecessors, he weakened their Forces, so that he constrained them to pay tribute

This man removing his Court to Jericho, and proud of his Victories, omitted no E means whereby he might vex and molest the people: so that they lived for the space of 18. years in great misery. But God (being moved with compassion of their calamities) delivered them from their intolerable thraldom after this manner: Jodes the Son of Gera of the Tribe of Benjamin (a young man, endow'd with Valour of mind and strength of body to attempt any worthy action) dwelt at Jericho. Jodes or Ehud insinuated himself into Eglons famili­arity. This man insinuated him­self into Eglons familiarity; and by presents courted him in such sort, that he was well beloved and esteemed amongst all the Courtiers, and had frequent access to the Palace. It chanced one day that bearing certain Presents unto the King (attended by two of his Houshold servants) he secretly hid a Dagger under his cloaths,v. 10. at such time as he entred in to the King. Now it was Summer and Mid-day likewise; and the watch was F grown more careless, partly by reason of the heat, and partly for that the guard were at their dinner. The young man therefore offering his presents unto Eglon (who at that time refreshed himself in a certain Summer Chamber) began to discourse with him. Now they were both alone (by reason that the King resolving to talk familiarly with Jodes, had sent away his Guard) but Jodes fearing, lest he might miss his blow as the King sate upon the Throne, desired him to rise, telling him that he had a Dream to relate to him by the commandment of God. Whereat he rejoycing, arose from his seat; and Jodes stab'd him to the heart: and leaving the Poynard sticking in the wound, locked the door after him, and escaped; For the Guard supposing the King laid down to rest, let him pass. But Jodes giving private notice hereof to the Israelites, offered G himself to be their leader for recovery of their liberty: and they willingly accepting thereof, presently took Arms, and sent Trumpets about to summon the rest of their Countreymen. They that were about Eglon were wholly ignorant of what had hap­ned, [Page 134] but about Evening (fearing lest some mishap had befaln him) they entred into H the Chamber where he was,The year of the World, 2641. before Christ's Nativity, 1350. and found him dead; whereat they were greatly astonish­ed, so that they knew not what course to take; so that before they had assembled their Forces together, the Israelites came upon▪ them, and kill'd some; the rest, being Ten thousand in number,Ver. 29, 30. fled, in hope to recover their Countrey of Moab: but the Israelites (having before way-laid and fortifi'd the passages of Jordan) pursued and slew them:The Moabites put, to flight, and slain by the Israelites. so that many of them perish'd in the River, and not one escap'd their hands. By this means the Israelites were deliver'd from the servitude of the Moabites, and Jodes was ad­vanced to the Government of the People. After he had lived Fourscore years, he dy­ed. A Man (besides the action now mention'd) worthy of praise for many other things. After him, Sanagar the Son of Anath was elected Governor, and in the first year of his I Rule, he left this life for the fruition of another.

CHAP. VI.
How the Israelites were brought under the subjection of the Canaanites, and deliver'd from Servitude by Barac.

BUT the Israelites (in no sort reclaim'd or better'd by their forepass'd Calamities) fell again into their former impiety and disobedience;Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 9. and before they had suffi­ciently shaken off the servitude of the Moabites, Judg. 4. 1, 2, 3. were subjected to Jabin King of the Ca­naanites. K Jabin King of the Canaanites, subdueth the Israelites. This Man kept his imperial residence at Asar (a City situate on the Lake Sa­chonites) and had in his Pay Thirty thousand Foot, and Ten thousand Horse: and be­sides these, he had Three thousand warlike Chariots. This great Army was command­ed by Sisara, Ver. 2. (an eminent Man amongst the Kings Favourites) who encountring with the Israelites, Sisares, or Si­sara, the Cap­tain of the Host. brought their affairs into so desperate an estate, that they willingly for their own security accepted servitude, and paid Tribute, whereunto they were forced, almost for the space of Twenty years, not daring to lift up their heads (all which fell upon them by the Will of God, to punish the too great contumacy and ingratitude of that Nation.) At the end of which time, repenting themselves, and acknowledging that the cause of their Calamities,Ver. 4, 5. (proceeded from the contempt of Gods Laws) they repai­red L to a certain Prophetess,Debora, the Prophetess. called Debora, (which name in the Hebrew Tongue signifieth a Bee) beseeching her, that by her prayers she would endeavor to move God to mercy, and not suffer them so to be oppressed by the Canaanites. God (being inclined by her prayers) granted them help,Ver. 6. and appointed Barac to be their Governor (a Man of the Tribe of Nepthali, Barac appoin­ted Emperor against the Enemy. whose name signifieth Lightning.) Debora sending for Barac, com­manded him to choose out Ten thousand Men, and lead them forth against the Enemy; saying, that their number were sufficient, since God had promis'd him the Victory. But Barac denying to undertake the Government, except she also would join in the admini­stration of it with him; she mov'd with anger, reply'd, Art thou not asham'd to surrender the dignity which God hath given thee, to a Woman? Well, I will not refuse it. Whereupon M levying Ten thousand Men,Ver. 8, 9. they pitched their Tents near the Mountain of Thebor. Si­sara at that time (according as the King had commanded him) presently marched out to meet them, and encamped not far from them. But Barac, and the rest of the Israelites, (being terrified with the multitude of the Enemies) was encouraged by Debora, Ver. 14. who commanded them that very day to undertake the Battel;Debora and Barac charge the Enemy. assuring them, that the Victo­ry should be theirs, and that God would assist them. Whereupon they charged the Ene­my, and there suddenly fell a storm of Rain, mixed with Hail, which the wind drove against the faces of the Canaanites, and took away their sight, rendring those that carried Darts, and served with the Sling, unprofitable in the service; likewise those that were heavily arm'd, having their hands benum'd with cold, could not wield their Swords.N But the Tempest beating on the backs of the Israelites, not only gave them less offence, but made them also more couragious (as being a manifest sign of Gods favour and pre­sence.) Whereupon disaraying and breaking thorow their Enemies Battel, they made a great slaughter of them;Ver. 15. so that part of them fell by the weapons of the Israelites, the rest were over-run by their own Horsemen and Chariots.Sisara slain, with his Host. Sisara seeing his Soldiers turn their backs, leap'd from his Chariot, and fled away, till at last he arrived at the Tent of a woman of Cenetis, called Jael, whom he desired to conceal and hide him. She admitted him; and when he desired drink, she gave him sowre milk; which when he had largely drunk,Ver. 21. he fell asleep. The Woman seeing him in this condition, took a Mal­let, Jael killeth Sisara with an iron Nail. and drove an Iron Nail thorow his temples, and fastned him to the pavement; soon O after, when Baracs Soldiers came to her, she shewed them his dead body. Thus a Woman, according as Debora had foretold, was the Author of this Victory. But Barac [Page 135] A leading his Army to Asor, Barac gover­neth the Israe­lites 40 years. defeated and slew Jabin, who came out against him with an Army, razed his City to the ground; govern'd the Israelites for the space of Forty years.

CHAP. VII.
How the Amalekites overcoming the Israelites, destroyed their Countrey for the space of seven years.

B AFter the death of Barac and Debora, The year of the World, 2654. before Christ's Nativity, 1310. which hapned almost about the same time, the Midianites, accompanied with the Amalekites and Arabians, armed themselves against the Israelites; and encountring them in open field, overcame them in a great Battel, and (destroying their Fruits and Harvest) carried away great Booty. They continued these their incursions for the space of seven years, and compelled the Israelites to forsake the Champain,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 10. and flie to the Mountains: where digging themselves Caves and Houses under the earth,Judg. 6. 1, 2, 3. they kept secretly hidden all which they had reserved, from the fury of the Enemy.The Midia­nites, confede­rate with the Amalekites, overcome the Israelites in a great Battel. For the Midianites having taken their Harvest in the Summer time, permitted them to Till their Lands in the Winter, to the intent they might gather the fruits of their labour afterwards. Thus lived they in perpetual famine and want: neither was there any other hope or succor left them, but onely by prayers and suppli­cations C unto God.

CHAP. VIII.
How Gideon delivered the Israelites:

ABout that time as Gideon (the Son of Joas, God comman­deth Gideon to deliver the Is­raelites from the Midia­nites. one of the chiefest of the Tribe of Manasses) was grinding some sheafs of Corn, which he had secretly conveyed in­to his Press, for he durst not do it openly, for fear of the Enemy. An Angel appeared to him in the form of a young man, and told him, That he was happy, and beloved of God. D'Tis a fair sign,Judg. 6. 11, 12, 13. answer'd Gideon, when I am forc't to use a Press instead of a Grange. The Angel exhorted him to be of good courage, and to endeavor to recover his Countries liberty. Gideon answer'd, That it was impossible, by reason that the Tribe whereof he was descended, had very few Men in it; and that he was too young and incapable of af­fairs of that consequence. God will supply all these defects, said the Angel, and under thy conduct will give the Israelites victory. These things Gideon communicated to cer­tain young men,Judg. 7. 2, 3, 4. who willingly believing the Oracle, answer'd, That for the present they had Ten thousand Soldiers in readiness, God comman­deth Gideon to choose a few men. to attempt any thing for their liberty. But God ap­peared to Gideon in a dream, and told him, That Men being so vain, that they are willing to owe nothing but to themselves, and attribute their Victories to their own strength, instead of at­tributing E them to his assistance; The Victory is to be attribu­ted to God. he would make them know, that 'twas to him alone that they were indebted for them. To which end he commanded him, That about the mid-time of the day, at such time as the heat was most vehement, he should conduct his Army to the River, and there diligently observe those that bowed themselves to drink, which he might esteem for Men of Valor; but all those that drank hastily, and with noise, should be marked as Men timerous, and afraid of the Enemy. Gideon did as God commanded: and there were found but Three hundred Men that lifted water to their mouths with their hands, without fear and trouble. God commanded him to assail the Enemy with those Three hundred, promising to give him the Victory. At this time were they encamp­ed upon the Bank of Jordan, ready to pass the Ford the next Morning. But Gideon F was troubled, by reason that God had bid him assail the Enemy by night. But God wil­ling to deliver him of his fear, commanded him to take one of his Soldiers with him, and go to the Camp of the Midianites, to see what pass'd there. He obeyed; and for his better assurance, took with him one of his servants. Now as he drew nigh a certain Tent,Ver. 13, 14. he perceived, that they that were within the same, were awake, and heard one of them with a loud voice tell his Companion the dream which that Night he had had,Gideon repai­reth to the Enemies tents, and by them is confirmed by a dream. which was thus: He thought he saw a Barley Cake (which lookt as if not worth the taking up) it rowled thorow all the Camp, and first overthrew the Kings Tent, and af­terwards the Tents of all his Soldiers. This dream (answer'd his Companion) signi­fi'd the loss of our whole Army. The reason is, that of all sorts of Corn, Barley is G most contemptible: and amongst all the Nations of Asia, there are not at this day any People more contemned than the Israelites; and in this respect, they resemble Barley. Now you know that they have gather'd Troops, and form'd some design under the con­duct [Page 136] of Gideon. And whereas this Cake turned to overthrow our Tents, I fear lest it H be a sign that God hath given the Victory to Gideon. Gideon (having overheard this Discourse) conceived good hope, and presently commanded his Followers to arm themselves, after he had told to them the Dream of their Enemy. Whereupon they speedily prepared themselves at his Command, being encourag'd by so happy a presage to attempt any thing.Ver 16 17 22. About the latter Watch of the Night, Gideon led forth his Army, and divided it into three Bands,Gideon with 300 attempt­eth the fight. and in every Band he put an Hundred Men: all of these bare in their hands empty Pots, in which were hidden burning Torches, in such sort, that the Enemy could not discover them, when they sallied out. Moreover, they bare Rams Horns in their right hands, which they used in stead of Trumpets. The Enemies Camp took up much ground, by reason they had a great number of Camels; and though distri­buted I by Nations, were all of them comprehended in one inclosure.

The Hebrews having had instructions from their Captain what to do, at such time as they approached near their Enemies, and the sign of the Battel being given, they sound­ed their Horns, and broke their Pots, and with their flaming Lights, fell into the Enemies Camp, crying, Victory, Victory, by the assistance of God, and the strength of Gideon. Trouble and Fear surprized the sleeping Enemy, for this action was in the Night-time, and God disposed all things to this issue, that few of them fell by the Hebrews Sword, but they themselves slew one another in great numbers (by reason that they were different in language.) For confusedly encountring one another, they Massacred all they met, sup­posing them Enemies. When the Rumor of this Slaughter, and Gideon's Victory, came K to the ears of the rest of the Israelites, Ver. 22. they armed themselves, and pursued and overtook the Enemy,The Madia­nites and their Confederates kill one ano­ther. (being intangled in certain places, unpassable, through many Brooks) so that being environed on every side, most of them were put to the Sword; amongst which, were two Kings, Oreb and Zeb. Two other Kings, Zebé and Hezerbun escap'd, with their Soldiers,Ver. 25. to the number of Eighteen thousand, and encamped not far from the Israelites: The Israelites pursue their Enemies, and kill Oreb and Zeb but Gideon was no ways astonished hereat, but charging them valiantly with his whole Army, he defeated all the Troops, and took the Kings captive. There dyed in the two Battels of the Madianites, and Arabians their Allies, almost Sixscore thou­sand. Judg. 2. 7. The Hebrews also took an inestimable prey of Gold, Silver, Apparel, Camels, and Horses.Gideon taketh Zeb and Ezar­bon. But Gideon returning to Ephraim, put to death the two Kings of the Madi­anites L which he had taken. Nevertheless, the Tribe of Ephraim being displeased with his happy execution,Ver. 10. resolved to make War against him; accusing him, that he had not made them privy to his design against the Enemy.120000 Madi­anites, with their Confe­derates, slain. But Gideon being a prudent Man, and endowed with all kind of virtue, gave them this modest answer, That he had not pro­ceeded by his own direction, but by the command of God: notwithstanding, that the Victory was no less theirs, than his, or those of his Followers, that atchieved the Enterprise. With these his words appeasing their wrath, he did no less service to the Hebrews by his pru­dence, The year of the World, 2292. before Christ's Nativity, 1270. than by his valor; delivering them from a Civil War, whereinto they had fallen, if his discretion had not prevented it. This Tribe was punished for this outrage offered to so noble a Personage, as we will declare hereafter in due place. Gideon desiring to M discharge himself of the Government, was constrain'd to continue the same, and ruled the Israelites for the space of Forty years, doing justice to every one that desir'd it at his hands,Ver. 22. 32. with so great integrity, ability and wisdom, that the People never fail'd to con­firm the judgments which he pronounc'd,Gideon reign­ed 40 years. because none could be more equitable. He N dyed when he was very old, and was buried in the Countrey of Ephraim. O

CHAP. IX.
How some of Gideons Successors made War with the Nations round about them.

GIdeon had seventy lawful Sons begotten on divers Wives,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 1. and one Bastard by his Concubine Druma, called Abimelech: who, after the decease of his Father, re­tired to Shechem, Judg. 9. v. 1. ad 5. where his Mother was born. There (assisted with money, by his Mothers kindred,Abimelech killeth 69 of his Brethren. and backed by men resolute, and fit for all bad actions) he returned to his fathers house, where he slew all his brethren (except Jotham, who by good hap saved himself by flight.) When he had once usurp'd the Government, he ruled all things ac­cording B to his lust,à v. 8. ad 25. and neglected the Ordinances and prescripts of Law, hating all those that in any sort were maintainers of equity.Jotham, by an allusion, up­braideth the Shechemites of their ingrati­tude towards Gideon. One day whilst there was a solemn feast held at Shechem, (whereunto the whole people were usually wont to resort) Jotham his Brother (who as we said, saved himself by flight) getting up the Mountain of Garizim, which over-hangeth the City of Shechem, with a loud voice (that might easily be over­heard by the people) and in a general silence of the whole multitude, desir'd them to hear him a few words; and he told them, that in times past the Trees were accustomed articulately to speak after the manner of men;The counsel of the Trees, in choice of a King. and that (in a certain assembly, wherein they were to consult of their government) they desir'd the Fig-tree to accept the soveraignty over them; which when it refused and pleaded in its own behalf, that it C was contented with that honour which they gave it for its fruit, and desired no more. The Trees ceased not to seek another Prince, and offer'd that honour to the Vine; which in as many words as the Fig-tree, refused the same; the like did the Olive-tree. At last they address'd to the Bramble, (whose wood is good onely to burn) which an­swered, If you unfainedly desire me for your King, repose your selves under my shadow; but if it be only in mockery, and to deceive me, there shall a fire issue from me, and consume you. These things (said Jotham) I report to you, not to move you to laughter, but for that, you (having received many benefits at the hands of Gideon) suffer Abimelech, who in spirit differeth nothing from fire, to usurp the Government, after the slaughter of my brethren. When he had spoken after this manner, he departed, and for three years lived hid a­mongst D the mountains, flying the fury of Abimelech. After some time the Shechemites (being moved with compassion and just revenge,v. 23, &c. of the murther committed upon the Sons of Gideon) drove Abimelech out of their City,The Sheche­mites banish Abimelech. and the whole Tribe. Whereupon he resolved to do some mischief both to the City and the Citizens. And though their Vintage was at hand, yet they durst not go forth to gather the fruit, for fear of him. It hapned at that time a certain great man called Gaal, arrived their with a Troop of Soldiers, and his kindred: The Shechemites desired him to grant them a Guard, whilest they gathered their Harvest; which request of theirs being granted by Gaal, they issued out with their Forces and securely brought in their fruits: and feasting one with an­other in companies, they were so bold as to scoff at Abimelech, and the chief of his E Followers. And some of those strangers, that came into their City to their assistance, surprised,v. 34. by Ambuscado, divers of Abimelechs people, and slew them. But Zebul one of the Shechemites, Abimelechs, practice against the Shechemi­tes. and Abimelechs Host, signified unto him by a messenger, how Gaal incited the people against him; and he counselled him to lye in wait for him, near about the City, promising to bring Gaal thither, and so he might easily revenge himself of the injury which his enemy had offered him▪ and reconcile himself to the people again. When Abime­lech had chosen a place sit to lie [...] ambush, and Gaal with Zebul, carelesly walked in the suburbs, Gaal suddenly espying certain Armed men coming towards him, cried out to Zebul, That he had discovered the [...]; Zebul replied, that it was nothing but the shadow of Rocks. But Gaal drawing nearer them, and seeing apparently who they were, answered F Zebul, That they were no shadows but ambushes of [...]. Zebul replyed, Dost thou not object cowardize to Abimelech? Why therefore [...] thou not thy great valour, in fighting with him Gaal confusedly amazed, bore the first charge of the Soldiers of Abimelech: in which conflict, some of his Followers were slain, and he himself fled into the City, giving ex­ample to the rest to follow him.v. 39, 40, 41. Hereupon Zebul laboured, that Gaal might be expelled out of the City;Gaal put to flight by Abi­melech, is ba­nished out of Shechem. accusing him of cowardize in his encounter with the Soldiers of Abimelech. Now, when Abimelech had afterwards gotten certain intelligence, that the Shechemites would go out again to gather their Vintage, he laid an ambush near to the City. And no sooner were they come forth, but a third part of his Troops surprized the Gates, to cut off their return;v. 45. the rest ran after those that were scattered here and G there so that there was a great slaughter on every side;Shechem taken and sacked, and razed to the ground. and the City was ruined to the very foundations, and they sowed Salt upon the ruines thereof. But they that esca­ped thorow the Countrey, and had avoided the danger, assembled to fortifie themselves [Page 138] upon a strong Rock,The year of the World, 2493. before Christ's Nativity, 1470. whereon they incamped. But as soon as Abimelech had notice of H their intention, he hasted thither with his forces, and environed the place with faggots of dry wood, (carrying them thither in his own person, and encouraging thereby those of his Army to do the like) so that the Rock was incontinently compassed with wood: whereunto he set fire round about,v. 46. 47, 48, 49. and in an instant it flamed, and burnt vehemently; so that none of them were saved, but all perished, with their Wives and Children, to the number of fifteen hundred men,The Sheche­mites flying, are burned up­on a Rock. besides many of the weaker sort. This calamity hapned to the Shechemites, who were worthy of compassion if they had not deserv'd this punishment for their ingratitude towards so upright a Judge, and so gracious a Benefa­ctor. Abimelech cool'd the courage of the Israelites, by this treatment of the Shechemites, and gave sufficient testimony that he aspired higher, and would never terminate I his ambition till he had totally subdu'd them. He therefore led forth his Army against the Thebans and their City, which he took: in the Town there was a great Tower, whither all the people had retired themselves, and as he prepared to besiege the same, and approached near the Gates,Abimelech taketh Tebez. a certain woman cast a piece of a Milstone at him, which hit him on the head, and made him fall to the ground. Abimelech feeling that he was wounded to death,v. 52, 53, 54, 55, commanded his Armor-bearer to dispatch him, that it might not be reported that he died by the hand of a woman.A woman woundeth Abimelech, and his Squire killeth him. The man did as he was commanded, and so Abimelech suffer'd the punishment of the cruelty he had committed against his Brethren, and the tyranny executed upon the Shechemites; according as Jotham had fore­told. As soon as Abimelech was slain, all the Army dispersed, and returned to their K dwellings;Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 12. al. 19. and Jair the Galeadite, of the Tribe of Manasses, took upon him the Govern­ment. Amongst other felicities of this man, these were of greatest note, that he was rich,Judg. 10. and had thirty Valiant Sons, all prudent men, and of chief rank in the Country of Galaad. After he had governed the people twenty years, he died when he was very old, and was honourably intombed in Chamon a City of Galaad. From this time forward the policy and estate of the Hebrews grew more and more disordered, and the Laws began to be neglected:Thola reigned 23. years. Whence it came to pass, that the Ammonites and Philistines destroyed all their Countrey with a great Army, and made themselves masters of the Land on this side Jordan; After him Jair 22. years. and so much were they heartned, that they pressed further, to possess the other side of the River,Judg. 102, 34. and conquer the same. Whereupon the Hebrews being brought to L more moderation by these their adversities, had recourse unto God by prayers and sacri­fices; desiring that it would please him to moderate his wrath, if he would not wholly appease it, stay his heavy hand over them. This submission of theirs prevailed with God, who promis'd to assist them. Whilst therefore the Ammonites led their Army into Galaad, they of the Countrey arose to meet and fight with them; being destitute of a Governour to conduct them. Now their was a certain man called Jeptha, of great estimation, as well for the virtue of his ancestors, as his own valour; for he had a con­siderable body of men in his own service. To him they sent a messenger, desiring him to assist them;v. 5▪ 6, 7, 8. and promising him,The Israelites oppressed by the Ammon­ites and Philistine [...] that he should continue in the Government during the term of his life. But he was nothing moved with this request, but reproachfully M objected against them, that they had abandoned him, when his Brothers did him open wrong by driving him out of their Family, by reason he was not their Brother by the same Mother, but begotten on a woman which their Father had entertained for his Paramour; and it was to revenge this injury that he had lived in Galaad, receiving all [...]ose into wages which came unto him, of what place soever. But after they had pres­thdhm, and sworn to him, he joyned his Troops with them, and became their General: and speedily providing whatsoever was necessary, he encamped near Maspha, and sent Ambassadors to the Ammonites, accusing them for invading a Countrey that belonged not to them. They on the contrary blamed the Israelites, for that they coming out of Egypt had usurpt that Countrey from his Ancestors, who were lawful Lords of N it.Judg. 11, v. 5, 6, 9▪ 10, 11. Jeptha answered, that they had no reason to accuse their Ancestors in respect of Amorrhaea: Jeptha is crea­ted the Judge of Israel. but rather they were beholden to them, for that they had permitted them to enjoy the Countrey of Ammon; it being in Moses power to have conquered the same. In a word, they were resolved not to forsake the Countrey which God had given them, and they had held in their possession for the space of three hundred years; and would defend against them by dint of Sword. With these words dismissed he the Ambassadours of the Ammonites. Then Jeptha prayed to God that it would please him to grant him victory: and he made a vow that if he returned to his house in safety, he would Sacrifice the first living creature that he should meet with at his return.v. 30, ad 40. After this, encountring the Enemy,Jeptha maketh a vow. he defeated and pursued him, killing those that fled continually till he came O to the City of Minnith. Then entring the Countrey of the Ammonites, he destroy­ed divers Cities, and carried away a great booty, and so delivered his Nation from the [Page 139] A servitude which they had endured for the space of eighteen years.The year of the World, 2624. before Christ's Nativity, 1270. But as he returned homeward, he fell into such an inconvenience, as was no ways answerable to his noble actions. For the first person he met as he returned home, was his only Daughter (a Virgin of eighteen years) who came out to meet him: Whereupon melting into tears, he began to check her,He overcom­eth the Am­monites. for that so hastily she had come forth to meet him, by reason he had vow'd the first thing he met with to God. But this accident was no ways displeasing to the Virgin; who with a wounderful constancy answered her Father, that a death which had for its cause the victory of her Father, and the liberty of her Countrey, could not but be very acceptable to her: and that the only favour she desired of him, was, that he would please to grant her two months,C. 11. v. 39▪ before she were sacrificed, to the end she might B lament her youth,Jeptha Sacri­ficeth his Daughter. with her companions: and that after that term, her father might ac­quit himself of the vow which he had made. Jeptha granted her the time she had limited: which being expired,C. 12. 1, 2. &c. he sacrificed his Daughter for a burnt-offering. Which oblation of his,The Ephrai­mites are in­censed against Jeptha. was neither conformable to the Law, nor desired by God. But he was resol­ved to accomplish his vow, without considering what judgment men might make of it.

The Tribe of Ephraim hearing of his victories,Judg. 12 declared War against him, by reason he had not communicated to them his enterprise against the Ammonites, that he might have the prey, and the honour of the enterprise to himself. He answered, that being of his kindred, they could not be ignorant, that both he and his were assailed by War; C and had, besides that, also been desired to give them their assistance; whereunto they had answered very faintly, and being requested would not be present. Then he told them, that, that which they undertook, was unlawful, wicked, in that not daring to en­counter the Enemy, they made no scruple to set upon their Brethren and Friends; and he threatned them,v. 6. that if they restrained not themselves, he would (by the assistance of God) be revenged on them.Almost forty thousand of the Ephrai­mites slain. But these words of his were both neglected and despised, so that he was forced to Arm himself against them, and with an Host of men sent from Galaad, v. 7. he made a great slaughter, partly in pursuing those that fled, partly also in preventing their passage who fled to Jordan: Jeptha dieth. the number of the slain, amounted to about forty thousand.Ibzan was for seven years space the Judge in Israel. After Jeptha had governed six years, he deceased, and was buryed D in Sebei, in the place where he was born, and the Countrey of Galaad. After his death Ibzan took upon him the Government. He was of the Tribe of Juda, of the City of Bethleem, v. 11. and had sixty Children;Elon reigned ten years. thirty males and thirty females, which he left all a­live and married: he died when he was very old, without performing any thing worthy of memory, during the space of his seven years Government: he was buried in his own Countrey. In like manner Elon a Zabulonite his successor did nothing memorable and during the term of ten years wherein he governed. Abdon the Son of Elon, and (of the Tribe of Ephraim of the City of Pharathon) was declared Soveraign Judge af­ter Elon, and is renowned only for his felicity in his Children; the state of the Israelites being in peace,v. 13▪ so that he exploited nothing worthy glory: he had forty Sons, who E had thirty Grand-children;Abdo [...] Judge. and rode accompanied with these seventy, who were all of them expert Horse-men. He left them all alive, and died when he was very old, and was magnificently buried in Pharathon.

CHAP. X.
Of Samsons valour, and how many mischiefs he did to the Philistines.

AFter his death,Judg. 13. 1. the Philistines prevailed over the Israelites, and exacted tribute from them for the space of forty years.The Israelites are overcome by the Phili­stines. From which misery they were deliver'd F after this manner. Manoah an excellent man, and chief of the Tribe of Dan, without ex­ception, had a Wife most famous for her beauty, and excelling all others of that time; yet had he no Children by her,Hedio & Ruf­fin [...], chap. 13. al. 10. whereat he was very much grieved, and made his con­tinual prayers unto God (and especially when they were retired to a Countrey house which they had near the City) that it would please him to give him a lawful heir. v. 3, 4, 5. He loved his Wife very passionately,The Angel foretelleth Samsons birth. and not without some jealousie: on a day as the woman was there by her self, an Angel of God appeared to her in form of a young man of incomparable beauty and shape; and told her that he came from God, to inform her that she should be the mother of a child, perfectly beautiful; and whose strength should be so extraordinary, that as soon as he was enter'd into the vigour of youth he should G humble the Philistines; but God forbad her to cut his Hair, and commanded likewise that he should taste no other drink but water; and after he had said thus, he departed. As soon as her Husband returned home again, she told him all that the Angel had said [Page 140] unto her,The year of the World, 2783. before Christ's Nativity, 1181. and so extol'd the beauty and good grace of the young messenger, who ap­peared H unto her, that these praises encreased his jealousie; which she perceiving, and being no less chast, than fair, prayed to God once more to send his Angel, that her Husband might see him, and be cur'd of his unjust suspition. Her prayer was heard, and the Angel presented himself again to the woman (being apart from her Husband.) But she desired him to say till she called her Husband:v. 9. ad 13. which when she had obtained,The Angel ap­peareth once more unto Manoah. she went and fetched Manoah, who notwithstanding was not delivered from his suspicion; but desired him to relate to him all that he had signified to his Wife. The Angel answered, that it sufficed that she knew it: whereupon he asked him what he was, to the end that when his Son should be born, he might give him presents, and thanks. The Angel answered, that he had no need thereof, by reason that he had not brought the good news of the birth of his I Son for any necessity that he had. Manoah entreated him to stay and receive some token of kindness; but he would not consent. Finally, being instantly pressed to abide and receive some gift; Manoah kill'd a Kid, and commanded his Wife to roast it. And when all things were in readiness, the Angel commanded them to lay the Bread and Flesh upon a Rock without dishes: which being done, he touched the Flesh with a wand which he had in his hand, and suddenly a flaming fire consumed both the Bread, and Flesh; and the Angel was seen to ascend up into Heaven in the Smoke as it were in a Chariot. Manoah was in great fear lest some inconvenience should happen unto him, because they had seen God: but his Wife comforted him, assuring that God had ap­peared to them for their good. Shortly after she became big with child, and observed K all that had been commanded her;v. 24. and when the Infant was born,Samsons birth. she called his name Samson (which is as much as to say, strong) who soon grew to be of excellent beauty both of mind and body, wearing his Hair unshorn, and using sobriety in his diet, whereby he gave some signs of what had been foretold concerning him.

It hapned on a day that there was a solemnity celebrated in Thamna, a City of the Philistines, whither Samson resorted with his Father and Mother; and being surprised with love of one of the Damsels of that place, he desired his Father and Mother that this maid might be given him in marriage: which they refused, alledging that she was not of the same Lineage,Judg. 14. 5, 6. and that God would provide him a match to the good and profit of his Nation:Samson tea­reth a Lion in peices with his hands. but in the end he prevailed so much, that he espoused the Maiden.L Now as he ordinarily walked to her Parents, it happened one day, that being dis­armed, he met with a Lion upon the way, whom he grasped and strangled with his hands; and having slain him, he cast the body of the Beast into a Wood not far di­stant from the high way. Another day returning in like sort to the Damsel, he found a swarm of Bees which made their honey in the breast of the same Beast,Samson mar­rieth one of the Daughters of the Phili­stines. and he took three hony-combs which he carried with other presents to his intended Wife. After this, lie invited the Thamnites to the celebration of his marriage, who (for that they feared his strength) under colour of doing him honour, chose out thirty strong and valiant young men,v. 1, 2, 3. to be seemingly his companions, but in effect his Guardians; to the end he might not attempt any commotion, in the midst of the festivity. Samson said M to his companions I will propose a question to you, which if you can resolve, I will give each of you a fine Linnen Shirt,v. 12, 13, 14. and other vestments. They being very desirous both to be reputed wise,Samson pro­poundeth a riddle to the Thamnites. and to gain the reward proposed, pressed him to propound his question: which he did in these terms; He that devoureth all, hath been himself the food of others; and how terrible soever he was, this food hath been no less sweet and agreeable. They employ'd three dayes to find out the sense thereof, but they could not: and therefore they desired Samson's Spouse to get the secret from her Husband, and disclose the same to them; which if she refused, they threatned to burn her to death. Samson at the first (notwithstanding her flatteries and sollicitations) denied to tell it her: at last she urged him so instantly, and shed so many tears (telling him that if he N did not expound the question to her, she would take it for a certain sign that he hated her) that at last he told her he had slain a Lion, and how in him he had found the three honey-Combs which he brought to her:v. 18. and (not distrusting either fraud or guile) he related the whole story to her,Samsons Wife discover­eth the riddle to the Tham­nites. and she afterwards reported the same to those that had employed her in the discovery. When the seventh day was come▪ and the question was to be decided, the young men assembled themselves together about Sun-set; and said, There is nothing more terrible than a Lion, nor any thing more pleasant to taste, than honey:v. 19, 20. Whereunto Samson replied,Samson kil­leth certain Ascalonites, and his Wife marrieth with another. you should adde that there is not any thing more dangerous than a woman; for she it is that hath betray'd me, and reported my words to you. Notwithstanding all this, he delivered that which he had promised them, out of the booty,O which he had taken from certain Ascalonites, whom he encountred upon the way. But he would not pardon his Wife; and the woman (seeing her self despised) married [Page 141] A one of his friends,The year of the World, 2791, before Christ's Nativity, 1173. who had, in his behalf first sollicited the marriage. Samson (being more incensed by this injury) resolved to revenge himself both on her and the whole Nation: For which cause in the Summer time (when the Corn was ready to be reapt) he took three hundred Foxes, to whose tayls having fastned flaming Torches, he drove them into the Philistines fields of Corn;Judg. 15. 4, 5, &c. consuming by this means all their hope of Harvest The Philistines understanding that Samson had done this, and conceiving the reason that induced him to it,Samson bur­ned the Phili­stines fruit. sent a party of Soldiers to Thamna, and burnt this woman alive with all her kindred, as the cause of the loss that had hapned to them. After Samson had slain divers Philistines in the Countrey, he went and dwelt at Etam (which is a strong Rock in the Tribe of Juda.) For which cause the Philistines assailed that Tribe, who B represented to them that there was no reason why they should suffer for those offences which were committed by Samson, and especially since they payed them tribute. The Philistines replied, that unless they would be maintainers of his act of unjustice, they must deliver Samson unto them. They (desirous that the Philistines▪ might have no cause of quarrel against them) came to the Rock to the number of 3000 men, and there blamed Samson for those actions which he had done against the Philistines, because they were a people that might endamage the whole Nation of the Hebrews: concluding that they came to take, and deliver him into the Philistines hands, and praying him to submit himself voluntarily to that their resolution. Samson made them swear that they would do him no other injury, but deliver him only to their enemies; which done, he descended C from the Rock,C. 15. 11. 12, 13. surrendring himself to the hands of those of Juda, who bound him with two cords, and led him away to deliver him to the Philistines. Now being arrived in a certain place,Samson is de­livered to the Philistines. which at this present is called the Jaw (by reason of what hapned there at that time) and approaching near the Philistines Camp; which shouted for joy that they had faithfully executed that which they desired of them: Samson brake his bonds, and catching up the jaw of an Asse which he found at his feet, and falling upon the Philistines, v. 14, 15. he slew and beat down to the number of almost two thousand, and put all the rest to flight.Samson with the jaw bone of an Ass kil­leth a thousand men. This extroardinary and unparalleld exploit so puffed up Samsons heart, that he forgat to attribute it to the assistance of God, but ascribed the same to his own strength. But it was not long before he was punisht for his ingratitude: For being seized D with exceeding thirst, and finding himself faint, he acknowledged and confessed that mans force was nothing but weakness, and that all ought to be ascribed to God: whom he prayed that he would not be displeased with what he had spoken,v. 18. nor deliver him to his Enemies,Samson by his prayers causeth a Fountain to break out of a Rock. though he had deserved it, but assist him in the present danger. God heard his prayers, and caused a pleasent Fountain to spring from the foot of a Rock: for which cause Samson called the place Maxilla or Jaw, which name continueth even unto this day. After this battel, Samson set light by the Philistines, and went to Gaza▪ where he sojourned in an Inne. The Governors of the City understanding his arrival, set men to keep the Gates, to the end he might not depart without their knowledge. But Samson not igno­rant of what they intended against him; arose about midnight and took up the E Gates,C. 16. 3. with the hinges and locks, and all the furniture of the same; and laying them on his shoulders,Samson bea­reth away the gates of Gaza. carried them to the Mountain above Hebron. Not long after, he trans­gressed the Laws of his Fathers, and corrupted his wayes and manner of living, conforming himself to the fashions of the Gentiles, which was the source and cause of all his ruine. For he was taken with the love of a Philistine Cortisan called Dalila. As soon as the Governours of the Philistines knew it, they by promises wrought so with her, that they persuaded her to get out of him wherein his force consisted, and what the cause was that he could not be conquered by his Enemies. Dalila to ac­complish their desire, made use of fasting and flattery, praising his great actions, and thence taking occasion to ask him whence his so prodigious strength proceeded. But F Samson well judging on what design she askt him this question answered her: that if he were tied with seven Vine-branches young and pliant,C. 15 [...] v. 6, ad 16. he should become the weakest of all men. She believed him, and having given notice thereof to the Governours of the Philistines, Dalila the strumpet soun­deth Samson, to find out wherein his strength consi­sted, and is de­luded. who sent to her house certain Soldiers, these, when he was drunk and asleep, bound him as strongly as they could; Dalila suddenly waking him, told him that certain Soldiers were at hand to take him: but Samson brake the bonds of Vine-branches, and pre­pared himself to resist the assaults of those that lay in wait for him. The woman frustrate of her hope, not long after took an opportunity, to complain of him, that distrusting her love and constancy, he had concealed that from her which she most de­sired to know, as if she were unable to conceal that which might any wayes concern the G fortune and safety of her beloved: But he deceived her the second time, and told her that if he were tyed with seven cords, he should lose all his strength. Which when she had done, and found a contrary issue to her expectation, the third time Samson told [Page 142] her, that if he were tyed with seven cords, he should lose all his strength. Which when H she had done, and found a contrary issue to her expectation, the third time Samson told her, that if she pleeted his hair with a fillet, he should be weakned: and having ex­perimented that also, she found that it was false. Finally, she press'd and conjured him in such earnestness,v. 16, 17, 18. that being no longer able to avoid the ill that attended him, at last he condescended to gratifie her,Samson dis­covereth to Dalila where­in his strength consisted: his eyes are pulled out, and he is led away priso­ner. and said to her after this manner: It hath pleased God to have care over me, and as I was by his special providence brought into the World, so by his command I nourish this hair, for God hath forbiden me to cut the same; and my force shall endure as long as these locks shall endure and grow. Which when she under­stood, she shaved off his hair whilst he slept, and betrayed him to his Enemies, whose forces at that time he was too feeble to resist; and they plucked out his eyes, and led I him away bound. Some time after the Philistines celebrated a publick feast (wherein the Princes and Peers banquetted and entertained one another in a spacious place, the cover whereof was upheld by two pillars; and Samson was sent for, and brought to the feast, to the end they might mock him in the midst of their mirth; his hair was then grown again;â v. 25. ad fi­nem. and this generous spirit taking it more grievously than all other evils which he endured,Samson with three thousand Philistines is slain. to be treated with such indignity, and not to be able to revenge himself on those that thus injuriously used him; feign'd himself very weak, and desired the Boy that led him, to let him approach and lean upon the said Pillars. As soon therefore as he got hold on them,Samson ruled 20 years. he shook them in such sort, that they were over-turned, and the house fell upon those that were therein, who all perished to he number of three thousand K men: with these also died Samson, who finished his dayes in this sort, after he had commanded over Israel for the space of twenty years. He was a man of great vertue, strength and magnanimity: even to his latter hour, was fatal to the Philistines. And whereas he was allured and besotted by a woman, 'tis an effect of the infirmity of humane nature, which is prone to such faults: in all other things, we cannot too much admire his vertue. His Kindred took his body and buried it in Sarasa his Countrey, in the Sepulchre of his Ancestors.

CHAP. XI.
How the sons of Eli the High Priest were slain in battel by the Philistines.L

AFter the decease of Samson, Ruth 1. v. 1, ad 6. Eli the High Priest took upon him the Government of the Israelites. Hedio & Ruf­finus, Chap. 14. During his time there was a great Famine; and Elimelech unable to endure the misery thereof, came from Bethlehem a City of the Tribe of Juda, to in­habit in the Countrey of Moab, A famine in the days of Eli. bringing with him Naomi his Wife, and Chilon and Maalon his Sons, whom he had by her. Now when his affairs had fallen out with as fortunate success as could be desired, he married his Sons to certain Daughters of the Moabites, Chilon to Orpha, and Maalon to Ruth. After ten years, Elimelech and his Sons died. By which affliction Naomi being cast into great sorrow, and destitute of their com­pany, whose dear familiarity she had preferred before the love of her Countrey: chang'd M her resolution (according to those occurrences that had happened to her) and deter­mined to return to her Friends, by reason she had received intelligence, that her Countrey at that time was in better estate than when she left it. Her Daughters in-law would not endure to be separated from her; but would needs accommpany her: but she wishing them a more happy marriage than that which they enjoyed with her Sons, and prosperity in all other things, and protesting unto them that she had no ability to do them good; she desired them to stay in that place, and not by following their wretched Mother-in-law in an uncertain event,C. v. 7, ad 14 lose the certain pleasure and peaceable fruition of their Coun­trey. These her persuasions took effect with Orpha: but Ruth (resolved in no sort to forsake her,) attended on her Mother-in-law as future companion of whatsoever for­tune N should befall her.v. 15, ad 19. Now when both of them arrived in Bethlehem, Namo [...], after the decease of her Husband and Sons, departeth with Ruth into her own Countrey. (where, as we shall see afterwards) Boos Abimelechs Kinsman entertained them in his house: the Citizens called her by the name of Naomi, but she said, that they should rather call her Mara▪ (for Naomi in the Hebrew tongue signifies felicities, and Mara bitterness.) When it was Harvest time, Ruth by the permission of her Mother, went out into the fields to glean Corn for their sustenance:Ruth goeth in­to Bethlehem. and it fortuned that she met in the field with Boos, who came thither likewise not long after; and who beholding her, inquired of the chief Reaper touching this young woman.Ruth 2. v. 1, ad. 8. He, having a little before understood her condition, [...] friend to Naomi and Ruth. declared it to his Master Boos, commending her for the good affection which she bare her mother-in-law, and for the memory she had of her deceased Son, whom O Ruth had married; wished her all good fortune: and not suffering her to glean, he permitted her to reap and to gather all that which she might; commanded the Master-reaper [Page 143] A that he should not hinder her from taking whatsover she pleased:The year of the World, 2811. before Christ's Nativity, 1153. and that when the reapers took their refection, they should give her both meat and drink. What Corn Ruth gathered she reserved for her Mother-in-law, and came home at night and brought her the sheaves. In like manner Naomi reserved a portion of certain victuals for her, which in way of kindness her neighbours had sent her. At her return, Ruth reported to her all the words that Boos had said unto her: and Naomi gave her to under­stand that Boos was her kinsman, and so good a man that it might be hoped he would take some care of her. So Ruth went again with Boos handmaids to gather her glean­ings; and certain dayes after (about the time that they threshed Barley) Boos came to his Farm,Ruth 3. v. 14 and slept on the floor: which when Naomi understood, she thought it B might be for the advantage of the young woman, to lye and sleep at his feet; and ac­cordingly she advised her to endevour it.Ruth by her mother-in-laws perswasi­no lieth at Boos Feet. Ruth (that made a conscience to contradict her mother-in-law in whatsoever she commanded her) went very gently and lay at his feet; and upon her first arrival Boos perceived nothing (because he was fast a sleep:) but when he awaked about midnight, and felt some body lying at his feet, he demanded who it was: whereupon she told him her name; requesting him as her master, that he would permit her to repose in that place for that time. He enquired no further, but let her sleep; but early in the morning, before the Servants began their work, he com­manded her to arise, and to take as much Barley with her as she could bear, to the end she might return to her mother-in-law, before that any man perceived that she had slept C in that place (because it is wisdome to avoid occasions of talk, especially in a thing of this importance.) Touching the rest, (said he) the matter standeth thus: Thou hast a kinsman (said he) that is neerer thee in blood than I am; thou must enquire of him if it be his pleasure to take thee to Wife:Ruth 4. v. 1 [...] ad 7. if he saith that he liketh thee, thou must then necessarily submit unto him: but if he refuse thee, I will take thee for my Wife according as the Law obligeth me. Now when she had reported these news unto her mother-in-law, she took courage and conceived hope that Boos would not abandon them. Boos came to the City about noon, and called a Council of the Elders, and sent for Ruth and his kinsman, to whom he spake thus: Doest thou not possess the heretage of Abime­lech? Yes, answered he, I am seized thereof by the right of proximity, according to D Law. Boos replied, Thou must not (saith he) only observe the Laws in part; but thou must precisely execute them all. Behold here a young woman, Abimelech's Widow, whom it behoveth thee to marry according to the Law,Boos exhorteth his kinsman to marry Ruth. if thou wilt inherit possessions. But the man surrendred to Boos, not only the possessions, but also the woman; by reason that Boos was allied also to those that were dead, and especially for that the said kins­man had already both Wife and Children▪ Boos therefore (having first taken the Magistrates to witness) called for the woman, and willed her to draw near her kinsman, and to unloose his shoe, and strike him on the face (according as the Law had ordained;) which done, Boos espoused Ruth, by whom (about a year after) he had a Son, which Naomi brought up; and called his name Obed, in hope he would assist in her old age: E(for Obed in the Hebrew tongue signifies assistance.)v. 13. Obed begat Jesse, Boos begetteth Obed Davids grand father upon Ruth. and Jesse begat David, who was King, and who left the Realm to his successors for one and twenty Generations. I was obliged to relate these things touching Ruth, because I would declare how God, by his Soveragin power,1 Sam. 2. 12. ad 17. raises whom he pleases from obscurity, to the highest dignity, as he did David, whose original I have shewed you.

The affairs of the Hebrews were at this time in very poor estate,Ophni and Phinees the wicked Sons of Eli the High-Priest. and they entred into a new War against the Philistines upon this occasion: The High Priest Eli had two Sons Ophni and Phinees. They, against all right and law (offering outrages to men, and com­mitting impieties against God) suffered no sin to escape them:Hedio & Ruf­finus. chap. 1 [...]. all 12. for they were not con­tented to receive what belonged to them, but they took what did not. And as women F came to the Tabernacle for devotion, they abused them, ravishing some against their wills, and corrupting others by presents; and thus they exercised a manifest and licenti­ous tyranny; their Father was much displeased with them for these crimes as well as the people. And God having declared to Eli, and the Prophet Samuel (who then was very young) what vengeance should fall upon Eli's Children, he mourned over them, as if they had been already dead. But I will first speak something concerning this Prophet Samuel, and afterwards of the Children of Eli, and what calamity fell upon all the Hebrew Nation. Elcana was a Levite of mean condition, living in Ramath, a part of Ephraim: 1 Sam. 1. v. 10▪ 12, 13. he had married two Wives, the one called Anna, the other Phenenna: by Phenenna he had children;Anna. the Wife of Elcana re­quireth a Son at Gods hand. yet he loved Anna very intirely, although she was barren. G One day when Elcana with his Wives were at Silo, where the Tabernacle of God was (as we have before declared) to the intent to offer Sacrifice in that place: during the festival he distributed the portion of his meat to his Wives and Children: Anna (be­holding [Page 144] the Children of his other Wife sitting neer their Mother) began to weep and H lament with her self,The year of the World, 2818. before Christ's Nativity, 1468. because she was without issue, and could not be eased with all consolation which her Husband gave her. She went into the Tabernacle to beseech God that it would please him to make her a Mother; and made a vow that if he gave her a Son, he should be dedicated to the service of God. And for that▪ she employed much time in making her prayers, the High Priest Eli, who sate before the Tabernacle, com­manded her to depart from thence, supposing that she had drunk too much Wine: but after she told him that she drank nothing but Water, and that (being oppressed with grief) she was come to the Tabernacle, to beseech God that it would please him to grant her Children; he exhorted her to be of good courage, and assured her that God had heard her prayers: whereupon she returned to her Husband full of good hope, and I took her repast with joy.v. 20. ad finem. They returned to their own house, she began to be big with child,Hannah bare Samuel to El­kanah her Husband. and at last she brought forth a Son, whom she called Samuel (that is to say, requested of God.) Afterwards they returned to offer Sacrifice, and give thanks to God for the birth of the child, which God had given them, and to bring their tenths. Hannah, remembring the vow she had made, delivered the child into the hands of Eli, and consecrated him to God to be his Prophsie. For which cause they suffered his Hair to grow, and he drank nothing but Water, and he was brought up in the Temple. Elkanah had by Hannah other Sons also and three Daughters.1 Sam. 3. v. 3. ad 10. As soon as Samuel had at­tained to the age of twelve years, he began to prophecy. For on a certain night whilest he slept, God called him by his name: and he supposing that it was the High Priest that K called him, came unto him; but Eli told him, that he had not called him. The same thing was done three times: and then Eli, easily judging what it was; said to him, Samuel, I neither called thee now, nor before, but it is God that calleth thee, answer him there­fore, and say, Here I am, ready to obey. He heard the voice of God once more; and he answered, behold me O Lord, what wouldst thou have me to do? I am ready to obey. Then God answered, saying: Go and tell the Israelites that so great a calamity shall fall upon them that no tongue can express it. The Sons of Eli shall die in one day, and the Priest hood shall be removed from his Family to that of Eleazar: For, Eli hath loved his Children more than my service, and hath drawn my curse upon them.

Samuel fearing to overwhelm the old man with sorrow,C. v. 11. ad 21. would not disclose L this oracle to him;God foreshew­eth Samuel of the death of Eli and his Sons. but Eli constrained him to tell it, and it made him the more assured of the imiminent death of his Sons. And because all the things which Samuel pro­phesied came to pass, his reputation increased daily more and more.

At that time the Philistines (leading out their Army against the Israelites) incamped near the City of Amphec, Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 16. and for that the Hebrews were negligent to oppose them,1. Sam. 4. v. 1. [...] 4. they advanced further into the Countrey. So at length in a fight with their Enemies, the Philistines got the upper hand and slew 4000 Hebrews, The Phili­stines kill four-thousand of the Israelites. and pursued those that fled even to their own Tents. The fear of the Hebrews after this overthrow was so great, that they sent to the Council of the Elders and the High Priest, praying them to bring the Ark of God with them; to the end that having it present with them, they might give M battel and overcome their Enemies. But they considered not, that he that had pronounced the sentence of their calamity against them,C. 4. v. 4. was greater than the Ark, which deserved not to be reverenced but for him.The Hebrews bring the Ark into the battel. The Ark was brought, and the Sons of Eli attended it, whom their Father expresly commanded, that if it fell out that the Ark was taken, they should never more come into his presence. Now Phinces executed the office of the High Priest by the permission of his Father, by reason he was very aged.

The Hebrews upon the arrival of the Ark conceived great hope that they should have the upper hand of their Enemies.v. 5. ad 11. The Philistines likewise were dismayed, fearing the presence of the same:v. 11. 12. &c. but the event was not answerable to the one or to the others expectation.Ophni and Phinees with thirty thou­sand are slain, and the Ark is surprised by the Enemy. For when they joyned battel, the victory which the Hebrews hoped N would be theirs, fell to the Philistines; and the loss which the Philistines feared, fell upon the Hebrews, who at last perceived that they had reposed their confidence on the Arke in vain. For as soon as their Enemies gave them the first charge, they turned their backs, and lost about thirty thousand men, amongst whom were the two Sons of the High Priest; and the Ark was taken and carried away by the Enemy.

O

A CHAP. XII.The year of the World, 2871. before Christ's Nativity, 1093.
Eli understanding the loss of his Sons, fell from his Seat, and dyed.

AS soon as the news of this overthrow was brought to Silo, 1 Sam. 4. 13, ad 18. and it was certainly known that the Ark was taken,Eli under­standeth of the loss of his sons, and the surprizal of the Ark. (for a young Benjamite, who had escap'd out of the Bat­tel, came to bring tydings thereof) all the City was filled with sorrow: and Eli the High Priest (who sate in one of the gates on a high Throne) understanding the lamen­tation, and judging that some disaster had befallen his People, sent to seek out this young B Messenger, by whom he was advertis'd of that which had hapned. This accident of his Sons and the Army, he heard with great moderation, because that before that time God had told him what should happen;Ver. 18. (and those adversities which are foreseen, do less af­flict us when they happen:) But when he knew that the Ark was taken,Eli hearing of the loss of the Ark, dyed. and in the Ene­mies hands, a Calamity so beyond his expectation, in such sort augmented his grief, that he suffered himself to fall from his Throne upon the ground, where he dyed: he lived 98 years in all, and spent 40 of them in the Government of the People.

The same day dyed the Wife of Phinees the Son of Eli, soon after she understood the misfortune of her Husband:Ver. 19, 20, 21. for she was with Child when the message of his death was brought to her,Phinees wi [...]e bare Ichabod, and dyed. and she was deliver'd of a Son in the seventh month, which lived and C was called Ichabod, (which signifieth ignominy) by reason of the Infamy received at that time by the Army.

Eli was the first that governed among the Successors of Ithamar, one of the Sons of Aaron: The genealogy and progeny of Eli the High Priest. for before that time the house of Eleazar was possessed of the Priesthood, (the Son receiving it from his Father) Eleazar left it to Phinees; after him, Abiezer his Son enjoy'd the place, and left it to his Son Boci, whose Son called Ozes receiv'd it; after whom Eli (of whom we speak at this present) took the same, whose Posterity retain'd that dignity till the time of the Reign of Solomon, when the Posterity of Eleazar were restored to it.

DEFG

The Sixth Book of the Antiquities of the JEWS;The year of the World, 2850. before Christ's Nativity, 1114. H

The Contents of the Chapters of the Sixth Book.
  • 1. How the Philistines, compelled by Pestilence and Famine, sent the Ark of God back again unto the Hebrews.
  • 2. The Victory of the Hebrews under the Conduct of Samuel.
  • 3. How Samuel, when his strength failed him through age, committed the administration of I Affairs to his Sons.
  • 4. How the People being offended with the manners of Samuels Sons, required a King that might rule over them.
  • 5. Saul by Gods Commandment anointed King.
  • 6. Sauls Victory against the Ammonites.
  • 7. The Philistines assailing the Hebrews, are over come by them in Battel.
  • 8. The Victory of Saul against the Amalekites.
  • 9. Samuel translateth the Royal Dignity unto David.
  • 10. The Expedition of the Philistines against the Hebrews.
  • 11. Davids single Fight with Goliath, and the slaughter of the Philistines that follow'd.K
  • 12. Saul admiring Davids fortitude, giveth him his Daughter in marriage.
  • 13. How the King sought Davids death.
  • 14. How David oftentimes hardly escaped the Kings malice; yet having him twice in his power, he would not hurt him.
  • 15. The Hebrews are overcome in a great Battel by the Philistines, wherein Saul the King, and his Sons fighting valiantly, are slain.

CHAP. I.
How the Philistines, compelled by Pestilence and Famine, sent back the Ark of the L Covenant unto the Hebrews.

AFter the Philistines had got the Victory over the Hebrews, 1 Sam. 5. 1, ad 6. and taken the sa­cred Ark,Hedio & Ruf­fi [...]us, cap. 1. (as we have before declared) they brought it, with their other spoils, to the City of Azot, and plac'd it in manner of a Trophee in the Temple of Dagon their Idol.The sacred Ark is carried into the Tem­ple of Dagon. But the next day after, when early in the Morning they entred into the Temple to adore their god, they found him fallen from that Base or Pillar that sustained him, and lying along the ground, his face upward,They of Azot are horribly plagued for ta­king away the Ark. before the Ark; whereat being much moved, they took him up, and fastened him in his former place: and when they came often thither, and always found him pro­strate,M and, as it were, adoring before the Ark, a great fear and perturbation invaded the whole People.Mice devour the fruit of the Countrey of Azot. At length, a grievous Plague not only ranged in the City of Azot, but also seized on all the Inhabitants of the Countrey. For the People being suddenly taken with the Flux, dyed in great Torment, and some of them vomited up their Bowels being corrupted and corroded with the disease. Besides this, the whole Land swarmed with Mice, which destroying all things, neither spared the Corn, nor any other Fruit. The Azotians being afflicted with these Calamities, and unable longer to endure the same, understood that the Ark was the cause thereof, and that neither the Victory, or the taking of the same, had any ways procured their advantage. They therefore sent to the As­calonites, desiring them to receive the Ark into their City; who willingly condescend­ing N to their Embassage and Demand, received the Ark, and were presently plagued with the same sicknesses which the Azotians had suffered. For together with the Ark the ca­lamities also were transported; for which cause it was likewise sent from this place to another, where it remained but a little while; for the Inhabitants of the place being af­flicted with the same Maladies which the other endured, sent it to the Neighbor Cities: and after this sort the Ark was conveyed to five Cities of the Philistines, (exacting as it were, by those Plagues, a Tribute of every one in punishment of the Sacriledge which they committed, by retaining a thing consecrated to God. At last, wearied with so ma­ny evils, and made examples unto others not to entertain the Ark, which so grievously recompensed those that received the same,1 Sam. 5. 2, a [...] finem. they conceiv'd there was no other way left,O but to find out some good means to rid themselves of it. When therefore the Princes of the five Cities, of Geth, Accaron, Ascalon, Gaza, and Azot▪ were assembled, they con­sulted [Page 147] A amongst themselves what was best to be done; and first of all it was propos'd to send back the Ark to those to whom it appertain'd, since God scourg'd with so many Plagues those that receiv'd it into their Cities, to testifie his indignation for the taking of it, and to execute his vengeance of the Crime. But some said, that this resolution was unfit to be executed,Consultation about the Ark. denying that those evils were to be imputed to the Captivity of the Ark, (whose power, if it were so great as they imagin'd, or if God had any care of the same, he would never have permitted it to have fallen into the hands of Men of a contrary Religion) and persuading them to bear these Misfortunes with an equrl mind; and to account all these Calamities as effects of Nature, which at certain periods of times is wont to produce in Mens Bodies, in the Earth, and in Plants, and in other things B subject to her power, such kind of alterations and changes. Others, more prudent and intelligent, propos'd a third way, which was, neither to send away the Ark, nor yet to retain it, but to offer to God in the name of the five Cities, five golden Statues in testi­mony of their gratitude, because they had been preserved by his favor from that Plague, from which, by humane remedies, it was impossible to escape; and to offer also as many golden Mice, like those that had spoiled their Countrey. All these to be locked in a Chest, and laid upon the Ark; and the Ark to be plac't upon a new Cart made purpose­ly, to which they should yoke and tye two Kine that had new Calved, locking up their Calves from them, lest they should be an impediment to their Dams, and to the intent, that through the desire to see their young, they might hasten the faster. That done, that C driving the Chariot to a place that had three wayes, they should suffer them to draw that way that they listed; and if they took the way of the Hebrews, and travel'd towards their Countrey, then they should assure themselves that the Ark was the cause of their evils;The conclusi­on of the counsel as tou­ching the sa­cred Ark. but if they drew another way, let them (said they) be driven back again, being most assured, that the Ark hath no such virtue in it. This counsel was approved by eve­ry one of the Assembly, and presently executed: having prepared all things, they brought the Chariot into a high way that lookt three ways, and leaving it there, return­ed back again.

CHAP. II.
D The Victory of the Hebrews under the Conduct of Samuel.

NOW when the Kine took the way which led to the Israelites, 1 Sam. 6. 12, ad 18. and Travelled there­in no otherwise than if some Men had led them, the Governors of the Philistines follow'd them,The sacred Ark cometh to Bethsama. desirous to understand whither they went, and in what place they would rest. There is a Borough in the Tribe of Juda called Bethsama, towards which they drew: And although they had a very fair Plain before them, yet would they not Tra­vel any further,The gratulati­on of the Bethsamites upon the arri­val of the Ark. but rested the Chariot in that place. The Inhabitants came to the spe­ctacle, and greatly rejoyced thereat: for although it was Summer-time, (wherein every one was busied in gathering the fruits of the field) yet when they perceived the Ark, E they were so transported with joy, that they laid aside the work which they had in hand, and run presently to the Chariot. Then taking down the Ark and the Coffer, (wherein the Statues of Gold, and golden Rats were) they laid them upon a stone in the field; and after they had solemnly sacrificed and feasted together, they offer'd up both the Cha­riot and Kine for a Burnt-offering unto God. Which when the Philistines saw, they returned back into their own Countrey to carry the News. But Gods indignation and displeasure was kindled against the Bethsamites: Ver. 16. so that 70 of them were slain, because they had dar'd to touch the Ark,Ruffinus wri­teth, that God strook 70 of the greatest, and 50000 of the common sort, as it is, 1 Sam. 6. 21. and with prophane hands (not being Priests) attempt­ed to sustain it. The Inhabitants lamented their loss, and mourned, for that their Coun­treymen were extinguished by no common death, but by a punishment and plague sent F from God. And acknowledging that they were unworthy that the Ark should remain with them, they sent Messengers to the Governors, and the rest of the Hebrews, to let them understand that they had recovered the Ark out of the hands of the Philistines. Whereupon order was given to place the same in Cariathiarim, The Ark is transferred in­to Cariathia­rim. a City bordering upon the Bethsamites. In that place there dwelt a Man of the Race of the Levites, called Ami­nadab, (who had the honour and reputation of a good Man) to his House the Ark was sent, as to a place agreeable to God, because there dwelt in the same a Man of so much virtue.Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 2. His Sons had the charge of the Ark, and continued in that service for the space of 20 years,The punish­ment of the Israelites. during which time it remained in Cariathiarim, after it had remained only four months with the Philistines. Whilst the Ark was in the City of Cariathiarim, the G Israelites liv'd very Religiously, and offer'd to God Prayers and Sacrifices, shewing great devotion and forwardness in his service.1 Sam. 7. 3, ad 6. The Prophet Samuel perceiving this their good demeanor, and supposing it a fit occasion to exhort them to liberty, and the benefits which [Page 148] attend the same;The year of the World, 2851. before Christ's Nativity, 1113. he accommodated his Speech to their Sentiments, and spake to them H to this effect: Ye men of Israel, since at this present the Philistines cease not to molest you, and God beginneth to shew himself merciful and favourable to you: it behoveth you, not only to be touched with a desire of recovering your liberty, but also to endeavor to recover the same in effect. Hedio & Ruf­fin. cap. 2. Beware therefore, lest through the corruption of your own manners, you make your selves unworthy thereof; and let each one of you endeavor to follow justice, and expelling all sin out of your minds, The punish­ment of the Israelites, 1 Sam. 7. 3, ad 6. convert your selves in all purity to God, and persevere constantly in his service. For in doing these things, you shall shortly obtain all felicity, and especially a new liberty, and an assured victory against your Enemies; which neither by valor, or by the strength of your bodies, or by the multitude of your Armies, Samuels orati­on to the people▪ you were able to obtain: for God hath not proposed Re­wards for these things, but for virtue and justice; and (trust me) he will not deceive your I expectation, Samuels ex­hortation to the people as touching their repentance. nor fail in the execution of his promises. When he had spoken after this man­ner, all the People testified their consent, by acclamations, shewing the pleasure they conceived by this discourse, and promising to do that which should be well-pleasing to God. Whereupon Samuel assembled them the second time in the City of Maspha (which word signifieth conspicuous) there they erected an Altar, and sacrificed unto God; and after they had fasted for a days space, they made publick Prayers to God. The Philistines being advertis'd of this Assembly, came suddenly with a great Army, and many Forces, intending to surprize the Hebrews, who neither expected nor were prepared for them. This sudden approach of theirs much dismayed the Hebrews: so that running to Samuel, they told him that their hearts failed them through fear,The prayers, supplications and fasts of the Israelites in Maspha. and their minds were troubled K with the remembrance of their former losses: for which cause they ought to hold themselves in quiet, for fear lest the Enemy should employ his power against them. Thou hast led us hither to pray, sacrifice, and offer up our vows to God, and behold the Phili­stines are encamped near us,v. 8. 9, and ready to surprize us, naked and disarmed: we have no other hope therefore of security,What things in warfare are to be opposed against the-Enemy. but what proceedeth from thee, and unless God, moved by thy prayers, give us means to escape their hands. Samuel, in way of answer, wished them to be of good cheer, assuring them, that God would give them some testi­mony of his assistance: whereupon sacrificing a sucking Lamb in the name of the Peo­ple, he pray'd God that it would please him to stretch forth his right hand for them in the Battel against the Philistines, Samuel com­forted the people, v. 10. and that he would not permit them to fall this second L time into the Enemies hands. To these prayers of his God gave ear, and accepted their humble hearts and dutiful observance,v. 11, 12, &c. being well-pleas'd with their offering, and promi­sing them victory.Samuels sacri­fice and prayer. Before the Sacrifice was wholly consumed with the flame, and the Ceremonies performed, the Enemies ranged their Battels in the Israelites sight, supposing the day already theirs,The sacrifice devoured by celestial flame a token of Gods assi­stance. in that they had surprized the Jews unprepared for fight (as being assembled in that place to no such end.) But the matter fell out contrary to what they expected; and had they been foretold the same, they would have scarcely believed it. For first by an effect of Gods Omnipotence, the Earth trembled under their feet, so that they could scarce stand,v. 10▪ and some were suddenly swallowed up by the Earthquake,A horrible earth-quake among the Enemies. and a great Thunder was accompanied with such scorching Lightnings, that their eyes being M dazled, and their hands blasted therewith, they could not wield or manage their Wea­pons, Samuels victo­ry over the Enemy. and so were constrained to repose all their hope and confidence in flight. But Samuel seeing them thus dismayed, suddenly set upon them, and killing many of them, ceased not to pursue the rest as far as a place called Corre, where he erected a stone for a Trophee, or mark both of his own Victory, and the Enemies flight, and called the same the strong Rock, to testifie that the People had received from God all the strength which they had us'd in this famous Battel. The Philistines, after they had received this overthrow, sallied not out any more against the Israelites; but remembring their fear, and the strange accidents that befel them, they remained in peace, offering no further invasion: for the confidence which the Philistines had before that time conceived against the Hebrews, was N removed into the hearts of the Hebrews ever after this Victory. Samuel continu'd the War against them,v. 14. and slew a great number of them, and for ever abased their pride, ta­king from them that Countrey which formerly by Conquest they had cut off from the inheritance of the Jews; Samuel reco­vereth those Lands which the Israelites had lost. which Countrey extendeth from the Frontier of Geth, to the City of Accaron: and the rest of the Canaanites at that time had peace with the Israe­lites.

O

A CHAP. III.The year of the World, 2871. before Christ's Nativity, 1093.
Samuel unable, by reason of his old age, any longer to Govern the State, committeth it to the administration of his Sons.

NOw when the Prophet Samuel had reduced the people to a good form of Govern­ment, Samuel pre­scribeth laws, and disposeth the judgment-seat in several Cities. he assigned them a City whither they might appeal, and decide those differences that fell out amongst them: and he travelled twice every year from City to City,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 3. to administer justice unto them, and continued this policy for a long time. But when he found himself overburdened with years, and unapt to execute his ordinary B offices,1 Sam. 8. 1, 2. surrendred the Government and Superintendency of the people to his Sons, the elder of whom was called Joel, Samuel com­mitteth the Government and care of the common­wealth to his two Sons. and the younger Abiha; and he commanded that one of them should make his seat of justice in Bethel, and the other reside at Bersheba, di­viding the people, and attributing each part to its particular Judge. Now it became manifest, by experience, that Children are not alwayes like their Fathers; but sometimes of evil Parents there are good Children bred;Joel and Abia. as contrariwise at this time, of a good Father there were evil Sons. For forsaking the instructions of their Father, they followed a quite contrary course, and perverted justice with corruptions and rewards and surfeited in delights and pleasures; in contempt of the will of God, and the instructions of their Father, who had no greater care, than that they should acquit themselves well of C their duty.

CHAP. IV.
How the people, being displeased with the manners and government of the Sons of Samuel, demanded a King.

WHen therefore the people saw,v. 4, 5, 6. that the Sons of the Prophet committed so many outrages against their Lawes,The Israelites report unto Samuel the le [...]wd behavi­our of his Sons, and beseech him to nomi­nate a King that may reign over them. and Policy, they were greatly displeased, and had recourse to their Father who dwelt in the City of Kamatha; where relating to him the misdemeanours of his Sons, they desired him that seeing his age rendred him unfit D to administer the affairs of the Common Weal, he would nominate and elect a King over them, who might both command their Nation, and take vengeance on the Philistines for their many injuries. This demanded of the people, sensibly afflicted Samuels mind: for he extremely loved justice, and liked not Kingly government, being of opinion that Aristocracy was the happiest of all governments.Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 1. This matter so troubled him that,v. 6. by reason of his care, he could neither eat nor sleep; but all night long he tossed and tumbled in his bed,Samuel is dis­comforted through the peoples de­mand. through the great agitation of his mind. Whilst this his in­disposition continued, God appeared to him, and comforted him, bidding him not to be grieved at what the people had required: that this injury, not only concerned him, but God himself whom they disclaimed for their King and Governor. That this was not E the first time of their taking up this resolution;v. 7, 8. that they had inclined to it from the day that they departed out of Egypt; Samuel [...] com­forted by God. But ere it be long (said he) they shall repent themselves, but too late, when the evil is past remedy; and they shall condemn them­selves for their ingratitude towards me, their God, and towards thee their Prophet. I will therefore that thou chuse them a King, him that I shall nominate to thee, after thou hast advertised them what evils they shall endure by their having a King, and what in­conveniences follow the change which so vehemently and unhappily they pursue. The next day Samuel assembled the people about break of day, and promised them that he would establish them a King.God comman­deth Samuel to create a King. But saith he, before I effect that which you request, I must declare to you what condition you shall live in, under subjection to royalty; and F how many and grievous evils you shall be pressed with,v. 10▪ ad 18. by those Kings that shall Govern you.Samuel ex­presseth unto the Israelites those inconve­niences they should suffer under a King. Know therefore first of all, that your Kings will take your Children from you, and make some of them Coachmen, and others Horsemen and Archers of their Guard, others their Posts and Tribunes and Centurions; some likewise their Handicrafts men, and Armorers, and Chariot-makers, and Smiths, and Forgers of Weapons, and Husbandmen of his fields, and Ploughers and diggers of his Vineyards: neither is there any thing which they shall not be compelled to do after the manner of bond-slaves, that are bought with money. They shall take your Daughters also, and make them their Perfumers, Cooks and Bakers; and they shall employ them in all servile offices, wherein bond-maids are employed, either by fear or punishment. They shall take from you your substance, and give it to their Eunuchs and other Servants. They G shall take your flocks, and distribute them amongst their Domesticks: In a word, you and all yours shall be subject not only to one King, but also to his Servants. When you endure these things, then shall you call to remembrance what I have foretold you, and with repentance [Page 150] beseech God, The year of the World, 2880. before Christ's Nativity, 1804. that he will have mercy on you, and give you speedy deliverance from the servi­tude H of your Kings: but he will not respect your prayers, but neglecting them, will suffer you to bear the penalty of your imprudence and ingratitude. Although these future inconveniences were foretold them, yet did the people neglect them: and not suffering the perverse opinion they had conceived in their minds, to be altered or diverted, they insisted with all obstinacy,v. 19. and without care of future mischiefs, that they might have a King created over them,The people obstinately persevereth in craving a King. because (as they said) it was necessary to have a King that might manage War for them, to revenge them on their Enemies, and repress their Forces; and that there was nothing more reasonable, than that they should be governed in the same sort as their Neighbours were. Samuel finding his perswasions could prevail nothing at all with them, and that they could not be diverted from their resolution. He spake thus:I Go your ways for this time every one of you to your houses, and I will cause you to be assembled in a short time, when God shall have informed me what King he will give you.

CHAP. V.
Saul, by the command of God, is declared King.

THere was a man of the Tribe of Benjamin, 1. Sam. 9. v. 1. ad 3. of Noble Birth, and commendable manners, called Cis, who had a young Son named Saul, who was tall of stature, and had so much spirit and courage that he might well pass for an extroardinary man. This Cis having fair Asses, wherein for their handsomness he took more pleasure than K in any other kind of Cattel, lost some of them which were strayed from the rest of his flock: whereupon he sent his Son, accompanied with a Servant, to seek them out; Saul having travelled in quest of them thorow all his Fathers Tribe, journeyed thorow the rest of the Tribes, without any tidings of them: for which cause he determined to return home again; for fear lest his Father should conceive some care and grief for him in his absence.v. 3. As he arrived near the City of Ramath, the Servant that followed him,Saul seeketh the Asses that were lost. told him, that there dwelt a Prophet in that place, who always foretold the truth, and he counselled him to address to him, with assurance, that by him he should under­stand what was become of his Asses. Saul answered, that he had no money left to re­compence the Prophet, having consumed all they brought forth with them in their L journey. His Servant replyed, that he had still the fourth part of a Sicle, which they might give him; for he was ignorant that the Prophet was not wont to receive mony of any. When they drew near the Gates of the City, they met certain Maidens that went out to fetch water,v. 6▪ ad 10. of whom Saul demanded where the Prophet dwelt? they told him,Saul asketh where the Prophet dwel­leth. and advised him to make haste before he was set down to supper, for at that time he entertained divers persons at his house. Samuel had invited this company, by reason that all the day long he had instantly besought God, to declare to him, who it was that should be established King: and God had given him to understand, that the next day, and at the same hour,v. 15, 16, 17. he would send a young man to him of the Tribe of Benjamin, who was the person he had chosen.God certifieth Samuel whom he should cre­ate King. Thus Samuel sate in the upper part of his house,M expecting the time appointed: which being come, he came down to go to supper, and in the way he met Saul. At that very instant God signified to Samuel, that it was he whom he had elected Prince and Governour over the people.

Saul addressing himself to Samuel, desired him to shew him the Prophets lodging, being he was a stranger,v. 18, 19. and knew it not. Samuel told him, that he himself was the man, and invited him to the banquet;Saul cometh unto Samuel▪ Samuel certi­fieth Saul how he shall enjoy the Kingdom. assuring him that not only his Asses (in search of which he had travelled so long) were safe, but that he should reign, and abound with all sort of goods. Saul answered: My Lord I am too mean to hope or expect so much; and my Tribe is the least of all the Tribes: and you mock me, in speaking such things as surpass my condition. v. 23, 24. The Prophet took him by the hand, and brought N both him and his Servant to the table,Samuel con­ducteth Saul unto the ban­quet. and placed him above all those that were invited, who were to the number of seventy, and he placed his Servant next him. Samuel com­manded that a royal portion should be set before Saul; and when the hour of bed-time came, all the rest arose and departed to their houses, but Saul and his Servant lodged that night with the Prophet: and as soon as it was day, Samuel awaked Saul, and leading him out of Town, commanded him to send his Servant before, and to remain himself with him behind, because he had certain things to impart to him in private. Hereupon Saul sent away his Servant, and Samuel taking a Cruse of Oyl, powred the same upon the young mans head, and embracing him, said, God establisheth thee King over his people,1 Sam. 10. 1 to avenge them of the Philistines. Thou shalt have this sign O of the truth of what I tell thee:Samuel [...]. when thou art departed from hence, thou shalt overtake three men in the way travelling to Bethel, to adore and sacrifice to God: the first of [Page 151] A which, thou shalt see bearing three Loaves, the second a Goat, and the third a bottle of Wine. These shall embrace thee and caress thee, and they shall give thee two Loaves, and thou shalt receive them. And from thence shalt thou depart to Rachel, where thou shalt meet a Messenger, that shall certifie thee that the Asses are found. From thence coming unto Gabatha, thou shalt find the Prophets assembled in their Congre­gation, v. 2. ad 1. and being filled with the Spirit of God, thou shalt prophesie amongst them: so that whosoever shall behold thee,Samuel, in way of confirmation telleth Saul what shall be­fortune him in his journey. shall say with admiration: Whence cometh it to pass that the Son of Cis hath attained so good fortune? and when thou hast had these signs, thou canst no longer doubt that God is with thee: go and salute thy Father, and thy kinsmen, and then come back to me at Galgal to the end we may offer sacrifices of B thanksgiving to God. Samuel having in this manner spoken to Saul, gave him licence to depart: and all these things hapned to Saul, according as the Prophet Samuel had foretold him. When Saul arrived at the house of his Father, Abner, who was his Uncle, and whom he loved above all the rest of his Friends, questioned with him about his voyage, and those things that had hapned to him: and Saul hid nothing from him, but particularly informed him of all that hapned to him, during his abode with the Prophet Samuel, and how he had told him of the recovery of his Asses: but touching the Royalty, and those things that concerned the same, he said nothing, fearing that either it would not be believed,Saul concealed his Royal dig­nity. or else it would draw envy upon him. For although he were both his friend and cousin; yet he thought it more secure and convenient to C keep it silent;The inconstan­cy of mans love. considering the infirmity of mans nature, and that few men are constant in friendship, and capable of beholding without envy, the prosperity of others, even their neer relations and friends, though they know that the same befalls them by the particular favour of God.Samuels oration to the people as con­cerning Saul.

After this, Samuel assembled the people in the City of Maspha, where he spoke to them in this manner: Behold what God hath commanded me to tell you in his name. When you groan'd under the yoke of the Egyptians, I freed you from servitude, and delivered you from the tyranny of the Neighbouring Kings who conquered you so often; Now in acknowledg­ment of so many benefits, you will have me no longer for your King; and as if you were ignorant, that the greatest good that can happen to men, is to be governed by him that is the soveraign good; D You abandon your God to set a man upon the throne; who, according to his pleasure and the unbridled bent of his passion, will use you like beasts, and will usurp upon your goods, without forbearing any thing whatsoever. For how can men have as great love for men, as I, whose handy work they are. Notwithstanding since you have thus determined, and fear not to commit so great an outrage against God, rank your selves in order according to your Tribes and Families, and cast your lots. To this the people condescended, and the lot fell on the Tribe of Benjamin; v. 19. being cast the second time, it fell on the Family of Metri; Lots cast tho­row every Tribe and Family. and afterwards being cast upon the men of that family, it fell upon Saul, who was the Son of Cis. The young man, who before knew what would happen, had stept aside, to the end that it might not seem that he was ambitious of his dignity. The E moderation he shewed in this matter, was remarkable; for whereas most men cannot conceal their joy when any degree of felicity falls upon them, but manifest the same to all men; Saul not only was void of vain appearance (although he were to be King and Lord of so many worthy people) but which is more,v. 21. he stole away from the presence of those men over whom he was to command,Sauls modesty and temperance in undertaking the Govern­ment. and obliged them to seek after him, and labour to find him out. Whilest therefore they carefully sought and knew not what was become of Saul, the Prophet prayed God that he would shew them where he was, and bring him into their presence: which having obtained, he sent out certain messengers to conduct him thither,v. 22. and as soon as he came amongst them,Saul hideth himself from the presence of the people. Samuel placed him in the midst of the people. Now he was taller than any of the company by the shoulders, F and had a Kingly and goodly shape and appearance. Then spake the Prophet after this manner,v. 23. God hath given you this man to be your King, behold how he surpasseth you all, and shews himself worthy to be your Prince. Saul of a high stature. But assoon as the people had cried, God save the King; v. 24. the Prophet, who had reduced into writing all those mischiefs that should befall them,Saul saluted by the people for their King. read the same to them in the hearing of the King, and put the book into the Tabernacle of God, for a perpetual testimony to posterity of those things which in future ages should succeed,v. 26, 27. according as he had prophesied: which done, Samuel dismissed the people, and returned to the City of Ramath, Divers attend on Saul, other­some contemn him. which was his Countrey. But Saul departing to Gabatha, divers worthy men gave their attendance on him, and paid him the honour that ap­pertained to a King. But divers seditious and loose companions, who set him at naught, G both mocked them,Hedio & Ruf­finus chap. 5. and those things which he did, neither brought they any presents unto Saul, 1 Sam. 11. [...], ad 4. nor seemed either in affection, or in word, to respect their King. A month after this installment, there fell a War betwixt him and Nahas King of the Ammonites, [Page 152] which brought him great reputation. This Nahas had offered divers outrages to those H Jews that dwell on the other side of Jordan. For he had passed the River with a great Army levied against them; and had taken divers of their Cities. And to the intent they might not revolt to deliver themselves from his subjection, he used this subtilty and preven­tion. To all that surrendred themselves to his mercy, or that were taken Captives in the wars, he plucked, out their right eyes; and this he did, to the end that when they would defend themselves, they might have their left eyes covered with their Bucklers, and by that means unable to use their Armor.Sauls War against the Ammonites. The King of the Ammonites having after this manner dealt with those on the other side of Jordan, he led his Army against the Galaadites, and encamped near their chief City called Jabehs, 1 Sam. 11. 3, 4, 5, 6. to which he sent Heralds to sum­mon the inhabitants to surrender on these conditions: either to suffer their right eyes I to be pulled out, or else by enduring the siege, to see the final overthrow both of them­selves, and of their City: requiring them to chuse which they lik'd, either to lose a little part of their body,Nahas King of the Ammo­nites offereth unjust condi­tions of peace to the Galaa­dites. or hazard both their Fortunes and lives together. The Ga­laadites, terrified with this dreadful election, knew not what to resolve upon, but asked truce for seven dayes, to the end that sending their messengers to those of their Nation, they might crave their aid, which if they could obtain, they would War; otherwise they promised to submit themselves unto the enemy, on what conditions were best pleasing unto him.The Ambassa­dours of the Galaadites to the Israelites. Nahas made no difficulty to grant them what they demanded so much he contemned the Israelites: and he permitted them likewise to crave assistance at all their hands, who were their associates. Whereupon they presently sent messengers K from City to City, and certified the Israelites of all that Nahas had done unto them, and the extremity whereunto they were reduced. The Israelites understanding in what estate they of Jabesh were, greatly lamented their condition; but their fear suffered them to assist their friends in no other manner than by commiseration. Yet as soon as their messengers arrived in the City where Saul was, and that they had recounted to him the dangers wherewith the Jabesites were oppressed; the people were also moved with unprofitable compassion. But Saul at his returning from the field into the City, per­ceiving the inhabitants drowned in tears, and enquiring for what cause they were so dejected, he no sooner understood it, but he was stirred up by the Spirit of God, and sent the Ambassadors back again to those that sent them, promising that within three L days he would succour them,v. 7, 8, 9. and that he would have the upper hand of the enemy before Sun-rise,Saul promiseth assistance to the Jabesites. to the end that the rising Sun might behold them victorious, and deliver­ed from all fear. In the mean time he commanded some of them to stay with him, to the intent they might guide him in the way.

CHAP. VI.
The Combat and Victory of Saul over the Ammonites.

SAul desirous,Sauls serious exhortations and command for War. by the fear of punishment, to incite the people to take arms immediatly, and make War upon the Ammonites, cut the hams of his own oxen, and threatned M all those whom he met with, to do the like to theirs, except the next day they presented themselves with their Arms upon the bank of Jordan, to follow the King and the Prophet Samuel, whither they would conduct them.

The fear of this penalty published among the Tribes, made them gather to a body about the same time, so that all the parties of the people were mustred in the City of Bala. In this survey, besides those of the Tribe of Juda, were numbred seven hundred thousand men, and of the Tribe of Juda in particular,1 Sam. 11▪ v. 11, 12. there were seventy thousand. Saul having passed Jordan, and marched all night, came before Sun-rise to the place where he in­tended to conduct them,Ten Sh [...]oeni or Cables length of Ni­lus so called by the cords that draw the Ships by Nilus▪ make 37 Ita­lian miles. and dividing his Army into three parts, he attaqued the enemy on every side, who suspected no such encounter: and fighting valiantly against them, he N slew divers, and amongst the rest Nahas King of the Ammonites. This victory made Sauls name famous amongst the Hebrews, so that he was wonderfully praised and honoured for his valour: and if before any contemned him, now they changed their opinions, and honour­ed him, and accounted him the worthiest of them all. For he was not satisfied to redeem and deliver those of Jabe [...]s, Saul kills the Ammonite, and Naahs their King. but he entred the Countrey of the Ammonites also, and ravaged the same with his Army; and after he had obtained a great booty, both he and his Army Victoriously returned to their dwelling places. The people highly pleased with this noble action atchieved by Saul, Saul made his name famous amongst the Hebrews. rejoyced that they had demanded a King, and exclaimed against those that said it would be discommodious and unprofitable for the Common-wealth, saying, where are now these murmurers? let them be put O to death:Saul is praised by the people. with other such like words, that a people besotted with good success, is wont to speak against them that oppose the same. Saul commended the affection of [Page 153] A the people:The year of the World, 2810. before Christ's Nativity, 1084. but swore that none should be put to death that day, because it would not seem agreeable, that the victory given them by God▪ should be sullied with the blood of their Brethren; but rather that it was more proper the time should be spent in feasting and jolity. After this Samuel told them, that they ought to confirm the Kingdom of Saul by a second Election,Sauls lenity against his ad­versaries. and to that end, they assembled together in the City of Galgal, according as he commanded them: and there, in the sight of all the people, Samuel anointed Saul the second time with the consecrated Oyl,v. 12, 13. and proclaimed him King. Thus was the Aristocracy and Government of the better sort amongst the Hebrews, v. 14, 15. turned into a Monarchy. For under Moses and his successor Joshua, Saul once more anointed King by Sa­muel. who was General of the Army, the form of the Commonwealths was Aristocratical. After their death, for the space of eighteen B years,The distinct Governments of the He­brews. the people was without Government. The Common-wealth not long after re­sumed its first form of Government; and the supreme authority was given to him that was esteemed the most valiant in War, and the most upright in doing Justice. During which time such Magistrates were called Judges.

After this the Prophet Samuel assembled the people, and spake to them after this manner: 1 Sam. 12. 3, 4. I conjure you by that great God that sent those two admirable Brothers Moses and Aaron to deliver our forefathers from the Egyptians, Samuels justi­fication of himself in the presence the people. and their tyranny, that without any consideration either of fear or favour, or of any other passion, you truly testifie whether I have committed any injustice either for interest, avarice, or affection. Declare it, If I have taken away any mans Calf, or sheep, ar any other thing whatsoever, but that which I might lawfully take for C my relief and sustenance, and at such hands as willingly offer me the same; or if I have employ­ed any Beasts to my service, or use his cattel to my profit and his hinderance: in these and such like, if I have offended any man let him now accuse me in the presence of the King. All of them cryed out with one voyce that no such fault had been committed by him, but that he had Governed their Nation in Holiness and Justice. After the people had thus publicky testified in behalf of Samuel; he said unto them: Since you have freely protested, that you have no cause of wrong to charge against me,v. 7. ad 16. hear I pray you, wherewith I can justly accuse you:Samuel expo­stulateth with the people, and objecteth their sins, and ingratitude. You have griveously offended against the Majesty of God, in that you have re­quired a King at his hands: you should have rather remembred, that your old Father Jacob accompanied onely with his 70 Sons came into Egypt, constrained thereunto by famine, and D that in that Countrey divers thousands of persons issued from his loynes, whom the Egyptians kept in captivity, doing them extream outrages. And when your fathers called upon God, he wonderfully delivered them from the distresses wherein they were, without giving them any King, but sending them two Brothers, Moses and Aaron; who brought and conducted them into this Countrey which you possess at this present. And although you participated these benefits from the hands of God, yet you forget his religion, and neglected piety. This notwithstanding, at such time as you have been conquered by your enemies, he hath set you free; assisting you, first of all, with the overthrow of the Assyrians and their forces; then giving you victory over the Ammonites, and Moabites; and finally over the Philistines. Now these great exploits were performed by you, not under the conduct of a King, but by the direction of Jephta E and Gedeon. What folly therefore hath bewitched you to flie from God, and to seek to live under the subjection of a King? But I have named such an one unto you, Whom God hath chosen to be your Governour. Notwithstanding, to the intent that I may give you a manifest testimony, that Gods wrath is provoked against you, because you have desired a King; I will desire of God, that he will make you see in this place, and in the heart of Summer such a storm, that there is not any one of you, that hath ever seen the like. Scarce had he spoken the words, but suddenly there appeared great Lightning, Thunder and Hail, in confirmation of what the Prophet had said: v. 16, 17, 18. so that amazed and confounded with fear, A huge tempest falleth, upon Samuels pray­er. all of them confessed that they had offended, and desired the Prophet, that with a good and fatherly affection, he would beseech God to appease his wrath towards them, and forgive them F this offence which they had committed through ignorance, as he had pardoned their other negligences, whereby they had transgressed his holy will. All which Samuel promis'd them do to, and be sought God that it would please him to pardon them the error which they had committed in this matter, and to be appeased by his prayers. After this he ex­horted them to live uprightly, and to keep in continual remembrance what evils had hapned unto them, v. 20. ad finem. for that they had forsaken the way of virtue; and what wonders God had done, An exhortati­on to the con­sideration of Gods assistance and benefits bestowed on the Israelites▪ and what Laws he had given by Moses, all which they ought to meditate on, if they desired to be in safety, and live happily with their King. But if they failed herein, he foretold them, that both themselves and their Kings should be grievously punished. Samuel having prophesied these things to the Hebrews, dismissed them to G their own dwellings, after he had confirmed the Kingdom to Saul the second time.

CHAP. VII.The year of the World, 2880. before Christ's Nativity, 1084. H
The Philistines, assailing the Hebrews, are overcome in Battel.

BUT when the King had Mustered his Men,1 Sam. 13. 1, ad 4. and chosen out 3000 of the best Soldi­ers, he appointed 2000 of them for the guard of his Person, and with them went and dwelt at Bethel. Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 6. The rest he gave in chrge to his Son Jonathan, and sent them to Gaba, Saul elected 2000 for his own guard and 1000 for Jo­nathans. to attend and guard him there; who, follow'd by them, valiantly overcame a Ga­rison of the Philistines near to Gebal. For the Philistines of Gaba having gotten a Victo­ry over them, had taken their Arms from them, and seized and fortified both with Men and Munition the strongest Cities of their Countrey; prohibiting them to bear Arms, and I in general the use of any Iron:Saul over­cometh the Philistines. by reason of which Inhibition, if their Husbandmen had at anytime need of any Iron work, as of Plough-shares, Mattocks, or any such other Instrument fit for manuring or tillage of their Lands, they were inforced to seek it, and get it forged amongst the Philistines.

Now when the Philistines understood that their Garison was defeated,Ver. 5. they were ex­tremely mov'd,The Phili­stines prepare to invade the Israelites. and conceiving that the injury and outrage was not to be suffered, they armed themselves against the Jews, and marcht out embattelled with 300000 Footmen, 30000 Chariots, and 6000 Horse, encamping with their whole Host near the City of Machmas. Which when Saul the King of the Hebrews understood, he marched toward the City of Gilgal: and as he Travelled thorow the Countrey, he animated and encou­raged K the People to preserve their liberty, proclaiming War against the Philistines; whose Forces he so little feared, that he mocked thereat, saying, That they deserved not to be feared for their multitudes, nor any danger which might accrue by an Encounter with them. But when Sauls Soldiers were certified of the true number of their Enemies,Ver. 6, 7, 8. they were dismayed,The Israelites dismay'd at the report of the Army of the Philistines. so that some of them hid themselves in Dens and places under the earth, others fled on the other side of Jordan, into the Countrey of the Gadites and Reubenites. But Saul sent for the Prophet, to consult with him about the War; who gave him an­swer, that he should attend in the same place where he was, and prepare Beasts for Sacri­fice, because that within seven days he would come to him, and sacrifice on the seventh day:Ver. 9, 10. which done, he might encounter the Enemy. According to this direction of the L Prophet he expected,Saul sacrificeth contrary to God and the Prophets dire­ction. yet observed not intirely all that Samuel had enjoined him. For when he perceived that he was somewhat slack in coming, and that his Soldiers left him, he took the Beasts that were prepared for the Sacrifice, and offer'd a Burnt-offering: but afterwards understanding that Samuel was arrived, he went out to meet him, and do him honour.Samuel accu­seth Saul. Samuel told him that he had done amiss, by reason that neglecting that which was commanded him,Ver. 11, 12. he had presum'd before his arrival, to offer the Sacrifices which were to be made to God for the People. Saul excused himself, alledging, That he had stayed during the term of 7 days which were appointed him: but that necessity, and the departure of his Soldiers, upon intelligence that the enemies Army had left Machmas, and was coming to Gilgal, had induced him to offer Sacrifice. Samuel replyed, saying, Thou M hadst done more advisedly, if thou hadst obeyed, and not by thy hastiness contemned God, whose Minister and Prophet I am: for by thine obedience thou mightest have got­ten an assurance and continuance of thy Kingdom to thy self, and the succession to thy Posterity. This said, being displeased with what had hapned, he returned back to his own house,Hedio & Ruf­finus. and Saul with 600 Soldiers (only accompanied with his Son Jonathan) came to the City of Gabeon. The greater part of these Men were disarmed, by reason that the Countrey was destitute of Iron, and Workmen expert in forging Armor: for the Philistines permitted them not to have any,Gilgal. as we have declared a little before.Ver. 22, 23. The Phi­listines dividing their Army into three Battels, invaded the Countrey of the Hebrews so many wayes,The Phili­stines spoil the Countrey of the Hebrews. destroying and ravaging all things in the sight of King Saul, and his Son,N who neither could inhibit their incursions, nor by reason of their multitudes, make head against them. Both he therefore and his Son, and Achias the High Priest, sate down up­on a Hillock,1 Sam. 14. 1, ad 4. and seeing the Countrey spoiled round about them, they were much dis­mayed. But Sauls Son proposed to his Armor-bearer, to enter secretly into the Ene­mies Camp,Jonathan with his Harness-bearer, do pri­vily enter the Enemies Camps. and raise an Uproar and Alarum in the same; who willingly promising and offering him his service to adventure with him in all occasions and places, with the ha­zard of his life: they both of them descended from the Mountain, and marched direct­ly towards the Enemies Camp, who had pitched their Tents on a high pointed Rock, which extended it self in length with three angles, and was each way begirt with a Bank, as it were a Wall and Fortification against the incursion of their Enemies. For O which cause, they kept their watch somewhat too carelesly, because the place was so for­tified by nature, that no man could ascend, or assail them, but with disadvantage. When [Page 155] A they got near the Camp, Jonathan encouraged his Companion, to assail the Enemy after this manner. If (saith he) they espie us, and will us to ascend, let us take this Summons of theirs for an assured token that our design shall succeed: but if they hold their peace, and call us not, let us return back again.

As they approached the Enemies Host, about break of day, the Philistines said one to another,Ver. 11, 12. the Hebrews creep out of their Caves and Dens; then cryed they out to Jona­than and his Armor-bearer, saying, Come hither, come hither to us, to receive the punishment of your audacious enterprize. Jonathan heard these words with joy, as a certain presage that God favor'd his enterprize, and parted with his Armor-bearer from the place where they were first discovered; answering them that he would shortly visit them. So with­drawing B himself on the other side of the Rock, which, by reason of the scituation there­of, was left unguarded;Ver. 12, 13, 14, 15. and overcoming the difficulty of the place with great labor, at last they came where the Enemy was,Jonathan slay­eth a certain number in the enemies camp, the rest invade one another, and are put to flight. whom they found asleep, and assailing them, slew 20 of them, and filled the whole Army with terror and amazement: so that casting away their Weapons, they fled with all speed: and some being ignorant which were their Friends or Foes, invaded one another as Enemies. For imagining with themselves, that only two Hebrews durst never enter their Camp, they conceiv'd there was Treache­ry among themselves, and so fell to slaughter one another: so that some of them were slain, others fled to escape the Sword, and fell headlong down the Rocks. But when the Kings Spies told him what confusion and disorder was hapned in the Camp of the Phili­stines, C Saul demanded whether any of his Company were absent? and hearing that his Son and his Armor-bearer were missing, he desired the High Priest to attire himself with the Ephod, that so he might learn of God what was to happen. He did so, and assur'd him that he should obtain the Victory over his Enemies.Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 7. Whereupon Saul sallied out, and assaulted the Philistines, Ver. 20, ad 26. whil'st they were thus confused and disordered, and fight­ing one against another.Saul hearing that there was a tumult in the Philistines camp, fallieth out upon them. To him there flocked in great multitudes, such as before were fled into dens, and places under ground, as soon as they heard that the Victory inclined on Sauls side: so that gathering together to the number of 10000 Hebrews, he pursued his scattered Enemies thorow all the Countrey. But afterward, a great inconvenience hapned unto Saul, proceeding from the joy he had conceived by this Victory, (for com­monly D such as are blessed by such good fortune, are not Masters of their own affections and reasons) or rather proceeding from his ignorance. For intending to satiate him­self with revenge for all those injuries which he had received from the Philistines, he published an Imprecation or Curse, against any one whomsoever, that intermitting the pursuit, should take sustenance before Night, purposing to continue the same till dark Night.Ver. 27, ad 30. This Execration thus published by Saul, it chanced that his Son, who had not heard of it,Sauls Edict unwittingly broken by Jonathan. nor the general allowance of the same by the People, entring into a cer­tain Grove belonging to the Tribe of Ephraim, wherein were many swarms of Bees, by chance light upon a Honey-comb, and pressing the Honey, did eat the same. Afterwards having intelligence that his Father had under a grievous penalty of Execration, forbid­den E any man to taste any sort of Meat before Sun-set, he gave over eating: yet said, that his Father had done amiss in publishing that Prohibition, by reason that if they had received sustenance, they might with greater force and vigor have pursued the Enemy that fled, and slain more of them. After the slaughter of many thousands of the Phi­listines, about Evening they began to ransack and spoil the Camp of the Philistines, and they carried away great spoils, and a number of Cattel, part of which were slain and eaten with the blood,Ver. 32. contrary to the Law. Which when the Scribes had signified to the King,The Hebrews feed on bloody flesh. how, the People had offended against God, by slaughtering the Beasts, and eating the flesh of them, before it was either washt or purified from the blood; Saul comman­ded that a great stone should be rowled into the midst of the Camp, and that the People F should kill the Beasts upon the same; and forbear to eat flesh with the blood, because it was not agreeable unto God. All which was performed as the King had commanded; and Saul erected an Altar in that place, on which he offered a Burnt-sacrifice to God. This was the first Altar that he erected. But Saul being desirous incontinently to assail the Enemies Camp, and sack all that was therein before day, whilest his Men of War diligently follow'd him, and shew'd great forwardness in the execution of his command; the King ask'd counsel of the High Priest Achilob, Ver. 37, 38. whether God would give him the victory, and permit those that should enter the Enemies Camp, to return from thence Conquerors. The High Priest told him, that God returned him no answer: which when he understood,Ver. 41, 42. It is not without some great cause, said he, that God is thus silent, who hereto­fore G was wont to give a [...] answer what we ought to do: Saul trieth by lot, who hath displeased God. but there must needs be some hid­den sin amongst us, that giving offence to him, causeth him to be silent. But I swear by the same God, that although mine own son Jonathan should have committed that sin, I will to appease [Page 156] God, with no less severity punish him, than any the least stranger that is neither by alliance nor H affinity tyed unto me. Now when the People cryed out, and encourag'd him to the per­formance of what he had spoken, he presently assembled them in one place, and standing with his Son apart, began by casting lots to find out him that was faulty. When the lot fell upon Jonathan, Ver. 44. he ask'd him what Crime he had committed? Jonathan answer'd, I know no other thing,Saul intendeth to kill his own son, being pre­pared and re­solute to dye. but that yesterday, being in pursuit of the Enemy, and ignorant of thine Edict, I tasted of an Honey-comb; whereupon Saul swore that he would put him to death, rather than violate his Oath, the observation of which he prefer'd before his own blood, and all the sentiments of nature. He nothing astonish'd at his present dan­ger, with a generous and dreadless mind, presented himself with this Reply: O Father, (said he) I entreat no favour at thy hands: for I willingly submit to that death, which may I discharge thee of thy vow, Ver. 45, 46. the more contentedly, because I have seen so famous a victory: for I shall dye contented, The Israelites rescue Jona­than from his displeased Fa­ther. to see the insolence of the Philistines overmastered by the power of the He­brews. This valor and courage of the young man, moved the whole multitude to re­morse and commiseration; so that they all swore that they would not suffer Jonathan, who was the Author of so famous a victory, to be put to death: so they rescued the young man out of the hands of his displeased Father, and pray'd to God to pardon him the fault which he had committed. Saul, after he had slain about 6000 of his Enemies, returned with victory to his own house,Oba or Soba. and Reigned afterwards very happily, and over­came the Ammonites, Philistines, Moabites, Idumeans, Amalekites, and King Zoba. He had three sons, Jonathan, Joshua, and Melchi, and two Daughters, Merob and Michol. The K General of his Army was Abner the son of his Uncle called Neer; for Neer and Cis Sauls Father, were Brothers, and Sons of Abiel. He was very strong both in Horse and Chariots; and against whatsoever Enemy he marched forth, he always returned with victory:Ver. 47. so that he reduced the affairs of the Hebrews to a happy state, and so much in­creased their power,Saul always Conqueror. that they were feared by all those Nations that neighboured upon them. But the chiefest of the youth, that excelled either in strength or beauty, he chose to be of his Guard.

CHAP. VIII.L
Sauls victory over the Amalekites.

BUT Samuel coming to Saul, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 8. told him that he was sent to him by God, to admonish him how he had chosen him above the rest, and preferred him to the Kingdom: and for that cause that it behooved him to be obedient unto him in all things,1 Sam. 15. [...], [...], 3. because as he Ruled the People, so God Rules both Kings, Kingdoms, and all things. Thus therefore (said he) doth God command thee. Since the Amalekites offer'd many inju­ries unto the Hebrews in the Desart, whil'st in their departure out of Egypt, they Travel­led into that Region which they now inhabit;Samuel by Gods com­mandment, ad­dresseth Saul to make War upon the A­malekites. justice requireth that they be punish'd for that inhumanity. Wherefore I give thee order to declare War against them, and af­ter M thou hast overcome them, to extinguish them utterly, without regard either of sex or years; and this revenge shalt thou execute upon them, in requital of those injuries they in times past offered to our Forefathers. Neither shalt thou spare either Beast or Horse, or Flock, to apply them to thy profit or particular use: but thou shalt offer all to God for a Burnt-offering, and according as Moses commanded, root out the name of the A­malekites from off the earth. All these things did Saul promise to perform, and con­ceiving that obedience consisted in the speedy execution of that which was enjoined him, he presently assembled all his Forces together, and mustering his Soldiers at Gilgal, he found about 40000,Ver. 4. besides the Tribe of Juda, which of it self afforded 30000 Men: with these did Saul enter the Countrey of the Amalekites, Saul mustering his people, findeth in the Tribe of Juda only 30000 men. and laid divers Ambushes near N a River, not only to molest them with open War, but also surprize them unawares, and kill them amidst the High-ways: he afterwards gave them Battel, and put them to flight, and discomfited their whole Army, pursuing them that fled. Which beginning, having success answerable to what God had promised him, he marched onwards, and besieged the Cities of the Amalekites, and besieged and took some of them by Engines, others by Mines and Countermures raised on the outside,Ver. 5, 6. others by famine, and want of water, and divers other ways.Saul razeth the Cities of the Amale­kites. And in those Cities which he overcame, he neither spared Women nor Children, not supposing their slaughter to be cruel, or inhumane: both for that they were his Enemies, and for that he did nothing but according to Gods commandment, to­wards whom disobedience would be a Crime. He took [...] Prisoner also, who was O King of the Amalekites, whose beauty and personage seemed unto him so goodly, that he thought him worthy to be kept alive, and so being led rather by his own inclination, [Page 157] A than Gods commandment,The year of the World, 2883, before Christ's Nativity. 1081. he us'd such clemency as was not lawful for him at that time: For God so hated the Amalekites, that he would not have their Infants spared, though they ought in natural compassion to have been more pitied than the rest. But Saul kept alive the King of his Enemies, and the Author of all the Hebrews evils, regarding more his beauty, than Gods commandment. This sin of his the People presently imitated: for they spared Horses,Ver. 7 8. and other kind of Cattel, and made prey of them, notwithstand­ing God had charged them to reserve nothing.Saul taketh Agag the King of the Amale­kites prisoner, and keepeth him alive con­trary to Gods Command­ment. They carried away with them all other Moveables and Riches, and only consumed those things which were of smallest value, by fire. This victory had Saul over those People that dwell betwixt Polusium, (a City on the borders of Egypt) and the Red Sea. But he medled not with the Sichemites, which B inhabit in the Province of Midian, whom, before the Battel, he commanded to retire themselves, lest they should partake the Calamities of the Amalekites: for being they were allied to them by Raguel, Moses Father-in-law, the Hebrews had care of their safety. Saul having obtained this victory,Ver. 9. and rejoycing at his good success, returned home, as full of content,The People, contrary to that which God had or­dained, drive away the horse and cattel of the Amale­kites. as if he had pretermitted nothing of that which God had commanded him by the Prophet Samuel, before his War with the Amalekites; but had precisely ob­serv'd all that was enjoin'd him. But God was greatly displeased, both that the King of the Amalekites was preserved, and that the People had made prey of their Cattel: for both these actions of theirs were expresly against Gods command. For it was not to be tolerated, even by a mortal King, that they should neglect and contemn his Laws and C Decrees, by whose only means they were further'd and favor'd in their victory. For which cause, God told the Prophet Samuel, that he repented that he had made Saul their King, considering that he infring'd his Commandments, and govern'd himself ac­cording to his own will.Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 9. When Samuel heard these words, he was much troubled, and pray'd to God all Night, that he would appease his wrath and displeasure conceived against Saul: Ver. 10. ad 24. but notwithstanding all the importunities and prayers which the Prophet made for him,God displeased with Sauls dis­obedience, Sa­muel striveth to reconcile Saul unto God. God would in no sort be reconciled, because he judg'd it not just, that the sins which were committed by Saul, should be remitted by Samuels intercession. For sin never more augmenteth, than when such as are offended, are too remiss in their punish­ments: for whil'st they would be reputed both for good and merciful, they themselves D become the Authors of sin. When therefore God had denied the Prophet his Request, and it manifestly appear'd that no prayers or supplication could appease him, as soon as it was day,Too much in­dulgence and lenity confirm­eth the wicked in their un­godliness. Samuel repair'd to Saul, who at that time remained in Gilgal. As soon as the King saw him, he run unto him, and embraced him, saying, I give God thanks for the victory; and all those things which he commanded me, I have performed. But Samuel answer'd, How cometh it then to pass, that I hear this bleeting of Sheep, and bellowing of Beasts through­out the Army? Saul replyed, That the People had reserved that Cattel for Sacrifice; but all the Nation of the Amalekites was exterminated, as God had commanded, and none remaining but onely the King, whom he would cause to be presented before him, to the end they might consult together what should be done with him. Ver. 17, &c. Hereunto the Prophet answer'd, That God took no E pleasure in Sacrifices, Samuel chi­deth Saul. but in those men that are good and just, and such (said he) are they, that obey his Will and Commandment; since no action may be reputed good, but in respect of the reference it hath to Gods Will: for God refuseth not him that sacrificeth not, but him that disobeyeth him. Ver. 22. For he accepteth not those Sacrifices that are offered to him, by those that sub­mit not themselves unto him, The contempt of God, where­in it consists. and offer not unto him the true and acceptable offerings; yea, though they present divers and many great Sacrifices, and bring him jewels of gold and silver; but he rejecteth such things, and respecteth them not as pledges of piety but effects of hypocri­sie: But he taketh pleasure in those onely that observe that which he hath commanded, A pleasing and acceptable sa­crifice unto God. and had rather dye, than infringe the same, not seeking that Sacrifices should be offered unto him; but if they be offered, although of small and no value, yet are they more acceptable unto him in po­verty F and obedience, Ver. 23. than all those which the richest hand, or strongest fortune can afford. Know thou therefore, Samuel telleth Saul of Gods displeasure, and the loss of his kingdom. (said he) that thou hast incurr'd Gods displeasure, in that thou hast contemned and neglected his Commandments: for how canst thou think that he will regard those Sacrifices with a gracious eye, which he himself hath adjudged to utter perdition and ruine? Is it possible for thee to think that there is no difference between destroying and sacrificing? Be assured there­fore of the loss of thy kingdom and power, Ver. 24. which hath in such sort transported thee, that thou hast contemned God, Saul confesseth his sin, and craveth par­don: which notwithstand­ing is denied him. who bestowed the same upon thee. Saul confessed that he had sinned, and done amiss, in that he had not obeyed the words of the Prophet; yet alledg'd, That he was compelled to do the same, in that he durst not restrain the Soldier, who was set upon the prey: but (said he) be favourable, and merciful unto me, for hereafter I will take heed, G lest I fall into the like sin▪ and he entreated him that he would stay with him a little, and offer a Peace-offering in his behalf. But the Prophet knowing that God would be mo­ved by no Sacrifice, would not be persuaded by him.

CHAP. IX.H
Samuel proclaims David King.

BUT Saul, Ver. 27, 28. willing to retain Samuel, took hold of his Garment; and for that the Prophet hastily withdrew himself,Saul striving to stay Samuel, renteth his garment. he tore away a part thereof: whereupon the Prophet told him, That in like manner his Kingdom should be rent from him, and another who was more honest and upright, should take possession thereof: for God is not like men, he is un­changeable in his determinations. Saul answer'd, That he had grievously sinned; but being it was impossible for him to recall that which was past, he desir'd him that at least he I would worship God with him in presence of all the People:Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 10. which Samuel condescend­ed to, and went with him to adore God. After this, Agag the King of the Amalekites was brought before Samuel, Ver. 32. who heard him lament,The King of the Amale­kites is slain by Samuels command. and complain that death was very bitter; to which he answer'd in this manner, As thou hast caused divers Mothers amongst the Hebrews, to weep and lament the loss of their Children; so shall thy death cause thy Mo­ther to weep and lament: which said, he presently commanded that he should be put to death in Gilgal, 1 Sam. 16. 1; &c. and returned back again to the City of Ramath. But the King percei­ving into how many mischiefs he had fallen by his offences committed against God,God sendeth Samuel to Bethlehem to anoint David King. de­parted to his chief City call'd Gaba, (which name signifieth a Hillock) and from that day forwards, he never more saw the Prophet Samuel, who was heartily sorry for his K fall: but God commanded him to give over his care, and that taking with him the sacred Oyl, he should repair to the City of Bethlehem, to the house of Jesse the Son of Obed, and there anoint that of his Sons for King, whom he should shew him: and when the Prophet said that he was afraid, lest Saul getting notice thereof, should seek to slay him, God commanded him to fear nothing: whereupon being encourag'd in his attempt, he came to the forenamed Town, where he was saluted with great concourse of People, who enquired of him, to what intent he came thither? and he answer'd them, that he came to offer Sacrifice to God. Now when the Oblations were performed, he invited Jesse and his Sons to banquet with him; and beholding the eldest of them to be a good­ly and well proportioned Man, he conjectured by his stature and comeliness, that it was L he that God elected King; but in this matter he mistook the intention of God. For demanding whether he should anoint that young man,Ver. 7, 8, ad 11. whom he thought so worthy of the Kingdom:God respect­eth not the beauties of the body, but the perfections of the mind. it was answer'd him, That God judgeth not in such manner as men do. For thou (said he) beholding the beauty of the young man, supposest him worthy of the Kingdom: but I dispose not of a Crown by the beauties of the Body, but by the virtues of the Soul; and him I consider that is perfectly furnished herewith, and hath his mind beautified with piety, justice, obedienee and fortitude. Upon these words, Samuel desir'd Jesse to bring all hss other Sons into his presence, and he presented to him five others, the eldest being called Eliab, Jesses sons be­ing goodly in personage, were not to be preferred to the sovereign­ty. the second Aminadab, the third Sala, the fourth Nathaneel, the fifth Rael, the sixth Asam. Now when the Prophet beheld these no less beautiful Men than the eldest, he M asked of God, which of them he should anoint King? God answer'd him, that he should anoint none of them. Then Samuel enquired of Jesse, whether he had any other Sons besides them? who told him, that he had one called David, who had the care and custo­dy of his Flocks. The Prophet desir'd him to send for him, saying, that it was reaso­nable he should have a part as well as his Brothers in the Feast. Now when David was come, Samuel seeing him fair of complexion, quick-ey'd, and of a martial aspect, This is he (said he softly to his Father) who is elected by God to be our King. Ver. 12, 13. This said, he sate down at the Table,Samuel anoin­teth David King. and made the young man sit next him, and above Jesse his Father, and his other Brethren. Afterwards taking the Cruet of oyl in the presence of David, he anointed him, and told him in his ear, That God had chosen him to be King, and exhort­ed N him to study Justice, and to be obedient to that which should be commanded him, as­suring him that by that means,Ver. 14, 15, ad 20. his Kingdom should be of long continuance, his family and stock famous and renowned, and that he should overcome the Philistines, and conquer those Nations against whom he should fight,Gods Spirit forsaking Saul descendeth on David, who beginneth to prophesie. and obtain glorious Renown in his life-time, and leave an immortal Memory behind him. Samuel having made this Exhortation, de­parted; and the Spirit of God abandoned Saul, and entred into David, so that he be­gan to prophesie: whereas on the other side, Saul was tormented with strange passions of the evil spirit, whereby he fell into strange suffocations, so that his Physicians could not find any remedy for him, but gave counsel that search should be made for a Man ex­pert in singing and playing on the Harp, to the end that when the evil spirit should as­sault O and trouble him, he might stand by him, and with voice and instrument sing sacred Hymns before him. And when the King had given command, that such an one should [Page 159] A be sought after, one of those that were present, told him, that he had seen in Bethlehem a son of Jesse, a young man of excellent feature; and besides his other good qualities, very cunning both in Song, and playing on the Harp: and also dextrous enough, fit to serve in War. He therefore sent Messengers to Jesse, to take David from the Fold, and send him to him, because that having heard report of his beauty and valor, he was desi­rous to see him.Ver. 21. This command of his Jesse obey'd, and sent his son with Presents to Saul the King,Saul maketh David one of his Pensioners or Guard. who greatly rejoyced upon his arrival, and made him his Pensioner, and favor'd him in all things. For he was delighted by him, and David was his onely Phy­sician against the vexation of evil spirits, when they seized him: for by singing Psalms to his Harp, he restored the King to his right mind. So the King requested Jesse that he B would let him live with him, and attend upon him, because he was so much delighted with his presence; whereunto Jesse condescended.

CHAP. X.
A second Expedition of the Philistines against the Hebrews.

NOt long after,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 11. the Philistines gathered together great companies of men of War, with which they assailed the Israelites, 1 Sam. 1 [...]. [...] &c. and encamped between Succoth and Azeca. Saul on the other side led forth his Army against them,Another expe­dition of the Philistines against the Hebrews. and encamping upon a certain Mountain, C he constrained the Philistines to dislodge from their first Camp, and intrench themselves upon another Mountain right over against that where he had pitched his Tents. The Camps being thus separated the one from the other, there was a Valley between both the Armies:Ver. 4. ad 15. into this there descended a certain Gyant called Goliath, Goliath a Man of prodigious stature a­mongst the Philistines. who was of Gath, of huge stature, being four Cubits and a span in height, having his Limbs cover'd with huge and mighty Armor; for his Cuirass which he bare on his back, weighed five thousand Sicles; his Helmet and Pouldrons were of Brass, made fit to cover his massie Members; the Spear which he bare in his hand,Goliath chal­lengeth a sin­gle Combat at the Hebrews hands. was no light Launce, but he bare it on his shoulder, and the Head thereof weighed six hundred Sicles. This Gyant, follow'd by a great Troop, presented himself in this Equipage in the Valley that separated the two Armies, D and cryed with a loud voice, addressing his Speech to Saul and the Hebrews in these terms, Hebrews, what need you hazard the doubtful fortune of a Battel? Single me [...] an Adversary, and let us determine by our two fates, on whose side the victory and conquest shall fall; which soever of us shall be overcome, let his Party be obliged to receive Law from that of the Victor. For it is better that a single person, than the whole Army be expos'd to danger. When he had spoken thus, he returned back to his own Camp. The next day he came forth again, and used the same words; and thus for forty days he ceased not to defie the Hebrews in such words: so that both Saul and all his Army were displeased, and kept themselves alwayes ready and ranged in Battel,Ver. 25. yet came not to blows. David was not then in the Camp,Saul sendeth David back again to his Father. because Saul had sent him back again to Jesse his Father, (contenting E himself with his other three Brothers, who at that time served under his Royal Stan­dard) where he resum'd his intermitted care of keeping his Flocks. But whil'st the War was rather protracted than prosecuted, his Father sent him to carry Provisions to his Brothers, and to know how their affairs went in the Army: And whil'st David dis­cours'd with his Brothers touching those things which his Father had committed to his charge, Goliath came after his usual manner, but more insolent than ever, and reproacht the Israelites, Ver. 26. that none amongst them had the courage no fight with him. David was herewith so greatly moved,David desireth to fight with Goliath. that turning himself to his Brothers, he told them that he was ready to fight hand to hand against that Enemy. But Eliah the elder Brother repro­ved him for so speaking, telling him that he was more hardy than became his age, and F that he knew not what concerned those matters, willing him to return to his Father, and mind his Flocks. David out of respect to his Brother, departed from thence, and meet­ing with certain Soldiers, said unto them, That he fear'd not to encounter that proud Chal­lenger: which they presently signified unto Saul, who incontinently sent to seek him out. When he came into his presence, Saul asked him, Whether he had spoken after that man­ner? David answer'd, That he had, and that he fear'd not that Philistine, though he appear'd so terrible; and that if the King would permit him, he would abate the pride of this Gyant: and how terrible and fierce soever he appear'd, he would subdue him, and turn his terror to con­tempt; and so much the more should the glory of his Army be enhaunced, that so great and ex­pert a Man at Arms, should be subdued by a young unexperienced Soldier. Saul admir'd G his hardiness, and great courage; yet by reason of his years, told him, That he was too feeble to encounter a Man so expert in fea [...] of Arms. David answer'd, That which I promise you (my Sovereign) is [...]pon the assurance that I have in God, which heretofore I have pro­ved, [Page 160] by the succor which I have received at his hands. For whil'st I fed my Fathers Flocks, I H rescued a Lamb that was ravished out of my Fold, out of a Lyons jaws; and catching the wild Beast by the tail, that with open mouth assaulted and sought to devour me, I beat him to the ground, and slew him. With no less success I slew a Bear that set upon my Flock; and I do not believe that this Philistine is more terrible than Lyons or Bears. But that which gives me most assurance, is, that I cannot but think that his slanderous railings both against God, Ver. 34, 35, 36. and Men, David redee­med a Lamb from the jaws of a Lyon, and slew him. cannot longer escape the Divine arm of Justice which he so wickedly provoketh. And for these Reasons, I dare assure my self that he will assist me, to tame his pride, and to overcome him.

So much prevailed this extraordinary hardiness of the young Man, that the King im­ploring I Gods assistance to second his courage,David killed a Bear. furnish'd him with his own Armor, a Sword and a Helmet,Ver. 38, 39, 40. and sent him forth to the Combat. But David feeling the weight of his Armor,David laying aside those Arms where­with he was furnished, to fight with Go­liath, marcheth forward with his sling against the Enemy. and finding himself rather loaden, than advantag'd by it, said to the King, These Arms, Sir, are proper for your Majesty, who are able to make so good use of them, but not for me; wherefore I beseech you to leave me at liberty, to fight as I please. Saul granted his desire; and he putting off his Armor, took a staff in his hand, and five stones, which he gather'd on the bank of the Torrent, and put into his Scrip, his sling he bore in his right hand: and being thus armed, he marched forward to encounter his Enemy. When the Barba­rian saw him thus furnished, he so much contemned him, that in way of scorn, he ask'd him,Ver. 41, ad 47. Whether he thought him a Dog, that he thus came forth to fight with him onely with stones? David draw­ing near his Enemy, is con­temned. Nay (said David) I esteem thee worser than a Dog. These words so incensed K Goliath, that he swore by his God, That he would tear his Carkass in a thousand pieces, and give them to the Beasts of the Field, Davids talk with Goliath before the Combat. and the Birds of the Air. But David answer'd, Thou comest against me with thy Sword, thy Javelin, and Cuiress; but I march out against thee, trusting in the power of God, who will destroy thee by my hand, and with thee thy whole Ar­my; for this day will I take thy head from thy shoulders, and cast the rest of thy body to the Dogs, whom, by thy rage, thou resemblest; and all Men shall know that God protects the He­brews, that his Providence conducts them, that his help renders them invincible, and that no strength nor arms can keep them from perishing, whom he abandons. The weight of the Phi­listines arms hindred him from marching readily: so that he walkt step by step towards David, contemning him, and trusting to kill him easily, both for that he was disarmed,L and because he was young, and of small stature.

CHAP. XI.
The single Combat betwixt David and Goliath, and the slaughter of the Philistines that follow'd it.

DAvid advanc'd boldly against Goliath, being assisted in an invisible manner by God; and drawing one of the stones out of his Scrip,Ver. 49, 50, 51. and fitting it to his Sling,Davids victo­ry against Go­liath. he threw it against Goliath, which gave him such a stroke on the Forehead, that it pierced him to the very Brain,The Phili­stines flie, and are discomfi­ted. so that he fell down suddenly dead; and David running upon M him, as he lay sprawling on the earth, cut off his Head with his own Sword: for he him­self had none. As soon as he was strucken down, terror and confusion fell upon all the Army of the Philistines: for seeing the most esteemed Warrior amongst them over­thrown and slain, they began to fear the issue of their Battel, and resolved to flie; which they did in great disorder and confusion, hoping by that means to deliver them­selves out of danger.Ver. 52, 53. But Saul, and the whole Army of the Hebrews, pursu'd them, with great shouts and cries;30000 of the Philistines slain. and in the pursuit, made a great slaughter of them, and drove them to the borders of Gath, and even to the gates of Ascalon. In this Battel, there dyed on the Philistines side, above Thirty thousand, and the hurt and wounded were N twice as many. Saul returning back to the Camp, pillaged and burnt their Tents; but David bore Goliaths head to his Pavilion,1 Sam. 18. 6, ad 9. and hung his Sword in the Tabernacle, and con­secrated the same to God. But Saul afterward conceived a secret hatred against David, upon this occasion:Saul privily hateth David. As he returned triumphant like a Conqueror with his Army, the Women and Maidens singing and dancing to their Cymbals and Tymbrels, in way of honour,Saul from one of his chief Nobles, ma­keth David a tribune, to the end that being often drawn out by the ene­my▪ he might be slain. came out to meet him: the Women sung, that Saul had slain thousands of the Philistines; and the Virgins answer'd, that David had slain Ten thousands: which when Saul understood, and saw that barely thousands were ascrib'd to him, and Ten thousands to David, he thought that after so glorious Acclamations, there wanted nothing to Da­vid, but the name of King. For which cause he began to fear and suspect him: and by O reason of this fear, he thought he was too near his own person, and therefore from be­ing one of the chiefest in authority about him, which was to be one of his chief Com­manders [Page 161] A and guard, he made him Captain over a 1000, rather respecting his own security than Davids honor; to the intent that being often engag'd in encounters with the Enemye he might perish by some disaster or other. But David, having in all places the assistance of Almighty God, returned alwayes with good success: so that his extraordinary Valor acquir'd him an universal esteem, and Michol, Sauls Daughter, that was about that time marriageable,Ver. 17, ad 26. began to be enamor'd with him, that she could not hide her passion even from the King her Father.Sauls daughter in love with David. Saul, instead of being displeas'd, rejoyc'd at it, hoping by that means the sooner to entrap David. He gave ear thereto with some shew of allow­ance, Saul subtilly objecteth Da­vid to slaugh­ter, under a colourable condition of slaughtering the Philistines and told them who spoke of it to him, that he would willingly give him his Daugh­ter to Wife; for he reason'd thus with himself: I will propose that I will give him my B Daughter in marriage, on condition that he bring me six hundred Philistines heads; and I am certain that being valiant and generous as he is, he will with joy accept this condi­tion, because the more dangerous it is, the more glory it will acquire to him; and so exposing himself to all manner of dangers, he will be slain by the hands of the Phili­stines; Ver. 27, &c. and that intention which I have conceived against him, shall succeed according to mine own hearts desire:Saul, under co­venant of 60 [...] Philistines heads, promi­seth David his daughter. for I shall be delivered of him, in sending him out of the world, not by my means, but by other mens hands. Having taken this resolution, he charged his Courtiers to sound Davids sentiments, and how he stood affected to the mar­riage: and they told him, That the King bare him great kindness, and so rejoyc'd that the People admir'd him, that he would give him in marriage the Princess his Daughter. David C answer'd, Think you it a small matter to be Son-in-law to the King? for my self, I esteem otherwise, considering mine own base condition, who have neither reputation, nor any honoura­ble quality. When Sauls servants had reported to him what answer David made them, Tell him (said he) that I value not Goods or Presents, (for that were to expose my Daughter to sale, and not to match her with an Husband.) I seek a Son-in-law that hath Valor, and that is adorned with all Virtue, such as is manifest and apparent in thee: and my desire is, that for the dowry of my Daughter, thou give me neither gold nor silver, nor any other wealth out of thy Fathers house; but that thou make War upon the Philistines, and six hundred of their heads, shall be the most acceptable dower thou canst present me with. My Daughter also desires, above all the dowers, to be married to a Man that is so ennobled and famous for the overthrow of the D Enemies of her Father and her Countrey.

When these words were reported to David, he was very joyful, thinking that Saul acted sincerely concerning this alliance: and without delay, or taking counsel or delibe­ration, whether the thing were easie or impossible for him to execute, he incontinently departed with his company to find out the Enemy, and execute the condition upon which the marriage was promised him; God assisted David in this occasion, as in all others. And after he had slain a great number of them, and cut off six hundred of their Heads, he returned, and presented them to the King; and in consideration thereof, desired the performance of his promise.

EFG

CHAP. XII.H
Saul admiring David's fortitude, giveth him his Daughter to Wife.

BUT Saul, 1 Sam. 18. 27, &c. that could not flie from his promise, (because it would be a great di­shonour to him to fail of his word, and to have promised his Daughter under co­lour, Saul marrieth Michol to Da­vid. either to murther him, or to put him upon the execution of things that were impos­sible) deliver'd his Daughter Michol unto him. Nevertheless he chang'd not his pur­pose. Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 12. For perceiving that David was gracious in Gods sight, and in good reputation among the People,Saul resolveth to kill David. he was afraid of him: and being unable to conceal his fear of being I deprived of two things of such consequence, as his Kingdom and Life, he resolved to kill David; Jonathan loves David, and sheweth him his fathers determination, and counsel­leth him to have care of his safety, and stand on his guard. giving Commission to his Son Jonathan, and divers other of his Servants, to execute the same. But Jonathan amazed to see this change in his Father, who, in stead of the good liking he had of David in times past, sought to injure him▪ not in any slight sort, but by taking away his life: and on the other side, being singularly affected to­wards him, and respecting his virtue, he communicated the secret intention of his Father to him, counselling him to have a care of himself, and to flie the next morning; in the mean while he would go and salute his Father, and as soon as occasion presented it self, he would confer with him, to know the cause of his displeasure against him, to the in­tent he might pacifie the same; conceiving it a matter unreasonable, that he should be K deprived of life, who had so well deserv'd of all the people, and who, in particular, was his intimate Friend: and in respect of his former merits, if guilty of some offence, de­served pardon. I will tell thee afterwards (said he) what my Fathers resolution is. David gave credit to his wholesom counsel, and retired from the presence of the King.

CHAP. XIII.
How the King practised to murther David.L

THE next morning Jonathan came to Saul, and finding him well disposed, be­gan to speak to him to this effect, [...] Sam. 19. 3, ad 6. concerning David: Of what fault, (O Father) either great or small,Jonathan reckoneth up unto his father the good de­serts of Da­vid, praying him to pacifie his displeasure conceived a­gainst him. have you found David guilty, that you have commanded him to be put to death? A Man that hath done you such signal service; that hath reveng'd you upon the Phili­stines, abated their Pride, and advanc'd the Honour of the People of the Hebrews, and hath de­livered them from that disgrace and contempt under which they have layen for the space of Forty years, being the onely person that dared to oppose himself against the proud defiances of that Gyant, whom he so gloriously overcame; and who since that time hath brought as many of the Philistines heads as were demanded of him, in recompence whereof he hath taken my sister to Wife. Be pleas'd to consider that his death would be a great grief to us, not only upon account M of his virtue, but also of his alliance with us; and that by his death, your Daughter will have the affliction to see her self a Widow, as soon as she is a Wife. Weigh these things, and pacifie your displeasure, and do no wrong to such a Man, who hath been the Author of so good and great service, as is the conservation of your person at such time as you were possessed and tormented with evil spirits,Ver. 7. and the revenging you of your Enemies. For it is a thing unworthy either your Majesty,Jonathan cer­tifieth David how he hath pacified his fa­ther. or the name of a Man, to forget good deserts. With these words was Saul pacified, so that he swore to his Son he would do no hurt to David: for his just persuasions and arguments were stronger, than the choler and fear of the King. Jonathan sent to seek out David, and told him these good tydings from his Father, and brought him to him; and David continu'd to serve him as formerly. N

O

A CHAP. XIV.
How hardly David escaped the ambushes that were often laid for him by the King; yet having him twice at advantage and in his power, would not murther him

ABout the same time,v. 8, 9. the Philistines again led forth their Army against the Hebrews, David hath a great victory against the Philistines. and Saul sent David against them accompanied with his forces; who encountring them, slew a great number of them, and returned to the King with a great Victory. But Saul entertained him not, as he hoped, and as the happy exploit atchieved by him merited; but he envied his good actions and honourable deserts, as if Davids happy B success had been Sauls disadvantage and prejudice. But when the evil spirit returned to vex him, he lodged him in his own chamber, and having at that time a javelin in his hand, he commanded him to play on his Harp, and to Sing Hymns. Now whilest David obeyed his command Saul stretching out his arm,v. 9, 10. threw his Dart at him: but David foreseeing it,Saul darteth his javelin at David. avoided the stroke, and fled to his own house, where he stayed all the rest of the day. When night was come, the King sent certain of his Servants to watch his house lest he should escape, to the end that the next day, being brought forth to judgement, he might be condemned and put to death. But Michol, Davids Wife, and Sauls Daughter, having intelligence of her Fathers intention, went to her Husband, told him in how great peril he was, being desirous to save his life, with the hazard of her C own. Beware (said she) lest the Sun at his rising find thee in this place; for if it do, I shall never more see thee. Flie therefore whilest night offereth thee opportunity, which I pray to God to lengthen for thy sake: for be assured, that if thou be surprized in this place, my Father will make thee die a miserable death. This said, she let him down by a window, and so saved him; and soon after, she prepared his bed as if he lay sick therein, and under the covering she laid the Liver of a new slaughtred Kid; and when her Father sent the next morning to apprehend David, she answered that he had been sick all the night long:v. 14. and opening the Curtains,Michol per­suadeth the Kings Servants that David is sick. she gave them to understand that David was laid therein, the Coverlet being moved by the Liver which was hot and yet stirred, made them believe that the Liver that lay there was David, who panted and breathed very D hardly. Which being signified unto Saul, he commanded that he should be brought to him in that estate wherein he was, because he resolved to put him to death. But when Sauls messengers returned thither, and opened the bed, they perceived Michols subtilty,v. 17. and went and certified the King thereof: who reproved her very sharply, for that she had saved his Enemy,Michol excu­seth her self for delivering David. and deceived her Father. But she excused her self with words full of good appearance, saying that David had threatned to kill her; and through fear of death, she was induced to save him. For which cause she ought to be pardoned, since by constraint, and not ofset purpose, she had furthered his escape. For (said she) I think that you seek not so greedily after the death of your Enemy, as to prefer the same before the safety and security of your Daughter. v. 18. Upon these reasons Saul pardoned his Daughter.

E David delivered from this peril,David expres­seth to Samuel how the King was affected towards him. went to the Prophet Samuel at Ramath, and told him what ambushes the King had laid for him, and how hardly he had escaped death by the stroke of his javelin; whereas in all things that concerned Saul, he had alwayes shewed himself obedient: having served him advantageously in war upon his Enemies, and by Gods assistance been fortunate in all things; which was the cause that Saul was so dis­pleased with him. The Prophet informed of Sauls injustice, departed from Ramath, and led David to a certain place called Galbaath, where he remained with him. But as soon as Saul was informed that David was retired,v. 19, 20, 21. and accompanied with the Prophet, he sent out certain Soldiers to lay hands on him,Saul sent armed Souldi­ers to appre­hend David, who began to prophesie, and he himself like­wise coming thither pro­phesieth. and bring him to him. They re­paring to Samuel, and finding the congregation of the Prophets were seized with the F Spirit of God, and began to prophesie. Which when Saul understood, he sent out others, with the like order, and they had the l [...]ke extasie. For which cause he sent out others and seeing the third company prophesie likewise, he was in the end so enraged, that he went thither in his own person. And when he drew neer the place, Samuel before he saw him, made him prophesie also; so that he was transported out of himself, and having dispoi­led himself of his rayment,1 Sam. 20. v. 1. ad 4. he remained naked all day and night in the presence of Samuel and David. David departed from thence, and went to Jonathan, to whom he complained of those ambushes which his Father had laid to intrap him,David com­plaineth unto Jonathan of his Fathers in­juries. telling him, that notwithstand­ing he had never committed any fault against his Father, he earnestly pursued him to put him to death. Jonathan persuaded him not to suspect these things rashly, nor to be over­credulous G to those reports which parhaps might be brought to him, but trust him only, who was assured that his Father intended no evil against him:Jonathan ex­cuseth his Fa­ther. For if he had, he would have told him, being never wont to act any thing without his counsel. But David sware [Page 164] unto him that it was so, and conjured him not to doubt of it, but rather to consider how H to procure his security, than by contemning his words, expect till his death ascertained him of the truth thereof. He added that his Father did not communicate his counsels with him, because he was assured of the love and friendship that was between them. Jonathan, persuaded by Davids reasons, asked him what he desired at his hands, or wherein he might shew him friendship?v. 5. ad 11. David said unto him I know that thou wilt further me, in what thou mayst,David desired Jonathan to sound his Fa­ther how he was affected towards him. and refuse me in nothing. Now to morrow is the first day of the month, in which I was accustomed to dine at the Kings Table; if thou thinkest good, I will depart out of the City into the field where I will lie hid. And if he ask for me, thou shalt say, I am gone into the Countrey of Bethlehem, where my Tribe solemni­zeth a feast; and thou shalt certifie him also that thou hast given me leave. And if he I say God speed him, which is an ordinary wish that friends use to such as go a journey, know that he hath no hidden rancour, nor secret malice conceived against me; but if he answer otherwise, it shall be an assured testimony that he plotteth some mischief against me: and this shalt thou ascertain me of, as both becometh my present calamity, and our mutual friendship, which by vowed oath, thou being my Lord, hast plighted to me, who am thy Servant: And if thou think me unworthy of this favour, and injurious towards thy Father, without expecting the sentence of his justice, kill me now at this present with thine own Sword. These last words so pierced Jonathans heart, that he promised him to accomplish his request and certifie him if he any wayes could perceive that his Father was ill affected towards him; and to the intent he might the better be believed,K he caused him to walk forth with him into the open air,v. 16, 17, 8, 19. and there sware to him that he would not omit any thing that might tend to his preservation. For (said he) that God that seeth and governeth all things in this universe,Jonathan con­firmeth his friendship to­wards David, with an oath. and who, before I speak knoweth my mind; he, I say, shall bear witness of that accord which shall be between thee and me, that I will not cease to sound my Father, till I know his intention concerning thee; and as soon as I understand the same, I will not conceal it from thee, but give thee notice thereof, be it good or evil. The same God knoweth how incessantly I beseech him to be assistant to thee, as also he is at this present: and that he never abandon thee, but make thee Lord over thine Enemies, yea, though it were my Father, or my self. Only remember me in this point, that after my death (If I chance to die before thee)L thou take care of my children, and be as favorable towards them, as I am affectionate to thee at this present.v. 20. ad 24. After he had sworn this oath,Jonathan gi­veth David certain signs whereby he should know whether his Father were displeased with him. he dismissed David; willing him to conceal himself in a certain place of the Plain, where people ordinarily exercised themselves: For that as soon as he understood his Fathers mind, he would return thither with his Page; and if (saith he) having shot three shafts at the mark, I command my Page to fetch them back again to me, know that thou art to expect no evil from my Father: but if I do not, think thou that my Father is incensed and ill affected to­wards thee; yet howsoever it be, I will do my best, that nothing shall befall thee other­wise than we expect and wish. Be thou therefore mindful of these things when thou shalt obtain thy happy dayes, and be favorable to my children. David being confirmed M by Jonathans promises, retired to the apointed place. The next day after, which was the solemnity of the new-Moon after the King had purified himself according to the custom, he sate down to take his repast: and as his Son Jonathan was set on his right side, and Abner the General of his Army on the left, Saul perceived Davids place void, and spake not a word, supposing that he was absent from that company, by reason he was not purified since he had the company of his Wife:v. 25. ad 30. but seeing that on the second day of the new-Moon he was absent likewise,Saul question­eth about Da­vids absence. he asked his Son Jonathan, why David was not present at the feast those two days? He answered him, that he was gone into his countrey,Jonathan by his answer, es­sayeth to know his Fathers mind. (according as it had been concluded between them) where his own tribe celebra­ted a feast, and that he had given him leave to assist at the same. Further (said he) he in­vited N me to the feast, and if it stand with your pleasure, I will go thither, for you know how entirely I love the man. At this time Jonathan knew the displeasure his Father had conceived against David, v. 30. and perceived most apparently how heinously he was affected:Saul discover­eth his heinous hate against David. for Saul could not conceal his choler, but began to rail upon his Son, calling him Rebel and Enemy, and companion and confederate with David; and telling him, that he shewed reverence neither to him, nor to his Mother, since he was so minded: and that he could not believe,v. 28, 29. that as long as David lived, their Royall estate could be safe: he commanded him therefore to bring him before him,Jonathan ex­cusing David to his Father, is almost slain with a javelin by him. to the end that he might do justice upon him. Jonathan replied, What evil hath David committed, for which he should be punished? Hereupon Saul not only expressed his choler in words and re­proaches,O but took a javelin, to kill his Son; and had certainly slain him, had he not been restrained by his friends. Thus Jonathan clearly discovered the [...]red of Saul [Page 165] A to David, and how ardently he sought his ruine, since his friendship to him had like to to have cost him his own life. Then did Jonathan withdraw himself from the banquet without eating, seeing with how little profit he had pleaded: and seeing that David was adjudged to die, he passed all the night without sleep; and about day-break he departed out of the City, to the appointed field, making shew that he walked out to take his exercise;v. 33, 34. but indeed it was to discover to his friend the intent which his Father had,Jonathan fly­eth from the banquet. according as it was covenanted between them. After Jonathan had done that which he promised, and sent back his Page into the City, he came to David, both to see and speak with him in private.v. 35, 36. David, as soon as he saw him, cast himself at his feet,Jonathan and David meet in the field. calling him the preserver of his life. But Jonathan lifted him up from the earth, B and both of them embracing one another, and intermixing their mutual kisses for a long time,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 13. lamented their misfortune with tears, and this their separation, which was no less grievous unto them,v. 41, 42, 43. than death it self. Finally, since there was no remedy, ex­horting one another to have in perpetual remembrance their faith and friendship, they departed the one from the other.C. 21. v. 1, 2▪ ad 6.

David flying from the persecution of Saul, David cometh to Naban or Nob, to Abi­melech the High Priest. retired to the City of Nob, to Abimelech the Priest: who wondred to see him come alone to him, without either friend or Servant, and desired to know the cause why he thus wandred without any attendance. David told him, that the King had sent him about some secret order, which might not be com­municated to him, although he were desirous to know it: and as touching my Servants, C(said he) I have commanded them to attend me at a place appointed. He further desired him,v. 7, 8, 9, 10. that he would give him such things as were necessary for his journey; and some Arms,David recei­ving Goliaths sword, flieth to Geth, to Achis King of the Phili­stines. either Sword or Javelin. Now in this place was present one of Sauls Servants, called Doeg, a Syrian by Nation, and the Master of the Kings Mules. The Priest answered him, that he had no Arms by him, except Goliaths Sword which he himself had hanged in the Tabernacle, and dedicated to God at such time as he slew the Philistine. David having gotten it, fled out of the Countrey of the Hebrews, and went to Gath, a Countrey of the Philistines, where Achis was King. There being known by the Kings Servants, he was discovered to be that David, v. 11, 12, 13. that had slain so many thousand Philistines. David coun­terfeits mad­ness, to escape the fury of Achis. David fearing to be put to death by him, and to fall into the same danger which he had escaped D by flying from Saul, counterfeited himself mad, so that he let the spittle issue out of his mouth; and he counterfeited in all things so cunningly, that he made the King of Gath believe that he was frantick.1. Sam. 22. v. 1, 2. Whereupon the King was angry with his Servants, that they had brought him a mad-man, and commanded them forthwith, to drive him out of his countrey. Having in this sort escaped out of the Countrey of Gath, he went to the Tribe of Juda, where hiding himself in the Cave of Adullam, he sent to his Brothers to let them understand that he was there. They came to him with all their relations, and divers others, that either were in need, or stood in fear of Saul, resorted unto him, offering to perform whatsoever he should command them; they amounted in all to the number of four hundred. David therefore being thus assured, by the succours E and forces that came to him,v. 3, 4. dislodged from thence, and went to the King of the Moabites, David repair­ing to the Mo­abites, com­mitteth his Fa­ther and Mo­ther to his protection. beseeching him, that he, and those that accompanied him, might remain in that Countrey, till such time as he understood what would be the issue of his affairs. The King vouchsafed him this favour, and treated them very well all the time they were in his Countrey. David went not out of it till he received instructions from the Prophet Samuel to abandon the Desart, and return to the Tribe of Juda; which he obeyed, and coming to the City of Saron, David com­meth to Saron, Saul feareth David. made his abode there. But when Saul understood that David had been seen with a number of men, he fell into an extraordinary fear and trouble of mind; for knowing both the conduct and courage of the man, he thought that he would attempt no action that was not great, and such as might endanger his King­dom. F For which cause, assembling his Friends and Captains, and those of his own Tribe in Gaba (where he kept his Royal Court, and which stands upon a little Hill called Arvon) and accompanied with his Guards,v. 7, 8. and the Officers of his house, he spake to them from his throne,Sauls oration to his Cap­tains, friends and estates against David. after this manner; I cannot believe that you have forgotten the benefits wherewith I have enriched you, and the honours to which I have advanced you: But I would know of you, whether you hope or expect greater from the Son of Jesse? for I am not ignorant of the affection which you bear him, and that my own Son hath inspired the same into you. I know that Jonathan and he are united without my consent in a very strict alliance; that they have confirmed the same by oath, and that Jonathan assists David against me with all his power. Yet are none of you concerned at these things; but in great quiet you expect what will be the event of them.

G When the King had spoken thus, and none of the assistants answered a word, Doeg the Syrian, Master of the Kings Mules, rose up and said, That he had seen David in the City of Nob, whither he went to the High Priest Abimelech, to ask counsel of him touching [Page 166] his affairs; and that he had received from him such things as were needful to his journey,H and Goliaths Sword; and how he was safely conducted towards the place whither he pretended to go. Hereupon Saul sent for the High Priest and all his kindred, and spake thus unto them, What wrong or displeasure have I done thee, that thou hast entertained the Son of Jesse,v. 9. and given him Ʋictuals and Arms; to him, I say that seeketh but the means to possess himself of my Kingdom? Doeg telleth Saul how he saw David in Nob with Abimelech. what answer hast thou made him touching those de­mands he propounded to thee, concerning his future fortunes? canst thou be ignorant that he fled from me, and what hatred he bears against both me and my family? The High Priest de­nied none of these things, but freely confessed that he had delivered him such things as were reported,v. 10, 11, 12, 13. but not with an intent to gratifie David, but the King: for I enter­tained him (said he) not as your Enemy, Saul reprov­eth Abimelech for furnishing David with Victuals and Arms. but as your faithful Servant, and one of the princi­pal I Officers of your Army; and which is more, as your Son-in-law. For who would have thought, that one dignified with so much honour by you, should be your Enemy? nay rather, who would not esteem him for your favourite and neerest friend? And whereas he asked counsel of me touching Gods will, v. 14. this is not the first time I have answered him, but I have formerly done it often. Abimelechs Apology to Sauls accusati­on of Treason. And when he said he was sent by you about some speedy and secret business, if I should have refused him those supplies which he required at my hands, I might have been judged to have done an injury to your Majesty. Wherefore you ought not to think evil of me; or that if David at this time hath some ill design against you, v. 15, 16, 17. that by reason of the courtesie I have shewed him, The unjust slaughter of Abimelech, with his whole Family. I either favour him or maintain him to your prejudice. Notwithstanding all these just allegations, Saul could not be induced to believe him: but imagined that it K was fear that made Abimelech speak in this manner, so that he commanded certain armed men that were about him, to put both him and all his family to the sword. But when they excused themselves because it was no less than Sacriledge to violate, by violent death,Nob the City of the Priests is burnt, and all the inhabi­tants slain. such persons as were consecrated unto God: Saul commanded Doeg the Syrian to commit the slaughter, who accordingly, with certain other sacrilegious and impious men, murthered Abimelech and all his Race, who were in number three hundred thirty and five.Sup. li. 5. ca. 11. He further sent to Nob the City of the Priests, and put all of them to the sword, sparing neither woman nor child, and consumed the whole City with fire; only one Son of Abimelech escaped,1 King. 2. & 3. who was called Abiathar. All which came to pass, according as God had foretold to the High Priest Eli, that, by reason of the transgression L of his two Sons, his posterity should be extinguished.

This cruel and detestable act perpetrated by King Saul (in shedding the blood of all the Sacer­dotal Race,v. 18, 19. without either compassion of Infants, or reverence of old age,A manifest ex­emplification of that pro­verb, Honours change man­ners. and his destroying of that City, which God had chosen to be the residence of the Priests and Prophets) manifestly shews how far the pravity of the mind of man may proceed. For so long as men are low, and limited by a private estate, because they neither dare nor can give scope to their wicked inclinations, they seem good and just, and make shew of great love of justice, and of a sence of pity,Note diligent­ly. and are persuaded that God is present in all our actions, and discerneth all our cogi­tations. But no sooner do they attain to Power and Empire, but they lay aside their former fair semblances; they take upon them as it were a new part, and another personage, becoming M audacious and insolent, and contemners of both Divine and Humane Laws. And though the height of their s [...]ution exposing even their least actions to the view of all the World, ought to make them comport themselves irreprehensibly,; yet as if they thought that God shut his eyes, or feared them, they will needs have him approve, and men account just all that their Fear, Hatred or Imprudence suggests to them, without troubling themselves what will be the issue. So that after having rewarded great services with great honours, they are not contented to deprive those that had so justly merited them, upon false reports and calumnies, but they also take away their lives not considering how deservedly they oppress, but only giving credit without proof to rash and scandalous detractions, executing and satiating their rage, not on those they ought to punish, but on those that may most easily be destroyed. A manifest example whereof ap­pears, N in Saul the Son of Cis: who after the Government of the Nobility and that of the Judges, having been established the first King of the Hebrews, slew three hundred Priests and Prophets, only for that he suspected Abimelech; and after he had slain them, destroyed their City with fire; v. 20. 21. and as much as in him lay deprived the High Temple of God, of Priests, Abiathar escaping from Sauls hands, telleth David of the slaugh­ter of Abime­lech his Father and of the Priests. sacred Ministers; and after so hideous a slaughter, neither spared their Coun­trey nor any of their off-spring. But Abiathar, Abimelechs Son, who only escaped of all his family, flying to David, declared to him both the overthrow of his family, and the death of his Father. David answered him, that he expected no less than that which hapned at such time as he espied Doeg there, who, as his mind gave him, would not fail to calum­niate Abimelech to Saul: yet he was extreamly sorrowful for the misfortune that hapned O to his friend by his means, and therefore prayed him to remain with him, because he could not be concealed or secured in any place better than with himself.

[Page 167] A About the same time, David understanding that the Philistines made an inroad into the Countrey of Ceila, and wasted the same, he determined to assault them, if after the Prophet had asked counsel of God, he should be by the Oracle animated to it: which accordingly falling out, he sallied out, accompained by his friends, and set upon the Philistines, and made a great slaughter of them, and recovered a very rich prey, and gave safeguard to the Ceilans, till they had safely gathered in and housed all their Corn and fruit. The rumor of this his exploit was presently brought to Saul: for this great action was not shut up within the limits of the place where it was performed,David defend­eth Cilla against the in­cursions of the Philistines. but the renown thereof was dispersed every where, and both the Action and the Author there­of were highly commended. Saul was very joyful to hear that David was in Ceila, B imagining that God had delivered him into his hands, by leading him to shut up himself in a City inclosed with Walls,1 Sam. 23. 1, 2, 3, ad 7. Gates, and Barrs; whereupon he suddenly gave com­mandement to his Soldiers to march against Ceila, v. 7, 8. and besiege the same, and not to raise the Siege till David were either taken or slain.Saul seeketh to besiege David in Cilla.

But David having intelligence hereof, and advertised by God, that if he stayed among the Ceilans, v. 9. 10, 11, 12. they would deliver him into the hands of Saul, took with him his four hundred men,David admo­nished by God flieth from his danger. and withdrew himself from the City into the Desart, and encamped on a hill called Engaddi. Whereof the King being advertized, forbore to send out an Army against him. From thence David departed into the territories of Ziph, where Jonathan, v. 13, 14. Sauls Son,David came with his Army to Caena or Ziphia, where Jonathan com­eth unto him, comforteth him, and re­neweth his covenant. met him, and after embraces, exhorted him to be of good courage C and to conceive assured hope of future good fortune, and not to give place to his present miseries, because he should one day obtain the Kingdom, and have the whole State of the Hebrews subject to him; but that such things were not wont to happen, till after suffering great Travels: and after they had once more renewed the oath of mutual Amity and Faith between them, for all the time of their lives, calling God to witness with imprecations against him, that should fail therein; Jonathan left David somewhat eased in heart, and disburthened of his fear; and returned to his own home. But the Ziphians to gratifie Saul told him,v. 19. that David was amongst them, and promised to de­liver him prisoner into his hands,The Ziphians certifie Saul of Davids abode in their Countrey. if so be he would come out against him: for if he would seize all the straights of the Countrey, it should be impossible for him to flie into D any other place. The King praised their fidelity, and promised them to require it, and to remunerate them shortly for this their good affection; and withall sent out certain men to seek out David, and to break over the Forest, promising them that shortly he would follow after them. Thus did the Governours and Princes of the Ziphians offer themselves to the King to search out and apprehend him, expressing their affection therein, not only in outward shew, but also with their whole power, labouring what they might, that surprizing him, they might deliver him into the Kings hands. But their unjust desire had as unfortunate success; (wicked people as they were) who being to incur no peril by concealing him from pursuit, promised to betray him into the Kings hands, through adulation and avarice,v. 26. a man that was both vertous, and wrongfully perse­cuted E to death by his Enemies.David hearing of the Kings coming, flieth to save himself. For David being informed of their malice, and of the Kings approach, quitted those narrow straights wherein he then encamped and escaped to a certain Rock s [...]ituate in the Desart of Simon. Saul continued to pursue him; and knowing by the way that he had overcome the straights, he came to the other side of the Rock, where David had surely been taken, had not the King been revoked by tidings, which assured him that the Philistines had forcibly entred and spoyled his Kingdom.v. 27, 28. For he thought it more conveninet to revenge himself on those his publick and open Enemies,Saul pursueth David, and ha­ving circum­vented him, had taken him, had not he re­ceived news that revoked him. and to give succor to his Countrey and people, being ready to be spoiled and wasted; than out of desire to lay hands on a private Enemy, to betray both his Countrey and Subjects to their Swords: and thus was David saved beyond all expectation, and F he retired himself to the straights of Engaddi. But after Saul had repelled the Phili­stines, certain news was brought him that David was in the straights of Engaddi: where­upon, presently taking with him three thousand of the choicest men in all his Army, he led them speedily to the forenamed place and being not far from thence, he perceived near the high way a deep and large Cave, where David with his four hundred men were hid, and he descended alone into the Cave to disburthen the necessities of nature. This was presently discovered by one of Davids followers, who told him, that God had presented him a fit opportunity to revenge him on his Enemy,1 Sam. 24, 5. and counselled him to cut off Sauls head,David cut off the lap of Sauls Garment. and to discharge himself thereby of further trouble. But David arising and finding him out, only cut off the lap of the vesture wherewith Saul was attired, and presently G thereupon repented himself, saying, that it were a wicked deed in him to kill his Lord, whom God by Election had raised to the estate of Majesty and Empire. For (said he) although he be unjust toward me, yet ought I not to be injurious towards him who is my Lord.

[Page 168] But when Saul was gon out of the Cave, David followed him, and cryed with a loud H voice, beseeching Saul to give him audience. Saul turning back to him, David cast him­self prostrate at his feet according to the custome, and spake after this manner; How unworthy is it for thee, O King, that opening thy ears to scandalous backbiters, and giving trust and credit to vain and loose men, thou suspectest thy most faithfull friends, whom thou rather oughtest to judge by their sincere and upright actions? for words may be either false or true, but the mind can be descovered by no more apparent arguments than by mens actions: as at this present thou mayest judge, David upbrai­deth Saul for his subtilities to seek his death who was innocent. whether thou hast raishly believed them, that make me guilty be­fore thy Majesty, of that crime that was never yet so much as in my thought, and who have so much exasperated thee against me, that day and night thou thinkest on nothing more than my destruction? Seest thou not now how vain thy opinion is, whereby they persuade thee, that I I am an Enemy of thy house, and earnestly desirous of thy death? Or with what eyes thinkest thou doth God behold thy cruelty, who seekest the death of him, who having an opportunity offered him to be revenged on thee, spareth thy life; whose life were it in thy hands, were assuredly lost? For as easily might I have cut off thy head as this lap of thy garment (and therewithall, in confirmation of his words, he shewed it him) yet did I forbear this just re­venge. But God shall bear witness hereof, and shall condemn him of us two that shall be found the most culpable. Saul amazed to see how strangely his life had been preserved, and to consider the vertue and generosity of David, v. 10, ad 17. began to weep, and David wept also: but Saul said that he had greater cause to lament than he.Saul acknow­ledged his malice, and Davids inno­cency, and re­questeth him that when he hath obtained the Kingdom, he would be favourable to his Family. For, said he, by thy means have I received many benefits, and thou at my hands hast been repayed with infinite K injuries. This day hast thou testified that thou retainest the ancient justice of our an­cestors, who instead of taking away the lives of their Enemies when they found them at advantage, accounted it glorious to spare them. Now I no longer doubt that God hath reserved the Kingdom for thee, and that the Empire of all the Hebrews attendeth thee. Assure thou me therefore by an oath, that thou wilt not exterminate my Race, or remember those injuries that I have done unto thee, but that sparing my posterity, thou wilt keep them under thy protection. David sware to him according as he had required, and suffered him to return into his Realm, and both he and his companies re­tired themselves to the straights of Maspha. About the same time died Samuel the Prophet, a man who for his merit was in great estimation amongst the Hebrews; Samuels death and burial. the testimony of L whose vertue, and the peoples observance towards him, was expressed in this, that they celebrated his funeral,1 Sam. 25. 1. with great pomp: and when they had performed his rites, they buried him in Ramath his Countrey, and lamented his death many dayes, not only as a com­mon loss, but as if each one of them had in particular been allied to him. For he was a man naturally framed to all justice and Goodness, and for these his vertues most ac­ceptable to God. He governed the people after the death of Eli the High Priest, first in his own person,Nabals flocks saved by Da­vid v. 6. for the space of twelve years, and afterwards during the Reign of Saul eighteen years. But in those places where David at that time remained, there was a certain Ziphian in a Town called Emma, a man very rich, and owner of much cattel. named Nabal, for he had a Troop of three thousand Sheep, and a Herd of a thousand M Goats. David forbid his people to meddle with any of his goods for any necessity, or pretext whatsoever, because that to violate and take another mans goods, was a wicked thing, and contrary to Gods commandment. He instructed them in this sort, imagining with himself, that he gratified a good man, and such an one as deserved to be in like sort favoured: but Nabal was a rude and churlish person and very mischievous; yet had he a Wife that was good, wise and fair.v. 7. ad 12.

To this Nabal did David send ten of his Servants about the time of his Sheep-shear­ing, Davids Em­bassage to Na­bal to require relief; and his curr [...] answer. both to salute him, and to wish him all sort of prosperity for many years, and also to desire him, that he would impart to him something for the sustenance of his company, since his Shepherds could inform him, that having long remained in the desart, they had N been so far from doing his flocks any harm, that they had rather seemed their Shep­herds and keepers. He added, that whatsoever courtesie he should shew to David, he should bestow it on a mindful and thankful personage. Thus spake the Messengers to Nabal: but he answered them very discourteously, and rudely, demanding of them what that David was? and being informed that he was the Son of Jesse: what (said he) a fugitive, who hids himself, for fear of falling into his Masters hands, is become audacious and imperious?v. 13, ad 17.

David, David [...]allieth out against Nabal with 400 Armed men. was grievously displeased at these words, and commanded four hundred of his men to take their Weapons and follow him, and two hundred to keep the Baggage (for at that time he had six hundred) and in this equipage he marched forward against O Nabal, swearing that, that very night he would utterly exterminate and root out all his Race, and destroy his riches. Neither was he only displeased that Nabal was ingrateful [Page 169] A towards them,The year of the World, 1889. before Christ's Nativity, 1075. without respect of that humanity which they had shewed towards him and his: but also, that without any cause of injury offered, he had injured and outra­ged him in words.

In the mean while, certain Shepherds that tended Nabal's Cattel, told their Mistress, that David having sent to her Husband to desire some small courtesie, had not only ob­tained nothing, but also received insupportable injuries, whereas till that day, he had suf­fered his flocks to be untouched: telling her, that that insolency of their Lord, might breed them all much mischief. A ver. 18, ad 25. Which when Abigail heard, (for so was the Woman cal­led) she loaded divers Asses with all sorts of Presents, Abigail, Na­bals Wife, ap­peaseth David with Presents. (without giving any notice to her Husband, who was so drunk, that he was insensible) and went towards David; B who, as he descended the straights of the Mountain, marching towards Nabal, accompa­nied with 400 Men, met her. As soon as Abigail perceived him, she leaped from her Horse, and falling on her face, prostrated herself before him, beseeching him to pass by Nabals words, Ver. 35. knowing that Nabals nature was answerable to his name; for in the Hebrew tongue, Nabal signifi­eth a Fool. Nabal signifieth Folly: she excused her self likewise, saying, That she saw none of them that were sent to her Husband. For which cause, (said she) I beseech thee to pardon us, and to consider what cause thou hast to give God thanks, that by my means he hath hindered thee from polluting thy hands in innocent blood: for if thou remain pure and innocent from bloodshed, thou wilt engage him to punish thy enemies, and to bring upon their heads that destru­ction which was ready to fall upon that of Nabal. I confess that thy anger against him is C just, but be pleas'd to moderate it for my sake, who have no share in his fault; since Goodness and Clemency are virtues worthy of a Man whom God designs one day for a Kingdom, accept of these small Presents which I offer thee. David accepting her Presents, gave her an answer after this manner. Woman, said he, God of his goodness hath this day brought thee hither, otherwise thou hadst not liv'd, or seen the next morning. For I have sworn, that this night I would overthrow thy house, and leave none alive of that ungrateful Mans family, who hath so contumeliously abused both me and mine: but now God hath put thee in mind wisely to prevent and pacifie my wrath.

As for Nabal,Ver. 36, 37, 38. although at this present he be exempted by thy means from punishment, yet shall he not escape, Davids Pro­phecy of Na­bal. but he shall perish some other way. This said, he dismissed Abigail: who D returning to her house, and finding her Husband amidst his Companions, laden with Wine, told him nothing at that time of that which had hapned: but the next day, re­counting to him what was pass'd, he was so much terrified by the greatness of the dan­ger, that he dyed within ten dayes.Ver. 38, 39. Which when David understood, he said that he was deservedly punished by God,Nabal concei­veth so much sorrow and fear for his immodesty a­gainst David, that he dieth Apoplectic [...]. because his own wickedness was the cause of his pu­nishment, giving thanks unto God, that he had not dipped his hands in blood: and by this example he learnt, that no wicked Man can escape Gods judgment; and that hu­mane affairs depend not on Chance, as if neglected by God, but that the good are re­warded, and the wicked punished, according to their wickedness. He afterwards sent Messengers to Nabals Wife, and caused her to come unto him, to the intent he might E marry her.An example of Gods Provi­dence, that no sin can escape unpunished. She answered the Messengers, That she thought herself unworthy to lie at his feet; notwithstanding, she repaired to him with a good equipage, and was married to David, having obtained that degree of honour by her modesty and beauty. Now Da­vid had a Wife before named Ahinoam, V. 39. ad finem. whom he had married out of the City of Abesar.

As touching Michol the Daughter of Saul, David marri­eth Abigail, Nabals wife. and other-whiles his Wife, Saul gave her to Wife at Lissa, to the Son of Phalti of the City of Gethla. After this, certain Ziphians coming to Saul, Saul marrieth his daughter Michol to an­other husband. told him, that David was returned again into their Countrey, and that if it pleased him to assist them, they might easily apprehend him. Whereupon Saul took the Field with 3000 Men, and being surprized by Night, he encamped in a certain place cal­led Siceleg. 1 Sam. 26. v. 1, ad 9.

F When David was certified that Saul was come forth against him,The Ziphians once more la­bour to betray David in their Countrey. he sent out certain Spies, to whom he gave charge to bring him intelligence into what place at that time Saul was retired, who ascertained him that he was at Siceleg; he watched all that Night, with­out the knowledge of any of his Followers, and went into Sauls Camp, attended only by Abisai his sister, Servia's Son, and Abimelech the Hittite. V. 7, 8, ad 13.

Now whil'st Saul was asleep,David once more attended by two, enter­ing into Sauls Camp, stole away his Dart and his Pitcher of water. and his General Abner with all his Soldiers, David entred into the Kings Camp: and although he knew the Kings Pavilion, by his Javelin that stood at the door thereof, yet slew he him not; neither permitted he Abisai, who was very forward to execute the slaughter. But this he said, that although the King were wicked, yet since he was appointed by God himself, he could not attempt any thing G against his life, and be innocent: for that it was Gods right to take vengeance on him, to whom he had given the Kingdom: and thus restrained he the others fury. Yet to the intent he might certifie the King, that having the opportunity to slay him, he spared [Page 170] his life;The year of the World, 2891. before Christ's Nativity, 1073. he bare away with him his Javelin, and the Pitcher of water that stood by H Saul whil'st he slept, without the knowledge of any of the Camp: so much were they devoured and overwhelmed with sleep. He therefore departed thence in all assurance, having executed all that which either the time or his courage would permit him to do. But after he had passed the River, and had attained the top of a Mountain, from whence he might be easily heard, he cryed out to Sauls Soldiers, and their General Abner so loud, that he awaked them from their sleep; and calling unto Abner, as well as the common sort of Soldiers,Ver. 14, ad 18. the General asked, Who it was that called him? to whom David an­swered, David upbrai­deth Abner King Sauls General, for suffering his Kings Javelin and Pitcher of water to be ta­ken from him. It is I, the Son of Jesse your Fugitive: but, said he, How cometh it to pass, that thou who art so great, and in chiefest authority about the King, hast so small respect and guard of his person? Thy sleep is more pleasant unto thee, than to watch for his conservation. Assuredly this I act of thine deserveth a capital punishment, because thou neither hast discovered me, nor any others before we entred the Camp, or approached the King. Behold here the Kings Javelin, and his Pitcher of water, by which you may perceive in what great danger he hath been, even in the midst of you, without any notice or discovery of yours.

Saul perceiving that it was Davids voice,A ver. 21, ad finem. and seeing that through the negligence of his Guards,Saul praiseth David, and willeth him to be of good courage, and exhorteth him to return to his own house. it had been easie for him to have slain him, which (after so many provoca­tions) would not have seem'd strange to any man, he acknowledged himself indebted to him for his life, exhorting him to be assured, and without suspecting any evil, to return home unto his house, because he was persuaded, that he loved not himself so much, as he was beloved by David; notwithstanding that he had pursued him, and for a long time K had chased him like a Fugitive, constraining him by divers persecutions, to forsake his dearest Friends: and instead of rewarding his services, had reduc'd him to the utmost extremities. Hereupon David willed him to send some one of his Servants to bring back his Javelin and Pitcher of water: protesting that God should be Judge of both their natures, manners, and actions, who knew that that day also he had spared his Enemy, whom if he had thought good, he might have destroyed.

David having thus the second time spared Saul's life,1 Sam. 27. 1. and not willing to continue any longer in a Countrey,David decla­reth his inno­cency to Saul. where he might be in danger of falling at length into the hands of his Enemies, he thought good to retire into the Countrey of the Philistines, and sojourn there.Saul desisteth to persecute David. So that accompanied with 600 Men which he had with him, he went to Achis L King of Gath, one of their five Cities; who received him kindly, and gave him a place to dwell in:Ver. 8, ad fin. so that he abode in Gath, having with him his two Wives, Atchimaas and Abigail. David with six hundred men, and his two wives, went in­to Palestine to Achis King of Gitia. Which when Saul understood, he troubled him no more, because he had twice been in danger of his life, whil'st he pursued him. David held it not convenient to re­main in the City of Gath, and therefore requested the King of the Philistines, that he would assign him some part of his Countrey, where he might make his habitation, be­cause he feared to be chargeable to him, if he remained in the City. Achis assigned to him a Village called Siceleg, David requi­reth a certain place at the Kings hands to make his habi­tation in. which David, after he obtained the Kingdom, loved so well, that he purchased the perpetual inheritance of it, after he came to the Crown. But hereof will we speak in another place. The time that David lived amongst the Phili­stines, M and in the Town of Siceleg, were four months and twenty days; during which time,The King giveth him Siceleg. by several excursions against the bordering Sarrites and Amalekites, he spoiled their Countrey, and returned back again with a great booty of Oxen and Camels: yet brought he thence no Bondmen,David spoiled the Sarrites and Amale­kites, and giveth part of the prey to the King, persua­ding him, that he took it from the Jews that inhabited the South Plain. lest Achis by their means should thereby have intelligence into what Countrey he had made his inroad. He sent likewise a part of the prey unto the King, and when he demanded from whom he had taken it? he answer'd, That he had taken it from the Jews that dwelt Southward and in the Plain: so that Achis conceived an opinion, that since David warred against his own Nation all the time of his abode with him, he would be a faithful Servant to him. About the same time, the Philistines having determined to lead forth their Army against the Israelites, sent to their Allies, re­quiring N them to assist them in that War, and to make their Rendezvous at Renga, to the in­tent that being there assembled, they might dislodge and assail the Israelites. Amongst the other their Auxiliary Companies, Achis had requested David to assist him with his 600 Soldiers: which he promised readily, telling him, That the time was now come wherein he might requite his kindness, and the hospitality he had shewen him. Achis pro­mised him, that after the Victory, when all things should have succeeded according as he desired, he would prefer David to be Captain of his Guard; thinking by the promise of this honour and trust, he might augment Davids forwardness and affection toward him.

O

A CHAP. XV.The year of the World, 2809. before Christ's Nativity, 1074.
The Philistines renew their War against the Hebrews, and obtain the Victory; Saul with his Sons, are slain in the Battel.

SAul having advice,1 Sam. 28. 3, 7, 8, 9. that the Philistines were advanced as far as Sunam, drew out his Forces,Saul banisheth all diviners and enchanters out of his Kingdom. and encamped over against them; but when he perceived their Army to be much more numerous than his, his heart failed him, and desiring the Prophets to enquire of God, what should be the event of this War? and receiving no answer, his fear was B doubled, since he had reason to believe that God had forsaken him. Hereupon his courage abated,Ver. 6. and in this perplexity he resolved to have recourse to Magick; but having lately banished the Inchanters,Saul hearing the Philistines make head a­gainst him, asked counsel of God. Magicians, and such as pretended to tell Fortunes, it could hardly be expected that one of them should be found: but yet he commanded that they should enquire for one of those that could raise the spirits of the dead, and by their information learn what should come to pass hereafter. And being advertised that there was such an one at Endor, without the knowledge of his Army, laying aside his Royal Habits, and attended onely by two of his most faithful servants, he repaired to Endor to this Woman, requiring her to divine and raise up the spirit of him whom he should name.Saul repaireth to Endor, to ask counsel of a Sorceress. The Woman denied, and said, That she ought not to offend against the Kings C Edict, who had driven out of his Realm all such sort of Soothsayers, telling him, that he did not well, Ver. 8, 9. who having received no wrong at her hands, should endeavor to lay a snare to bring her into a Crime which might cost her her life. But Saul swore unto her, That no man should know thereof, and that he would not discover her divination to others: and that she should in­cur no danger thereby.

After that by his Oaths and Protestations he had persuaded her,Saul comman­deth the Witch to raise Samu­els ghost, v. 10, 11. that she should have no cause to fear, he commanded her to raise the spirit of Samuel. She not knowing what Samuel was, called him, and he suddenly appeared. But when she perceived somewhat divine, or more than ordinary, in his countenance, she was troubled; and turning to the King, she asked him, If he were Saul? for Samuel had certified her no less. Saul confes­sed D that it was he, and asked her, For what cause she seemed to be so much troubled? She an­swered, That she saw a Man ascend, that resembled God. Saul commanded her to declare unto him his shape, habit, and age: she told him, That he was a reverend old Man, attired in the vestment of an High Priest. By these marks Saul knew that it was Samuel: where­upon, prostrating himself on the earth, he adored him. The spirit of Samuel asked him, For what cause he had troubled him? To whom he complained, That he was inforced thereunto by necessity: Ver. 15. for that a mighty Host of his Enemies were at hand, Saul complai­neth of his mi­series to Sa­muel, and asketh his ad­vice. and that he was forsaken by God, having from him no answer, either by Prophesie or Dream: wherefore, said he, I apply my self unto thee, who hast alwayes expressed great kindness towards me. But Samuel foreseeing that the Kings end drew nigh, answer'd him, It was in vain for thee to enquire E concerning those things that shall happen, since thou knowest that thou art forsaken of God. Know therefore, A ver. 16, ad 20. said he, that David shall possess the Kingdom, and that it is he that shall esta­blish the State by Arms: Samuels ghost certifieth Saul of the event of his battel a­gainst the Phi­listines. but thou shalt lose both thy Kingdom and thy life, because thou hast dis­obeyed God in thy War against the Amalekites, and hast not observed his Commandments, ac­cording as I foretold thee when I was alive. Know therefore that thy People and Host shall be discomfited by the Enemy, and that both thou and thy sons shall be to morrow slain in the Battel, and be with me. Ver. 20, 21. When Saul understood these things, he became speechless, through sorrow,Saul through sudden sorrow fell in a swoon. and fell down on the ground, either because his strength failed him through sud­den grief, or for want of food; because he had eaten nothing that night, nor the day before.

F At length,Ver. 22, &c. hardly recovering himself out of his Swoon, the Woman importuned him to receive some sustenance,The Enchan­tress intrea­teth him to re­fresh himself, and take some re [...]ection. telling him, that she desired no other reward for the hazard which she had run of forfeiting her life, before she knew that he was the King himself, by whose Commands those Divinations had been lately prohibited: wherefore she pray­ed him that he would sit down at the Table, and refresh himself, that he might be the more able to return unto his Army.An example of courtesie and liberality in the Enchan­tress. And although he refused to eat, because he had no appetite, and was utterly desperate; yet she so effectually importuned him, that at length she persuaded him to receive some little nourishment. And whereas she had but one Calf, (for she was but a poor Woman, and had no other riches) yet spared she not to kill it, and dress it for Saul and his Retinue. After which, Saul returned to his Camp. G The courtesie of this Woman deserveth to be praised: for, although she knew that the King had prohibited the exercise of her Art, whereby both she and her Family were well maintained, and although before that time she had never seen Saul; yet without [Page 172] remembring that it was he by whom her Art had been condemned,The year of the World, 2890. before Christ's Nativity, 1074. she entertained him H not as a stranger, or like the man she had never seen before; but had compassion on him, and comforted him, exhorting him to eat, although he refused it, and presented him wil­lingly with that little which she had in her poverty. Which she did not upon any hope of recompence, or preferment (knowing well that Saul should shortly lose his life) nor according to the ordinary course of men, that naturally honour those that have be­stowed some dignity upon them, and become serviceable to those from whom they ex­pect to receive some profit hereafter. She therefore ought to be imitated, and in her appeareth an excellent example of bounty, approving that there is nothing more worthy of praise, than to relieve those that are in necessity, without expecting any recompence; I since it is a piece of Generosity so agreeable to the nature of the Deity, that in all pro­bability nothing will more induce him than this, to treat us also with the like favour. I may add hereunto another Reflection, which may be useful unto all Men, but more espe­cially to Kings, Princes, and Magistrates, which may kindle in them a desire and affection to addict themselves to Noble actions, and to encourage them to embrace dangers, yea, death it self; and teach them to endure all difficulties whatsoever, for their Countries cause;1 Sam. 31. 3▪ 4. which we may see in this History of Saul. For, although he knew that which should befall him,Josephus prai­seth Saul for a worthy and va­liant King, in that fore­knowing his danger and death, he ex­posed himself to assured peril. and that his death was at hand, (according as it had been foretold him) yet resolved he not to avoid the same; neither so loved he his life, that for the conservation thereof, he would deliver up his People into the hands of their Enemies,K nor dishonour his Royal dignity: but himself, with his children, and all his houshold, exposed themselves to danger; thinking it more honourable to die in fighting for his Subjects, and far more expedient, that his children should die like valiant Men, than live in dishonor; supposing that he should have sufficient Successors of his Race, if he left behind him a perpetual memory and praise both of him and his. For which cause (in my opinion) he was both just, valiant, and prudent, and if any one either is or hath been like unto him, I suppose that it becometh all Men to give testimony of such a Mans virtue. For I think that the Historians and ancient Writers, have not worthily intituled them with the stile of valiant Men, who attaining some worthy actions, attempted War under assured hope of victory and safety; but they only, that imitate Saul, may deser­vedly be called just, praise-worthy, couragious, hardy, and contemners of all dangers.L For what great thing is there in undertaking of the common hazard of War, and tos­sed, 'twixt hope and fear, to use Fortunes favor if she fawn upon us? But on the other side, it is an assured sign of a valiant Man, when without hope of any success, and know­ing his death at hand, he is not afraid nor dismayed with such apprehensions, but seek­eth out with an invincible courage his most assured hazard.

This is the praise of Saul, who is an example to all that desire to eternize their memo­ry, that should upon the like opportunity propose the same resolution to themselves: but especially to Kings, who, by reason of the excellency of their Function, ought not only to forbear to be evil, but also strive to be eminently virtuous. I could say more of M this generous argument of Sauls Valor, but lest I should seem too affectionate, I will re­turn to our former purpose.

After that the Philistines were thus encamped,1 Sam. 28. 1, ad 5. and had numbred their Forces according to their Nations, Kingdoms, and Governors, King Achis came at last with his company, whom David followed,1 Sam. 29. 3, ad finem. accompanied with 600 Soldiers: whom when the Chieftains of the Philistines beheld,Achis leadeth out David with him a­gainst the He­brews, and is reproved by the Chieftains of the Phili­stines for so doing. they asked the King, Whence those Hebrews came, and what their Leaders name was? Who answered, That it was David, who fled from Saul his Master, and how he had entertained him again; how David, in recompence of the kindness he had received, and to avenge himself on Saul, was ready to fight for them against him. But the Chieftains blamed him, because he had chosen an Enemy for his Associate, advising him to dismiss him, lest he should (as he might find occasion) turn his Arms against them, because N (said they) he hath now a fit opportunity to reconcile himself to his Master. They therefore advis'd him to send David back with his 600 Soldiers unto the place which he had given to inhabit, because it was the same David of whom the Damsels made Songs, singing in praise of him, that he had slain many thousand Philistines. When the King of Geth understood these things, he approved their counsel: for which cause, cal­ling David unto him, he said unto him, The knowledge which I have had of your Valor and Fidelity, Ver. 10. 11. hath made me desirous to employ you in this War; but our Captains will not allow of it: Achis dismis­seth David. wherefore retire thy self to the place which I have given thee, without conceiving any evil suspition of me. There shalt thou be in Garison, to prevent the Enemy from foraging our Coun­trey: and in so doing, thou shalt partly assist me in the War. Hereupon, David departed O unto Siceleg, according as the King had commanded him.

[Page 173] A But during the time that David was in the Camp, and attended on the Philistines War,The year of the World, 2809. before christ's Na [...]ivity, 1074. the Amalekites made an Incursion, and took Siceleg by force, and burnt the City: and after they had gathered a great booty both in that place, and in other villages of the Philistines Countrey, they retired back again. Now when David arrived at Siceleg, and found it wholly spoiled, and seeing likewise that his two Wives, and the Wives of his Companions were Prisoners,Ver. 1. 2, ad 6. together with their Children; he presently rent his Gar­ments, The Amale­kites in Da­vids absence, spoil and burn Siceleg, and [...] carry away the prey. and and abandoned himself to grief: beside this, his Companions were so much enraged with the Captivity of their Wives and Children, that they were ready to stone him to death; accusing him, that he was the cause of all which had hapned. But when his grief was abated, and he returned to himself, he lifted up his heart unto God, and B commanded the High-Priest Abiathar to put on the Ephod, and ask counsel of God; and that done,Ver. 7, 8, 9. to declare unto him how he might overtake the Amalekites, if he should pur­sue them;David taketh counsel of God, whether he will assist him to recover his Wives and Goods out of the hands of the Amale­kites. and whether he should recover his Wives and Children that they had led away, and revenge himself of his Enemies. As soon as the High-Priest had certified him that he might pursue them, he sallied out with 600 Soldiers, and pursued the Enemy: and drawing near unto the River, he found a certain stragler, an Egyptian by Nation, very faint and feeble, through want and famine, having for three dayes space wandered in the Desart without any sustenance; whom, after he had refreshed with meat and drink, he asked, to whom he belonged, and what he was? The Egyptian told him his Countrey, and how he had been left in that place by his Master, because that through his weakness it was C impossible for him to follow them. He confessed likewise, that his Master was one of the number of those that had burned and sacked,Ver. 11, ad 19. not only other quarters of Judea, but Siceleg also.David guided by an Egyptian slave, overta­keth the Ama­lekites. David taking this Man for his Guide, overtook them, finding some of them lying on the ground, others banquetting and debauching, and almost sensless by over­much drink: wherefore being not in a condition to defend themselves, he fell upon them, and slew so great a number, that scarce 400 Men escaped; for the slaughter continued from Noon until the Evening:David assaileth the Amale­kites, makes a great slaughter of them, and recovereth the whole prey. So recovered he all that which the Enemy had ransackt, and released both his own Wives, and those of his Companions. Whereupon they returned to the place where they had left the other 200, which could not follow them, because they were appointed to guard the Baggage: To these, the 400 would not grant a part D of the Booty, because they had not (as they said) followed the Enemy with them, but shewed themselves slack in the pursuit; alledging, that they ought to content themselves with the recovery of their Wives. But David thought the sentence pronounced against them to be unjust▪ Ver. 20, ad 25. for since they had defeated their Enemies, all of them deserved to par­take of profit,David com­promitteth the debate betwixt those that pur­sued the chase, and those that kept the Bag­gage touching the pillage. which ought equally to be divided, both amongst those that fought, and amongst those that stayed behind to guard the Baggage. And from that day forward, this Law hath been firmly observed amongst them, that they that guard the Baggage should have an equal part of the prey with those that go out to Battel. But when David was returned to Siceleg, he sent unto his Friends of the Tribe of Juda, apart of the spoil. In this manner was Siceleg sacked and burned, and thus were the Amalekites discomfited. E But the Philistines fought a bloody Battel with Saul, wherein they got the Victory, and slew a great number of their Enemies. Saul, King of Israel, with his Sons, fought va­liantly, and seeing that there was no hopes of conquering, they endeavoured to die as honourably as they could.1 Sam. 31. 1, 2, 3. For since the Philistines bent all their Forces against them, they could not make good their Retreat,Saul and his sons seeing their Army overcome by the Phili­stines, are des­perately dis­mayed and slain. so that, incompassed by them, they died in the midst of them, and yet before their death, slew a great number of their Enemies. There were there present Sauls three sons, Jonathan, Aminadab, and Melchi: who being defeat­ed, the Hebrew Army turned their backs: so that being closely pursued by the Enemy, there was a great slaughter made: Saul, with those about him, retreated in good order. And although the Philistines drew out against him a multitude of Archers that shot ma­ny F Darts and Arrows at him, yet were they all but a very few repulsed: and although he had fought very bravely, having received divers wounds, yet being unable any longer to support himself, he commanded his Esquire to draw his Sword, and to thrust it through his Body,1 Sam. 31. 4, &c. before he should be taken alive by his Enemies: which he refused, not daring to lay hands upon his Master.Saul striveth to kill him­self, and being unable, useth the assistance of a young Amalekite. Whereupon Saul drew his own Sword, and setting it to his Breast, cast himself thereon; but unable to force it home enough, he looked back, and saw a young man behind him, whom he asked, What he was? and hearing that he was an Amalekite, he requested him, That he would kill him, that he might not fall alive into the hands of his Enemies: which he did; and having taken from him the Gold which he had about his arms, and the Royal Crown, he fled. The Esquire seeing Saul G dead, presently slew himself: Not one of all the Kings Guard escaped, but they were all slain near unto the Mountain Gilboa. When they that inhabited the Valley on the other side of Jordan, and in the Plain, had intelligence that Saul and his sons were dead, [Page 174] and with them a great number of their Nation was slain,The year of the World, 2891▪ before Christ's Nativity, 1073. they abandoned their Cities,H and fled to others that were better fortified. The Philistines finding these Cities desti­tute of Inhabitants, seized on them. The next day whil'st the Philistines spoiled the dead, they found the bodies of Saul and his sons, which they spoiled and beheaded, sending their Heads round about the Countrey, [...]a Ver. 7, ad 10. to make it known that their Enemies were defeated. They offered up their Arms also in the Temple of Astaroth, and their Bodies they hung on the Walls of the City of Bethsan, The Hebrews that inhabit the Valley be­yond Jordan, leaving their towns, flie to defenced cities. at this day called Scythopolis. When they of Jabes, a City of Galaad, understood how the Philistines had cut off the Heads of Saul and his sons, they were enraged, and thought it became them not to be un­concerned: whereupon the most valiant amongst them, went out and marched all night, till they came to Bethsan, and approaching near the Walls, they took down the Bodies of I Saul and his sons,Ver. 9. and carried them unto Jabes, without any opposition of the Enemy. These men of Jabes lamented over the dead Bodies,The Phili­stines hung up the bodies of Saul and his Sons. and buried them in the best part of their Countrey, called Arar. Thus they mourned, both Men, Women, and Children, beating their Breasts, and lamenting for the King and his sons, and tasting neither meat nor drink,Ver. 11, 12, 13. This was the end of Saul, according as Samuel had foretold him, because he disobeyed God in his War against the Amalekites, The Citizens of Jabes res­cue the bodies of Saul and his sons, and both bury and lament them. and because he had slain Abimelech, and all the Sacerdotal Race, and destroyed the City of the Priests. He Reigned, du­ring the life of Samuel, the space of 18 years, and 22 years after his death.

KLMNO

A The Seventh Book of the Antiquities of the JEWS;

The Contents of the Chapters of the Seventh Book.
  • 1. David is created King of one Tribe in Hebron: over the rest, Saul's Son obtaineth the Sovereignty.
  • 2. Ishboseth is slain by the treachery of his Servants, and the whole Kingdom cometh unto B David.
  • 3. David having surprized the City and Citadel of Jerusalem, driveth the Canaanites from thence, and causeth the Jews to inhabit it.
  • 4. David assailed by the Philistines, obtaineth a famous victory against them near unto Jerusalem.
  • 5. David overcometh the neighbouring Nations, and imposeth tribute on them.
  • 6. They of Damascus are overcome by David.
  • 7. David overcomes the Mesopotamians.
  • 8. How through the intestine Wars of his family, David was driven out of his Kingdom by his Son.
  • C 9. Absolon marching out with his Army against his Father, is overthrown.
  • 10. The happy estate of David restored again unto his Kingdom.
  • 11. David, in his life-time, anointeth his Son Solomon King.
  • 12. The death of David, and what he left his Son towards the building of the Temple.

CHAP. I.
David is created King of one Tribe in Hebron: over the rest, Saul's Son obtaineth the Sovereignty.

D THis Battel was fought on the same day that David returned Conqueror to Siceleg, after he had subdued the Amalekites. But about three days after his return, he that slew Saul, and had escaped from the Battel, having his garment rent, and ashes upon his head, came and cast himself prostrate before David: and being asked from whence he came? he answered, from the Battel of the Israelites; and certified David of the un­happy event:2 Sam. 1. v. 1, ad 12. telling him, that many thousands of the Hebrews were slain, and that Saul himself and his Sons were fallen in the conflict. He likewise related, how he him­self retreated amongst the Hebrews, An Amale­chite certifieth David of Sauls death, and in testimony thereof presen­teth his brace­lets and Crown. when the King fled: confessing that he had slain him, that he might not fall alive into the hands of his enemy: For (said he) Saul E having cast himself upon the point of his sword, was so weak, by reason of the agony of his wounds, that he could not dispatch himself. Thereupon he produced the bracelets, and the Royal Crown which he took from him. David perceiving no cause whereby he should doubt of his death, whereof he had most evident and infallible testimonies, rent his garments,v. 12▪ and spent the day in weeping and lamenting with his companions: but he was the more grieved for the loss of his dear friend Jonathan, David lamen­teth Saul and Jonathans death. whom he acknowledged to be the preserver of his life: And so affectionate shewed he himself towards Saul, that although he had oftentimes been in danger to have been slain by him, yet was he much troubled at his death;v. 13, 14, 15. and not only so,David com­mandeth the Amal [...]chite to be slain that killed Saul▪ but he likewise put to death him that slew him; telling him, that he himself had accused himself for slaying the King, and shown him­self F by that parricide to be a true Amalekite. He composed likewise Lamentations and Epitaphs in the praise of Saul and Jonathan, which are yet extant. After that he had thus honoured the King, and performed his Lamentations and Obsequies, he asked counsel of God by the Prophet:2 S [...]m. 2. 1, ad 7. What City of the Tribe of Juda he would give him to inhabit in? David by Gods commandment cometh and dwelleth in Hebron, and is declared King of the Tribe of Juda. who answered him, That he would give him Hebron. For which cause he for­sook Siceleg, and came and dwelt in Hebron, and brought thither his Wives and his Army. All the people of the Tribe resorted thither unto him, and proclaimed him King: where understanding how the Jabesins had buried Saul and his Sons, he sent Ambassadors unto them, both to praise and approve their actions, assuring them, that he allowed their act, and would recompense that kindness which they had shewed to the dead: giving them likewise G to understand,David praiseth the Jebafines for burying Saul and his Sons. that the Tribe of Juda had chosen him for their King. But Abner the Son of Ner, General of Sauls Army, a man of great courage, and a noble disposition, understanding that Saul and Jonathan, and his two other Brothers were dead, came into [Page 176] the Camp,The year of the World, 2891. before Christ's Nativity, 1873. and bringing with him the only Son of Saul that was left, whose name was H Isboseth, he passed to the other side of Jordan and proclaimed him King. He appointed likewise for his Royal seat and place of residence, a certain Countrey called in Hebrew Machare, that is to say, the Camp. From thence he went with a select band of soldi­ers, with a resolution to encounter those of the Tribe of Juda, because they had chosen David for their Kings. Against him marched out Joab the Son of Suri and of Sarvia, Davids Sister, General of his Army, to encounter him, accompanied with his Brothers Abisai and Azael, v. 8, ad 12. and all Davids soldiers: and arriving near a Fountain in Gabaa he drew up his Army in that place.Abner the Son of Ner crown­ed Jeshboseth Sauls Son. Abner proposing that before they joyned Battel they should try some of the soldiers of each party, it was agreed between them, that twelve of either side should be chosen out to decide the quarell;Abner leadeth out his Army against the Tribe of Juda. These men marched out into a I certain place betwixt both Armyes, and having darted their Javelins the one against the other, came at last to their Swords; and one taking his enemy by the hair, they all of them slew one another▪ v. 13. upon the place Hereupon the Armyes met, and after a cruel Battel, Abner with his followers were discomfited:Joab with all Davids Army issueth out to meet him. and flyng in great haste were pursued by Joab, who in­couraged his soldiers to follow them close without suffering any of them to escape. But amongst the rest, Joabs Brothers were hot upon the Chase, and the youngest of them called Azael, v. 15. gave special testimony of his forwardness, for he ran not only more swift than other men,Twelve soldi­ers fight, and kill one ano­ther, and Ab­ners side are overthrown. but outstripped horses also in their race. Whilst thus he pursued Abner with great vehemence, without turning either to the one side or the other; Abner seeing himself closely pressed after, advised him to forbare his pursuit, and promised him a com­pleat K sute of Armor for a present: but seeing him still advance he desired him that he would not constrain him to kill him,v. 17, ad 23. and thereby render his brother Joab implacable.Azael, Joabs Brother pursu­eth Abner. But Azal not regarding him, Abner struck him through with a Javelin so that he pre­sently died. But they that pursued Abner, likewise arriving in the place where Azaels body lay dead,Abner in his flight killeth Azael. stood round about him, and forbare to pursue the Enemy any further. But Joab and his Brother Abisai passing by and conceiving a more mortal hatred against Abner, v. 25, ad 30. because he had slain their Brother,Joab and Abi­sai pursued [...] Sun-set▪ they pursued him til Sun-set unto a place called Amon that is the aqueduct. There mounting upon a hillock, he saw Abner with the Tribe of Benjamin flying from him; who began to cry out to him that men of the same Tribe ought not to be so incensed the one against the other:v [...]0. ad finem. that their Brother Azael was in L the fault,Joab sounding a Retreat, re­straineth his Soldiers. because that although he had exhorted him to cease from pursuing him, yet could he not persuade him, and that therefore he had slain him. Joab considering these his sayings,How many on each side died in the Battel. he commanded the Trumpet to sound a Retreat, and forbare to pursue them any more, and incamped for that night in the same place: during which time, Abner travelled without ceasing,2 Sam 3. 1, 2. and having past over Jordan, returned to his camp to Isboseth Sauls Son.The begining of civil war amongst the Hebrews. The next day Joab surveyed the dead, and caused them to be buried. Those that were found dead on Abners side, were about three hundred and sixty men; and on Davids nineteen, besides Azael, whose body Joab and Abisai took with them, and carried it to Bethlehem, á v. 2. ad 5. and after they had interred it in the Tomb of their Ancestors,David had six Sons born in Hebron. they repaired to Hebron unto David. From that time forward there arose a civil War amongst the Hebrews, M and endured a long time, in which Davids followers had alwayes the upper-hand, and never adventured the hazard of the field without some gaining advantage;á v. 6. ad 11. whereas the Son of Saul and his partakers were daily weakened.Abner bridled and governed the multitude, so that a long time they were subject to Ishboseth. David at that time had six Sons and as many Wives; the eldest of them was called Ammon, the Son of Achimaas; the second was Daniel, the Son of Abigal; the third was called Absolon, the Son of Maacha, the daughter of Tolmar King of Gessure; the fourth was Adonias, the Son of his Wife called Aggite; á v. 12, ad 17. the fifth was Sphacia the Son of Abithal; the sixth Jethraam the Son of Egla. Abner sendeth Embassadors to David in He­bron, to make a covenant with him. But after this civil War was begun, and that the Kings on both sides had oftentimes encountred and fought together; Abner the General of the Army of King Sauls Son, a prudent man, and one that was beloved by the people, endeavored all N that in him lay, that the whole Countrey might be commanded by Isboseth, and in effect they all submitted unto him for a certain time:David requi­reth his Wife Michol at Ab­ners hands. but when it afterwards fell out that Abner was charged to have kept company with Rispa, Sauls Concubine, the Daughter of Sibath, and that Isboseth reproved him for it, he was much incensed, as thinking him­self very ill rewarded for his services; whereupon he threatned to establish the Kingdom of David, and to make Isboseth know, that it was neither his own valour nor conduct that made him Soveraign over the Tribes on that side Jordan, but that his fidelity and experience was the cause thereof. Whereupon he sent unto Hebron to David, requiring him, by an oath, to accept of him as his confederate and friend, promising him to persuade the people to forsake Sauls Son, and to proclaime him King of the whole Country. David O sware unto him, as he had required, and very joyfully received his offices, and, the more to confirm this league betwixt them, he sent back Michol Davids wife whom he had purchased [Page 177] A of her Father Saul with the heads of 600 Philistines which Michol, The year of the World, 2891. before Christ's Nativity, 1073. Abner had taken from Phalti, who had since that time espoused her: whereunto Ishboseth also consented, to whom David had written. Abner therefore assembled all the Elders and Gover­nors of the people, and told them, that at such time as heretofore they were ready to forsake Ishboseth, and to submit themselves to David, he dissuaded them from that in­tent; David requi­reth his Wife Michol at Ab­ners hands. but that he was now willing to comply with them, because he was assured that God had chosen David (by the mouth of Samuel the Prophet) to be King over all Israel; and had foretold that he should subdue the Philistines, and bring them under his subjection. Which when the Elders and Governors understood,Abner consul­teth with the Elders and Governours of the Army to revolt to David. they all of them agreed to submit themselves to David. Abner seeing them thus resolved, did afterwards assemble all the Tribe B of Benjamin (out of which the Archers of Ishboseths guard were chosen) and told them the like, and perceiving that they complied with him and submitted them­selves unto his pleasure, he gathered about twenty of his familiar friends, and came to David to receive him in his own person,à v. 20. ad 23. in confirmation of what David had promised. David received and entertained him very kindly,The Elders Captain pur­suaded by Ab­ner follow David. and magnificently feasted him for many days; after which, Abner desired him that he might return, and bring the people with him, to the end that in their presence and sight, he might deliver him up the government. When David had dissmissed Abner, The Benja­mites accord with Abner, he resorteth to David, and certifieth him thereof. some little time after his departure, Joad the General of Da­vids Army came to Hebron, and knowing that Abner had been with David, and was lately departed from him, and considering the merit of Abner whom he knew to be a great C Captain, and the eminent service which he was now likely to do for David, he began to fear some dieminution of his own greatness, and that the Army was not like to continue under his command,Abner being kindly enter­tained by Da­vid, is friendly dismissed. whereupon he endeavoured to persuade David to give no credit to the promises of Abner; since he was very well assured, that he had no other design than to settle the Crown upon Ishboseth, that this whole treaty was nothing else but a meer trick to cheat him of his Kingdom; and that Abner was returned with a great deal of joy, because his designs were like to succeed so well. But perceiving that these his subtil­ties took little effect with David, v. 24, &c. he attempted a more perilous exploit than the former. For resolving with himself to kill Abner, he sent out certain men after him, whom he appointed, that as soon as they should overtake him, they should desire him in Davids D name to return with speed,v. 26. because he had forgot to speak to him about some affairs of great importance.

When Abner heard the words of these messengers (whoover took him in a place called Besira, v. 27. some twenty Furlongs off of Hebron) he struck out of the way without suspecting any treachery; and Joab going before him, embraced him with great kindness, and like an affectionate friend, and singling him from his other company, and making as if he would inform him of certain secrets, and having drawn him into a by-way beside the wall, accompanied only with his Brother Abisai, he drew his sword, and thrust it in­to his short ribs; of which wound Abner died, surprised by the Treason of Joab, who coloured that act of his, with the revenge and death of his Brother Azael, whom Abner E had slain whilst he was pursued by him in the first war at Hebron; but in truth it was but the suspition of his greatness and honour, fearing lest he should be deprived of his place,Men inclined to ambition and avarice; dare all things. and Abner obtain the next degree of honour unto David. Hereby may a man perceive how many and how mighty things men attempt and hazard for their avarice and ambition sake, and to the end they may not be inferiour unto any others. For when they desire to attain riches and honours, they atchieve it by ten thousand mischiefs; and at such time as they fear to be dispossest, they strive to continue their estates by means more pernicious, because they think it to be the less sin; and that the unhap­piness is less, rather not to have obtained to any greatness and power, than after the possession thereof, to fall from it. Thence it cometh, that all of them intend and practise F many hazards and difficulty through the fear they have to forfeit their Grandeur. But it sufficeth to have briefly touched this point. David having notice of the murther of Abner, conceived a great grief in his heart, and called all his friends to witness, lifting up his hands unto God, and protesting that he was no partaker of the murther, and that Abner had been slain without his knowledge. He likewise uttered most grievous curses against the murtherer,v. 31. his house and accomplices, praying that they might be overtaken by that vengeance which useth to pursue the murtherer:David with the whole people bewail Abner, and honour his fu­neral. for he greatly suspected lest he should be thought to be a party in that which had hapned unto Abner, contrary to his Faith, and promise, which he had past unto him. Moreover, he commanded that all the people should weep and lament for him, and that his Funerals should be honoured ac­cording G to the accustomed manner, in renting of Garments and putting on Sackcloth: and that the same should be done, the Coffin being carried before, which both he and the chiefest Governours of the Israelites followed, beating on their Breasts, and shedding [Page 174] [...] [Page 175] [...] [Page 176] [...] [Page 177] [...] [Page 178] tears,The year of the World, 2899. before Christ's Nativity, 1065. and testifying the love which they bare unto him during his life, and their sorow for H his death, who had been murthered contrary to their will and intention. He was En­tombed in Hebron with great Magnificence, and Epitaphs composed in his praise by David himself, who setting himself on the Tomb first of all lamented, and gave others an ex­ample to follow him. And so much was he troubled at the death of Abner, that he for­bore all kind of meat until the Sun-set, notwithstanding the instances of his friends, who urged him to take meat: which act of his purchased him much love amongst the people.v 33, ad 35. For they that loved Abner, were very glad to be witnesses of that honour which he did him at his death,David s [...]lveth his honour, and avoideth the suspicion of Abners death. and that faith which he maintained in honouring him, as if he had been his Kinsman or friend, and not embasing him with a vile and contemptible Tomb, as if he had been his Enemy. And in general, all of them were so much pos­sessed I with the sweetness and Royal nature of King David, that they believed he would have the like kindness for them, as they saw him express for deceased Abner. And by this means David happily maintained his credit, and increased the peoples good opini­on of him, escaping thereby the suspition that he might in some sort have been accessary to his death. He protested also unto the people, that he conceived no small grief at the loss of so good a man, declaring that it was a great prejudice to the State to be de­prived of him, maintained their peace by his good advice, and ratified the same by his executions and Warlike valour: But God (said he) who hath care of all things, shall not suffer him to die unrevenged: And he it is that shall bear me witness, that it lieth not in my power to punish Joab and Abisai, who have greater credit in the Army than K my self; yet shall they not escape Gods justice for this fault. Thus ended the life of Abner.

CHAP. II.
Ishboseth is slain through the Treason of his followers: the whole Kingdom devolveth unto David.

WHen Ishboseth Sauls Son,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 2. had notice of Abners death, he was much troubled, not only that he was deprived of his near kinsman, but also of so great a personage as had setled the Crown on his head.2 Sam. 4. 1, ad 6. Neither did he himself long time remain alive L after him: but by the Sons of Jeremon, Banaoth and Than, he was Traiterously slain. These two being Benjamites, and of the chiefest Nobility amongst them contrived to make away Ishboseth, and thereby obtain a great reward from David; supposing that such an act would merit the chiefest place and dignity in the Army. For which cause, finding Ishboseth alone in his house about mid-day, laid on his bed and asleep, and un­attended by any of his Guard, and perceiving likewise that the Porter was asleep: they entred into the lodging where Ishboseth was asleep, and slew him: and having cut off his head, they travelled all the night and day as if they fled from those whom they had offended, and sought for rescue. And when they came to Hebron, they presented David with Ishboseths head,v. 6. ad 12. offering themselves to do him service, letting him know, that they M had delivered him of an enemy,Ishboseths head is brought to David. and made away his adversary. But David allowed not their act, but thus received them; O cursed men, (on whom I intend presently to ex­ecute justice) have you not heard how I punished him that murthered Saul,David sharp invective against the murtherers of Ishboseth, and their punish­ment. and brought his Royal Crown unto me? Yea, although he slew him at his own request, and to the intent the enemy should not surprise him alive? Did ye think that I was changed, and that I am not the same that I was, but that I take delight to be partaker with you in your wickedness, or that I will countenance it, as if these acts of yours (who are murtherers of your Master) were to be commended? Ʋngrateful Villains, have you no remorse for having murthered, on his Couch, a Prince that never did an injury to any, and had shewed so much kindness unto you? but I will certainly punish you with the loss of your lives, because ye have thought that Ishboseths death N would work my content: for you could not in any thing dishonour me more, than by con­ceiving such an opinion of me. Which said, he adjudged them to die by the most cruel torments that might be imagined: and with a great deal of solemnity, he caused Ish­boseths head to be interred in Abners Tomb.

These murtherers being thus put to death, the cheif of the people repaired to David unto Hebron (both they that commanded over thousands,2 Sam. 5. 1, 2, 3, &c. and such also as were governors) and submitted themselves unto him,The Nobles of the Hebrews repair to Da­vid to Hebron, and declare him King. they recounted the good offices they had done him, both during Sauls life-time, as also the honour which they had always shown him, since the first time that he was a Commander in that Army, especially that he had been chosen by God through the mediation of the Prophet Samuel, to be their King, and O his children after him; declaring unto him, that God had given him the Country of the Hebrews, to defend the same, and discomfit the Philistines. David accepted their rea-readiness [Page 179] A and affection, exhorting them to persist, assuring them that they should never repent themselves of their obedience: and after he had entertained them, he sent them to assemble the people.

Of the Tribe of Juda, there came together about six thousand and eight hundred men of War,David enter­tained the No­bles kindly. bearing for their Arms a Buckler, and a Javelin; who before that time had followed Sauls Sons, and were not of those that had adhered unto David. Of the Tribe of Simeon, The Armed Soldiers that came to David. seven thousand, and one hundred, or somewhat more. Of that of Levi 4700, whose Captain was Jodam, with whom was Sadoc the High Priest, accompa­nied with twenty and two of the same lineage. Of the Tribe of Benjamin four thou­sand men of War; for this Tribe were as yet of that opinion, that some of the Heirs B of Saul should raign. Of that of Ephraim 20800 strong and valiant men. Of that of Manasses, eight thousand. Of that of Issachar two hundred, who were skilful in divinati­on, and 20000 men of War. Of that of Zabulon 20000 chosen fighting men: for only this intire Tribe was wholly at Davids command, who were armed in like manner as they of Gad were. Of the Tribe of Nepthaly there were a thousand Captains, famous for their valour, and armed with shield and Javelin, attended by an infinite number of their Tribe. Of the Tribe of Dan there were 27000 chosen men. Of that of Aser 40000. Of the two Tribes on the other side of Jordan, and of the half Tribe of Manasses, six­score thousand armed men, with Buckler, Javelin, Helmet and Sword: The rest of the other Tribes also wore Swords. All this multitude was assembled together in Hebron C before David, with great provision of victuals and wine, sufficient to sustain them all, who all of them with one consent,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 3. appointed David to be their King. Now when the people had mustered and feasted for three dayes space in Hebron, David dislodged from thence with his whole Host, and repaired to Jerusalem. But the Jebusites, who at that time inhabited the City, and were of the Race of the Canaanites, shutting up their Gates against his coming,v. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. and placing on their walls as many as were blind and lame,The Siege of Jerusalem un­dertaken by David. or maimed in any other sort, in contempt of him, scoffingly jested and said, That these were sufficient to keep out the Enemy: so much trusted they to their fortifications. Wherewith David being incensed,David surpri­seth the lower Town. he prepared to besiege Jerusalem with all the vigor imaginable, that he might by making himself Master of that place strike a terror into all the rest that should D dare to make any opposition.David geteth the upper Town. He took the lower Town; and because the higher Town as yet held out, the King resolved to encourage his men of War to shew themselves valiant,The valour of Davids Soldi­ers, and in espeacil of Joab. promising them honours and rewards and, that he would make him General over all the people, that should first of all Scale the Wall. Whilst they thus put themselves forward to mount without refusing any danger (through the desire they had to obtain the Government that was promised) Joab the Son of Servia, was the forwardest; and having got upon the Wall, called from thence to the King to acquit himself of his promise.

CHAP. III.
E David having taken Jerusalem by force, turneth out all the Canaanites. and delivereth the City to be inhabited by the Jews,

AFter therefore he had cast out the Jebusites from the higher City,David expel­leth the Jebu­sites out of the Town and City of Jerusalem. and repaired Jerusalem, he called it the City of David, and resided there all his Raign: so that the whole time that he ruled in Hebron, over the Tribe of Juda, was seven years, and six months. But after he had taken Jerusalem for his Royal City, his fortunes daily more and more increased,The league of friendship be­tween Hiram and David. because God was with him. Hiram also King of Tyre, sent unto him, and made a league with him: he presented him likewise with Presents of Cedar, and the Workmen and Masons, to build him a Royal house in Jerusalem. Now when F the King had taken the City, he joyned the Cittadel unto it; and having walled them abou [...],How Jerusa­lem was called Solyma, and what mention Homer made thereof. the gave the government thereof to Joab. This King was the first that drove the Jebusites out of Jerusalem, and called the same by his name. For, from the time of Abraham our forefather, it was called Solyma: neither want there some that infer, that Homer under that name intendeth Jerusalem. For, in the Hebrew tongue Solyma is as much as to say,The years since Joshuas con­quest to this time 515. Or­phant a Jebu­site, friend to David. Security. All the time since the war made by Joshuah against the Canaanites, and since the division of the Countrey (during all which time, the Israelites could not drive the Canaanites out of Jerusalem) until David took the same by force, were five hundred and fifteen years. But I must not forget one Orphan, a rich man amongst the Jebusites, who because he was well affected towards the Hebrews, was not put to death G at the taking of Jerusalem: 2 Kings 24. but was much honoured by the King. David espoused other Wives besides those which he had;Davids Sons born in Jeru­salem. and took many Concubines: by them he had eleven Sons, whose names are these which follow, Amnael, Seba, Nathan, Soloman, Jaber, Eliel, [Page 180] Phalna, Ennapha, Jenaah, Eliphal: and a Daughter called Thamar. Nine of these were H begotten of his Wives, and the two last were the Sons of Concubines. But Thamar was Absalons Sister by the same Father and Mother.

CHAP. IV.
David assailed by the Philistines, obtaineth a great victory aaginst them near Jerusalem.

NOw when the Philistines knew that the Hebrews had created David King, they led forth their Army against him towards Jerusalem, 2 Sam. 5. 18. ad finem. where, encamping themselves in I the valley of the Giants (which is a place not far from the City) they in that place expected the encounter.Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 4. But the King of the Hebrews, who was wont to do nothing inconsiderately, commanded the High Priest to ask counsel of God what success the War should have; who after he had informed him that God favored their designes, he pre­sently drew out his Army against the Enemy: and giving the battel, he suddenly assail­ed the Enemies,The Philisti­nes moving War against David, are partly slain or put to flight. slaying many of them, he put the rest to flight. But let no man suspect, that the Army of the Philistines was either small in number, or weak in courage, which at that time assailed the Hebrews, because they were easily overcome, without their performing any memorable action. For all Syria, Phenicia, (and the other Warlike Nations beyond them) were confederates with them,The Philisti­nes invaded the Hebrews with a mighty army gathered out of sundry nations. in this War: which was the cause, that notwith­standing they were so many times overcome, and lost many thousands of men, that they de­sisted K not to assail the Hebrews with greater force: having been defeated in the battel be­forementioned, yet they reinforced their Army, and encamped in the same place. Where­upon David again required of God what the issue of this battel should be; and the High Priest told him, that he should encamp in the Forrest called Tears, because it was not far off from the Enemies Camp, and that he should not depart from thence, neither make any attempt upon them, before the trees should shake without any agitation of the wind. Whereupon, as soon as the trees shook, and the time which God had appointed was come; without any delay he marched out with an assurance of returning victorious. For the squadrons of the Enemy were disordered,The Philisti­nes flight. and incontinently betook themselves L to flight, being pursued unto the City of Gerar (which is a frontire-town of their Countrey) their Camp was plundred, and in it were found great riches; and amongst other things, their gods, which broken to pieces by the Israelites.

The battel being ended, it seemed good unto David (by the counsel of the Elders and Colonels over thousands) that all the flower of their youth should be assembled from all the parts of the Countrey,2 Sam. 6. 1, ad 5. every one according to his Tribe.Davids com­mands as tou­ching the transportation of the Ark. And that the Priests and Levites should rapair to Cariathiarim, and bring from the Ark of God and convey it to Jerusalem; to the end that when it should be there, the service of God might for the future be celebrated in that place, and other sacrifices and honours, agreeable to the divine Majesty be performed. Which if Saul had religiously observed,M he had not fallen into those misfortunes which at the same time deprived him of his Crown and his life. Now when all the people were assembled (according as it was appointed) the King himself also assisted at the removal of the Ark; which being car­ried by the Priests out of Aminidabs house, they laid it upon a new Wain drawn by Oxen, and commited the conduct of it to their Brethren and their Children.

The King marched foremost, and after him all his people, praising God, and singing Psalms and Hymns to the sound of the Trumpets and Cymbals,v. 6, 7, 8, 9. and several sorts of Instruments:Oza stretching out his hand to stay the Ark, is sudden­ly strucken dead. and in this manner conducted they the Ark into Jerusalem. But when they were come to the threshing floor of Childon, Oza died, thorow the wrath of God: for the Oxen stumbling that drew the Chariot, and the Ark tottering, he stretched out his hand to hold it up; but being no Priest, God struck him dead because he presumed to touch N the Ark. The King and the people were much troubled at the death of Oza, and the place where he died is called to this day,v. 10, 11. Oza's Striking. David, fearing lest if he should carry the Ark with him into the City,David placeth the ark in O­bed-Edoms house, who prospereth there-through in all felicity. the like misfortune might attend him that had befallen Oza, (who died, because he only stretched out his hand) he carried it not with him into the City, but commanded that it should be left in the possession of one called Obed, by descent a Levite, a good and vertuous man: where it remained for three months space; during which time, his house was blessed with all worldly happiness. The King being informed of the success of Obed, v. 12. (who of a poor man, was suddenly become very rich, so that all men had their eyes upon him,The Ark transported into Davids house and, pla­ced in a Ta­bernacle. and some envied him) he assured himself that no inconvenience would befall him; if he should take the Ark to Jerusalem. It was car­ried O by the Priests; and seven quires of singing men who were appointed by the King, went before it: The King himself likewise played upon the Harp, so that Michol, Davids [Page 181] A Wife and Sauls Daughter,The year of the World, 2900, before Christ's Nativity, 1004. seeing him, mocked at him. The Ark then being thus carried, was placed in a Tabernacle erected by David, who offered sacrifices of all sorts, in such abundance that he feasted all the people, both men women, and children, distributing unto every one a Cake, and a portion of the sacrifice: and after he had thus feasted the people,David is moc­ked by his Wife Michol. he dismissed them, and retired unto his own house. But Michol his Wife, the Daughter of King Saul, drawing neer unto him upon his return, besought God for him,v. 13, 14, 15, 16. that it might please him in all other things she might express unto her husband all that which became her intire and unequal'd love towards him: but in this she blamed him because that being so great and mighty a King he had dishhonoured himself in dancing, and had thereby discovered that which became him not, doing all this in company B of his Servants and handmaids. To whom David answered, that he was not ashamed of performing a thing so acceptable unto God as that was, who prefered him before her Father, and placed him above all others, assuring her that he should oftentimes behave himself after that manner. This Michol had no children by David, but being married again to another (to whom her Father had betrothed her after he took her from David) she bear five Sons of whom we will speak hereafter.2 Sam. 7. 1, 2, 3, The King perceiving how by Gods assistance his affairs prospered daily more and more,David decree­eth to build a Temple unto God. thought that he could not without offence dwell in an house of Cedar, and suffer the Ark to remain in a Tabernacle: wherefore he designed to build a Temple unto God, according as Moses had foretold, and to this intent consulted with the Prophet Nathan, who willed him to perform all that which he was minded to C accomplish, assuring him that God would be assistant unto him: which confirmed him in the resolutions he had taken. But the same night God appeared unto Nathan, com­manding him to tell David, v. 5. ad 17. that he accepted his will, and commended his resolutions yet notwithstanding he permitted him not to proceed because he had embrewed his hands in the blood of many of his Enemies.God certifieth David by Na­than, that So­lomon should build the Temple. But after his decease (which shall hap­pen after he hath lived a long and prosperous life) his Son Solomon (to whom he shall leave the Kingdom after his death) shall cause a Temple to be built, promising him to assist the said Solomon (even as the Father doth his Son) and that he would continue the Kingdom in his Heirs:v▪ 18 ad finem. And that if they shall happen at any time to offend him,David giveth God thanks for the bles­sings which were promised him by Nath­an. he will only punish them with sickness and famine. David hearing this was very joyful, because D the Kingdom was assured to his heirs, and for that his house should be renowned; and presenting himself before the Ark, he prostrated himself, and gave God thanks for all the benefits he had bestowed on him; for that from a poor and humble shepherd, he had raised him to so great a heighth of Majesty and Glory, that he had promised to to take care of his posterity; and that he would secure the liberty of his people which he had asserted in delivering them from bondage.

CHAP. V.
David overcoming the neighbouring Nations,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 5. imposeth tributes on them.

E NOt long time after this,David War­reth against the Philistines, and taketh a great part of the in­heritance from them. David made War upon the Philistines, partly, that he might avoid the suspition of sloth and idleness; and partly, that having (according as God had foretold) discomfited his Enemies, he might leave a peaceable Kingdom to his posterity after him. He therefore assembled his Army, commanding them to be in a readiness to march, and departing out of Jerusalem, he made an inroade into the Countrey of the Philistines; 2 Sam. 8. v. 1, 2. whom he overcame in battle,A great slaughter of the Moabites. and took a great part of the Countrey from them, by means whereof he enlarged the frontiers of the Hebrews. He made war also against the Moabites: whose Army being divided into two parts, was by him defeated and overthrown,3, 4. and many prisoners taken,David over­cometh the King of So­phona. and tributes were imposed on them. Afterwards he led out his Army against Adarezer Son of Ara, King of Sophona: and F giving him battel near the River Euphrates, he slew about two thousand foot and five thousand Horse: he took also almost a thousand Chariots? the greater part whereof was wholly consumed, and one hundred of them only reserved to his own use.

CHAP. VI,2 Sam. 8. v▪ 6, 7, 8.
They of Damascus are overcome by David.Adad King of Damasco and Syria, is over­come by David in battel.

A Dad King of Damascus and of Syria, understanding that David had made War on Adarezar (who was his feiend and confedarate) raised great forces to assist him.Nicholaus the Historiogra­pher maketh mention of King Adads War with David. But entering the field, and encountering with David neare unto the River Euphrates, G he was overcome and lost a great number of his Soldiers: for in that battle there fell on his side twenty thousand, and the rest fled. Of this King Nicholas the Historiographer makes mention in the fourth Book of his History, in these words: A long time after the [Page 182] most puissant Prince of this Countrey called Adad governed in Damascus,The year of the World, 2904. before Christ's Nativity, 1061. and over the rest of H Syria (except Phoenicia) who making War against David King of Judea, and having oftentimes fought with him; in his last encounter (wherein he was overcome near the River Euphrates) he signalized himself by such actions as were worthy of a great Captain and a great King. Of another King of Syria that spoiled Samaria. Moreover he speaketh of his Heirs that reighned successively after him. That he being deceased, his Sons reigned for ten generations after him, each of them receiving from their father, the same name and the same Kingdom, after the manner of the Ptolomies of Egypt.2 Sam. 8. 1, ad 4. The third of these being more mighty than the rest, and desirous to revenge himself of the injuries, which were offered unto his grandfather, led forth his Army against the Jews, David impo­seth tribute on the Syrians whom he sub­dued. and destroyed the Countrey called at this day Samaria. Wherein he varied not from the truth: for he of whom he speakth, is that Adad, that made War I in Samaria, during the Reign of Achab King of Israel, of whom we will speak hereafter. But when David had led forth his Army against Damascus, Jerusalem spoiled by Syssac King of Egypt. and against the rest of the Countrey of Syria, he reduced them all under his obedience placing garrisons in their Countrey and imposing tribute upon them. He dedicated also to God in the City of Jerusalem, the Golden quivers and Arms of Adads guard: which afterward Syssac King of Egypt took when he vauquished Roboham his Nephew, and carried away great riches out of the temple of Jerusalem, as it shall be declared hereafter, when we come to treat of that matter. This King of the Hebrews being inspired by God (who made him prosperous in all his warrs) encamped before the chiefest cities of Adrezar, that is to say, Betha and Maz­con, which he besieged, took, and spoiled: where there was found great store of Gold K and Silver and of Brass,3 King. 14. which was more precious then Gold, whereof Solomon made that great vessel called the Sea,The prey that was made in the War. and other fair lavers, as such time as he adorned and furnished the Temple of God. When Thoy King of Amoth understood all which had hapned to Adarezer, 2 Sam 8, 6. &c. and how his power and forces were destroyed, he grew afraid of his own estate,The King of the Amathens requireth a League at Da­vids hands. and resolved to enter into a league and confederacy with David, before he should come out against him: and to that intent he sent his Son Adoram unto him, to congratulate his success against Adarezer his Enemy, and to contract an amity with him. He sent him presents also, namely vessels of antique worke of Gold, of Silver, and of Brass: whereupon David made a league with him, and received the presents that were sent unto him; and afterwards honourably dismissed his Son, both for the one L and the other: and consecrated that to God which he had presented him (together with the Gold and Silver, which he had taken from the Cities and Nations that were subiect unto him.) For God did not only so far favour him, as to make him victorious and happy in his own Warrs;David com­pelleth the Idumeans to pay tribute by the Pole. but having also sent Abisai Joabs Brother the Lieutenant of his Army against the Idumeans, he likewise granted him victory: for Abisai slew in the battel about eighteen thousand of them, and filled all Idumea with garrisons imposing a tribute throughout the Countrey by the Pole. The distributi­on of Offices▪ This King loved justice of his own nature and the judgment which he gave was always most equitable, He had for his Lieutenant General of his Armies Joab, 2 King. 9. and appointed Josaphat the Son of Achilles chief over the Registers, After Abiather, he established Sadock of the house of Phinees for M High Priest, who was his friend. Sisa was his Secretary, Banaia the Son of Ioiada was Captain over his guard, and all the Elders were ordinarily about him to guard and at­tend him. He remembring himself also of the covenants and oaths that past 'twixt him and Jonathan the Son of Saul, and of their amity and affection (for amongst his other excellent qualities he was alwayes most eminent for his gratitude.) He caused inquiry to be made, if any one of the house and family of Jonathan were left alive, to the intent he might return the friendship he had received from Jonathan. Whereupon a certain man named Ziba, was brought unto him (who was enfranchised by Saul) that might inform him what one of his Race was alive:C. 9. v. 1, &c. who asked him if he knew any N of Jonathans Sons then living,David maketh an enquiry if any of Jona­thans kindred were left alive. to whom he might make some return of the kindness which he had formerly received from their Father. Who answered him, that he had one Son remaining, whose name was Mephibosheth, who was lame of his legges for when the news came that both his Father and Grandfather were slain his Nurse hastily snatching up the child let him fall from her shoulders, and so hurt him. When he heard where he was brought up, he sent unto the City of Labath to Machir, with whom Mephibosheth, was kept,v. 7, 8. and commanded him to be brought unto him. Now when he came to Davids presence,David giveth Mephibosheth his father Jo­ [...]athans house and Sauls in­heritance. he cast himself on his face before him; but the King exhorted him to be of good courage, and to hope hereafter for better fortune, and gave him his Fathers house with all the possessions, that were purchased by Saul his grandfather, appointing him to eat with him daily at his own table. The young man did him reverence, thanking him O for the Royal offers he had made him. At that time David called for Siba, and told him how he had given Mephibosheth his Fathers house and all Sauls purchases, com­manding [Page 183] A him to manure his possessions,The year of the World, 2910▪ before Christ's Nativity, 1014. and to have a care of all things, and to return the revenue to Jerusalem, because Mephibosheth was every day to sit at his table, charging both him and his fifteen Sons, and twenty Servants, to do him service. After the King had thus disposed of him, Siba did him reverence; and after he had promised to perform whatsoever he had given him in charge,v. 9. 10, 11. he departed, and Jonathans Son remained in Jerusalem, David com­mitteth the disposing of Mephibosheths Lands to Siba, and command­eth him to make the re­turn of his re­venues in Je­rusalem. where he lived at the Kings table, and was entertained and tended as carefully as if he had been his own Son: he had a Son also called Mica. These were the honours that those children which survived after Jonathan and Sauls death, received at Davids hands. About the same day died Nahas King of the Ammonites, who during his life-time was Davids friend, and his Son succeeded him in his Kingdom, to whom David sent B Ambassadors to comfort him, exhorting him to bear his Fathers death with patience, assuring him that he would express no less love towards him, than he did unto his Father.Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 6. But the Governours of the Ammonites entertained this Embassage very con­tumeliously, and not according as David had intended it, and murmured against their King, telling him that they were but spies sent by David to inquire into their forces,2 Sam. 10. v. 1, 2, 3, 4. and discover the strength of their Countrey,David sendeth Ambassadours to comfort the Son of the King of the Ammonites, who are b [...]sely abused. under a pretext of kindness; advising him to stand upon his guard, and not to give ear to his protestation, lest being deceived, he should fall into some remediless inconveniency.

Nahas King of the Ammonites, supposing that his Governors spake nothing but truth, unworthily affronted the Ambassadors that were sent unto him: for causing the half of C their Beards to be shaven close by the chin, and cutting away the half of their Vest­ments, he sent them back again.v. 5. 6. Which when David saw, he was much displeased, and pro­tested that he would not suffer that injury so easily to be digested,David is sore displeased with the injury offered to his Ambassadors, intending revenge. but that he would make War on the Ammonites, and revenge those indignities that were offered to his Ambassa­dors. The Friends and Governors of Nahas considering how they had violated and broken the Peace, and how for that occasion they deserved to be punished; prepared for that War, and sent a thousand talents to Syrus, King of Mesopotamia, desiring him that he would be their confederate in that War,The Ammo­nites hire their confede­rates, and pre­pare for the War against David. and receive their pay: they requested the like of Subas: these Kings had 20000 footmen in pay. They hired also with their mony the King of the Countrey called Michas, and the fourth called Istob, which two brought D with them twelve thousand Men.

CHAP. VII.
How David overcame the Mesopotamians.

BUt David being nothing discouraged,v. 7, 8. either with the confederacy, or force of the Ammonites; David sendeth out Joab with the choisest flower of his Army against the Ammo­nites. but trusting in God, since he was satisfied that his cause was just, per­sisted to the revenge of those outrages which he had received from them. Having there­fore mustered under Joab the flower of his whole Army, he commanded him to depart and make War upon them: who came and incamped himself before their chief City E called Aramath; which when the Enemies perceived, they came forth and ranged them­selves in battel, not in one body, but two several parties. For their confederates and allies were incamped apart in the Plain, and the Ammonites stood in battle-array near unto their City gate, to make head against the Hebrews. Joab perceiving this, took this course,Joab and Abi­saies Armies, that he might meet them without any disadvantage: for he chose out the ablest and stoutest of his men to serve under him against Syrus, v. 9, 10, 11. and the other Kings confede­rate with him, and gave the rest to his brother Abisai; commanding him to oppose him­self against the Ammonites whilest he charged the rest; and appointing him, that if he perceived that the Syrians were stronger than he, and did put him to the worst, that he should come to succour him; promising to do the like, if he perceived him to be op­pressed F by the Ammonites, When therefore he had exhorted his Brother to behave him­self valiantly, he sent him before to charge the Ammonites; and he on the other side as­sailed the Syrians, who valiantly resisted him for a little space; but Joab having slain many of them, constrained them at length to turn their backs. Which when the Am­monites perceived (who were afraid of Abisai and his people) retreated likewise,v. 12, 13▪ 14. and following the example of their allies,Joabs victory. they took their flight into the City. By which means, Joab having defeated his Enemies, returned in triumph and with victory unto the King to Jerusalem.

Yet were not the Ammonites wholly weakned by this loss: for although they had by experience a certain knowledg that the Hebrews were stronger than themselves, yet would G they by no means hearken to a Peace. They sent unto Chalama King of the Syrians on the other side of Euphrates, whose confederacy they attained by bribes and huge sums of mo­ney. This King had one called Sobac for his Lieutenant-General, and under him fourscore [Page 184] thousand foot,The year of the Wo [...]ld, 2910. before Christ's Nativity, 1540. and ten thousand horse. David understanding that the Ammonit [...]s drew H to an head, and intended to assault him again, he surceased to send his Lieutenants, but went himself in Person, and meeting them, he overcame them and killed fourty thousand of their Foot, and seven thousand Horse: he hurt Sobac also, Chalamas Lieutenant, so that he died of his wounds. Hereupon the Mesopotamians yielded themselves unto David, 15, 16, 17▪ 18, 19. and gave him many great and magnificent Presents. He therefore, by reason of the Winter,The Syrians with the Am­monites assem­bled them­selves against David. retired to Jerusalem, but at the Spring he sent out his Lieutenant Ioab once more to make War upon the Ammonites: who overrunning their Countrey, utterly spoiled it, and shut them up in Aramath their principal City, which he besieged and took. About this time it so fell out, that David (notwithstanding he were a just man, and one that feared God,The Mesopo­tamians sub­mit themselves to David. and an exact observer of all the Laws and ordinances of his forefathers)I fell into a great sin, and offended God. For as he walked on the top of his Royal Palace, in the evening, he discovered a Woman of incomparable Beauty, (whose name was Bethsabe) bathing her self.Aramath be­sieged. His passion became forthwith so impetuous, that he could not resist it; whereupon he sent for her, and kept her with him till she conceived. She desired him to bethink himself of some means whereby her shame might be concealed,Hedro & Ruf­finus, chap. 7. and her life (which was in hazard,2 Sam. 11. 1, 2, 3, 4, &c. by the Law, for her Adultery) might be preserved. Who thereupon sent for Ʋrias (Bethsabes Husband, and one of Joabs Captains, who at that time was at the siege of Aramath) and enquired of him upon his arrival touching the state of the siege,Davids adul­tery. and of the Army: who answering him that all things were fallen out according to his wish;v▪ 5. David took a part of his own supper and gave it him,Bethsabe cer­tifieth the King that she is with child. willing him K to repair unto his own house, and repose himself with his Wife. But Ʋrias slept among his fellow-souldiers near unto the person of the King. Which when David understood, he asked him wherefore he repaired not to his own house,v. 6, 7, 8. according to the custome of Husbands that had been long absent:David sendeth for Urias, and willeth him to repair home unto his Wife; which he doth not. and why he visited not his Wife from whom he had been so long parted? Ʋrias replied, That it became him not either to repose or take pleasure with his Wife, whilest his companions and General lay upon the ground in the Enemies Countrey. Which said, David commanded him to sojourn there all the day long, to the end that on the next morrow, he might send him back again to Joab. That night the King invited him to supper,v. 14, 15, 16, 17. and although he were made drunk through the abundance of Wine he received,David writeth unto Joab to punish Urias. which the King had purposely caused to be given him,L (yet he slept at the Kings gate without, any desire to go home unto his Wife.) Here­with the King being much troubled wrote unto Joab, Joab setteth Urias in a dan­gerous place to encounter with the Enemy. commanding him to punish Ʋrias because he had offended him: enjoyning him to place him in the greatest danger, and in face of the Enemy, to the intent, that he might be abandoned and left alone, whilest they that fought next unto him, retired when they saw him charged. When he had thus written and sealed up the Letter with his own seal, he delivered it to Ʋrias to carry to Joab: who receiving the same, and conceiving the Kings pleasure, placed Ʋrias in that quarter where he knew the Enemies would fight most desperatly; appointing him some of his best Soldiers to second him: he assured him, that if he could make any breach in the wall he would come up to him with all his power, that he might through that place force M his way into the City.

Ʋrias (who was a good Soldier,Urias is set with some as­sociates to at­tempt the siege: the Am­monites sally­ing out, his company for­sake him. and a man of much honour and reputation among those of his Tribe, and refused no danger) valiantly accepted the charge: But Joab privately appointed those that were ranked next him, that when they should see the Enemy sally out with the greatest fury, they should abandon Ʋrias. When therefore the Hebrews drew naer unto the City, the Ammonites, fearing lest the Enemy should speedi­ly Scale and enter the City on that side where Ʋrias was placed, they chose out a squadron of the most resolute men amongst them,v. 18, 19, 20. and setting open their gates they furiously as­saulted their Enemies.Urias with some others is slain and the King is certi­fied thereof▪ They that were near Ʋrias seeing them draw near, retired back again according as Joab had before-hand commanded them: but Ʋrias being ashamed N to flie or forsake his rank, expected the Enemy, and valiantly encountring him, he slew divers of them; but at last being inclosed and shut in the midst of them, he was slain with some others of his companions. This done, Joab sent messengers unto the King, to let him know, that not enduring the delay of the siege, but attempting to carry the Town by Storm, he was compelled to return back into his Camp, with the loss of some of his men; but he commanded the messengers, that if they perceived the King to be dis­pleased with the news, they should let him know that Ʋrias was dead also.

The King hearing this seemed displeased, saying, that it was a fault in him that he had so nerly approached the wall,v. 20, 21. alledging that he might have done far better, to have taken the town by Mine,David is dis­pleased with the news of his overthrow. or by battering it with his Engines; in the case of Abimelech instancing O Gideons son, who intending to surprize by force a tower that was within the City of Tebez, was strucken with a stone that was cast at him by a woman: whereof he died. In remem­brance [Page 185] A of whose disaster, The year of the World, 2910▪ before Christ's Nativity, 1054. they ought to have been more wary, and not to have approached the Wall of the Enemy so nearly. For it is the part of a Soldier to retain in his memory both fatal and fortunate successes, to the end that when he shall be in the like danger he may follow the one, and fly the other. Whilst he thus rebuked them, the messenger certified him of Ʋrias death, which did somewhat appease him.v. 25. So that he commanded them to tell Joab, that it was but an humane accident,David is ap­peased, hearing of Urias death. and that such was the nature of War, that sometime the one had the better and sometime the other: To conclude, that he should provide for the siege, and take care lest hereafter they should receive any further loss; counselling him by Tren­ches and Engines to ruinate the wall, and commanding that all those that were in the Town, should be put to the Sword. The messenger thus dismissed, reported all these B things unto Joab, v. 26, 27. according to the kings commandement. But Ʋrias Wife having notice of the death of her Husband,David mar­rieth Bethsabe, who beareth him a Son. wept and mourned for him divers dayes: and when her mourning for the dead was ended, the King espoused her, and she bare him a man-child: Yet God beheld not this Marriage with a favourable eye, but was wroth with David, and appearing to the Prophet Nathan in a dream, he commanded him to reprove David. Now Nathan, who was a wise and experienced man, knew well that when Kings are dis­pleased, they suffer themselves rather to be guided by passion, than by reason: where­fore he thought fit to conceal the threatnings of God for that time;2 Sam. 12 v, 1, 2, ad 6. and to begin his discourse with something that should be less harsh to the King; wherefore he addressed himself after this manner. Two men (said he) dwelt in the same City: the one of them C was rich, having much great and small cattell; the other was poor, and had but one only sheep, v. 7▪ ad 13. which he fed and loved like his children. It hapned that this rich man had a stranger came to his house,Nathan pro­phesieth of Davids pu­nishment, and sharply rebu­keth him: he is condemned by his own mouth, and re­penteth him­self. for whose entertainment he would not suffer any one of his own Beasts to be slain, but sent a messenger, who took away, by force, the poor mans sheep, and caused it to be dressed, to entertain his guest. This report of Nathans much displea­sed the King, inso much that he swore unto him, that he that had committed such an act, was a wicked man, and that he should restore him fourfold, and that afterward he should be put to death. Whereunto Nathan replied, saying, That it was he that deserved this punish­ment, who had given sentence against himself; in that he had presumed to commit so grievous a sin. Moreover, he certified him of Gods displeasure, who, notwithstanding he had made him D King over all the Hebrews, and Lord over all the Nations round about, which were many and great; and had protected him from the hands of Saul, and had given him Wives, whom he had espoused lawfully, was so dishonoured by him, that he had taken another mans Wife, and caused her Husband to be slain. For which sins, he pronounced that he should be punished by God, and his Wives should be violated by one of his own Sons, who should likewise lay a snare for him so that he should suffer an open shame for the sin he had committed in secret. Moreover, (said he) the son which thou shalt have by her, shall shortly die.

After the had King received this message,v. 13. 14. he was troubled,David confes­seth his sin, and obtaineth par­don at Gods hands. and wept, confessing that he had done wickedly: for before this time he had always feared God, and had never in his life offended him, but in the case of Ʋria: whereupon after his submission, God was E appeased, and took compassion of him, promising him to continue both his life and King­dom, v. 15, 16, 17, 18. and that he would be no more displeased with him, if he repented him of the sin he had committed.David fasteth seven dayes, lamenting, and mourning for his Son. After Nathan had declared these things unto David he departed unto his own house. But God, according to the word of the Prophet, inflicted a grievous sickness on the infant that was born by Bethsabe: for which cause the King was troubled, and for seven days space would eat no meat, although he was earnestly pressed thereunto by his Servants. He put on likewise a mourning habit, and cloathed himself with Sackcloth, beseeching God that it would please him to grant him the childs life. But when the infant was deceased about the seventh day of his sickness,v. 20, 21. his servants durst not let him know it, sup­posing that if it should come unto his ear,David being certified that the child was dead, ariseth, and washing, taketh suste­nance. he would the more obstinately abstain from eating, F and his health would be indangered by his inordinate grief, considering he had so vehement­ly been afflicted for his sickness. But the King perceiving that his Servants were troubled, and that they concealed something from him, and gathering thereby that his Son was dead: he called unto him one of his offices, who certifying him of the truth, he arose and washed himself,v. 21, 22. and changed his rayment, and presented himself before the Taber­nacle of God,David yieldeth a reason why during the childs life he fasted, and why being dead he took refection. and commanded that they should bring him meat that he might eat. Whereat his friends and Servants wondred, and besought him that they might know the cause, he answered, while the child was alive, and I had hope of his recovery, I omit­ed no means whereby I might move God to mercy; but now after he is dead, it were in vain for me to spend my self with unnecessary grief. Which when they heard they G approved the wisdom of the King.v. 24. After this Bethsabe his Wife brought him a second Son, who was called Solomon. Solomon was born by Beth­sabe▪ Mean while Joab closely besieged the Ammonites, and cut off their water and supplies of Provision; so that they were nigh famished for want of [Page 186] Victuals:The year of the World, 2816. before Christ's Nativity, 1040. for they had only one little spring, so that they feared lest it would be suddenly H dry. He therefore wrote unto the King, and certified him of the state of the City, and exhorted him to come in person, and be present at the taking of it, to the intent that he might have the honour of taking the Town.

The King,Joab by letters solliciteth the King, to come to the surprisal of Rabatha. understanding what Joab had written, commended his affection and fidelity, and taking with him all the forces which he had, he came to the taking in of Rabatha, which being carried by force, and the plunder given to his Soldiers, he reserved for himself the Crown of the King of the Ammonites, weighing a talent of Gold, in the midst whereof was enchased a Sardonyx of great value,v. 27. ad finem▪ which David wore upon his head. He found likewise in that City divers spoils of great price:David surpri­zing Rabatha by force, giveth it for a prey to his Souldiers. but the inhabitants he put to the Sword, and did the like in all the Cities of the Ammonites which he took by force. But after I the King was returned unto Jerusalem, a great misfortune befell his family, upon this oc­casion. He had a Daughter which was a Virgin, fair and beautiful, and surpassed all other women in perfections,Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 8. whose name was Thamar, born of the same Mother with Absolon. Of her, Amnon the eldest Son of David became enamoured: and because he could not enjoy her at his pleasure,2 S [...]. 13. 1. ad 19. he grew so melancholy, that his body dryed up, and his colour changed through grief. A certain cousin and friend of his called Jonathan, perceiving his passion, and observing every day how Amnons beauty and strength decayed, came unto him, and asked him the cause thereof, alledging that that indisposition of his seemed to proceed from some amorous affection.Jonathan counselled Amnon how he might injoy his love. Which when Amnon confessed, and how he was in love with his Sister by the Fathers side, Jonathan suggested to him the K means how to compass his desires: for he persuaded him to counterfeit himself sick, and that if his Father came to visit him, he should desire him to send his sister to attend him, by which means he should easily be delivered of his sickness. This counsel of his was plausible in Amnons ears, who presently counterfeited a sickness; and laid him down on his Bed (as Jonathan had advised him) and when David came to visit him, he desired him to send his Sister unto him. When she came, he prayed her, that with her own hands, she would make some Cakes for him, because they would the more content him if they were of her own making: wherefore she in her Brothers presence tempered the flower, and made certain Cakes, and fried them in the Pan, and presented them unto him: but he tasted them not, but commanded all his Servants to retire out of his lodging, because L he intended to take his rest without noise or trouble.v. 13. As soon as this commandment of his was performed,Amnon per­suadeth his Sister to sub­mit to his lust. he prayed his sister to bring the Meat into his inner Chamber: He followed her, and discovering his passion began to offer violence. But the Virgin crying out, endeavoured what she could, to disswade him from an action so sinful, and dishonour­able to their family;Amnon not­withstanding his Sisters resist Violateth her. or if he had not the power to resist the same, she advised him to re­quire her at his Fathers hands, and not to take her honour from her by force. But he inraged with love, neglected all these sayings, and violated her, notwithstanding all her resistance. And as soon as he he had satisfied his lustfull desire, he hated her and com­manded her to arise and depart. She answered, that this second outrage was more hainous than the former; for that having violated her, he would not suffer her to remain M there until night, but thrust her out in the day time, to the end she might have her shame discovered: notwithstanding all these just reasons of hers, he commanded his Servant to drive her out. She being greived at the outrage and violence that had been offered her, tore her Garment (which was such as the Noble and Princely Virgins were wont to wear) and strewed ashes on her head, running thorow the City with cries and lamentati­ons, wherein she expressed what wrong had been done unto her. Her Brother Absalom met her and enquiring what evil had befaln her, she reported all the injury which her Brother Amnon had don her: whereupon he exhorted her to pacifie her self, and to suffer moderately whatsoever had befallen her;v. 20, 21. and not to suppose herself to be dishonoured by any act of her Brother.Absalom com­foretth his Sister Thama. Whereupon she was somewhat pacified and remained a long N time with her Brother Absalom unmarried.

David having intelligence of that which had hapned, was displeased, notwithstanding he loved Amnon very entirely,Ver. 24. ad 29. (because he was his eldest son) and would not disquiet him:Absalom invi­ted his father and brethren to his sheep-shearing, and commandeth his servants to kill Amnon, being over­charged with wine and sleep. but Absalom hated him extremely, expecting some fit opportunity, wherein he might revenge himself on the Ravisher. Now when two years were expired since his sister was defloured, it chanced that Absalom intending a sheep-shearing in Belsephon, a City of the Tribe of Ephraim, invited his Father and Brethren to come to his Entertainment. But when the King refused to go, lest he might be chargeable unto him, Absalom pressed and persuaded him to send his brothers thither; which he granted. Hereupon Absalon commanded his servants that when they should see Amnon charged with wine and sleep,O they should suddenly (upon a sign given by him unto them) kill him, without fear or regard of any person.

A CHAP. VIII.The year of the World, 2912. before Christ's Nativity, 1052.
How through the Domestick discord of his Family, David was banished by his Son out of his Kingdom.

AFter that Absalom's servants had thus executed his Commandment,Ver. 30, 31. a trouble and fear seized all the rest of his Brethren,David is certi­fied that all his sons are slain by Absalom. insomuch as they suspected their own persons: wherefore mounting themselves on Horseback, they posted all in haste towards their Fa­ther. But a Messenger who arrived before them, reported unto David, that Absalom had slain all his sons. Who, surprized with the dreadful apprehension of so heinous a crime, B insupposing that such a number of his Children should be slain, and that by their own Brother, neither enquired the cause, nor had patience to expect the confirmation of the report, but gave himself over to extreme grief; and renting his garments, laid him down on the earth, bewailing all his children, both those that were slain, as him also that had slain them.Ver. 32, 33. But Jonathan, Jonathan comforteth David, contra­dicting his fear in respect of all his sons, and only upon just [...]urmise suspecting Amnons dea [...]h. the son of Sama his Brother, exhorted him to moderate his passion, telling him, That he could not be persuaded that the rest of his children were slain, in that he could conceive no probable cause of conjecture. But as touching Amnon, there needed no question, for that it was very like that Absalom (by reason of the injury which was offered unto his sister Thamar) would hazard himself to kill him. Mean while a great trampling of Horses, and a confused Troop of Men break off their discourse. These were the C Kings sons, who returned in Post from the Entertainment, the afflicted Father ran forth to embrace them, accompanying their tears with a heavy and sorrowful countenance: And seeing (beyond all hope) how they,Davids sons resort unto their father. whom a little before he supposed to be lost, returned in safety, they gave themselves over to tears and lamentations; the Brothers bewailed the loss of their Brother,Ver. 34. and the King his murthered Son. But Absalom fled into Gessur (unto his Grandfather on the Mothers side,Absalom flieth to his grand­father. and Lord of that place) and sojourned with him three whole years: at the end whereof, David determined to send for his Son Absalom, 2 Sam. 24. 1, ad 25. not to punish him, but receive him into favor, (for the indignation he had conceived against him, was at that time abated:) Joab also furthered this his re­solution by all means possible:Absalom, by the subtilty of a woman, and the setting on of Joab, is re­voked from banishment unto Jerusa­lem. For he caused a certain old Woman, attired in mourning D Habit, to present her self before David, who said unto him, That betwixt her two Sons that lived in the Countrey, there hapned such a difference, that falling to handy-strokes▪ they were so inraged one against the other, that not enduring to be parted, the one of them so wounded the other, that he died; and because her Relations were incensed against the Murtherer, and sought without mercy, to deprive him of life, she humbly besought the King that he would give her her Sons life, and not deprive her of that onely comfort of her old age; which he should bring to pass, if so be he prohibited those that would kill her son, from executing their intents: for except it were for fear of him, they would by no means be withdrawn from their fatal and bloody re­solution. Now when the King had granted her Request, the Woman proceeded, I most humbly thank your Majesty, (said she) who have had compassion of mine age, and do so pro­vidently E take care that I be not deprived of my Son; but that I may be the better assured of thy sincerity, I beseech thee (O King) first of all pacifie thy displeasure conceived against thy Son, and be no more incensed against him: For how can I persuade my self that you will grant me this favor, if you your self continue your displeasure conceived, upon the like occasion, against your Son? For it is contrary to the Rules of Wisdom, to add to the irreparable loss of one Son, the voluntary deprivation of another. Upon these words, the King began to suspect that Joab had suborned this Woman; and understanding no less by the old Womans report, he sent for Joab, and told him, That he granted him that which he desired, commanding him to send for Absalom, assuring him that his displeasure was pacified, and choler asswaged. Joab cast himself down prostrate before the King, and returning him Thanks, he went unto F Gessur, and brought Absalom from thence with him to Jerusalem. The King understanding that his Son was come,Ver. 24. sent out a Messenger to meet him, commanding that as yet he should not presume to come into his presence,Absalom revo­ked by his fa­ther, is com­manded for a time to flie his presence. because he was not disposed to see him so suddenly. Whereupon he forbore to shew himself unto him, and went and dwelt amongst his own Friends, and Houshold Servants: Neither was his beauty any way de­creased by the sorrow he had conceived, or for that his entertainment was far different from the quality of a Princes Son; but he rather exceeded, and grew more famous thereby: so that for beauty, and comeliness of person, he excelled all others; his Hair was so thick, that it could scarcely be polled in eight days, and weighed 200 shekels, which amount to five pound. He lived two years in Jerusalem, and was the Father of G three Sons,Ver. 27, 28. and one Daughter, which Roboam the Son of Salomon afterwards took to Wife,Absaloms children born in Jerusalem. of whom he begat a Son called Abia. In process of time, he sent Messengers unto Joab, to desire him that he would pacifie his Father, and prevail with him to admit [Page 188] him to his presence,The year of the World, 2816. before Christ's Nativity, 1040. that he might see him, and submit himself unto him. But receiving H no answer from Joab, he sent his servants, and commanded them to burn Joabs Corn-fields that joined unto his: who hearing what had hapned unto him, he came unto Absalom, ac­cusing him, and asking him, For what cause he had done him this injury? To whom Absalom answered, I have (said he) invented this stratagem, to make thee come unto me, seeing thou took'st no notice of the Address which I made, V. 30, 31, 32, 33. to desire thee to reconcile my Father unto me. And now, I beseech thee, that thou wilt move my Father in my behalf; otherwise, I shall think my return more grievous than my banishment hath been, Joab urged by the burning of his houses, re­concileth Ab­sa [...]om to his father. if my Father shall yet continue his dis­pleasure. Joab was persuaded through the compassion he conceived of the necessity where­in he saw him, and went and sollicited the King, with whom he so effectually debated,I as touching Absalom, that altering his disposition, he graciously sent and called for him. As soon as he came unto his presence,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 9. Absalom cast himself prostrate on the ground, ask­ing pardon for his offences: but David raised and lifted him up, and promised that from thenceforth he would no more upbraid him with those misdeeds. After these things had thus fallen out, Absalom within a little space, provided a great number of Horses and Chariots,2 Sam. 15. 1, ad 6. and entertained fifty Men for his Guard, and every day early in the Morning presented himself before the Kings Palace,Absalom sub­tilly affecteth his fathers Kingdom. and talked with those that resorted thither about the tryal of their differences: and whereas some of them lost their cause, he talk­ed with them according as he found them affected, alledging, That his Father had no good Counsellers, and that perhaps he himself had in some things judged amiss: and by these means K endeavored he to get the good will of all men, telling them, That if he had the like authority, he would make them know by proof what his equity was. Having by these plausible persuasions drawn the hearts of the common People unto him, he was persuaded they would serve him in whatsoever he intended.

Four years after his reconciliation, he came to his Father David, desiring that he might go to Hebron, and sacrifice unto God, according as he had vowed at such time as he fled from his presence. Which request when David had granted him, he went thither, being attended with a great concourse of People,Ver. 10, ad 14. (by reason he had appointed divers to meet him in that place,Absalom pro­claimed King. amongst whom was Achitophel the Gelonite, one of Davids Counsellers, and 200 others of Jerusalem, who altogether ignorant of his design, assembled them­selves in that place to be assistant to his Sacrifice:) by all whom he was declared King,L according as he himself had commanded. When the News hereof came unto Davids ears, and he was assured how his Son had behaved himself; he was much troubled for his impiety and arrogancy: that he should so soon forget the pardon, which he had obtain­ed for his enormous Crimes; and, contrary to all Law, plunge himself, and hazard his Reputation in more grievous offences, to pervert the state of the Kingdom which God had established, to deprive his own Father of his Crown and Dignity; wherefore he resolved to flie to the other side of Jordan, Ver. 14. carrying with him his most trusty Friends, to whom he represented the unbridled fury of Son,David depart­ed out of Jeru­salem. remitting all things unto God, who judgeth all things; and leaving the Government of his Royal House to the management M of his six Concubines,Ver. 24. ad 30. he departed from Jerusalem. David flying, prohibiteth the High Priests to fol­low him, to the intent to give him intelli­gence of that which did pass. He was accompanied with a great num­ber of People, besides those 600 Soldiers, who had followed him in his Banishment du­ring Sauls life-time. And although the High Priests, Abiathar and Sadoc, with all the Levites, had resolved to depart with him, yet persuaded he them to abide with the Ark, assuring them, that God would deliver them, although the Ark should continue in its place. He commanded Abiathar likewise to send him private intelligence of each oc­current that should happen, reserving with him for most intimate and trusty Counsellers, Achimaas the son of Sadoc, and Jonathan the son of Abiathar.

But Ethéi the Gittite, by no persuasions of the King, could be induced to stay, but con­trary to his Command,Ethei departed with David. followed him, whereby he more manifestly exprest his affection towards him.Ver. 31. But as he went on his bare Feet up the Mountain of Olivet, and all they N of his Train followed him,Achitophel re­volteth from David, and followeth Ab­salom, whose counsels Da­vid striveth by prayer to make frustrate. (intermixing their travel with bitter tears) a certain Mes­senger came and certified him, that Achitophhel was with Absalom. Which report aggra­vated and increased his grief: so that he besought God, that it might please him to alie­nate the affection of Absalom from Achitophel, that he might not give heed unto any of his counsels, because Achitophel was a Man of a ripe judgment, and ready execution in all that concerned him. As soon as he came unto the top of the Mountain, he beheld the City: and, as if he had utterly been banished from his Kingdom, he began, with abun­dance of tears,Ver. 32, &c. to call upon God.Chusai is per­suaded to submit to Absa­lom, and to cross Achito­phels counsels. There met he with Chusai, his sincere and unfeigned Friend, whom, when he beheld with his Garments rent, with ashes on his Head, and la­menting the unhappy change which he beheld, David comforted him, and exhorted him O not to be discouraged, and besought him to return unto Absalom, under colour that he had forsaken his part, where diligently prying into his secrets, he might oppose himself [Page 189] A against Achitophels counsels,The year of the World, 2920. before Christ's Nativity, 1044. because he could not do him so considerable service in at­tending on him, as he might in staying with Absalon: Chusai being after this manner per­suaded by David, returned back to Jerusalem, where presently after he met with Absalon; who repaired thither. In the mean time David marching onward a little further, chanced to meet with Siba, Mephibosheths Servant, and Purveyor of all those Goods which David had given him,2 Sam. 16. 1, ad 5. (for he was Jonathans Son, who was the Son of Saul.) This Man drave before him two Asses loaden with Victuals, which he presented to Da­vid and his company,Siba accusing his master wrongfully, is made owner of his riches. to refresh themselves; and being demanded, Where he had left Me­phibosheth? In Jerusalem (said he) where he expecteth to be chosen King, through the oc­casion of those troubles that have hapned, and in memory of the benefits that divers men had B received at Sauls hands. David displeased with this false report, gave Siba all those riches which he had confer'd upon Mephibosheth in times past, judging him more worthy of the same than Mephibosheth. Wherewith Siba was very well contented.

When David drew near unto a place which is called Bachor, Ver. 5, ad 9. a Kinsman of Sauls, Simei's revi­ling of David. cal­led Simei, the Son of Gera, came out against him, and cast stones at him, and reviled him; and the more Davids friends invironed and defended him, the more obstinately persevered he in his reproofs and scandalous railings: calling him Murtherer, and Captain of the wicked, charging him like an execrable Man, to get him out of the Kingdom; giving God thanks for that he had deprived him of his Kingdom, by the means of his own son, as a punishment for those Crimes which he had committed against his own Ma­ster. C This his licentiousness, moved all Davids followers to displeasure, so that all of them were ready to revenge them on Simei; and amongst the rest, Abisai would have slain him:Ver. 9, ad 15. but David would not permit him, but commanded him to forbear: For fear, (said he) least to our present miseries we annex a further and new occasion. David forbid­deth to kill Simei. Forasmuch as concerneth my self, I set light by this mad Dog, and refer the matter to God, who hath permitted him to be thus desperately bent against us. Neither is it to be wondred at, that I suffer my self to be thus abused by him, sith mine own son is so wicked, that he dareth openly declare himself my mortal enemy; but God, through his goodness, will at length look upon us with an eye of mercy, and his justice will certainly confound all those that have conspired to my ruine. He there­fore walked onward on his way, not caring what Simei said, who ran on the other side D of the Mountain, railing and reviling him. When David was arrived on the bank of Jordan, he mustered and refreshed his Army, who were wearied with their march: mean while Absalon entring Jerusalem with Achitophel his Counseller,Ver. 16, 17, 18. was saluted and applauded by the concourse of the people;Chusai, under a colour offer­eth his service to Absalon. and amongst the rest, Davids friend came unto him, who prostrated himself before Absalons feet, wishing him a long and happy Reign. Ab­salon asked, how it came to pass, that he who was reputed to be one of Davids most intimate friends, and esteemed alwayes to be most loyal and faithful unto him, should at that time (when occasion served to express his loyalty) abandon him, and submit himself to his enemy? To whom Chusai answered readily, That it became him to follow God, and the good will of the people.

E Since therefore (said he, my Sovereign) that both these are on your side, it concerneth me to follow you, because you have received the Kingdom from God: If therefore you shall think fit to account me amongst your friends, I will approve unto you my loyalty and affection in like man­ner, as to your knowledge I have done unto your father, who ought not to be displeased at that which hath hapned, since the Kingdom is not removed into another house, but remaineth in his own family, because he who was his son received the same. By these words he reconciled himself to Absalom,Ver. 20, 21, 22. and removed all suspition. Hereupon Achitophel was sent for to consult about their affairs in hand: Achitophel persuadeth Absalon to lie with his fa­thers concu­bines. who advised him to abuse all his fathers Concubines, and make them his own. For, (said he) from that time forward, the people will believe that you and he will never he reconciled; and will be more ready to bear Arms, and oppose your fa­ther F for your sake. For hitherto (said he) they have unwillingly professed themselves to be his Enemies, suspecting least a peace should be concluded betwixt the father and the son. Absalom giving heed to this advice, caused a Tent or Royal Pavilion to be pitched in the sight of all the people whereinto he entred, and enjoyed his fathers Concubines, And thus was accomplished what was foretold by Nathan the Prophet.

CHAP. IX.
Absalon's War against his Father:2 Sam. 17. 1. ad 14. his death, and the discomfiture of his Army.

G WHen Absalon had done that which Achitophel had advis'd him,Achitophels counsel per­suading Absa­lon to pursue David. he requested him once more to counsel him concerning that War which he had undertaken against his Father:Chusai's oppo­sition. who required 10000 chosen Men, by whose assistance he promised to kill David, and to bring all that were with him under his subjection: assuring him, that Ab­salon's [Page 190] Kingdom would be then established, The year of the World, 2816 before Christ's Nativity, 1040. when Davids head was cut off from his H shoulders. This counsel pleased Absalon, whereupon he sent for Chusai, who was the chie­fest amongst Davids friends, (for so David himself had termed him) to whom he disco­vered the advice which Achitophel had given him, and required him to give his opinion what he thought thereof: who knowing very well, that if Achitophels counsel were fol­lowed, David would be in danger to be surprized and slain, enforced all his arguments and counsels to the contrary. For, (said he) Sir, you are sufficiently informed both what your Fathers valor is, and their virtue that accompany him; who hath fought many Battels, and hath returned victorious over all his enemies. It is not to be doubted but that he is at this pre­sent encamped in the field. For he is well exercised in leading Armies, to prevent any stratagems,I whereby the enemy may injure him; and about the evening, he hath perhaps left a party of his men in some straights, or placed them in ambush behind some Rock: and if our men shall assail him, his Soldiers will by little and little retire, and afterward recovering courage, by reason that the King shall be near unto them, they will charge us afresh; and during the encounter, your father will suddenly break out of his ambush, and encourage his own men, and discomfort yours: wisely therefore examine mine advice, and if you find that it be good, neglect that which Achitophel hath given you. Therefore in my opinion (without following the advice of Achitophel) your Majesty ought to gather together all your Forces, and to take the command of them your self, without committing them to the conduct of any other, and by this means you may assuredly expect to have an easie victory over him, if you assail him in the open field, be­cause he is accompanied with a very few men, and your self are attended by many thousands, who K will be very forward to express their affection towards you at the beginning of your Reign, whereby you may easily rid you of your enemy.Ver. 14. And if so be your father shut himself up in any City,Chusai's coun­sel accepted: Achitophels rejected. we may easily take the same by Mines and Engines. This advice of his seemed to be better than that of Achitophels, so that Absalon accepted it. For it was God that put this into his heart, to neglect Achitophels, and respect Chusai's counsel.

Now when Chusai had thus prevailed, he presently went to the High Priests Sadoc and Abiathar, acquainting them with Achitophels designs, and how he had contradicted him; finally, how his opinion had taken place, giving them in charge to send private in­telligence unto David thereof, and to inform him of his sons resolution; wishing him with all speed to pass over the River of Jordan, lest Absalon, being informed of his abode L in that place, should make haste and pursue him, and overtake him, before he might re­cover a place of security.

The High Priests before-hand,Ver. 15, 16. had provided that their sons should lie hid without the City,Sadoc and A­biathars sons sent unto Da­vid. on purpose, that they might be sent unto David, to inform him how affairs went. They therefore sent a trusty servant unto their sons, who brought them news of Absalons intentions, with express commandment to inform the King thereof with all speed, who presently, upon this intelligence, like good and faithful ministers, posted away, to report their fathers message unto the King.

But scarcely had they travelled two furlongs,Ver. 17, 18, ad 22. when certain Horsemen discover'd them,M and brought news thereof unto Absalon, who presently sent out Scouts to apprehend them:The High Priests sons be­ing pursued, are hidden by a Woman in a Pit. which when the children of the High Priest perceived, they forsook the High-way, and retired into a certain Village near unto Jerusalem, which is called Bocchura, where they besought a certain Woman to hide them, and shut them in some place of se­curity, who let them down into a Well, and covered the mouth thereof with bundles of Wooll. She being demanded by those that pursued them, Whether she saw them? denied the same, saying, That as soon as she had given them drink, they departed from her present­ly, assuring them, that if they presently pursued them, they might easily apprehend them: But after they had a long time followed,Ver. 22. and could not find them,David inform­ed of Absalons deliberation, passeth himself and his whole Army over Jordan by night. they returned from whence they came. The Woman perceiving that they were departed, and that there was no cause of fear, lest the young men should be surprized, she drew them out of the Pit, and N set them on their way: who, with as great speed as was possible, repaired unto David, and declared unto him Absalons designs. Hereupon David passed the River Jordan with all his men, and although it were night, he was not discouraged by the darkness.

But Achitophel seeing that his counsel was rejected,Ver. 23. took his Horse, and went unto his Country of Gelmone: Achitophel perceiving his counsel was de­spised, hung himself. there calling together his houshold servants, he related unto them what advice he had given Absalon; which since he had not accepted, he told them that they should shortly find that he was a lost man, and that David would be victorious, and return into his Kingdom. It is better therefore, said he, for me, as it becometh a valiant man, to depart out of this life, than to submit my self to Davids punishment, for having join­ed my self unto Absalon, and giving him counsel. This said, he went into the most private O part of his House, and hung himself, being both his own Judge and Executioner; after which, his kinsmen cut him down, and buried him. But David having past Jordan, came [Page 191] A and encamped in a strong City,The year of the World, 2940. before Christ's Nativity, 7300. the best fortified in that Countrey: there was he kindly entertained by all the Noblemen of that Countrey, partly moved thereunto by the mans present necessity; partly through the reverence of his former felicity. The chief of these were Berzillai the Galaadite, and Siphar the Governor of the Province of the Ammonites, Ver. 24. ad fin: and Machir the chief of the Countrey of Galaad, who supplied David and his Army with whatsoever they wanted:David c [...]meth to Mahanaim, where he is royally enter­tained by the Peers. so that they lacked neither beds, nor bread, nor flesh, but were plentifully stored with all things. They that were sick and wearied also, wanted nothing that either might serve for their repose or refection. In this state re­mained he. But Absalon assembled a great multitude of people to make War upon his father,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 10. and after he had passed Jordan, he pitched his Tents near unto his fathers, within B the Countrey of Galaad, and made Amasa General of his Army, opposing him against Joab his cousin:Ver. 24. for Amasa was the son of Jothar and Abigal, the sister of Sarvia, the mother of Joab, Absalon pas­seth over Jor­dan. both of them sisters unto David. When David had mustered and numbered his Forces, and found that he had 40000 fighting men, it was thought sit to put it forthwith to a battel, and not to expect till Absalon should attack him.

He therefore appointed Colonels over thousands, and divided them into three squa­drons; 2 Sam. 18. 1, 2. the one of which he gave to Joab, the second to Abisai his brother, and the third to Ethei his familiar friend (who was of the City of Geth.) The division of Davids Army. In this battle his friends would not permit him to be present,Ver. 3. (and that upon good consideration) for they said, That if they should be defeated in his company, Davids friends dissuade his presence in the battel. they should utterly lose all hope: but if one squa­dron C should be overcome, the rest might have recourse unto him, who might unite and reinforce; the rather, for that the enemies would alwayes think it likely, that he had some other recruits with him. This counsel pleased him, for which cause he remained within the City. But at such time as he sent out his friends unto the battel, he besought them (that in remem­brance of all the benefits and favors he had bestowed on them) they would both shew themselves couragious in the fight,Ver. 4, 5. and that having obtained the victory,David com­mandeth them to spare his son. they would spare his son, for fear least his death should increase and redouble his discontents. Thus praying God to give them victory, he dismissed them to the battel, But when Joab had placed his Army right over against the enemy, and had extended them on the Plain, ha­ving a Wood upon their backs; Absalon also drew out his Army against him; so that D encountring one another,Ver. 6, 7. they performed many notable actions on both parts: the one hazarding themselves in all dangers,The battel be­twixt Joab and Absalon. and employing all their affections, to the in­tent that David might recover his Kingdom: the others neither refusing to do or endure any thing, so that Absalon might not be deprived, or exposed to his fathers punishment and displeasure for his insolent attempt. Besides that, they held it an indignity for them, that being so great in number as they were, they should be overcome by such a handful of people as followed Joab: thinking it an utter disgrace unto them, that being so many thousands of them in Arms, they should be discomfited by Davids followers.

But Joab and his men being more skilful and trained in feats of Arms than the rest,Ver. 8, 9. discomfited and brake Absolons Army:The flight and overthrow of Absalons Ar­my. so that they fled through Woods, and into strong E places. Davids Soldiers pursuing after them, took some, and slew others; so that both in flight and fight, a great number of them were put to the Sword: for there fell that day about 20000 Men. But all Davids Troops freshly set upon Absalon, who was easily known by his beauty and stature: he fearing to be surprized by his enemies, mounted upon a swift Mule, and fled in great haste. But by the swift motion of his body, his locks being scattered abroad, his bush of Hair was intangled in a thick and branchy Tree, where he hung after a strange manner, and his Mule ran onward with great swiftness, as if she had as yet born her master on her back: but he hanging by the Hair amidst the branches, sud­denly fell into his enemies hands. This when a certain Soldier perceived, he brought news thereof unto Joab, who promised him to give him 50 sicles, if he would kill him.

F The Soldier answered, That if he would give him 2000, he would not commit such a murther on the son of his Sovereign, the rather, for that in the presence of them all, Da­vid had requested them to spare him. Hereupon Joab commanded him to shew him the place where he had seen Absalon hang: who had no sooner discovered him, but thrusting a Javelin to his heart, he slew him.A ver. 9, ad 15. That done, Joabs Esquires surrounded the Tree, took him down,Joab killeth Absalon. and cast him into a deep Pit, they overwhelmed him with stones: so that in ap­pearance it seemed to be a Tomb or Monument. After this, when Joab had sounded a re­treat, he withdrew his Soldiers from pursuit, as thinking it unnatural for one Countrey-man to imbrue his hands in the blood of another. Absalon had erected in the Royal Val­ley, Ver. 17, 18. two furlongs distant from Jerusalem, a Marble Pillar, with an Inscription upon it, to G the intent that if his Race should be extinct,Absalons mar­ble pillar. his memory might be preserved by that Mo­nument which he had erected. Now he had 3 sons, and a daughter called Thamar, who was married to Roboam, Davids Nephew, and had by him a son called Abia, who succeeded his father in the Kingdom; of whom we shall speak more at large.

CHAP. X.H
The happy state of David being restored unto his Kingdom.The year of the World, 2920. before Christ's Nativity, 1044.

AFter that Absalon was slain,Ver. 21, ad 32. all the people returned privately to their own houses: but Achimaas, Chusai sent to certifie David of the victory. the son of the High Priest Sadoc, drew near unto Joab, requiring his leave to repair unto David, and to certifie him of the victory, and how by Gods help and providence he had vanquished his enemies. This did the General deny him, telling him, That it was not convenient that he, who heretofore was wont to bring joyful news, should now certifie the King of his sons death. He therefore commanded him to stay, and calling Chusai to his presence, he gave him commission to certifie the King of that I which he had seen. Achimaas requested him the second time that he would suffer him to go, promising him that he would make no mention but of the victory; and that as touching Absalons death, he would not utter any thing: whereupon he dismissed him al­so, who choosing the shorter way, outstripped Chusai. Now as David sate in the gate of the City, (expecting some messenger that might certifie him of the success of the bat­tel) one of the Sentinels perceiving Achimaas, that came running hastily, and not being able to distinguish who it was, told David that he saw a messenger coming towards him: who answered, that it was some one that brought joyful news. Anon after, he told him that a certain other messenger followed: to whom David answered likewise, that it was one that brought glad tydings. And when the Watchman perceived that it was Achi­maas, K Sadoc the High Priests son, and that he was near at hand, he ran first of all and cer­tified David; Ver. 33. who was very glad thereof, saying, That he brought some good and desi­rable news touching the event of the battel:David hearing of Absalons death by Chu­sai, grievously bewaileth him. and no sooner had the King spoken the word, but Achimaas entred, and fell down upon his face before David, to whom he re­ported that his Army had the victory. Being afterwards demanded what was become of Absalon? He answered, That he incontinently departed from the Camp, as soon as the enemies were put to flight, but that a great number of Soldiers pursued Absalon: and further then that he knew nothing, because by Joabs commandment he was speedily sent away to bring tydings of the victory. When Chusai was come, and had humbled him­self before the King, and had declared unto him the success of the battel, the question L was asked how Absalon did? whereunto he answered: The like fortune happen to all thine enemies (O King) as hath hapned to Absalon. These words quite extinguished the de­light and joy that David conceived in the victory, and the excess thereof much troubled his servants; for the King ascending into the highest part of the City, bewailed his son, beating his breast, tearing his hair, and afflicting himself after such a sort as cannot be expressed, and crying out in a mournful manner: My son, (said he) would God, my son, that I were dead with thee. For although of his own nature he was of a tender disposition, yet loved he Absalon above all the rest of his children.

When the Army and Joab were informed that David lamented his son in his sort, 2 Sam. 19. 1, 2, 3, 4. they had this respect unto him, Joab and his army enter the city in mourn­ful manner. that they would not enter the City after a triumphant and vi­ctorious M manner: but they entred hanging down their heads, and weeping all of them most tenderly, as if they had returned from some defeat. But when the King, having his head covered, persevered to bewail his son, Joab entred in unto him, and said, O King, you consider not that in this behaviour of yours, you dishonour your self: for it is to be thought that you hate those that love you, and expose themselves to all perils for your sake; yea, that you hate your self and your own succession: and that contrariwise, you love your most mortal enemies most entirely, since you bewail them, when they are justly deprived of their lives. For if Ab­salom had had the victory, and had possessed the Kingdom, there had not any one of us been left alive that love you, but had all suffered death; nay, and in the first rank, your self and your own children: neither would they, being our enemies, have lamented, but laughed at our deaths; N yea,Ver. 5, ad 8. they would punish them likewise,David is taxed for lamenting his son, and up­on Joabs per­suasion presen­teth himself unto the peo­ple. who should have any compassion of our miseries: yet are you not ashamed to lament after this manner, for a man that hated you, who, although he recei­ved his life from you, yet he shewed not that honour and respect which he was obliged to express towards a father. Desist therefore from thy unjust lamentation, and offer thy self in presence to thy well-deserving Soldiers, and give them thanks, that by their valor have obtained this victory: otherwise if thou continue as thou hast begun, this day will I translate the Kingdom from thee, and give thee a more just occasion to lament than hitherto thou hast had. By these words Joab allayed the Kings Lamentations, and drew him to the care of his Common­weal; for cloathing himself in a Royal habit, whereby he might appear the more glo­rious unto his Soldiers, he sate in the gate: so that all the people hearing thereof, flock­ed O out to salute him.

[Page 193] A Whilest these things past after this manner, they that remained alive of Absalons Ar­my, returning home unto their houses, sent messengers to every Village, to remind them how many benefits they had received at Davids hands, and how after many and grievous Wars, he had brought them to a secure liberty, and how unjustly they had revolted from him, and translated the Kingdom unto another. For which cause it behooved them, since he was dead whom they had chosen,Ver. 9. to make their submission unto David, that he might be reconciled to them,The kingdom of Israel is once more of­fered unto Da­vid. and receive the people into his favor, and that according as heretofore, so now also, he would vouchsafe them his pardon and protection. David being informed of these things, by express Letters, commanded Sadoc and Abiathar the chief Priests, that they should certifie the Princes of the Tribe of Juda, that it would be B a great indignity for them, that other Tribes should prefer David to the Kingdom be­fore them, especially since he was of their Tribe. In like manner he commanded them to speak with Amasa the General,Ver. 13, 14. and expostulate with him, why he who was his Nephew by the sisters side,David not on­ly giveth Ama­sa his pardon, but maketh him General also of the whole Army. did not persuade the Army to recommend the Kingdom to his hands: willing them to assure him, that he was not only to hope for pardon for that which was past, but also for the government of the whole Army, according as Absalon had granted it unto him. Hereupon the High Priest not only conferred with the Prin­ces, but also informed Amasa what the King had promised in his behalf, whereby they drew him to their party.Ver. 15. And first of all,The Tribe of Juda cometh as far as Jordan to meet with David, and make a Bridge over the floud. those of his own Tribe recalled David into his Kingdom; the rest of the Israelites by their example, and Amasa's authority, did the C like. and flocked from all parts, to congratulate his happy return to Jerusalem. But the Tribe of Juda signalized themselves above the rest, by going out as far as the bank of Jordan to meet him: with these came Simei the son of Gera, with a thousand men, which he had brought with him of the Tribe of Benjamin; Siba likewise Sauls freeman came thither with his 15 sons, and 20 servants, who made a bridge over Jordan, that the King might the more easily pass over with his Army. As soon as he came unto Jordan, he was saluted by the Tribe of Juda: Simei is par­doned. and Simei marched forward on the bridge, and prostra­ting himself at the Kings feet,Ver. 22, 23. asked pardon for his offences, and besought him to be re­conciled: and that in recovering his authority, he would not make him the first example of his justice, but that he should remember this also, that he had repented of his error, D and did with the foremost march out to meet him upon his return. Whilest thus he be­sought the King, and lamented, Abisai, Joabs brother, spake after this manner: Why should he not dye that hath thus villanously reproached the King, whom God hath established? But Da­vid turned back unto him, and said, Ye sons of Servia, will you never cease to promote new troubles, and to add new divisions to your former commotions? Know ye not that this is the first day of my Reign? For which cause I swear an oath that I will pardon all them that have com­mitted any crime against me, and that no one man shall depart from me without my pardon. For which cause be of good cheer Simei, and fear thou not that I will seek thy blood. Whereupon he cast himself down before the King, and afterward marched on his way. After this, Mephibosheth, Sauls Grandchild, came out to meet him, cloathed in mean apparel, having E his Hair hanging down in a neglected and sorrowful manner. For since the time that David fled and forsook the City, he had been so afflicted, that he neither had trimmed his Hair, nor changed or cleansed his garment, supposing this calamity to touch him as nearly as it did the King:A v. 24, ad 33. and he was the rather grieved, that Siba his steward, had un­justly detracted from him,Mophibosheth purgeth him­self of Siba's slanders. and accused him to the King. After he had prostrated him­self, and adored the King, David asked him, For what cause he forsook him in his troubles, and offered not himself to accompany him in his flight? Who answered, That it was the wick­edness of Siba, who was the cause thereof: for he, said he, being commanded to prepare my necessaries for that journey, neglected the execution thereof, contemning both me and it, as if I had been some abject slave: otherwise, had I had the use of my feet, and the means to have wait­ed F on thee in thy journey, I had never endured to have forsaken thee. Neither was he contented to hinder me from performing my duty, and to give your Majesty a testimony of my affection and loyalty, but furthermore, he hath maliciously incensed your Majesty against me: yet know I well, that your wisdom will not give credit to his detractions, both for that you are just, as also for that GOD and Truth, which you onely aspire to, are onely beloved by you. For, whereas du­ring my Grandfathers dayes, you were alwayes conversant amongst the greatest dangers, and per­secuted by him; and whereas all our posterity by that means deserved to be utterly extinguished, yet have you used moderation and meekness in forgetting those indignities, when it was in your power to revenge them. And notwithstanding all these things, you have entertained me like your Friend, feasted me at your Table, and dignified me with no less Honours, than if I had G been one of your nearest Kinsmen. When David heard these things, he thought neither good to punish Mephibosheth not to examine whether Siba had wrongfully accused him; but after he had certified him, that he had given Siba all his Goods, yet did he pardon [Page 194] him, and promise him the restitution of half his possessions. Whereunto Mephibosheth H replied, Let Siba possess the whole, it only sufficeth me, that I see your Maiesty restored again to your Kingdom. After this, David invited Berzillai the Galaadite (a virtuous man, and of great authority, and by whose bounty, during the time of his War, he was assisted,David pardo­neth Mephi­bosheth, and re­storeth him to the half of his possessions. and who had attended him as far as Jordan) to accompany him unto Jerusalem, promising him to make no less account of him than of his Father, and assuring him that he would allow him all things that were suitable to his age and quality. But he being desirous to live in private, besought his Majesty to dismiss him from the Court, because (as he said) his age was so great as it made him unfit for pleasures,v. 31, ad 37. considering that he had attained to the age of fourscore years:Ber [...]illai ex­cuseth himself, and will not resort to Jeru­salem. alledging, that it beter became him to think of I death, and his departure out of this World. For which cause he besought David to favour him so much, as that he might govern himself according to his own desire, because that by reason of his age he neither knew how to savour meat nor drink; be­sides, for that his hearing was lost, so that he could not distinguish or discern the sound of instruments, wherein they who converse in Kings Courts do most usually take such delight.

To this David replied, since (said he) thou dost so earnestly request me to give thee leave to depart from me, I dismiss thee: but leave thou thy Son Achimaas with me, that I may ex­press that kindness unto him which thou hast deserved. Hereupon Berzillai left his Son with him, and taking leave of the King (with prayer that God would grant him the fulness of his desires) he returned to his own house.v. 41, 42, 43. But David went unto Gilgal K (having already the half of the people with him,The Tribe of Judas ac­cusation, and excuse, for that without the knowledg of the other Tribes they had gone out to meet the King. and the whole Tribe of Juda.) Thither resorted then unto him the chief governors of that countrey, attended by a great multitude of people, complaining unto the Tribe of Juda, for that unwitting to the rest they had resorted to him, when as by a mutual consent they should all of them have met him together. But the Princes of the Tribe of Juda requested them in no sort to misin­terpret their prevention of them. For that by reason of their alliance, and being of the same Tribe with the King, they were obliged to shew him a more particular respect, neither for that diligence of theirs received they any reward,2 Sam. 20. 1, ad 8. whereby they that came after should think themselves prejudiced.Siba a sediti­ous person in­censeth the people to re­bel against the King. This answer of theirs the Princes of the Tribes took not in good part, but spake thus unto their brethren: We wonder (said they)L that you only challenge the King to be your kinsman, as if he were not to be accounted an Ally unto us all, whom God hath equally placed to be Governour over us all; when as therefore the whole people consisteth of eleven parts, you only are but one; besides, we are your elders: so that you have not dealt uprightly, Davids con­cubines, whom Absalon had deflowred are sequestred from [...]im. in that you have secretly sought out the King, without giving us notice of your design. Whilst the Governours after this manner debated the matter, a certain wicked seditious person called Siba, the Son of Bochri, of the Tribe of Benjamin, standing up in the midst of the people, began to cry out with a loud voice, and exclaim after this manner: We have no part with David, nor inheritance with the Son of Jess [...]e▪ This said, he sounded a Trumpet, and proclaimed War against the King, so that all men followed him, and forsook David. Only the tribe of Juda remained with M him, and established him in the Royal Throne in Jerusalem: upon his first coming thither he removed his Concubines (which his Son Absalon had known) out of his Palace, and never after that time had any company with them. After this he declared Amasa General of the Army, and placed him in the same degree which Joab had, near unto the Person of the King; commanding him that he should assemble what forces he could out of the Tribe of Juda; and that within three dayes he should return unto him, to the end that having delivered him both the Army and the place of General, he might send him to make War upon the Son of Bochri. Joab by reason of Amasa's delay is sent out against Siba by David. After that Amasa was departed, and had employed his time in gathering up his Army; the King seeing that he failed to return upon the third day, told Joab that it was dangerous to permit Siba to gather a greater head by N delay, and thereby breed more trouble and molestation than Absalon had done. For which cause (said he) stay thou not, but take unto thee those forces which thou hast in readiness, and my six hundred men, with thy brother Abisai; and pursue thou the Enemy, and in what place soever thou meetest him, by all means endeavour to give him the Battel. Haste therefore, and overtake him, lest he seize some of our strongest Cities, and thereby create us a greater trouble.

Joab with all expedition obeyed his commandment, and took with him the six hundred, with his Brother Abisai, and commanded all the forces that were in Jerusalem to follow after him, and marched in good order after Siba. When he came unto Gabaon (a Village about forty furlongs distant from Jerusalem) Amasa met him, with great forces. Joab having his Sword girt by his [...]ide,v. 9, 10. whilst Amasa came onward to salute him, he on pur­pose O let his Sword slip out of his sheath,Joab killeth Amasa. and taking it up from the ground with one hand, he drew near unto Amasa, under pretence to salute him, and taking him by the beard, he [Page 195] H thrust the Sword that was in his other hand into his belly, and slew him. Which action of his was hainous and detestable, proceeding from a jealousie he had conceived against a virtuous young man, one of great merit, and of great hopes, being his near Relation, who had in no sort offended him; but only by accepting the place of General which the King had conferred on him; and because David had equalled him in honour with him; for which very cause heretofore he had slain Abner. Notwithstanding that act of his seemed in some sort more excusable, by reason of the wrong which he had pretended to be done unto his Brother Azael, v. 9, 10. yet was not this a sufficient colour to excuse the murther of Amasa. Joab killeth Amasa. When this was done, he pursued Siba, and left a certain man to wait up­on the body of Amasa▪ who had commandment given him to proclaim, with a loud voice, I thorow the whole army, that he was justly and deservedly slain; commanding those that fa­vored the Kings title, to follow their General Joab, and his Brother Abisai; whilest his body lay thus in the way, and all the multitude (as it is usual in such like accidents) flocked round about it, he that had charge of the body took it up, and bare it into a certain place out of the way, and covered it with a Garment: which done, all the people followed Joab.

Now whilest he pursued Siba thorow all the Region of the Israelites, he told him that he had retired himself into a certain strong City called Abelmacha; where he no sooner arrived, but that he begirt the City, and entrenched it round about, commanding his Sol­diers to undermine and overthrow the walls: for he was much incensed because they had shut the gates against him.Joab besiegeth and shutteth up Siba with­in Abelma­chaea. But a certain prudent woman, seeing her countrey in extreme K peril, she went up to the top of the walls and called unto Joab; who coming forth unto her, she spake after this manner, God hath ordained Kings and Generals of Armies, to the end they might destroy the Enemies of the Hebrews, and plant amongst them an universal and perpetual peace; v. 16. ad 22. but you enforce your selves to destroy one of the chief Cities of Israel,A woman re­buketh Joab for seeking the subversion of the City, which he rather ought to pro­tect. that hath in no sort offended you. Joab declared, that far from any such design, he wished them all happiness and prosperity, and said, that for his own part it was not his meaning that any one of the City should die, neither his pretence to raze and deface so famous a City; his intent only was that if Siba the Son of Bochri and the Kings adversary were delivered into his hands, to do justice on him, he would raise the siege, and cause his Army to retire from thence. When the woman heard what Joab had said,Joabs conditi­ons of peace proposed to the besieged. she prayed him to stay a little while, promising him L very speedily to cast his head over unto him. Whereupon she came down amongst the assembly of the Citizens, to whom she spake after this manner: Wretched men that you are, The punish­ment of Siba. will you miserably suffer your Wives and Children to be slain for a wicked mans cause, and a stranger whom ye know not? will you admit him in the place of David your King, from whose hands you have received so many benefits? v. 23. ad finem think you that one only City can resist so vast an Army? Officers distri­buted by David▪ After this manner persuaded she them to cut off Sibas head, and to cast it in­to Joabs camp: which done, Joab commanded the retreat to be sounded, and raised the siege; and returning back unto Jerusalem, was once more declared General of all the peo­ple. The King also appointed Benaja Captain of his Guards, and of six hundred Soldiers. Adoram was made Treasurer to gather in the Tributes; Sabath and Achilaus had M the charge of Registers;Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 2. Susa was made Secretary; Sadoc and Abiathar were made the High-Priests.2 Sam. 21. 1. 2. After this, it hapned that the Countrey was afflicted with a famine: For which cause David besought God that he would have compassion on his people,A famine in­fl [...]cted on the Israelites for breach of oath. and that it might please him to manifest not only the cause, but also the remedy of the malady. The Prophets answered him, that God would be revenged of the wrong done to the Gibeonites whom King Saul had deceived and traiterously slain, without respect of the oath, which the Governour Josuah and the Elders made unto them. If therefore he would suffer the Gibeonites to revenge the death of their slaughtered friends according to their desire, God had promised to be appeased, and to deliver the people from their imminent and present evils. As soon as he understood by the Prophets what God required, he sent N for the Gibeonites, and asked them what it was which they required? who wished him to deliver into their hands seven of Sauls Sons to take their revenge on them: whereupon the King made search after them, only sparing and protecting Mephiboseth the Son of Jonathan. v. 7, 9. When the Gibeonites had laid hold of these seven,Seven men of Sauls kindred delivered to the Gabeo­nites to be puni [...]hed. they executed them according to their pleasures: and thereupon God incontinently sent down Rain, and disposed the earth to bear fruit; allaying the drought, so that the Land of the Hebrews recovered again its former fruitfulness. Not long after, the King made War upon the Philistines, and vanquished them in a great Battel; but it so fell out, that the King hotly pursuing the chase, was left alone, and discovered in his weariness by one of the Enemies called A [...] ­mon, v. 16. 17. the Son of Araph of the race of the Giants,David in ha­zard of [...] life is delive­red by Abisai. who beside his Sword had a Javelin, O the point whereof weighed three hundred sicles, and a coat of Mail; this man turning back charged David very violently, with an intent to kill the King of his enemies, by reason that he saw him spent with travel. But about the same instant, Abisai, Joabs Brother, [Page 196] arrived in the place,The year of the World, 2924, before Christ's Nativity, 1400. who stept between them, ane preserved the King, and slew his A Enemy. The whole Army, for a whill, was very much concerned for the danger where­in the King had been, and the chiefe Captains obliged him to promise with an oath, that he would never, for the future, ingage himself in person lest he might fall into some disaster,David per­swaded to ab­stain from War. by reason of his forwardness, and by that means should deprive the people of a most excellent Prince whose wise conduct was the chief security of their happines. The King having intelligence that the Philistines were assembled in the City of Gazara, sent out an Army against them, in which the Hittite, Sobach one of Davids chief Captains behaved himself very valiantly,v. 18, 19, 20. and got great reputation: for he slew divers of them that vaunted themselves to be of the Race of the Giants,Davids vali­ant Captains Sabath. and that were very proud and puffed up with presumption of their valour, and was the chief authour of that victory B which the Hebrews obtained.

After this last defeat, the Philistines once more hazarded their fortunes, against whom when David sent out an Army, Nephan his kinsman shewed himself very valiant. For fighting hand to hand against him that was accounted the most valiant Champion amongst all the Philistines, he slew him, and put the rest to flight, very many of them dying in the Battel. in process of time they re-incamped near unto a City not far from the Frontiers of the Countrey of the Hebrews: Nephanus. In this Army their was a man six Cubits high, who had on either foot six toes, and on either hand six fingers. Against whom Jonathan the Son of Sama (one of those that were sent by David in this Army) fought hand to hand,Jonathan. and slew him: so that approving himself to be the means of that victory,C he bare away the honour of the Battel, and praise of his valour; for this Philistine boasted likewise that he was descended of the Race of the Giants. After this Battel, they warred no more on the Israelites. Hereupon David, delivered from War and danger, and ever after enjoying a perfect peace, composed Odes and Hymnes in praise of God, in divers kinds of verse:2 Sam. 72. per totum, for some were Trimeters, other were Pentameters. He made Instruments also,David a Poet. and taught the Levites to praise God upon them, on the Sabbath days and other Feasts.Davids instru­ments of Musick. The form of these Instruments was after this manner. The Vaial was Composed of ten strings, and plaid upon with a bow. The Nable containeth twelve sounds of cords and is stricken with the fingers. The Cymbals were large and made of Brass,2 Sam. 23. 8, 9. of which it sufficeth, in this sort, to make some mention, lest the nature of those D Instruments should wholy be unknown.Davids thirty eight champi­ons. Now all those that were about the King were valiant men; but amongst all the rest, there were eight most notable and heroick men. The noble actions of five of which I will declare, which will give some specimen of that extraordinary and heroick courage by which they were able to conquer whole Nations. The first of them was Issem the Son of Achem, who having thrust himself into the midst of his disordered Enemies,Issem. never gave over fighting till he had slain nine hundred of them.Eleazar. After him was Eleazar the Son of Dodeias, who had accompained the King in Sarphat: He, in a certain Battel (wherein through the multitude of the Enemies, the Israelites were affrighted and put to flight) kept his place, and faced the Enemy, and rushing in among them, made a great slaughter of them, so that thorow the E great quantity of blood which he shed, his Sword stuck fast to his hand; and the Israe­lites seeing the Philistines put to flight, by him, came down and ran upon them, and obtained a great victory over them. For Eleazar slaughtered those that fled, and the rest of the Army followed and spoiled those that were slain. The third was the Son of Ilus called Sebas, who fighting against the Philistines, in a place called the Jaw, (and seeing the Hebrews to be afraid of their power, and almost out of heart) resisted them alone, as if he had been an Army, and slew some of them, and pursued and put the rest to flight, in that they were unable to sustain his force and violence. These three performed, with their own hands, these great atchievments. About that time that the King lived in Jerusalem, the Army of the Philistines came out to make War upon him; F and David (as we have declared heretofore) was gon up into the higher City to ask counsel, of God, what the event of that War should be; and the Enemies being encamp­ed in that Valley (that extendeth it self as far as Bethleem, a City some twenty Furlongs distant from Jerusalem,) David said to his companions: There is very good water in the place where I was borne, Sebas. and especially that which is in the pit, v. 13 ad 16. which is near unto the gate; if any one will bring me of that water to drink I shall esteem it more than if he gave me gaeat riches. Three Cham­pions passe thorow the Enemies camp, and drew wa­ter in Beth­leem, and brought it un­to David. These three men hearing these words, instantly ran out, and past thorow the Enemies Camp, and went to Bethleem; where having drawn water, they returned back unto the King, forcing their way through the midst of their Enemies, declaring that the Philistines being afraid of their hardiness, and great courage, kept themselves G upon their guard, and dared not charge them; notwithstanding their small number. But the King tasted not of this water which they brought him, saying, that it was bought [Page 197] A with the danger of mens lives, and therefore that it was no reason that he should drink there­of, but he powred it out as an oblation unto God, giving him thanks because he had delivered his Servants. After these three followed Abisai Joabs Brother, who slew six hundred of the Enemy in one day. The fifth was Banaia of the race of the Levites, who be­ing defied by certain Brothers, famous amongst the Moabites for their valour, over­came them.Abisai. Moreover a certain Egyptian of a wonderful stature, having defied him (notwithstanding the said Banaia was naked and the other Armed) yet charged he him,Banaja. and took away his Javelin and slew him. To these foresaid acts of his, a man may annex this as the most valiant, or very nearly equalling the rest. For it came to pass,v. 18. that after a certain Snow, a Lyon fell into a pit (whose mouth was so narrow, B that a man could not discern where it was,Banaia slew an Egyptian with his own spear. especially since it was at the same time cover­ed with Snow) where being inclosed, and seeing no means to escape, he roared out: which when Banaia who passed that way heard, he followed the voyce, and drew near unto the place; and afterwards went down into the pit, where with a staffe he bare in his hand, he fought with, overcame and slew the Lyon. The thirty three other were of like valour and courage.v. 24. But King David being desirous to know how many thousand men he could number amongst the people,Banaia slew a Lyon. and forgetting the commandment or­dained by Moses (who had given order that if the people should be numbred,Hedio & Ruf­nus, cap. 13. there should be payed unto God for every head half a sicle) he commanded Joab to go and number all the people:2 Sam. 24. 1, ad 10. and although Joab represented it unto him as a C thing no wayes necessary;David sendeth Joab to muster the people. yet could he not persuade him, but that he enjoyned him with all expedition, to set forward on his way, and muster the people of the Hebrews.

Hereupon Joab took with him the principals of the Tribes and the Scribes, and went about the Countrey of the Hebrews, to know how many there were; and at the end of nine moneths and twenty days,v. 9, 10. he returned to Jerusalem to the King, and presented him with the list of the people,The summe of the Israelites that were num­bred. the Tribe of Benjamin only excepted (for he neither numbred that Tribe, nor the Tribe of Levi.) The King when it was now too late, per­ceiving that he had displeased God, was very sorrowful and pensive. The number of the other Israelites was of 900 thousand men, able to bear Arms, and to follow the War, besides that the only Tribe of Juda contained 400 thousand men. When the D Prophets had certified David how God was displeased with him, he began to pray and beseech him, that it might please him to appease his wrath, and to pardon his offence. Hereupon God sent the Prophet Gad unto him, who brought him the choice of three things, willing him to make choice which of the three he would endure: either that Famine for seven years space should reign in his Countreys; or that War for three moneths space should afflict the same, wherein he should always have the worst; or that the Plague and pestilence should rage for three days amongst the Hebrews. Being thus troubled by reason of his difficult choice,v. 12, 13, 14. amongst these imminent miseries; and the Prophet urging him to return a short answer,David having election of three sorts of punishments, chose the Plague. whereby God might be satisfied: the King be­thinking him that if he should ask Famine, he should rather seem to respect his own E security, than the Common-Wealth, in that no danger might by that means touch him, for that he had great store of Corn in his Barn, and they were unfurnished; and if for three months he should make choice to be overcome by the Enemy, in that case also he might seem to have care of himself in that he had many strong Castles▪ and a valiant Guard of men, to attend his person; he therefore made choice of a Plague, that was both as incident to the Prince, as the Subjects; wherein each man is equally concerned in the danger: saying, That it was better to fall into the hands of God, then into the hands of his Enemies. When the Prophet had received this answer from him, he reported it un­to God; who sent a Plague and mortality amongst the Hebrews, which afflicted them so variously, so that it was very heard to discern the malady; which being but one F kind,v. 15, 16. yet notwithstanding it discovered it self by great variety of symptomes. For one of them died after another,A hug [...] slaughter of those that died of the pestilence that was inflicted by God. and the sickness seizing them unawares, brought a sudden dissolution of the spirits, and swouning upon them; so that some of them gave up the ghost with grievous torments, and strange dolors. Others were presently parched up through the burning agonies they endured, and (irrecoverable by any counsel or re­medy) departed in the midst of their tortures. Others died strangled, having their eyes suddenly darkned and blinded. Others giving order for the burial of their hou­shold Servants, died before they were thorowly interred; and from the day-break (at which time the pestilent mortality began to rage) until dinner time,v. 17. there died seventy thousand persons.David prayed for the inno­cent people. And now had the Angel of God stretched out his hand over Jerusa­lem, G ready to inflict punishment thereon, when the King put on sackcloth, and prostrated himself on the ground, beseeching God that it would please him to appease his anger, and be content with the number of those that were already consumed with the pesti­lence. [Page 198] Whilest thus he prayed,The year of the World, 2930. before Christ's Nativity, 1034. lifting up his eyes, he beheld the Angel of God hovering H in the air over Jerusalem, with his naked Sword: whereupon he besought God and said, That it was he that was the shepherd, who had deserved to be punished, and not his flock, who ought to be spared, in that they had not any ways offended, praying him to satisfie his displeasure upon him and his posterity, and to spare the people.

Hereupon God giving ear unto his prayer, ceased the Plague, and sent the Pro­phet Gad unto him, commanding him that he should presently repair to the threshing-floor of Oronna the Jebusite,v. 18. and there build an Altar,A comand­ment to build an Altar. on which he should offer sacri­fice unto God. Which when David understood, he neglected not this command, but went presently to the appointed place. When Oronna (as he was threshing his Corn) saw the King accompanied by his Sons coming towards him,v. 20, 21. he ran out to meet him,Oronna the Jebusite. and I humbled himself before him. This man was by Nation a Jebusite, and one of the greatest friends that David had (by means whereof he plundred him not at such time as the fortress of the Jebusites was taken,supra, l. 7. c. 2. called Orpho­na. as we have heretofore declared.) Oronna asked him for what cause his Lord came thus unto him,v. 22, 23. who was his Servant? David answered, that it was to purchase his threshing-floor, Oronna giveth David his floor. to the intent that he might build an Altar in that place, and offer sacrifice unto God. Oronna replied, that both his Floor, his Ploughs, and Oxen were the Kings to offer up for a burnt-sacrifice,The summe that was paid for the thresh­ing floor. beseeching God that he would graciously accept that offering. To this the King answered, that he commended his liberality and beneficence, and that he accepted the offer he had made him, yet that it was his pleasure that he should receive the price of the same, The place of the Altar that was built. because he ought not to offer sacrifice un­to K God upon other mens charges. To this Oronna answered, that his Majesty might do as best pleased him. Gen. 22. Hereupon he bought the foresaid Floor of him for fifty sicles. Then erected he an Altar in this place,supra. l. 1. c. 13. and offered sacrifice thereon, as well burnt-offerings as peace-offerings: and by this means the Divine Majesty was appeased, and ever after shewed himself favourable. (Now this place was the very same, whereto Abraham in times past had brought his Son Isaac to offer up for a burnt-sacrifice unto God; and as he was about to sacrifice him, a Wether upon the instant presented it self unto the Altar, which Abraham offered up in stead of his Son, as we have heretofore related) David seeing that God had heard his prayer, and favourably accepted his sacrifice, de­creed that in that place the general Altar of the people should stand, and that on L the very same Floor he would build a Temple unto God: which words of his, God afterwards ratified. For sending his Prophet unto him, he assured him that his Son that should succeed him, should build a Temple. After this Prophetical declaration, the King commanded to number the Inhabitants of Jerusalem, and it was found that there were one hundred and fourscore thousand men: of which number he appointed eighty thousand to intend the hewing of stones;Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 14. and ordered that the rest of the com­mon people should bear Stones unto them: and he appointed three thousand and five hundred,The workmen allo [...]ted for the building of the Temple. who should govern them, and have the overseeing of the works. He gathered also a great quantity of Iron and Brass, to work upon, with store of huge Cedar-trees, which they of Tyre and Sidon sent him, whom he had put in trust to furnish him there­with; M 1 Chron. 22. telling his friends that he made that preparation at that time, to the intent that when his Son should govern after him,à 1 ad 5. and v. 14. he might have materials in a readiness for the building of the Temple:David gather­eth great store of Iron, Brass and Wood. and to the intent that he being as yet young and unexperi­mented, should not be troubled with the gathering thereof, but having all things in a readiness might finish the building of the Temple.

CHAP. XI.
DAVID during his life time, surrendereth the Kingdom to SOLOMON.

THEN calling unto him his Son Solomon, he charged him that after his decease, and N his own instalment in the kingdom, v. 5, 6. he should build a Temple unto God: tel­ling him that though he had both a will and intent to perform the same; The building of Solomons Temple is commanded. yet that he was not permitted by God, because he had been a man of blood, and brought up in War. Adding further, that it was fore-prophesied unto him, that the finishing of that Edifice was by Gods appointment reserved to his younger Son that should be called Solo­mon, whom God should not lesse tender and care for, than the Father doth his Son: and how the whole Land of the Hebrews should be made happy under this Prince; and among other benefits, that they should have peace (which is an especial blessing) and not only be freed from foreign Wars, v. 7, ad finem. but also from civil dissentions. For which cause (said he) since by God thou wert appointed King before thou wast born▪ David coun­seleth Solomon to honour God. take care to make O thy self worthy of so great an honour by thy piety, justice and fortitude, and keeping those his Ordinances and Laws, which he gave us by Moses, and not permitting others to transgress [Page 199] A the same. And as touching the Temple (which he will that thou shalt build when thou shalt obtain the Kingdom) take care to discharge that duty towards God: neither be thou dismaid or afraid at the greatness of the work. For before I shall depart out of this world, I will set all things in a readiness for thee. Know therefore that I have already gathered ten thou­sand talents of Gold, and an hundred thousand talents of Silver; and an incredible quan­tity of Brass and Iron, of Stone and of Wood. Moreover thou shalt have many thousands of Masons and Carpenters, and if after this any thing else shall be wanting, thou shalt thy self make provision thereof:à v. 1 ad 5. thou shalt hereby perform that which is most agreeable in the sight of God,The treasure that was ga­thered towards the building of the Temple. and he shall be thy sovereign and safe conductor. He exhorted also the Governours of the people to set to their helping hand, and yeeld their assistance to his Son in finishing this Work▪ B and in furthering the service of God without suspition of any inconveniency; assuring them that they should enjoy a firm peace,The Assistants that Solomon had in building the Temple. and flourishing estate (such blessings as God bestoweth upon those that study after piety and justice.) Moreover he charged him to place the Ark within the Temple at such time as it should be finished, with all other sacred utensils, for the reception where­of the Temple should long since have been builded,The comand­ment as touching the Ark, and lay­ing up all other sacred utensils within the Temple. had not their fore-fathers neglected Gods command, who had enjoyned them, that at such time as they should possess their Enemies Land, they should build him a Temple. These were Davids exhortations, not only unto his Son, but also to the other Princes.

Now when David was very old, so that by reason of his years his body was cold and benum'd,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap 15. that notwithstanding the many coverings and clothes they laid upon him, C yet could he not be warmed: it was the advice of his Physitians, that one of the fairest Virgins that was in the Countrey should be chosen to lie with the King:1 King. 1. 1, 2, 3, 4. because by this means she might warm his chill limbs, and comfort his decaying heat.David grow­eth old and numb. Whereupon after search made, they found out a Damsel called Abisag, which surpassed all other in beauty,Abisag wa [...]meth him. who slept with him and warmed him: for by reason of his age, he was unable to have the use of a woman. But of this Virgin hereafter we shall make furthermention.

The fourth Son of David was a goodly tall young man,v. 5. called Adonias, the Son of Aegistha, Adonias af­fecteth the Kingdom. who (resembling Absalon in complection and ambition) designed to make himself King: and amongst his ordinary discourses which he used to his friends, he said that the succession to the Crown belonged of right unto him. To this intent he D prepared many Chariots and Horses, and fifty men to attend him for his Guard. His Father certified of these his proceedings, reprooved him not, nor crossed his designs; nor de­manded any account of his actions. Joab the General, and the High priest Abiathar, were ingaged on his side, and stood firm to his interest; but they that opposed him, were the High Priest Sadoc, and the Prophet Nathan, and Benaia the Captain of the Guard, with Simei, Davids friend; besides all other the Valiant men at Arms. Whereas therefore Adonias made a banquet without the City, and in the Suburbs near unto the Fountain of the Park-Royal, he invited all his Brethren unto the same, except Solomon; and took with him Joab and Abiathar, v. 11, ad 29. with the Governours of the Tribe of Juda: but as touching Sadoc, Bethsaba by Nathans per­suasion certi­fieth David of Adonias usur­pation. the Prophet Nathan, Benaia, and the rest of the contrary party, he called them not E unto the banquet. This did the Prophet Nathan tell to Bethsabe, Solomons mother, cer­tifying her that Adonias was made King, without the knowledge of David, advising her both to have care of her own security, and the state and Majesty of her Son (who by reason of Adonias usurpation was like to be supplanted) wishing her in person to cer­tifie the King thereof: and further promising, that while she debated these things with the King, he would come in the mean while and confirm that which he had said. Bethsabe being thus perswaded by Nathan, came unto the King, and humbling herself before him (and afterwards desiring leave to speak unto him) she informed him of all those things that had hapned, according as she had been advised by the Prophet: particularly giv­ing him an account of the banquet which Adonias had made, and what guests he had F invited (namely Abiathar and Joab, with the rest of his Sons, except Solomon and his particular friends) urging this furthermore, that the people expected who it should be whom David would nominate to succeed him: for which cause she earnestly besought David that he would provide, that he who should succeed him in the Government, should neither seek her blood, nor the death of her Son Solomon. Whilest Bethsabe discoursed after this manner, the King had notice that Nathan attended to speak with him. Where­upon, David commanded that he should be called in, and as soon as he was entered, he asked the King if that day he had appointed Adonias to govern and succeed in the king­dom after him? for that (said he) he hath made a sumptuous feast, whereunto he hath invited all thy Sons, but Solomon, thither also hath he called Joab; where after the great cheer and ban­queting, G they have proclaimed and cryed, Long live the King Adonias; Furthermore. (said he) he hath neither invited me, nor the High-Priest Sadoc, nor the Captain of the Guard Banaia [...] It therefore behooveth thee to let us know, if this be done by thy approbation and allowance.

[Page 200] As soon as Nathan had made an end of his speech,The year of the World, 2931. before Christ's Nativity, 1033. David comanded that Bethsabe should H be called in (who had retired out of the Kings chamber, at such time as the Prophet entered in.) As soon as Bethsabe re-entred the chamber, David said unto her, I swear unto thee by the great God, that thy Son Solomon shall raign after me, according as before this time I have already sworn unto thee, and he it is that shall sit upon my throne, yea even this present day. v. 30. Upon these words Bethsabe humbled herself, and besought God to grant the King long life.The kingdom is confirmed to Solomon by an oa [...]h. Whereupon he called for Sadoc, the high Priest, and Banaia the Captain of the Guard, and appointed them to take the Prophet Nathan with them, and all the men at Arms that attended him in Court; charging them to mount his Son Solo­mon upon his Royal Mule, upon which only the King was wont to ride, and to conduct him out of the City, near unto the Fountain of Gehon: in which place (after they had I anointed him with holy oyle) he willed them to proclaim Solomon King; commanding the High Priest Sadoc, and the Prophet Nathan to see his will performed: charging those that followed him throw the City, with sound of Trumpet, and a loud voyce, to cry out, that Solomon was seted for ever in his fathers throne, to the intent that all the people might understand that by his Fathers consent he was declared King. And calling Solomon un­to him,v. 33, ad 40. he gave him instructions by which he might, with justice and integrity, govern the Tribe of Juda and the rest of the Israelites. Solomon is annointed King and pla­ced in his Fa­thers Throne. After this, Banaia besought God that it would please him to be favourable unto Solomon; and with all expedition Solomon was mounted upon the Kings Mule, and conducted out of the City near unto the fountain; where (after he had been anointed with oyle) they brought him back again into K the City with great joy and applause, wishing him a long and prosperous government: then reconducting him to the Kings Palace, they placed him on his Throne; and the people generally gave themselves over to feasting and mirth and to sport, and rejoyce with dances and instruments of musick; so that by reason of the multitude of instruments, not only the air resounded, but the earth also seemed in a manner to be moved therewith. So that Adonias and they that banqueted with him, hearing the noise, were all of them troubled and Joab in particular, said that those tunes and trumpettings did no wayes please him.

Whilest thus they sate at the banquet,v. 40, 41, ad 50. and every man thorow pensivenesse forbore to eat (being distracted thorow variety of thoughts) Jonathan the Son of Abiathar came hastily in amongst them.Adonias, for [...]ea of the Kings displea­sure, flyeth from his ban­quet, and ta­keth hold of the hornes of the Altar. This young man did Adonias most willingly behold, and L said that he was a messenger of some glad tidings: but contrariwise he recited unto them all that had befallen Solomon, or had been decreed by David. Whereupon Adonias, and all his guests forsook the banquet, and suddenly fled every man unto his own house. But Adonias fearing the Kings displeasure (by reason of his ambition and arrogancy) ran unto the Altar, and laying hold of it after the manner of a suppliant, hung thereon, according as he in reason had cause to do.

Now when these tydings were brought unto Solomon, and what he had done, and how he required that Solomon would assure him, that he would never more call to memory that which had hapned, but pardon his offence: Solomon answered him graciously and moderately, and pardoned that fault; notwithstanding with this caution, that if hereafter M it should appear that he intended or acted any rebellion, it should be Adonias himself, who should be the author of his mischief: with this answer he sent some to deliver him from the Altar.

When as therefore he came into Solomons presence, and had saluted him, he was com­manded to repair home unto his house, without fearing any mischief that might befall him: yet by the way was he admonished to behave himself uprightly for the time to come, if he respected his credit or profit.

But David willing that his Son should be accepted for their known and anointed King amongst the people, 1 Chro. 23. 3 [...]4. assembled the Governors in Jerusalem,David num­breth the Le­vites and di­stributeth their offices. with the Priests and Levites; and first of all taking the number of them, he found thirty three thousand men that were N above thirty three years old; 23000 of which, he appointed to take charge of building of the Temple, six thousand to be Judges and Scribes, with the like number of Musi­cians to play upon instruments, who were furnished therewith by David (as we have heretofore declared) and distributed by him according to their families. So that se­parating the Priests from the rest of their Tribe, 1 Chron. 23. 6, ad 24. he found four and twenty families of them; The division of the Priests into 24. kindreds. sixteen of the house of Eleazar, and eight of the house of Ithamar, giving or­der that one only family should officiate for the space of eight days. And thus were all the families distributed by lot in the presence of David, of the High Priests Sadoc and Abiathar,2 Chron. 24. 5, 27. and of all the Governors. The first family that went up to the Temple was in­rolled first, He devided t [...]e Levits into 24. parts. the second next, and so successively the rest, to the number of 24, (and this O order remaineth even unto this day.) He made also 24 divisions of the Tribe of Levi, (who ascended according as they were chosen by lo [...] in the same manner as the Priests, [Page 201] H every eighth day.) He honoured in particular those of Moses posterity; for the ap­pointed them to be keepers of Gods treasury, and of those presents which the Kings should offer. He appointed also, that all (as well Levites as Priests) should serve God day and night, according as they were commanded by Moses. That done, he di­stributed his whole Army into twelve companies, v. 13, 14. with their Governors, Centurions, and other field Officers: Moses posteri­ty appointed to keep the divine treasure. every squadron contained four and twenty thousand men, whom he appointed to guard and attend King Solomon, for the space of thirty dayes (con­tinuing from the first to the last, with their Captains over Thousands, and Centurions.) He likewise established those men in Office and Authority over every squadron, 1 Chron. 26. 1, ad 12. whom he knew to be most resolute and couragious. The A [...]my di­vided into 1 [...]. parts. He appointed also Surveyors, who should I have the charge of the treasure, of the burroughs and fields, and of the Cattel (whose names in mine opinion it were unnecessary to declare.) 1 Paral. 27. After that every one of these things were in this manner disposed, David assem­bling the go­vernors of the Tribes, com­mendeth his son Solomon to them. he summoned all the civill Magistrates of the Hebrews (and in general all those that had any commission over the affairs or demains of the Kings) to a general assembly, and placing himself on a high Throne, he spake after this manner: My bretheren and countreymen, I am desirous that you should know, that having determined with my self to build a Temple unto God, I have made provision of a great quantity of Gold and Silver,1 Chron. 28. ad finem. the summe whereof amounteth to an hundred thousand talents: but God, by the Prophet Nathan, hath forbidden me to build the same, by reason of your Wars, and because my hands have been stained with the slaughter of the Enemies, which I have conquered K in so many Wars in which I have been ingaged for the publick good and the interest of the State; but he hath commanded that my Son (who shall succeed me in my Kingdom) shall erect a Temple unto him. Now therefore, since you are satisfied that amongst the twelve sons of Jacob, Juda, by the general consent of them all, obtained the principality; and that I amongst my six brethren have been preferred and placed by God in the Kingdom, and notwith­standing no one of them supposeth himself to be injured: so do I also request that Solomon having obtained the Empire, my other sons, should neither in respect of him nor amongst themselves nourish any unnatural hatreds and seditious, but knowing that he is chosen by God, they may willingly submit themselves to his dominion. For whereas if God shall think meet you ought patiently to submit your selves to the yoak of a foreign Prince, how much greater reason have L you to rejoyce that God hath confered this honour on one of your Bretheren, whereof you also by your Proximity of blood may seem in some measure to partake. I desire nothing more than that Gods promises may be accomplished, and that the felicity which attendeth this Nation (under the Government of Solomon) may be durable. Which without doubt will so fall out, and all things shall happily succeed, if thou my Son be a maintainer of piety and justice, and the antient Laws and ordinances of thy progenitors: otherwise, if these be neglected, there is no other thing to be expected,à v. 11, ad 1 [...]. but misery and distruction. After he had finished these sayings,David giveth his son the model of the Temple. he gave his Son the model of the building of the Temple, with all the foundations both of the houses and chambers, together with the number, height and breadth of the same. He also limitted the weight of those vessels that were to be fashioned either of Gold or of Silver, M exhorting him to imploy all his care and diligence in performing the same. He incouraged likewise the governors and the Tribe of Levi to assist him, both because his years were not yet come to maturity, as also because by Gods divine providence he was elected King, and ap­pointed to build the Temple, assuring them that the building would be very easie, and no wayes laborious; considering that he had prepared a great number of talents of Gold, and far more of Silver, and Wood, besides a great multitude of Carpenters, and hewers of Sone, a great quantity likewise of Emeraulds, and other sort of precious Stones. Lastly, he told them, that now also for the present he would bestow on them, to that use, other three thousand talents of pure Gold,1 Chron. 29. 5, ad 9. out of his own treasury to adorn the holy place, and the chariot of God, and the Cherubins, that should stand upon the Ark, and cover it with their wings.

N This speech of the Kings was received with great joy by all the Governours,The Princes of the people gave a huge summe of Gold, Silver, Brass, and precious Stone towards the building of the Temple. Priests aud Levits who shewed a greater readiness, and voluntarily proffered to contribute to­wards the carrying on of this holy work five thousand talents of Gold, and ten thou­sand stateres, of Silver an hundred thousand, and of Iron many thousand talents; and if any one of them had a precious Stone, he brought it and delivered it into the Treasurers custody, who was called Jalus, being one of Moses posterity. This thing pleased all the people, and David (seeing the affection and readiness of the Governours and Priests, and in general of all the rest) began to bless God with a loud voyce, calling him the Creator and Father of this whole World, the fashioner both of divine and humane things, and the President and Governour of the Hebrews whose Kingdom he had com­mitted O into his hands. After this, he prayed for all the people, that God would be pleased to continue his favors unto them and to inrich the heart of his Son Solomon with all Princly virtues. He commanded the people likewise to sing praises unto God; which [Page 202] they performed, and prostrated themselves upon the earth, and afterwards gave thanks A unto David for all those benefits they had received, during the time of his Government. The next day as a sacrifice to God they offered up a thousand Calves, a thousand Rams, and a thousand Lambs, for a burnt-offering: and for peace-offerings they slew many thous­and other Beasts.1 Paral. 29. The King celebrated a feast all that day with the whole people, and Solomon was anointed with Oyl the second time,The sacrifices and festival solemnized upon Solomons Coronation. and proclaimed King. Sadoc also was established High Priest of all the people, and Solomon was conducted into the Kings house, and placed in his Fathers Throne, and from that day forward they obeyed him.

CHAP. XII.
The last instructions of David to Solomon: his death, and the magnificence of his funeral.B

NOT long after this, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 16. David failing through age, and knowing that he should de­part out of this world, he called for Solomon his Son, and spake unto him after this manner; 1 King. 2. 1. ad 4. My Son, I must now depart and sleep with my Fathers, and enter the common way which both they that now live,Davids last counsel to Solomon. and those which come after shall tract; from whence we shall not return, nor behold and revisit those things that are done in this life. For which cause, whilest I yet live and draw onward to my death, I earnestly exhort thee (as heretofore I have counselled thee) that thou behave thy self justly towards thy Subjects, and piously towards God, that hath honoured thee with this kingdom; charging thee to keep his precepts and laws, which he hath given us by Moses, and to take heed, lest either surprized by flattery, or mis-led by favour, or seduced by covetousness, or any other sinister affection, thou be drawn to neglect C and forsake the same: for thou canst by no means continue in Gods favour, except thou keep his laws, for otherwise he will withdraw his providence from thee. But if according to the obligation which lieth on you, you shall follow my counsel, and diligently perform your duty, thou shalt establish the Kingdom in our family; and no other house at any time but our own, shall ob­tain the dominion over the Hebrews. Remember likewise the iniquity of Joab, who, through emulation,v. 5. slew two good and just Generals, Abner the Son of Ner, and Amasa the Son of Jethram; David willeth Solomon to punish Joab. punish him as thou thinkest meet, for hitherto he hath escaped punishment, because he was stronger and more powerful than my self. I commend also unto thee the Sons of Berzillai the Galaadite, v. 7. whom for my sake advance to honour, and dignity: Nor would I have thee esteem the kindness which thou shalt shew them to be any courtesie,David com­mendeth Ber­zellai's Sons to Solomon. but only a recompence and D requital of the obligations which I have received from their Father in the time of my banish­ment, and for which he made us indebted to him. As touching Simei the Son of Gera, of the Tribe of Benjamin, v. 8. who during the time of my flight,How Simei should be pu­nished. and at such time as I retired my self into my Camp, injured and reviled me, and afterwards came out to me near unto Jordan, and took assurance of me, that for that time I should not punish him: I leave him to you to be punished according as you shall find an opportunity.

After he had thus exhorted his Son, and had communicated with him all his affairs, both touching his friends,v. 10, 11. and those whom he thought worthy of punishment, he gave up the ghost (after he had lived seventy years,The years of the age and Raign, toge­ther with the vertues of David. and Reigned in Hebron a City of Juda for the space of seven years and an half, and thirty three in Jerusalem over the whole Nation.)E He was a just man, adorned with all vertue, requisite in a King that should govern so many Nations. For he was valiant beyond comparison, and in those battels which he fought for his Subjects, he was the first that thrust himself into danger, and exhorted his Souldiers to behave themselves valiantly, not commanding them like their Governour, but fighting with them as their fellow-soldier. He was very well qualified by his knowledg and ex­perience to make the best use of the present, and to manage his future occasions: he was moderate and just, courteous and favourable to those that were afflicted; which are those ornaments which are worthy of a great Prince, and in this great authority wherein he was placed, he stept not any ways awry, but in the case of Ʋria's Wife. He left as much or rather more riches behind him, than any other King of the Hebrews, or other Nations had F done. His Son Solomon buried him most Royally in Jerusalem, with all those ceremonies which were accustomed in Royal obsequies, and amongst other things, he buried a great quantity of riches with him; the incredible estimate whereof may be conjectured by that which followeth.The sumptu­ous Sepulchre of David. For one thousand three hundred years after, the High Priest Hircanus being besieged by Antiochus surnamed the Religious (who was Demetrius's Son) and willing to gratifie him with some summe of money (to the intent he might raise the siege,Hircanus [...]a­keth a huge sum of money out of Davids Tomb. and remove his Army) and unable to levy money by any other means, he opened the Sepulchre of David, from whence he took three thousand talents, which he delivered to Antiochus, and by this means delivered the City from the siege (as we have declared in another place.)Herod spoileth Davids Sepul­chre. And again a long time after, this Herod also opened it, and took from G thence a great summe. Nevertheless no man violated that part of the monument where the body of the King was laid, for it was so artificially hidden under ground, that it would be very difficult to discover it.

A The Eighth Book of the Antiquities of the JEWS,

The Contents of the Chapters of the Eighth Book.
  • 1. How Solomon obtaining the Kingdom, expelled his enemies.
  • 2. Of the riches, prudence and wisdom of Solomon; and how first of all he builded the Temple in Jerusalem.
  • B 3. How Solomon being dead, the people revolted from Rehoboam his son, and made Jero­boam King of the ten Tribes.
  • 4. How Susac King of Egypt sacking Jerusalem, carried away the riches of that City into Egypt.
  • 5. The War of Jeroboam against Abias, Rehobohams son, and the slaughter of his Army; and how Basanes extirpated Jeroboams posterity, and possess'd the Kingdom.
  • 6. The Invasion of the Ethiopians under Asa, and the overthrow of their Army.
  • 7. The Race of Basanes being rooted out, Zamri ruled in Israel with his son Ahab.
  • 8. Adad King of Damascus and Syria, is twice overthrown by Ahab.
  • 9. Of Jehoshaphat King of Jerusalem.
  • C 10. Ahab being provoked to War by the Syrians, is overcome and slain in battel.

CHAP. I.
How Solomon obtaining the Kingdom, expelled his enemies.

WE have declared in the former Book what David was, how great his virtue hath been,1 Kings 2. what profits and benefits those of his Nation recei­ved by him,Solomon King of Israel after Davids death. what Wars he undertook, what Victories he obtained, and how happily at last (through extremity of age) he departed D out of this life. But after that Solomon his son (being at that time very young) had obtained the Kingdom, and was placed in his fathers Throne (accord­ing as David had determined, and the divine power had decreed) the whole people (ac­cording to the common course in the election of new Princes) with many acclamations wished him a long and prosperous Reign. But Adonias, who during his fathers life-time, thought to possess and seize himself of the Royal estate, came unto the Kings mother, and with all humility and reverence saluted her. To whom Bethsabe said, That if there were any thing wherein she might serve him, he should let her know it, and that she would wil­lingly apply her self unto it. Whereupon he began to say, That it was a thing very well known, that the Kingdom appertained unto him, both in regard of his age, as also in respect of E the favor and good liking of the people: Ver. 17, ad 24. but since that it had been transferred unto Solomon, her son, Adonias re­quireth Abi­sag to wife. by the Will of God, he was content therewith, and would be his servant, being very glad of the fortunate success of his Affairs. He therefore besought her, that she would sollicite So­lomon in his behalf, and persuade him to give him Abisag to Wife, [...]ho had slept with David, for that he had not any carnal company with her by reason of his age, and that as yet she was ful­ly possessed of her virginity.

Bethsabe promised him to further his suit to the uttermost of her power, and willingly to employ herself toward the accomplishment of the Marriage, since she knew the King was willing to gratifie her in whatsoever she should desire, as also for that she would in­stantly intreat him: so that he departed from her with assured hope of good success in F his designed Marriage. Hereupon Bethsabe presently addressed herself to the King, in­tending to certifie him both what Adonias had requested, and what she had granted. When Solomon heard that his Mother came to visit him, he went out to meet her, and embraced her, and afterwards conducting her into his Presence-chamber, he sate him down, and commanded his servants to place a seat on his right hand, for his Mother; who being seated by him, spake unto him after this manner: My son, vouchsafe me one favor that I shall request at thy hands, and send me not hence discontented, and dissatisfied, through thy refusal. Solomon answered her, That she should command him, by reason that du­ty tyed him to the satisfaction and favor of his Mothers suits; reproving her for that insinu­ation she had used, by reason that thereby she evidently expressed that she was not G thorowly assured to obtain her demand, but that she feared a refusal and repulse: she therefore required him to give the Damsel Abisag for Wife to Adonias his Brother. The King displeased at this her suit, dismissed his Mother, alledging that Adonias had ill de­signs, [Page 204] and that he wondered that in requiring Abisag to Wife, he had not requested So­lomon H likewise to give him place in the Kingdom: for Adonias was elder than he, and had more mighty friends than he had; namely, the General Joab, and the High Priest Abiathar. For which cause he forthwith sent Benaia, Captain of his Guard, to kill Ado­nias his Brother.Ver. 25. Then calling unto him the High Priest Abiathar, The pains (said he) that thou hast endured by accompanying my father David,Adonias is slain. and attending and bearing the Ark with him, make thee escape from death; yet notwithstanding, for that thou hast been assistant to Adonias,Ver. 26. 27. and followed his faction, Abiathar i [...] dispossessed of the Priesthood. I banish thee from my presence, charging thee not to see my face any more, but to retire thy self to thine own house, and there to live in thy Countrey, until thou hast ended thy dayes: since you have made your self unworthy of that charge where­with you are entrusted. For this cause was the House of Ithamar deprived of the Priest­ly I dignity (according as God had foretold Eli, one of the Ancestors of Abiathar) and translated to the Race of Phinees, and established in Sadoc. Those of the Race of Phi­nees, who led a private life all that time that the Priesthood remained in the family of Ithamar (whereof Eli was the first) were these:Ver. 35. Boccias, the son of Joseph; Joathan, the son of Boccias; The genealogy of the High Priest Sadoc. Mareoth, the son of Joatham; Aropha, the son of Maraeoth; Achitob, the son of Aropha; Sadoc, the son of Achitob, who was the first High Priest under King David.

Joab having heard of the death of Adonias, was very much surprized; for he loved him more than King Solomon: and by reason of that friendship which he bare unto him, he, upon good grounds, apprehended his own danger, and in this respect he fled unto the K Altar, hoping in that place to be secured, in regard of that reverence which the King bare unto God. But when Joabs resolution was made known unto the King, he sent Benaia unto him, with Commission to bring him from the Altar, and to conduct him to the Judgment-seat, that he might in that place justifie his actions: but Joab said, That he would never abandon the Temple, but that he had rather dye in that place than in another. When Benaia had certified the King of this his answer, he commanded him to cut off his Head in the same place, as he required, and that in that sort he should be punished, by reason of the two murthers which he had cursedly committed upon the persons of Abner and Ama­sa: commanding that his body should be buried in the same place, to the end that his sins should never depart from his Race,Ver. [...]8, ad 33. and that both David and Solomon might be held guilt­less L of the death of those Men that had been murther'd by Joab. Joab is slain. This command of his Benaia executed,Benaia is sub­stituted in his place. and was afterward made General of the Men of War. Moreover, the King established Sadoc solely in the place of Abiathar whom he had deposed. He com­manded Simei also to build him an House in Jerusalem, to keep himself therein, without passing the brook of Cedron: for if he should break that commandment, the penalty which he should incur, should be no less than death; and to the more serious perform­ance of this his injuction, he tyed him by a solemn oath. Simei thanked Solomon for the charge he had imposed on him, and swore that he would fulfill the same: so that forsa­king his own Countrey, he came and dwelt in Jerusalem, where after he had sojourned for the space of three years, it hapned that he had news that two of his slaves had fled, and M betaken themselves into Gath: Ver. 35. whereupon he went to find them out▪ and no sooner re­turned he back again with them,Sadoc obtain­eth Abiathars place in the Priesthood. but that the King had intelligence that he had neglected his commandment; and which is more, that he had broken that oath which he made un­to God:Simei's pu­nishment and death. which incensed him very much. Wherefore calling unto him, he spake after this manner: Hast thou not sworn (said he) that thou wilt not go out of this City to ano­ther? Ver. 38. ad fin. And dost thou think it a small matter, to add Perjury to that other vilany which thou hast been guilty of in so scandalously reproaching my father of blessed memory, when the rebellion of Absalom compell'd him to forsake the capital City of his Realm? Prepare thy self therefore to suffer the punishment which thou deservest, which shall be such as shall suffice to convince the World, that though the punishments of the wicked are oftentimes late, yet they are abundantly N recompenced by their sureness and severity. Whereupon Benaia slew Simei, according as he was commanded.Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 2. From that day forward, Solomon had his Royal estate secured; and after that his enemies had received condign punishment, he took to wife the daughter of Pharaoh King of Egypt, 1 Kings 3. 1, ad 4. and afterwards builded the walls of Jerusalem, far larger and stronger than they were before:Solomon mar­rieth the King of Egypts daughter, and establisheth the kingdom. and all the rest of his life, he governed his Common­weal in peace; so that his youthful years hindered him not from the observation of justice, and the maintenance of laws, neither excluded the remembrance of that which his father had charged him at the hour of his death: but behaving himself in all things exactly, he executed the affairs of his kingdom with that circumspection, that such as excelled him in years, could not surpass him.O

A CHAP. II.
Of the wisdom, prudence and riches of Solomon, and how first of all he builded the Temple in Jerusalem.

AS soon as he came to Hebron, he determined to pay his vows unto God, on that bra­zen Altar which was erected by Moses, Ver. 5, ad 8. and sacrificed thereon in burnt-offerings a thousand head of Cattel;God appeareth to Solomon by night in a dream, and willeth him to ask that which most of all he desired. which honourable devotion of his was most acceptable unto God. For the very same night he had appeared unto him in a dream, and commanded him to ask whatsoever blessing he thought fit, as a recompence of this his piety. But Solomon required a most excellent thing, which God doth liberally bestow, and Men very B happily receive. For he demanded neither gold nor silver, nor any other kind of riches, (such as a youthful Man would require) for these are only affected by the common sort, when the other are only worthy of the divine magnificence:Ver. 9, ad 15. But give me (said he) O Lord, Solomon requi­reth wisdom at Gods hands, who with it giveth him riches and ho­nours also. a ripe judgment, and a good understanding, to the intent that by these means I may admi­nister justice to this people with truth and equity. With this demand of his, God was well pleased, and promised him to give him all other things whereof he had made no mention, namely, riches and glory; and above all these, such an understanding and wisdom, as no King or private Man hath had before him. Moreover, that he would continue the King­dom in his family for many ages, if he continued in the wayes of justice, and obeyed God in all things, and walked in his fathers wayes, and imitated his virtues.

C After that Solomon had received these blessings from God, and was made happy by these promises, he forsook his bed, and worshipping God, returned unto Jerusalem, where he offered great Sacrifices before the Tabernacle, and magnificently feasted all those of his Houshold. About the same time a very difficult case was brought him to decide, the resolution whereof was very hard to be discovered. And I have thought it necessary to declare the occasions whereon at that present the debate was grounded, to the end that the Readers may understand the difficulty of the thing in question, and that if they hap­pen at any time to be concerned in such affairs, they might by his example learn to disco­ver the truth. Two Women of loose life and conversation came unto him, one of the which (who seemed to have suffered the injury) began after this manner:

D I,Two women accuse one an­other, for ex­change of their children. O King, (said she) and this Woman, dwell together in one Chamber; but so it fortuned, that both of us on one day, and at the same hour, bare each of us a son: some three dayes af­ter we were delivered, this Woman lying by her Infant, had in sleep overlaid it, and stifled it, and hath taken my Child from between my knees, and laid it by her, and put the dead Child, whilest I slept,A v. 16, ad fin. into my bosome. Now on the morrow, when I thought to give mine Infant suck, I found not mine own, but perceived that her Child lay dead by me: for I knew it, because I had exactly marked it. This my Child I have demanded at her hands; and because I could not re­cover it, I have made my Address unto your Majesty: for in that we were alone, and she is ob­stinate, and feareth not to be convicted by any, she persisteth in her denial of the same.

After the King had heard her request, he enquired of the other if she had any thing E to answer to this accusation. But she denying the act, and averring that the Child which remained alive was hers, and that the dead one appertained to the other; and besides that, since no Man appeared that might determine the controversie, but all that stood by were amazed at the obscurity and difficulty of the debate; the King at last found out this expedient of discovering the truth: He commanded that both the Children should be brought before him,Ver. 24, 25. as well the living as the dead; and calling one of his Guard unto him,Solomon com­mandeth both the children to be divided into two parts. he commanded him with his naked Sword, to cut both the Children into two parts, to the intent that both of them might take the half of the living, and the other half of the dead Child. This sentence of his at first seemed so ridiculous, that it was exploded by all that stood by. In the mean time the true Mother began to cry out, and desire that F the matter might not pass so far, but rather that they should give the whole Child that was alive, unto the other: for that it sufficed her, so she might see him alive, though he might be supposed to be anothers. The other willingly consented to the division of the Infant; and moreover, required that the true Mother should be punished. But the King conjecturing by the discourse both of the one,Ver. 27. and of the other,Solomon, by the speech and gesture of the women, disco­vereth the true mother. which was the true Pa­rent, adjudged the Infant unto her that opposed his death, (for that in equity she was the true Mother) and condemned the wickedness of the other, who had murthered her own Child, and laboured as much as in her lay, to procure the death of her companions inno­cent Infant. All the people took this judgment for an assured proof and sign of the Kings prudence and wisdom, and from that time forwards, they respected and honoured him, as G one that was endowed with a divine spirit. The Chieftains and Governors under him thorow all the Kingdom, were these: Ʋri governed the Countrey of Ephraim, wherein was comprised the rule of Bethlehem; Aminadab commanded over the quarter of Dura, [Page 206] and the Sea-coast, and had espoused the daughter of Solom [...]n. The great Plain was sub­jected H to Benaia the son of Achila, who governed likewise all the Countrey that ex­tended towards Jordan. Gaber commanded the Galaadites and Gaulonites, as far as the Mountain Libanus, and had under him sixty great Cities and Forts. Achinadab governed all Galilee as far as Sadon, Solomons go­vernors and captains. and had espoused also one of Solomons daughters called Basima: Banacat presided over the Ma [...]time Countrey near to the City of Arce: Saphat com­manded the Mountains Itabyr and Carmel, 1 Reg. 4. 1, ad 21. and the Land of Galilee as far as Jordan: Son­beia governed the whole Land of the Benjamites: Tabar had all the government on the other side of Jordan, and was elected Governor-general over them all. Thus about this time did the Hebrews wonderfully increase in riches, and particularly the Tribe of Juda, by reason that the people addicted themselves wholly to the tilling and manuring of their I Lands.The happy peace of the Is­raelites in So­lomons time. For they were assured of their peace, and not distracted by any warlike tumults, and besides that fruitfully enjoying a most desired liberty, they especially intended this thing onely, to increase their private estates. The King also had other Governors who ruled the Syrians, and commanded other strange Nations, which are extended from Eu­phrates as far as Egypt, who gathered the Tribute of those Nations for the King. These Barbarians every day furnished the King for his own Table,Ver. 23. and the maintenance of his Houshold,Solomons daily expences. with thirty measures of fine flour, and sixty of the courser: ten fat Oxen, and twenty grass Beeves, with an hundred fat Lambs. All which things, besides Venison and Buffalles taken in chase, Birds and Fish were furnished daily by the Barbarians to serve the Kings Houshold.Ver. 26. He had likewise a great number of Chariots, so that he had forty K thousand Mangers wherein his Horses fed;Solomons cha­riot, and horsemen. and besides these, he had twelve thousand Horsemen, half whereof kept alwayes about the King in Jerusalem, the rest were billet­ted in divers Villages belonging to the King,Solomons pru­dence and wis­dom. and remained there. And they that had the charge to furnish the Kings expences, provided likewise necessary provender for the Horses, conveying it to what place soever the King took his progress. But so great was the wisdom and prudence which God had bestowed upon Solomon, that he surpassed all his Progenitors, and the Egyptians likewise, who are esteemed the wisest of all Men, were far behind him.Solomons me­thod in conju­ration, where­by he cast out devils. For he excelled all those that in that time were in the greatest account amongst the Hebrews, whose names I will not omit; these were Ethan, Eman, Cha [...], and Dodan, all four the sons of Machol. He composed also 5000 Books of Odes and Songs,L and 3000 Books of Parables and Similitudes; beginning from the Hyssop; unto the Cedar. The like did he of all living creatures that feed on the earth, swim in the wa­ters, or flie in the air; for none of their natures was he ignorant of: neither had he omitted to search after their qualities in particular,The Author in this place abu­seth the gifts of God be­stowed on So­l [...]mon, in ex­tending them to those Arts which are forbidden by the express word of God. and discoursed of them all, and had knowledge of their several and secret properties. He obtained also the knowledge of the Art of Magick, for the profit and health of Men, and the exorcising and casting out of Devils; for he devised certain incantations, whereby the diseased are cured, and left the method of conjuration in writing, whereby the Devils are enchanted and expelled; so that never more they dare return: And this kind of healing to this day, is very usual amongst those of our Nation. For I saw a certain private man amongst the Hebrews, by M name Eleazar, in the presence of Vespasian, his Sons, Tribunes, and other Soldiers, that cured divers that were possessed. And the manner of his Cure was this: He applied to the Nose of the Demoniack a Ring,A Jew casteth out Devils. under the Seal whereof was a root of those things that Solomon had declared, which drew the Devil out of the Nostrils of the Sick, as soon as he smelled the root: and as soon as the Man was fallen, he adjured him never more to return, intermixing some mention of Solomon, and rehearsing those Incantations that were invented by him.

After this, the said Eleazar being desirous to shew unto them that were present, the efficacy of his Art, he set a Pot or Pitcher of water not far from the place where the possessed stood, and commanded the Devil, at such time as he forsook the Man, to over­turn N the Pot, and thereby to give a sign unto those that stood by, that he had forsaken the possessed: which act of his, manifestly declareth how great the science and wisdom of Solomon was. For which cause I thought good in this place to make mention there­of, that the worthy endowments of this King might be known unto all Men; and how beloved of God he was,1 Kings 5. 1, ad 12. and how surpassing in all kinds of virtue. When Hiram King of Tyre understood that Solomon succeeded his father in the Kingdom, he was glad there­of, Hiram's Am­bassadors to Solomon. (for he was Davids friend) for which cause he sent Messengers unto him to salute him, and to congratulate his succession to the Crown; by whom Solomon returned an an­swer in these terms:

Solomon to Hiram the King: Know thou that my father having a great desire to build a O Temple unto God, hath been hindred from performing it, by the continual Wars and Troubles he hath had: for he never took rest, before he either had defeated his enemies, or made them tri­butaries [Page 207] A unto him. For mine own part, I thank God for the peace which I possess, and that by the means thereof, I have opportunity (according to mine own desire) to build a Temple unto God: for he it is that foretold my father, that his house should be builded during my reign. For which cause I pray you send some one of your skilfullest men with my servants to the moun­tain Libanus, Ver. 6. to hew down trees in that place: for the Sidonians are more skilful in hewing and preparing timber,Solomon requi­reth Carpen­ters and work­men from Hi­ram. than our people are, and I will pay the Workmen according to your directi­on. When Hiram had read this Letter, he was very glad to peruse the Contents of the same, and wrote back again unto him to this effect:

The King Hiram unto King Solomon: Thou hast cause to thank God, that he had delivered thy fathers Kingdom (who was a wise and virtuous Prince) into thy hands. For which cause, B since no news can come unto me more acceptable, I will accomplish all that thou requestest: for after I have caused a great quantity of Cedar and Cyprus wood to be cut down,Ver. 7. ad 10. I will send it thee by Sea by my servants,Hiram promi­seth Solomon wood, and in­stead thereof requireth corn whom I will command, (and furnish with convenient vessels of bur­then) to the end they may deliver the same, in what place of thy Kingdom it shall best please thee, that afterwards thy Subjects may transport them to Jerusalem. And I desire that by way of exchange, you would furnish us with Corn, whereof we stand in need, because we inhabit an Island.

The Copies are yet at this day kept, not only by those of our Nation, but also by the Tyrians: so that if any man desire exactly to know what they be, let him search the pub­lick Records of the Tyrians, and he shall find in them matters agreeing to that we have C said. All which I say, to the end the Readers might be assured, that I go not beyond the truth in any sort, and that I insert not in this History matters that are meerly apparent and deceitful, and only fashioned for delight; neither fear I that any man shall examine my Writings, nor desire I likewise that every Man give credit at the first sight to the same, or that I be held blameless in suffering my self any wayes to vary, or improperly dilate ought in this History:The truth of Josephus Hi­story. but contrariwise, if I cannot approve the truth by sufficient te­stimonies, I desire not to be allowed. As soon as Solomon had received these Letters from the King of the Tyrians, he praised his facility and benevolence, and presently sent him that which he demanded:Ver. 11. every year therefore he sent him two thousand measures of Wheat,The King sen­deth Hiram a great quantity of wheat, oyl, and wine. and two thousand Baths of Oyl, and two thousand Baths of Wine (each D Bath containing about 72 Quarts.) From that time forward, the friendship betwixt Hiram and Solomon increased more and more, so that both of them protested that it should continue for ever. The King ordered that thirty thousand Workmen should be provided, whom he gave in charge to work continually, alotting to each man his part. He ordained that ten thousand of them should cut wood in Libanus for the space of one Month;Ver. 14. and that then they should rest two Months,The order of the Carpenters in Libanus. returning every man unto his own dwelling place, until such time as the twenty thousand had in their turn accom­plished the task in the time that was prefixed unto them, and then the first ten thousand renewed their work, and followed the same in the fourth month. Adoram was constitu­ted Superintendent over them. Besides these, there were Seventy thousand Men ap­pointed E to carry stones and wood,Ver. 15. ad fin. who were strangers in that Countrey, according to the commandment of David. The order of the Masons, and other workmen. There were fourscore thousand Hewers of stone, over which were 3200 Commissaries; these had the King commanded to cut the greatest stones, to make the foundation of the Temple: which after they had hewed and prepa­red in the Mountain, he commanded should be drawn and brought into the City, which was observed not only by his Countreymen, bu [...] by those Workmen also that were sent him by Hiram.

Solomon began this Building in the fourth year of his Reign,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 9. in the second Month, which the Macedonians call Artemisium, 1 Kings 6. 1, &c. and the Hebrews Jar, (which is the Month of April) Five hundred ninety and two years after the departure of the Israelites out of F Egypt, One thousand and twenty years since the arrival of Abraham in Mesopotamia; One thousand four hundred and forty years after the Deluge: And since Adam the first Man until Solomon (who builded the Temple) all the years that are passed,When the building of the Temple began. have been Three thousand one hundred and two. But the beginning of the building of the Temple hap­ned in the eleventh year of the Reign of Hiram, The depth of the foundati­ons of the Temple. who governed in Tyre: and since the first time that Tyre began to be inhabited, until the said building of the Temple, there passed Two hundred and forty years. The King therefore laid the foundation of the Temple,Ver. 2. and made a deep Trench, and fortified it with most strong stones, which might be able to resist all the injuries of time. These stones were closely joined the one unto the other, that by the strength of the foundation, they might make the base and ground G to sustain that which should be builded thereupon, which foundation was as much to be admired, as that Fabrick which it was designed to support: neither could the foundati­ons be of less strength and hugeness, which were to sustain a sumptuous pile of that [Page 208] The year of the World, 2933. before Christ's Nativity, 1033.

HIKL

height, greatness, magnificence and ornament. The walls were made of white stone,M and continued of the same matter even until the roof. The height of the Temple was sixty cubits,Ver. 2, 3, 4, 5. and the length as much,The height, length and breadth of the Temple. and the breadth twenty. Over that was another edifice, having the like dimensions, so that the whole height of the Temple was sixscore cubits, and the entry thereof was Eastward. The porch thereof had twenty cubits in length,The porch be­fore the Tem­ple. (which was the breadth of the Temple) and in breadth ten cubits: and the height thereof was sixscore cubits. About the Temple was built thirty Cells, which invironed the same on the outside,The Cells which were built in the circuit of the Temple. and served to sustain all the Edifice; for that they were of that number, and they passed out of the one into the other. The entries were made after the same manner, from whence a man might easily pass from the one to the other. Every one of these Cells had 25 Cubits in breadth, and as many in length, and 20 in height: and above them there were others built: and others likewise above these N of like number and dimension: so that they were almost as high as the other build­ings; they were all covered with Cedar: every Cell had his cover apart, and had no dependence on the other roofs. The rest of the building of the Temple was covered with long beams, mortized the one within the other, which sustained the whole: so that the walls being in this manner fastned the one unto the other,Ver. 22, &c. were the stronger. To these beams was fastned wainscot of the same stuff,The beams and w [...]lls beautifi­ed with gold. which was curiously polished, carved and gilded. The walls on the inside were covered with Cedar plants, intermixed with gold: so that all the Temple shined, and the burnisht gold dazled their eyes that entred into it. All the whole building of the Temple was most artificially made of stones most exactly carved, and most closely and cunningly joined together: so that they that O curiously pryed into the same, could not any wayes observe the stroke of any Hammer, nor other Workmans tool, but all the whole mass seemed to be a natural and no artifi­cial [Page 209] H frame;The year of the World, 2933▪ before Christ's Nativity, 1031. and rather growing in that place of it self, than garnished by the hands of cunning workmen. Touching the ascent into the highest part of the Temple, the King so contrived it, that in the thickness of the wall he included a pair of winding stairs to that purpose. This part had not a great gate towards the East as the lower had, but in the sides there were little doors made:Winding stairs. All the whole Temple both within and without was covered with Cedar-planks fastned together with strong chains to strengthen the same. The Temple within was divided into two parts, the one whereof contained the Sanctum sanctorum, The Temple divided into two parts of twenty Cubits, (which was unaccessible) the rest of the space of forty Cubits was consecrated to the use of the Priests. And in the midst of the wall made he two gates of Cedar, inriched with store of Gold, and divers curious carved I works, and hung them with Tapistrie: wherein were imbroidred divers flowers of Hy­acinth, v. 22 ad 24. Purple, and Scarlet intermingled with pure white and delicate Linen. He placed also upon the Holy of Holies (which was twenty Cubits broad,Two Cheru­bins. and as many long) two Cherubins of massie Gold, each one five Cubits high, and each of them had two wings that were spread five Cubits broad, by which means they were not far distant the one from the other, but that the one of their wings touched the Southern wall of the sacred place,The pavement, gates, and all other things in the Temple beautified with Gold. and the other the Northern wall: the other wings that touched one another served for a cover for the Ark, which was placed between them both. But what the figure of the Cherubins was it is impossible to express: he made the pavement of the Temple also, of plates of beaten Gold. To the gate of the Temple he also fastned con­venient K doors twenty cubits high, answerable in height to the wall, and covered with plates of Gold. In a word, he left not one place either within or without the Temple, that was not garnished with Gold: he likewise adorned the out side of the gates as he had done the inside.Solomon send­eth to Hiram for Uram a cunning work­man. But the gate of the Porch had no such ornament. After this Solomon sent unto Hiram King of Tyre, for one who was a cunning workman, called Ʋram, the Son of a woman of the line of Nephtali, and of Ʋrias the Israelite; this man had great knowledge in all kind of works, but his especial excellency was in working gold, Silver and Brass, who made all that which covered the temple according as the King commanded. He made two pillars of brass, four fingers thick and eighteen Cubits high, and twelve in the circumference; on the chap­ters of each of them, he placed Corniches in the form of Lillies, of five Cubits in height, L which he invironed with certain Grates made of Brass after the manner of enterlaced nets, which covered the lillies on each side, on which there hung down two hundred pomegra­nats in two ranks▪ These Pillars placed he in the entrance of the porch,2 Chron. 4. 2. the one on the right hand called Jachin, A vessel called the brazen Sea. the other on the left called Boz. He founded also the Brazen Sea, made after the manner of a Hemesphere, and this vessel was called the Sea by reason of the hugeness thereof. For it was a laver that by measured line was ten Cubits broad, the thickness of a hands breadth, the midst thereof was sustained with a pillar ten times twisted, whose bigness was a cubit. This laver was sustained by 12 heifers, which by three and three were placed directly opposite against the quarters of the four winds: and the hindermost part of these Heifers were set somewhat stooping,1 King. 7▪ 27. to the end that this M round and ample vessel might be the more surely supported by them.Ten brazen bases of the laver. This Sea con­tained two thousand Baths, which is a measure made use of for liquids. He made also ten brazen bases four square, for the lavers, each one in length five cubits, in breadth four, in height three; thus were the parts of this work severally fashioned. There were four little pillars square and erected at every corner one, in which the sides of the Bases were adjoyned, and divided into three sorts, according to the place distinguished between the joynts; with Images, here a Lion, there a Bull, and in another place an Eagle. The pillars likewise were adorned with the same ingraving: and all this whole work hung upon four wheels, which were made of cast work, which had certain naves or spoaks a cubit and a half in the Diameter: and it was a wonderful thing to see the N circumferences of them, how cunningly they were wrought, and properly setled to the sides of the bases by their naves, or strakes. They were thus made; the corners or Angles on the upper part were sustained by certain shoulders made after the manner of extended hands, on which there was placed a spire, to which the laver was fastned, be­ing upheld by the paws of a Lion, and an Eagle, which were fashioned and so properly united,v. 37, 38. that they that beheld them,Ten round la­vers. would have supposed them rather to be natural crea­tures, than otherwise: and betwixt them also there were certain Palm-trees figured: Such was the composition of the ten lavers. Moreover, he made ten other Brazen lavers after the manner of a round Cockleshell, each of which contained forty Choes: for they were in height four cubits, and from brim to brim, there were likewise four cubits: O which lavers he placed upon ten bases or feet called Meconoth, five of which stood on the left side of the Temple, that extended Northward, the other five on the right hand toward the South. Here likewise placed he the Sea full of water, to the intent that the Priests entring into the Temple, might wa [...] their hands and feet before they went up [Page 210] unto the Altar.The year of the World, 2933▪ before Christ' [...] Nativity, 1031. The other lavers served to wash the inwards and feet of those Beasts H that were sacrificed. He builded likewise a brazen altar of twenty cubits long, and as many in breadth, and ten in height, to offer burnt offerings thereon. He made likewise all the vessels that belonged thereunto of brass: as Kettles, Water-Pots, Hooks, and Forks, and such like, that in brightness equalled the pure Gold. The King also dedicated many Tables,The use of the Sea, and the other ten la­vers. and amongst these, one great one of Gold (on which the Sacred Bread was laid) the rest not far inferiour, yet made after divers manners, held Ewers and Platters of Gold,The Altar and vessels apper­taining to the same. to the number of twenty thousand, and of Silver forty thousand. He made likewise ten thousand Candlesticks (according as Moses had commanded) whereof one he dedicated to the Temple, that according to the law it might give light there in the I day time. He made a Table also, on which the loaves of Bread were laid, on the North­side of the Temple,The Table of sacred bread. hard by the Candlesticks, which were placed towards the South. The Altar of Gold was placed betwixt them both. All which things were inclosed in that part of the Temple that contained forty cubits,The Candle­stick. before the Tapestry of the Holy of Holies, where the Ark was to be placed. The King also caused fourscore thousand Pots,The [...] ups and vials. and an hundred thousand Ewers of Gold, and twice as many of Silver, to be made, and fourscore thousand plates of Gold, and twice so many of Silver, to offer the kneaded flower in them upon the Altar;The bowles, the censers. and threescore thousand Cups of Gold, and twice so many of Silver, to lay the flower mingled with Oyl thereon; and two thousand measures of Gold, and twenty thousand of Silver, resembling a Hin or an Epha of Moses. Twenty thousand Censers also of Gold, wherein the perfume was burnt, to hallow the Temple; K and other Censers likewise in which they carried fire from the great Altar, and laid it on the lesser, which was within the Temple, to the number of fifty thousand; he prepared also a thousand vestments for the use of the Priests,Priests gar­ments. with their surcots, heads, and pecto­rals, notwithstanding there was but one Crown, wherein Moses had written the Name of God, which had continued even until this day. He made also ten thousand Stoles for the Priests of fine linnen, with scarlet girdles for every one of them; two hundred thousand trumpets according to the ordinance of Moses, Instruments of Musick. and forty thousand instruments of Musick, to record and praise God with (as the Psaltery and Harp of a mixt matter the fifth part Gold, and the fourth part Silver.) All which Solomon most magnificently prepared for the service of God, sparing no cost, but imploying himself to the utmost L of his power, toward the ornament of the Temple: which he beautified and endowed with all these treasures. He environed the Temple likewise with a wall three Cubits high, which in our tongue we call Gison, to exclude the prophane multitude, and admit none but the Priests only.The [...]closure before the Temple. Without this wall there stood a Temple four-square with great and broad Isles, which opened with very great gates; every one according to the quarter of the wind;The Fane. and the doors thereof were covered with Gold. Into this place all the people that were purified might enter, and they likewise that kept the or­dinances of Moses. The huge trenches, wherein the foundation of the Temple was laid, filled. It can scarcely be believed, how admirable that exteriour Temple was: for he filled huge trenches, which by reason of their unmeasurable depth, could not be lookt down into without vehement apprehension of fear, (for they were four hundred M cubits deep) yet notwithstanding he filled them and raised them to the height of the Hill, whereon the Temple was built; and by this means it came to pass, that the walk without the Temple was equalled with the foundation of the same. This did he begirt with double porches sustained by pillars of rich stone; the roofs whereof were of polisht Cedar,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 4. and the Gates were of Massive Silver.

After that King Solomon had in seven years finished these so fair and magnificent buildings,1 Reg. 8. 5. and all the other necessaries which he had bestowed upon the Temple, and declared thereby his great riches, and shewed his power, that that which at the first sight might require a mans whole life to finish,Solomons Temple was consecrated in the month of October. he accomplished in few years: He wrote unto the Governours and Elders of the Hebrews, commanding them to assemble all the N people in Jerusalem to behold the Temple, and to bring in the Ark of God: and al­though this assembly was publickly proclaimed, yet scarcely did the people make their appearance in Jerusalem before the seventh moneth which we call Th [...]ri, v. 1, ad 4. and the Mace­donians Hyperberete. The Ark is carried into the Temple. About this time fell the feast of Tabernacles, which the Hebrews, most religiously observe and honour with great festivals. They therefore took the Ark and the Tabernacle that Moses had made, with all those necessaries which appertained to the Divine service, and bare them into the Temple. The King and all the people, with the Levites marched before, having their cattel ready to sacrifice, and filling the way with offerings, and the blood of divers slaughtered beasts, burning an infinite quantity of perfumes, wherewith the air was filld round about, the scent whereof dispersed O it self far and near, to make it known that God would be present in that new builded and consecrated place (if we may so speak of divine things after a humane manner.) These ceased not to sing and dance until they came unto the Temple; and after this sort [Page 211] A conducted they the Ark.The year of the World, 2941. before Christ's Nativity, 1023. But when it was to be carried into the Holy of Holies, the rest of the multitude departed, and the Priest only placed it under the two Cherubins, who imbraced it with their wings, as if it had been covered with a pavilion or some canopy: for they had been fashioned after that manner by the workmen. The Ark contained nought else but the two tables of Stone,v. 4. in which were kept in writing the Ten com­mandments pronounced by God on mount Sinai. The Priests place the Ark of God in the Sanctuary, and in it the Ta­bles of Stone, wherein the ten command­ments were written. For as touching the Candlestick, and the Table and Altar of Gold, he placed them in the Temple before the most Holy of Holies, in places correspondent to those where they stood, when they were in the Tabernacle. Then offered they the ordinary sacrifices, and placed the brasen Altar before B the Temple near unto the gate: so that when it was opened, the other stood in sight, and a man might see the service and magnificence that was used in the sacrifices. And as touching the other utensils, he gathered them all together, and placed them in the Temple. But after the Priests (having given order for all things about the Ark) were departed from thence,The Candle­stick, Table, and Altar of Gold. suddenly there fell amidst the sanctuary a thick Cloud, not pitchy, nor such as re­sembleth winter Clouds loaden with rain; but diffused and tenuous, which dark­ned the sight of the Priests so that they saw not one another.The Brazen Altar. But thereby every mans mind was easily induced,A cloud in the Tabernacle. to believe, and his opinion confirmed, that God was descended into the Temple which was dedicated to his Name, to testifie how acceptable it was to his divine Majesty:v. 22, a [...] 54. In effect all men had no other opinion: But King Solomon arising from his throne whereon he was seated,Solomons prayer unto God. addressed his prayers unto God, in such words C as he thought to be agreeable to the divine nature, and convenient for him to use: O Lord (said he) thou hast an eternal house, God immea­surable. neither are we ignorant that thou hast framed this whole mass of the Ʋniverse for thy self, The causes why the Temple was builded. which consisteth of heaven, earth, air and seas: which thou altogether fillest, yet art thou not contained by them. But therefore have we adorned and erected this Temple to thy Name, to the end that we might offer up our prayers in the same, and send them up to heaven (as a sweet sacrifice) to obtain thy favour, God is true in his promises. assuring our selves that thou art here present also, and wilt never be absent from this place. For whereas thou seest all things, hearest all things, yet forsakest thou not us at all, neither doest thou abandon the place where thou dost inhabit: but rather thou art alwayes near unto all men, but in especial present with those that both do humbly desire to approach unto thee day and night. These words spak he, look­ing D upwards towards God, and afterwards addressing himself unto the people, he spake unto them touching his power and providence, how he had foretold his father David of all that which should happen: the greater part whereof was already accomplished, and the rest was shortly to succeed. Furthermore, he declared how God himself had given him his name before he was born, and that it was known how he should be called: and how at such time as he should be King after the decease of his Father, he should build him a Temple; which things they saw brought to pass ac­cording as they were foretold; for which they ought to give God thanks, and not to lose any hope of any of those things that had been promised them for their future happiness, v 55, 56, &c. having sufficient incouragement to believe by the accomplishment of those things which were already come to pass.

When the King had spoken after this manner unto the people, Solomon [...] prayer where­in he thanks God for his benefits, and beseecheth his future prote­ction. he turned again, and E beheld the Temple, and lifting up his hands towards the people, he began thus: It is impossible (said he) for men to return thanks unto God according to the greatness of those benefits which they have received, for he is by his infinite greatness placed so far above us that our oblations are altogether unprofitable unto him. But (O Lord) it behoveth us, that since of thy grace thou hast made us more excellent than other living creatures, we should bless and give thanks unto thy Majesty, and in especial it concerneth us to honour thee for the benefits thou hast bestowed on our Family, and all the Hebrew Nation. But by what other means can we appease thee when thou art displeased, than by that voyce which we draw from the air, and which returneth into the air again? I ought therefore first of all to give thee thanks in respect of my Father, whom from a low degree thou, hast raised to the highest honour: next that thou F hast fulfilled all those things which thou hast foretold of me until this present day; I beseech thee for the time to come to furnish me with those things, that thou bestowest on such as are dear unto thee, that thou increase our house every way, according as thou hast promised my Father David, establish the Crown on my head, and continue it I beseech thee, to my successours, for many generations.Solomon humbly be­seecheth God, that he will protect this Temple as his own house. Bestow thou this benefit upon us, and bequeath unto all mine, that virtue wherein thou takest delight. Moreover I beseech thee that a portion of thy Spirit may come and dwell in the Temple, to the intent that we may understand that thou dwellest upon earth; for not only this Temple, but the whole Heavens are too little for thy habitation. I beseech thee therefore that it may please thee to take care of it as thine own, to the end it may never be de­stroyed by the Enemy, but that thou mayest alwaies secure it, as thine own peculiar inheritance. G And if thy people shall at any time forget thy Name, and offend against thy Majesty, let it suffice, I beseech thee, to chastise them with famine or pestilence, or such other calamities as thou art wont to inflict on the disobedient; but when they shall be touched with repentance for their former sins, and have recourse unto this Temple, and beseech thy mercy; hear them I beseech thee, [Page 212] as being present in this place and have compassion on them, and deliver them from their adversities.A

Neither do I only intreat thee for the Hebrews when they shall have offended thee: but if it happen that if any stranger of what Countrey soever he be, shall from hence implore thine assistance, hear thou him, I pray thee, and grant his request: For by this means all men shall know,v. 4 [...]. that it is thy will that thy house should be built in this place, and that we are not so in­humane as to envy this happiness unto others,He prayeth tha [...] [...] may be heard also in this place. but that we have desired that thy help and the communication of thy blessings should be bestowed, not only on those of our Nation, but also on all the World. This said, he cast himself on his face, and continued in prayer a long time, and afterwards rising again, he offered sacrifices upon the Altar; and having filled the Temple with offerings, he knew most evidently that God did graciously accept of his oblations; 2 Chron. 7, 1. for a fire passing through the aire, A fire from heaven consu­meth Solomons [...]. and lighting upon the Altar in the sight of B all men, consumed and devoured the sacrifice. When this vision had hapned, the people manifestly conjectured that Gods abode should be in that Temple, and with great joy humbled themselves on their faces, and lay prostrate on the pavement. But the King began to praise God, and incited the people to do the like, considering they had already received the testimonies of his mercy, exhorting them to pray that he would be alwayes merciful unto them, and that he would keep them for ever in cleanness and uncorrupt minds, and that they might justly and religiously lead their lives in observing those commandments which he had given them by Moses. Solomon ex­horteth the people to praise God, and to give him thanks, and to pray unto him. For in so doing, the people of the Hebrews should prosper and grow more happy, than all the Nations of the World. Moreover he exhorted them to keep in their remembrance those means, by which the benefits they possessed had been gotten; assuring them that by the same C they should be continued, increased and multiplied. For they ought to think that they received them not, but for their piety and justice; and that those blessings were not to be preserved, but by the same means by which they were first required.1 King. 8. 62, 63. When the King had spoken after this manner unto the people, he dismissed the assembly (having first of all accomplished the sacrifices both for himself and the people, Solomons sa­crifices in the dedication of the Temple. by offering up twelve thousand Oxen, and six­score thousand sheep.) For then first of all was the Temple embrewed with the blood of the slaughtered sacrifices, and all the Hebrews with their Wives and Children were entertained therein. The feast of Tabernacles. The King also feasting with the whole people, celebrated the so­lemnity of the Tabernacles for the space of fourteen dayes in great pomp and magnifi­cence. v. 66. And when all things were performed, and nothing was deficient that concerned D the service of God, The King dis­misseth the people. every one (dismissed by the King) departed to his own dwelling-place, 1 King. 9. 1, 2. giving him hearty thanks for the care he had taken of them, and for the works he had done for them; God appeareth again to So­lomon, and promiseth him all blessings, if he [...] not from his fa­thers precepts. 1▪ 6▪ 7▪ 8▪ 9. praying God that it might please him to grant their King a long life. And thus they returned home with joy, praising and singing hymnes unto God, so that they arrived at their own habitations without being sensible of the toil of their journey.

After they had conducted the Ark into the Temple, and beheld the greatness and beauty of the same, and had celebrated most excellent sacrifices, and made great solemnities they returned every one unto his City. But a vision that night appeared unto the King during his sleep,A g [...]vous [...] the Israelites, if they fall from the way of righteousness. which gave him assurance that God had heard his prayer, and that he would guard his Temple, and dwell in the same for ever (if his posterity and all the E people should observe his commandments,) promisinghim, that if he continued in the ob­servation of those commands which were given him by his Father, he would secure his blessing unto him, that none but his posterity should sway the Scepter, and rule over the Tribe of Juda for ever; provided that they kept his statutes and observed his laws: but if he forgot the Lord and followed strange gods, he would pluck him up by the roots, without leaving any remainder to Reign after him; neither should the people of Israel remain unpunished, but should be exterminate by infinite Wars and adversities, and be cast out of the Countrey which he had given unto their ancestors, and become banisht men, and runnagates in a forraign Land. And concerning the Temple which is built at this present, I will (said he) deliver it to the Enemies to ransack and burn it, and the F City shall be destroyed by the hands of the Enemies: and their miseries shall be so notorious through the world, and to such extremity shall they be driven, as it shall hardly be believed: so as their neighbours round about them, hearing of their calamities, shall be astonished, and shall seek out the cause why the Hebrews are thus hated by God, who beforetime have been so advanced by him in riches and honors: and they shall be informed by those that survive, that those calamities are brought upon them by their sins; and the transgressions which they have committed against the ordinances of their forefathers. These things that were declared unto him in a dream,1 King▪ 7. 1. are registred in the sacred Letters.

Seven years after the Temple had been thus built (as it hath been heretofore decla­red) he began the building of his Palace,Hedio & Ruf­f [...]us, cap. 5. which he scarcely finished in thirteen years G space,Solomons [...] finished [...] thirteen years. for he was not so intent and earnest in building thereof, as he was in the struct­ure of the Temple. For although the temple was very great, and of incredible and marvel­lous magnificence, yet so it is that God (for whom it was made) assisting the workmen, it was [Page 213] A thorowly finished within the term of the years aforesaid. But the Royal Palaces, be­ing far less than the Temple, were built more slowly, because the stuff had not been prepared so long time before, nor with so great diligence; and the rather, because the Palaces that were, were not for God, but for Kings: notwithstanding, this House was built very magnificently, according as the wealth of the Countrey, and the power of the Hebrew King required. But it will not be amiss if I declare all the order and dispo­sition of the same House, that by the description thereof, the Reader may be informed of its capaciousness. It was a great and goodly Fabrick, sustained by divers Pillars, prepared to receive and contain much People at the time of their assemblies, wherein they treated of affairs,Ver. 8. and held pleas. It was an hundred cubits in length, and in breadth B fifty,The Hall. and in height thirty, supported by sixteen square pillars covered with Corinthian work,The Tribunal. with stairs and carved gates, which contributed no less to its beauty, than its secu­rity.

In the midst of this space, and hard by the Temple, there was another Pavilion thirty cubits square,Ver. 8. sustained with strong pillars, within which there was another magnificent Tribunal,The Queens house, and o­ther Palaces of pleasure. on which the King sate to give judgment, unto which there was adjoined an­other Palace prepared for the Queen. All the Chambers, as well those that were ordi­narily in use,Ver. 9. &c. as those for recreation, after he had retired himself from publick affairs, were adorned with planks of carved Cedar,The ornaments of Solomons Palace. and were built partly of stone ten cubits square, partly of curious marble, and very rarely and cunningly wrought by the most C curious and exact Masons.Chambers of pleasure, with houshold-stuff of gold. And that which made it more beautiful, were three panes of Tapistry, and the fourth admirable for the artificial engravings: for the Workmen had made therein Trees and Plants of divers sorts, shadowed with their branches and leafs, hanging in such sort, that to behold them, a Man would have thought that they shook, the workmanship was so exquisite and curious that covered the stone. The rest, as far as the roof, was enchased, and flourished with divers Antiques and Pictures. Further­more, he built other places of pleasure, with very long porches to beautifie the Palace; amongst which, there was one most magnificent to make Banquets and Feasts in, which was throughout adorned with gold:1 Kings 10. and all the necessaries for entertainment were of gold. It would be difficult to give an exact account of the variety, the capaciousness D and magnificence of these structures, whereof some were of a greater, and some of a lesser bulk; some under ground, and others raised to a great height: the pleasant Arbors likewise, and the Gardens, which were so fashioned, that they afforded a pleasant prospect to the eye, as well as refreshment from the heat. All the building was made of white Marble,Solomons Throne made of Ivory. of Cedar, of Gold, and of Silver: the floors and walls were figured with di­versity of flowers, and of precious stones, inchased in gold, after the manner of the Temple of God,3 Reg. 5. which shined with such like ornaments. There was likewise erected a very large Throne, made in form of a Tribunal, with six steps of pure Ivory: on each side of which there stood two Lyons, and the like number were placed above. About the place where the King sate, there were several Arms stretched out, which seemed to E succor or protect him; and he sate upon an Oxe looking backwards: this Throne was all covered with gold.

Solomon built all this that hath been spoken of, in the space of twenty years, being fur­nished by Hiram, King of the Tyrians, for these his buildings, with great sums of gold, and far greater of silver, besides a quantity of Cedar and Pine-trees. Solomon also remu­nerated him, and gave him great Presents, and sent him every year abundance of Corn, Wine and Oyl, (as we have heretofore declared) whereof he stood in great need, by reason that his Countrey was an Island. And besides that, he gave him twenty Cities in Galilee, Ver. 11, 12. not far distant from Tyre. Hiram having visited them, and not well-pleased with them,Solomons gra­tuity to Hiram for the benefits he received. sent unto Solomon to certifie him thereof, that he had no use for his Cities: and F from that time forward they were called the Countrey of Chabel, which is as much as to say, in the Phoenician tongue, unpleasant. Hiram likewise sent unto Solomon certain myste­ries, 1 Kings 9. and difficult questions, requiring him to explicate them, and solve those doubts and difficulties that occurred in his demands.1 Kings 5. Solomon being a Man of ripe judgment and understanding, explained them all with a great deal of perspicuity.Solomon inter­preteth certain hidden questi­ons sent unto him by Hiram▪ Menander the Historiogra­pher, maketh mention of Hiram and Solomon. Of these two Kings, Menander (who Translated the Antiquities of the Tyrians out of the Phoenician Tongue into Greek) maketh mention, after this manner: After the decease of Abibale, Hiram his son succeeded him in the Kingdom, who lived Fifty and three years, and reigned Thir­ty and four. He annexed the Field, which is called the great Field, unto the Island, and con­secrated a golden pillar in Jupiters temple. He also caused a great quantity of wood to be hewed G down in the mountain Libanus, to make covers and roofs for Temples. For having pulled down some ancient Temples, he builded that of Hercules, and that of Astarte, and made his first building of Hercules in the month of Peritien, (which is February) and made War against [Page 214] the Eyceens, who refused to pay their tributes: and after he had brought them under his sub­jection, H he returned to his own Palace. In his time lived a young man called Abdemon, who alwayes resolved those questions which Solomon King of Jerusalem proposed.

Dion also maketh mention of him in these terms: After the decease of Abibale, his son Hiram reigned: he it was that fortified the quarter of the City to the Eastward, and enlarged the same,Dion maketh mention of Hiram. and joined the Temple of Olympian Jupiter to the City, which before that time was in another place, and filled all the place between them with earth, and adorned it with pendants of gold; and afterwards going up to Libanus, he hewed down timber to build Temples withall. He said also, that Solomon reigning at that time in Jerusalem, sent unto Hiram certain subtile questions, demanding the exposition thereof under this condition, that if he explained them not,Dion of Solo­mon. by way of penalty he should pay a great Sum of money; and afterwards that a certain I Tyrian called Abdemon, expounded that which had been proposed, and in lieu thereof propo­sed certain others, which Solomon could not expound, and for that occasion he paid a great Sum of money unto Hiram. This is that which Dion writeth.

The King seeing that the City of Jerusalem wanted both Bulwarks and Towers to se­cure the same,Solomon re­paireth the walls of Jeru­salem, and e­recteth towers. and that the strength of it was no way answerable to the dignity thereof, he repaired the walls, and erected great Towers on the same. Moreover, he built cer­tain Cities,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 6. which deserve to be commemorated amongst the most Renowned, namely, Ascor and Magedon, and the City of Gaza in the Countrey of the Philistines: against which Pharaoh King of Egypt led out his Army,Solomon buil­deth certain Cities, Azor, Mage [...]on, Ga­ga, Betachor, Baleth. and took it by force; and after he had put all the Inhabitants thereof to the Sword, he destroyed the same, and he gave it in K dower unto his daughter which was married to Solomon. For which cause the King for­tified it; seeing it to be already sufficiently fenced by nature, and that it stood very com­modiously for the War, and to hinder the incursions of the enemy. Not far from thence, he fortified two other Cities, whereof one was called Betachor, and the other Baleth. Be­sides these, he built others, which were Cities of recreation and pleasure, by reason of the good temperature of the Air, and the pleasantness of the fruits, and in especially the sweet Rivers wherewith they were watered. Afterwards entering into the Desart that is above Syria, and conquering the same, he built another great City two dayes journey distant from the higher Syria, a dayes journey from Euphrates, and six from the great Ba­bylon. The cause why this City was inhabited far from peopled quarters of Syria, was,L because in no place of the lower Countrey there was water to be found, and in this Ci­ty onely there were fountains and springs.Thadamor, or Palmira. He therefore built this City, and begirt it with strong walls, and called it Thadamor, (which is the name which the Syrians term it by, even at this day, and amongst the Greeks it is called Palmyra.) And these were Solo­mons works in that time. But since divers are inquisitive to know the reason why the Kings of Egypt that have been since Mineus the founder of Memphis, Why the Egy­ptian Kings were called Pharaohs. (who reigned di­vers years before our great Ancestor Abraham) till Solomons time, for the space of more than Thirteen hundred years, have been called Pharaohs, deriving that name from one that reigned in the midtime between both: I have thought fit to give some account of it. The name of Pharaoh amongst the Egyptians, signifieth as much as King. But I suppose M that from their childhood they had other distinct names, and that afterward when they are created Kings, they take upon them that name, which in their Mother-tongue signi­fieth no less than Authority. (For the Kings of Alexandria having been heretofore cal­led by other names,The Egyptian Kings called Pharaohs. at such time as they take upon them the Kingdom, they are called Ptolomies, by the name of their first King.) The Roman Emperors likewise, notwith­standing they have other names at the time of their birth,Ptolomei. yet are they called Caesars; Caesars. be­cause the sovereignty and honour whereunto they are raised,Herodotus writeth not the names of the Egyptian Kings. imposeth that title on them: and the name that was given them by their Fathers, is no more retained. For this cause it is, that although Herodotus of Halicarnasseus, saith, that since Mineus the Founder of Memphis, there have been Three hundred and thirty Kings of Egypt; yet declareth he N not their names,Nicaule Queen of E­gypt and E­thiope, cometh to Solomon. because they were called Pharaohs. For when after these a Woman had obtained the Kingdom, he called her by her own proper name, Nicaule: whence it ap­peareth, that the men who have been Kings, were usually called by this name, and that it had not been communicated unto this Woman: for which cause it was necessary to de­clare her own first name. For mine own part, I have found in the Books of our Nati­on, that since Pharaoh, who was Father-in-law to Solomon, none of the Kings of Egypt have been called by that name: and that some little while after, the forementioned Woman came unto Solomon, who reigned in Egypt and Ethiopia: of whom we shall speak hereafter. But at this present I have made mention of it, that it might appear that our Records, and the Chronicles of the Egyptians, agree in many things.O

But King Solomon conquered the Canaanites, (which till that time were not under his subjection) and those that inhabited the mountain Libanus, as far as the City of Amath, [Page 215] A and made them Tributaries,The year of the World, 2953. before Christ's Nativity, 1011. and chose out from amongst them every year such, as he might employ in servile works, and domestick affairs, and tillage of the land. For no Hebrew was a slave: neither was it convenient, that since God had subjected divers Nati­ons under them, (whom they might make slaves of) that they should tye those of their own Nation to that bondage,1 Kings 9. 16. ad 21. who were all of them employed in Arms, and rather took delight to ride in Chariots, and on Horses, than to submit to any mean or servile em­ployment. Solomon com­pelleth the re­mainer of the Canaanites to pay Tribute. Over the Canaanites (whom he employed in his service) he appointed Five hundred and fifty Commissaries, who had their charge and authority from the King, and imposed on them those works wherein they were employed. He built a Navy also in the Gulf of Egypt, The thraldom of the Canaa­nites. in a certain place of the Red Sea called Asiongaber, which is named B Berenice, not far from the City of Elana (which Countrey in times past appertained to the Jews.) 1 Kings 9. 16, ad 21. And toward the building of his Navy, he obtained of Hiram, King of Tyre, a very considerable assistance: for he sent him Models of Ships, and Men that were skil­ful in Navigation, whom he appointed to sail with his Factors to the Countrey at that time called Ophir, and at this present the Land of Gold, in the Countrey of India, to bring Gold from thence: who returned back again unto the King, after they had gathered about Four hundred Talents.

About this time the Queen of Egypt and Ethiopia, (a Woman adorned with wisdom, and admirable in all other things) having heard of the renowned virtue and prudence of Solomon, 1 Kings 10. 1, ad 18. desired to see with her own eyes whether those things which were report­ed C of him were true;The Queen of Egypt and E­thiope resort­eth to Solomon▪ nor was she deterr'd either by the length or difficulty of the jour­ney from undertaking it, that she might thereby receive that satisfaction which she had promised her self. She therefore came unto Jerusalem with great pomp, glory, and riches; for she brought with her several Camels laden with gold, odors, and precious stones of great value. After that the King had graciously entertained her, and honoured her in all things, he easily apprehended those doubts which she proposed, and gave her a more speedy solution of the same, than might be expected: so that she was ravished with the incredible wisdom of Solomon, Ver. 6, 7. knowing by the effect, that it exceeded the report which she had heard of him.The Queen of Ethiope won­dreth at Solo­mons wisdom. But in special she wondred at his Palace, considering the great­ness and beauty thereof; and, above all, at the rich furniture and curious architecture D of the same; wherein she perceived the great wisdom of the King: but nothing more surprized her, than the beauty of one single Room, called the Forest of Libanus: but the magnificence of his ordinary Table, and the furniture and service of the same, made her astonished. The attire of his servants likewise, and the goodly order which they ob­served in their service. Moreover, the Sacrifices that were every day offered up unto God, and the care and diligence of the Priests in discharging their offices, pleased her more than all the rest, when she observed them daily: and being not able to contain her self, she expressed how wonderfully she was affected; and her admiration still encrea­sing, she could not but express it to the King, after this manner:

We may very well doubt of things extraordinary,V. 4, 5, 6, 7, 8. when we have no opportunity of being ac­quainted E with them but by report:The Queen of Ethiopia prai­seth Solomons wisdom. But the fame of your riches, both those which you have in your self, (I mean your wisdom and prudence) as those also which your Kingdom hath brought you, is neither false nor feigned; but yet I must confess, that the happiness which I have seen, is much more excellent than that which was represented to me: for report dependeth only on hear-say, neither giveth it so certain a notice of things as the sight discovereth, when one is near unto the same. For mine own part, I gave no credit to what I heard, but I have seen far more than I could expect, and repute the people of the Hebrews to be most happy; and your servants and friends most blessed, who are continual witnesses and hearers of your wisdom. And each one of you ought to give God thanks, that he hath so much loved this Region, and the Inhabitants thereof, that he hath established you in the Royal Seat. I shall relate also, how she expressed F her affection she bare unto the King, Ver. 10▪ 11, 12. by divers Presents which she offer'd unto him. For she gave him twenty talents of gold, The Queen giveth Solo­mon many sumptuous Presents. and an innumerable quantity of sweet odors and precious stones. It is said likewise, that we have that Plant that distilleth balm, and which our Countrey bringeth forth at this day, by the gift of this Princess. Solomon for his part requited her bountiful Presents with the like, Ver. 13. which she made choice of accor­ding to her own liking, Solomon remu­nerateth the Queens boun­ty. for there was nothing which she could require, which he grant­ed not unto her: shewing himself most ready to give her satisfaction with a liberal and royal heart. When the Queen of Egypt and Ethiopia had received these favors at the Kings hands (according as it hath been spoken) and he likewise had magnificently re­quited her, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 7. she returned back again into her own Countrey. Ver. 14. ad [...].

G About the same time there was brought unto the King,The precious timber that was brought to Solomon. from the Countrey called the Region of Gold, a quantity of precious stones, and of Pine-trees. This Wood was em­ployed to make supporters in the Temple, and in the Kings house, and to make Instru­ments [Page 216] of Musick likewise, as Harps and Cymbals, on which the Levites might praise H God. Amongst all the gifts that were ever presented unto Solomon, that which was given him at that time, was most excellent in greatness and beauty. But let no man think, that the Pine-wood (which we speak of) had any resemblance with that which we call by that name at this day, or which the Merchants, to delude their Chapmen, sell for the same. For they are like unto fig-trees, but that they are more white and clearer: which I thought good to take notice of in this place, lest any Man should be deceived through ignorance, in not discerning the one from the other, because the affairs of Solomon have drawn us to make mention of this matter. The weight of gold which this Navy brought unto the King, was Six hundred sixty and six Talents: besides that which the Merchants I bought themselves, or that which the Kings and Princes of Arabia had sent unto him by way of Present. This gold caused he to be molten down, and made thereof Two hun­dred Targets, each one weighing Six hundred shekels; and Three hundred Bucklers, each one of them weighing Three hundred mines of gold, and placed and hung them in the Hall, called the Forest of Libanus. He caused also divers vessels of gold and preci­ous stones to be made for the use of his Table, all curiously wrought; the rest of his necessaries also were of gold: for nothing was either bought or sold for silver. For the King had many ships upon the Sea of Tharsis, which upon his command carried divers merchandize into remote Countries, by vent whereof they brought him home much gold and silver, and much Ivory and Ethiopian Moors and Apes; and this Navigation in sail­ing to and fro, was finished in three years. The renown and fame also of Solomons vir­tues K and wisdom, spread far and near throughout all Nations: so that Kings of the remo­test Countries, had a desire to see him, because they believed not the report, and desired to manifest their affection to him by magnificent Presents.Solomons ships spent 3 years in their journey. They therefore sent him ves­sels of gold and of silver, scarlet Robes, and all sorts of aromatique Drugs, Horses and Chariots,Many Kings Present Solo­mon with sun­dry Presents. Mules and Sumpter-Horses, wherein (as it was reported unto them) the King took pleasure, by reason of their strength and beauty: so that to the number of Horses and Chariots which he had before, there were annexed Four hundred more, which had been sent him as Presents,The horses and other gifts presented to Solomon. For before that, he had a Thousand Chariots, and Twenty thousand goodly Horses, excellent for shape and swiftness: so that the like were not to be found, that were comparable to them for beauty and pace. And that which gave L them the greater grace was, that they were backed by young Men, of goodly personage to behold, and surpassing all other in heighth, having long locks, which they daily inter­mixed with wires of gold, that when the Sun should shine upon their heads, they might appear more glorious and bright. The King mounted on his Chariot, and apparelled in a white Rayment, was accustomed to ride abroad about the Sun-rise, guarded with these young armed Men, having Bowes and Quivers.

There was a certain place called Ittan, Ittan. some eight Leagues distant from Jerusalem, de­lightful and enriched with gardens and pleasant fountains of water, whither he usually retired himself for his pleasure. He forgot not likewise to make Causeys, but caused M the Highways that led to Jerusalem, The wayes a­bout Jerusa­lem paved with flint. (where he made his abode) to be paved with black stone, to make them more accessible for those that travelled to and fro, and to shew his magnificence and riches. He then divided his Chariots, and placed them in such sort, that in every City there was a certain number,The Cities of Chariots. and some few he kept about himself, and those Cities he called the Cities of Chariots:Ver. 27, 28. he stored Jerusalem also with abundance of sil­ver, The abun­dance of silver in Solomons time. so that it was as plentiful as stones; and with Cedar-wood (whereof before that time there was no quantity) he stored the Countrey, that it was as plentiful to be had as wild Fig-trees. He commanded the Merchants of Egypt also, to buy him certain Cha­riots drawn by two Horses,29. Egyptian horses. for the price of Six hundred drachms of silver, which he sent unto the Kings of Syria, and to those on the other side of Euphrates.

Now although he were the most magnificent and entirely beloved of God, surpassing N both in prudence and riches all those that before him had the government of the Hebrews; yet continued he not in this state until the end. For, forsaking the observation of the ordinances of his Fathers, his latter years were not correspondent to his former: for he grew altogether dissolute, and immoderately given over to Women; and was not con­tent only with those of his own Countrey,1 Kings 11. 1▪ ad 13. but took also strange Women for his Wives, as Sidonians, Tyrians, Ammonites, and Idumaeans, whereby he transgressed the laws of mar­riage instituted by Moses, Solomon mar­rying strange Women, is se­duced by them. who inhibited to marry with those of foreign Nations. After­wards he began to honour their gods also, that he might the more affectionately express the love which he bare unto them: which thing the Lawmaker foreseeing, he had for­bidden the Israelites to marry with those that were not of their own Nation, for fear lest O conforming themselves unto foreign Fashions, they should transgress the ordinances of their Forefathers: and by doing honour to those gods, should forget the honour due [Page 217] H unto the true God.The year of the World, 3964. before Christ's Nativity, 1000. But Solomon transported with these bruitish pleasures, made no ac­count of these things, but took him wives of the daughters of Princes and Nobles, to the number of 700, and 300 Concubines, besides the daughter of Pharaoh King of Egypt; by which means he was excessively overcome by them, insomuch as he follow'd their ex­amples, and was forced to give a testimony of the good will and extreme affection that he bare them, in ordering his life according to the fashion of their Countries. As there­fore he increased in years, and his judgment grew weak, he was in such sort misled, that he could not retain in memory the customs of his Countrey, but more and more neglected the God of his father, and promoted the worship of those gods which were introduced by his wives. Before all this, he chanced to [...]in, and transgress against the observation of I the law, at such time as he made the similitudes of beasts of brass to underprop the vessel called the great Sea, and those of Lions which he caused to be set unto his Throne: for that action of his ill beseemed him, who had a most excellent example of virtue in the person of his father, besides the glory that he had left him, by being a faithful servant of God;V▪ 14, &c. 23. whence it came to pass, that by neglecting to follow his steps (notwithstand­ing that God had exhorted him thereunto▪ The punish­ment inflicted on Solomon, for honouring strange gods. by appearing unto him at two several times) he dyed most ignominiously. There came therefore unto him a Prophet sent from God, telling him, That his sins were manifest, and notorious in Gods sight, threatning him that ere long he should repent the wickedness he had committed. Yet notwithstanding, the Realm should not be taken from him during his life, because God had promised David that he should be his K successor; but after his decease, he would chastise his son, for the iniquity of the father: not so as all the people should revolt, but that he would give ten Tribes unto his servant, and leave two unto the Grandchild of David, because he had loved God, and by reason of the City of Jeru­salem, where it pleased him to make his habitation.

When Solomon heard these things, he was sore troubled, because all his felicity began to decline. Nor was it long after this denunciation of the Prophet, but that there rose up an enemy against him,Ver. 14, ad 22. who was called Ader, by Nation an Idumaean, and of the Prince­ly stock,Ader, enemy to Solomon. who, upon this occasion, grounded his rebellion and insurrection. For at such time as Joab, Ader fled into Egypt. General of Davids Army, had conquer'd Idumaea, and in the space of six months defeated all the youth, and those that were capable to bear Arms, he fled unto L Pharaoh King of Egypt, Ader beseech­eth Pharaoh to dismiss him, that he might return into his Count [...]y. who entertain'd him very courteously, and gave him an house and lands for his maintenance, and loved him dearly when he came to mans estate; so that he married him to Taphines his wives sister, on whom he begat a Son, who was brought up with the Kings children: who having intelligence in Egypt of David and Jo­abs death, address'd himself unto Pharaoh, and besought him to give him leave to repair into his own Countrey.

The King ask'd him what he wanted, or what the cause was that mov'd him to be so for­ward to forsake him? Notwithstanding therefore that he importuned and requested him divers times, yet prevailed he not with him. But when Solomons fortunes began to de­cline, Ader return­eth into Idu­maea, and from thence depart­eth into Syria. (by reason of his iniquities above-mentioned, and the wrath of God provoked M against him) Ader, by Gods permission, came into Idumaea, after he had obtained leave of Pharaoh to depart. But being unable to move the people to revolt from Solomon, by reason of the strong Garisons he held;Raas and Ader enemies to Solomon. and knowing, that without hazard of his own person, he could move no alterations or innovation in that place, he departed from thence, and went into Syria: where confederating himself with a certain man called Raas (who was fled from his Master Adarezer, King of Sophone, and lived like an Out­law in that Region) he contracted friendship with him, and a great sort of Outlaws and Thieves that were his followers, and went into Syria, and seizing on that Countrey, proclaimed himself King thereof. From whence, making excursions into the lands of the Israelites, he spoiled and pillaged the same, during Solomons life-time. Thus were N the Hebrews enforced to sustain those Outrages at Aders hands.

Moreover, a certain Man called Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, by Nation a Jew, rebelled against Solomon, Ver. 26, ad 35. and raised his hopes above his estate, persuaded thereunto by a Prophe­sie that concerned him,Jeroboam re­belleth against Solomon. and incited him unto the action. For being left very young by his Father, and carefully instructed by his Mother, as soon as Solomon perceived him to be of a noble and couragious spirit, he made him Commissary over the building of the Walls, at such time as he immured and fortified Jerusalem. In this office he behaved him­self so well,Ver. 30. that the King thought very well thereof, and by way of recompence, made him General over the Tribe of Joseph. Ach [...]as the Prophet fore­telleth that he should be King over the ten Tribes. Towards which, whil'st he travelled from Jeru­salem, a certain Prophet met him upon the way, (who was of the City of Sil [...], called O Achias) who approaching near unto him, and saluting him, drew him out of the way in­to a place, where none but themselves were present, and there renting the garment which he wore upon his back in twelve pieces, he commanded Jeroboam to take ten, telling him, [Page 218] That God had so decreed, The year of the World, 2971. before Christ's Nativity, 993. and how he would rent the Government from Solomon, and reserve A only one Tribe unto his son, with that other which was annexed unto it, by reason of the promise made to David; and to thee (said he) he giveth the other ten, because Solomon hath offend­ed God, and addicted himself to the love of strange Women, and the service of foreign gods.

Now since thou knowest the cause wherefore God hath alienated the Kingdom from Solomon, be thou just, and observe the Laws; for if thou behavest thy self in such sort as thou knowest David did, a great reward of thy piety, and recompence of thy observance attendeth thee, so that thou shalt become as mighty as David hath been before thee. Jeroboam confirmed in great hopes by these words of the Prophet, being by nature haughty, in years young, and besides that,Ver. 40. desirous of authority,Jeroboam fli­eth into Egypt and remaineth there until So­lomons death. he took no rest; but being possessed of the place of B General, and remembring himself of that which had been told him by Achias, he pre­sently began to persuade the people to revolt from Solomon, and to choose him for their King. Solomon hearing news of this his design, sought means to lay hands on him, and to put him to death: but Jeroboam preventing him, fled unto Susac King of Egypt, with whom he remained until the death of Solomon. And thus for that time escaped he punish­ment: and thus was he reserved to the fortune of a Kingdom.

CHAP. III.
After the death of Solomon, the people revolt from Rehoboam his Son, and proclaim Jeroboam King of the Ten Tribes.C

BUT when Solomon was very old,The death of Solomon. he dyed, after he had Reigned fourscore years, and lived ninety four, and was buried in Jerusalem; of all Kings the most happy, rich▪ and prudent,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 8. al. 4. (except that sin whereunto he was drawn by Women in his old age) of whom, and those calamities that presently after befell the Hebrews, we have sufficiently spoken.1 Reg. 12. 1, ad 11. After the death of Solomon, as soon as his son Rehoboam (whom he begat up­on an Ammonitish woman, called Noma) succeeded him in the Kingdom, the Governors of the people sent certain messengers into Egypt, to recall Jeroboam: who arriving in the City of Sichem, Rehoboam came thither also, resolving in that Assembly of the Israelites, to take the Kingdom upon himself by the peoples consent.The people re­quire Rehobo­am to mitigate their burthen. To him therefore the Prin­ces D of the people resorted with Jeroboam, beseeching him, That he would remit somewhat of their servitude, and shew himself more merciful than his father had been: for that under his government they had been sorely oppressed, assuring him that by that means his Kingdom should be the more secured, if so be he had rather be beloved, than feared. He three days af­ter promised them to return an answer to their demands, and by that means drew them into suspition, that upon the motion he misliked of the offers they had proposed: for they thought it became his years to be affable, and ready to deserve well; yet remained there some hope in them,Ver. 6, 7, 8. that they had not presently suffered a repulse. Mean while, he calling about him his fathers friends,The wholesom advice of the Elders. consulted what answer he should give the peo­ple: they that wished his welfare, and knew the nature of the people very well, persua­ded E him to speak familiarly unto the people, and remitting a little of his Kingly austeri­ty, to apply himself to the favor and good liking of the multitude: for that by this his affability, he might the more easily draw their hearts unto him, because that by a natural inclination, Subjects take delight in those Kings that are courteous, who with a certain decent familiarity,Ver. 8, ad 11. entertain themselves amongst them. But Rehoboam rejected this counsel of theirs (which was both good and profitable in all occasions,Rehoboam re­jecteth the ad­vice of the El­ders, and fol­loweth the counsel of the younger. but especially upon the first entrance into a Kingdom) and that not without Gods providence, since contrary to all reason he neglected the right course, and followed the perverse: so that calling unto him certain young men of his own humor and disposition, he told them what the Elders had counselled him, and willed them to discover their opinion in that mat­ter:F but neither their age, nor Gods permission suffered them to know that which was expedient. For which cause they counselled him to answer the people, That his little finger was more great than the loins of his father; and that if they had experimented and en­dured grievances under him, that he would be far more rigorous; and that if his father had chastised them with the stroke of the Rod that they should expect to be punished by him with a severer chastisement. The King delighted herewith, supposed the answer to be agreeable to the dignity of his Empire. When therefore the people were assembled on the third day to hear his resolution, and all of them were in suspence, expecting and desirous to hear him speak, from whom they hoped nought else but sweetness: Rehoboam contemn­ing the counsel of his friends, proposed unto himself that of the young Men. All which G hapned by the Will of God, to the end that that which Achias had prophesied might be fulfilled.

[Page 219] H They touched by these his answers, no less than if they had been wounded with a sword, were much displeased, and no less moved, than if they had already felt the mischief that was threatned: so that they began all of them to cry with a loud voice, that from that time forward, they had nothing to do with Davids alliance, neither with his succession,Ver. 18, &c. telling him, that they would only leave the Temple his father had built, unto his charge, and threatning him to abandon him.The Israelites moved with their repulse, revolt from Re [...]oboam. Furthermore, they were so hei­nously incensed, (that Rehoboam having sent unto them Adoram, the Superintendent of the Tribes, to pacifie their wrath, and to persuade them to pardon his youth, if he had spoken any thing lightly, and unrespectively unto them) they could not endure to hear him speak, but slew and well-nigh overwhelmed him with stones. Which when Reho­boam I perceived, (supposing that it was himself, who in the person of his Officer was put to death, and stoned by the people) he feared lest in effect his life, and the fortune of his Kingdom should fall into the like disaster. Whereupon he took his Chariot, and fled to Jerusalem, where the Tribe of Juda, and that of Benjamin (by their common suffrages) made him King.Ver. 21, 22. But as touching the rest of the people,Rehoboam in­tending to make War on those Tribes that revolted, is inhibited. from that day forward they re­volted from the Successors of David, and proclaimed Jeroboam King of their estates. Re­hoboam the son of Solomon being sore displeased herewith, assembled the two Tribes, with an intent to muster One hundred and fourscore thousand chosen Men, to make War on Jeroboam and his people, and to inforce them by War to acknowledge him for their Sove­reign. But God restrained him by the means of a Prophet, who forbade him to make K War, saying, That it became not those of the same Nation, to contend one against another: and the rather, for that this their revolt had hapned by the Will of God, by which means and persuasion he dismissed his Army. But first of all I will rehearse that which Jeroboam King of Israel did, and afterwards declare the acts of Rehoboam King of the two Tribes, and thus shall the course of the History continue in order.

After that Jeroboam had setled his Court in the City of Sichem, The Court and Palace of Jeroboam. he made his ordinary abode in that place, except that sometimes he sojourned in the City of Phanuel. Not long after this, the feast of Tabernacles being at hand, Jeroboam (supposing that if he per­mitted the people to go up and worship God in Jerusalem, and solemnize the feast in that place, they might either repent themselves of the revolt, or that by the magnificence of L the Ceremonies used in the worship of God in the Temple, and service that was celebra­ted therein,Ver. 26, 27, 28. they might be persuaded to forsake him,Why Jerobo­ams Calves were made. and submit themselves to their first King, and by that means he might be drawn into danger of his life) to prevent the dan­ger of such a mischief, took this course: He caused two golden Calves to be cast, and built two several Temples, the one in Bethel, and the other in Dan, (which is scituate near to the source of little Jordan) in which he placed these Calves; and afterwards assembling the ten Tribes that were under his subjection, he spake unto them in manner following:

My Friends and Countreymen, I know that you are not ignorant how God is in all places, and that there cannot be any place wherein he assisteth not, nor time wherein he heareth and beholdeth M them not, that serve him with true affection: For which cause I think it not convenient, that you go up unto Jerusalem, which is a City at enmity with us, neither that you make so long a jour­ney to perform your devotion:Jeroboam per­suadeth the p [...]ople to Ido­latry. for it was a man that built that Temple, even as I have consecra­ted two golden Calves, the one in Bethel, and the other in Dan, to the end that every one of you that inhabit near unto those Cities, may go thither and worship God. Neither shall you want Priests and Levites: for I will elect some such among you, to the intent that you may have no more need of the Tribe of Levi, or the Sons of Aaron. Whosoever therefore amongst you would be a Priest, let him offer Calves and Muttons unto God, after the same manner that Aaron did when he was first appointed to be a Priest.

By such like Speeches seduced he the people, and caused them to fall from their Fore­fathers N Religion, and transgress the Ordinances of their Countrey, and this was the be­ginning of all those mischiefs that afterwards fell upon the Hebrews: by which means being overcome in War,The neglect of Gods service, is the cause of all evil. they fell into captivity, and were made subject to strangers, (whereof we will treat further hereafter.) Now when the feast of Tabernacles (which hapned in the seventh month) was at hand, he himself intended to celebrate in Bethel after the same manner, as the two other Tribes had feasted in Jerusalem, and erected an Altar before the Calf, and was himself the High Priest, ascending up to the Altar, being assisted by the Priest.

Now at such time as he was about to sacrifice, and to offer up burnt-offerings in the sight of the people, there came a Prophet and stood by him, called Jadon, (sent from O Jerusalem by the commandment of God) who standing up in the midst of the people, and in the hearing of the King, turned himself towards the Altar, and spake after this manner: Thou Altar, thou Altar, thus saith the Lord, there shall a man rise of the Tribe of Da­vid, [Page 220] called Josias, he shall kill upon thee the false Prophets of his time, and shall burn the bones A of the deceivers and seducers upon thee: And to the intent that each man may believe that this Prophecy is true, it shall be confirmed by a Prodigy. This Altar shall suddenly break, and the fat of the Sacrifices that are laid thereon, shall be poured on the ground. Jeroboam dis­pleased with these words of the Prophet,1 Reg. 13. 1, 2, 3. stretched out his hand, commanding them to lay hold on him. But the hand that he stretched out, became instantly wither'd, so that he could no more draw it back again to himself,The Prophecy against the Al­tar in Bethel. but held it hanging down, astonished and mortified. On the other side the Altar cleft in twain, and all that was thereon fell down (according as the Prophet had foretold.)The Prophecy is confirmed by a miracle. The King perceiving that the man had a true and divine spirit of Prophecy, besought him to pray unto God, that his hand B might be restored to him again in its full strength and vigor;Ver. 4. and he prayed, and his hand was restored;Jeroboams wi­thered [...]and restored. wherewith Jeroboam being well-pleased, invited the Prophet to dine with him. But Jadon answer'd him, and said, That he neither might enter into his house, nor taste any bread or water within the City, because God had prohibited him: furthermore he told him, That it was not lawful for him to return the same way that he came. But the King admiring at the continency of the man,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 9. began the more seriously to suspect his estate, and (conjecturing by those things which he had both seen and heard) he divined the assured disaster of his estate and fortunes. There dwelt in that City a certain false Pro­phet, whom Jeroboam held in great honour, (in that he soothed him up in whatsoever was best pleasing to his ears.) This man lay at that time sick upon his Bed, being feeble through age; and when he was informed by his son that there was a Prophet come from C Jerusalem, and what wonders he had wrought, and how Jeroboam by his prayers recovered again his withered hand; he fearing lest the King should make more account of this stranger, than of himself, commanded his sons presently to saddle his Ass, and to have him in a readiness against his departure. Which when they had performed, he mounted thereon, and went after the Prophet, whom he overtook, where he rested himself under a thick shadowy Oak; and upon the first encounter, saluted him, and afterwards expo­stulated, why he had not visited him,Ver. 7, ad 10. neither accepted of that hospitality which he wil­lingly would have afforded him.The Prophet is brought back, by the subtilty and f [...]ud of the false Prophet. Jadon answer'd him. That God had forbidden him, and charged him not to taste any kind of sustenance in any mans house that dwelt within the City. Truly, said the other, with me thou mightest eat, for I also am a Prophet, and honour the same D God that thou doest: and now also come I unto thee by his commandment, to conduct thee back again unto my house, and to entertain thee with a friendly dinner. These words of the false Prophet made Jadon credulous, so that he turned back again with him. But as they sate at their Banquet, and were making merry together, God appeared unto Jadon, and said unto him, That since he had broken his commandment, he should suffer punishment for the same; and withall expressed unto him the manner, which was, That in his return homewards, he should be torn in pieces by a Lyon; Ver. 19, ad 23. and that he should not be buried in the monument of his fa­thers. This thing hapned in my opinion by the Will of God,The disobedi­ence of the Prophet; his punishment and burial. to the intent that Jeroboam should not respect Jadons words, who had been found a lyar. As therefore Jadon return­ed back to Jerusalem, a Lyon met him on the way, and tore him in pieces from his Ass,E and slew him, yet offered he no violence to the Ass that bare him, which he preserved with the body of the Prophet, standing fast by the same, until such time as certain pas­sengers beholding the spectacle, brought news thereof into the Town unto the false Pro­phet, who sent his sons to bring back the body: which by their assistance he honourably buried, charging them, that after his death, they should bury his body by him, assuring them, that all that which he had prophesied against that City, against the Altar, the Priests, and false Prophets, was very true. And as touching himself, he commanded that after his decease, they should bury him by him, because that being buried with him, there might no difference be made betwixt their bones,Jadons Pro­phecy is de­tracted to Je­roboam by the false Prophet. and his Tomb might be honoured. When there­fore he had interred the Prophet, and given his son these things in charge (being other F ways a most wicked and impious man) he addressed himself to Jeroboam, and said unto him: Why art thou troubled at the words of this mad man? The King told him all that which had hapned about the Altar, and his hand, and assured him, that he accounted him a true and di­vine Prophet, and one sent by God. But the false Prophet began most maliciously to weaken his belief, and disguise the truth of that which hapned by his persuasive words. For he told him that what had hapned to his hand, was only occasioned through weariness, and the pains he had taken in bearing the Sacrifices; and after that he had a little rested, that it came into his own natural state again: and that the Altar being newly built, and divers great Sacrifices laid there­upon, it cleft in twain, and fell down through the weight of what was laid on it. Consequently he declared unto him the death of him that had foretold these signs that were to come, and how G he had been slain by a Lyon: for which cause he persuaded him to think that he in no sort was a Prophet, nor had the spirit of Prophesie.

[Page 221] A By such like allegations he made the King believe that which he said; and having wholly withdrawn his thoughts from God and good works, and the observation of Gods laws, he drew him to all wickedness and impiety: by which act of his he displea­sed God, and offended his laws, and sought daily after no other thing, than to invent some new and cursed wickedness that was far more heinous than all that which before time he had attempted. This is all that at this time we have to write concerning Jeroboam.

Touching Rehoboam, Solomons son, (who was King of the two Tribes, as we have before declared) he built these great and strong Cities,Hedio & Ruf­finus. cap. 10. Bethleem, Itama, Thecos, Bethsor, Socoth, Rehoboams defenced Cities. Odolam, Epan, Maresa, Zipha, Adorai [...], Lachis, Saraim, Elon, and Hebron, within the Confines of Juda. He built also other great Cities in the Countrey of the Benjamites, B which he walled,2 Chron. 11. 5. and placed Garisons and Governors in every one of them, and great store of Corn, Wine and Oyl: and generally in every City he made a great store-house with all sorts of provision,2 Chro. 11. 13. and victuals,The godly Is­raelites return to Rehoboam. with a great number of targets and launces. To him the Priests and Levites joined themselves, who were dispersed thorow Israel, who came and dwelt in Jerusalem. For they could not endure to be obliged to adore those Calves that Jeroboam had erected;Ver. 18, 19▪ 20. and during the term of three years,Rehoboams Wi [...]es and Children: they increased the Kingdom of Rehoboam: who being married to one of his own Line, had three chil­dren, and was afterwards married also to Maacha the daughter of Thamar daughter to Absalon, who was of his Parentage likewise, of whom he begat his son called Abiah. He had also divers other children by other women; but above all the rest, he loved Maa­cha C most intirely. He had eighteen wives married unto him according to the law, and thirty concubines; he had eight and twenty sons, and threescore daughters, and decla­red for his successor in the Kingdom, Abiah the son of Maacha, and committed all his Treasures and strong Forts unto his hands. But Men most usually are corrupted by the flatteries of fortune, as appeareth by this King. For Rehoboam seeing his Kingdom thus increased, bent himself to all unjust and impious actions, and contemned the service of God: the people also conformed themselves to his impieties. For the life of the subject is oftentimes perverted, by reason of the corrupt and dissolute life of their Princes; and those that are inferiors, beholding the riot of their superiors, will easily be withdrawn from all modesty, and follow those vices they profess, as if they had been their profes­sed D virtues:Regis ad ex­emplum tot [...] componitur orbis. for should they do the contrary, they would seem to mislike the actions of their Princes: And thus it hapned under the Government of Rehoboam, where the Sub­jects addicted themselves to all manner of impiety: for they would not make profession of honesty, for fear of offending their Prince, in appearing to be more virtuous than he.

CHAP. IV.
Susac King of Egypt, after the spoil of Jerusalem, carrieth away the riches of that City into Egypt.

E BUT God sent Susac King of Egypt to take vengeance for that wickedness,1 Chron. 12. [...]. which was committed against his Majesty by Rehoboam, Alias cap. 5. (whose actions Herodotus wrong­fully ascribeth to Sesostris.) Susac inva­deth Judea with great Forces. For this Susac in the fifth year of Rehoboam's Reign, assem­bled a huge Army of many thousands, and brought them out against Rehoboam: wherein it is reported, that he had twelve hundred Chariots, threescore thousand horsemen, and four hundred thousand foo [...]men. The greater part of these were Lybians and Ethiopi­ans: breaking therefore into the Hebrews Countrey with this power, without stroke, he seized the strongest places of the Kingdom of Rehoboam, Ver. 2. ad 8. and fortified them, and at last came and encamped before Jerusalem. Jerusalem be­sieged. But Rehoboam and his Associates, seeing them­selves begirt on every side by Susac's Army,S [...]m [...]s the Prophet repre­hendeth the Jews of their impiety. Sa­m [...]s comfort­eth the people. at last had recourse unto prayer: yet could F he not move God to favor him with victory. For the Prophet Samoeas threatned and told him, That God would abandon both him and his, in like manner as they had forsaken him and his service. Which when they heard, they suddenly lost their courage, and seeing no means to escape, they all of them began to confess, that God had justly forsaken them, because they had offended against him, and perverted all his Laws. But God seeing them thus disposed, and making confession of their sins, said unto the Prophet, That he would not utterly destroy them: yet notwithstanding that he would deliver them into the hands of the Egyptians, to the end that they might learn whether it were more difficult to serve God, or men. When therefore King Susac had without bloodshed or resistance taken the City,Ver. 9, 10 &c. and was received into the same by Rehoboam, Jerusalem and the Temple are spoiled. he kept not those Covenants that were made be­twixt G them, but spoiled the Temple, and took away with him those Treasures that were dedicated unto God, and the service of the King, taking from thence innumerable thou­sands of gold and silver, not leaving any thing behind him. He carried away also those [Page 222] Targets and Bucklers of gold, which were made by King Solomon: neither left he be­hind A him the quiver of gold,The year of the World, 2975. before Christ's Nativity, 989. which was offered by David, and received by him of the King of Sophena: which done, he retired back again unto his own Countrey. Of this expedition, Herodotus of Halicarnassus maketh mention, (who differeth only in the name of the King) and saith that he assailed divers Nations, and subdued Palestina and Syria, and took many men prisoners without any resistance;What Herodo­tus wrote of this expedition whereby it is manifest that he meaneth no less, than that our Nation hath been overcome by the Egyptians. For he saith, that in their gates, who yielded themselves up unto him without making opposition, as an eternal Reproach of their Cowardize and Luxury, he erected Pillars which were fi­gured with the secret parts of a woman. For King Rehoboam was the only Prince that ever yielded up the City without opposition. It is said that the Ethiopians have learnt of the B Egyptians the use of circumcision of the Prepuce. For the Phoenicians and Syrians that are in Palestine, confess that they have learnt it of the Egyptians. But it is very manifest, that no other are circumcised in Palestina or Syria, but our selves. But let each one speak of these things, according as he pleaseth.

After the Retreat of Susac, Ver. 9, 10. King Rehoboam made shields and bucklers of brass,Reho [...]oam for the golden shields and bucklers, ma­keth new of brass. instead of those of gold, and gave the like number unto his guard: and instead of living in a brave Army, in a Royal and Princely state, he reigned after a servile manner, being all his life-time an enemy to Jeroboam. He dyed after he had lived fifty seven years, whereof he Reigned seventeen.Ver. 13, 14. He was a haughty and undiscreet man, and lost his estate, because he would not give credit to his Fathers friends.Re [...]oboam dy­eth, and Abias reigneth after him. He was buried in Jerusalem in the Se­pulchre C of the Kings, and his son Abias succeeded him in the Kingdom, at such time as Jeroboam had already Reigned eighteen years over the Ten Tribes.

After having related the end of Rehoboam, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 11. we must give an account likewise of that of Jeroboam. 1 Reg. 14. 2, ad 18. He observing no mean or end of his impiety, employed himself continu­ally in making of Altars and high places, and presumed to ordain Priests of the meanest of the people.Jeroboams impiety. But God with-held not long to heap the punishment of those his impie­ties, Jeroboams son falleth sick, his mother is sent to Achias the Prophet. on the head of him, and of all his posterity. Whereas therefore his son Obimes was sick, about that time, he commanded his Wife to lay aside her Royal garment, and to ap­parel her self like a common Woman, and afterwards to go to Achias the Prophet, assu­ring her that he was admirable for his knowledge in foretelling things to come, and had D foretold him that he should be King: wherefore he advised her to go to him after the manner of a stranger, and enquire of him if her son should escape that sickness. Where­upon she disguised herself according as her husband had commanded her, and came unto the City of Silo where Achias dwelt; and as she was upon entring his house, (notwith­standing he had lost his sight through age) God appeared unto him, and told him that Jeroboams Wife came unto him, and all that he should answer to her demands. At such time therefore as she entered into his house, after the guise of a common and strange Woman, Achias cryed with a loud voice;

Enter, thou Wife of Jeroboam, wherefore hidest thou thy self? Thou canst not hide thy self from God, who had certified me of thy coming, and hath informed me what answer I shall give E unto thee.Ver. 10, &c. He therefore said unto her,The punish­ment of Jero­boam, and the misery of the people fore­prophesied. that she should return unto her husband, and certifie him of Gods answer to this effect: Of little and nothing that thou wert, I have made thee great; and having dismembred the Kingdom from Davids posterity, I have given it unto thee: But thou hast forgotten me; and having forsaken my service, hast molten down new gods, whom thou honourest: wherefore will I exterminate thee, and abolish all thy posterity, and cast them off for a prey unto the Dogs, and the Fowls of the Air. For I will constitute a King over my peo­ple, that shall leave no one of Jeroboams Race alive. The people also shall have part of this pu­nishment, and shall be deprived of this their fruitful Countrey, and be scattered amongst the Regions on the other side of Euphrates, because they have followed the impieties of their King, and adoring those gods that were forged by him, have omitted to offer sacrifice unto me. And F as concerning thy self (O Woman) haste thee, and certifie thy husband of these things; for thou shalt find thy son dead: for no sooner shalt thou enter into the City, but he shall finish his dayes. He shall be buried with the lamentation of the whole people in general. For he only was good of all the Race of Jeroboam.

When Achias had finished his Prophesie, the Woman started back, sore troubled and dismayed,Ver. 17. through the danger of her son, and went lamenting onward on her way, to find out the King, not considering that the more haste she made, the more she hastened the death of her son, who was not to expire till she arrived, and (according to the predi­ction of the Prophet) she was not to expect to see him any more alive. When as there­fore she was arrived, she found her son dead, as the Prophet had foretold her, and reci­ted G the rest unto Jeroboam.

H CHAP. V.The year of the World, 2988, before Christ's Nativity, 976.
Jeroboams Expedition against the son of Rehoboam, the overthrow of his Army, Basanes rooteth out the whole posterity of Jeroboam, and maketh himself King.

BUT Jeroboam nothing moved therewith, Alias chap. 6. levied a great Army, with an intent to make War against Abias,The expediti­on of Jerobo­am against Abias King of Juda. the son of Rehoboam, who had obtained his Fathers King­dom over the two Tribes. For he despised him, because he was young. Notwithstand­ing the young King, who was no whit dismay'd, (although he was inform'd of Jerobo­ams coming) with greater wisdom than was common to his years, Ver. 1. ad 9. and beyond all ex­pectation I of his forward Adversary, Abias levied an Army a­gainst Jerobo­am. levied an Army out of the two Tribes, with which he encountred Jeroboam at the Mountain of Samaria; where incamping his Host near unto him, he provided all things in a readiness that were requisite for the Battel, and had with him four hundred thousand fighting Men, 2 Chron. 13. 1, ad 4. but Jeroboam had twice as many. Now when the Armies were ranged, and expected orders to charge, Abias stood up in a cer­tain high place from whence he might be seen and heard, and making a sign with his hand, he required that Jeroboam and the people would first of all hear him peaceably; which granted, Ver. 5, ad 12. and each one attending in silence, he brake out into these words: There is none of you but knoweth,Abias oration to the He­brews, wherein he upbraideth them of their superstition, and fors [...]ing of their Reli­gion. that God hath promised the Kingdom to David, and his posterity for ever; I therefore greatly admire how you have revolted from my Father, to submit your selves to Jero­boam K his servant, whom at this present you accompany, to war against those whom God had or­dained to Reign, and to take the Kingdom from them; the greater part whereof Jeroboam usur­peth unjustly even at this day, and which, as I suppose, he shall not enjoy long. For God shall certainly punish him for those Crimes which he hath committed, and which he continues daily to commit, and to the imitation of which he endeavoreth to seduce you that follow him. You have received no injury at my Fathers hands; but by reason that he was misled by the sinister counsels of certain wicked persons, and spake unto you certain words which seemed harsh in your ears, you have forsaken him in your displeasure: but, in effect, you have separated your selves from God and his Commandments. Truly you should have pardoned a young man untrained and untaught in Oratory, not onely for the rude words which he used, but although his youth and L ignorance should have moved him to commit some churlish and indiscreet action and error, yet should you have endured the same. For the obligations which you had received from my Grand­father Solomon, ought to have prevail'd with you, to pass by the defects of his son my father. But you have had no regard of all this, neither then nor at this present, but led forth a great Army against us. But whereupon ground you the hope of your victory? Is it on your Calves of gold? Is it on your Altars on the mountains, which are witnesses of your impiety and irreligi­on? Is it your great number that surpasseth ours by far, that maketh you confident? Truly, the force of many thousands is of no value, where the Army fighteth in an unjust quarrel. For in justice only and piety towards God, consisteth the most assured hope of obtaining victory over a mans enemies; which must needs be on our side, who observe at all times the ordinances of our M God, whom mens hands have not fashioned of corruptible matter, nor the subtlety of a cunning King could forge to deceive a Commonalty, but such an one, whose work is the beginning and ending of all things. I therefore advise you, that presently you repent your selves, and that ta­king a better way, you desist from your War, and acknowledge the Laws of your Forefathers, and those Ordinances which have advanced you to so great felicity.

Thus spake Abias to the people. But whil'st he yet continued his discourse, Jeroboam sent certain of his Soldiers by by-wayes to inclose Abias within two straits,Ver. 13. before his fol­lowers could discover them. Now when Abias was thus inclosed in the midst of his enemies, his Army began to be discomforted, and to lose their courage: but he encoura­ged them, and exhorted them to put their trust in God, who could not be inclosed by N his enemies: so that altogether having called upon God to assist them, and after that the Priests had sounded the Trumpet, they thrust in amongst their enemies with great shout, and God so blinded the understanding, and abated the force of Jeroboams Soldiers, that they fled, and those on Abias side obtained the victory. Never was there War recorded by the Historians either amongst the Greeks or Barbarians, that was pursued with so great a slaughter as the Army of Jeroboam: whereby it appeared, that this wonderful and ad­mirable victory came from God. For they discomfited five hundred thousand of their enemies, and took their most defenced places by force, and spoiled them. Bethel and Ithan also, with their lands and signiories belonging unto them: so that as long as Abias lived,The death of Abias. Jeroboam was never after able to raise any power since the loss he received. Abias O survived after this his victory, onely for the space of three years; and was buried in Je­rusalem, 1 Reg. 15. 9. in the Sepulchre of his Ancestors, leaving twenty two sons, and sixteen daugh­ters behind him,Asa King of Juda. all which he begat on sixteen Women. His son Asa succeeded him in [Page 224] the Kingdom,The year of the World, 2991. before Christ's Nativity, 973. whose Mother was called Maacha: under his Government the Countrey H of Israel enjoyed a firm peace for the space of ten years. This is that which we have ob­served of Abias, son of Rehoboam, the son of Solomon: Jeroboam the King of the ten Tribes dyed likewise, after he had reigned twenty two years, and Nadab his son suc­ceeded him, at such time as Asa had already reigned two years. The son of Jeroboam go­verned two years, resembling his father in impiety and wickedness. During these two years, he made War against Gaban, a City of the Philistines, and encamped thereabout to surprize it by force:Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 12. a [...]. 8. but being betrayed by the treachery of a certain friend of his called Baasa, the son of Machil, he dyed. This Baasa taking possession of the Kingdom, exterminated all the posterity of Jeroboam: Asa's piety. and it came to pass, that they of Jeroboams Race that dyed in the City,1 Kings 15. 9, ad 24. were torn in pieces, and devoured by Dogs; and they that I were in the fields,2 Chron. 14. 1, ad finem. were made a prey unto Birds, according as God had foretold by his Prophet. By this means the house of Jeroboam suffered a deserved punishment for their impiety and wickedness.

CHAP. VI.
The Ethiopians besiege Jerusalem during the Reign of Asa, and are repulsed.

BUT Asa King of Jerusalem, was a man of an upright and honest life, and one that feared God; neither proposed he to himself any other rule of his Actions, than the Divine Law. He corrected whatsoever was vicious and irregular in his Kingdom, purg­ing K it from all impiety. He had an Army of three hundred thousand men of the Tribe of Juda, armed with Bucklers and Javelins, and two hundred and fifty thousand of the Tribe of Benjamin, bearing Bucklers and Bowes. After he had reigned ten years, Zaraeus King of Ethiopia came out against him, with a great Army of nine hundred thousand foot­men, and one hundred thousand horsemen, with three hundred chariots, and destroyed all the Land as far as Maresa, a City of Juda: in which place Asa met him, and set his Army in aray against him,The Ethiopians war against Asa. in the valley of Saphath, not far from the City. Where seeing the great number of the Ethiopians, he besought God that he would give him the victory over his enemies: because he had not come forth against so formidable a power, but in confidence of his assistance, who had the power to make a few men superior unto many, and the feeble to overcome the mighty.L

Whil'st Asa prayed thus unto God,2 Chron. 14▪ 9, ad 14. a certain sign of victory was given him; so being confirmed in that God had given him a token that he would assist him, he assailed his enemies, and slew a great number of the Ethiopians: as for the rest that were put to flight, he pursued them as far as the Countrey of Gerar; and after they had conquered their Enemies, they sacked the City of Gerar, and brought from thence a great mass of gold, and much spoil, with Camels, Dromedaries, and Herds of divers kinds of Cattel.

When Asa had obtained at Gods hands such a victory, Asa's victory. and so great riches, he returned back again to Jerusalem:Ver. 12. and when he drew near unto the City, the Prophet Azarias came out to meet them, who stayed him, and spake after this manner: That sith they had obtained from God so notable a victory, they ought to behave themselves like virtuous men, and M such as feared God,The exhorta­tion of Aza­rias the Pro­phet. conforming themselves unto his will in all things; assuring them that if they persisted in the same, God would give them victory over their enemies, and all the happiness of this life: but if they forsook the service of God, they should fall into so great extremity, that neither true Prophet or Priest should be found amongst them,2 Chron. 15. that should instruct them in righte­ousness; ver. 3, 4. that their Cities should be overthrown, and their Nation should be scattered over the face of the whole earth, that they should live like Wanderers and Vagabonds. In the mean while therefore, while they had time, he counselled them to live uprightly, wishing them that they would not deprive themselves of that favor which God bare unto them. When the King and all the people heard these words, they were very joyful, and every one was careful to serve God. The King also sent out certain Deputies over the Countrey, who were command­ed N to see the laws duly executed. In this state were the affairs of Asa King of the two Tribes.

Now will I return to Basa King of Israel, Religion re­ne [...]ed in Is­rael. who (having slain Nadab the son of Jerobo­am) usurped the Kingdom. He made his abode in the City of Thersa, and reigned four and twenty years, shewing himself more wicked, than either Jeroboam or his son had been. He miserably oppressed his Subjects, and by his blasphemies dishonoured the Name of God,Basa's impiety. who sent the Prophet Gimon unto him,1 Reg. 1 [...]. 1, ad 5. to foretell him, that his whole race should perish, and that his house should be persecuted with as many miseries as him­self had inflicted on Jeroboams posterity: because that having received the government from God he shewed himself ungrateful unto him for his goodness,A Prophecy against Basa. and governed his O people impiously and unjustly: whereas justice and piety are both profitable unto those that practise them, and well-pleasing unto God. Moreover, in that he had conformed [Page 225] H himself in his life,The year of the World, 3006. before Christ's Nativity, 9 [...]8. to the dissolute course that Jeroboam used, and had given himself over to follow the same vices, he might deservedly expect to suffer the same punishment. Al­though Baasa heard all those evils (that should shortly fall on him and his posterity; by reason of his wickedness) yet he redeemed not the time, nor endeavoured to obtain pardon of God, by repenting himself of his sins: but he continued still to engage him­self further than before in all sorts of wickedness, and became worse and worse, to the utter ruine and confusion both of him and his houshold. In the end he assembled an Ar­my, 1 Kings 15. 17, 21. and assailed Ramoth once more, [...] was a great City, some four Leagues distant from Jerusalem; Baasa surpri­zed Ramath. and fortifi'd it▪ which he took, placed a Garison therein, and fortifi'd it, with a resolu­tion, from thence to make his inroads into Asa's Kingdom. But Asa fearing the invasion I of his Enemy, and considering that the Soldiers who were left in Ramath, did grievously pillage the adjacent Countries, sent Ambassadors to the King of Damascus with gold and silver, to induce him to become an Associate in the War, and to renew that amity between them,Asa inciteth tho [...]e of D [...] ­mascu [...] to in­vade Baasa; which was begun betwixt their Fathers. The King graciously received those treasures that were sent him, and made a league with him, and brake the truce which he had made with Baasa: so that he sent the Governors of his Dominions against those Cities that were under Baasa's subjection, with a commandment that they should destr [...]y them.

Of these they burnt some, and ransackt others, amongst which were Gelam, Dan, and Abelma. Which when the King of Israel understood, he gave over the fortifying of Ra­math, K and with all expedition turn'd to yield those of his subjects his assistance, who were assaulted by the Enemy.Alias, chap. 9. But Asa in the mean while built two strong Towns,The death of Baasa. Gabath and Maspha, of the materials which Baasa had prepar'd to build withall. Baasa afterwards (prevented by death) had no more opportunity to make War against Asa. He was bu­ried in the City of Arsane, and his son Ela succeeded him in his Kingdom: who, after he had reigned two years, was traiterously slain by Zamri, a Captain of half his Horsemen. For whil'st Ela banquetted with Osa, who was the steward of his house, Zamri wrought so effectually, that he persuaded some of his horsemen to assault Ela, who at that time was alone, and destitute of his Guards, because all his Soldiers were at the siege of Gaba­than, a City of the Philistines.

L CHAP. VII.
Baasa's Off-spring being extinct, Zamri reigned in Israel; and after him Amri, and his son Achab.

AFter that Ela was slain,Baasa's stock destroyed. Zamri took the kingdom upon him, and wholly rooted out Baasa's posterity (according as the Prophet Gimon had foretold.) For after the same manner was his Family utterly overthrown for their impiety,Ver. 11, 1 [...] as Jeroboams progeny was extinguish'd for their iniquity (as we have before declar'd.) For the Army which besieged Gabathan, hearing news of the Kings death, and that Zamri had murther'd him, M and seized the kingdom, they made Amri General of the Army, and anointed him for their King: who raising the siege before Gabathan, came before the Royal City of Thersa, which he besieged,Divers facti­ons of the people. and took by force. Zamri seeing the City destitute of defence, had retired himself into the most secret place of the Palace; where setting it on fire, he burnt both himself and it,Ver. 16. after he had reigned seven days. Suddenly after this, the Is­raelites fell at variance amongst themselves,Amri King of Israel. because some of [...] thought to prefer Tha­man to the kingdom, and others were wholly addicted to Amri▪ but they of Amri's side had the better: and being of the better sort, slew Thaman, and made Amri Sovereign over the people. The thirteenth year of Asa, Amri began his Reign, and was King for twelve years space; six years govern'd he in Thersa, and six in Mareon, (which the Greeks N call Samaria) himself imposed this name of Samaria, from the name of him whom he purchased the Mountain, on which he built this City. He differ'd in nothing from the other Kings his predecessors, but in that he was worser than any of them; for there was nothing which he left unattempted,Ver. 28. that by daily impieties he might alienate the people from God.Amri dyeth▪ and Achab h [...] son succeeded him. For which cause God being displeas'd, exterminated him and his posterity from the face of the Earth. This Amri dyed in Samaria, and Achab his Son was his Suc­cessor.

Hereby a Man may easily perceive, what care the Divine Majesty hath of humane af­fairs, and how he loveth the virtuous, and utterly rooteth out the vicious. For the Kings of Israel, through their impiety, in a short and successive course, the one after the other, O were cut off, and confounded with all their Families. But Asa (King of Jerusalem, and the two Tribes) living happily in the favor of God, for his piety and justice, attained to a reverend and old age: and after he had reigned one and forty years, he dyed a good [Page 226] death:The year of the World, 3028. before Christ's Nativity, 936. and after his death, Jehoshaphat his son (whom he begat on his wife Abida) suc­ceeded A him; who, in all things that concern'd piety or fortitude, seem'd to emulate and equal his Grandfather David, according as it shall be declar'd hereafter. But Achab, King of Israel, made his abode in Samaria, and govern'd the Kingdom for the space of 22 years, without any alteration of those ordinances which his progenitors, Kings of Israel, had established;alias, chap. 10. but that he exceeded them daily in wickedness. For he imitated all their impieties,Asa dieth, J [...] ­hoshaphat suc­ceedeth him. (but especially the Apostasie of Jeroboam) for he adored those Calves that were erected by him; and besides that, [...] far worse impieties than the for­mer. 2 Chron. 17, 1, 2. He took to wife Jezabel the daughter of I [...]obal King of the Tyrians and Sidonians, of whom he learnt to adore the gods of her Nation: for she was a busie and audacious woman, [...] Kings 16. 30, 31. and so insolent, that she feared not to build a Temple in honour of Bell, the god B of the Tyrians, and to plant a Grove furnish'd with all kind of Trees, and to ordain Priests and false Prophets also, in honour of that god. The King also took delight to have these Men oftentimes about him, exceeding all other Kings before him in madness and malice.Jezabel. To him came a certain Prophet named Elias, 1 Reg. 17. 1, ad 4. sent by Almighty God, that was born in Thesbon in Galaad, telling him that he fore-prophesied, That neither dew nor rain should fall on the Earth a long time,The dearth of victuals pro­phesied to the Israelites. until that himself, who was prepar'd to depart from him, should appear again unto him: and binding the same with an oath, (for the better confirmation thereof) he retir'd himself to the Southward, where he liv'd by a certain River, from whence he fetcht his drink: for his meat was daily brought him by Ravens.C

Now when the River, through want of rain, was grown dry, God commanded him to repair unto Sareptha, (a City not far from Sidon and Tyre, and scituate in the midst be­tween them both) where he should find a Widow-woman, who would furnish him with food.Ver. 4, 5. As soon therefore as he drew near unto the gate,Crows feed Elias. he saw a woman that lived by her labour, gathering of sticks, and God gave him to understand that it was she to whom he was sent.Ver. 9, ad 16. Whereupon he came unto her and saluted her, praying her that she would bring him some water to cool his thrist;The widow of Sareptha en­tertaing Elias, neither flowre nor oyl fail. and as she was ready to depart, he called her back again, and willed her to bring him some bread also. Whereupon she sware unto him, that she had nothing in her house but an handful of flowre, and a little oyl, and that she was come forth togather sticks, to the end she might bake the same, and make bread D for her self and her son; and when they had eaten the same, they must needs perish through famine, because they had not any thing more left. Go, said the Prophet, and be of good courage, and conceive better hopes; and when thou hast prepared meat for me, bring it: for I tell thee, that thy flowre shall not fail nor thy pot of oyl be empty until God send rain up­on the earth. When the Prophet had spoken thus, she approach'd unto him, and perform­ed that which he commanded, and she herself had sufficient to feed upon, and she gave the rest unto her son, and to the Prophet: so that they wanted nothing, so long as the drought continued.

Menander maketh mention of this great drought, in the acts of Ithobal King of the Ty­rians, Menander of the famine du­ring the time of Elias. speaking after this manner: In this time there was a season without rain, from the E Month of October, until October in the next year after; whereupon the Prince caused prayers and supplications to be made, which were follow'd with great store of Thunder. He built the City of Botris in Phoenicia, and Auzate in Lybia. Doubtless he expressed hereby the drought that hapned in Achab's time: for about that time, Ithobal reigned over the Tyrians, as Menander [...]stifieth in his History. The woman (of whom we have spo­ken heretofore, that entertained the Prophet) seeing her son fallen sick, and lying sen­sless, as if he had been already dead, or yielding up the ghost, wept, and brake out into so great a passion, that she forbore not to say, that the cause of her misfortune was, in that the Prophet was come into her house, and had discover'd her sins; and that he had been the cause, that God for her punishment, had taken away her onely son. But he F comforted her, and willed her to be of good courage, and commanded her to bring the child unto him, assuring her that he would restore him to life.

Now when she had brought him, he took the child, and carried him into his lodging, and laid him on his bed,1 Kings 17. 17. ad finem. and cryed unto God, saying, That since the loss of her onely son seem'd to be but an unequal recompence unto her that had so charitably received him, he therefore besought him, Elias restoreth the widows son to life. that he would command the soul to return into the body, and restore life unto the Infant. Whereupon, God having compassion on the mother, and being willing to gra­tifie the Prophet, and to the intent that no man might suppose that he came unto her to prejudice her, he restored the child to life, beyond all expectation. For which, the mo­ther gave thanks unto the Prophet, saying, That by this means, she was thor [...]wly persuaded, G that God had spoken unto him. Not long after, he sought out Achab, according as God had commanded him, to let him know that he should have rain. At that time the famine [Page 227] H reigned over the whole Countrey,The year of the World, 3040. before Christ's Nativity, 924. and there was great want of necessary victuals; so that Men did not only faint for want of bread, but the Earth also for want of rain, could not bring forth that which was requisite for the sustenance of horses and other cattel. The King therefore calling Obadiah unto him, (who was the Master of his Herds) he commanded him that he should each way seek out for fountains and brooks, willing him,1 Kings 18. 1, 2. that if he found out any grass, he should mow the same, and give it to his cattel for their sustenance.Elias is sent by God to pro­phesie rain to Achab. And whereas by his command the Prophet Elias was sought in divers places, and could not be found, he appointed Obadiah also to follow him. So taking both of them several ways, the King followed one, and the Master of the cattel another.Achab seeketh for Elias.

I This Obadiah was a godly and virtuous Man, Obadiah con­cealeth and sustaineth an 100 Prophets. who, when the Prophets were put to death, hid one hundred of them in Caves, and sustain'd them with bread and water After this Man departed from the King, Elias met him, and he ask'd Elias what he was? which when he had told him, he humbled himself on his face before him. Elias com­manded him to go to the King, and to let him know, that he was nigh at hand. Obadiah ask'd him, Wherein he had offended him, that he should desire to put him upon an action that might occasion the loss of his life? For there was not any streight, whither he sent not some of his men to find out Elias, with charge, that if they found him, they should put him to death. Now it may be (said he) that whil'st I repair unto the King, the Spirit of God shall carry thee away; the King not finding thee here, and frustrate of his desire, will revenge himself on me. K Nevertheless you may, if you please, save my life; and I conjure thee by the kindness which I have shewn to an hundred Prophets, such as thou art, whom I have deliver [...]d from the fury of Jezabel, and taken care to preserve in Caves, until this day. Notwithstanding all these words, Elias commanded him to go unto the King, and to cast off all fear, swearing unto him by an oath, how that that day he would make himself known unto Achab.

When Obadiah had told the King that Elias was at hand, Ver. 17. Achab went out to meet him, and being full of indignation, Achab accu­seth Elias of impiety. said unto him, Is it thou that heapest so much mischief on the Hebrews heads? Art thou the man that art the cause of this sterility? To whom Elias repli­ed, That it was he and his race that were the occasions of these mischiefs, because they had brought strange gods into their Countrey, whom they adored; and had forsaken the true God, L who was and is onely to be worshipped. He therefore willed him presently to assemble all the peo­ple on Mount Carmel, and bring with him his Wife and her Prophets, whose number he reckoned up: the Prophets likewise of the woods, who were in number four hundred. When therefore all of them, Ver. 21. being summoned by the King, were gathered together in that place, Elias stood up in the midst of them, Elias repro­veth the super­stition of the people. and said, How long will ye continue in this uncertainty, whom ye ought to follow? For if you think that the Hebrews God is the true and onely God, why fol­low you him not, and why keep you not his Commandments? But if you think that the honour belongeth not to him, but to foreign gods, follow them. When Elias perceiv'd that the peo­ple replied nothing hereunto, he proceeded: For an undeniable proof whereby ye may be satisfied which is the most powerful, either that God which I worship, or those false ones which M ye are persuaded to follow; and which is the true Religion, that which I profess, or that which is professed by these 400 Prophets, I will take an Oxe and kill it, and lay it upon the wood, without putting any sire thereto to consume the sacrifice; and they also shall do the like, and call upon their gods, and beseech them to send down fire to consume their sacrifice: which if they shall do, and confirm the same by a miracle, then shall we know that they are true gods.

This proposal of his was generally approved. Whereupon, Elias commanded the false Prophets first of all to choose an Oxe, and to kill it, and afterwards to call upon their gods; and when it manifestly appear'd, that their prayer was of no force, Elias began [...]o mock them, saying, Why call you not out upon your gods with a loud voyce? for it may be they are on some voyage, or else haply they sleep. Whil'st thus they had invocated from N the morning till mid-day (cutting themselves with knives and lances, according to the custom of their Countrey) Elias that was to make his sacrifice,Ver. 34, ad 38. commanded the false Prophets to stand aside,Elias doctrine and office con­firmed by mi­racle. and the people to draw near unto him, and observe, for fear lest secretly he should convey fire under the wood. When the people approached he took twelve stones, according to the number of the twelve Tribes of Israel, and made an Al­tar, and digged a deep trench round about it; and afterwards heaping wood upon the Altar, and laying his sacrifice thereon, he commanded them to fill four tuns with fountain water, and to pour it upon the Altar, that the trench might receive and drink up the wa­ter. Ver. 38. Which done, he began to pray, and call upon God, beseeching him, that it might please him to manifest his power unto his people, Fire from hea­ven devoure [...] the sacrifice. who had so long run astray: no sooner O had [...]e finished his prayer, but fire fell from Heaven upon the Altar, in the sight of all the people, and consumed all the Sacrifice; so that the water was dried up. Which when the Israelites beheld, they fell down on their faces upon the earth, adoring one onely [Page 228] God: confessing him to be the most mighty and onely true God, and that all other were A but vain and imaginary names of Idols, which were without holiness or power; and laying hands themselves upon their false Prophets, they slew them by the commandment of Elias. He willed the King also to depart, and take his refection, and to take care for nothing, because he should very shortly see that God would send him rai [...]; and thus d [...] ­parted Achab from him.Ver. 40. But Elias went up to the top of Mount Carmel, and sate him down on the ground,B [...]s Priests s [...]in. leaning his head upon his knees: whil'st he thus sate, he command­ed his servant to get up upon a certain Rock,Ver. 43. ad [...]. and to look toward the Sea, and to tell him if he saw any clouds arise in any part (for till that time the Air had been always clear) His servant having often gone up to the top of the Rock,Elias forepro­phesieth rain. and told that he saw nothing, at length going up the seventh time, in descending, he brought him this news, that he saw B some black appearance in the Air, not much unlike to a mans footstep. When Elias un­derstood this, he sent unto Achab, wishing him to retire himself within the City before the rain fell; who had no sooner recover'd the City of Jezrael, but that the Air was present­ly cover'd with thick clouds, and a vehement wind intermixed with rain, fell upon the earth,1 Reg. 19. 1, ad 4. and the Prophet seized by the Spirit of God, ran with the Kings chariot as far as Jezrael a City of Asser. Elias flieth from Jezabel. When Jezebel Achab's Wife, had notice what miracles Elias had perform'd, and how he had slain her Prophets, she was displeased, and sent messengers unto him, threatning him in like sort to revenge herself on him, as he had slain her Pro­phets. Which Elias fearing, fled into the City of Bersabe, which is upon the borders of the Tribe of Juda, Gods care for his servant [...]. bounding upon Idumaea: in which place he left his servant▪ and reti­red C himself into the Desart: where, whil'st he pray'd God that he would take him out of the World, he fell asleep under a certain Tree, and after he was awaked, he arose, and found bread and water ready prepared by him. When he had eaten, and was refresh­ed, Mount Sinai, Ver. 5, 6. he went unto (where it is said that Moses received the Law from God) where finding out an hollow Cave,God speaketh to Elias in the desart. he entred into it, and remained therein. And being demanded by a certain voice which spake unto him, he knew not from whence, Where­fore he remained in that place, and forsook the City? He answer'd, Because he had slain the Prophets of the false gods, and because he had persuaded the people that there was but one onely God, who ought to be honoured by all men; and that for this cause he was sought for by the King [...] wife, that he might be put to death. The voice replied again, and commanded him to shew D himself openly, assuring him, that he should understand that which it behoved him to perform.

Hereupon as soon as it was day, he forsook the Cave, and perceiv'd the earth to trem­ble under his feet:Ver. 16. and after all things were appeased, the voice which proceeded he knew not from whence,Jehu King of Israel. willed him, That he should in no wayes be discomforted with that which he saw: for that no one of his enemies should have power to hurt him, charging him to return unto his house, to the intent to proclaim Jehu the son of Nimsi King of the people, and Azael of Damascus King of the Syrians,Ver. 19. assuring him that in his place, Elizeus calling▪ Elizeus of the City of Abela should be Prophet; and that the wicked people should be destroyed, the one by Azael, and the other by Jehu. When Elias heard these things, he return'd into the Countrey of the E Hebrews, and met Elizeus the son of Saphat at the Cart, and with him divers others, dri­ving before them twelve couple of Oxen: he came near him, and cast upon him his gar­ment, and he instantly began thereupon to prophetize, so that forsaking his Oxen, he followed Elias. Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 14. ad 11. Yet required he, that before his departure, he might take leave of his Parents; which when he had perform'd, he committed them unto God, and follow'd Elias, 1 Kings 21. 1, ad 16. attending on him, during all his life, like his disciple and servant. This issue had the affairs of this so excellent a Prophet.The story of Naboth, who was stoned to death, for de­nying Ach [...]b his Vineyard. But a certain Citizen, called Naboth, of the City of Azar, had a Vineyard near unto the lands of Achab, who requir'd him to sell him the same, at what price he thought convenient, to the intent he might annex it to his own lands, and make them one possession; wishing him, that if he would not sell it him F for silver, to choose in exchange thereof, any one field of his which he liked best. Naboth answer'd him, That he would not do it, but that he intended to gather the fruit of his own land himself, which he had received as an inheritance from his father. The King no less troubled with the repulse, than if he had lost his own inheritance, would neither wash, nor receive any sustenance. Whereupon Jezabel his wife, inquir'd after the cause of his discontent, and how it came to pass, that he neither washt, nor eat: he told her of Naboths rude be­havior, and how having offer'd all just and reasonable composition, he could not obtain what he requested. Hereupon Jezabel willed him to be of good cheer, advised him to continue his ordinary entertainment, because she herself would take upon her to re­venge him on Naboth. Whereupon she presently sent Letters in Achabs name to the Go­vernors G of the Countrey, whereby she enjoined them to celebrate a Fast, and to assem­ble the people, charging them that in that place Naboth should have a seat prepared for [Page 229] H him, by reason of his birth and quality; willing them afterwards, that suborning three false Witnesses to depose against him, that he had blasphemed God and the King, they should by this means cause him to be stoned and put to death by the people. All which was performed according as the Queen had written, and Naboth (accused by false wit­ness for scandalizing God and the King) was stoned by the people, and put to death. When Jezabel had tydings hereof, she repaired to the Kings presence, and told him, That he should enjoy Naboths Vineyard, and disburse nothing for it.

But God displeased with this her wickedness,Ver. 17, ad 26. sent the Prophet Elias purposely to meet with Achab in Naboths ground,Elias prophe­sieth what re­venge God will take of Achab and Jezabel. and to tell him, That he unjustly possessed the lawful inheri­tance of another, whom he had put to death. As soon as the King perceived that he came I unto him, supposing it to be unseemly for a King to be reproved, he first of all confessed his fault, and offer'd him to make restitution according as he should think fit. Then did the Prophet foretell, That in the same place where Naboths Carcass was consumed by Dogs, that both his and his Queens blood should be shed, and that all his Race should be destroyed; for that they durst commit such an impiety, and so wickedly murder (against all Law) so good and innocent a man. These words made so great an impression upon Achab, that he re­pented him of the offence he had committed:Ver. 27, 28. so that apparelling himself in sackcloth, and walking barefoot,Achab's re­pentance. he tasted not any meat, but confessed his sins, with hopes to appease Gods wrath. Whereupon God certified him by the Prophet, That during his life-time, the punishment of his Race should be deferred, because he had repented him of his misdeeds: but that K the threats and menaces should take effect in his sons time.

CHAP. VIII.
Adad King of Damascus and Syria, fighteth two several Battels with Achab, and is overthrown by him.

WHilest Achabs affairs were after this manner disposed,1 Kings 20. 1, ad [...]. the son of Adad (that reign­ed over the Syrians, Adab's War against Achab. and those of Damascus) assembled the Forces of his whole Countrey, and associated with him two and thirty other Kings, with whom he came and made War against Achab. Who being far inferior to him in power, came not into the L open field to bid him battel, but closing up his Soldiers in his strongest Cities, he himself retired into Samaria, (which was begirt with a very strong wall, and very hard to be ta­ken.) For which cause the Syrian (taking his Army with him) came to Samaria, and encamping before it,The Syrian [...] intended to batter the City. But first of all he sent a Herald to Achab, Embassage to Achab. to require him to give audience to his Ambassadors which he would send unto him, by whom he should be certified what his resolution was. As soon as the King of Israel had granted them free access, the Ambassadors came, and (according to the Kings di­rections) required that Achabs goods, his children and wife should be at Adads com­mand: which if he would yield to, and suffer him to take so many as he pleased, he would raise the siege, and batter the City no more. Achab gave the Ambassadors order M to certifie the King of Syria, that both himself, and all whatsoever was his, was at his command. Upon which answer, the King sent a second message unto Achab, enjoining him the next day to admit such of his servants as he should send unto him, to search his Royal Palace, and the houses of his friends and kinsmen, and take from thence that which they liked best.

Achab amazed at this second Embassage of the King of Syria, assembled his People, and let them know, that he was ready to deliver up into the Enemies hands his wives and children, for their safety and repose, and to abandon all that likewise which was in his possession; (for the Syrian had demanded no less at his hands in his first Embassage:) But that now he required that his Servants might be admitted to ransack all their hou­ses, N to the end they may leave nothing therein that was of any value, making it hereby appear to the World, that he had no intent to make Peace, since that after the Syrian was sensible that Achabs tenderness for his Subjects security, had prevail'd so far with him, as to grant him whatsoever belonged peculiarly to himself, he sought nevertheless an occa­sion of a breach, by demanding liberty to seize upon their Proprieties; notwithstanding that he would do whatsoever they should think good of. To this the People answer'd, That they could not endure that any of his demands should be listened unto, or respected; but that the King should prepare for War. Whereupon he called for the Ambassadors, and dis­missed them with this answer,Ver. 10, 11. That they should report unto their Master, that Achab agreed unto those things which were required, His answer to the L [...]gat [...]s. (because he desired the happiness of his Subjects:) but O touching his second demand, that he would no wayes condescend thereunto: and thus sent he them away. When Adad heard this answer, he was moved, and sent unto Achab the third time, threatning him, That his Soldiers should make a bulwark higher than the walls (he [Page 230] so much trusted in) yea, The year of the World, 340. before Christ's Nativity, 924. though only each of them should bring but an handful of earth with A them; (which boast he used to terrifie him, and to express thereby how great a multi­tude of Men he had to oppose against him.) But Achab answered, That he ought not to glory in his Army, but in those actions that should determine the War. When the Ambassa­dors were returned back, they found the King at Dinner with two and thirty Kings his Allies, to whom they made report of Achabs answer. Hereupon Adad gave command­ment to begirt the City with Palisadoes,Ver. 12. and to raise bulwarks of earth,Adads confi­dence in his Soldiers. and to streighten the siege. Whil'st these things were in hand, Achab was grievously troubled, and all the People with him: but at length he grew confident, and cast off all his fear, through the arrival of a certain Prophet, who said unto him, That God promised to deliver all those thousands of Soldiers and his Enemies, which he beheld, into his hands. The same Prophet B being afterwards asked, By whose means this victory might be gained? He said, That it should be by the Sons of the Governors, whom the King himself should lead forth. Achab therefore calling unto him the Governors Sons, found that their number amounted to 232; and ha­ving notice that the Syrians intended nought else but pleasure and banquetting,V. 13, 14, &c. he open­ed the City-gates,The Israelites God promi­seth victory against the Syrians. and sent these young Men out against them. Now when the Centi­nels of the adverse part had discovered them, they certified Adad thereof, who sent out certain Soldiers against them, commanding them, That if they were come out in warlike sort to bid the Battel, they should bring them unto him fast bound; and if they came in peace, they should do the like. Now Achab had within the City ranged another Army, and kept them in a readiness. When therefore the young men had charged the Syrian guard, and slain C a great number of them, and had pursued the rest even unto their own Camp, Achab spying his present victory and advantage, caused his whole Army to sally forth; who giving an unexpected charge upon the enemies,Ver. 20, 21▪ discomfited the Syrians, (who little ex­pected such a stratagem from the Hebrews) and assailed them disarmed and drunken:Achab's victo­ry against the Syrians. so that they left both armor and weapons behind them, and fled from their Camp; and their King likewise was so hotly pursued, that he scarcely had opportunity to save him­self by the swiftness of his Horse. Achab made a long chase in following the Syrians, and slaughtering them that fled; he spoiled their Camp likewise, and carried thence great riches, and an huge quantity of gold and silver. He took Adabs Chariots and Hor­ses also, and with them returned back into the City.D

But whereas by the advice of the said Prophet, he was persuaded to prepare and keep an Army in readiness against the next year, (for that the Syrians were resolved to assault him again) the King omitted no preparation that concerned the War. For Adad (being escaped from the fight with those few Forces that remained after the battel) consulted with his friends, how he might war against the Israelites. Who advised him from thence­forth, never more to fight with them in mountainous places, for that their God was pow­erful upon the Mountains, and for that cause they had been overcome by them: but if he fought with them in the Plain, both he and his should be assured to have the upper hand. Moreover they counselled him, that he should dismiss those Kings that he had confedera­ted with him, to the end that each of them might return into his own Countrey, and that E in their stead he should retain their Forces, over which he should ordain Chieftains; be­sides, to supply their places that were lost) they advised him to levy Horsemen and Cha­riots thorow all his Countrey. Adab supposing that they had discreetly counselled him in this matter, ordered his Army according as they had advised. And as soon as the Spring was come,Ver. 23, ad 27. he assembled his Army,Adad's second expedition against the Israelities. and led them forth against the Israelites; and coming near unto the City of Aphec, he encamped in a plain field. But Achab with his Forces marching out to meet him, pitched his Tents near unto him, although he were far inferiour both in force and number. To him the Prophet appeared again, telling him, That God would once more give him the victory, to make it known, that his power was not only in the Mountains (as the Syrians persuaded themselves) but in the Plains also. Thus conti­nued F both the Armies, and encamped the one against the other, for the space of six days. On the seventh, when the Enemy forsook their Trenches early in the morning, and placed themselves in battel-array, Achab drew out his Army, and faced them and presently charged them: where after a long and dangerous fight between them, the Enemies were put to flight, and many of them slain in the chase. For some of them were intangled with their own Chariots, others slew those of their own party, and some few of them found the means to flie unto their City of Aphec, who perished likewise to the number of Seven and twenty thousand (being slain by the walls that fell upon them) besides One hundred thousand men that perished in the fight. But Adad, attended by some of his principal Officers, went and hid himself in a Cave under the ground; and they re­presenting G unto him, that the Kings of Israel were merciful, and that there was hope of pardon to be had (if after the manner of Suppliants they sent unto him) Adad permit­ted them. Whereupon they incontinently presented themselves to Achab cloathed in [Page 231] H Sackcloth,The year of the World, 3040. before Christ's Nativity, 923. with Ropes about their Necks, (according to the manner of Supplicants amongst the Syrians) telling him, That Adad besought his Majesty to grant him his life; promising on his behalf, that from thenceforth he would alwayes continue his servant, and ac­knowledge his favor. Achab answer'd them, That he was very glad that their King was as yet alive, and had escaped from the fury of the fight, offering him by them that kindness which one brother ought to shew unto another. Ver. 31, ad 34. And sware unto them, that he should offer him no wrong, if he discover'd himself unto him. Adad is recei­ved into favor by Achab▪ and dismissed upon condition. Whereupon they brought him from the place where he was hidden, and presented him unto Achab, who was mounted upon a Chariot. Adad prostrated himself before him: but Achab stretching out his hand, made him come up unto him into his Chariot, and kissed him, willing him to be of good courage, assuring I him, That he should be no otherwise treated by him, than as became the dignity of a King. Here­upon Adad gave him thanks, protesting, That during his life-time, he would never be forget­ful of his favours: promising him moreover, to restore unto him those Cities which his Prede­cessors, Kings of Syria, had taken from the Israelites; and that he should have as free access to Damascus, as to Samaria. After this Treaty confirmed by oath, Achab gave him many worthy Presents,Ver. 35. ad fi [...]. and sent him back into his kingdom. Thus ended the War betwixt Adad and the King of the Israelites. After this, a certain Prophet called Micheas, came unto another Israelite, commanding him to wound him upon the head, assuring him, That God was so pleased, and had so commanded him. When this Israelite would in no sort con­descend hereunto, he prophesied unto him, That since he had disobeyed Gods commandment, K he should meet with a Lyon▪ which should rent him in pieces. Which coming to pass, accor­ding as it was foretold, the Prophet addressed himself again unto another, commanding him to do the like: and when he had wounded him in the head, he bound up the wound, and came unto the King,Achab was re­proved for dis­missing Adab. telling him, That he had been in the Wars, and had received a Pri­soner in charge from his Captains hands, and that (his Prisoner being fled from him) he fea­red lest he that had committed him to his charge, should for that cause take his life from him; the rather, for that he threatned no less. Achab answer'd him, That he was justly condemned. Whereupon Micheas discover'd his head, and made it known who he was. And to this intent used the Prophet this artifice, that his words might be of greater force and value. For he told the King, That God would chastise him, because he had permitted the blasphemer L Adad to depart unpunished; assuring him, That God would cause him to be slain by Adad, and suffer the people of Israel to be slaughtered by the Syrian Army. The reward of learned Preachers. The King displeased with the liberty and free speech of the Prophet, commanded him to be cast into Prison; and being vehemently affrighted with this his Prediction, he departed home unto his house.

CHAP. IX.
The exemplary Piety of Jehoshaphat King of Juda, his Prosperity, his Military power. He marrieth Joram his Son, to a Daughter of Ahab King of Israel, and assisteth him M with his Forces against Adad King of Syria.

HItherto have we spoken of Achab, but now I must return unto Jehoshaphat King of Jerusalem; Jehoshaphats piety. who having enlarged his kingdom, and planted Garisons in those Cities that were subject unto him, (and in those likewise which his Grandfather Abiah had pos­sessed in the Tribe of Ephraim, 2 Chron. 17. 1. at such time as Jeroboam reigned over the ten Tribes) the King had perpetual assistance and favour at Gods hands, in that he was a just and virtu­ous Prince, studying day and night for nothing more, than how he might please and ho­nour God. The Kings his Neighbors round about him, honour'd him with Presents: so that his riches and reputation were very great.

N In the third year of his Reign, he assembled the Governors and Priests of his Coun­trey, enjoining them to ride their Circuit about the Provinces, and to teach the Inhabi­tants of every City the Law of Moses, training them up in the observance thereof, and in the study of piety.The peace in Jehoshaphats time. Which all the Citizens embraced and entertained so willingly, that they seemed to emulate and strive one with the other, which of them should exceed the rest in the service of God.Jehoshaphats Army. The Nations likewise that dwelt round about him, loved Jehoshaphat▪ and were at peace with him.Ver. 13. The Philistines also payed those Tributes which were imposed on them. And the Arabians furnish'd him every year with six hundred and threescore Lambs, and the like number of Horses. He fortified also other great Cities of importance, and made preparation of Munition of War and Arms against the O Enemy. He mustered in the Tribe of Juda Three hundred thousand Men, over whom he placed Edraus General, and Two hundred thousand under the conduct of Johanan, who besides these had Two hundred thousand Archers on foot of the Tribe of Benjamin. [Page 232] Another Chieftain called Ochobat, The year of the World, 3047. before Christ's Nativity, 917. levied and led for the King One hundred and four­score A thousand Men armed at all points, (besides those which he sent into fenced Cities.) He married his Son Joram, to Athalia the Daughter of Achab King of the ten Tribes. And not long after (resorting to Samaria) Achab received him very courteously, and magnificently entertained his Army with bread, wine and flesh in abundance; desiring him to yield him his assistance against the King of Syria, Jehoshaphats expedition with Achab against the Sy­rians. to the intent he might recover the City of Ramath in the Countrey of Galaad, which Adabs father had won, and con­quered from his father. Jehoshaphat promised to assist him; and being no wayes inferior unto him in force, he sent his Army from Jerusalem to Samaria. When these two Kings were departed out of the City,1 Kings 22. 2, ad 8. and each of them were seated upon their Thrones, they B distributed their Pay to every one of their Soldiers. At that time Jehoshaphat comman­ded▪ 2 Chron. 18. 1, ad 8. That if at that present there were as yet any Prophets amongst them, they might be sent for, to give notice what the issue should be of this their War against the Syrians: and whether they thought it good to make War against them, by reason that at that time there was amity and peace betwixt Achab and the Syrians, confirmed for the space of three years, since the time that he took Adad Prisoner, and delivered him.

CHAP. X.
Achab fighteth against the Syrians, and is overcome and slain in the battel.

C

HEreupon Achab called for the Prophets, (who were in number four hundred) and commanded them to enquire of God, 1 Kings 22. 6. Whether he would give him the victory in that War which he undertook against Adad? 2 Chron. 18. 5. And whether he should recover the City which he in­tended to besiege?The false Pro­phets prophe­sie plausibly. Who answered and counselled him to hazard the Battel: For he should over come the Syrian, and should take him Prisoner as he had done before. Jehoshaphat under­standing by their words that they were false Prophets, asked Achab, If he had not any other Prophet of God, who might more exactly certifie him of that which should follow? Achab an­swered, That he had one as yet remaining, but that he hated him, because he prophesied nought else but mishap and misery unto him, and had foretold him, That if he should fight against the Syrians, 1 Kings 22. 14. ad 28. he should be overcome and slain; and for that cause he held him at that time in D Prison, signifying unto him, that his name was Micheas the son of Imlah. Jehoshophat desi­red that he might be brought into his presence, 2 Chron. 18. 13, ad fin. which was accordingly performed by one of his Eunuchs; Micheas the true Prophet. who by the way certified Micheas, That all the other Prophets had prophe­sied to the King victory. But Micheas told him, That it was not lawful for him to lye against God, but that it concerned him to speak that which God should inform him of, concerning the King. As soon as he came before Achab, and was adjured to speak the truth, he said, That God had shewed him the Israelites put to flight, and dispersed by the Syrians, that pursued them no otherwise than sheep without their shepherd. All which signifieth no less, (said he) but that the rest of the people returning home in safety, Achab only should be slain in the battel. When Micheas had spoken after this manner, Achab turning himself towards Jehoshaphat,E said unto him, I told you before, how this fellow was affected towards me. But Micheas constantly avowed, That he prophesied nothing but that which God had commanded him to speak, assuring Achab that he was sollicited by the false Prophets unto War, under hope of vi­ctory, whereas he should assuredly perish in the Battel. These words of his made Achab much discomforted. But Sedechias, one of the false Prophets, stepped forth, and exhorted him to set light by Micheas's words, because he spake untruly. And for confirmation of this, he appealed to Elias, (who was a far more skilful Prophet in foretelling things to come, than Micheas was) yet that the same Elias had foretold, that the Dogs should lick Achabs blood in the City of Jezrael in the field of Naboth, because Naboth had been stoned to death at the instance of Achab. Whereby it appeared manifestly, that since he contradicted a Prophet so F excellent as he was, he lyed, in saying that the King should dye within three dayes. Moreover, (said he) it shall appear whether he be truly sent from God or no, if as soon as he shall receive a buffet from me, he cause my hand to wither, according as Jadon made Jeroboams hand shrink, at such time as he thought to apprehend him. For I think (said he) O King, that thou art assuredly informed hereof: which said, he struck him; and because no incon­veniency fell upon him, by reason of that his audacious attempt, Achab assured himself, and recovered his courage, and set forth against the Assyrian Army. For as it is to be supposed, the Will of God was such, that it caused the false Pro­phets to triumph over the true: which was the cause that the false Prophets were trust­ed more than the true, to the intent that Gods preordained Will might be fulfilled. G But Sedechias made him iron horns, and said unto Achab, that God by them signified unto him, that he should lay waste all Syria; but Micheas prophesied to the contrary, that [Page 233] H within very few days Sedechias should walk from Cave to Cave to hide himself, and avoid the punishment of his falshood. Achab displeased hereat, commanded that he should be led thence, and kept Prisoner with Achmon the Governor of the City, allowing him no­thing but bread and water for his sustenance. Thus marched these two Kings with their Armies against Ramath which is in Galaad:Hed [...]o & R [...]f­finus, cap. 15. which when the King of Syria understood, he drew his Army into the field, and came out to meet them, and encamped near unto Ramath.1 Kings 22. 28, ad 38. Now it was concluded betwixt these two confederate Kings, that Achab should enter the battel in a private habit, 2 Chron. 18. 28▪ ad fin. and Jehoshaphat should be invested with the Royal or­naments, and supply Achabs place, to the intent that Micheas prediction might be made frustrate. Achab and Je­hosaphat War against the Syrians. But notwithstanding this disguise, Gods justice prevented him: for Adad King I of Syria commanded his Army, that they should put no one of the Enemy to the sword, but only the King of Israel.

As soon as the battel was begun, the Syrians perceiving Jehoshaphat in the front of the Army, and conjecturing that it was Achab, they made head all together against him, and having invironed and pressed him very nearly, they perceived that it was not he: for which cause they retired back again. But although they had fought from the morning until the evening,Ver. 34. and had the upper hand; yet slew they no man (because they sought after no other but Achab to put him to the sword) whom notwithstanding they could by no means meet withall.Achab, wound­ed by an arrow in the battel, dyeth. At length, one of Adads servants called Aman, shot at ran­dom amongst the Enemies, and hurt Achab in the breast, and shot him thorow the lungs. K This hurt of his concealed he from his Soldiers, for fear lest they should be discomfort­ed. For which cause, he commanded his servant to drive his Chariot out of the battel, for that he felt himself mortally wounded:Ver. 38. and although he were in much pain, yet sate he in his Chariot until Sun-set,The dogs li [...] Achabs blood, according to Elias predicti­on. at which time he gave up the ghost. When night came, the Syrian Army withdrew themselves into their Camp, and receiving tydings by an Herald, that Achab was dead, every one retired home unto his house: but Achabs body was conveyed to Samaria, and interred in that place. As for his Chariot, it was washed in the fountain of Jezrael, 1 King. 22. 28. because it was bloody, by reason of the Kings hurt, where­by the truth of Elias Prediction was ratified and confirmed,2 Chron. 18. 27. for the Dogs lickt his blood▪ and from that time forward,The oracles of the Prophets are to be reve­renced. the common Women continually washed themselves in that L fountain: he dyed also in Ramath (according as Micheas had prophesied.) Whereas therefore all things fell unto Achab, according as two Prophets had foretold him it ap­peareth that we ought to honour and magnifie the Majesty of God, and to reverence his Prophesies, and to ascribe always more credit unto them, than to the vain and plausible speech of flatterers; and no less to respect them, than things of infinite profit, since by them we are divinely admonished what we ought to take heed of. It behoveth us also to consider what force the Decree of God is of, by examining those things which befell Achab. For it is impossible to avoid what God has fore-ordain'd, notwithstanding that Men flatter themselves with vain hopes, which inveigle them so far, that finally they are overtaken in the snares thereof.The matchless necessity of fate. For this careless inconsideration was fatal to King Achab, M in that he believed not his death which was foretold him; but being deceived by the flattering persuasions of false Prophets, ran headlong upon his own danger and ruine. Af­ter him succeeded his son Ochozias.

NO

The Ninth Book of the Antiquities of the JEWS;The year of the World, 3048. before Christ's Nativity, 916. A

The Contents of the Chapters of the Ninth Book.
  • 1. Joram, Achabs Son, overcometh the Moabites in battel.
  • 2. Joram King of Jerusalem obtaining the Crown, killeth his brothers and his fathers friends.
  • 3. Jorams Army is overthrown by his Enemies, and his Sons are slain, only one excepted, at B length he himself dieth a miserable death.
  • 4. The King of Damascus warreth against the King of Israel.
  • 5. Joram with all his posterity is slain by Jehu. Ochozias King of Jerusalem is slain also.
  • 6. Jehu reigneth amongst the Israelites in Samaria, and his posterity after him till the fourth generation.
  • 7. Athalia reigneth five years in Jerusalem; and is slain by the High Priest Joas. Ocho­zias Son, is Proclaimed King.
  • 8. Azael King of Damascus gathereth an Army, first against the Israelites, and afterwards against Jerusalem.
  • 9. Amasias King of Jerusalem, maketh War against the Idumaeans, and Amalechites, and ob­taineth the victory.C
  • 10. Amasias making war against Joas, King of the Israelites, is overcome.
  • 11. Ozias overcometh the Nations round about him.
  • 12. Rasin, or Rabe, King of Damascus vexeth the inhabitants of Jerusalem with War, Achar their King is compelled to call the King of Assyria to assist him.
  • 13. The King of Assyria taketh Damascus by force, and slayeth the King, and translateth the people into Media, and planteth other Colonies in their City.
  • 14. Salmanazar taking the King of Israel captive, translateth ten of the twelve Tribes in­to Media, and causeth the Cuthaeans to inhabit their Countrey.D

CHAP. I.
Joram, Achabs Son, overcometh the Moabites in battel.

AS soon as King Jehosaphat was returned back again to Jerusalem (from the War wherein he had assisted Achab against Adad the King of Syria, 2 Chron. 19. 2, v. 2. as we have before related) the Prophet Iehu (in his return) came forth and met him,Jehu the Pro­phet reprehen­ded Jehosaphat for helping Achab. and reproved him, because he had given Achab (who had been an impious man) his assistance, assuring him that God was displeased with that his con­federacy; yet notwithstanding that he of his goodness had delivered him from his Enemies,Jehosaphat re­neweth the true service of God. although he had provoked him to anger. After this admonition, Jehosaphat E began to offer sacrifices, and thanksgivings, and peace offerings unto God: Which done, he rode in progress about those Countries that were under his dominion,v. 5. giving order that the people should be instructed in those ordinances which were delivered from God by the hands of Moses, Jehosaphat placed Judges and Magi­strates in every City. aud exhorted his Subjects to the practice of piety. He placed Judges likewise in every City, commanding them to execute justice without respect of persons. He charged them likewise, that they should not be corrupted with rewards, or seduced by dignity, riches, or Nobility; but that they should do justice indifferently to all men, knowing that God seeth all things, how secretly soever they be carried or contrived. Having in this sort ordered every thing in each City of the two Tribes, he returned again to Jerusalem, where he likewise chose Judges from amongst the Priests F and Levites, and the Elders among the people; exhorting them in all things to give up­right and just judgement. And if they of other Cities had any causes of greater con­sequence (which should be referred to their final determination) he charged them in­dustriously to decide them: for that it was very convenient that the most uncorrupt sentences should be delivered in that City, where God had his Temple, and the King made his ordinary abode. Over all these he placed his two friends, Amasias the Priest, and Zabadias, of the Tribe of Juda. After this manner did the King order his affairs.

About this time the Moabites and Ammonites (with their confederates,2 Chron. 20. 1, 2, a great number of Arabians) assaulted and assembled themselves against him,The Moabites and Ammonits War against Jehosaphat. and incamped themselves G near unto Engaddi (a City situate near unto the Lake Asphaltites, and distant from Jerusalem three hundred furlongs) in which place flourished those goodly and whole­some [Page 235] H Palme-trees, whence distilleth the pure and perfect Balme. When Jehosaphat had intelligence that the Enemies had past the Lake, and were already far entred into his Countrey, he was afraid and assembled the people of Jerusalem in the Temple, and stand­ing up, and turning his face toward the Propitiatory, he besought and requested God that he would give him power to overcome his Enemies. For such had been the form of their supplication,v. 5. ad 13. who in times past built the Temple: namely, that it might please him to fight for that City,Jehosaphats prayer in the Temple of Jerusalem for victory. and oppose himself against those that durst attempt or assault that place, to dispossess them of that Countrey which he himself had given them in posses­sion; and in pronouncing this prayer he wept; and all the people likewise, both men, women, and children, made their request unto God. Presently upon this, a certain Pro­phet I called Jaziel arose up in the midst of the Congregation, and cryed out, and assured the people and the King, that God had heard their prayers, and promised them to fight for them against their enemies,v. 14, 15, &c. enjoyning them the next day to sally out in Armes,Jaziel the Prophet assu­reth them of victory. and to make head against their adversaries, whom they should encounter in the mountain situate betwixt Jerusalem and Engaddi, in a place called the hillock of Sis (which place in Hebrew, signifieth Eminency) willing them not to fight against them, but only to stay in that place, and see how would God fight for them. When the Prophet had spoken these words,v. 16, 17. the King and all the people prostrated themselves upon their faces, giving thanks unto God;The manner and weapons whereby Jeho­saphat over­came his Ene­mies. in the mean while the Levites sung Hymnes▪ with instruments and voyces. About the begining of the day, the King departed into the desart that is under the City K of Thecoa, advising the people to believe all that which the Prophet had said unto them, and not to range themselves in battel-array: he commanded the Priests to march before them with their Trumpets, and the Levites that they should [...]ing Hymnes of thanksgiving unto God, as if their Countrey were already delivered from their enemies.

This advice of the Kings pleased them all; so that they performed whatsoever he counselled them. But God sent a great terror and disorder among the Barbarians: so that supposing themselves to be enemies one against the other,v. 22, ad 24. they slew one another in such sort,The Ammo­ni [...]es and their confederates kill one ano­ther. that of so great an hoast, there was not one that escaped. But Jehosaphat look­ing down into the vally (wherein the enemies had pitcht their tents) and seeing it full of dead men, rejoyced greatly at the unexpected succours that God had sent him, who L had given them the victory, not by the dint of their own swords, but by his provi­dence and power only. He therefore permitted his Army to pillage the enemies Camp, and to spoil the dead;The spoiles of the Ammo­nites. and so great was the multitude of them that were slain, that they could scarcely take the spoils of them in three dayes space. On the fourth day, the people assembled together in a valley, where they blessed God for the succours he had sent them, by reason whereof the place was called the valley of Benediction. From thence the King led back his Army into Jerusalem, and for divers dayes he spent the time in of­fering sacrifices and making feasts.v. 25. 26. After this discomfiture of his enemies was published amongst foreign Nations they were all of them afraid,The [...]ame and praise of Jeho­saphat in every place. supposing that God did manifestly express his power, and extend his favour towards him. And from that time forward, M Jehosaphat lived in great glory; He likewise was a friend to the King of Israel that reigned at that time,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 2. who was Achabs Son, with whom he adventured in a voyage by Sea, in­tending to traffique with certain Merchants of Tarsis, Ochozias A­cabs Son King of Israel▪ but he received great loss: for his ships were cast away because they were so large, that they could not easily be governed; and for this cause he had never more mind to exercise Navigation.2 King 1. 1, 2, 3, &c. Hitherto have we spoken of Jehosaphat King of Jerusalem.

But as touching Ochozias, Achab's Son, who reigned over Israel, and resided at Sa­maria, he was a wicked man, and resembled his father and mother every way in his im­pieties, and was nothing inferiour to Jeroboam in wickedness, who first fell from God, and made the Israelites revolt from him. The tenth year of his Reign, the King of the N Moabites rebelled against him, and denied to pay him those tributes which he was wont to pay unto Achab his Father. But it came to pass that as Ochozias ascended the stairs of his Palace,v. 2, 3, &c. he fell down from the top thereof, and being indisposed by the fall, he sent to Accaron unto the god called Myiodes, Ochozias ha­ving a grievous fall, seeketh to be informed of a false Ora­cle, and is re­proved by Elias. or the Flie, to enquire whether he should re­cover of that sickness or no. But the God of the Hebrews appeared to Elias the Prophet, and commanded him to go and meet those Messengers that were sent by Ochozias, and to ask them if the people of the Israelites had not a God, that the King sent to forreign gods to enquire of his health? and to charge them to return and declare unto their King, That he should not escape that sickness. Elias did that which God had commanded; and the Messengers of the King having understood that which was declared unto them, returned O back again with all expedition.

Ochozias marvelling much at their sudden return, asked them the cause, whereupon they answered him, that a certain man came unto them, and forbad them to pass any further, [Page 236] but to return, The year of the World, 3048. before Christ's Nativity, 915. and let their Master know from God, that his sickness should wax worse and worse. A Hereupon the King commanded them to describe what manner of Man he was that spake these words unto them: who answer'd, That he was an hairy Man, girded with a leathern girdle. And understanding hereby that it was Elias, he sent a Captain with 50 Soldiers unto him,Ver. 8. commanding him to bring the Prophet prisoner unto him. This Captain that was sent,Elias [...] an [...] habit. perceiving Elias sitting on the top of a Mountain, commanded him to come down and repair unto the King, who had sent for him; which if he performed not pre­sently, Ver. 9 10. he threatned him to make him do it by force. [...] Sol [...]iers sent to fetch Elias, are consumed with lightning Elias answered him, To the end thou mayest know by thine own experience that I am a true Prophet, I will pray, that fire may fall from Heaven, and consume both thee and thy Soldiers. And incontinently after Elias had prayed, lightning fell down from heaven, and consumed both the Captain and his Soldiers.B

When the King had tydings of this loss, he was sore displeased, and sent another Captain to Elias, with the like number of Soldiers, who threatned the Prophet, that if he would not willingly come down, he would violently pull him thence; but Elias pray­ed that fire might fall from Heaven, and incontinently both he and his were consumed in like manner as the first. When the King had understood likewise how his second messenger had sped, he sent a third; but he being a discreet man, when he came to the place where Elias was, he saluted him very courteously, and said unto him, That contrary to his own will, and to no other purpose but to fulfill the Kings pleasure, he was come unto him; and that they that were sent with him, came not thither voluntarily, but by the same command: He therefore required him to have compassion both of him and his Soldiers, and to vouchsafe to C come down, and to come after them to the King. Elias being moved by his discreet and cour­teous demeanor, came down and followed him. As soon as he came into the Kings pre­sence, he prophesied,Ver. 17. and told him that God said, That since he had despised him, and so light­ly accounted of him, [...] dy­ing without issue, J [...]ram his brother reigned in his stead. as if he had been no God, or else such an one as had no power to foretell him any truth touching his sickness; but that he had sent to the gods of Accaron, to enquire after the success of his sickness: know (said he) that thou shalt dye. And not long after (ac­cording to the Prophecy) he dyed, as Elias had foretold him, and his brother Joram suc­ceeded him in the Kingdom, because he departed without issue.

This Joram was a wicked man also,2 Kings 2. [...] 1. and as impious as his father: for abandoning the service of the true God,Elias, accord­ing as Eno [...]h, was taken from the sight of men. he set up strange gods. In all things else he was a man fit for D government. In his time Elias was no more seen amongst men, and until this day no man knoweth what his end was. But he left a Disciple behind him called Elizeus (as we have heretofore declared.) It is written in Holy Writ touching Elias, and Enoch who was before the Deluge,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 3. that they disappeared: for no man hath known the manner of their d [...]ths.1 Kings 3. After that Joram had taken possession of the kingdom,Elizeus. he resolved to make war upon Misa the King of the Moabites, Ver 11, 13. (who paid Achab his father before him the tribute of two hundred thousand sheep bearing wooll.) J [...]ram asketh aid against the Moabites. When he had assembled his Forces, he sent unto Jehoshaphat, requiring him, That since he had been his fathers friend, he would likewise second him, and send him aid in his War intended against the Moabites, who had then newly revolted from his government. Jehoshaphat not only promised him to afford E him succors, but moreover he assured him, That he would draw the King of Idumaea (who depended on him) into their association. When Joram understood these things by those whom he had sent unto Jehoshaphat, he took his Army with him, and repaired to Jerusa­lem, where he was magnificently received and entertained by the King of that City: where, after they had concluded to march thorow the Desart of Idumaea, and that way to charge the Enemy,Ver. 17. (in that they expected nothing less than to be endangered on that side) these three Kings departed together from Jerusalem, namely,Wan [...] of water in the Hebrews Army. the King of Jerusalem, the King of Samaria, and the King of Idumaea. When they had marched seven dayes journey, they found a great scarcity of water amongst them, both to water their Horses, and to refresh their whole Army, by reason that their Guides had led them astray out of F the High-way: so that they were in great want, and especially Joram, who, by reason of the necessity wherewith he was pressed, cryed unto God, expostulating with him for what offence of his he would deliver up three such Kings into the hands of the King of Moab. But Jehoshaphat, who was a virtuous man, encouraged him, and sent into the Ar­my, to know whether there were any Prophet of God that had followed them to the battel, Ver. 13. to the intent (said he) that we may understand from God what we ought to do: The Kings [...] for [...] at Elizeus's hand. and whereas one of the servants of Joram said, that he had seen Elizeus the Son of Saphat, the Disci­ple of Elias, all the three Kings (by the persuasion of Jehoshaphat) resorted unto him. When they drew near unto the Prophets Tent (which he had pitched apart from the rest of the company) they asked him▪ what should become of the Army, and Joram especially? G To whom Elizeus answered. That he had no reason to sollicite him in this sort, but to repair unto his fathers and mothers Prophets, who would certifie him the truth. Notwithstanding, [Page 237] H Joram intreated him,The year of the World, 3049. before Christ's Nativity, 915. that he would prophesie, and preserve the Army, and his life: but Eli­zeus sware by the living God, That he would answer him nothing, except for Jehoshaphats sake, who was an upright man, and one that feared God. Afterwards calling unto them a certain Man that could cunningly play upon Instruments (for so had the Prophet com­manded) whil'st he sung, Elizeus was fill'd with the Spirit of God, and enjoined the Kings to make certain Trenches in the Channel of the River:Ver. 17. For (said he) you shall see the River full of water, Elizeus fore-prophesieth store of water, and their vi­ctory. without either wind, cloud, or rain; so that both the whole Army and all their Cattel shall be saved, and sufficiently sustained: and God will not only bestow these benefits on you, but will give you the upper hand of your Enemies also; and you shall sur­prize the fairest and strongest Cities of the Moabites; and you shall cut down their Trees, rui­nate I their Countrey, and fill up their Fountains and Rivers. When the Prophet had spoken thus, the next day before Sun-rise, the River flowed abundantly with water: for three days journey off,Ver. 22, 23. God had suffered a very violent rain to fall in Idumaea, so that both the Soldiers and their Horses were sufficiently refreshed and watered.A wonderful blindness of the Enemy, grounded on the redness of the water that flowed. When the Moabites were informed that the three Kings came out against them, and took their way thorow the Desart, their King assembled his Army, and commanded them to keep the passage of the Mountains, to the end they might hinder the Enemy from entering their Countrey unawares. But beholding about the Sun-rise, that the water of the River was blood-red, (for at that time it arose in the Countrey of Moab, and at this hour the water is red) they conceived a false opinion, that the three Kings being pressed by thirst, had K slain one another, and that the River flowed with their blood. Being in this sort sedu­ced with this imagination, they besought the King to give them leave to gather their Ene­mies spoils: which when they had obtained, they altogether inconsiderately marched forth, as if to a Prey already prepar'd for them, and came unto the Kings Camps, with hope to find no Man to resist them. But their hope deceived them; for their Enemies environed them round about, and some of them were cut in pieces, the rest turned their backs, and fled towards their own Countrey; and the three Kings entering into the Territories of the Moabites, destroyed thier Cities, pillaged the Countrey, broke down their Inclosures, filling them with stones and mud taken out of the River; cut down their fairest Trees, stopped up the sources of their Waters, and levelled their Walls with the L ground The King of the Moabites himself,Ver. 24. seeing himself pursued and besieged, and that his City was in danger to be taken by force,The victory of the Hebrews against the Moabites. sallied out very valiantly with 700 Men, hoping by the swiftness of his Horse, to break thorow the Israelites Camp on that side where he thought it was least guarded. Which when he had attempted, and could not execute,Ver. 27. because he charged on that side which was best defended,The King of the Moabites sacrificeth his own son. he returned back again into the City, and committed a desperate action: for he took his eldest son, who ought in right to succeed him in the kingdom, and set him on the wall of the City, and in the sight of all his Enemies, offer'd him for a burnt-sacrifice unto God. The Kings beholding this woful spectacle, were moved with compassion, and overcome with huma­nity, left the siege, and returned back again to their Countries. After that Jehoshaphat M was returned into Jerusalem, Jehoshaphats death. he enjoyed a peaceable Government, but lived not long af­ter, but dyed when he was 60 years old, in the 25th year of his Reign, and was magnifi­cently buried in Jerusalem, according as the Successor to Davids virtues and his kingdom ought to be interred.

CHAP. II.
Joram obtaining the Kingdom of Jerusalem, slayeth his brothers and his fathers friends.

JEhoshaphat, King of Juda, left behind him divers children, the eldest of whom he ap­pointed his Successor in the kingdom,Joram, Jeho­shaphats son, King of Jeru­salem. who was called Joram (as his Uncle was, who N was his Mothers Brother, and Achabs Son, lately King of Israel.) The King of the ten Tribes turning back unto Samaria, kept with him the Prophet Elizeus, whose actions I will here recite, because they are notable, and deserve to be registred in writing, accor­ding as we have gathered them out of the Holy Scripture. The widow of Obadiah, (who was sometime steward of Achabs house) came unto him, and told him, That he was not ignorant that in that persecution wherein Jezabel sought to murther the Prophets, her Husband saved one hundred of them, for whose private maintenance he had borrowed much mo­ney of other men; and that now being dead, his Creditors strove to draw both her and her chil­dren into bondage: 2 Kings 4. 1, ad 7. For which cause she besought him, in consideration of this act, to have com­passion on her, Elizeus com­mandeth the Widow to fill her empty ves­sels with oyl. and to yield her some succor. Hereupon Elizeus ask'd her, If she had any thing O in her house? she answer'd him, That she had nothing but a very little oyl left her in an earthen Pot. Whereupon the Prophet commanded her to depart, and to borrow divers empty vessels of her Neighbors: that done, he willed her to lock up her doors, and to pour [Page 238] oyl into the vessels,The year of the World, 3050. before Christ's Nativity, 924. because it was Gods pleasure to fill them all. The Woman did ac­cording A as he had commanded her, and all the vessels were found full, so as none of them were empty: whereof when she had certified the Prophet, he advised her to go and sell her oyl, and pay her Debts; and when all was paid, he assured her, that there would be some remainder, that might serve to sustain both her and her children.

By this means Elizeus discharged the Widow of her Debts,2 Kings 6. 9, ad 12. and that trouble which her Creditors intended against her. He admonished Joram likewise, by certain Messen­gers, Elizeus advi­seth Joram to avoid Adads ambush, who lay in wait to kill him. that he should take heed of a certain place wherein the Syrians lay in ambush, in­tending to slay him: by means of which admonition, the King went not out on hunting. But Adad being sore displeased, because his ambushment was discovered began to suspect his own followers: whereupon calling unto him his houshold servants, he maliciously B termed them Traytors; and furthermore threatned them with death, for that they had discovered a matter, which was onely committed to their trust, unto his enemy. Where­upon one of the assistants told him, That he ought not to conceive that false opinion of them, neither suspect that they had discovered his intended ambush to cut off his enemy: but rather that he ought to conceive, that the Prophet Elizeus had discovered all that which was intended against him. V. 13 14, 15. Whereupon he sent out his Soldiers with an express charge, to know in what City Elizeus made his ordinary abode;Elizeus be­sieged in Do­thaim by his enemy. who returning back, brought him news that he remained in Dothaim: For which cause, Adad sent a great number of Horsemen and Chariots to Dothaim, to lay hold on Elizeus, who begirt the City by Night, and laid watch round about the walls, that no Man might escape them. Early in the morning,C when the Prophets servant had notice hereof, and was advertised that the enemies sought to surprize Elizeus, he fearfully hasted, and discovered their intent to his Master, who encouraged him, and commanded him not to be afraid, because he was assured of Gods help: whereupon he prayed to God, that at that present he would shew his power and assistance both toward the relief of his necessity,Ver. 16, 17. and the confirmation and encourage­ment of his servant.The Angels about Elizeus the Prophet. At that time God hearing his prayer, represented to the Prophets servant a great number of Chariots and Horsemen that invironed Elizeus; so that he laid his fear aside, and was assured, when he perceived these succors. That done, Eli­zeus besought God again, That he would blind his enemies eyes, and cause a thick cloud to fall upon them, to the end they might not discover him. Which done, he presently thrust him­self D amongst the thickest of his enemies, demanding of them, Whom they came [...] seek for? They answer'd him, That they sought for the Prophet Elizeus: he promis'd them to deliver him into their hands,Ver. 18, 19. if so be they would come with him into the City where he was.Elizeus lead­eth the Syri­ans blinded into Samaria, where by his persuasion they are courte­ously enter­tained and presented by Joram, and sent home. They being blinded in eyes, and depraved in their understanding, followed the Prophet willingly, who marched before them. When therefore Elizeus had brought them into Samaria, he willed King Joram to lock the gates, and to inviron the Syrians with his Sol­diers. This done, he prayed God that he would open the eyes of the Syrians; and they being delivered from their blindness, perceived that they were in the midst of their enemies. Whereat being sore astonished, and uncertain whence this divine and unex­pected act had befallen them, King Joram asked the Prophet, Whether he should kill them E with darts? But Elizeus forbade him to do so: For (said he) it is a just and convenient matter, that they who are taken in War, should lose their life; but that they had done no evil unto his Countrey, but by Gods providence came thither, without their own knowledge: for which cause, he counselled him to give them Presents, and refresh them, and afterwards to suffer them to depart without any injury.

Joram giving ear to the Prophets words, entertained the Syrians magnificently, and with great humanity, and sent them back unto Adad their King; to whom, upon their arrival, they declared all that which had hapned unto them. Adad astonished at this un­expected event,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 4. and wondering at the power of the God of the Israelites, and admiring the Prophet whom God so wonderously assisted, he concluded from that time forward,F never more to attempt the King of Israel in secret, because he feared Elizeus; but conclu­ded to make open War against him, hoping to have the upper hand of his enemies, by means of the great number and force of his Army: so that he issued out with a mighty power against Joram, who supposing himself to be overmatched by the Syrian Army, locked himself up within Samaria, putting his trust and confidence in the fortification and strength of the walls thereof.Ver. 24. Adad hoping to take the City, if not by force, at leastwise by famine,Samaria be­sieged by the Syrians. and default of things necessary, drew near unto Samaria to besiege it. But Joram was so destitute of convenient supplies, that by reason of the incredible want of victuals, an Asses head was sold in Samaria for 80 pieces of silver, and a mea­sure of Pigeons dung at five pieces of silver, which they used instead of Salt: neither G was there any thing that more troubled the King, than that he feared lest some one con­strained by famine, should deliver or betray the City unto the enemy. For which cause, [Page 239] H he every day walked the round about the walls,The year of the World, 3050. before Christ's Nativity, 914. and visited the Centinels of the City, for fear lest any one should lie hidden within: and with all care and diligence he gave order, That if any one had such a sinister intent, the means to execute the same should be ta­ken from him. And whereas a certain Woman cryed out unto him, Have mercy upon me, O King; he incensed with wrath, and supposing that she asked him some meat, began to rail on her, telling her, That he had neither Grange nor Wine-press, whereby he might any ways supply her necessity.

The Woman answer'd him, Ver. 28. That she had no need thereof,The famine so great in Sa­maria, that Women eat their own children. and that she was not troubled for want of food, but onely desired that he would determine a debate betwixt her and another Woman: whereupon he commanded her to express and declare what she required. Here­upon I she said, That she had made an agreement with another Woman her Neighbor and Friend, that since the famine and scarcity was such, as they could find no redress for the same, that they should kill their children, (for each of them had one) and in this sort should nourish one an­other. As for my self (said she) I have first of all strangled mine, and we have both of us yesterday eaten thereof: but now she will not do the like, but breaketh the accord betwixt us, and concealeth her child. Joram was grievously tormented to hear these words, and rent his garments, and cryed out with a loud voyce, and afterwards wholly enraged against the Prophet, he devised in his heart to put him to death, because he prayed not unto God to grant him means to escape those evils that invironed them round about: so that he sent a Man presently to cut off his head; Ver. 31, 32. who prepared himself with all expedition to K the slaughter. Joram threa­neth Elizeus's death. But Elizeus was not ignorant of this resolution of the Kings: for sit­ting at home with his Disciples in his house, he told them, That Joram the murtherers son sent a Man to take away his head:Ver. 33. but (said he) when he that hath the matter in charge shall come hither, suffer him not to enter, but make him attend and stay at the gate; for the King will follow him, and will resort to me in his own person, having altered his resolution: and they, according as they were commanded, shut him out of the doors whom the King had sent. Joram repenting himself of that displeasure which he had conceived against the Prophet, and fearing lest he that had the commission to murther him, should speedily execute the same, hasted himself all that he might to hinder the slaughter, and save Eli­zeus. When therefore he came into his presence, he accused him, For that he had not L besought God to deliver them from those many evils which they suffered; considering that he himself was an eye witness, they were miserably consumed by them. Elizeus promised him the next day, (about the same hour that the King came unto him) That he should have so great abundance of victuals, that two measures of barley should be sold in the market for a shekel, and a measure of flowre for a shekel.

By these words of his,1 King. 7. 1, 2▪ 17, 18, 19. the King, with all his attendants, were wonderfully comforted, and made no difficulty to believe the Prophet, because that before-time they had been ascer­tained by their experience of the truth of his Prophesies; and the expectation of this day, was the cause that the necessity and misery of the present was more patiently endur'd. But a certain friend of the Kings, and the Governor of the third part of his Army (on M whose shoulder the King at that time hapned familiarly to lean) spake unto him after this manner: Prophet, thou tellest us incredible matters: for as it is impossible that God should rain down heaps of barley and flowre from Heaven, so cannot that which thou speakest come to pass, To whom the Prophet replied, Thou thy self (said he) shalt see the issue hereof, but shalt not partake of it. Which Prediction of his had a most certain effect, according as hereafter it appeareth.

It was a custom in Samaria, that they that were defiled with a leprosie, should live without the City-walls,Ver. 3, 4. for fear lest their conversation might infect others: and at that time also there were some who for this cause had their dwelling without the gate. These, for that (by reason of the extreme famine that reigned within the City) they recei­ved N no relief or sustenance out of it, and whether they had licence to return into the City, or whether they contained themselves in their houses, they knew that they should assuredly perish by famine, resolved amongst themselves to submit themselves to the ene­mies mercy, to the end that if they spared them, they might live; and if it hapned other­wise, that they might dye with less torture. Now having agreed upon this amongst themselves, they repaired by Night unto the Enemies Camp. At that time God began to terrifie and trouble the Syrians, and to fill their ears with a noise of Chariots and Arms,Ver. 5, 6, 7. as if an Army had violently charged them.The enemies flight, by rea­son of a terror that God sent among them. Whereupon they grew suspicious, and were so moved, that they forsook their Tents, and ran unto Adad, and told him, That Joram King of the Israelites had entertained the King of Egypt, and the King of the Isles O for his Confederates, whom he led out against them, and how already they had heard the noise of them that approached to bid them the battel. Adad (whose ears were filled with no less ru­mor than those of the People) was amazed at their sayings: so that all of them aban­doned [Page 240] their Camp, their Horses, Beasts of carriage, and riches, and betook them to flight,A with disorder and confusion. Those Lepers that were retired from Samaria into the Enemies Camp, (and of whom we have heretofore made some mention) being near unto the Camp, perceived that there was great silence in the same, and no less abundance of all things: for which cause approaching the same, and entering into a Tent, they found no body therein: whereupon they fell to eating and drinking, and that done, to bear away a quantity of the rayment and gold which they took and hid without the Camp. Afterward resorting to another Tent, they bare away likewise that which was therein, and did the like by four others, without any opposition: and conjecturing thereby that the Enemies were retired, they began to accuse themselves, because they had B not given notice thereof to Joram, and the Inhabitants of Samaria. For which cause drawing near unto the Walls of the City, they cryed out unto the Watch, giving them to understand in what state they had found the Enemies Camp,Ver. 8, 9, 10. who told it to Joram's guard,The Lepers certifie the Sa­maritans of the flight of their enemies. so that at last it came unto his ears. Whereupon he presently sent for his Friends and Captains, and told them. That the departure of the Syrians, made him suspect some stra­tagem or ambush: for they (said he) having lost their hope to surprize us by Famine, are re­tired, under an intent, that when we shall issue forth, and fall a spoiling of their Camp, they may come upon us, and kill us; and afterwards take our City, without any stroke struck. For which cause (said he) I advise you to keep good guard within the City, and let this retreat of our Enemies make us the more considerate.

Some of his Council approved of this advice of his, and allowed his foresight, advi­sing C him to send out two Scouts on Horseback to search every quarter betwixt that and Jordan, Ver. 11, 12, 13, 14. to the end, that if they should be taken and slain by the Enemies ambush, their fall might give warning to the whole Army to stand upon their guard,Spies sent abroad. (for fear lest they should be surprized in like manner) concluding that the loss of two Horsemen would not be very great, since perhaps they might otherwise have been cut off by famine. This advice was allowed by the King, and assented to by the rest: so that presently there were two Spies sent out, who rode along without encountering any Enemy; but they met with great quantity of victuals, and arms, cast away and abandoned by the Syrians, to the intent they might flie away with greater expedition.1 Ver. 15, 16. Which when the King un­derstood, he suffered the People to issue out,The enemies Camp spoiled by the Sam­ritans. and spoil the Camp; who took therein D things of no small value, much gold and silver, and troops of all sorts of Cattel: and besides that, they found so great a quantity of wheat and barley, that they could not hope or imagine the like. Thus were they delivered from all their precedent afflictions: for there was so great quantity of Corn, that two measures of barley were sold but for one sicle,Ver. 17, 18, 19. and a measure of wheat-flower for a sicle, according as Elizeus had prophesied. Now the measure which we call Sat, The truth of Gods Oracles. containeth an Italian bushel and an half. But the Captain of the third part of the Army,The punish­ment of In­credulity. was he onely that enjoyed no part of this bene­fit; for being appointed by the King to have the keeping of the gate, and to restrain the multitude from headlong pressing out, for fear lest thrusting one another, some of them should be trodden under foot, and slain, he himself was trodden upon, and slain, (accor­ding E as the Prophet had foretold) for that he onely amongst the rest would not give credit to that which he had said, touching the great abundance of victuals that they should enjoy.

When Adad King of the Syrians was safely returned to Damascus, and knew that God had suffered such a confusion and fear to fall both on him and his Army,2 Ki [...]gs 8. 7. and that it had not hapned by reason that the Enemy sallied out upon him; he was much discouraged, to see that God was so displeased with him, and through anguish and agony of mind, fell sick: and for that (at that very time) Elizeus was come unto Damascus, Adad being informed thereof, sent Azael (who was one of his most trusty servants) unto him, to present him, and consult with him concerning his sickness, whether he should recover or F no Hereupon Azael loaded 40 Camels with the fairest and most honourable Presents,Ver. 8, 9. that either Damascus, Eliz [...]us is sent unto by Adad, to enquire counsel of him a [...] touching his sickness. or the Princes Royal Court afforded; and repairing to Elizeus, sa­luted him very courteously, telling him, That he was sent unto him by King Adad, to present him, and to ask counsel of him touching his malady, Whether he should recover? The Prophet told him, That he should certainly dye; but advised him not to carry the King any tydings thereof. Azael hearing thereof, was much grieved; and Elizeus himself began to weep, so that the tears fell from his eyes abundantly,Ver. 11, 12, 13. in that he foresaw how many evils the People should suffer after the decease of Adad. The Prophesie of Adads death, and Azaels go­vernment. And when Azael demanded him the cause, wherefore he was so discomforted? I weep (said he) for the compassion that I have of the People of Israel, by reason of those calamities which they shall endure by thy means. For thou G shalt kill the better sort of them, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 5. and shalt burn their strongest Cities: thou shalt murther their Infants, and dash them against the stones, and shalt open the Womens wombs that are with child. [Page 241] H Azael answered,The year of the World, 3207. before Christ's Nativity, 757. What force is there in me to execute these things? Elizeus said unto him, That God had certified him that he should be King of Syria. When Azael was returned back unto Adad, he signified nothing unto him but glad tydings, touching his sickness: but the next day he cast a wet cloth upon him, and strangled him, and seized the kingdom into his own hands. This Prince was a man fit for government, and well-beloved among the Syrians, Ver. 18. and common People of Damascus, who even until this day honour Adad and Azael his Successor as gods,Joram's im­piety. by reason of their benefits, and those Temples which were built by them, which adorn the City of Damascus. For every day do they celebrate feasts in memory of these Kings, and honour of them, by reason of their antiquity, not knowing that they were modern, and such as reigned not past 1100 years since. But Jo­ram, I King of Israel, hearing of the death of Adad, began to give over his fear, and cast off that suspition which he had conceived of him, rejoycing that yet at last he might have liberty to live in peace. The other Joram, King of Jerusalem, (for he likewise was so called, as we have heretofore declared) by murthering of his brethren and his fathers friends, who were Governors, obtained the Kingdom, and became so wicked and impious, as he differed in nothing from the Kings of Israel, who transgressed the first laws and ordinances of the Hebrews, and perverted the service of God. For Athalia, Achabs daughter, (his Wife) taught him to execute divers mischiefs, and, amongst the rest, to adore strange gods. This notwithstanding, God would not altogether abolish his race, by reason of his promise made unto David: yet he omitted not daily to introduce new K impieties,The Idumae [...] ­ans revolt. and corrupt the ancient laws of his forefathers. Mean-while it came to pass, that the Idumaeans revolted,Ver. 22▪ and slew their King, who had been before-time subject unto Jehoshaphat, Jorams father, and in his place established another to their own liking. For which cause, Joram invaded Idumaea by Night with his Horses and Chariots, and spoiled the Countrey round about his Kingdom, without passing any further: yet profited he nothing in so doing; for all of them revolted from him, and, amongst the rest, the Inha­bitants of the Countrey of Labia. But so great was the fury of this Man, that he con­strained the People to ascend the high mountains,2 Chro [...] 21. 12. and adore strange gods. Yet whil'st he behav'd himself in this manner,Joram's wick­edness repro­ved by Elias' [...] Letters. and utterly rooted out of his thoughts the laws of his forefathers, there was a Letter brought unto him from the Prophet Elias, which certi­fied L him that God would do justice upon him, because he had forsaken the wayes of his forefathers, and followed the impieties of the Kings of Israel, constraining the Tribe of Juda, and the Inhabitants of Jerusalem, to forsake the service of their God, to serve Idols, as Achab had constrained the Israelites to do: Furthermore, because he had mur­thered his brethren, and slain upright and virtuous men. The Prophet likewise certifi'd him by Letters, what punishment he should suffer; namely, the ruine of his People, the death of his Wives and Children, and lastly his own death: which should happen unto him by a sickness in his belly, wherewith he should be so tormented, that his intrails strang­ly rotting within him, should drop out, and that he himself should see his misery, which should be such, as neither might be recover'd by medicine, or should ever leave him, until M he had finished his days. These things did Elias denounce unto him by his Letters.

CHAP. III.
Joram's Army is discomfited, all his sons are slain except one: and himself, finally, dyeth a miserable death.

NOT long after,The expediti­on of the Ara­bians against Joram. the Arabians that dwell towards Ethiopia, confederating themselves with other Barbarians, invaded Joram's Countrey, and spoiled the same, and ran-sacked the Kings House, and slew his Sons and Daughters, and left him but one onely Son called Ochozias, 2 Chron. 21. 16, 17, 18. who escaped from his Enemies hands. After this adversity, he himself was strucken with a long sickness, according as the Prophet had foretold him; and God N visited him with a disease in his bowels,Ver. 19, 20. whereof he dyed miserably: the People like­wise handled his body ignominiously; supposing, that being cut off in that sort by Gods displeasure, he was unworthy of a Royal Funeral, for he was not buried in the Sepulchre of the Kings, neither was any honor done unto him. He lived 40 years, and reigned eight: they made Ochozias King.

CHAP. IV.
The King of Damascus maketh War against the King of Israel.

JOram King of Israel, 2 Kings 8. 25: ad finem. hoping to recover Ramath in Galaad from the Assyrians, after he had made great preparations for War,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 6. led his Army against it. In this siege he was hurt O by an Arrow shot by a certain Syrian, and retir'd himself into the City of Jezrael, untill he should recover of his wound,Joram's expe­dition against [...]amath: (leaving Jehu with his Army at Ramath, who took the City) intending to make War against the Syrians. But Elizeus sent one of his disciples to Ramath, [Page 242] gave him holy oyl,The year of the World, 3060. before Christ's Nativity, 904. willed him to anoint Jehu, and to say, That God had chosen and anointed A him for King: and after he had given him some other instructions, he commanded him to depart, as one that flieth, making no man privy to it. When this disciple of his came to the City, he found Jehu in the midst of the Captains of War, (as Elizeus had told him) and drawing near,2 Kings▪ 9. 1. ad 6. he told him, That he would communicate certain secrets unto him; for which cause he arose and follow'd him. Whereupon the young man taking out the oyl, poured it on his head,Jehu, by Gods commandment anointed King. saying, That God had chosen him to exterminate the race of Achab, and revenge the blood of the Prophets unjustly murthered by Jezabel: and that both he and his house might be brought to nought in like sort, as the sons of Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, and the children of Basa, were extinguished for their impiety; so that no one of the race of Achab might survive in the world. As soon as he had spoken thus, he issued out of the chamber, that he might not B be discovered by any of the Army.Ver. 11. Now when Jehu came out, he returned to his place to his Captains, who besought him to declare unto them, wherefore the young man came unto him? (alledging, that they supposed him to be out of his wits.) Truly (said he) you have divined well; for he hath talked unto me after the manner of a mad man; wherein he told them what he had said unto him, namely, how God had chosen him to be King over the people.

As soon as he had spoke,Ver. 13. every one of them cast off their garments, and spread them before him, and sounding a Trumpet, they proclaimed Jehu King; who assembling his Army, determined to conduct them toward the City of Jezrael against Joram (who lay there to recover his wound which he had received at the siege of Ramath, in Galaad, as we have heretofore declared.) Thither also resorted in the way of friendship and con­sanguinity,C Ochozias King of Jerusalem to visit Joram, and to see how he was recovered of his wound: for he was his nephew, and son unto his sister, as we have said before. Jehu desirous to surprize Joram and his followers, on the sudden gave command, that none of the Soldiers should run before, to give any intelligence of his repair unto Joram, al­ledging, that it should be a demonstration of their good will towards him: whereas con­trariwise, they that did otherwise, declared that they held him not for their King.

CHAP. V.
Joram with all his Race is slain by Jehu: Ochozias King of Jerusalem is likewise slain.D

THE Men of War were very joyful to execute this his command,Ver. 17. ad 23. and guarded the ways, that no Man might secretly steal into Jezrael, and bare tydings of that which had hapned. Mean-while, Jehu, attended by his choicest Horsemen, and mounted in his Cha­riot, marched towards Jezrael. And when he drew near unto the City, the Centinel that was appointed by Joram to discover those that repaired to the City, perceived Jehu re­sorting thither with a multitude of attendants, and told Joram that a Troop of Horse­men were at hand. Whereupon a Scout was sent out to discover who they were; who drawing near unto Jehu, asked him what News there was in the Army? telling him, that the King was desirous to know the same. Jehu willed him to take no care thereof, but to fol [...]ow after him. The Centinel perceiving this, certified Joram, that the Messenger E whom he had sent, went along with them that came, and followed their General. Where­upon the King sent out a Messenger the second time, and Jehu commanded him to attend him, as he did the first: which the C [...]ntinel signified to Joram likewise, who thereupon took his Chariot to meet them, accompanied with Ochozias, King of Jerusalem, who (as we have said) was come to the City, to see how the King was recovered of his hurt, be­cause he was allied unto him. But Jehu marched on in good aray, till Joram meeting him in the field of Naboth, asked him how the Army did? who instead of returning an answer, reviled him bitterly, and called him the son of a Poysoner, and of an Harlot. For which cause, Joram (fearing his turbulent spirit, and suspecting he designed some Trea­son against him) fled away as swiftly as his Chariot could be driven; telling Ochozias, F that they were both of them betrayed: but Jehu flung a Dart at him, and pierced him tho­row the heart▪ Ver. 24. Whereupon Joram instantly fell on his knees,Jorams slaugh­ter. and dyed. Hereupon Je­hu commanded Badac to cast Jorams body into Naboths field, remembring him of the Prophecy of Elias foretold to Achab, Ver. 25, 26. who murthered Naboth: The truth of Elias Prophe­sie. namely, That he and his Race should dye in that field. For sitting behind Achabs Chariot, he heard these words pronounced by the Prophet: in effect it so fell out as he had prophesied. When Joram was fallen down, Ochozias was afraid to be slain: for which cause, he turned his Chariot to take another way,Ver. 27. hoping that Jehu would not discover him.The death of Ochozias King of Jerusalem, and his burial. But he was overtaken in a steep way, and was hurt with an Arrow: whereupon he forsook his Chariot, and be­ing mounted on a swift Horse, posted to Maggedo, where, after his wounds had been dres­sed G some few dayes, he deceased, and was carried to Jerusalem, and buried there, after he had reigned one year, and surpassed his father in wickedness.

H CHAP. VI.
Jehu reigneth over Israel, and keepeth his Court in Samaria; and after him, his Progeny, to the fourth generation.

AT such time as Jehu arrived at Jezrael, Jezabel being on the top of a Tower in her Princely Robes, cried out; O trusty Servant (said she) that hath slain his Master! He looking upward, asked her what she was, commanding her to come down unto him: at length he charged her Eunuchs to cast her down from the top of the Tower: in her fall,v. 10. 30, 31. she besprinkled the walls with her blood, and as soon as she came to ground I her body was trampled under the horses feet,A famous ex­ample of Gods Judgement. untill she died. That done, Jehu repaired to the Palace with his friends, and reposed himself there, commanding his servants that they should bury Jezabel; (in respect of the Royal Race from whence she was descend­ed) but they to whom the charge of the obsequies were committed, found no part of her body, but her hands and head, for all the rest was devoured by dogs. Jehu certified hereof, wondred at the prophecy of Elias, who had foretold that Jezabel should die in that sort in Jezrael.

Now Achabs seventy Sons being brought up in Samaria, 2 King. 10. 1, ad 7. Jehu sent two Letters, the one unto the Masters of the infants, the other to the Governours of the City, giving them to understand, that they should choose one of the most vertuous amongst Achabs chil­dren, K to reign as King over them, because they had a multitude of strong Chariots, horses, Armor, men, and strong Cities; to the end, that in so doing, they might take revenge on those that slew their Lord and Master. (This did he under a colour to sound how the Samaritans were affected towards him.) When the Governors and Tutors had received these Letters, they were afraid, and made account that they could prevail nothing against him, who had prevailed already against two mighty Kings. For which cause they wrote back unto him, acknowledging him for their Sovereign; and offering themselves in all duty,Achabs 70. children slain in Samaria. to be under his subjection. Whereupon Jehu sent back unto them again commanding them, that (to express their obedience) they should send him the heads of Achabs children, divided from their shoulders. Which command of his they L failed not to execute, but presently packed up the heads in panniers, and sent them un­to him to Jezrael. As soon as they were brought thither, tidings thereof were carried to Jehu, as he sate at supper with his friends, who commanded that they should be laid in two heaps, at the City gates, on either side thereof. Which done, he issued out as soon as it was day, to see them; and beholding them, he began to tell those, that ac­companied him, that he had voluntarily Armed himself against his Master, and slew him: but as touching those whom they saw there,The rooting out of Acabs line. he had no wayes layd hands on them. His only intent was, that all men should know, that all that which hapned unto Achabs race, was done by the ordinance of God, and that his house was destroyed according as Elias had foretold.v. 12. 13, 14. And after he had slain and dispatched both these and all those that were M found to be of Acabs race amongst the Israelites, The slaughter of Ochozias servants. he went unto Samaria: and meeting by the way with Ochozias houshold Servants (who was King of Jerusalem) he asked them, whither they went? Jonadab. who answered him, that they went to salute Joram and their King Ochozias, (for they knew not as yet that they were both of them slain.) Hereupon Jehu commanded his Servants to lay hands on them, and put them to the sword, notwithstand­ing, they were forty two in number. After them, he met with a virtuous man called Ionadab, (who in times past had been his ancient friend) who embracing him, praised his forwardness, in that he had performed all things according to the Will of God, in abolishing Achabs house. Jehu caused him to come up to him, into his Chariot, and ac­company him to Samaria, telling him, that he should see that he would spare no wicked man, N but would punish all the false Prophets, and tellers of lyes, and abusers of the people, who had made them forsake the true service of God, and adore strange gods: because that which is most acceptable to a good man is to behold the punishment of the wicked. Jonadab perswaded by these words, mounted up into his Chariot, and went with him to Samaria; and after Jehu had sought out Achabs kindred, he put them to death: and intending that no one of his false Prophets and Priests should escape his hands, he assembled them together by a subtil policy. For gathering the people together, he protested that he would have twice as many gods as Acab had: willing that all the Priests that belonged unto them, should present themselves, for that he intended to celebrate most magnificent sacrifices to Acabs gods; protesting that whatsoever Priest should be absent, he should lose his O head. Now this god whom Acab honored, was called Baal. Having in this sort assigned a day wherein he would offer sacrifice, he sent thorow all the Countrey of Israel charging all Baals Priests to repair unto him, and commanding that each of them [Page 244] should have their vestments given them.The year of the World, 3061. before Christ's Nativity, 405. As soon as they were apparelled, he resorted A to his lodging, accompanied with his friend Jonadab, and commanded that a search should be made amongst them, to espie whether any one of a contrary quality or conditi­on were mixed with them; for that he intended that no stranger should be amongst the Priests.v. 18, ad 28. When therefore he understood that none but the Priests were in that assembly, even at such time as they began to offer sacrifice, [...]he slaughter of Baals Priests. he caused them to be inclosed by four­score Soldiers (whom he esteemed to be most trustly) commanding them to kill the false Prophets, and to punish them according to the custom of their forefathers▪ which had already too long been neglected; dreadfully threatning all those, who should any wayes omit to root out the name and memory of these wretches out of the world. They therefore slew all those Priests, and guarded the Kings Palace; and in so doing, cleared B Samaria of forrain gods. This Baal was the god of the Tyrians (for whom Achab built a Temple in Samaria, v. 30. intending thereby to content Ithobaal the King of the Tyrians and Sidonians) to whom he assigned Priests,Baal god of the Tyrians. and honoured him with all sorts of sacrifice. After this Idol was exterminated, Jehu suffered the Israelites to adore golden calves. When this execution was performed in punishing the wicked,The King­dom promi­sed to J [...]hues posterity. God (to whom this action of his was acceptable) told Jehu, by his Prophet, that his children should enjoy the Kingdom of Israel to the fourth generation. This was Jehu's state.

CHAP. VII.
Athalia reigned five years in Jerusalem: and after she was slain by the C High Priest, Joas is proclaimed King.

AThalia, Hedio & Ruf­ [...]us, cap. 7. Achabs daughter, hearing news of the death of her Brother Joram, and her Son Ochozias, together with he utter ruine of all the Royal posterity, bethought her self to extinguish Davids memory,2 King. 12. 1, 2, 3. and in such sort to root it out, that no one of that line should remain alive to enjoy the Kingdom hereafter:Athalia root­eth out all the royal blood, only Joas Ochozias Son is saved. which when she had con­cluded in her heart, she began to put in execution. Yet notwithstanding, one of Ocho­zias Sons escaped her bloody hands, by this means. Ochozias had a sister by his fathers side, whose name was Josabetha, who was married to Joiada the High Priest; who entring into the Kings Palace, and finding Joas at that time but one year of age, hidden with his D nurse among the dead, she took both him and his nurse, and locked them up in a closet within the Temple, where Joiada her husband and she did secretly preserve them for the space of five years, during which time Athalia reigned in Jerusalem over the two Tribes.

About the seventh year,v. 4, ad 12. Joiada conferred with five Centurions, and perswaded them to oppose themselves with mutual consent against Athalias proceedings,Joas by Joia­da's means, who was the High Priest, is created King. and to secure the Kingdom for little Joas. Whereupon giving and receiving promises of secrecy the one unto the other they confidently addressed themselves to execute their intended purposes, after this manner. They whom the High Priest had chosen to execute this fact, went thorow all the Countrey, and gathered the Priests and Levites together, with all the Governours of the Tribes, and afterwards returned and brought them to Jerusalem E to the High Priest▪ who made them take an oath, that they would keep secret that which he should inform them of, as a thing that required secrecy, and men of courage and resolution to perform the same. As soon as he had assured them by oath, he brought forth the little child whom he had till that time preserved, and said unto them: Behold your King, who is of that race, which (as you know) was chosen by God to reign over you for ever: I therefore think it fit that the third part of your Guard shall keep him within the Temple, and that the fourth make their watch round about the same. Another company shall have the guard of the great gate that leadeth to the Palace: as for the rest of the people let them remain disarmed within the Temple, and suffer no armed men to enter thereinto, except the Priest only. He appointed also another company F of Priests and Levites to be about the King, with Javelins and drawn swords, charging them that whosoever durst be so bold to enter the Temple armed, they should presently put him to the sword, and laying all fear aside, to attend the safety and guard of the Kings person. They being obedient to that which the High Priest had commanded them in effect expressed their readiness: whereupon Joiada opening the Arsenal, (which in times past was prepared by David) distributed amongst the Centurions, Levites and Priests, all the javelins, quivers, and all other sort of Arms that were therein, and dis­posed all them that were armed, round about the people, joyned hand in hand to hinder any one from entering in amongst them that were not of that faction. Afterwards bring­ing out the infant Joas into the midst of the company, they set the Royal Crown on his G head; and Joiada, after he had anointed him with oyl proclaimed him King: whereupon all the people rejoyced, and clapping their hands, cried out, God save the King.

[Page 245] H Athalia hearing this noise and applause,The year of the World, 3067. before Christ's Nativity, 897. beyond all hope, was greatly troubled, and with those soldiers which she had about her, she hastily issued out of the Palace; and coming to the Temple, the Priests admitted her: as for the rest of the men of War that followed her, they that by the High Priests ordinance begirt the Temple, would not suffer them to enter with her.v. 13. ad finem. Now when Athalia saw the child standing before the Tabernacle with the Royal Crown on his head,Athalias pu­nishment▪ she rent her garments, and storming through despite, she cried out and commanded that the Traitor should be slain, that had thus betrayed her, and sought to dispossess her of her Kingdom. But Joiada called the Centurions and commanded them to carry Athalia out to the brook Cedron, and there to kill her (because he would not permit that the Temple should be defiled with her curs­ed I blood.) Moreover he charged them, that if any one should attempt to rescue her, they should kill them likewise.v. 17. Hereupon, they (that were appointed to execute this his command) took her,The King and the people joyned by oath to serve God. and led her without the gates of the Kings Mules, and there slew her. After that Athalia was in this manner executed, Joiada assembled the people, and the men of War in the Temple, binding them all by an Oath, to yield the King their faithful service, and to procure the prosperity of the Kingdom. Secondly, he made the King swear in like manner, that he would maintain the service of God, and in no man­ner disanul Moses Laws. That done, they ran unto Baals Temple (which Athalia and her husband Joram had built to the dishonour of God, and their fore-fathers, and for the honour of Achab) and levelled it with the ground, and put to death their High K Priest called Mathan. The charge and guard of the Temple, Joiada committed to the Priests and Levites,v. 18. according to the other establisht by David, with commandment twice a day to offer their ordinary burnt offerings,The restoring of Gods ser­vice. and to make perfumes, according to the Law. He appointed also certain of the Levites to be porters to guard the Temple, to the intent that no unclean thing should enter the same unespied: and after he had ordained these things, with the Centurions and Governors, and with all the people, he took Joas and led him out of the Temple, and attended him to the Palace, and having placed him on the Royal Throne, all the people cried, God save the King, and banquetted and feasted for divers dayes. Thus after the death of Athalia, the City was at quiet.2. King. 12. 1 [...] ad 16. Joas was seven years old at such time as he was made King, his mother was L called Sabia, Joas piety during Joi [...] das time. and was of the Town Bersabe. He carefully observed the Laws, and highly affected the service of God all his life time: and when he grew to mans estate, he married two Wives which the High Priest gave him, by whom he had Sons and Daughters. This is all that I have thought good to declare as concerning Joas, both how he escaped Athalias treasons, and obtained the Kingdom.

CHAP. VIII.
Azael King of Damascus levyeth an Army, and first of all assaulteth the Israelites; and after marcheth forward against Jerusalem.

M BUt Azael King of Syria making War against the Israelites, and against their King Jehu, 2 King, 12. 18. destroyed the Countrey on the other side of Jordan, and all the Eastern tract inhabited by the Reubenites, Hedio & Ruf­finus cap. 8. Gadites, and Manassites. Furthermore, he burnt and spoiled Galaad, The War be­tween Azael and Jehu. and Bathanaea, violating and outraging all those that he met withall. For Jehu went not out against him to resist him, but (being become a contemner of God, and his Laws) he died after he had reigned seven and twenty years over the Israelites: he was buried in Samaria, and left behind him Joas his Son to succeed him in his Kingdom. But Joas King of Jerusalem was desirous to repair the Temple: for which cause, calling unto him Ioiada the High Priest, he commanded him to send, thorow all the Countrey the Levites and Priests, and to levy upon every one of their heads half a sicle of silver, for N the building and reparation of the Temple, which was fallen to decay in Joram, Athalia, and her successors times.2 Cho [...]. 24. 4. ad 14. But the High Priest would not obey him herein, knowing well no man would willingly disburs money. But in the three and twentieth year of his reign,The restoring of the Temple. the King sent both for Joiada, and the Levites also, and expostulated with them for disobeying his commandment, enjoyning them from that time forth to provide for the bulding of the Temple. Whereupon the High Priest used present dispatch in levying the money, wherewith the people were well pleased. He therefore made a chest of wood closed on every side (except that on the upper lid thereof, there was a little cranny left open) which he placed neer unto the Altar, commanding that every one should offer according to his devotion, and put in his offering thorow the cranny into O the coffer, to be imployed in the repairing of the Temple; whereunto all the people shewed themselves affectionate: so that they gathered together a great quantity of Gold and Silver, with great zeale; and when the coffer was filled, it was emptied, and the account [Page 246] thereof taken and summ'd up by the Secretary and High Priest in the Kings presence,The year of the World, 3089. before Christ's Nativity, 97 [...]. A and afterwards was brought together into one place; assigned for it, which order was observed every day. And when it was supposed that there was sufficient money gathered, the High Priest Joiada, and King Joas hired Masons, and Carpenters, and prepared great beams of excellent Timber.

After that the Temple was repaired, they employed the remainder of Gold and Silver (which was of no small quantity) to make cups, pots, and vessels, and other utensils: and every day offered they sacrifice of great value upon the Altar, and this custome was continued so long as Joiada lived. But after his decease (which hapned in the hundred and thirtieth year of his age,Joas impiety after Joiadas death, and how he was repro­ved by the Prophet. after he had lived a just and upright life, and was interred in the sepulchre of David in Jerusalem, because he had established the Kingdom in B Davids posterity) King Joas had no more care to serve God, and with him the rest of the Governours of the people were corrupted, so that they broke the laws and ordinances of their forefathers. For which cause God being provoked by this change, and incensed against the King and the rest,2 Chro [...]. 24, 17. ad 20. sent his Prophets unto them, to protest against them, and expostulate with them for their offences, and to withdraw them from their iniquity. But they pursued sin the more vehemently; so that neither the punishments, by which they, who had offended God before-times, had been plagued, with all their posterities; neither all the advertisements given them by the Prophets, could induce them to amend: or to forsake those sins wherein they were engaged: but, that which is worst, King Joas stoned Zachary, v. 21. Joiadas Son,Z [...]chary sto­ned to death. and put him to death in the Temple, forgetting himself most ungrate­fully C of the benefits he had received from his Father. And the occasion was, for that Zachary having received a charge from God to prophesie, came into the midst of the people, and coun [...]elled both them and him to follow justice, foretelling them that they should be grievously punished, except they did believe. This Zachary did at his death call God to witness to judge of those calamities he endured, suffering a violent death for the good counsel which he had given them, and the benefits which his Father had in times past done unto Joas. But many dayes passed not, before the King suffered due punishment for these misdeeds. For Azael King of the Syrians invaded his Countrey, and after he had first of all ruinated Girta, he marched forward with an intent to besiege him at last in Jerusalem. Joas desperate of all succors, emptied all the treasures of the D Temple, and those of the Kings, and took away the presents that were hung up in the Temple, and sent them to the Syrians raising the siege by this means, lest he should be drawn into hazard to lose all.The spoil of the Temple. The Syrians, pacified with so great riches, and abundant treasure,Joas death. suffered not his Army to pass to Jerusalem. After this, Joas was seized with a grievous sickness, and (to the intent that the death of Zachary the Son of Joiada might not escape unrevenged) his friends conspired against him, and he died by their hands. He was entombed in Jerusalem, but not in the sepulchre of his Ancestors, because he had faln from God: He lived seven and forty years.

CHAP. IX.E
Amasias King of Jerusalem made War against the Idumaeans and Amalechites, and obtained the victory.

AMasias his Son succeeded him in the Kingdom.2 King, 14. 1, ad 15. But in the 21 year of Joas's reign, Ioachas, the Son of Jehu, took possession of the Kingdom of Israel in Samaria, and reigned for the space of seventeen years.Amasias King of Jerusalem. But he followed not his Fathers steps, but rather behaving himself impiously, according as his predecessors in the Kingdom, and contemners of God had done:The forces of Israel weakned and restored by God. For which cause the King of Syria subdued him, and cut off a great part of his dominions, and took his greatest Cities from him, and defeated his Armies: so that at length he had but ten thousand footmen, and five hundred hors­men.F All which hapned to the Israelites according to the prophecy of Elizeus, which he foretold unto Azael, at such time as he prophecied unto him, that he should reign over the Syrians, and them of Damascus, after that he had murthered his master. Ioachas being in this extremity, had his recourse to God in prayer and supplication, beseeching him that it might please him to deliver him from the hands of Azael, and not suffer him to be under subjection and thraldom unto him.

God (that regardeth the penitent as if they had been innocent, and that gently chastiseth those whom he might utterly exterminate, if he so pleased) gave him assurance against the War and danger, so that the Countrey (having obtained peace) recovered her former state and prosperity. When Ioachas was dead, his Son succeeded him in the G government, and began to reign over the Israelites in Samaria, in the 37 year of Joas King of Juda. (For this King of Israel was called Joas, as well as he that reigned in [Page 247] H Jerusalem:) The year of the World, 3089, before Christ's Nativity, 875. he governed the Kingdom sixteen years. He was a good man, and was not like unto Ioachas his Father. About this time Elizeus the Prophet was very old, and fell sick: the King of Israel came to visit him, and finding him in the extremity, and past hope of recovery, he began to weep and lament, calling him his Father, and his armour, because that during his life, he had never occasion to use the sword against the Enemy;Joas King of Israel and Sa­maria. but that by means of his predictions he had alwayes the upper hand of them without fighting: that now he departed this life, and left him disarmed to the mercy of the Syrians, and other his enemies; so that he was not secure of liberty, nor life, but that he rather wished to die with him than live in those dangers.

Elizeus being moved with these complaints,Elizeus fore­telleth that Joas should overcome the Syrians thrice▪ comforted the King that lamented in this I sort, and commanding him to draw his Bow that he brought with him (for the King had bent the same) Elizeus said unto him,2 King▪ 13. 20, 21. Draw, and he shot three Arrowes, and gave over at the fourth. Oh said Elizeus if thou hadst shot more Arrows, thou hadst utterly ruined the Kingdom of the Syrians:Elizeus death and the raising of a dead man to life, that was cast into his Tombe. and since thou hast contented thy self with shooting thrice only, thou shalt overthrow the Syrians in three battels, which thou shalt fight against them, and shalt recover the Countrey they have taken from thy Father. After the King understood these things, he departed, (and not long after the Prophet died) who was renowned for his justice, and beloved of God, who shewed miraculous and incredible works by his prophecies, and such as the Hebrews ought to keep in perpetual remembrance, and was buried magnificently, according as it behoved a man, who was so highly favoured K by God.

It chanced about that time,2 Chron. 25. 18▪ ad 25. that certain thieves having cast the body of a man that was murthered by them,Joas tr [...]bble victory. upon the body of the Prophet where he lay buried, the dead body returned to life. Which made it appear that God had given him a power of working miracles not only in his life time, but also after his death. After the death of Azael King of Syria, Adad his Son obtained the Kingdom against whom Joas King of Israel made War, and having overcome him three times, he recovered all that Countrey and those Cities, and Towns, that Azael his Father had conquered before him. (All which came to pass according as Elizeus had prophecied.) After that Joas was dead, the Kingdom fell to Jeroboam his Son.

L CHAP. X.
Amasias making War against Joas King of Israel, is overcome.

THe tenth year of the reign of Joas King of Israel, Hedio & Ruf­fi [...]s, chap. 9. Amasias reigned over the Tribe of Juda in Jerusalem: his mother was called Judah, and was a Citizen of Jerusalem. Amasias King of Jerusalem. He was very careful to maintaine justice (notwithstanding he was very young.)2 King▪ 14▪ 1, 2. And having taken upon him the Government of the Kingdom, he resolved with himself, that he ought first of all to revenge the death of his father Joas, who was traiterously slain by his friends: he therefore laid hands on them, and put them M all to the sword (yet extended he not his displeasure to their children, but conformed his actions according to the Laws of Moses; 2 King. 14. which faith, that it is not lawful to punish their children for their Fathers offences.)Deut. 24. 16. He afterwards levied an Army of the Tribes of Juda and Benjamin, and chose such as were in the flower of their years, and about twenty years of age: the number of which amounted to three hundred thousand men, whom he divided into Centuries. He sent also to the King of Israel, and hired an hundred thousand of his armed men for an hundred talents of Silver, because he intended to make War upon the Amalechites, Idumaeans and Gabelites. Now whilest he made this preparation, and was in a readiness to undertake this exploit, a certain Prophet counsel­ed him to dismiss the Israelites that he had with him, because they were wicked men, N signifying unto him from God, that if he were followed by them in that War, he should be overcome: and on the other side, that he should have the upper hand over his Enemies if he fought with a few men, according to Gods direction. Hereupon the King was moved (because he had already paid the Israelites their wages) but the Prophet ceased not to exhort him to do that which was pleasing in Gods sight,The dismission of the Is [...]ae­lites. who would give him silver in abundance. Hereupon he dismissed them, telling them that he freely gave them their pay; and he with the forces of his owne Kingdom marched out against those Nations,2 Chron. 25. 11, 12, 13. and fought with them, and overcame them, and slew ten thousand of them, and took no less number of Prisoners (whom he afterwards caused to be led to a high Rock that bounded upon Arabia, Amasias v [...]cto­ry over the [...] ­malechites▪ and from thence cast them down headlong) and O from all these Nations he recovered a great booty, and brought home much riches.

Whilest Amasias stood upon these terms, the Israelites (that had taken wages of him, and were cashiered by him) conceived a displeasure against him, supposing themselves [Page 248] to be injured by him,The year of the World, 3106. before Christ's Nativity, 858. as if he had dismissed them for want of courage, For which A cause they invaded his Country, and spoiled it as far as Bethsemer, and carried away a great quantity of Cattel, and slew three thousand men. But the victory and success made Amasias proud, so that he began to forget God, who was the Author thereof, and gave honour to those gods which he brought from the Countrey of the Amalechites. v. 15, 16▪ Whereupon a Prophet came unto him and said,Amasias is re­prehended by a Prophet for his Idolatry. that he wondred that he should esteem them for gods, who had so little availed them who honoured them, and had delivered them into his hands, so that divers of them were put to death, and divers led away Prisoners, which they themselves had brought unto Jerusalem, according to the custom of War. These words moved the King unto displeasure, so that he commanded B the Prophet to keep silence, threatning him to punish him, if he entermedled with his affairs any more. Who answered him, that he would no farther urge him, yet withall he fore-prophecied unto him, that God would not suffer this his innovation to rest unpunished. Anon after Amasias (not able to keep a moderation amidst his affluence and prosperity but waxing more insolent against almighty God, by whom he possessed the blessings he enjoyed) in the height of his pride wrote to Joas King of Israel, com­manding him to yield him homage according as in times past the Israelites were subject to David and Solomon; threatning him, that if he refused to do him service, he would enforce him to decide the controversy by Arms: to whom the Israelite replied thus King Joas to King Amasias. There was in the mountain of Libanus a Cypres Tree of great height▪ to whom a little thistle wrote, demanding of him his Daughter in marriage for his Son. But C during this treaty, there came a certain wild beast, that trod down the thistle. Let this example admonish and diswade thee from attempting of too mighty matters, neither grow proud of thy last victory, against the Amalechites, lest through thy presumption, thou expose both thy Wife and fortune to the uncertain hazard of War. When Amasias had perused this answer of his, he was more inraged: (God also as it seemed pricked him forward, to the intent to chastise those iniquities that were committed by him.)Amasias expe­dition against Joas King of Isr [...]el. When therefore he had drawn his Army into the field, and both the Armies were upon the point to joyn Battel, a sudden fear and discouragement seized him (such as God in his displeasure is accustomed to inflict) which made Amasias Army turn their backs:v. 17, 18. so that (by the apprehension they had conceived) they were scattered before they came to handy strokes; and D Amasias being left alone, was taken prisoner. Joas threatned that except he persuaded the inhabitants of Jerusalem to open their gates, and to receive both him and his Army into the City, he would put him to death. For which cause Amasias (constrained by necessity and fear of death,) wrought so far that his enemies were received into Jerusa­lem, v. 23. who made a breach of three hundred Cubits in their wall; thorow which Amasias was led captive into Jerusalem. Amsias taken prisoner by the King of Israel. In this manner Joas was made master of the City, who afterwards carried away the Treasures of the Temple, and took away the Gold and Silver that Amasias had in his Palace:Jerusalem rui­nated. and having in this sort ransomed him from capti­vity, The Temple spoiled. he returned back again into Samaria. This hapned in the fourteenth year of the reign of Amasias, who afterwards fled into the City of Lachis to avoid the conspiracy E of his domestick friends,v. 24. by whom notwithstanding he was surprised, and slain: his body was royally intombed in Jerusalem. Am [...]sias slain▪ Thus died Amasias, for introducing inno­vations in contempt of God;v. 27, 28. he lived fifty four years, and reigned twenty and nine: and his Son Ozias succeeded him in the Kingdom.

CHAP. XI.
How Ozias overcame the neighbouring Nations.

BUt in the fifteenth year of the reign of Amasias, 2 King 14. 21. Jeroboam, Joas Son, began to reign over the Israelites in Samaria, 2 Chron. 24▪ 1. 2. 3▪ and enjoyed the Kingdom for the space of F fourty years. This King dishonoured God, and offended him grievously by worship­ing of Idols, and divers absurd and strange actions, by which he heaped many miseries on the Israelites heads. To him there came a certain Prophet called Ionas, who prophecied unto him, that he should make War against the Syrians, and that he should overcome them, and enlarge his Kingdom to the Northward, as far as the City of Amatha; and to the Southward as far as the Lake Asphaltites (for these in times past were the limits of the Countrey of Canaan, Hedio & Ruf­ [...]us, cap. 11. according as Joshua had set the bounds thereof.) Jeroboam, encouraged by his prophecy led forth his Army against the Syrians, The enlarge­ment of the kingdom of [...]. and spoiled all their Countrey (according to the prophecy of Ionas.) And since I have promised to give an exact History in writing of all those things that hapned in our Nation,G methinks it will not be amiss to declare that which I have found written of this Prophet in our Hebrew Chronicles. This man being commanded by God to repair unto the King­dom [Page 249] H of Ninus, The year of the World, 31 [...] ▪ before Christ's Nativity, 944. and proclaimed that which should happen to the City of Ninivie (namely, that the government thereof should be abolished:) through fear which he conceived repaired not thither, but fled from Gods presence into a City called Joppa; where find­ing a Ship he entred the same, and sailed towards Thar [...]s in Cilreicia. But their arose so vehement a tempest upon the Sea that the vessel was ready to be drowned,2 King 14▪ 25. and both the Mariners,Jon [...]s. 1. per [...]. Master and Owners of the ship, made their vow of thanksgiving unto God, if they might escape from this tempest:Jonas sent un­to Ninivi [...], flieth the pre­sence of God▪ and ascending a Ship is cast in a storm into the Sea. but Jonas hid himself and covered his face taking no notice of the rest. When therefore the turbulent waves, raised by violent winds, increased more and more; the Mariners and passengers began to imagine amongst themselves, that some one of them in the Bark had caused that tempest: Whereupon I they agreed amongst themselves to cast lots, to know which of them was the occasion of their danger. Which done, the lot fell upon Jonas: who being demanded whence he was, and for what business he travelled? answered them, that he was an Hebrew by Nati­on, and a Prophet of the most High God; and counselled them, that if they would be secured from that danger, they should cast him into the Sea, because it was he only that was the cause of that tempest. Notwithstanding this confession of his, they durst not perform that which he desired, supposing that it would be an act of great impiety, in that sort, to thrust a stranger into that manifest perdition, whose life had been committed to their trust. But since the storm more and more increased and grew so vehement, that they wanted very little of being shipwrackt; and being besides that, incited by K Jonas himself, and likewise by the fear they conceived, to lose their lives, they cast him into the Sea;Jonah 2. per totum. whereupon suddenly the storm ceased. It was likewise said, that being swallowed up by a great fish for the space of three days and three nights,Jon [...]s cast in­to the Sea, is devoured by a W [...]ale: and cast upon the coa [...]t of Ni­nivie, fore­telleth them of the loss of their Empire. he was at the last vomited out, and cast by the same fish on shore of the Euxine Sea alive, and without any maim in any of his members. There besought he God, that he would par­don him the sin which he had committed: and afterwards he went to the City of Ninivie, where going up to a place from whence he might be heard; he published, with a loud voice, unto them, that they should lose the Empire of Asia: which after he had pronoun­ced, he returned back again. This recital have I made according as I have found it registred in writing.

L King Jeroboam having passed all his life time in prosperity, and reigned for the space of forty years departed his life, and was intombed in Samaria, and Zachary his Son suc­ceeded him in this Kingdom. At the same time, Ozias the Son of Amasias reigned in Je­rusalem over the two Tribes,2 Reg. 14. 23. after that Jeroboam had already reigned fourteen years; his Mother was called Achia, Jeroboams death. and was of the City of Jerusalem. He was a man of good nature,Ozias King of Juda. and such an one as loved justice, of a noble courage, and very laborious in providing for all occasions: he made War against the Philistines, and after that he had overcome them in battel, he took Ita, and Amnia, two of their strong Forts, and razed them. This exploit being past, he set upon the Arabians that bordered upon Egypt, and after that (having built a City upon the Red Sea) he planted a Garison M therein. He afterwards discomfited the Ammonites, constraining them to pay him tribute, and subdued all as far as the marshes of Egypt. Ozias expedi­tion, and the repairing of the City. After that he began to provide for the City of Jerusalem: for he built it anew, and repaired the walls thereof, that had been beaten down, or decayed either by continuance of time, or by negligence of those Kings who were his predecessors:2 Chron. 26. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5. he repaired those also which the King of Israel had beaten down, at such time as having taken Amasias prisoner, he rode in triumph into the City. Besides this, he erected a number of Towers, each of them one hundred and fifty Cubits high. These inclosed he with walls to set Garisons therein, and in divers barren places he caused divers fountain-heads to be made:Ozias riches and Army. for he had an infinite multitude of beasts of carriage and other cattel,v. 8, 9, 10. in that the Countrey was fit for pasture. N He took pleasure also in tillage, for which cause he was often busied about his Land, in sowing and planting the same. He had about him a chosen Army, to the number of three hundred and seventy thousand fighting men, whose Generals, Conductors, and Captains▪ were valiant and invincible men, and were in number two thousand.

He taugh [...] his soldiers to march in square battel (in manner of the Macedonian Pha­lanx) arming each of them with Swords, Targets and Corselets of Brass, with Arrows and Darts. He made also great preparation of divers Engins to batter Cities, and to shoot Stones and Darts, besides divers hookes, and other such like instruments. But whil'st he was intent on these studies and preparations, he grew insolent and proud, and being puffed up with arrogance,v. 6. he contemned that which endureth for ever (that is O piety towards God▪ and the observation of his commandments.) For which cause he was overthrown by his prosperity, and fell into his fathers sins, through the happiness and greatness of his estate, wherein he could not moderately contain himself. So that [Page 250] upon a certain solemn Feast-day,The year of the World, 3120. before Christ's Nativity, 944. wherein all the People were assembled together, he A attired himself in the High-Priests vestments, and entered into the Temple, to offer sa­crifice unto God upon the golden Altar; notwithstanding the High-Priest Azarias (ac­companied with fourscore Priests) forbade him, telling him, That it was not lawful for him to sacrifice, in that it was onely allowed in those that were of the posterity of the High-Priest Aaron.

Whil'st after this manner Azarias expostulated with him, commanding him to go out of the Temple,Ver. 17, 18, 19. and not to contradict the ordinances of God; the King waxed wroth, and threatned to take his life from him, except he kept himself quiet. Whereupon there fell a great trembling and earthquake, and the Temple cleft in twain, and a great light B of the Sun entered thereinto,Ver. 20, 21. and reflected on the Kings face in such manner, that all his body was instantly covered with a leprosie;Ozias trans­gresseth his vocation, and is punished with a lepro­sie, and com­pelled to de­part out of the City. and before the City (in a place called Eroge) the half of a Mountain (that stood to the Eastward) brake and fell, and re­moved for the space of four stadia, towards the Oriental Mountain, where it rested: so that the publick wayes were shut up, and choaked, and the Kings gardens of pleasure were wholly ruinated and disfigured. When the Priests beheld the Kings face covered with a leprosie, they told him what inconvenience had hapned unto him, and enjoined him to depart out of the Town, according to the custom of Men that were polluted. Whereupon he (wholly confused at so grievous an accident, and having no more cou­rage to speak) obeyed the commandment that was given him, enduring a lamentable punishment for his pride, and for that he committed such impiety against God. He there­fore C remained without the City for a certain time, and led a private life, and his son Jo­tham succeeded him in the kingdom. Finally, he dyed through grief and discontent, after he had accomplished 68 years, whereof he reigned 52, and was buried in his Garden.

Zachary, Jeroboams son, having reigned six Months over the Israelites, was slain by Trea­son complotted against him by a familiar friend of his called Sellum, 2 Kings 25. 7, 8, 9. the son of Jabes, who possessing the kingdom after him,Zacharias sl [...]ughter. enjoyed not the same above 30 dayes. For the General Manahem, being at that time in the City of Tharsa, and understanding of that which had hapned to Zachary, departed thence with all his Force, and came to Samaria, and in a battel which he fought, he slew Sellum: And afterwards obtaining the Crown,D he went from thence towards the City of Tapsa, 2 King. 15. 14. the Inhabitants whereof locked and bar­red their gates against him,Manahem King of Israel. and would not receive him: in revenge whereof, he spoiled all the Countrey round about, and took the City by force, and (being highly incensed against the Tapsians for their insolence) he put them all to the Sword, not sparing their little children (which was an incredible and barbarous cruelty.) Manahem reigned in the manner for the space of ten years,The Tapsians slaughter. continuing a most cruel and unbridled tyranny over this people. Afterwards being assailed by Phul King of the Syrians, he went not out against him, neither practised to resist him, but procured his peace for the sum of 1000 talents of silver, which by way of composition he paid unto him. The people furnish­ed Manahem with this sum,Peace bought with money. by way of contribution, paying fifty drachms apiece.

After his death, he was buried in Samaria, leaving behind him a Son to succeed him in E the kingdom, whose name was Phaceias, who imitating his Fathers cruelty, enjoy'd the Soveraignty but two years: for he was slain at a feast in the midst of his friends, by a Treason practised against him by Phaceias the son of Romelias, Phaceias. who enjoyed the kingdom for the space of 20 years,The translati­on of the Is­ra [...]lites. addicting himself to all impiety and wickedness. But Teglapha­lasser King of Assyria, led forth his Army against the Israelites, and spoiled all the Coun­trey of Galaad, and that beyond Jordan and Galilee, Cidida and Asor also, and made all the Inhabitants thereof Prisoners, and translated the kingdom to himself. This is that which we have thought good to write, touching the King of Assyria.

Jotham the son of Ozias, reigned in Jerusalem over the Tribe of Juda: he was the son of a daughter of Jerusalem called Jeresa. There was no virtue wanting in this King, for F he was devout towards God,Jothams pie­ty. just towards Men, and careful to repair the City: for he willingly employed himself in restoring that which had need of reparation and orna­ment. Ver. 34. He built Galleries and Porches about the Temple, and repaired the walls that were fallen down: he erected huge and impregnable Towers: in a word, he restored all that which was deficient in his kingdom. He made War upon the Ammonites; and overcoming them in battel, he made all their Nation tributary, and constrained them to pay him yearly 100 Talents,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 7. and 10000 Cores of Wheat, and as many of Barley: and his kingdom in such sort encreased,The prophecy of the destru­ction of Ni­nivie. as he was redoubted abroad, and happy at home. Now about the same time there lived a certain Prophet called Naum, who prophesied the over­throw of the Assyrians, and of the City of Ninivie, and spake to this effect: All the peo­ple G thereof shall be troubled, Naum 2. 8, 9, 10. ad finem. and put to flight, and shall say the one unto the other, Stay and abide, take gold and silver, and there shall be none that will receive it. For they shall have more [Page 251] H care to save their bodies, The year of the World, 3204. before Christ's Nativity, 760. than their goods: for there shall be a great debate amongst them with lamentation: their members shall lose their vigor, and their faces shall be pale through fear: whither shall the Lyons retreat? or where shall the mother of the Lyons whelp rest her self? Ni­nivie (God saith unto thee) I will destroy thee, neither shall the Lyons that issue from thee, govern the world any more. To this effect did he prophesie, and spake many other things to this intent, which it is not material to repeat. For I have omitted it purposely, because I would not be troublesom to the Readers. But all those things which he foretold touch­ing Ninivie, came to pass 115 years after.

I CHAP. XII.
Rasin King of Damascus, maketh War against Jerusalem: Achaz sendeth for the King of Assyria to assist him.

AFter that Jothan had lived One and forty years,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 13. and reigned sixteen, he dyed, and was buried in the Sepulchre of the Kings;Achaz impie­ty. after him, the Kingdom fell to Achaz his Son, who was a contemner of God, and a Transgressor of the Ordinances of his Forefa­thers, 2 King. 15. 38. and conformed himself to the Customs of the Kings of Israel; The sacrifice of his son. for he erected Al­tars in the City of Jerusalem, and sacrificed unto Idols, offering up his own Son unto them (after the manner of the Canaanites) and committed divers such like offences.2 Kings 16. 1, 2, 3, 4. During these impious Idolatries of his, Rasin King of Syria and Damascus, and Phaceias K King of Israel, made War against him (for these two were Confederates:) leading therefore both their Armies against Jerusalem, they besieged it a long time, yet without any success,The punish­ment of impie­ty. by reason the Walls were very strong. But the King of Syria having seized the City of Elath, near unto the Red Sea, and slain all the Inhabitants thereof, planted Syrians therein,Esay 7. 11. putting all the Garison likewise to the Sword, and all the Jews round about, and carried away with him a great booty unto Damascus, and afterwards returned home with his Army. The King of Jerusalem understanding that the Syrians were reti­red, 2 Chron. 28. 18, 19. and supposing himself to be sufficient to fight against the King of Israel, led forth his Forces against him,The slaughter of the Army of Juda. and was overcome in battel (because that God was incensed against him for his impieties, which were without number.) For in that battel, the Israelites slew L about Sixscore thousand Men; amongst whom, was Zacharias the son of Achiaz, whom the General of the Army of the Israelites, called Amias, slew, with Ericam the Governor of the whole Realm, and took Elcan the General of the Tribe of Juda prisoner also. They led away likewise a great number of Women and Children, with a great booty, and af­terwards returned to Samaria. At that time there was a certain Prophet living in Sama­ria, whose name was Obel, who coming out to meet the Army, cryed with a loud voice unto the people, That the victory which they had obtained, was not through their own valor, but by reason of the wrath of God conceived against Achaz King of Juda. He fur­ther reproved them, for that not contenting themselves with the good success of that victory, they had so far presumed, as to make them of Juda and Benjamin Prisoners, who M were of their own alliance: he therefore counselled them to send them back unto their houses, without any injury offered unto them, threatning them, that if they omitted it, they might be assured that God would punish them.

After this admonition,2 Chron. 28. 9, ad 16. the Israelites assembled themselves together to consult upon this matter, at which time Barachias, one of the principal Governors of the State, and three others with him,The Israelites by the Pro­phets advice, dismiss those prisoners they had taken of the Tribes of Juda and Ben­jamin. alledged, That it was not lawful for the Citizens to lead their Priso­ners into the City, for fear (as they said) that God should utterly extinguish them all. For those sins (said they) which we have already committed, and against which the Prophets have exclaimed, are cause enough to incense God; so that we have no cause to add new Impieties to the precedent. When the Soldiers heard these words, they permitted them to execute N all that which they held convenient to be done. For which cause they took the Priso­ners, and discharged them, and entertained them courteously, and gave them money to furnish them in their journey, and sent them home without offence: and besides that, these four persons conducted them onward of their journey as far as Jericho; and when they drew near unto Jerusalem, they returned back to Samaria.

CHAP. XIII.
The King of Assyria taketh Damascus by force, killeth their King, translateth the People into Media, and planteth new Colonies in Damascus.

O WHen King Achaz had received this overthrow by the Israelites, he sent unto The­glaphalazar, King of Assyria, requiring him to assist him in the War, which he intended against the Israelites, Syrians, and them of Damascus, promising to give him [Page 252] great Sums of money,The year of the World, 3055. before Christ's Nativity, 909. and at that present also he sent him very large Presents. Who,A after he had considered on the Embassage, came forth with his Army to assist Achaz: and spoiling Syria, and sacking Damascus, he slew Rases their King also, and transported them of Damascus into the higher Media, and sent certain people of Assyria into Damascus. He wrought much mischief likewise in the Countrey of Israel, 2 Kings 16. 7, 8, ad 16. and led away a great num­ber of Prisoners from thence. After that the Syrians had been subdued and weakned after this manner,The translati­on of the Isra­elite. Achaz took all the gold and silver that was in the Kings treasury, and in the Temple of God, and carried it unto Damascus, and gave it to the King of Assyria, according to the promise which he had made him;Achaz giveth the gold and silver of the Temple to the King of the Assyrians. and after much rejoycing, he return­ed back again to Jerusalem. B

This King was so sensless and ignorant of his own profit, that although he was van­quished in War by the Syrians, yet ceased he not to adore their gods, but persisted to ho­nour them,Achaz shut­teth the doors of Gods Tem­ple, and ho­noureth strange gods. as if he expected the victory by their means. And although he were overcome the second time, yet he continued to worship the Assyrian gods; choosing rather to reve­rence any, than the true God, whom his Forefathers worshipped: yea, so far grew he in contempt, and neglect of all true piety, and at length he shut up the Temple-gates, and prohibited the ordinary Sacrifices,Ver. 20. having before that, taken all the precious Presents out of the same.Achaz death. After he had in this sort committed these outrages against God, he di­ed, when he was 36 years old, and after he had reigned 16 years, and left his son Ezechi­as to succeed him in the kingdom. At that very time died Phaceias King of the Israelites, by means of a certain conspiracy,2 Kings 17. 1, ad 6. which Oseas his intended friend wrought against him:C who held the kingdom for the space of nine years, shewing himself to be wicked, and a contemner of God.Oseas's impie­ty and punish­ment. Against him Salmanasar King of Assyria raised a War, and over­came him, because God was not favourable unto him, neither assistant to his enterprizes: he was therefore subdued,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 14. and constrained to pay a certain tribute imposed upon him. The fourth year of the Reign of Oseas, 2 Kings 18. 1, &c. Ezechias the son of Achaz, and Abia a Citizen of Jerusalem, reigned over the two Tribes. He was a man of a virtuous disposition, and one that loved justice and piety;2 Chron. 29. 1, &c. for as soon as he came unto the kingdom, he resolved with himself first of all, that there was nothing more necessary and advantagious, than the establishment of the service of God. When therefore he had assembled the People, the Priests, and the Levites, he began to discourse with them in these or such like words:D There is no one of you but knoweth, that for my fathers offences, and for your irreverence and disregard to the service of God, ye are fallen into many calamities, because through your extreme madness, you have suffered your selves to be persuaded to adore those, whom he esteemed to be no gods. Since therefore you have learnt (to your own misery) how pernicious a thing impiety is, I exhort you, that you purifie both your selves, your Priests, and your Levites, from your for­mer pollutions, that yet at length you may assemble together, and open the Temple, and cleanse the same with ordinary Sacrifices, to the end it may be restored to the ancient honour which hereto­fore it enjoyed: for by this means God will be favourable unto us, when his wrath shall be ap­peased that was kindled against us. As soon as the King had spoken after this manner, the Priests opened the Temple, and after they had gathered the sacred vessels, and cast all E uncleanness out of it, they offered Sacrifices upon the Altar, according to the custom. Afterwards the King sent to all the Provinces under his dominion, and gathered together the People of Jerusalem, to celebrate the feast of unleavened bread (which had been intermitted a long time, through the impiety of the Kings Predecessors.) He sent also unto the Israelites, exhorting them to forsake the customs which of a long time they had wickedly observed, and to return to the true and ancient manner of serving God, certi­fying them, that he would permit them to repair to Jerusalem, to celebrate the feast of unleavened bread, promising them that he himself would solemnize the same with them also; protesting that he did this, not in respect of his own profit, but through the desire he had to promote their felicity, who should be happy, if they obeyed this his counsel.F

When Ezechias Ambassadors came unto the Israelites, Ezechias Am­bassadors that were sent to the Israelites to exhort them to celebrate the feast of un­leavened bread are slain by them. and had delivered unto them the message that they had in charge: so far were they from complying with them, that they mocked them, and esteemed them to be mad, and spit upon those Prophets that ex­horted them to piety; and foretold them the evils they should suffer, if they served not the true God: and finally they laid hold on them, and put them to the sword. And not contenting themselves with this presumption, they attempted yet far worser things, and never gave over, until that God (for a punishment of their impiety) subjected them to their enemies,2 Chron. 29. as shall appear hereafter: But divers of the Tribes of Manasses, Zabulon, and Issachar, The Word of God is never without fruit. (respecting the good counsels of the Prophets) submitted themselves to the service of God, and repaired all together to Jerusalem, to King Ezechias, to honour G God. As soon as they were arrived there, Ezechias went up into the Temple, accompa­nied with the Governors and all the People, and offered there seven Bulls, seven Rams, [Page 253] H and as many Goats:The year of the World, 3618. before Christ's Nativity, 746. and after that he and all the Governors had laid their hands upon the heads of the Sacrifice, they deliver'd them to the Priest, according as it appertained to them, and they sacrificed, and made burnt-offerings of them. The Levites also (as­sisting round about with Instruments of Musick) sung Hymns and Songs unto God, ac­cording as they had been taught by the ordinance of David. Ezechias's sa­crifice. The other Priests had Trumpets, which they used in consort to the tune of their Hymns. Which done, the King and all the People cast themselves prostrate upon the ground,2 Chron. 29. [...] 20, 21. and adored God; and afterwards sacrificed seven Oxen, an 100 Sheep, and 200 Lambs. The King likewise bestowed 600 Oxen, and 3000 sheep, upon the People, to feast withall. And when the Priests had joyfully perform'd all things (according to the custom contain'd in the Law) I the King sate down and eat with the People, and gave thanks unto God. And when the feast of unleavened bread was come, they eat the Passeover, and during the seven other dayes,Ver. 30, 31. they offer'd up their other Sacrifices. The King gave, in way of gratuity, unto the People (besides that which had been offer'd) 2000 Oxen,Reformation of Gods ser­vice. and 7000 Sheep. The Governors did the like, and gave the People a 1000 Bulls, and 1400 Sheep: and thus was the feast solemnized, which had not been so magnificently and devoutly celebrated since Solomon's time. When the solemnity of this feast was past, they journeyed, and went thorow the Countrey, and purifi'd it. They purged the City likewise of all Idols, and the King ordained that the daily Sacrifices should be made according to the Law, up­on his charge. He enacted also, That the People should pay the Tenths to the Priests and Le­vites, K with the first-fruits; to the intent they might wholly intend piety, and never estrange themselves from the service of God. By which means it came to pass, that the People brought all kind of fruit to the Priests and Levites:The King over­cometh the Philistines. which the King put up in certain store-houses, which he had built, to be distributed to every one of them, their Wives and Children, and by this means they returned again to their former purity in Religion. After the King had disposed all things in this sort,2 Kings 19. he made War upon the Philistines, Ezechias forsa­keth the ser­vice of the King of As­syria. and overcame them, and seized all their Cities (between Gaza and Geth.) About this time the King of Assyria sent unto him, and threatned him, That if he would not pay those Tri­butes which his father before him had paid unto him, he would destroy all his Countrey. Never­theless Ezechias set light by his threats, assuring himself in that piety and zeal he bore L towards God, and in the Prophet Esay, by whom he was exactly instructed touching all those things that were to succeed.

CHAP. XIV.
Salmanasar slayeth the King of Israel, and leadeth the Israelites captive into the Countrey of Media.

WHen tydings was brought to Salmanasar, King of Assyria, that the King of Israel had privily sent unto Soan, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 5. King of Egypt, to request his assistance against the M Assyrians, he was sore displeased, and drew forth his Army against Samaria, in the seventh year of the Reign of Oseas. But the King of Israel withstood his entrance into the City, by which means he was besieged therein for three years space, and finally Samaria was taken by force,2 Kings 17▪ 24. in the ninth year of Oseas, and the seventh of Ezechias's Reign. At which time all the Kingdom of Israel was destroy'd, and all the People transported into the Countries of Media and Persia; and, amongst the rest, King Oseas was taken Prisoner. The King of Assyria caused certain Nations of a Countrey called Chut, so stiled, from a River of that name, to remove their habitation, and to dwell in Samaria, and inhabit the Countrey of Israel. As for the ten Tribes of Israel, they were transported out of their Countrey 947 years,The Israelites removed from their possessi­ons, are tran­slated into the Region of the Chuthites. since their Predecessors (departing out of Egypt) possessed N the Countrey of Canaan, 800 years after the government of Joshua, and 240 years, seven months, and seven dayes, since they revolted from Roboam, Davids Nephew, to give the Kingdom to Jeroboam.) This was the end of the Israelites, who transgressed the Laws, and disobeyed the Prophets, who foretold them of that calamity which should happen unto them, except they repented them of their impieties. The sedition that they rais'd against Roboam, in taking his servant for their King, was the original of their mischiefs. For Jeroboam committing impiety against God, and they imitating his wickedness, caused God to be displeas'd with them, so that he punish'd them according as they deserved. But the King of Assyria ravaged and spoiled all Syria and Phoenicia with his Army, and his name is found written in the Chronicles of the Tyrians: for he made War against the Ty­rians, O at such time as Eulaleus reigned in Tyre, whereof Menander maketh mention, who wrote the History of Tyre, which hath been Translated into the Greek Tongue. The King [Page 254] Eluleus (saith he) reigned 36 years, The year of the World, 3224. before Christ's Nativity, 740. and pursued the Chutheans that were revolted from A him by Sea, and made them subject. Against whom the King of Assyria sent forth his Army, and invaded all Phoenicia, and afterwards having made a Peace with them, he returned back again into the Cities of Sydon, Arce, and old Tyre, and divers other Cities revolted from the Tyrians, and submitted themselves to the King of Assyria.

For this cause,The Tyrians Chronicles touching the Wars of Sal­mana [...]ar a­gainst the Tyri­ans, written by Menander. and for that they of Tyre did not obey him, he drew his Army forth once more against them; and he was furnished by the Phoenicians with 60 ships, and 800 rowers. The Tyrians charging their ships with 12 of their vessels, overthrew the Navy of the Assyri­ans, and took about 500 men Prisoners: which act of theirs, wonderfully increased their ho­nour. But the King of Assyria returning back again, planted a Garison upon the River, set a guard upon the fountain heads, to the intent the Tyrians might draw no water; which act of B his (continuing for the space of five years) they were enforced to find and dig for new springs to sustain themselves.

These things are written in the Registers of the Tyrians themselves, as also the exploits of the King of Assyria against them. But these Chutheans from the Region of Chut, which is in Persia, Gods displea­sure against the idolatrous Chuthites. (where there is a River of that name) for that they were of five several Nations, they brought with them each of them the god whom they honour'd in their Nation, to the number of five gods, whom they served after the manner of their Coun­trey. Whereupon the true God was displeas'd, and provok'd against them, for a Plague fell amongst them, that consumed them in such sort, that they could find no remedy, until they were told that they ought to adore the God of the Hebrews, The Chutheans embrace the service of God, and in prospe­rity claim kinred of the Jews. and that therein consisted C their safety. They therefore sent unto the King of Assyria, requiring him to send them Priests from amongst the Israelites, whom he had led away Prisoners in War. By whose assistance they learnt the Law, and the manner of Gods service, and began very diligent­ly to observe both: by which means the Plague ceased. And now even unto this day continue they in the same Religion, and are called by the Hebrews, Chutheans, and Sama­ritans by the Greeks. These, as often as they find the Jews in prosperity, call them their Cousins, (according to the variety and changes of time;) but if they perceive their fortunes to be on the declining hand, then adjure they consanguinity, and renounce their relation to them, and say, That they were planted in the Countrey, and drawn thither from a foreign Nation. But in time and place convenient, we will speak of them more largely.D

EFG

H The Tenth Book of the Antiquities of the JEWS;The year of the World, 3231. before Christ's Nativity, 733.

The Contents of the Chapters of the Tenth Book.
  • 1. Senacherib King of Assyria, besiegeth Ezechias in Jerusalem.
  • 2. Ezechias having lived for a certain time in peace, dyeth, and leaveth his Son Manasses I to succeed him.
  • 3. The Kings of the Chaldees, and the King of Babylon make War against Manasses, and lead him away Captive.
  • 4. The History of King Josias.
  • 5. Josias death in battel; he hindereth the King of Egypt from leading his Army against the Babylonians, and the event thereof.
  • 6. The Army of Nabuchodonosor cometh into Syria.
  • 7. Nabuchodonosor putteth Joachim to death, and maketh Joachin King.
  • 8. Nabuchodonosor changeth his purpose, besiegeth Joachim, and is reconciled upon com­position.
  • K 9. Sedechias is appointed King over Jerusalem.
  • 10. Jerusalem is taken, and the people translated into Babylon by Nabuchodonosor.
  • 11. The Successors of Nabuchodonosor: the destruction of Babylon by Cyrus, King of Persia.

CHAP. I.
Senacherib King of Assyria, besiegeth Ezechias in Jerusalem.

IN the Fourteenth year of the Reign of Ezechias King of the two Tribes,2 King. 18, 19. Sena­cherib, L The destructi­on of Judea. King of Assyria, drew forth a huge Army against him, and surprized all the Cities of Juda and Benjamin by strong hand. To him Ezechias sent Ambassadors, promising him obedience, and such a Tribute as it should please him to impose. When Senacherib had heard the Ambassadors, he resolved on Peace, and accept­ed Ezechias offer, promising that he would depart, as soon as he should have received Three hundred Talents of silver, and Thirty Talents of gold; swearing unto the Am­bassadors, The oath of Senacherib, and his breach thereof. That upon these conditions he would depart away, without committing any outrage. Ezechias giving credit to these words of his, emptied the Treasuries, and sent the prefixed sum to Senacherib, hoping to be delivered from his enemy, and the hazard wherein his Countrey stood. But the Assyrians having received the money, set light by their promi­ses, M so that Senacherib went in person to make War against the Egyptians and Ethiopians, and left Rapsaces his General in Judaea with a great power, accompanied with two of his chief Minions and Courtiers, with commission to spoil Jerusalem: The names of these two were Tharata and Anacheris. As soon as they were encamped near unto the Walls, they sent unto Ezechias, and commanded him to come and speak with them: but he through fear which he had conceived, went not unto them, but sent three of his most fa­miliar friends, Eliacim the Superintendent of his Realm, Sobna, and Joachas, that had the commission of his Registers.

These three presented themselves before the Chieftains of the Assyrian Army, whom when Rapsaces beheld, he commanded them to return unto their Master, and to tell him, N That the great King Senacherib was desirous to know, upon what hope he slighteth his Summons, and refuseth to admit his Army into the City? Is it perhaps, because he hopeth the Egyptians will have the upper hand of the Kings Army? If that be his hope, doubtless he is deceived, shewing himself to be like unto a man that stayeth himself upon a broken reed; by which he is not only not supported, but in his fall hath his hand pierced therewith. He likewise wished him to conceive, that this his expedition was not without the Will of God, who, as in times past, hath given them the victory over the Israelites; so now also is pleased to humble Ezechias, and to make both him and his Subjects stoop under the Assyrian government. Whil'st Rapsaces spake thus in the Hebrew language, Ver. 17. (wherein he was very skilful) Eliacim (fearing lest the multitude should be strucken with fear upon the hearing of these words) besought him O to speak in the Syriack Tongue. Rapsaces per­suasion to cause Ezechi­as to submit. But he sufficiently instructed what it was that he feared, answer'd him with a louder voice in the Hebrew Tongue, and told them, They ought to give ear unto the Kings commandment, and to yield themselves to his mercy, because it concerned [Page 256] their security.The year of the World, 3231. before Christ's Nativity, 737. I am not ignorant (said he) that both you and your King do flatter the people A with vain hopes, and fraudulently allure them to bear Arms against us. But if your Valor be ought at all, and you suppose that you can raise the siege from your walls, let us have same speci­men of your courage, and send out 2000 Horse, to encounter the like number which shall be drawn out of our Army: But alas! it is not to be expected, since you are not able to raise so great a Force. Why therefore delay you? Why yield you not to those that are too strong for you, and are able, even in spight of your resistance, to ransack your City? whereas you know that a willing submission is alwayes secure: contrariwise, whereas duty is enforced, there wanteth no peril of calamity.

When both the Ambassadors and the People had heard what the Assyrian had spoken,B 2 Kings 19. 1, 2. they reported the same to Ezechias, who incontinently cast his royal garments off, and cloathed himself in sackcloth,Ezechias in adversity hath recourse to God, he is comforted by Esay. discovering his trouble and sorrow in his countenance; and casting himself prostrate upon the earth, after the manner of their Countrey, he be­sought God to be assistant unto him, since all other hope was vain. He sent also certain of his friends, and some Priests, unto the Prophet Esay, requiring him to pray unto God, That since Sacrifice was offered unto him for publick security, it might please him to fru­strate the enemies hopes, and to have pity and compassion on his people. When the Prophet had performed what was required, he received an answer from God, by which he assured the King, and all that were about him, foretelling them, that the enemies should be over­come without stroke strucken, and should retire with shame, and not with that advan­tage which they promis'd to themselves at present, because God had already determined C how they should be overthrown. He foretold also, that Senacherib himself (the King of Assyria) should fail of his enterprize in Egypt, and that upon his return to his own Court, he should be slain. At that very time the Assyrian wrote Letters to Ezechias, in which he called him fool and mad-man, to think that he could secure himself from being his slave, yea, his in especial, who had conquered divers and far greater Nations: threat­ning him with utter ruine at such time as he should surprize the City, if he opened not the gates of Jerusalem willingly, to entertain his Army. When Ezechias had read these Let­ters, he set light by them, by reason of the confidence he had in God: and having opened them, he spread them in the Temple. And whil'st he renewed his prayers unto God for the salvation of the City and his Subjects, Esay the Prophet told him, That his D prayer was heard: that hereafter likewise they should manure their lands in peace and security, and should enjoy their possessions without fear. Not long after, the King of Assyria having but cold success in his expedition against Egypt, turned back again without doing any thing, for this cause that ensueth. He had lost much time in the siege of Pelusium: and at such time as he had already raised certain Bulwarks as high as the Wall, so that he wanted nothing but to give the assault; News was brought him that Thargises, King of Ethiopia, A v. 20. ad fin. brought an Army to rescue the Egyptians, with an intent to take his way thorow the Desart,Herodotus of Senacherib. and suddenly to charge the Assyrian Army. Senacherib troubled with these tydings, speedily departed thence with his Army. But Herodotus saith, That he made War with Vulcans Priests, (for so he stileth this King of Egypt, because he was a Priest of that E false god) and moreover addeth,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 11. That besieging Pelusium, for this cause he gave over the siege: The King of Egypt called to his God for assistance, by whose power the Arabians suf­fered much misery. But in this also he erreth, in that he setteth down the Arabian for the As­syrian.

There came one night so great a number of Rats into the Army, that they gnawed to pieces all their Bowe-strings, and made the rest of their Arms unserviceable: whence it came to pass, that the King being disarmed,Ver. 35, 36, 37. withdrew his siege from Pelusium. But Berosus, a Writer among the Chaldees, The punish­ment of Sena­cherib, for displeasing God. maketh mention of Senacherib, and how he reigned among the Assyrians, and troubled both Asia and Egypt with War, and declareth the manner in these words: But Sena­cherib returning from the Egyptian War, came before Jerusalem, and received the Army that F was there, at the hands of the Governor Rabsake, and God caused a pestilent sickness to fall up­on his Army, which was so violent, that the first night of the siege, there dyed an hundred four­score and five thousand men, with the Governors and Chieftains. With which loss he was so affrighted,Pa [...]icides. and troubled, that fearing to lose his Army, he fled with those that remained, and retired himself into his Kingdom to the City called Nineve, where after he had lived for a time, he was trayterously slain by Adramelech and Selenar his two elder sons; and being dead, was carried into his own Temple called Arusche, and his children were driven out of the Kingdom for committing the murther, and retired themselves into Armenia, and Asseradochus his youn­gest son succeeded Senacherib. Such was the end of the Assyrian Army that came before Jeru­salem. G

CHAP. II.The year of the World, 3241. before Christ's Nativity, 733. H
Ezechias having for a time remained in peace, dieth: and leaveth his son Manasses to succeed him.

KIng Ezechias (being in this sort beyond all hope delivered from his fears) offered thanksgiving and sacrifices unto God,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 3. with all the people: acknowledging that there was no other cause that had slain part of his enemies,2 Kings 20. 1, ad 11. and put the rest to mortal fear, nor delivered Jerusalem from thraldom, but only Gods succour and assistance. And whilest he altogether intended and was occupied about the service of God, he fell sick I of a grievous disease, so as the Physicians despaired of his health, and his friends expect­ed nothing but his death. But that which occasioned the greatest trouble, was, that he had no children, and saw that he was now to depart the world, and to leave his house without a successor,Ezechias sick­ness, and the prolongation of his life assu­red by miracle. and his kingdom desolate. In this affliction he besought God, That it would please him to lengthen his life a little time, until he had children to succeed him; and that he would vouchsafe that his soul might not be taken from him, before he were the father of a son. Hereupon God taking compassion of him, (and the rather, because he was not grieved for that the pleasures of his kingdom were taken from him; but for that he sought for a lawful heir to succeed him) he sent the Prophet Esay unto him, to assure him, that after three days he should be recovered of his sickness; and that after he had lived K some fifteen years more, he should depart out of this life, and leave a lawful heir behind him. When the Prophet (according as he was commanded) had brought these ty­dings to the King, he doubted both the unexpected messenger, and the mightiness of his disease: for which cause, he required some prodigious sign at Esaias's hands, to the intent that he might certainly believe, that he was sent as a messenger from God unto him: for the truth of those things which either exceed our hope, or reason, are wont to be con­firmed by these means. Whereupon Esay asked him what sign he required, and it should be given him. He answered, that he desired to see the shadow of the Sun go back ten degrees upon his Quadrant. On this occasion the Prophet besought God, that it would please him to confirm the King by this miracle:Ver. 14, 15. who seeing that which he desired, was L suddenly delivered from his sickness,The Assyrian Monarchy de­stroyed. and went up into the Temple to worship and praise God. At that time it hapned, that the Monarchy of the Assyrians was destroyed by the Medes, The Embassage of the King of Babylon to Ezechias. (whereof I will speak in another place.) Not long after, Balad King of Baby­lon sent an Ambassador to Ezekias with Presents, calling him his ally and friend: who re­ceiving his messengers, he feasted them, and shewed them his treasures, his arsenal, and all other magnificence that he had of gold and precious stones: and after he had given them Presents for Balad, he dismissed them. Whereupon the Prophet Esay came unto him, asking him from whence those Ambassadors came? To whom Ezechias answered, That they were of Babylon, and came unto him from their King; telling the Prophet how he had shewed them all that which he had, to the end that having seen and observed his M riches and power,Ver. 16, 17, 18. they might afterwards certifie the King thereof.The captivity of Babylon foreprophesied by Esay. Whereunto the Pro­phet replied, saying, Know thou, that within a little time thy riches shall be transported into Babylon, and thy children shall be made Eunuchs, and (being no more men) shall be slaves unto the King of Babylon. All which God gave him to understand before it hapned. Ezechias was troubled to hear these tydings, saying, That he desired that his people might not fall into those miseries: but since it was impossible to change the Decree of God, he required that he might have peace during his life-time. Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 4. Of this Balad King of Babylon, Berosus ma­keth mention. This Prophet truly divine and admirable for the verity of his Prophe­sies, is accounted to have spoken nothing that was untrue, but to have left in writing all that which he prophesied: the truth whereof hath afterwards, in effect, appeared to po­sterity. N Neither did he alone perform thus much;Ver. [...]. but besides him, twelve others have done the like:2 Chr. 32. 33. and all that which is hapned unto us,Ezekias death. either good or evil, hath fallen out truly according to their Prophecies. But hereafter we will speak of every one of them. Now when Ezechias had lived his prefixed time▪ (according as we have before related) and governed his kingdom in peace, he died when he was 54 years old, and in the 29 year of his Reign.

CHAP. III.
The Kings of Chaldaea and Babylon war against Manasses, and take him Prisoner.

O HIS son Manasses (the son of Achiba, a Woman born in Jerusalem) succeeded him in the Kingdom. This Man forsook his fathers wayes, and abandoned himself to all manner of viciousness and debauchery; but addicting himself to all the iniquities of [Page 258] the Israelites, The year of the World, 3147. before Christ's Nativity, 717. who were destroyed, because of their heinous sins committed against A God. He was so impudent, as he spared not to pollute the very Temple of God, the City, and the whole Countrey: and being no longer to be restrain'd by any fear of the just vengeance of God, he barbarously put to death many good and virtuous Men, and spared not the very Prophets; so that Jerusalem was overflown with blood. For which cause God being provoked unto wrath by his heinous offences,2 Kings 21. 1, &c. sent divers Pro­phets, 2 Chron. 33. 1. ad 10. the one after the other, both to the King and the people, by whom he threatned to inflict the same calamities upon them,Manasses im­piety and cru­elty. which (for contempt of Religion) the Israelites their Brethren had a little before suffered. But they not giving heed to their Predictions, (whose admonitions had they resepcted, they might have prevented their imminent evils) at length experimented the truth thereof.Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 5. alias cap. 4. For whereas they persevered in their B accustomed and dissolute manners, God stirred up the King of Chaldaea and Babylon against them; who sending their Armies into Judaea, and spoiling the whole Region, at length surprized and led away Manasses Prisoner, and made him liable to what punishment it should please them to inflict.2 Chron. 33. Then this miserable Prince (taught by his own experi­ence) acknowledged his sin,A v. 1. ad 13. and humbly besought God to have compassion on him. His prayer was heard;Manasses sur­prized, and led Prisoner into Babylon, and after his re­pentance▪ re­stored to his kingdom. and after some space of time, the Babylonian sending him home, restored him to his former government. As soon as he was returned back to Jerusalem, he made it appear, by the change of his life, that his repentance was sincere, and endea­voured nothing more, than to abolish the memory of his former actions, and employed his whole care to establish the service of God. He purged the Temple also, and clean­sed C the City;Ver. 14, 15, 16. and from that time forward, he addicted himself wholly to think how he might give God thanks,Manasses pu­rifieth the Ci­ty, and conse­crateth the Temple again. for that he had thus delivered him from ruine, and how he might pass all the remnant of his life in his favour. He taught the People likewise to do the like, telling them what miseries they had endured within a few years, be­cause they had demeaned themselves impiously. He repaired the Altar also, and according to Moses Prescript,Manasses death. offered thereon solemn Sacrifices: and after that he had provided those things that concerned the service of God,2 King. 21. 18. he took care likewise for the security of the City of Jerusalem, 2 Chr. 33. 2 [...]. and repaired the old and ruined walls,Amos King of Juda, a wicked Prince. and built some anew, for the enlarging of the City; he erected high Towers likewise, furnishing the same with munition, and victual sufficient for a City of defence. And so much was he changed du­ring D the rest of his life,2 Kings 22. 1. ad 8. that he was held most happy; and after that he began to serve God,1 Chron. 34. 1. ad 14. he invited many to the imitation of his virtues. After he had lived 67 years, he dyed in the 55th year of his Reign, and was buried in his garden. His kingdom came into the hands of his son Amon, the son of Emalsema, of the City of Jabath; who imita­ting the Impieties to which his father addicted himself in his youth, was slain in his own house, by a conspiracy plotted by his own houshold-servants, after he had lived 24 years, and reigned two. After his death, the people slew his murtherers, and he was buried with his father, and the kingdom was given to his son Josias, who was eight years old.

CHAP. IV.E
The History of Josias.

THE Mother of Josias, King of Juda, was of the City of Bosceth, and was called J [...]da: Josias King of Juda. This Prince was by nature so excellently disposed to all virtue, that during the whole course of his life, he proposed to himself no other example but that of his Predecessor King David. 2 Chron. 34. 8. When he grew to be twelve years old, he gave a manifest proof of his piety and justice:Josias resto­reth the true service of God for he drew the people to a conformable course of life, and to the detestation and abolishing of Idols, that were no gods, and to the service of the onely and true God of their forefathers. And considering the actions of his Prede­cessors, he began to rectifie them in that wherein they were deficient, with no less cir­cumspection, than if he had been an old man; and that which he found to be advisedly F done by them, he did promote and imitate. And besides this wisdom, which was in­nate to him, he made use also of the advice and counsel of the Elders: for following the laws,2 Kings 22. v. 4, 24. (both in respect of publick policy, as also in religion) he walked uprightly, in that by observing them, he could not err. He made a particular inquiry both in Jerusa­lem, Josias rooteth out Idolatry. and the Countrey round about, for those places where they had set up the worship of false gods, and overthrew their altars; and all those gifts that had been offered to them by his Predecessors, were defaced: and in this manner caused he the people to re­turn to the service of God, and to forsake the honour they did unto Idols. He offered likewise the ordinary sacrifices and burnt-offerings upon the altar, and established Judges and Magistrates to determine publick debates, and to do each man right; charging them G to have no less respect of equity, than they had of their own lives. He sent also thorow all the Countrey, commanding that all those that would be Contributers, either in gold or [Page 259] H silver,The year of the World, 332 [...]. before Christ's Nativity, 643. towards the reparation of the Temple, should bring in their benevolence, accor­ding to their abilities. And when all the money was gathered together, he appointed Su­perintendents, both over the Temple, as also over the charges that were defrayed in the reparation thereof: namely, Amasias, who was Governor of the City, and Saphan the Secretary, and Joata, who was over the Registers, with the High-Priest Elcia: who with all expedition and diligence provided workmen,2 Chron. 34. 9. ad 14. and all that which was requisite for the building,The zeal of the people in the reparation of the Temple. and began the work. This sudden and speedy reparation of the Temple, gave a manifest testimony of the Kings piety: who, when he had attained to the 18th year of his age, sent Elcia the High-Priest, and caused him to melt down the remainder of the money that was given towards the building of the Temple, and to make vessels, cups and I ewers for the service of the Altar. He commanded also, that all the gold and silver that was in the Treasury,2 Kings 22. 8. should be brought forth, and employed after the like manner, in cups and other vessels.2 Chr. 14. 15. Now whil'st the High-Priest search'd the Treasury, he found the sacred Books of Moses in the Temple,Moses sacred books found in the Temple. which he brought and deliver'd to the Scribe Saphan; who, after he had perused the same, presented them unto the King, giving him to understand,2 King. 32. 13. that all that which he had commanded, was accomplished: besides that, he read the Books unto him,2 Chr. 34. 21. which when the King heard,Olda th [...] Pro­phetess sent unto by Josias. he rent his cloaths, and called Elcia the High-Priest unto him, and the Scribe Saphan, with certain other of his inward friends,2 King. 22. 15. ad finem. and sent them unto the Prophetess Olda, the wife of Sallum, a man in high digni­ty, and famous for his Nobility: commanding them, That when they came unto her, they K should endeavor to appease Gods wrath, 2 Chron. 34. 23. ad 28. and labour to recover his favor, because it was to be fea­red, The Prophecy of the Jews miseries. that by reason that their ancestors had transgressed the Laws of Moses, they should be in danger to be dispossessed of their Countrey, and abandoned by all men, should at length perish miserably.

When the Prophetess had heard the Kings commandment, she willed those that were sent unto her, to return unto the King, and to certifie him from her, That God had given sentence against them, which might not be revoked by any prayers whatsoever; namely, that since they had transgressed the Law of Moses, the people should perish, and should be cast out of their Countrey, and deprived of all their goods, because they had not repented of the violation of his most holy Laws; notwithstanding the Prophets had exhorted them to repentance, and had fore­told L the punishment of their impieties, which should happen unto them to the end that they might believe that God is God, and that he fails not in any thing that he hath foretold by his Prophets. Furthermore she said, That he forbore as yet to send these afflictions upon them for Josias sake, who was a virtuous man, but that after his decease, God would pour out his wrath upon the peo­ple. This Prophecy of the Woman they signifi'd unto the King, who sent into all parts, and assembled the People in Jerusalem, commanding the Priests and Levites, and general­ly all men,2 Chron. 34. 29. ad finem. without distinction of age or person, to be present in that Convention. Now when they were assembled,A lively image of a godly Prince. he first of all caused the sacred books to be read, and after­wards standing aloft upon his Throne, he caused all the people to swear and promise, that they should serve God, and keep Moses Laws. Whereupon all of them did willingly M approve of whatsoever he said (promising to do that whereunto they were exhorted.) And therewithall offering up Sacrifices unto God, they besought him to shew himself fa­vourable and merciful towards them. The King likewise commanded the High-Priest, that if there were any vessels in the Temple which were made by his Predecessors, in honour of Idols, and strange gods, he should cast them out; and after that a great num­ber were found therein, all of them were gather'd together and burnt, and the ashes af­terwards were scatter'd abroad. And as touching the Priests (that appertained to Idols that were not of the Race of Aaron) he put them to death.The truth of the divine oracles. When these things were thus executed in Jerusalem, he came afterwards to the plain Countrey; and all that which Jeroboam had erected there in honour of Idols,1 Kings 13. 1. ad 4. he utterly defaced it, and the bones of N the false Prophets were burnt upon the Altar that Jeroboam had built. This had the Prophet foretold that came to Jeroboam at such time as he offered Sacrifice, and told him in the presence of all the people, all that which should happen: namely, That one of Davids posterity called Josias, should do th [...]se things: which Prophecy took effect 361 years after. After this, King Josias applied himself to the Israelites, (who had avoided the captivity and servitude of the Assyrians) and persuaded them to forsake their impie­ties, and the services they had performed to strange gods, and to honour the sovereign and true God of their fathers, and to cleave unto him. He made a search also thorow every house, borough and city, fearing lest as yet there should be an Idol hidden. He likewise sought out the Chariots that were made by his ancestors, in honour of the Sun, O and all that which was adored, whatsoever it were, and utterly abolished the same. After he had in this sort purged the Countrey, he assembled all the people in Jerusalem, where he celebrated the Feast of unleavened bread, which we call Easter. Towards the per­formance [Page 260] whereof,The year of the World, 23 [...]. before Christ's Nativity, 643. he gave the people young kids and lambs, to the number of 30000,A and 3000 Bullocks, for burnt-offerings; and the chief among the Levites, distributed amongst the other Levites 500 Lambs, and 500 Bullocks. Having therefore such an abundance of Beasts, they sacrificed according to the Law of Moses, (the Priests taking charge thereof,2 Kings 23. [...]. 11. and confirming the rest of the people by their example.) Neither was there ever such a solemnity kept by the Hebrews, since the time of Samuel the Prophet; because all things were done according to the Laws and the ancient Customs,T [...]e celebrat­ion of the P [...]sseover. which were observed in the time of their Fathers. After this, Josias lived in peace, riches, honour, and estimation amongst all men:Ver. 21, &c. and thus ended his life.Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 9. [...] cap. 5.

CHAP. V.B
Divers Exploits of Nechao.

Nechao, The E [...]yptians [...]. King of Egypt, having gathered great Forces, conducted his Army towards the River Euphrates, to war against the Medes and Babylonians, who had destroyed the Empire of Assyria: for Nechao affected the government of all Asia. Now when he drew near unto the City of Mende, (which was under Josias subjection) King Josias denied him passage, and would not suffer his Army to march thorow his Countrey. For which cause Nechao sent an Herald unto him, to let him understand, That it was not against him that he made War, [...]. but that he bent his course towards Euphrates: for which cause C he wished him in no sort to hinder his intended journey,2 Chr [...]n. [...]5. 22, 23, 24. lest thereby he should be con­strained to make War upon him.An Epit [...]ph written by Jeremy on Josi [...]. But Josias regarded not this demand of his, but resol­ved himself to hinder his passage thorow his Countrey: And I am persuaded that his evil Genius put him upon making this resistance, to the end that he might have some occasion to do something against Nechao. Ver. 25. For whil'st he set in order his Army, and rode from one Band to another,Which was the [...]. being mounted upon his Chariot, he was strucken with an Arrow that was shot by a certain Egyptian, which put a stop to his proceedings: For feeling himself oppressed with pain, [...]. by reason of his wound, he commanded his Army to retire, and re­turned himself to Jerusalem, where he dyed of his wound, and was buried with his Fathers with great magnificence, after he had lived 39 years, and reigned 31. For him D the people mourned with great heaviness, [...]. lamenting for many days. The Prophet Jere­my also made an Elegy upon him in verse, [...]. which is as yet extant even in these days. This Prophet foretold in writing those evils which should afterwards happen unto the City, and the Captivity wherewith we are intangled at this present, [...]. and the surprisal of Baby­lon. [...]. Neither hath he alone foretold the same, but the Prophet Ezekiel hath likewise done the like, who first left two Books written of the same Argument. These two Prophets were of the race of the Priests. [...]span [...]. But Jeremy kept in Jerusalem, from the 14th year of the Reign of Josias, [...]. until the destruction of the City and Temple, as in time and place convenient we will declare, setting down those occurrences that hapned to this Prophet. After the death of Josias (hitherto mentioned) his son Joaz succeeded him E in the Kingdom, at such time as he was 23 years old, he reigned in Jerusalem, and his mo­thers name was Ametala: he was a man full of impiety, and of a malignant and perverse nature. The King of Egypt returning from the War, sent unto Joaz, commanding him to meet him in Samath a City of Syria, where he was no sooner arrived, but he kept him Prisoner, committing the Kingdom to Eliachim his brother, (on the Fathers side) who was his elder brother likewise. He changed his name likewise, and call'd him Joachim: he impos'd a Tribute also on Judea, of 100 Talents of silver, and a Talent of gold, which Joachim paid; and as touching Joaz, he led him into Egypt, where he finished his days, af­ter he had been King three months, and ten days. Now Joachims mother was called Z [...]buda, of the City of Abuma. He was a wicked person, and of a malignant nature,F having neither piety towards God, nor respect towards men.

CHAP. VI.
Nabuchodonosors Army cometh into Syria.

IN the fourth year of the Reign of Joachim, [...] a certain man called Nabuchodonosor, pos­sessed the Kingdom of Babylon, who at that time went out with a great Army against [...], (a City scituate near unto Euphrates) resolving with himself to fight against Nechao King of Egypt, under whose power all Syria was subject. Nechao understanding G of the Babylonians intent, and how great his Army was, made very little account there­of, but with a huge Army advanced towards Euphrates, with an intent to repulse Nabu­chodonosor. [Page 261] H But he was overcome in battel,The year of the World, 33 [...]6. before Christ's Nativity, 928. and lost divers thousands of his men. Where­upon, the Babylonian (passing Euphrates) seized all Syria, as far as Pelus [...]um, (Judea only excepted.) The fourth year that Nabuchodonosor reigned over these conquered Countries, and in the eighth year of the Reign of Joachim over the Hebrews, the Babylo­lonian led forth his Army against the Jews with a mighty power, threatning them to use all hostility,2 Kings 24. 11. ad 20. except Joachim would pay him Tribute. Joachim fearing his threats, bought his peace with silver, and payed for three years space the Tributes that were imposed on him.Joachim pay­eth Nabu­chadnezzar tribute. But in the third year (understanding that the Egyptian was up in Arms against the Babylonian) he denied the payment of the Tribute, notwithstanding he was frustra­ted of his hope, for the Egyptians were not so hardy as to make War. All which the I Prophet Jeremy daily foretold him, signifying unto him, That he built his hope in vain upon the Egyptians; and that it would fall out, that the City should be overthrown by the King of Babylon,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 8. and Joachim himself should be delivered Prisoner into his hands. But because there was no means for them to escape this justice▪ all that which he said,Joachim re­volteth from the King of Babylon. was nothing available. For notwithstanding the People and Governors heard thereof, yet made they no reckoning of the same, but were displeased with those counsels which he proposed unto them, accusing Jeremy, as if he took pleasure to utter and publish ominous and ad­verse Presages against the King; they likewise called him in question before the Kings Council, and requir'd that he might be condemn'd. Whereupon some of them gave sen­tence against him: But others took a more discreet course, and persuaded them to cause K the Prophet to depart out of the Kings house, forbidding his Adversaries to do him any mischief: since that he had not only foretold the future calamities of the City, but that many before him had done the like, as Micheas, and divers others; and yet that no one of them had suffer'd any evil by the Kings of their time, but that contrariwise Micheas had been honour'd as a Prophet sent from God. By these words they appeased the People, and deliver'd Jeremy from the death intended against him. This man wrote all his Pro­phesies, Jeremy fore­telleth the de­struction of Jerusalem. and read them to the People in their Fasts, when they were assembled in the Tem­ple in the ninth month of the fifth year of the Reign of Joachim, which book he had composed touching that which should happen unto the City, the Temple, and the People. When the Governors heard the same,Jer. 22. 24. they took the book from him, and commanded L that both he and his Secretary Baruch should withdraw themselves out of the sight of men: and they took the book, and presented it unto the King; who, in the presence of his Friends, commanded his Secretary to read the same: and after he had heard the con­tents thereof, he waxed wroth, and renting it in pieces, cast it into the fire, intending that it should never be seen. He sent out likewise a strict Commission to seek out Jeremy, and his Secretary Baruch, and to lead them out to be punished. But they were already fled, that they might prevent his indignation.

CHAP. VII.
M Nabuchodonosor putteth Joachim to death, and establisheth Joachin in the Kingdom.

NOT long after this,Nabuchadnez­zars entertain­ment into the city, and cruel­ty. he went out to meet the King of Babylon, who was marched out to make War against him: and being incredulous and careless of the Prophets Predictions, he opened the gates unto him, supposing that he intended him no evil. But when the Babylonians were entered into the City, the King observed not his promises, but put all such to death as were in the flower and strength of their years,2 Kings 24. 1, ad 11. and spared none of the Inhabitants of Jerusalem, Joachin of Jochonias King of Juda. with them also he slew their King Joachim, and caused his body to be cast from the top of the walls, and vouchsafed him no Sepulchre, establishing Joachin his son King of the Countrey, and of the City. Moreover, he took 3000 of N the most honourable Citizens of Jerusalem Prisoners, and led them to Babylon with him, amongst whom was the Prophet Ezekiel, at that time very young in years. This was the end of King Joachim; who lived 36 years, and reigned 11. Joachin that succeeded him in the Kingdom, was the son of Nosta of Jerusalem, and reigned three months and ten days.

O

CHAP. VIII.The year of the World, 3346. before Christ's Nativity, 618. A
Nabuchodonosor changeth his purpose, and besiegeth Joachin, and receiveth him upon composition.

AS soon as the Babylonian had bestowed the Kingdom of Judea on Joachin, he was seized with a sudden fear,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 9. which made him suspect lest Joachin remembring himself of the injuries he had done unto him by the murther of his father might draw the Coun­trey into rebellion,2 King. 25. 27. and revolt against him. For which cause he sent out certain Forces, and besieged Joachin in Jerusalem: who being a man of a good nature, and of an upright B heart, was loth to forsake the City in that danger without a Governor, considering that it was for his cause that the Common-weal was in that hazard. For which cause, taking his wife, and his nearest akin with him, he delivered them into the hands of the Captains that were sent against him,Nabuchodono­sor a Truce-breaker. receiving an oath from them, that neither they nor the City should receive any harm. But this promise continued not a year: for the King of Baby­lon observed it not, but commanded his Captains to imprison all the youth and artificers that were in the City, and to bring them bound unto him. The number of them was 10832 persons, besides Joachin, his Mother, and his near Allies, whom they took Priso­ners.

CHAP. IX.C
Sedechias is made King over Jerusalem, by the Babylonians.

INstead of Joachin, he appointed Sedechias his Uncle King of Jerusalem, whom he bound by an oath that he should govern the Countrey without any innovation,2 King. 24. 17. and that he should hold no intelligence with the Egyptians. Sedechias King of Jerusalem, seduced by his Courtiers and false Prophets, giveth no ear to Jeremy. This Sedechias was 21 years old, at such time as he came unto the Kingdom, and was Joachims brother by the mothers side: he was a contemner of all laws, and a preverter of ordinances. For the young men that were about him, were without the fear of God, and all the people under his dominions,D committed whatsoever outrages were best liking unto them. For this cause the Prophet Jeremy came unto him, protesting oftentimes against him, and denouncing, That if he would not forsake his impieties, and addict himself to that which was just, (but gave ear un­to his Governors, amongst which there were many wicked men, nnd to those false Prophets that mis-led him, trusting that the Babylonians should not make War against his City, but that the Egyptians should levy an Army, and overcome them) that then he should suffer much misery: For (said he) they have no truth in their sayings, and they will always mislead you by false reports. Whil'st Sedechias gave ear to these discourses of the Prophet, he was persuaded, and acknowledg'd all that to be true which he had spoken, and very profitable both for him,Ezekiel pro­phesieth the destruction of the Temple. and his people; but anon after, his friends corrupted him, and diverted him accor­ding E to their own opinions. Ezekiel also at the same time had prophesied in Babylon concerning all those calamities which were to fall upon the Temple, and sent notice to Jerusalem of that which he had received from God. Notwithstanding Sedechias gave no credit to his Prophesies, by reason that all the Prophets were accustomed to accord in all things the one with the other, as touching the surprisal of the City, and the imprisonment of Sedechias: but Ezekiel differed in this, that he said that Sedechias should not see Baby­lon; notwithstanding that Jeremy had prophesied, that the King of Babylon should lead him away Prisoner in bonds:Ver. 20. because therefore these two accorded not in all their say­ings, Sedechi [...]s re­volts from the Babylonian. he concluded that the matter wherein they agreed, was of no consequence. Not­withstanding all things hapned unto him according as the Prophets had pronounced, as F we will declare hereafter.Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 10. After that he had continued his alliance and friendship with the King of Babylon for the space of eight years,2 Kings 25. 4. ad 12. he brake the league that was between them, and confederated with the Egyptians (under hope that they should overcome the Babylonians.) The King of Egypt coming to rescue the King of Jeru­sa [...]em, is over­thrown by Nabuchodono­sor with all his Army, and driven out of Syria. Which when the King of Babylon understood, he led forth his Army against him, and destroy'd his Countrey to the uttermost; so that after he had taken his Cities of defence, he brought his Army before Jerusalem, and besieged it. The Egyptian per­ceiving the state wherein his Ally Sedechias was, levied an huge Army, and came into Ju­dea, with an intent to raise the siege. Whereupon the Babylonian withdrew his Army from Jerusalem, to encounter with the Egyptian, and fought with him, and overcame him in battel, and pressed on him with such courage, that he put him to flight, and drave him G out of Syria. As soon as the Babylonian was dislodged from Jerusalem, the false Prophets de­ceived Zedechias, telling him, That the Babilonian should never more return to make War ei­ther [Page 263] H against him, or his Nation, and that he should never any more depart from his house in Ba­bylon; and that they who had been led away captives, should return home again, loaden with those vessels of the Temple which the King of Babylon had taken from them▪

But the Prophet Jeremy presenting himself before the King, prophesied the contrary to these Impostors, Zedechias se­duced by false Prophets. assuring both him and the People, That no profit could befall them by means of the Egyptians, for that the Babilonians should overcome them, and should return and encamp before Jerusalem, The Prophecy of the captivity of Babylon, and the delivery. and besiege the same, and destroy the People by Famine, and lead them away Prisoners that were remaining, and carry away all their substance; and that after they were seized of the riches of their Temple, they should finally burn the same. As for the City, they should raze it;Jer. 25. v. 1. ad 12. and (said he) they shall keep us captive for the space of 70 years: And I from this servitude the Persians and Medes shall deliver us, at such time as they have gotten the Empire out of the hands of the Babilonians; Jer. 29. 1, ad 10. then shall they send us back again into our Countrey,C. 37. per tot. and we shall build our Temple anew, and establish the City of Jerusalem.

Divers men gave credit to these words of Jeremy; but the Governors, and such as contemned God, intreated him very cruelly, as if he had been a man beside himself. And whereas he had an intent to visit his Native Countrey Anathoth, some 20 furlongs from Jerusalem, one of the Magistrates encountring him in his journey, and laying hold on him, retained him, loading him with this slander, That he stole away, to submit himself to the Ba­bilonians. But Jeremy answer'd, That he was falsely accused, and that he repaired only to the place where he was born. This Prince giving him no credit, arrested him, and brought him K before the judgment-seat,Jerusalem be­sieged. where he sustained all sorts of outrages and torments, and was shut up in Prison to be punish'd, and remain'd there for a time, suffering the extremity of wrong and injury.2 Kings 25. 1, ad 10. The ninth year of the Reign of Zedechias, and on the tenth day of the ninth month,Jer. 39. 1, ad 19. the King of Babilon came and encamped the second time before Jerusa­lem, Two mighty enemies, Fa­mine and Pesti­lence. and intrenched himself round about the same, for the space of 18 months, and laid siege thereto, using his utmost endeavor to make himself Master of the place. And they that were besieged therein, were afflicted with two of the greatest calamities, Famine, and a most grievous Pestilence.Jeremy per­suadeth them to yield. At this time the Prophet Jeremy being in Prison, held not his peace, but cryed with a loud voice, and preached and exhorted the People, wil­ling them to entertain the Babilonians, and to open their gates unto them: because that in so L doing, they might secure themselves with their families, whereas otherwayes they were assured of destruction.

He foretold them also, That if any one remained in the City, he should most assuredly either perish by famine, or the enemies fury; but if so be they submitted themselves to the enemies mer­cy, they should escape from death. But those Governors that heard him speak after this sort, gave him no credit, in that they were not as yet pressed with the danger: for which cause they came unto the King, and after a despiteful manner, told him all that which had been spoken, accusing Jeremy, and reproving him for a mad man; urging this, That he had abated their courage; and by his woful predictions, had weakned the hearts of the people, which were otherwayes ready to fight for him and their Countrey, by reason that he flying unto the ene­my, M menac'd them with the surprizal and utter ruine of their City.

The King, in regard of the natural humanity and justice that was in him, was not any wayes hereby provoked against Jeremy; Jer. 39. 11, 12. yet to the intent that he might not seem utterly to oppose the Governors,The reward of godly Preach­ers in this life. he deliver'd the Prophet into their hands, to deal with him howsoever they pleased. Who, having obtained this liberty from the King, entred the Prison on the sudden, and laying hold on Jeremy, they let him down into a Pit full of mud, to the intent he might die in that place, and be strangled by the filth; in effect, he was set therein up to the neck. But one of the Kings servants (an Ethiopian by Nation) certifi'd the King of the Prophets affliction, assuring him, That his Friends and Governors did not justly, so to thrust and bury the Prophet in the mud, and cursedly to conspire against him, N tiring him with bonds and tortures worse than death. Whereupon the King hearing this, was sorry that he had deliver'd the Prophet to the Governors, and commanded the Ethi­opian to take 30 men of his Court with him, (with cords, and such other things neces­sary, as might concern the safety of the Prophet) charging him with all expedition to deliver him from that captivity. Hereupon the Ethiopian furnish'd with men and neces­sary means, drew the Prophet out of the mud, and dismiss'd him without any guard. That done, the King sent for him in private, demanding of him, If he had any message to deliver him from God, Zedechias ne­glecteth the Prophets good counsel, for fear of the Governors. praying him to let him understand whatsoever he knew as touching the success of the siege? The Prophets answer was, That although he should tell him, yet it would not be believed; and that if he should exhort him, he would not give ear, or listen unto him. O But (said he) O King, thy friends have condemned me to death, as if I had been a most wick­ed Malefactor. But where are they now at this present that have deceived thee, and born thee in [Page 264] hand, The year of the World, 3354. before Christ's Nativity, 610. saying, That the Babylonian would not come and besiege thee? Now will I take heed how A I tell thee the truth, for fear lest thou condemn me to death.

Hereupon the King swore unto him, That he should not die, neither that he would deliver him into the hands of the Governors: For which cause, Jeremy grounding himself upon the faith which he had plighted unto him, counselled the King to yield up the City to the Babilonians; because that God had willed him to signifie unto the King, that if he would save his life, and avoid the imminent danger, and save his City from utter ruine, and preserve the Temple from burning, he should submit; or otherwise, that none but he should be reputed to be the cause of all those evils that should happen unto the City and Citizens, and of that calamity that should confound both him and all his family. When the King heard this, he told him, B That he would do according as he had counselled him, and perform whatsoever he thought neces­sary to be done: but that he feared that his Subjects, who were already gone over to the King of Babylon, would do him ill offices with that King, and that by their means he might be accused, and deliver'd unto death. But the Prophet encourag'd him, telling him, That his fear was in vain; assuring him; that he should suffer no evil, if so be he yielded up the City: and that neither his wife, nor children, nor the sacred Temple should suffer any mischief.

Upon these words the King dismissed Jeremy, charging him to communicate the coun­sel that was held between them to no one of the Citizens, no not to the Princes, if they should ask of him wherefore the King had sent for him? advising him to answer, if so be they were inquisitive, That he resorted to the King, to request him that he might be no more imprisoned: all which the Prophet performed; but they pressed him very much, to know C for what cause the King had sent for him.

CHAP. X.
Jerusalem is taken, and the People carried into Babylon by Nabuchodonosor.

MEan-while the Babylonian continued his violent siege against the City of Jerusalem, 2 Kings 25. 1. &c. and having raised Towers upon certain Bulwarks,Jerusalem be­sieged eighteen months, and at length taken. he drave away by this means D all those that approached near unto the walls: he raised also (round about the City) divers platforms, that equalled the walls in height. Mean-while, the City was as vali­antly and couragiously defended by the Inhabitants; for neither Pestilence, nor Famine, plucked down their spirits: And although that within the City they were tormented with these scourges, yet were not their resolutions broken, nor did the enemies inven­tions astonish them, nor their engines afright them; so that all the battel betwixt the Ba­bylonians and Jews, seem'd to be a tryal both of valor and art, whil'st these do assuredly hope to surprize the City;Ver. 5, 6, 7. and the other thought their safety consisteth herein,Zedechias fli­eth by night, and is surpri­zed by the enemy. if they ceased not by new inventions to frustrate their enemies endeavors. And in this state continu'd they both, for the space of 18 months, until they were consumed by Famine,E and by the darts that were shot against them by those that shot from the Towers. At length, the City was taken by the Princes of Babylon, (in the eleventh year of the Reign of Zedechias, the ninth day of the fourth month) who were put in trust by Nabuchodono­sor to manage the siege; for he himself made his abode in the City of Reblata. Now if any man be desirous to know the names of them that had command at such time as Je­rusalem was surpriz'd, these they be, Nergelear, Aremantus, Emegar, Nabosar, and Echaramp­sor. The City being taken about midnight, the Princes of the Enemies Army entred in­to the Temple; which when Zedechias understood, he took his wives and his children, with the Princes and his friends, and fled thorow a great valley by the desart: which when the Babylonians understood by certain Jews that were revolted, and had submitted them­selves F unto them, they arose early in the morning to pursue them, and overtook and sur­prized them near unto Jericho. Whereupon those Princes and friends of Zedechias that had taken their flight with him, seeing the Enemies near unto them, forsook him, and scattering themselves here and there, endeavour'd each of them to save himself. When therefore the Enemies had apprehended him, attended by a few followers only, and ac­companied by his children and wives, they brought him unto the Kings presence; who no sooner beheld him, but he called him wicked and perfidious, and upbraided him with breach of his promise, and contempt of his Majesty. Furthermore, he reproached him for his ingratitude, in that having received the Royalty from his hands (which he had G taken from Joachin, to bestow on him) he had, notwithstanding, employed all his For­ces against his Benefactor.

[Page 265] H But (said he) that great God that hateth thy Treachery, The year of the World, 3356. before Christ's Nativity, 6 [...]8. hath delivered thee into my hands: and when he had spoken these words, he caused Zedechias Friends and Children to be slain be­fore his eyes, with all his other prisoners: afterwards commanding his eyes to be plucked out, he led him to Babylon. All which happened unto him, according as the Prophets, Jeremy and Ezekiel had foretold him: V. 5. 6. 7. namely, that he should be surprized and brought before the King of Babylon,Zedechias hath his eyes pulled out, and his Chil­dren slain before his face. and should speak with him face to face, and should see him with his eyes (for so had Jeremy prophecied) but being made blind and conducted to Babylon, he should not see the Ci­ty of Babylon (according as Ezekiel had foretold.) All which may sufficiently express to those that know not the nature of God, how divers and admirable his judgements be, in disposing all things in good order, and pre-signifying those things that are to come, even as I in this place there appeareth a most signal example of humane error and incredulity, How many and how long the Kings reigned, that were of Da­vid's Line. by which it was not lawful for them to avoid their future calamity, nor shun their unalterable destiny. Thus was the Race of the Kings extinguished that descended from David, who were in num­ber, One and twenty, that Reigned after him. All of them together governed Five hundred and fourteen years, V. 9. ad 18. six months, and ten days: adding thereunto the twenty years of the first King Saul,The Temple, the Palace, and the City spoil­ed and burnt. who was of another Tribe. After this, the Babylonian sent Nabuzaradan. Ge­neral of his Army, unto Jerusalem, to spoil the Temple, giving him in charge, to burn both it and the Kings Palace, and to raze and level the City with the ground; and afterwards to transport the People unto Babylon. Nabuzaradan arrived there the eleventh year of the Reign of Zedechias, and spoiled the Temple, and carried away the Vessels that were consecra­ted K to Gods service, both those of Gold as also those of Silver: he took likewise the great Laver that was given by Solomon; the Columns and Pillars of Brass, with their Chapters likewise, and the Tables and Candlesticks of Gold: and after he had born away all things, he burned the Temple the first day of the 5th month, of the eleventh year of Zedechias Reign, which was the eighteenth of Nabuchodonosor's. He burned also the Kings Royal Palace, and razed the Ci­ty. This Temple was burned 470 years, six moneths, and ten days after the foundation there­of: and in the year 1062. six months, and ten days after the departure of the people out of Egypt: and 1950 years, six months, and ten days, after the Deluge: from the Creation of Adam,V. 18. ad 22. until the ruin of the Temple, there were three thousand five hundred and thirteen years, six moneths, and ten days. The captivity of Babylon. Thus have we set down the number of the years, and L expressed in what time every thing hath been performed. The General for the King of Babylon having destroyed the City, and transported the People, took prisoner the High Priest Sareas, and his Collegue, the Priest Saphan, with the Governors and Keep­ers of the Temple, which were three; the Eunuch also which had the charge over the rest, and seven of Zedechias friends, and his Secretary, besides sixty other Governors: all which (together with the Vessels which he had pillaged) he sent to Reblatha, a Ci­ty of Syria, unto the King of Babylon; who commanded in that place, that the High Priest and Governours should be beheaded: as for the rest of the prisoners, and Zede­chias the King, he carried them with him to Babylon; he sent also in Bonds, with the rest, Josadoch, the Son of Sareas the High Priest, whom he had put to death in Rebla­tha M(as we have before related.) And since we have reckoned up the race of the Kings that swayed the Scepter of Juda, and given an account how long they Reigned, it will not be unnecessary to recite the names of the High Priests,The high Priests in Je­rusalem. and to report who they have been, that have administred the Priesthood under the Kings. Sadoc was the first High Priest of the Temple, built by Solomon. After him his Son Achimas succeeded in that Honour, and after Achimas, Azaras, after whom succeeded Joram, and after Joram, Joschua, after Joschua, Axioram, who had for his successor Phideas; to Phideas succeeded Sudeas, to Sudeas, Julus, to Julus, Jotham, to Jotham, Ʋrias, to Ʋrias, Nerias, to Nerias, Odeas, to Odeas, Saldum, to Saldum, Elcias, to Elcias, Sareas, to Sareas, Josadoch, who was carried away prisoner into Babylon: all which have succeeded in the Priesthood by lineal de­scent. N Jer. 52. 10. 11. When Nebuchodonosor was come to Babylon, he shut up Zedechias in prison, where he kept him until he died,Zedechias death. and after his death, he honoured him with a Royal Tomb. He likewise offered the Vessels that he had taken out of the Temple of Jerusalem unto his gods,Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 11. and caused the people to inhabit the Countrey of Babylon, delivering the High Priest from his Bonds. The General Nabuzaradan that led the people away captive, left the poorer sort in the Countrey of Judea; and those also that voluntarily yielded themselves unto him, over whom he appointed Godolias, the Son of Aicam, Governour (a man that was both upright and noble) commanding them to till the Land, and to pay their assigned Tribute to the King.C. 40. v 4. He delivered the Prophet Jeremy also out of prison,Godolias, Cap­tain of the Fu­gitives. persuading him to repair with him to the King of Babylon: telling him, that he had O received express commandment from the King, to furnish him with all things necessary for that journey: but if he were not contented to repair to Babylon, he should de­clare unto him in what place he would make his abode, to the intent he might certify [Page 266] the King thereof. But the Prophet would not follow him, or sojourn in any other place, desiring rather to live amidst the ruins of his Countrey, and among the pitious Re­liques of his poor Nation.

When the General Nabuzaradan understood his resolution, he gave charge to the Go­vernour Godolias (whom he left in Judea) to have care of him,Jeremy set at liberty by the Babylonian, and richly of­fered and pre­sented. and to furnish him with all that which he wanted, and after he had gratified him with Presents he departed. In mean while, Jeremy dwelt in the City of Masphath, he desired Nabuzaradan, that he would send him his Disciple Baruch (the Son of Neria, a man of a Noble Family, and excellently Learned in that Countrey Language,) Now when those, that during the Siege of Jerusalem, Ba [...]uch dis­missed out of prison. v. 6. ad finem. the Jews resort to Maspha [...]th to Godolias. were retired out of the City, understood the retreat of the Baby­lonians, B they assembled together from all parts, and came to Masphath to Godolias, under the conduct of John the Son of Careas, and Jezanais and Sareas, and others. And be­sides these a certain man called Ismael, of the Bloud Royal, a wicked and fraudulent man, who during the Siege of the City, had retired himself to Bathal, King of the Am­monites, and had sojourned with him during all the troubles. When they were come to­gether, Godolias advised them to remain in that Countrey, without any fear of the Ba­bylonians, promising that in manuring their Land, they should incurr no inconvenience. All which he confirmed unto them by an Oath; adding further, that if any disturbance were offered to any man, he would readily assist him. He gave each one this advice likewise, to inhabit any City that they liked best: promising them to send them thi­ther,C with such things as appertained to them, to build them Houses, and furnish their Habitation; promising that when time served, he would make provision of Corn, Wine and Oil, for their maintenance during the Winter; and when he had thus advised them, he gave them leave to depart, and inhabit the Countrey. Now when the rumor was spread amongst the people of Judea, that Godolias had thus courteously entertained those that were Fugitives, and now he had permitted them to Inhabit and Till the Countrey (provided that they payed their Tribute to the Babylonian) divers of them repaired to him, and inhabited the Countrey. And John and the other Governors be­ing with him, and assured of his clemency, began entirely to love him. Wherefore they told him, that Bathal King of the Ammonites, had sent Ismael to murther him by D some Treachery, that by that means he might have the Dominion over the Israelites that remained, in that he was of the Bloud-Royal; perswading him, that the only means to escape this Treason, was, to permit them to kill Ismael in secret: assuring him on the contrary, that they feared, that if Ismael should happen to kill him, their whole Nation that remained, was like to fall to utter ruine. But Godolias replyed, that it was not probable that Ismael, who had received nothing but kindness from his hands, should make any attempt upon his life; and that having never been guilty of any unworthy action in the time of his necessity, he should now make himself guilty of so great a Villany against his Benefact­or, whom he ought, even with the hazard of his own life, to secure from the attempts of o­thers. Yea, said he, although those things were true, which you inform me of, yet had I rather E dye, than murther a man that had committed his life to my trust. For which cause, John and the rest (seeing their perswasions were in vain) departed from him. Some thirty days after, Ismael (accompanied with ten Men) came to Masphath to Godolias, who received them with Presents and magnificent Entertainment; so that to express to Is­mael and his companions, how heartily they were welcome, Godolias drunk so hard, that he was somewhat overcame with Wine. Now when Ismael perceived him over­loaden with Drink and Sleep, he stept unto him with his ten associates, and cut both his throat, and theirs, who kept him company at the Banquet; after which murther, he issued out by night, and slew all the Jews that were left in the City, and those Babylo­nian Soldiers also that were left in Garrison in that place. The next day there came F fourscore Men of the Countrey to Godolias with Presents, being utterly ignorant of that which had happened. Ismael knowing them, called them unto him, as if he intend­ed to bring them to Godolias, and as soon as they were entred, he locked the Court-Gates, and slew them, and afterwards cast their bodies into a deep Ditch, to the intent they might not be discovered. Of this number there were some that escaped, who be­sought him that they might not be put to death, before they had delivered certain Moveables, Garments and Corn that they had hidden in the field: which when Ismael understood, he spared them: but he kept them prisoners that were in Masphath, with their Wives and Children, in the number of whom were the Daughters of Zedechias, whom Nabuzaradan had left with Godolias. This done, he retired back again to the G King of the Ammonites. John, and the Governors of his company, hearing what was done by Ismael in Masphath, and above all, of the murther of Godolias, they were won­derfully inraged. so that each of them assembling his forces, issued forth to pursue [Page 267] H Ismael, whom they overtook near unto a Fountain in Hebron. The prisoners that were with Ismael, seeing John and his Confederates, took courage, supposing that it was some succors that came to help them, and forsook him that led them, and began to joyn with Johns followers: and thus fled Ismael with his eight Men, to the King of the Ammonites, John gathering together all those whom he had rescued from Ismaels hands,Ver. 12. ad [...]i­nem. both Eunuchs Women, and Children, retired into a certain place called Mendra, where he sojourn­ed all that day,John releaseth Ismaels Cap­tives. resolving from thence to depart into Egypt, fearing lest the Babylonians should put him to death, if they should remain in Judea, for that they would be dis­pleased with the death of Godolias, whom they had placed in the Government.

In this perplexity and distress,John asketh counsel of God, and be­ing informed▪ refuseth the same. they addressed themselves to the Prophet Jeremy, be­seeching I him to enquire of God, and to certify them, what it behoved them to do in this their doubtful Estate, binding themselves by an Oath, to do that which Jeremy should command them. Hereupon the Prophet promised that he would ask Counsel of God for them: and some ten days after God appeared unto him, and willed him to certify John, the Governors, and the rest of the people, that if they inhabited Judea, he would assist them, and take care of them, and secure them so, as the Babylonians (whom they feared) should do them no harm: but if they departed into Egypt, he would abandon them, and deli­ver them over to the like misery, as their brethren had endured in times past. Whilest the Prophet thus warned them from God, they would not believe him, in that he com­manded them to remain in that place, but they imagined, that under a false pretext of K Gods command, he had counselled them thereto, but that in effect, he spake in favor of his Disciple Baruch, perswading them to stay there, to the end they might be con­sumed by the Babylonians: Contemning therefore the counsel which God gave them by the Prophet;Jer. 42. per totum. both John and the rest of the multitude went into Egypt, and led with them both Baruch and Jeremy. The Prophecy of the Babylo­nian Army, and the Jews captivity. Whither they were no sooner come, but God told the Prophet, that the Babylonian should lead his Army into Egypt; for which cause he wil­led him to foretell the people, that Egypt should be destroyed, and that they should part­ly be slain in that place, and partly led captive to Babylon. Which came in like man­ner to pass: for in the fifth year after the destruction of Jerusalem (which was the three and twentieth year of the Reign of Nabuchodonosor) Nabuchodonosor in his own person L led his Army into Coelosyria, and having conquered the same, he made War upon the Ammonites and Moabites. And after he had brought these Nations under his obeysance, he went and fought against the King of Egypt, and overcame him: and after he had slain their King that governed at that time, and planted another in his place, he afterwards took the Jews that he found in that Countrey, and carried them prisoners into Babylon. By this means we have learned, that the estate of the Hebrews, hath been translated twice to the other side of Euphrates. For the people of the ten Tribes, during the Reign of Oseas, were carried away captive by Salmanazar, King of the Assyrians, after he had ta­ken Samaria; and the two Tribes by Nabuchodonosor, King of the Babylonians and Chal­dees, upon the taking in of Jerusalem. True it is, that Salmanazar, after he had displeas­ed M the Israelites, planted the Chutheans in their place, who before-time inhabited the in­nermost of the Countreys of Persia and Media, and were called Samaritanes, according to the name of the place which they inhabited; but the Babylonian having led the two Tribes prisoners, hath not planted any other people in their places.

For this cause, Judea, Jerusalem, and the Temple, remained desart for the space of se­venty years: and all the time that passed between the captivity of the Israelites, until the destruction of the two Tribes, was an hundred and thirty years, six moneths and ten days; but Nabuchodonosor chose the noblest young men amongst the Jews (and such as were allied to King Zedechias, and esteemed likewise for the good disposition, and fair proportion of their Bodies and Faces) and committed them to Masters to be instruct­ed, N commanding that every one of them should be gelded, according as they were ac­customed to deal with young Children of other Nations, whom he subdued by force. He allowed them Victuals from his own Table, and they were taught and instructed in the Discipline of the Countrey, and in the Chaldee Tongue. These were very apt to learn Wisdom: and for that cause he commanded that they should be Trained up in the ex­ercise thereof.Hedio & Ruf­finus, Chap. 12. Of these were four of Zedechias kindred, fair in Body, and virtuous in their Nature,Dan. 1. v. 6. 17. who were called Daniel, Ananias, Misael and Azarias; whose names the Babylonians changed, and appointed that they should be called by other names, di­stinct and different from their own:Daniels for­wardness and his fellows towardnes [...] in studying Wis­dom and good Letters. Daniel was called Balthasar; Ananias, Sidrach; Mi­sael, Misach; and Azarias, Abednag [...]. These did the King esteem very highly for their O excellent nature, and for the great affection that they had to attain unto Learning and Wisdom, wherein they profited greatly, and were for that cause, highly esteemed by him▪ and whereas Daniel and his kinsman thought good to live austerely, and to ab­abstain [Page 268] from those Meats that came from the Kings Table,The year of the World, 3 [...]61. before Christ's Nativity, 603. and in general from all things A that had life, they went to Askenas the Eunuch (who had the care and charge over them) beseeching him to convert those Meats to his own use, which were sent from the Kings Table, and allow them Herbs and Dates, and such things as had no life; because they intended to hold that course of life, and to forsake all others. Askenas told them, that he was ready to condescend unto their demands; but that he feared, lest being called for by the King, they should be found to be lean in Body, and discoloured in Face (for without doubt, following that Diet, they must needs lose their Beauty and Com­plexion) which might bring him in damage of his Head. They perceiving that Askenas intended nought else but his security, perswaded him to allow them but ten days of approbation, under condition, that if by that regiment of Diet, their habitude of bo­dy B should not be any ways altered, they might continue that course of life, which they had intended from that day forwards: but if they should be found lean and weak, and less proportionable then they that fed upon the Kings allowance, that then they should return to their accustomed Diet. Now it fell so out, that not only their Bodies were better in growth, but they seemed rather better fed, and of a taller stature than the rest: so that they that lived upon the Kings allowance, seem'd lean and ill-favoured; whereas Daniel and his companions made show, as if they had been nourished with Dainties, and brought up in abundance. From that time forward, Askenas took all that which was allowed the four young Men from the King Table, and kept it to himself, giving them instead thereof, the Diet that they chose and delighted in. They C having their spirits more pure and subtil to comprehend their Masters instructions, and their Bodies more strong to endure labour (for their spirits were not charged with di­versity of meats, nor their Bodies effeminated for the same cause) attained the more readily to all that Doctrine that was taught them by the Hebrews and Chaldees: Daniel especially having profited in Wisdom, studied the interpretation of Dreams, and God appeared unto him. Two years after the Egyptian War, King Nabuchodonosor dreamed a wonderful dream, the explication whereof, God gave unto him in his sleep, but he forgat the same when he arose out of his Bed.Dan. 2. 1. ad 16 And for that cause sent he for his Chal­dees and Divines,Nabuchodo­nosor dream­ing, forgetteth his Vision, sendeth for the Magicians not able to disco­ver his doubt, he threateneth them with death. telling them that he had dreamed a dream, but that he had forgot the same, commanding them to declare unto him what the dream was, and the significa­tion D thereof also. Whereunto they answered, that it was impossible for men to sound out the secret thereof; notwithstanding they promised him, that if he would declare his vision unto them, they would cause him to understand the signification thereof. Here­upon Nabuchodonosor threatened them with death, except they represented his dream un­to him; and they protesting that they could not fulfil his request, he commanded them all to be slain. But Daniel hearing how the King had condemned all the Sages to death, and knowing that both he and his companions were concerned in that danger; addressed himself to Ariochus, the Captain of the Kings Guard, requiring him to inform him, for what cause the King had adjudged the Chaldees and Sages to be put to death: and ha­ving told what had happened, as touching the dream, and how the King forgetting the E same, had charged them to inform him therein; and how they had answered, that it was impossible for them to perform the same, and how thereby they had provoked the King to displeasure: he besought Ariochus to go unto the King, and to procure one nights reprieve on the behalf of the Egyptians and Chaldees, in that he hoped during that night to beseech God, and intreat from him both the Dream and the signification thereof. Hereupon Ariochus told the King what Daniel had requested, and he thereupon respited the execution of the Magicians for that night, until he might see what would become of Daniels promise: who retiring himself with his companions into his chamber, besought God all the night long to manifest unto him the dream, and deliver the Magicians▪ and Chaldees from the Kings wrath, with whom, both he and the rest of his companions were F like to dye, except he might know what the King had dreamt the night past, and what was the interpretation thereof. Whereupon God (having compassion of the danger wherein they were, and taking pleasure in Daniels wisdom) signified unto him both the dream, and the signification thereof, to the intent the King might be resolved of the meaning thereof.

Daniel having received the truth from God, à v. 20. ad 24. arose very joyfully, and certified his Brethren (who had already lost all hope of life, The Vision and the Reve­lation thereof opened to Da­niel. and thought on nothing but death) and gave them courage and hope. Having therefore rendred thanks unto God, for that he had had compassion of their younger years, as soon as it was day, he went unto Ari­ochus, requesting him that he might be brought to the Kings presence, assuring him, G that he would open unto him the dream which he had seen the night past. Now when Daniel was brought unto the Kings Presence, he besought him that he would not esteem him to [Page 269] H be more wise than the other Chaldeans and Magicians, The year of the World, 3363▪ before Christ's Nativity, 601. in that, whereas none of them could expound his Dream, he did attempt to express the same: for that came not to pass, by reason of his experience, or for that he was more industrious than they were; but (said he) God hath had compassion on us that were in danger of death; and at such time as I requested him to grant me, and my Countrey-men life, he hath certified me both of your Dream, and the sig­nification thereof. I was not so much aggrieved, for that in our innocency we were adjudg­ed to death by thee, as concerned for thy reputation and renown, which was hazarded by con­demning so many, and so innocent, and just men to death: whereas that which you have re­quired of them,á v. 26 ad fi­nem. savoureth nothing of humane wit, but is the only work of God: Whilest therefore thou thoughtst in thy self,Daniel telleth the King his Dream, and the interpreta­tion thereof. who it was that should command the whole world after thy I self, at such time as thou wert asleep, God intending to let thee know all those that should go­vern after thee, presented the with this Dream. It seemed unto thee, that thou sawest a great Statue, whereof the Head was of Gold, the Shoulders and Arms of Silver; the Belly and Thighs of Brass;Nebuchodono­sors Dream of the four Mo­narchs of the world. and the Legs and Feet of Iron. Thou beheldest after that, a great Stone (that was drawn from a Mountain) that fell upon the Statue, and beat down and burst the same, and left no whole piece thereof; so that the Gold, Silver, Iron and Brass, were powdered as small as dust: whereupon a violent wind seemed to blow, which by the fury and force thereof, was born away and scattered into divers Countreys: on the other side the stone grew so mighty, that it seemed to fill the whole Earth, This was that Vision that appeared unto you; the signification whereof is expressed after this manner. The Head K of Gold signifieth your self (and those Kings of Babylon that have been before you.) The two Hands and Shoulders signify, that your Empire shall be restored by two Kings, the one part by the King of the East, cloathed in Brass, whose force shall be abated by another power resembling that of iron, and he shall have the power over the whole Earth, by reason of the nature of Into,á v. 46 ad fi­nem. which is more strong than Gold, Silver, or Brass; he told the King also what the Stone signified. But for mine own part, I thought it not expedient to express in this place: Daniel and his fellows ad­vanced to ho­nour. because the only design, and intent of my Writings, is to register such things as are past, and not such matters as are to come. But if any man be so cu­rious as to enquire into these things; and to understand such matters as are hidden, let him read the Book of Daniel, which he shall find amidst the Sacred Scriptures. L When King Nabuchodonosor had heard those things, and remembred himself of his Dream, he was astonished at Daniels wisdom, and casting himself prostrate on the Earth, after the manner of those that adore God, he embraced Daniel, giving di­rection that sacrifice should be offered unto him, as if he were God. Moreover, he called him by the name of God, and committed the administration of his whole King­dom, to him and his companions, who, by reason of the conspiracies of their malig­nours and detractours, The Kings E­dict for ho­nouring the Golden Sta­tue. happened to fall into most imminent and dreadful danger, up­on the occasion that ensueth. The King built a Golden Image, sixty Cubits high, and six in bigness, and erected it in a great Plain, near unto Babylon: and being ready to dedicate the same, he assembled all the Governours and Princes of his Coun­treys, M commanding them first of all, Dan. 3. 1. ad 9. that as soon as they should hear the Trumpet sound, they should prostrate themselves on the Earth to adore the Statue; threaten­ing that whosoever should do the contrary, á v. 19 ad fi­nem. he should be cast into a burning Furnace: whereas therefore all of them adored the Statue upon the sound of the Trumpet; Da­niel and his companions utterly refused to perform that duty; Daniel and his kinsmen refu­sing to adore the Statue, are cast into the Furnace. alledging for their ju­stification, that they would not transgress the Laws of their Countrey: for which cause, being apprehended, they were instantly cast into the Furnace of Fire, (and protected therein by Gods providence) escaped death beyond all mens expectation. For the fire touched them not, neither could it burn, during their abode in the Fur­nace. For God so defended their Bodies, that they could not be consumed by fire; N which miracle made them in great estimation with the King, for that he saw that they were virtuous, and beloved of God: and for that cause they were highly honoured by him. Not long after this, the King saw another Vision in his sleep, which signified unto him, that being cast from his Empire, he should converse with Savage Beasts, and that having lived in that estate in the Desart, for the space of seven years, he should recover his Kingdom again. Having had this Dream, he assembled the Magicians once more, demanding their answer, and the signification thereof. But it was impossible for any one of them, either to find out, or declarethe meaning of this Dream unto the King: Onely Daniel discovered the same, and the effect was answerable to his predicti­on. For the King passed the fore-limited time in the Desart, Dan. 4. 1. ad 29. so that no man durst in­termeddle O with the affairs of Estate during seven years. The Dream and exposition hereof. But after he had called upon God, that it would please him to restore him to his Kingdom, he repossessed the same again. Let no man in this place accuse me for reporting these particularities, according [Page 270] as I have found them written in Holy Books: The year of the World, 3381. before Christ's Nativity, 5 [...]3. for in the entrance of my History, I have A answered those objections: so that I have openly protested, that I will onely faithfully translate the Hebrew Histories into the Greek tongue: and according to my promise, re­late that which is contained therein, without adding any thing of mine own, or conceal­ing ought of another mans. Nabuchodono­sors death. After that Nabuchodonosor had reigned fourty three years, he dyed: he was a man of good Conduct, and more happy than any of his Predecessors. Berosus maketh mention of his acts, in the third Book of the Chaldaique History, where he speaketh thus. His Father Nabuchodonosor, having notice that the Governour whom he had appointed over Egypt, and the neighboring parts of Coelosyria and Phoenicia, was re­volted from him (being at that time in himself unable to endure the troubles of War) commit­ted apart of his Forces unto his Son Nabuchodonosor, who was in the flower of his age,B and sent him forth against them,Berosus of Nabuchodono­sor. Hedio & Ruffinus chap 13. who encountring the Rebels, and fighting with them, over­came them, and brought the Countrey under his subjection. Mean while, Nabuchodonosor the Father died of a sickness in Babylon, after he had Reigned One and twenty years. Nabu­chodonosor the Son, having notice of his Fathers death, gave order to the affairs of Egypt, and the rest of the Countrey: and committing the care and transportation of the Jews, Syrians, Egyptians, and Phoenicians to his friends, to bring them to Babylon with his Army and Carriage, he with a few Men, made hasty journeys thorow the Desart. And when he had ta­ken the administration of the Kingdom upon him (which in his absence, was in the hands of the Chaldees, and by their Chieftain was reserved until his return, unto his use) he became Lord of all his Fathers Empire. When his prisoners were arrived, he assigned them conve­nient C dwelling places in the Countrey of Babylon; and with the spoils of War, he magnifi­cently repaired and decked the Temple of Bell, and other places. He enlarged the old City, and repaired and beautified it with other buildings; by means whereof, they that would besiege the same, were hindred from cutting off the current of the River, to the prejudice of the Inhabitants. He invironed it within with a treble Wall, and outwardly with as mighty and as many enclosures, and made all of burnt Brick. The Walls were magnificently build­ed, and the Gates bravely adorned in manner of Temples. He caused a Palace to be builded near unto his Fathers antient Palace: the magnificence and ornaments whereof, I am not a­ble to express; onely this thing most memorable, I have thought good to note, that these great and pompous Buildings were finished in fifteen days. In this Palace he had Vaults D raised so high, that in outward appearance they seemed to be Mountains, on which all sorts of Trees were planted. He devised and prepared also a goodly Garden, and cal­led it the hanging Garden, because (his Wife having been brought up in the Countrey of Media) desired at Babylon, Megasthenes of Nabucho­donosor. to see some resemblance of her own Countrey. Megasthe­nes, in the fourth Book of his Indian History, maketh mention of this Garden in that place, where he enforced himself to prove,Diocles. that this King surpassed Hercules in valour and execu­tion of worthy actions.Philostratus. For he said, that Nabuchodonosor overcame the chief City of Lybia, and a great part of Spain. Diocles in the Second Book of the Persian History, and Philostratus in his Phoenician and Indian History, make mention of this King, say­ing, that he overcame the City of Tyre, at the end of thirteen years, at such time as Itho­bal E Reigned over the Tyrians. This is the sum of all that which the Historiographers write, as touching this King.

CHAP. XI.
Nabuchodonosors Successors: the destruction of Babylon by Cyrus, King of Persia.

AFter Nabuchodonosors death,Evilmerodach releaseth Je­chonias from his long im­prisonment his Son Evilmerodach obtained the Kingdom, who in­continently delivered Jechonias King of Jerusalem out of prison, and held him in the number of his most esteemed friends, and gave him Presents, and committed F the Government of the Palace of Babylon into his hands. For his Father had not kept his promise with Jechonias, 2 King 25. 27. when he surrendred himself, his Wife, Children, and Friends into his hands,Jer. 52. 31. ad finem. in the behalf of his Countrey, and to the intent that the City of Jerusalem should not be razed by those that besieged it,Niglisar. as we have heretofore declared.Labophordach. Evilmerodach died in the eighteenth year of his Reign,Balthasar, or Naboandel, King of Baby­lon. and Niglisar his Son obtained the Kingdom, which he possessed fourty years, and afterwards died. After him the suc­cession of the Kingdom came unto his Son, called Labophordach, which continued in him but for the space of nine moneths, and after his death it came unto Balthasar, who by the Babylonian was called Naboandel. Against whom Cyrus, King of Persia, and Darius King of Media made War; at such time as he was besieged in Babylon, there hapned G a marvellous and prodigious spectacle.

[Page 271] H Balthasar sate upon a certain Festival day in a Royal Chamber,The year of the World, 3421. before Christ's Nativity, 543. where he was served with great store of Vessels fit for his Majesty; and with him at the Banquet there sate his Concubines, and most intimate friends. At which time (to shew his Magnificence) he caused those Vessels to be brought out of the Temple of his God, which Nabuchodono­sor his predecessor (fearing to employ to his own use) had stored up in his Idols Temple.Dan. 5. 5, 6, 7, ad 30. But Balthasar was so puffed with pride,Ba [...]thasar seeth a hand thrust out of a Wall, and wri­ting certain Sy [...]lables. that he drank out of them, and employed them to his own use. Now came it to pass, that whilest he quaffed, and blasphemed the Name of God, he saw a hand issuing from a Wall, which wrote on the same certain words: by which Vision being somewhat terrified, he assembled his Magicians and Chaldees, and all that sort of people (who amongst those barbarous Nations made profession to inter­pret I Prodigies and Dreams) to the intent they might signify unto him the meaning and signification of that Writing. Now when these Magicians had told them that they could not give an interpretation of it, the King was sore vexed and troubled at this unexpected Vision: whereupon he caused it to be proclaimed thorow his Countrey, that whosoever should read that Writing, and declare the meaning thereof, he would give him a Golden Chain, and a Purple Robe (such as the King of the Chaldees wore) and besides all this, the third part of his Empire. After this Proclamation the Magicians as­sembled tegether with a great concourse, and were far more diligent and inquisitive to find out the signification of the Writing: but they advanced nothing more than at the first. Mean while, the Kings Grandmother seeing him wholly dejected in mind, began to com­fort K him, and to tell him that there was a certain man amongst the prisoners of Juda, led thither at such time as Nabuchodonosor destroyed Jerusalem, whose name was Daniel, a man wise and expert in searching out of things that were onely known unto God, who evidently expounded that which Nabuchodonosor required, at such time as no other man could satisfy his demand. Whereupon the King called him unto his Presence, and tel­ling him what proofs he had heard of his Wisdom, and of that Divine Spirit that was in him, and how he onely was fit to interpret those things which were concealed from other mens knowledge; he prayed him to inform him what that hand-writing signified, promising him in reward thereof, a Purple Garment, a Golden Chain, and the third part of his Empire: to the end, that being honoured with these rewards for his wisdom, L he might grow famous amongst all men, who demanding the reason, should know the intent why he was honoured. But Daniel (refusing all these Presents of his, in that the wisdom that is given from above, is not corrupted thereby, but is freely imparted to those that have need thereof) told him that that Writing did foretell the end of his life, because he had not learned to fear God, neither to lift up his thoughts higher than humane nature, notwithstanding he had seen the chastisement wherewith his pre­decessor had been punished, for the outrages he committed against God. For that Na­buchodonosor having been driven to lead his life amongst Beasts, by reason of his Impi­eties, after divers requests and supplications, had obtained mercy, and was returned unto humane conversation, and into his own Kingdom, for which cause all the time of M his life, he praised Almighty God, the Governour of all things: whereas he had omitted to do the like, and had blasphemed the name of God, and had debauched himself with his Concubines in the Vessels dedicated to God: For this cause, God was displeas­ed with him, and certified him by his Writing, what end he should expect. Where­upon he expounded the Writings after this manner: Mane (which is as much to say, as number) sheweth that God hath numbred the days of thy Life and Reign, which shall endure but a little while; Thekel signifieth a balance; God therefore (said he) weighing the government, sheweth that it shall be overthrown: Phares, this word signifieth a fragment, God shall break thy Kingdom, and divide it among the Medes and Persians. When the King had heard this interpretation, he was very sorrowful (ac­cording N as the nature of things so disasterous and so apparent required. (Notwith­standing he delayed not to bestow those Presents which he had promised the Prophet, although (as he well perceived) the words boaded him ill, yet he gave him all that which he promised him,v. 2. ad 29. considering with himself,Daniel inter­preteth the Writing to the King. that it was his own destiny that he ought to accuse, and not Daniel, who like an honest man had declared the Truth, notwithstanding it were very unwelcome to his ear. Not long after this, Balthasar and the City were overthrown and taken by Cyrus King of Persia and his Army;The King per­formed his promises to Daniel. For this was that Balthasar, under whom, and in the seventeenth year of whose Reign, the surprisal of Babylon hapened. This as far as I could gather, was the end of King Nebucho­donosors posterity.v. 31.

O Darius, Babylon sur­prized by Cy­rus, King of Persia. who (with his ally Cyrus) had destroyed the state of the Babylonians, was three­score and two years old at such a time as he took Babylon. He was Astyages Son, and is otherways called by the Greeks. He took the Prophet Daniel, and led him with him [Page 272] into Media, The year of the World, 3425. before Christ's Nativity, 539. and kept him near unto him, doing him much honour, for he was of the num­ber A of three Governours whom he constituted over three hundred and threescore Pro­vinces; for so had Darius commanded it. Now Daniel being thus honoured and beloved by Darius, and trusted by him in all things, for that God was with him, was much hated; as they usually are,The force of envy. who have the greatest interest in Princes favours. Whereas there­fore they that were jealous of the good esteem which he had with Darius, sough [...] occasi­on to calumniate and backbite him,Daniels ho­nour and up­rightness. he warily cut off all opportunity thereof; for he would neither be bribed with Silver, nor corrupted with Presents, supposing it to be an act of much dishonesty to receive gifts after a man had done any courtesies.Hedio and Ruffinus, chap. 14. He therefore gave his maligners no manner of ground to detract from his reputation. But they still persisted in their malice,Dan. 6. à v. 4. ad 15. and all other attempts failing, they thought upon one at last, by B which they imagined they might destroy him; For they perceiving, that Daniel did thrice every day make his Pray'rs unto God, they supposed that they had found a just pretext to work his ruine. Whereupon they came unto Darius, certifying him, that the Princes and Governours had concluded together, to this effect: that for 30 days space, an intermission should be granted to the people; during which time, it was neither lawful for them to demand any thing, neither of himself, or of any man or God whatsoever; and if any man should attempt any thing against this common decree, it was ordered, that he should be cast into the Lions Den. But the King not perceiving the drift of their malice, nor how they sought by this device to entrap Daniel, told them, that he liked of the de­cree, and promised to confirm the same, and made a publick Edict, wherein the Princes C resolutions were ratified. Now whilest all men endeavoured through fear, carefully and diligently to observe this Edict; Daniel set light thereby, and according to his accustom­ed manner, standing in all mens sight, he worshiped his God, and prayed unto him. Whereupon the Princes (having got that occasion which they long expected) came readi­ly unto the King, and accused Daniel, for that he onely amongst the rest, had presumed to infringe their Decree: urging moreover, that he did it not for his Religion sake, but in contempt of the Kings Edict. And because they feared, lest Darius, by reason of the great affection he bare unto Daniel, should be ready to pardon him (notwithstanding he had transgressed their Edict) they pressed him earnestly to inflict the punishment which was threatened by the Law, and to cast him into the Lions Den, according to the D form of the Edict. Darius hoping that God would deliver Daniel, and that no harm should befall him by the jaws of wild Beasts,v. 16. exhorted him patiently to endure that Trial.Daniel cast in­to the Lions Den. Now as soon as he was cast into the Den, the King sealed up the Stone that closed the mouth thereof, and departed, spending all that night without repast or repose, so much was he concerned in Daniels behalf. And when the day was come, as soon as he arose, he came unto the Den, and finding the Seal unbroken, wherewith he had marked the Stone, he opened the same, and called unto Daniel with a loud voice, asking him if he were in safety? He hearing the King speak, answered, that he had received no hurt. Where­upon Darius commanded that they should draw him out of the Lions Den. His adver­saries perceiving that Daniel had escaped without harm (because that God had taken E care of him) would not that he should escape: and thereupon told the King, that the Lions did neither touch nor approach Daniel, because they had been fed and gorged be­fore. For which cause the King displeased with their injurious malice, commanded a quantity of flesh to be cast unto the Lions; and when they were glutted, he com­manded that Daniels enemies should be cast among them,Daniels ene­mies rent in pieces by the Lions. to the intent he might know, whether the Lions would touch them or no, when they were gorged. At which time Da­rius saw very manifestly, v. 24. ad fi­nem. that God had by his power protected Daniel from death. For as soon as the Nobles were cast into the Den, the Lions spared not one of them, but tore them all in pieces, as if they had been hungry and without meat. I suppose that these Lions having been a little before glutted with meat, did not slay these men to satisfy their hunger, but I rather F judge that their crimes provoked the rage and fury of the Beasts: for when God pleaseth, he maketh even unreasonable creatures to execute his vengeance against wicked men. Daniels ad­versaries being thus destroyed, Darius gave notice hereof to all the Subjects of his Provinces, praising that God whom Daniel had adored; saying that he was the only true God, who had all power: he honoured Daniel likewise with especial regard, esteeming him amongst the chiefest of his Familiars. He therefore being thus re­nowned (because he was beloved by God) built in Ecbatane in the Countrey of the Medes a magnificent Castle, and a marvellous Monument, that remaineth even unto this day, which seemeth to those that look thereon, that it is but newly built, and made but that very day which they behold the same; the Beauty G thereof seemeth so lively and perfect, as that continuance of time doth in no sort deface it. For it fareth with Buildings as with Men, they wax old, and are infeebled by years, and lose their Beauty. At this day, all the Kings of Media, [Page 273] H Persia and Parthia, are entombed in this Castle, and the charge thereof is committed to a Priest, who is a Jew: and this custome continueth even until this day. Neither is that to be buried in silence, which is worthy especial admiration in this man: For all felici­ty that could be expected by a famous Prophet, attended him; and during his whole life-time,Daniels Pro­phecies. he was both most highly honoured by Kings, and reverenced by the com­mon sort: and after his death, his memory is immortal. For all the Books which he left in writing, are read amongst us even at this present; and we have been perswaded by the reading thereof, that Daniel had conference with God. For he hath not only Prophecied of things to come (as other Prophets have done) but also hath determin­ed the time wherein those things should happen. And whereas other Prophets, were I accustomed to foretell adversities, and for that occasion were misliked both by Princes and their People; Daniel foretold them always good successes; so that he hath drawn unto him the good will of all men, by reason of those pleasing Predictions that he pro­nounced; and by the issues thereof, he hath obtained a testimony of Truth, and a re­putation, to have had in time, a Spirit that was truly Divine and hath left us certain Wri­tings, by which he hath manifestly declared the immutability and exact certainty of his Prophecies.

It is said, that being at Susa, the Metropolitan City of Persia, at such time as he walk­ed abroad, attended by his Familiars, that there happened an Earthquake, with a great noise: so that he was left alone, and all his companions fled from him. And that K thereupon, being sore troubled, he fell upon his Face, and both his Hands: at which time some one touched him, and commanded him to stand up, and to see that which should happen to his Countrey-men after divers ages.Dan. 7. 3. ad 27. Being therefore raised upright, there was a great Ram shewed unto him,Daniels Visi­on of the Ram and Goat▪ by whom the Kings of Me­dia and Persia were prefigu­red. that had divers Horns, the last whereof was the greatest of all. Afterwards he looked towards the West, and perceived a Goat carried thorow the Air, that butted at the Ram, and having encountred him twice, had beaten and trampled him under his Feet. Thirdly, he saw a Goat, in whose fore­head there grew one great Horn onely: which being broken, four others brake out in­stead thereof, bending each of them towards the four Winds of the World. He hath written also, that from them, there shall arise another little one also, which as God L(who presented the Vision to him) told him. being grown to perfection, should war against the whole Nation of the Jews, and take the City by force, and confound the Estate of the Temple, and hinder the Sacrifices, for one thousand two hundred ninety and six days.

Daniel writeth that he saw these things in the field of Susa, and hath declared that God himself told him what that Vision signified; which was, that the Ram signified the Kingdoms of the Persians, and the Medes: His Horns signified the Kings that were to Reign in those Kingdoms; and that the last Horn signified the last King, who should surpass all the rest in Riches and Glory. That the Goat signified, that there should come a certain King among the Greeks, who should fight at two several times with the Persian, M and should overcome him in War; and afterwards possess the whole Government: And that by the great Horn that grew in the forehead of the Goat, the first King was repre­sented; and how that after he was taken away, four other should spring out of it. And whereas every one of these turned themselves towards the four corners of the World, it was a signe, that after the death of the first, he should have four successors, that should part the Kingdom between them, who neither should be his Allies or Children; yet such notwithstanding, as should command the world for many years: That from them, there should arise a certain King, that should oppose himself against the Hebrew Nation, and their Laws, and should overthrow their policy, spoil their Temple, and be a lett that for three years space, the Sacrifices should not be solemnized. Now so hath it N happened, that our Nation hath been so handled under Antiochus the famous, as Daniel had foreseen, and hath written divers years before, all that which should happen.

At the same time Daniel wrote concerning the Empire of the Romans, Daniels Pre­dictions of the Roman Em­pire. how it should destroy our Nation: and hath left all these things in writing, according as God declared them unto him; so that they who read and consider those things that have hap­pened, Dan. 9. per to­tum: admire Daniel for the Honour God dignified him with, and find thereby, that the Epicureans are mistaken, who exclude all Divine Providence from intermedling with the concerns of humane life, and affirm, that God Governeth not the affairs of the World; or that the World is ruled by a happy and incorruptible Essence, which causeth all things to continue in their Being: but say, that the world is managed by O it self, by casualty, without any Conductor, or such a one that hath care thereof. For if it were so,The Epicures error convict­ed. and that it were destitute of a Soveraign Governor (as we see Ships de­stitute of their Pilots to be drowned by the Winds; and Chariots that have no Dri­vers [Page 274] to conduct them,The year of the World, 3416. before Christ's Nativity, 538. to beat one against another) even so should it perish, and rui­nate A it self by such an irregular motion. By these things therefore that Daniel hath foretold, I judge, that they are far estranged from the Truth▪ that affirm, that God hath no care of humane affairs; for if we see that all things happen casual, then happen they not according to his Prophecy.The Epicures error convict­ed. But I have written hereof, according as I have found and read: and if any one will think otherwise, let him continue his opinion as long as he pleaseth.

The Eleventh Book of the Antiquities of the JEWS;

The Contents of the Chapters of the Eleventh Book.
  • 1. Cyrus, King of Persia, dismisseth the Jews from Babylon, and permitteth them to return into their Countrey, and contributeth towards the reparation of the Temple.
  • 2. The Kings Governours hinder the building of the Temple.C
  • 3. Cambyses commandeth the Jews that they should not build the Temple.
  • 4. Darius, Hystaspis Son, buildeth a Temple for the Jews.
  • 5. The bounty of Xerxes (Darius Son) toward the Hebrew Nation.
  • 6. How during Artaxerxes Reign, the whole Nation of the Jews were almost extinguished through Amans treachery.
  • 7. Bagoses, General of Artaxerxes the younger's Army, doth much injury to the Jews.
  • 8. How bountiful Alexander of Macedon was unto the Jews.

CHAP. I.D
Cyrus, King of Persia, dismisseth the Jews from Babylon, and permitteth them to return into their Countrey, and contributeth towards the building of the Temple.

THE first year of the Reign of Cyrus (which was the 70 after that our Na­tion was translated from Judea to Babylon) God had compassion on the captivity and calamity of his afflicted People:The end of the Babylonian captivity, after 70 years. and accomplish'd that which he had foretold by the Prophet Jeremy, Ezra 1. per totum. before the destruction of the City,The Edict of Cyrus, King of Persia. viz. That after they had served Nabuchodonosor and his poste­rity E for 70 years, he would again restore them to their native Countrey, where they should build a Temple, and enjoy their former felicity,

For he awakened the Spirit of Cyrus, and put it into his heart to write Letters throughout all Asia, to this effect: Thus saith King Cyrus, since Almighty God hath made me King of the whole world, I am perswaded that it is he whom the Jewish Nation do adore: for he hath declared my name by his Prophets, before I was born, and hath said, that I should build his Temple in Jerusalem, which is in the Countrey of Judea. Now Cyrus knew these things by Reading of a Book of Prophecies, Esay. Chap. 44. Ver. 5. ad 10. written by Esay, two hundred and ten years before his time. For (he saith) that God did secretly reveal these things unto F him, Chap. 45. Ver. 1. ad 8. speaking to this effect; I will that Cyrus, whom I have declared King over many Nations, shall send my people back into their Countrey of Judea, and shall build my Temple. Prophecy of Cyrus. These things did Esay foretell one hundred and forty years before the ruine of the Temple. Cyrus in reading these things (being ravished in admiration of the Majesty of God) was carried on with a great affection and zeal, to finish that which was written. He therefore called for all the Men of greatest account among the Jews that were in Ba­bylon, and told them that he gave them Licence to return into their Countrey, Ver. 3. and to repair the City of Jerusalem,Cyrus permit­teth the Jews to return into their Coun­trey to build their Temple and City. and to rebuild the Temple of God; promising them that he himself would assist them. And to that effect he wrote unto his Govern­nours, and Princes of those Countreys that confined upon Judea: charging them to G contribute both Gold and Silver towards the building of the Temple, and to furnish them with Cattel for the Sacrifices. After that Cyrus had certified the Israelites of this his intent, the Princes of the two Tribes of Juda and Benjamin, with all the Levites and [Page 275] H Priests departed thence, and repaired to Jerusalem: Nevertheless, divers of the Jews re­mained in Babylon, because they were loth to abandon those Possessions they had got­ten. Those unto whom Cyrus had directed his Letters, afforded them their assistance, and furnished them with all things necessary to build the Temple, some of them with Gold, V. 7. 8. others with Silver, and the rest with a certain number of Oxen and Horses. Thus payed they their Vows unto God, The Vessels belonging to the Temple sent back from Babylon to Je­rusalem. and offered Sacrifices according to the antient cu­stom, as if they had but now first begun to build the City, and this were the third time of practising those Ceremonies, which our Fathers had observed. Cyrus sent them back also those Vessels, which were consecrated to God, (which King Nabu­chodonosor had sent unto Babylon, after he had spoiled the Temple) and delivered them I to Mithridates his Treasurer, commanding him to commit them to Abassars hands, who should have the custody thereof, until the Temple were built, to the end, that a such time as it should be compleat, he might deliver them to the Priests and Princes of the people, to be restored again to the service of the Temple. He sent Letters also to the Go­vernors of Syria to this effect: V. 9. 10. Cyrus the King to Sisine, and Sarabasme, health. I have per­mitted those Jews that inhabit my Countrey,Cyrus's Man­date to the Princes of Syria. to return into their native Countrey, and to re­edify their City, and erect the Temple of God in Jerusalem, in the same place where it stood be­fore. I have also sent my Treasurer Mithridates and Zerobabel▪ the Prince of the Jews, with ex­press charge and authority, to lay the foundation of the same, and to build it sixty Cubit sin heighth, and as many in breadth; making three Isles of hewen stone, and another of such Timber as the K Countrey affordeth; the Altar likewise, whereupon they may offer Sacrifice unto God: And my pleasure is that the charge of all these things be defrayed out of my Coffers. I have also sent back those Vessels which Nabuchodonosor took out of the Temple, and have delivered them to the Treasurer Mithridates, and to Zerobabel the Prince of the Jews, to be conveighed to Jerus [...]lem, and restored to the Temple of God: the number whereof, I have hereunder subscribed. Fifty La­vers of Gold, and four hundred of Silver; Fifty pots of Gold, and four hundred of Silver; Fif­ty golden Sieves, and five hundred of Silver; Thirty Ewers of Gold, and three hundred of Sil­ver; Thirty great Viols of Gold, and two thousand four hundred of Silver; and besides all these, One thousand other great Vessels. We grant also unto the Jews, the same Revenues which their Predecessors have enjoyed; and we do allow them 205200 Darchmes, for the purchasing L of Cattel,C. 2. v. 1, 2. a [...] finem. Wine and Oil; and we give them 2500 measures of Wheat, to make fine Flower, which we appoint to be taken out of the Countrey of Samaria; and the Priests shall offer up these Sacrifices in Jerusalem, The number of the Iews that returned from the cap­tivity of Baby­lon to Jerusa­lem. according to the ordinance of Moses: and during their Sacrifice, they shall make Prayers unto God, for the preservation of the King, and his House, to the end, that the Empire of the Persians may be still permanent. And my Will is, that they that disobey and oppose these Commands, shall be hanged on a Gibbet; and that their Goods shall be confiscate. These were the Contents of his Letters. Now the number of those that returned from the captivity into Jerusalem, was Forty two thousand, four hundred sixty two,

M CHAP. II.
The Jews begin to build the Temple at Jerusalem; but after the death of Cyrus, the Samaritans, and other neighbouring Nations writ to King Camby­ses, his Son, to cause him to put a stop to the Work.

WHilest according to the King's Order,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 2. the Jews laid the foundation of the Tem­ple, and were very busy about the building thereof;Esd. 4. 2. ad 11. the Nations that bor­dered upon them, and especially the Chutheans, (whom Salmanazar, King of Assyria, sent from Persia and Media, The Samari­tans inhibit the Iews from building the Temple. to inhabit in Samaria, at such time as he carried away the N people of the ten Tribes) incited the Princes and Governors, to hinder the Jews from repairing their City, and re-edifying the Temple. These Men, corrupted with Silver, sold their negligence and delay to the Chutheans, Alias C. 3. v. 11. ad. 17. which they used in those Buildings. For Cyrus intending his other Wars, was ignorant hereof, and having conducted his Army against the Massagetes, The Letters of the Samari­tans and o­thers, written to Camby­ses, as touch­ing the re-edi­fying of the City, and Temple of [...] ­rusalem. he ended his days in that expedition. When as therefore Combyses his Son, had obtained the Kingdom, they of Syria and Phoenicia, the Ammo­nites, Moabites, and Samaritans, wrote their Letters to Cambyses in these terms:

O King, thy Servants, Rathymus the Chancelor, Semelius the Scribe, and those Men that are Counsellors in Syria and Phoenicia, have thought themselves obliged to advertise thee, that those Jews that were led Captive into Babilon, are returned back into this Countrey, and are O about building their City which was destroyed, by reason of their rebellion; and that they do repair the Walls of the same, and re-edify their Temple likewise. Know therefore, that if these things be permitted to be finished, that they will no more endure to be thy Subjects and [Page 276] Tributaries,The year of the World, 3435. before Christ's Nativity, 529. but will oppose themselves against their Kings, holding it more fit to command,A than to obey. We have therefore thought good, before the Work be too far advanced, to give your Majesty notice, that you may search the Records of your forefathers, wherein you shall always find, that the Jews have been Rebels, and enemies to their Kings; and that the City hath been for this cause laid desolate unto this present. We have thought good to signify thus much to your Majesty, which perhaps is unknown unto you, because, that if this City be once more re-inhabited and inclosed with a Wall, they will thereby obstruct your passage into Coelo­syria and Phoenicia.

CHAP. III.B
Cambyses forbiddeth the Jews to proceed in re-building the Temple

WHen Cambyses had read this Letter (being by nature,V. 17. ad 22. wicked and malicious) he grew jealous and displeased at the Contents thereof,Cambyses an­swer, where­in he inhibit­eth the Iews from build­ing the City or Temple. and wrote back again after this manner: The King Cambyses to Rathymus the Chancellour, and to Belsen and Semelius, Scribes, and to all his other Counsellors and Inhabitants of Samaria and Phoenicia Health. Having read your Letters, I have commanded the Records of mine Ancestors to be examined, and I find that the City of Jerusalem hath been always an enemy to their Kings, and that the inhabitants thereof have always raised Sedition and Wars. I have likewise found, that their Kings have been mighty, and that they have exacted from Syria and Phoenicia con­tinual C Tributes. Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 9. alias cap. 4. For this cause I have ordained, that the Jews shall not be permitted to re-edify their City, for fear, lest the boldness of that people being thereby encouraged, they should, ac­cording to their former custom, Darius the Son of Hystas­pis made Em­perour of the Persians. practice a new Rebellion. After the receipt of these Letters, Rathymus and the Scribe Sem [...]lius, and those of their faction, took horse, and rode spee­dily to Jerusalem▪ leading with them a great number of People, and prohibiting the Jews from the building their City or Temple. Thus was this work interrupted, until the second year of the Reign of Darius, Ezra 5. v. 6. ad finem. King of Persia, for the space of nine years. For Cambyses reigned six years, during which time he subdued Egypt, and upon his re-return from thence, he dyed in Damascus. And after the death of Cambyses, the Magi that held the Empire of the Persians, for the space of one year, being taken away, the D chief of the seven principal Families of Persia, made Darius (the Son of Hystaspis) King.

CHAP. IV.
Darius gives leave to Zerobabel a Prince of the Jews, to re-build the Temple, a great number return to Jerusalem under his conduct, and apply themselves to the work; The Samaritans and others write to Darius to forbid them, but he acts contrary to their desires.E

DArius, Darius voweth to send the sacred Vessels to Ierusalem. during the time that he lived a private life, made a vow unto God, that if he obtained the Kingdom, he would send back unto the Temple of Jerusalem, all those Vessels which were as yet remaining in Babylon. It fell out that about the same time that he was made King,Zerobabel. Zerobabel, who was appointed Governor over the Captive Jews, came unto him from Jerusalem. And being the Kings antient friend: he, with two others, had three of the Principal Offices of the King's House conferred upon them, and were placed the nearest about his person. The first year of the Reign of Darius, he entertained all his Courtiers with great pomp and magnificence, both those of his Houshold, and those also that were his Governors and Princes of Media and Persia, and the Commanders in India, confining upon Ethiopia, with all the Chieftains F of his Army, in one hundred twenty and seven Provinces. Now after they had Feast­ed, and were full of Wine, they departed each of them unto their Lodgings, to be­take themselves to rest:Darius pro­poundeth three questions to three of his Guard. but King Darius being laid in his Bed▪ reposed very little all the night long, but passed the time without sleep: Whereupon, seeing he could not compose himself to rest, he began to discourse with these three great Officers, promi­sing unto him that should most truly and aptly answer those questions that he should demand, to grant him licence, by way of reward, to wear a Purple Garment, and to drink in a Golden Cup, to lye on a Golden Bed, and to ride in a Chariot, whose Horses should be harnassed with Gold and to wear the Tiara or linnen Wreath, and a Gol­den Chain about his neck, and sit in the next place to the King; and should like­wise G be called his Kinsman, in regard of his Wisdom. After he had made these large promises, he demanded of the first, whether Wine were the strongest? of the second, [Page 277] H Whether the King were stronger? The year of the World, 3443, before Christ's Nativity, 521. of the third, Whether Women, or Truth, were the strongest of the three? As soon as he had deliver'd them these questions to deliberate upon, he laid him down to rest. Upon the morrow he sent for the Princes, Chieftains, and Gover­nors of Persia and Media, and afterwards sitting aloft in that Throne from whence he was accustomed to determine controversies between his subjects, he commanded those three young men, in the presence of that Princely Assembly, publickly to resolve those questions which he had proposed.

Whereupon the first of them began after this manner to express the force of Wine: The first ex­presseth the power of wine. Noble Princes, when I consider the force of Wine, I find nothing that can surpass it: for Wine disturbeth the judgment, and maketh the Princes understanding like to that of a Child, who hath I need of one that should always direct him: It giveth the slave that freedom in discourse, which his thraldom had deprived him of: It equalleth the poor man to the rich: It changeth and transformeth the soul, assuageth the miserable mans grief, and maketh the Prisoners forget their bonds, and think themselves very rich; so that they think not on mean things, but talk of Ta­lents, and such things as appertain unto the most wealthy: It causeth them to lose all apprehen­sion both of Princes and Kings, and taketh from them the remembrance of their friends and fa­miliars: It armeth them against their greatest friends, and maketh them suppose their nearest relations to be strangers; and when the Wine, concocted by night and sleep, hath forsaken them, they rise, and know not what they have committed in their drunkenness.

When the first of them had spoken thus in favor of Wine, The second ex­tolleth the Kings power. he that had undertaken to K shew, that nothing was equal to the power of Kings, began after this manner: Kings (saith he) have dominion over men,Esdr. 3, 4. who govern the earth, and at their pleasure can command the Sea to serve them: Kings have power and dominion over those men who master and com­mand the most untamed and mightiest creatures; it therefore appeareth that their force and pu­issance exceedeth that of all these. If they command their subjects to wage War, and to expose themselves to danger, they are obedient; and if they send them out against their enemies, they willingly obey them, by reason of their force: By their command they level Mountains, beat down Walls, and raze Towers. And if they command their subjects to kill or be killed, they resist not, for fear lest they should seem to transgress the Kings commandment. When they have obtained the victory, all the glory and profit of the War redoundeth unto the King. They like­wise L that bear no Arms, but intend the tillage of the earth, after they have born all the toil, they reap and gather the fruits, to the end they may pay the King his tribute: And if he will or com­mand any thing, it must be performed without any delay. Furthermore, when the King is ad­dicted to any pleasures, or intendeth to enjoy his rest, during the time that he sleepeth, he is guarded by those that watch, who are, as it were, tyed unto him, through the fear and awe they have of him: For not one of them dare forsake him when he sleepeth, nor depart from him, to follow their own affairs, but intend those services only which he thinketh necessary, which is the guard of his person. Who therefore will not esteem the Kings force to be greater than any others, since so many people obey him in whatsoever he commandeth?

After he had spoken to this effect, Zorobabel, the third, expres­seth the power of women, and at length attri­buteth the palm unto truth. Zorobabel, who was the third, began to speak of the M power of Women and Truth, after this manner: True it is, that Wine hath much force, and no less true, that all men obey the King; yet far more mighty is the power of a Woman. For by a Woman the King was bred, and brought into this world; and those men that plant the Vineyards where Wines do grow, are born and nourished by Women; and generally there is not any thing which we enjoy not by their means. For they weave us garments; they have the care and custody of our houses; neither is it possible for us to be severed from Women. Yea, they that possess much gold, and abundance of silver, and other things of great and inestimable price, only upon the sight of a fair Woman, forsake all these things, and will follow after the beauty which they beheld, and for the possession thereof, content themselves to lose all things. We for­sake likewise our Father and Mother, and the Countrey that hath bred us, and forget our Friends N for our Wives sake; yea, we will willingly content our selves to dye with them. Yet is there a greater and further demonstration of the most mighty power of a Woman: For whatsoever we travel for, all the pains that we endure both by Land and Sea, to the intent we may reap some fruits of our labours, do we not carry all this to give unto our Wives, as unto those who were our Mistresses? I have seen the King likewise, who is so great a Lord, endure a stroke on the ear, by Apame the daughter of Rhapsaces his Concubine, and patiently suffer her to take the Diadem from his head, and set it on her own. When she laughed, he laughed; and when she was dis­pleased, he was displeased: and according as her passion changed, so he complyed, and humbly submitted his affection to her pleasures, according as he saw her passionate or pleased.

But whil'st the Princes, in way of admiration, beheld one another, he began to dis­course O of Truth, saying: I have already declared what the force of Women is; yet notwith­standing both the King and they are more feeble than Truth. For whereas the earth is huge and vast, the heaven likewise of an immeasurable height, and the sun of unspeakable celerity; and [Page 278] whereas the Will of God both governeth and moveth these things (because God is just and A true) it therefore followeth, that Truth is the most mighty of all things; against which, in­justice may no ways prevail. Furthermore, all other things, notwithstanding they seem to be of value, yet are they mortal, and of little continuance: but Truth is immortal, and everlasting. Moreover, all those things which we receive thereby, are neither mortal, nor subject to the inju­ries of time,Zorobabel ob­tained both praise and great rewards, by his good discourse. fortune, or alteration, but continue equal, and separated from all stain of injustice. When Zorobabel had spoken after this manner, he made an end of his discourse: where­upon, all the Assembly began to pronounce that his Assertions were of most value, and that only Verity had an immutable force, and an undeterminable continuance. Where­upon the King commanded him to ask what he would,Ezra 6. 1. ad 15. as touching that which he had promi­sed to give, because he intended to grant it him, as to the wisest, and best learned amongst the B rest. For (said he) thou shalt sit henceforth next unto me, and shalt be called my friend.

When the King had spoken thus, Zorobabel called to remembrance the vow that the King had made,Darius being put in memory of his vow, commandeth that the Tem­ple should be restored. if so be at any time he obtain'd the Kingdom: namely, That he would build Jerusalem, and the Temple of God, and restore those vessels likewise, which were taken away by Nabuchodonosor, and carried into Babylon. For this (said he) O King, is my request, which you permitted me to ask, and you promised me to grant, at that time when I was judged wise and well-learned by you. The King was well-pleased at his words, and rising from his Throne,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 4. he kissed him. He wrote also to his Governors and Princes, that they should send away Zorobabel, and those of his company, to build the Temple. Moreover, he sent Letters to them of Syria and Phoenicia, commanding them to cut down the Ce­dars C of Libanus, and to send them to Jerusalem, towards the building of the City; pub­lishing a Law, that all Jews should be made free, if they would resort unto Judea; for­bidding all Commissaries and Princes, to impose any charge upon the Jews, for the neces­sities of the Kingdom; and commanding that all the Countrey which they should inha­bit, Darius Letters for the liberty, possession and erection of the Temple, grant­ed to the Jews. should be exempt from Tribute: appointing the Idumaeans, Samaritans, and Coelosy­rians, to restore those lands unto the Jews which they unlawfully with-held, which their Ancestors had heretofore possessed. And besides that, to deliver them by way of con­tribution 50 Talents of silver towards the building of the Temple, permitting them to offer their ordinary Sacrifices.1 Esd. 6. v. 7, 8, ad 16. He likewise commanded, that all the Necessaries and Vest­ments which either the High-Priest, or the other Priests used in the service of God, should D be furnished at his charge. He appointed also that the Levites should have Instruments of Musick deliver'd unto them, to praise God withall; and that certain portions of land should be alotted for them that had the guard of the City, and the Temple. Moreover, he allow'd them a certain Sum of money every year for their ordinary maintenance. Af­ter this, he sent back all those vessels which Cyrus heretofore had resolv'd to restore unto Jerusalem.

When Zorobabel had obtained these things above-named at the Kings hands, he went out of the Palace,Ver. 22. and lifting up his eyes unto Heaven, he began to give God thanks, That he had enabled him to appear more discreet than others before the King, Glad tydings brought to the Jews. and for the good success which he had given him in Darius's presence. For (said he) O Lord, if thou hadst E not been favourable unto me, I had not obtained it. After he had in this manner given thanks for the present, and pray'd God to shew himself always favourable hereafter; he repai­red to Babylon, and told his Countreymen what encouragement he had receiv'd from the King: who hearing thereof, gave God thanks also, who had restor'd them once more to the possession of their native Countrey: and they fell to feasting and banquetting for seven days space,The Jews de­part from Ba­bylon to Jeru­salem. for the restoring unto their Countrey, as if they had solemniz'd the feasts of their birth-days. Hereupon the heads of the several families made choice of those, that (with their wives and children) should return unto Jerusalem, who, by the assistance of Darius's Convoy, perform'd that journey with great joy, playing on their Psalteries, Flutes and Cymbals, and were after this manner conducted on their way, by F those Jews that remained in Babylon. Thus went they forward, being a certain and de­terminate number of every family. I have not thought it necessary to repeat these fa­milies by name,3 Esd. 5. lest I should perplex the Relation, and the Readers should be interrupted thereby.The number of the Jews that went out of Babylon. Notwithstanding, the whole number of those that went, and were about 12 years old of the Tribes of Juda and Benjamin, were four millions, six hundred and eight thousand. There were likewise four thousand and seventy Levites: And of their wives and children together, forty thousand, seven hundred, forty and two. Besides these, there were of Singers of the Tribe of Levi, one hundred, twenty and eight; of Por­ters, one hundred and ten; and of those that attended on the Sanctuary, three hundred twenty and two. There were certain others likewise, that pretended that they were G of the race of the Israelites, but could give no testimony of their descent, the number of whom was six hundred fifty and two. Of the number of the Priests, they that had es­poused [Page 279] H wives, (whose genealogy could not be derived, and who were not found also in the genealogies of the Priests and Levites) they were about five hundred, twenty and five. The multitude of servants that followed or attended on them, were seven thou­sand, three hundred thirty and seven. There were also two hundred, forty and five Sin­gers of men and women: four hundred, thirty and five Camels, and five hundred twen­ty and five other beasts for their carriage. The conducter of this above-named multi­tude, Zorobabel Chieftain, and Jesus High-Priest of this company. was Zorobabel, the son of Salathiel, descended of Davids Line, and of the Tribe of Juda; and Jesus the son of Josedech the High-Priest; besides which, were Mordochaeus and Serabaeas, who were chosen by the people to be their Governors, who contributed 100 pounds of gold, and five hundred of silver. Thus the Priests and Levites, and part I of all the people of the Jews which were then in Babylon, were conducted to dwell in Jerusalem; the other part of them following a little after, returned every one into his own Countrey.

The seventh month after their departure out of Babylon, the High-Priest Jesus, and the Governor Zorobabel, 1 Esdr. 3. 6. ad finem. sent Messengers thorow all the Countrey, and assembled the people from all quarters of the Region, who, with all alacrity and expedition, repair'd to Jeru­salem. There erected they an Altar in the same place, where heretofore it was built, to the end they might offer Sacrifices thereon, according to Moses Law; but hereby they gave offence to their neighbouring Nations, who, in general, were incensed against them. They celebrated also at that time the feast of Tabernacles, according as the Law-maker K had ordain'd:C. 3. v. 4, 5. afterwards they offer'd oblations, and continual sacrifices, observing their Sabbaths,The feast of Tabernacles. and all holy solemnities. And they that had made any vows, perform'd them, and sacrificed from the New Moon until the seventh month. After this, they began to build the Temple, and deliver'd great sums of money to the hewers of stone, and Masons, and gave strangers their ordinary diet, who brought them stone and timber. For it was an easie matter for the Sidonians, The Temple began to be built, ver. 8. to bring wood and timber from Libanus, and binding it up, and gathering it together in rafters, to ship it, and land it at the Port of Joppa. For Cyrus had heretofore given them that commandment, and now the second time they were enjoined thereunto by Darius.

The second year after their arrival in Jerusalem, the Jews assembled together in the se­cond L month, and began to build the Temple, having laid the foundation thereof on the first day of December. Over this work, those Levites that were above 20 years of age, were overseers: with them also was Jesus, and his sons and brothers joined, and Zo­limiel the brother of Juda the son of Aminadab, and his sons. And through the diligence that these overseers of the Temple used, it was sooner finish'd, than it was expected. As soon as the Sanctuary was built, the Priests, apparelled in their accustomed habits, and the Levites, and the sons of Asaph arose, and with Trumpets praised God, and sung se­veral Hymns and Psalms compos'd by King David. The Priests and Levites, with the Elders of the Tribes, calling to mind how great and magnificent the first Temple was, and beholding that which was built at present, far inferior to the former, and perceiving M how much the ancient wealth and dignity of the Temple was abased; they were so sen­sibly touched with the consideration thereof, that they could not but burst forth into la­mentations and tears. But the people were contented with that which they beheld, and without any mention of the former Temple, they troubled not themselves in comparing the one with the other; neither thought they upon the difference betwixt the present, and that which stood in times past: but the Elders lamented, and the Priests complain'd, that the new erected Temple was far less than the former; yet the noise of the Trum­pets drowned their lamentations,The Samari­tans desirous to further the building of the Temple, are rejected. and the joyful applauses of the people their mournings.

The Samaritans hearing the noise of the Trumpets, ran out to know the cause thereof, because they were ill-affected toward the Tribe of Juda and Benjamin; and understand­ing N that the Jews which were return'd from Babylon, had re-edifi'd the Temple, they ad­dressed themselves to Zorobabel and Jesus, and to the chief Governors of the families, re­quiring them that it might be lawful for them to repair the Temple with them, and to have part in the building thereof. For (said they) we honour God no less than you, we pray unto him, and adore him; we conform our selves to your customs, ever since the time that Salmanazar King of Assyria removed us out of Chuthea and Media hither. To these de­mands of theirs, Zorobabel, and Jesus the High-Priest, and the Governors of the Tribes, answer'd, The Samari­tans suppose to hinder the building of the Temple. That it was impossible for them to admit of their assistance in the building of the Temple, because they had received their first commandment from Cyrus to perform it, and after­wards from Darius: notwithstanding they gave them licence to worship therein, offering them O that the Temple should be common to both,C. 4. v. 1. ad 6. if they pleased: yea, and accessible to all other Nati­ons that would repair thither to adore God. The Chutheans (for so were the Samaritans call'd) hearing this, were much offended; and persuaded the other Nations of Syria, [Page 280] to require the Princes (who continued their authority since the time of Cyrus,The year of the World, 3 [...]44. before Christ's Nativity, 520. and af­terwards A ruled in Cambyses time) to hinder the building of the Temple; and to delay the Jews, who were so intent and busie in their work. Whereupon Sisin Governor in Syria and Phoenicia, and Sarabazan, accompanied with others, came unto Jerusalem, and demanded of the Chieftains of the Jews, By whose permission they built the Temple, which rather seemed to be a Fort than a Temple?The Syrian Princes ex­amine the cause why the Jews repair their City and Temple. and for what cause they fortified their City with gates, and so strong walls? Zorobabel and Jesus the High-Priest answer'd, That they were the ser­vants of the living God, and that their Temple had been built by one of their Kings, who was rich, and surpassed all other in virtue, that afterward it had continued so long time in venerable estimation; but by reason their fathers had been guilty of impiety against God, Nabuchodo­nosor, King of Babylon and Chaldaea, 1▪ Esdras 5. v. 3. 4, 5, 6. having taken the City by force, destroyed the same; B and after he had spoiled the City, he burned it, and transported the people captive into Babylon. But after that Cyrus King of Persia had obtained the Kingdom of Babylon, he commanded by his express Letters sealed with his Royal Seal, that they should re-edifie the Temple, and or­dained that all those Treasures which Nabuchodonosor carried from thence, and of the conse­crated vessels, should be deliver'd to Zorobabel and the Treasurer Mithidrates, to be conveyed to Jerusalem, and placed again in the Temple, as soon as it should be built. And he command­ed also, that it should be presently re-edified, appointing Abassar to repair to Jerusalem, and give order for all that which was requisite; who hastening thither as soon as he had received Cyrus's Letters, did speedily lay the foundations anew. From that time forward, until this present, it hath been hindered by the subtilty and malice of the neighbouring Nations, who have always been C our Enemies, so that as yet it remaineth imperfect. If therefore it please you, and you think good, signifie what you hear, by your letters to Darius, to the end, that examining the Registers of the Kings, he may find that all things have proceeded after the manner which we have re­lated.

When Zorobabel and Jesus had answer'd to this effect, Sisin, and they that accompanied him, thought not good to hinder the building, until such time as they had certified Da­rius hereof,V. 1, 2, 3. for which cause they wrote unto him presently.Aggeus and Zachary the Prophets. Hereupon the Jews were much discomforted and troubled, fearing lest the King should change his mind, and put a stop to the building of Jerusalem and the Temple. But two Prophets, Aggeus and Zacha­ry, (who were amongst them) began to persuade them, willing them to fear no ill D from the Persians, because God had assur'd them, that they should receive no harm; here­upon the people gave credit to the Prophets, and diligently intended their building, with­out intermission.

When the Samaritans had after this manner written to Darius, C. [...], a v. 7. ad finem. and accused the Jews unto him for fortifying their City, and re-edifying their Temple, and inform'd him how it seem'd rather to be a Fort,The Samari­tans endea­vouring to hinder the re­paration of the Temple and City, do fur­ther it the more. than some sacred place; and had further alledg'd, that it would be no profit unto him: and moreover, had produced Cambyses letters, by which they were forbidden to build the Temple, he understood that the re-establishment of Jerusalem stood not with the security of his state. But when he had read Sisins letters, and his associates, he commanded that the Chronicles of the Kings should be search'd,E and there was found in Echatane, a City of the Medes, in a Tower, a certain Book, in which these things were written.C. 6. 4 5, 6.

The first year of the Reign of Cyrus, Cyrus decree as [...] the Temple and the Jews. commandment was given to build the Temple of Jeru­salem, and the Altar therein. It was likewise decreed, that the heighth of the Temple should be sixty cubits, and the breadth as many; three stories of hewed stone, and one story of the wood of that Countrey: and it was ordained, that the expence of that building should be deducted out of the Kings Revenues. Moreover, he commanded that restitution should be made unto the Inhabitants of Jerusalem, of those vessels that were taken away by Nabuchodonosor, and car­ried away to Babylon: And the commission to effect all these things, was given to Abassar Governor of Syria and Phoenicia, and his companions, to the end that they might depart from F these places, and the Jews might be permitted to build therein. Furthermore, he ordained that the charge of this building should be gathered out of the Tributes of his Countries, and that they should furnish the Jews with Bulls, Weathers, Lambs, Goats, Flower, Oyl, and Wine, and all other things which the Priests should think meet to offer sacrifice, to the intent that they might pray for the preservation of the King of Persia: commanding that they that should transgress or op­pose this commandment, [...] 3. 4. should be laid hold on, and hanged on a Gibbet, and that their goods should be confiscate to the Kings use. Moreover, he besought God, that if any man went about to hinder the building of the Temple▪ that he would execute his vengeance upon that person, and punish him for his wickedness. When Darius had found these things written in his Re­gistries, he wrote back to Sisin and his companions in this form: G [Page 281] H King Darius to Sisin and Sarabazan, The year of the World, 3450. before Christ's Nativity, 514. with their Associates, health.’

Having found amongst the Memorials of Cyrus, the Copy of his Instructions for the building of the Temple,Ver. 7, 8. I have sent it you, and my pleasure is, that the Contents thereof be executed. Farewell.Darius Epistle to the Prefects of Syria.

Sisin and his Associates being certified of the Kings pleasure, resolved to conform them­selves unto it: and taking the care of the sacred buildings upon them, they assisted the Princes and Magistrates of the Jews, Ezra 6. 17. in such sort as the building of the Temple was fi­nished I with great diligence,The finishing of the Temple. by the instigation of the Prophets Aggeus and Zachary, ac­cording to Gods commandment, and by the directions of the Kings Cyrus and Darius; so that it was finish'd within seven years. In the ninth year of the Reign of Darius, and the three and twenty of the eleventh month, call'd by us Adar, and by the Macedonians Distre; the Priests and Levites, and all the rest of the people offer'd sacrifices, and gave thanks for the renovation of their former felicity, after their captivity, and for their new Temple also: sacrificing 100 Bulls, 200 Sheep, 400 Lambs, 12 Goats, according to the number of the 12 Tribes of Israel, and for the sins of each of them. The Priests and Levites also (according to the laws of Moses) appointed Porters to every gate. For the Jews had built Galleries round about, and within the Temple.

K Now when the Feast of unleavened bread (which is the feast of Easter) drew near,Ver. 15. in the first month called Xanthicus by the Macedonians, The Temple dedicated 23 of March, or as it is in the 1 of Esdras 6. dedicated the third of March Ver. 16, &c. and Nisan by the Hebrews, all the people of the Towns round about Jerusalem resorted thither, and celebrated the Feast, purifying themselves, their wives and children, according to the ordinance of their Forefathers: And after they had solemniz'd the Feast call'd Easter, or the Passeover, in the 14th Moon, they rejoyced for seven days space, sparing no cost how great soever. They offer'd burnt-offerings also, and sacrifices of thanksgiving,The Passeover celebrated. acknowledging Gods goodness that had brought them home into their native Countrey, to live according to the laws of their Forefathers,The form of Commonweal in Jerusalem. and had caused them to find favor in the eyes of the King of Persia. Thus dwelt they in Jerusalem, sacrificing unto, and serving God, and living un­der L the Government of their Nobility. For they set up a kind of Aristocratical Go­vernment, and the chief authority remain'd in the High-Priests, until the Asmonaeans ob­tained the Kingdom: for before the captivity of Babylon, they were under the Govern­ment of Kings, who began from Saul and Davids times, about some 532 years, six months, and ten days; and before their Kings, certain Governors, call'd Judges, reigned: and under this sort of Polity liv'd they more than 500 years,The Samari­tans mighty enemies of the Jews. from the death of Moses and Joshua. And this was the state of the Jews after their captivity, during the days of Cy­rus and Darius. True it is, that the Samaritans were their mighty and malicious adver­saries, and did them many mischiefs, trusting in their riches, and pretending to be the Persians kinsmen, because their original proceeded from thence. For they refused to pay M that Tribute which the King had commanded them to disburse unto the Jews to make their sacrifices, and the Governors of Syria and Phoenicia lost no opportunity which might promote their design. For which cause, the Jews determined to send Ambassadors unto King Darius, The Embassage of the Jews to Darius. to accuse the Samaritans; and to that intent, Zorobabel, and four others were sent. As soon therefore as the King understood by these Ambassadors, what crimes and accusations they had brought against the Samaritans, he dispatched his letters, and addressed them to the Governors and Council of Samaria, the tenour of which letters was to this effect: ‘King Darius to Tangara and Sambaba Governors of Samaria, to Sadrach and Bobelon, N and to their companions our servants being in Samaria, health.’

Zorobabel, Ananias, and Mardocheus, Ambassadors in the behalf of the Jews, accuse you to be disturbers of the building of their Temple;C. 7. v. 11, 12. alledging, that you refuse to discharge that, which by my decree you ought to furnish them with,A command­ment to supply the charge of the building of the Temple and Sacrifices. for the charge of the Sacrifices. My will is there­fore, that upon the sight of these Letters, you deliver out of the Royal Treasury in Samaria, ap­pointed for the Tributes, all that which shall be necessary for them to perform their Sacrifices, up­on the requests of the Priests, to the intent they let pass no day without sacrifice and prayer unto O God for me, and for the Persians. This was the contents of his Letters.

CHAP. V.The year of the World, 3506. before Christ's Nativity, 458. A
Xerxes succeeds his Father Darius in the Kingdom; he permitteth Esdras to return with a great number of Jews to Jerusalem. Esdras obligeth those that had taken strangers to Wife, to send them back. His Praise, and his Death. Nehemiah obtains leave to build the walls of Jerusalem, and finisheth that great work.

AFter Darius death, his son Xerxes succeeded him, not only as Heir in the government of his Kingdom, but also as Successor unto his piety and devotion towards God: for he changed not those institutions of his Father that concern'd religious service,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 5. but B but with great benevolence favoured all the Jews. 1 Esdras 7. During his Reign, Joacim the son of Je­sus was High-Priest;Xerxes King of Persia. amongst them also that remained in Babylon, there lived a Priest with the Jews in that place called Esdras, Esdras learned in the law. a just man, and one of great reputation amongst the people: and whereas he was very skilful in the laws of Moses, he was much esteem'd by the King. This man intending (with certain other Jews of Babylon) to return to Jerusalem, besought the King that he would vouchsafe to bestow his letters of commen­dations to the Governors of Syria in his behalf.Nehem. 2. 1. ad 11. Whereupon the King gave him letters of recommendation to the Governors,Xerxes favou­reth the Jews. certifying them of his favor towards Esdras, and to the Princes in those parts, to this effect: C Xerxes King of Kings, to Esdras the Priest, and Reader of the Divine Law, health.’

It is decreed by me, and seven other of my Council, that whosoever in my kingdom of the Is­raelites, their Priests or Levites, will repair with thee unto Jerusalem, may freely do it with my licence, and may settle themselves in Judea, there to serve the God of their Fathers; bearing with them those Presents unto the God of Israel, which I had my friends have vowed to offer un­to him. I likewise give thee licence to take with thee all the gold and silver which any of thy Nation living here in Babylon will offer up unto God, to buy offerings to be sacrificed upon the Altar of thy God: and to make whatsoever vessels of gold or silver, which either thou or thy Brethren shall think meet. Those sacred vessels also which are given thee, thou shalt dedicate un­to D thy God; and if there be ought else requisite in this behalf, that thou shalt think fit to provide, the charges shalt thou receive out of my treasury. I have also commended thee to the Treasurers of Syria and Phoenicia, and have written to them, that whatsoever Esdras the Priest, and Rea­der of the Law of God shall require, they shall presently deliver it to him. And to the end that God may be favourable to me and my posterity, my will is, that an hundred measures of wheat be offer'd unto God, according to the Law. I command you also that are Magistrates, that you exact nothing, neither impose any taxations on the Priests, Levites, Singing-men, Porters, or holy Officers. But thou Esdras (according to the wisdom given thee from above) shalt ap­point Judges, who shall in Syria and Phoenicia execute justice unto the people, according to your Law. Teach thou likewise freely all such as are ignorant, so that whosoever violateth either E Gods or the Kings Law, he may be fined, or else condemned to death, as not sinning through ig­norance, but of contumacy. Farewell.

When Esdras had received this Letter, he was well-pleased, and gave thanks unto God,Ver. 16 17, 18. confessing that it was he,Esdras assem­bled the Jews that dwelt in Babylon. who was the Author of that favour he had received at the Kings hand: And after he had read this Letter unto the Jews that were at that time resident in Babylon, he kept the original, but sent a copy to all those of his Nation, being in the Countrey of the Medes: who being inform'd of the King's zeal to the service of God, and his favour towards Esdras, were very joyful; and divers amongst them took their goods, and came unto Babylon, desiring to return to Jerusalem: but the rest of the F Israelites would not abandon or leave their dwelling. Whereupon it came to pass, that two Tribes were under the obedience of the Romans in Asia and Europe: but the ten Tribes were on the other side of Euphrates, even until this day; and it is incredible, how exceedingly they are there multiplied. With Esdras there departed a great number of Priests, Levites, Porters, Singing-men, and servants of the Temple. Now after he had assembled those of the captivity, that inhabited on this side Euphrates, and sojourned there three days, he commanded them to solemnize a Fast, and to pray unto God for his preservation, that no evil might happen unto him; and that neither their enemies, nor any other might do them any violence: For Esdras had foretold the King, that God would be their Protector, and that therefore he requir'd no Convoy of Horsemen at G his hand for his security. After that they had recommended themselves unto God, they set forward on their way, the twelfth day of the first month of the seventh year of the [Page 283] H Reign of Xerxes, and arrived in Jerusalem in the fifth month of the same year. Where­upon he incontinently presented unto the Treasurers (who were of the race of the Priests) the sacred depositum wherewith he was intrusted, which consisted of 650 Ta­lents of silver, and of silver vessels an 100 Talents, of vessels of gold to the value of 20 Talents, of brazen vessels (more precious than gold) the weight of 12 Talents. These were the Presents of the King and his Friends,Esdras repai­reth to Jerusa­lem, and com­mitteth the vessels and other precious Presents to the Treasurers hands. and of the Israelites that dwelt in Babylon.

When Esdras had deliver'd these Presents into the hands of the Priests, he offer'd burnt-offerings unto God, according to the Law, namely, 12 Bulls for the publick conser­vation of the people 72 Rams and Lambs, and 12 Goats for a sin-offering. And afterward I he deliver'd the Kings Letters to his Princes and Governors in Coelosyria and Phoenicia: who being constrain'd to execute that which was enjoin'd them by the King, honour'd the Nation of the Jews, and supplied them every ways in their necessities. We owe unto Esdras the honour of this Transmigration, for he not only laid the design of it, but his virtue and piety were undoubtedly the cause that God gave him so good success in the undertaking.

Not long after, there came certain Men unto him, complaining that some of the peo­ple, Priests and Levites, had transgressed against their Ordinances, and broken the Laws of the Countrey, in that they had espoused certain strange women, and corrupted the purity of the Sacerdotal race; requiring him, that he would have a regard to Gods Or­dinances, K for fear lest he (being displeased with them) should cast them again into that misery from which he had so lately deliver'd them.Esdras prayers for the Levites that had mar­ried strangers. Esdras hereupon was so much afflict­ed, that he rent his cloaths, and tore his hair, and pulled his beard, and cast himself upon the ground, because the chief among the people were concern'd in that offence. And be­cause he feared left if he should command them to forsake their wives,Esdr. 9. per totum. and those chil­dren which they had begotten by them, he should not be obey'd, he continu'd in grief, and lay continually upon the ground. Whereupon, all those resorted unto him who were not guilty, and wept and lamented with him, because of that which had hapned. In this affliction of mind, Esdras (raising himself from the earth, and lifting up his hands to Heaven) said, That he was ashamed to look thereupon, because the offences of the people L were so heinous; and that they had so soon lost the memory of those calamities wherewith their Forefathers had been visited for their sins. Nevertheless, O Lord, (said he) since thy mercy is infinite, have pity, I beseech thee, on the remnant that hath escaped that long captivity, and which thou hast brought back into their native Countrey. Spare them, O Lord; and though they have deserved death, yet let thy mercy appear, in the sparing of their lives. Whil'st thus both he and those that came unto him, lamented with him, with their wives and children, a cer­tain man called Achonias, one of the principal men of Jerusalem, came to him, and said, That they had sinned, because they had espoused strange women; and persuaded Esdras to com­mand them all, to banish both them and the children begotten by them; advising, that they who obey'd not the Law, might be punish'd. Esdras (persuaded by these words) M made all the Princes of the Priests, Levites, and Tribes of Israel, swear, That they would dismiss their wives and children, according to the counsel of Achonias. And as soon as he had received their oaths, he departed from the Temple unto Johns house the son of Elia­sib, and there spent he all the day, without tasting any meat, by reason of the grief which he had conceiv'd. Hereupon an Edict was publish'd, That all they that were returned from the captivity, should repair within two or three days to Jerusalem (under the penalty that they who defaulted, and came not within the prefixed time, should be held as excommunicate, and their goods confiscate to the publick treasury of the Temple, by the ordinance of the Priests:) They of the Tribes of Juda and Benjamin came thither within three days, on the 20 day of the ninth month, call'd by the Hebrews, Thebeth; and by the Macedonians, Appellaeus. N And as soon as they were seated in the upper part of the Temple in the presence of the Elders,Esdr. 10. v. [...], 10, 11. Esdras arose and reprov'd them, because they had transgress'd the Law, in taking wives who were not of their Nation: For which cause he told them, that if they would do that which were agreeable unto God, and profitable for themselves, they should dis­miss such wives. Whereupon, with a loud voice, they all cried, That they would do it willingly; but that there was no small number of them, and that it was the winter-season, and the matter of that consequence, as one or two days could not end it: For which cause they thought it very needful, that the execution were deferred for a while; and that at the length, some of the Princes who were free from that crime, with certain other chosen Elders of every place, should make inquisition after them that had married O wives contrary to the prescript of the Law. Which being approv'd by them, about the New Moon of the tenth month, this Inquisition began, which continued until the New Moon of the month ensuing: and there were many of the family of Jesus the High-Priest, [Page 284] Priest,The year of the World, 3516. before Christ's Nativity, 458. and of the Priests, Levites, and Israelites, that (making more account of the ob­servation A of the Laws, than of the natural affections to their wives and children) did presently put away their wives, and those children they had by them, and sacrificed cer­tain Rams for a peace-offering unto God: whose names it were needless to reckon up in this place.

When Esdras had in this manner reform'd the abuse committed by such marriages, he so corrected the evil custom thereof, that this confirmation continued firm and irrevoca­ble for ever. In the seventh month, they solemniz'd the Feast of Tabernacles: where­to when all the people were resorted, they all came together in an open place in the Tem­ple, The reading of Moses Law. towards the gate that looketh Eastward, requiring Esdras, that he would read Moses's B Ordinances unto them: which he performed; and standing up in the midst of the mul­titude, Nehem. 8. v. 1. ad 11. he read the Law unto them, from the morning until noon. By which reading, not only for the present, but for the time to come, they were informed of their duty; and calling to mind that which was past, they were so sorrowful, that the tears fell from their eyes, when they consider'd, that if they had kept the Law, they had not suffer'd any of those evils wherewith they had been afflicted. But Esdras beholding them in that state, advis'd them to repair home, and to weep no more, because that day was a solemn and holy day, wherein they ought not to weep, because it was forbidden. But he command­ed them rather to intend their feasts and pleasures, and to make this good use of their re­morse for their former sins, that they might not fall into the like for the time to come. They following Esdras exhortation, began to celebrate the Solemnity, and continued C their feast of Tabernacles eight days. After which time, they returned every one unto his house, praising God in hymns, and thanking Esdras for the reformation of those un­lawful marriages which had been contracted with strangers; after he had gotten great honour among the people, he finish'd his days in an happy old age, and was buried hono­rably in Jerusalem. About the same time also died Joacim the High-Priest, whose son Eliacim succeeded in his place.

After this it came to pass,Nehem. 1. 1. ad 5. that a certain man that was one of the captive Jews, and King Xerxes Butler, called Nehemias, walking before the City of Susa, (which was the Metro­politan City of Persia) heard certain strangers that came from far, upon their entrance into the City, talking with one another in the Hebrew Tongue; whereupon he drew D near unto them, and ask'd them, Whence they [...]ame? They answer'd, That they came from Judea: which as soon as he knew, he inquir'd after the state of Jerusalem, their native City, and how the people fared. To whom they answer'd, That they wer [...] in very bad state, and that their City-walls were demolished, and that the Nations round about them, afflict­ed the Jews with many outrages, making inroads into their Countrey, and spoiling them daily, so that divers of them were led away Prisoners; yea, some Citizens of Jerusalem: and that the High-wayes were found full of dead bodies. Hereupon Nehemias began to weep, (tho­row the compassion he had of his distressed brethren) and looking up towards Heaven, How long (said he) O Lord, wilt thou see our Nation thus afflicted, without taking care of us? Behold how we are made a prey to all men! Whil'st thus he walked before the gate, and E lamented bitterly, word was brought him, that the King was ready to sit down to his meat: whereupon he hasted away to give his attendance, according to his office. As soon as Supper was done, the King grew pleasant, and casting his eyes upon Nehemias, (whom he perceiv'd to be heavy and disconsolate) he ask'd him what he ailed? Nehemias (after he had besought God to give him persuasive words to discourse unto the King) answer'd, O King, how is it possible but that I should be afflicted, when I hear that the walls of Jerusalem, (which is my native Countrey) are levelled with the ground, and the Sepulchres and Monuments of my Predecessors are defaced, and the gates of the City are burned? Do me therefore this grace, that I may go thither, and repair it, and finish the rest of the building of the Temple.

The King gave ear to his request, and promis'd him his Letters, assuring him, That he F would address them to the Governors, commanding them to do him honour, and to furnish him with all things necessary, to accomplish that which he intended. For which cause (said he) cease to be afflicted, and give thy attendance chearfully. Hereupon Nehemias adored God, and thanked the King for the promise he had made him; and therefore by the joy he concei­ved, he cleared that confusion and sorrow, that before he bare in his countenance. The next day the King called for him, and gave him Letters unto Sadeas the Governor of Sy­ria, Phoenicia and Samaria, in which he commanded him to honour Nehemias, and to fur­nish him with all things necessary for that building which he intended. As soon as he came to Babylon, he took divers of his Countreymen with him, who willingly follow'd him, and went with him unto Jerusalem, in the 25 year of the Reign of Xerxes; and after G he had deliver'd his Letters to Sadeas, and the other Governors, he assembled the people of Jerusalem, and standing up in the midst of them, he spake unto the whole Congrega­tion [Page 285] H to this effect:The year of the World, 3519. before Christ's Nativity, 445. You men of Jury, there is none of you but know what care God Almighty hath been pleased to take of our Forefathers, Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, in regard of their piety and love to justice; and he doth still make it evident that he will not abandon us, in that I have obeained favour of the King and permission (by his assistance) to rebuild the Walls of our City, and finish the rest of the Temple. I therefore pray you (who are assuredly persuaded of the envy and hatred the neighbouring Nations bear unto you, Nehemias ha­ving gotten licence and authority to build the walls of Jerusalem, inciteth the people there­unto. who hearing that we are intent upon our building, will overpress us, and labour by all means possible to hinder us) first to re­lie upon Gods Providence, who will oppose himself against the hatred which they bear us, and afterwards to intermit neither day nor night in prosecution of the building, but with all care continue the work, in that the opportunity doth require our diligence. After he had spoken I to this effect, he gave order that the Governors should take the measure of the Wall, and distribute the task among the people,Nehem. 2. v. 1. ad 11. according to the Burroughs and Towns, and to every mans ability: and after he had promised to employ both himself, and all his fami­ly therein, he dismissed the Assembly. Hereupon the Jews (incited by his authority) addressed themselves to the work, and then it was that they first began to give the name of Jews to those of our Nation who returned from the Captivity; and to the Countrey the name of Judea, because it had been heretofore inhabited by those of the Tribe of Juda.

The Ammonites, Moabites, Samaritans, and all the Inhabitants of Coelosyria, understand­ing that the walls were raised with such haste and diligence,Nehem. 4. 1. ad 15. were much troubled, and re­solved K with themselves to lie in ambush, and to hinder them in the prosecution of their work; so that they slew divers Jews, and sought the means likewise to murther Nehemias himself: and having hired certain strangers with money to commit the fact, they [...]ay in wait for him.V. 16. ad fin. They endeavour'd also to terrifie the Jews with vain reports,The ardent care in build­ing the walls of Jerusalem. and by spread­ing certain rumors, that divers Nations intended to make War against them: by which reports (being much troubled) they desisted for a time from the prosecution of their building. Yet none of these things could weaken Nehemia's diligence or resolution, but that (keeping a guard round about him) he diligently prosecuted his design, setting light by all occurrents: so great was his affection to accomplish the work. And therefore he carefully stood upon his guard, not that he fear'd death, but because he was persua­ded, L that his Fellow-Citizens would abate of their courage and resolution, if he con­tinued not with them, to animate them to the prosecution of so holy an enterprize. He commanded likewise, that the Workmen while they wrought, should have their Arms near them, so that both Masons and Labourers carried their Swords.

Moreover, he gave order that they should have their Targets by them; and he placed certain Trumpetters, some 500 foot distant the one from the other, charging them, that as soon as they discover'd the Enemy from any part, they should incontinently sound the alarum, and give notice unto the people to arm themselves, and prepare for the fight, for fear they should be surprized, and found unprovided. He himself also walked the round, about the City by night,The walls of Jerusalem finished. with an indefatigable courage, and without either eating or M sleeping, but only for necessity sake; and this labour endured he for the space of two years, and three months: for the Wall of Jerusalem was built again in that time, in the 28 year of the Reign of Xerxes, and in the ninth month. After the City was fortified, Nehemias and the people offered Sacrifices unto God,Provision for the Priests. and spent eight dayes in feasting. When the rumor was spread abroad that this building was finished, the Inhabitants of Syria were sore displeased. But Nehemias perceiving that the City was weakly manned, besought the Priests and Levites to forsake their dwellings without the City, and to come and dwell within, and to that intent he built them houses upon his own charge. He ordained likewise, that they that intended their Husbandry, should bring the Tenths of their fruits unto Jerusalem, to the intent that the Priests and Levites by enjoying their con­tinual N maintenance,1 Esdras 10. might omit no time in the service of God:The death of Nehemias. wherein he was readily obey'd. By this means, the City of Jerusalem was very well peopled. After that Ne­hemias had honourably accomplish'd divers other worthy actions deserving praise, he died in a good old age. He was a man so good, so just and highly affectionate towards his Countrey: and one to whom they are so much obliged for the benefits which they have receiv'd, that his memory will remain for ever among the Jews.

O

CHAP. VI.The year of the World, 3543. before Christ's Nativity, 421. A
Artaxerxes succeeds his father Xerxes in the Kingdom of Persia, he repudiates Queen Vashti his Wife, and espouseth Esther the Neece of Mardocheus. A man persuades Artaxerxes to banish all the Jews, and to apprehend Mardocheus; but he is hanged, and Mardocheus established in his place.

AFter the death of Xerxes, Hedio & Ruf­finus. cap. 6. the Kingdom fell to Cyrus his son, who by the Grecians was call'd Artaxerxes. Under his government all the race of the Jews, both Men, Women and Children, were in danger to be utterly exterminated: the cause whereof, I B will hereafter declare. But first of all I must speak somewhat of the King, and declare how it came to pass,Esther 1, 2. that he married an Hebrew Woman of the Blood Royal, by whose means (as it is said) our Nation was preserv'd. After that Artaxerxes had taken the Kingdom upon him, and establish'd Governors over 127 Provinces, from India as far as Aethiopia: in the third year of his Reign, he entertain'd and feasted all his Friends with great magnificence, the Nations of Persia likewise with their Governors for 180 days. He feasted after this, for the space of seven days, the Ambassadors of all Nations in the City of Susa, after this manner. There were several Pavilions erected, whose pillars were of gold and silver, cover'd with linnen and scarlet vails, which were of that ex­tent, that divers thousands of Men might take their refection therein. All the enter­tainment C was serv'd up in vessels of gold, enriched with precious stones, very glorious to behold. The King likewise commanded his servants (that attended the feast) that they should enforce no man to drink, by filling continually, according to the manner of the Persians, but to permit every one of the guests to drink according to his discretion. He sent also throughout all the Countrey, commanding a cessation from all labour, and that every one should make Holy-day for many days, and think of nothing but rejoy­cing, C. 1. v. 10, 11. ad finem. and wishing him an happy Reign. The Queen Vashti also made a banquet unto her women in the Royal Palace. Now whereas the King was desirous to shew, that she sur­passed all other women in beauty,Ahasuerus sen­deth for Vashti to grace his feasts; she re­fuseth, and therefore is cast off by him. he sent unto her, commanding her to come to the ban­quet in more Royal manner than the rest of her Attendants: but she, too curiously tied D to the observation of the law of the Persians, (which forbiddeth women to be seen by strangers) went not unto the King; and notwithstanding he sent his Eunuchs divers times unto her, yet persisted she in her refusal to come unto him. Whereupon the King (mo­ved with displeasure) gave over his banquet, and arising, he call'd unto him his seven Counsellers, to whom (according to the custom of the Persians) it belong'd to ex­pound the Laws; and accus'd his wife, telling them how much he had been slighted by her, since having sent for her divers times to accompany him at his banquet, she had re­fus'd to obey him: he therefore commanded them to declare their opinion, what pu­nishment appertain'd to her. One amongst them, call'd Muchaeus, answer'd, That the in­jury was not only offered unto him, but to all the Persians, who should likewise be all in danger of E being after that manner despised by their wives; for that no one of them would acknowledge duty towards their husbands, taking their example from the Queens disobedience, which she shewed towards him, who was the Governor over all. Whereupon he concluded, That she that had thus dishonoured him, should be severely punished: which done, he thought fit that this or­dinance of the Kings, might be published thorow all Nations, that Queen Vashti should be sepa­rated from his bed, and another woman chosen in her place. This determination, confirmed by the consent of the rest of the Magi, very much afflicted the King, because on the one side he was unwilling to act contrary to the Laws of his Countrey, and on the other, he knew not how to put away his Queen, for whom he had so great a passion, by reason of her beauty. Which when his Friends perceiv'd, they counsel'd him to forget the memo­ry F and love of a woman so unprofitable, and to send and seek out thorow all his Coun­tries for the fairest woman amongst them, whom he might choose and take to wife, that by the society of another woman, the great affection which he bare unto Vashti, might be extinguish'd. The King approving of this counsel, sent out certain Messengers and De­puties, commanding them to bring unto him the fairest Virgins that were to be found in his Kingdom: when therefore they had assembled a great number of them, they found in Babylon a young Orphan, (without either father or mother) who was brought up under her Uncle (whose name was Mardocheus) of the Tribe of Benjamin, and one of the greatest men among the Jews. The beauty and modesty of this Virgin were so ex­traordinary, that she rais'd the admiration of all that beheld her. She therefore was de­liver'd G in charge unto one of the Eunuchs, who carefully attended her with all diligence, furnishing her with odors and precious perfumes, according to the custom of noble [Page 287] H women;The year of the World, 3546. before Christ's Nativity, 415. and after this manner were 400 Virgins entertain'd for the space of six months. Now when he that was put in trust with this Commission, thought these Virgins to be sufficiently prepar'd, and that they were fit to come to the Princes bed, he sent every day one unto the King to keep him company: who, after some embraces, sent her presently back again unto the Eunuch. But when Esther came into his presence, he setled his af­fection more on her,The Maiden Esther made Queen. than all the rest; and being surprised with her beauty, he took her for his lawful wife: and the Nuptials were solemnly celebrated in the seventh year of his Reign,Esther 2. 7, 8, 9, 10. and in the 12 month, call'd by us Adar, that is February. And he sent Messen­gers thorow all his Kingdoms,Mardocheus came from Babylon to Susa. to proclaim a Feast in honour of his marriage: he himself also feasted the Persians, and Medes, and the Princes of the Nations, for a whole months I space. At such time as Esther entred into the Royal Palace, he set a Diadem upon her head, and so lived with her, that he never question'd her either of her Birth, or Nation. Her Uncle came from Babylon to Susa, The Kings command that no man should approach his Throne, except he were called. (the chief City of Persia) where every day he walked before the Palace-gate, enquiring how Esther did: for that he lov'd her as dear­ly as if she had been his own daughter. Now the King had made a Law, That no man should approach his presence, upon pain of death, except he were called, during the time that he was on his Throne;Esther 4. 11. and round about his seat there stood certain Officers with their Arms,Mardocheus discovereth the Traytors. ready to punish those who being uncalled should attempt to approach the Throne. The King himself sate aloft, and holding in his hand a golden Scepter, whensoever he intended to save the life of any one that approached his Throne uncal­led, K he stretched forth the same,Esth. 2. 21, 22. and touch'd him therewith: who being thus touch'd, by that means escap'd death. And as touching these things, we have sufficiently spo­ken in this place.

Not long after this, when as Bagathous and Theodestes, two of the Kings Eunuchs, had conspir'd against him; Barnabas, who was of the Hebrew Nation, and one of their ser­vants, being acquainted with their Treason, discover'd it to the Queens Uncle Mardoche­us, who, by her means, inform'd the King of their conspiracy. Who finding out the truth by their examination, he commanded them to be executed on the Gibbet; he for that time gave no recompence to Mardocheus for saving his life, but only commanded his name to be registred in his Records, permitting him to have access to his Palace, as if he had L been one of his Domesticks.Haman being honoured by all men, is ne­glected by the Jews. Now as often as Haman (the son of Amadath an Amale­chite) came unto the Palace to visit the King, all those that were either Persians or stran­gers, (according to the Kings especial direction) did him honour: But Mardocheus shew'd him no honour (because the laws of the Jews forbade it.) Which when Haman had observ'd,Esther 3. 1, 2, 3, 4. he demanded whence he was? And understanding that he was a Jew, he was much displeas'd,C. 5. 9. saying in himself, That the Persians who were of a freer condition, cast themselves prostrate before him, and he that was but a slave, disdained to do the like. Intending therefore to revenge himself on Mardocheus, he thought it not sufficient to procure his punishment at the Kings hands, but resolv'd wholly to exterminate his Race (for he was by Nature an Enemy to the Jews, by reason that the Amalechites, from whom he descend­ed, M had heretofore been conquer'd by them.) Whereupon he address'd himself unto the King, and accus'd them, saying, That there was a certain cursed Nation spread through his whole Kingdom, insociable, and abhorring the customs of other men, who used divers laws and ceremonies, contrary to those of all other Nations, and destructive of the fundamentals of his Kingdom, so that the greatest favour he could do to his Subjects, would be utterly to extermi­nate them. And lest your Majesties Tribute should be any ways impaired by these means, I pro­mise you of mine own Revenues forty thousand talents of silver, Ver. 6. desiring rather willingly to for­bear so much money, The destructi­on of the Jews granted unto Haman. than that your Kingdom should be unpurged of such a cursed Race of men. When Haman had made this his request, the King answer'd, That he forgave him the money, and that he permitted him to deal with that Nation as he thought fit. When Haman had ob­tain'd N his desire, he presently sent forth an Edict thorow all Nations, in the Kings Name, to this effect.

The great King Artaxerxes, unto his Governors of an Hundred and seven and twenty Provinces, extending from India as far as Ethiopia, health.

Having obtained the Empire over so many Nations, and extended my dominion over the World, according to mine own pleasure, and being so little inclined to treat any of our Subjects with rigour, that we rather take great pleasure in affording them some signal marks of our favor and goodness, causing them to enjoy an happy peace, it remains that we seek after those means O that may render this happiness perpetual to them. Being therefore admonished by my friend Haman, (who for his wisdom and justice is more honoured than all other by me; and for his approved fidelity, hath the second place in authority under me) that there is a certain race of [Page 288] men intermingled among you,The year of the World, 3549. before Christ's Nativity, 415. enemies to all mankind, using none but their own laws, and such A that are different from others, disobedient to their Kings, and of depraved manners and customs, that neither submit themselves to our Government, nor promote the welfare and prosperity of our Empire: I will and command, That as soon as Haman shall have made known unto you this our pleasure, (a man whom we hold as dear as our father) they be slain, with their wives and children, so as you spare none of them; not permitting your compassion towards them, to prevail over your obedience to us: And this command we to be done the 14th day of the 12th month of this present year; that in one day cutting off all our enemies, hereafter ye may live in peace and security.

This Edict being spread thorow all places of the Countrey, and publish'd in every B City, all men prepar'd themselves against the prefixed day, utterly to exterminate the Jews, and no less diligence was there used in Susa the Metropolitan City. Mean-while, the King and Haman feasted, and made good cheer, whil'st the City hung in suspence, be­ing troubled with the expectation of the event of that which should follow. But Mar­docheus having intelligence hereof, rent his garments, put on sackcloth, and cast ashes on his head, walking thorow the City, and crying, That their Nation had not committed any crime deserving death: The lamenta­tion of the Jews, upon the hearing of this Edict. and using these, or such like speeches, he came unto the Kings Palace, and stood before the gate, because it was unlawful for him to enter thereinto in that habit: The like also did the Jews that were in the Cities where those Edicts had been publish'd against them, weeping and lamenting their miseries. But when the News C hereof was brought unto the Queen,Esther 4. 1, 2, &c. that Mardocheus stood before the Palace-gate in a deplorable condition, she was much troubled, and sent certain of her servants unto him, to command him to change his attire, but they could not persuade him to put off his sack­cloth, for the cause of his sorrow still remaining, he could not think of laying aside the marks of it. She therefore called unto her her Eunuch Acra [...]heus, and sent him un­to Mardocheus, to know what accident had befaln him, that made him put on his mourn­ing habit, and to afflict himself after that manner, and not at her intreaty to lay aside those marks of his sorrow. Hereupon Mardocheus told the Eunuch of the Edict made against the Jews, and sent by the King unto all his Provinces; the offer of the money that Haman likewise had tender'd to the King, whereby he had bought the utter D ruine of his Nation at the Kings hands; moreover, he gave him the Copy of that which had been proclaim'd in Susan, to be deliver'd unto Esther: whom he intreated to beseech the King, and to esteem it no dishonour to become a Suppliant, to save her Nation, and to preserve the Jews from that death whereunto at that time they were expos'd: since Haman, the next in honour to the King, had accused the Jews, and incens'd his Majesty against them. When Esther understood this, she sent again unto Mardocheus, giving him to understand, That she was not called for by the King; and that whosoever entered unto him, and was not called, should die, except the King would secure him, by stretching out his golden Scepter; for he, unto whom the King was pleased to grant that favor, although he were not cal­led unto him, yet suffered he not death, but obtained pardon. When these things were re­ported E by the Eunuch from Esther unto Mardocheus, he commanded him to tell her, That she ought not so much to tender the particular respect of her life, as the lives of her whole Na­tion; assuring her, that if at that present she had not care of them, their succor should onely proceed from God by some other means than this: Ver. 16, 17. but she and her fathers house should be de­stroyed by them whom she had contemned. Fasting and praying unto God, for the safety of the people. Upon this reply, Esther sent the same messenger back again unto Mardocheus, commanding him to repair unto Susan, and to call a general Assembly of all the Jews that remained there, willing them for three days space to fast and ab­stain from all kind of meat for her safety, and that both her self and her servants would do the like; promising them, that at that time she would present her self unto the King, notwithstand­ing his contrary Edict; and that if she must needs die, she would willingly suffer it. F

Mardocheus observ'd her orders, caused the people to fast, and to pray unto God for her safety; he likewise himself besought him, That it might please him at that present to have compassion on their desolate and distressed Nation, as he had done oftentimes heretofore: and that as he had pardoned them at such time as they had offended, so now also at this present he would deliver them from that perdition which was denounced against them. For that they were not in danger to die infamously for any offence of their own, but because he onely had in­censed Haman, in that he would not adore him, or perform that honour unto him, which is onely due to God: for which cause, in revenge, he had contrived this mischief against them, who would not transgress the divine ordinances. The People likewise pray'd to the like effect, be­seeching God. That he would have care of their preservation, and preserve the Israelites in G what place soever they were, from the misery at hand, which was before their eyes, and already expected by them. Esther also besought God, (according to the manner of her Countrey) [Page 289] H casting her self prostrate on the earth,The year of the World, 3554. before Christ's Nativity, 410. cloathed in sackcloth, and abstaining for three dayes space from meat and drink, and what thing soever else was delectable, beseeching God to have compassion on her, That when she presented herself before the King▪ she might have words fit to persuade and mollifie him, and grace and beauty far more amiable than ever she had, to the end that by those means she might be the better enabled to appease the King, if so be he were displeased with her; C. 5. 1, 2, &c. and to succor her brethren in extreme danger, whereby the King might turn his anger against the enemies of the Jews,Esther resort­eth to the King to sollicit him in the behalf of the Jews. and take compassion of their imminent danger, which, without his prevention, would surely fall upon them. After she had in this sort for three dayes space fasted and prayed, she cast off her mourning attire, and chan­ged her habit, attiring herself as became the Majesty of a Queen, having two of her ser­vants I on whom she leaned, and the third that follow'd her, carried up her train, which was large, and trailed on the ground: and in this equipage came she unto the King, ha­ving her cheeks stained with a modest blush, bringing with her a Majesty mixed with beauty, but her heart was not altogether free from fear. But when she beheld the King sitting aloft on his Throne, glorious in his garments embroider'd with gold, and adorn'd with precious stones, a fear suddenly fell upon her, since he lookt not on her perhaps at first with a favourable countenance; whereupon being astonished, her limbs failed her, her colour faded, and she fell betwixt her handmaids arms into a swound. Hereupon the King (by the will of God) changed his affection, and suddenly leapt from his Throne, and embracing her with both his arms, he raised her up, and kissed her, and spake K comfortably unto her, Praying her to be of good courage, and not to suspect any misfortune, for that she came unto him without any motion of his: That the ordinance was only made for his Subjects, but that she (who was equal with him) should fear nothing: whereupon he took his Scepter in his hand, and laid it on the Queens neck, whereby he deliver'd her from all fear; so that she recovered her vigor and courage, and spake after this man­ner: O King, I cannot easily express unto you the inconvenience that is suddenly fallen upon me; for as soon as I beheld the great and redoubted Majesty of your person, my spirits forsook me, and my heart failed me. Now whil'st she spake these words with pain and feebleness, the King was touched with compassion; so as he animated and encouraged her, and com­manded her to expect nothing but good; yea (said he) if thou demandest the half of L my Kingdom, Ver. 4. 8. I will grant it thee. But Esther only requested this at his hands, that only he and his friend Haman would vouchsafe to grace her with their presence at her banquet: which the King readily granted her. Now when they were come unto the banquet, and in the midst of their cups,Ver. 9. the King commanded Esther to ask what she would, and he would grant it her, assuring her, That he would refuse her in nothing; yea, although she de­manded the half of his Kingdom. But she deferred to discover her suit until the next day, requiring him once more to repair with Haman unto her banquet.

When the King had promised to visit her again, Haman departed with great joy, for that he alone had the credit to banquet with the King and Esther, and no other had ever obtained the like honour amongst any Kings of those Dominions. But in his return, M perceiving Mardocheus in the Court, he was moved, because that (notwithstanding he had lookt upon him) he had not done him honour: when therefore he came home un­to his house,Hamans ha­tred against Mardocheus. he called Zaraza his wife, and his friends, and told them what honour not only the King, but the Queen also had done him; and how he only with the King had supped that day with the Queen, and was invited the next day also to banquet with the King: notwithstanding he told them that he was discontented, because he saw Mardo­cheus the Jew in the Court. Zaraza his wife told him, That he should cause a gallows to be raised fifty cubits high, and that the next day he should demand licence of the King, that Mar­docheus might be hanged on the gibbet. Haman approving of his wives counsel, com­manded his servants to prepare the Timber, and erect the gallows in his Court, to hang N Mardocheus thereon:Ver. 14. which they diligently perform'd. But God, who knew what would come to pass, mocked at Hamans cursed hope; for the very same night he depri­ved the King of sleep, who being not willing to spend the time idlely whil'st he was awake, but to employ it in something that might be profitable for his Kingdom, he commanded his Secretary to bring him the Chronicles of the Kings his Predecessors, and of those things that were done by himself, and to read them to him. When therefore they were brought and read,A laudable custom in a King. he found that a certain man whose name was there set down, had re­ceived a great possession for reward of his virtue. He read likewise of another, that had obtained a recompence for his fidelity,Esth 6. 1, 2. and the like; till at last he came to the place where the Eunuchs Bagotheus and Theodestes, were noted down for a secret conspiracy O against the person of the King,Ver. 3. 4. and how it was discover'd by Mardocheus. Now when the Secretary (having only recited this accident) turned over to another History, the King [Page 290] stayed him,The year of the World, 3554. before Christ's Nativity, 410. and ask'd, If he found therein written, that he had given any recompence to Mar­docheus?A He answer'd, That he found nothing set down. Whereupon the King command­ed him to give over, and inquired of those to whom that office appertain'd, what hour of the night it was: and knowing that the morning was already discover'd, he commanded that some one should certifie him, which of his friends attended before the Palace. At this time it hapned that Haman was found there, who came thither sooner than he was accustomed, with an intent to beseech the King, that he might put Mardocheus to death.

When the officers had brought the King word that Haman was before the Palace, they were commanded presently to call him in. As soon as he came into the Kings presence, he said unto him, Since I am assured that no man hath so great an affection for me as thou hast, I prithee give me thy counsel, how I may condignly honour him, as becometh my self, whom I do B most affectionately love? Haman thinking the advice he should give, should be given for himself, (because he supposed that he only was beloved by the King more than all others) counselled him that which in his opinion was the best, after this manner: If your Majesty shall think fit to express the favors towards the man for whom you pretend an ex­traordinary kindness, Ver. 7, 8, 9. cause him to be mounted upon a brave Horse, and let him be apparelled in a Royal habit, and put a chain of gold about his neck, and let some one of thy chiefest friends march before him, and proclaim throughout the City, That thus is the man honoured, whom the King loveth. The King with great satisfaction received this counsel which Haman thought he had given in favor of himself, and turning towards him, spake thus unto him: Take one of my Horses, a garment of purple, and a chain of gold, and seek out the Jew Mardocheus,C and give them unto him, and march thou before him, making proclamation after that manner which you lately proposed: For (said he) thou art my nearest friend, and it is very fit that the execution of this thing be committed to thy trust, which thou hast so faithfully counselled. And this command I to be done, because Mardocheus hath been the preserver of my life. Ha­man, upon the hearing of these words, beyond all expectation, was no less amazed, than if he had been Thunder-struck; but finding a necessity of giving obedience to a com­mand that was so positive and express, he went out, having with him the horse, the purple habit,Ver. 10. and the chain of gold, and meeting with Mardocheus before the Palace, who was cloathed in sackcloth,Honor offered to Mardo­cheus. he appointed him to lay his mourning habit aside, and to cloath himself in purple. But he (who was wholly ignorant of that which had hapned, and D supposing that he mock'd him) said, O thou most wicked amongst men, doest thou thus mock at our afflictions? Notwithstanding being afterwards inform'd, that the King had bestow­ed this honour on him, for saving his life, and discovering the treachery of those Eunuchs that would have slain him,Ver. 11. he put on the purple robe that the King wore ordinarily, and put the chain about his neck, and afterwards mounting on his Horse, he went round about the City, Haman walking before him, and crying, Thus shall it be done to the man whom the King shall think fit to honour. Ver. 12. Now after they had gone round the City, Mardocheus gave his attendance on the King, but Haman came not into the presence, so much was he ashamed at that which had hapned:Ver. 13. but going home, he told his wife and friends, with tears, all that which had hapned; who told him, That it was no ways possible for him to re­venge E himself as yet on Mardocheus, because God did visibly afford him his assistance.

Whil'st they were thus speaking Esthers Eunuchs came to hasten Haman to the banquet,Esther 7. 1. and Sabuchadas, one of the Eunuchs, seeing the Gibbet erected in Hamans lodging, (whereon he intended to execute Mardocheus) demanded of one of the servants, where­fore it was raised up? And understanding that it was for the Queens Uncle, whom Ha­man would require at the Kings hands to the end he might put him to death, for that time he held his peace. But when the King being seated with Haman at the banquet, re­quired the Queen to declare what she would require that he might grant her,Ver. 2. she began to lament the danger of her people, saying, That she, with her whole Nation, were made a prey to the sword, and that for that cause she brake out into that discourse: For (said she) I F had not troubled your Majesty, Ver. 3, 4. nor been so much grieved, if you had commanded that all the Jews should be sold, and led away Captives to extreme misery; for that affliction might have been born: but since the utter destruction of our whole Nation is designed, I could not but in this case have recourse to your Majesties clemency. Ver. 5, 6. The King much surprized with this dis­course, demanded who it was that formed that design? whereupon she began publickly to accuse Haman, saying, That he alone was that wretched and envious man, who had contrived their tragedy. Hereupon the King was much troubled, and arose from the banquet, and went into the garden: then began Haman to pray, and beseech Esther to forgive him his offence. And whil'st he was fallen upon her bed to beseech her favor, the King entred, and grew the more displeased at that he saw, and said, O thou cursed amongst men, darest G thou attempt to violate my wife? Haman was wholly confounded with this question, so as [Page 291] H he had not a word to answer him. Hereupon the Eunuch Sabuchadas steping forth, accused him for that he had found him in his lodging erecting a gibbet for Mardocheus, assuring the King that one of his houshold Servants had told him it at such time as he was sent to call him to the Banquet; alledging moreover, that the gibbet was fifty Cu­bits high.7, 8 9, 19. Which when the King understood, he adjudged Haman to no other death but that which he intended against Mardocheus; Haman having all his treache­ries and crulty discovered in the banquet, is adjudged to the gallows. and thereupon presently commanded that he should be hanged upon the same gibbet, until he were dead. And here we cannot but admire the Providence of God, in considering his wisdom and justice in that he not only punished the wickedness of Haman (as he had deserved) but also caused him to fall into the same snare which he had prepared for another ma [...]. Thus died I Haman, who had unjustly abused the Kings friendship: as for his goods, they were given unto the Queen.

After this the King called Mardochus unto him (for already he had notice that he was his Wifes Uncle) and gave him the ring which he had given unto Haman: Hesther 8, 1, 2. the Queen likewise gave him his goods,Hamans goods bestowed on Mardocheus. and intreated the King to deliver her from those apprehensions into which she had been cast by those Letters which were sent out by that wicked man Haman in his Majesties name, to the Governours of the several Pro­vinces, with instruction to Massacre the Jews, extirpate and their whole Nation; assuring him that she could not live to behold the death of her brethren, and the total ruine of her Countrey. The King made no difficulty in granting her request, assuring her that K he would not contradict her will, permitting her to write in the Kings name all that she would have done in the behalf of the Jews; promising that when she had done the same, he would Seal it with his own Seal, and give her authority to send it thorow all his Provinces: to the end that they that read those Letters, confirmed by the Kings Seal, should not any wayes oppose the execution of them. Whereupon he sent for his Secretaries of State, commanding them to write unto the Magistrates of all the Nations touching the Jews, and to the Princes and Governors, of one hundred, twenty and seven Provinces, from India as far as Ethiopia. The Contents of which Letters were these.

L Artaxerxes the great King, to the Governours, and those that faithfully rule under us, Health

Many men being puffed up withpride,av. 5, ad finem. by reason of the many benefits and honors,The Kings Letters for the security of the Jews. which they receive throgh the liberality of their benefactors, do not only excercise their pride towards their inferiours, but also are not afraid to wax insolent against those who are the authors of their benefits, extinguishing as much as in them lieth, all manner of gratitude amongst men, and believing that it is in their power to deceive God himself, and rob him of his Justice: so that when the favor of their Princes hath given them power and authority in the Government of their affairs, in stead of applying themselves to the benefit of the publick, they have given M place to the hatred they have conceived against some particular men, and deceived their Princes by false accusations and detractions, and provoked their wrath against those who have not done amiss: whence it cometh to pass, that they have been sometimes in extream danger to lose their life. The proof whereof appeareth not only in ancient Histories (the knowledg whereof we have only obtained by hear-say) but by that likewise which hath been audaciously attempted before our eyes; so that hereafter we ought not to give credit to detractions and accusations nor to such things as men inforce themselves to perswade: but it behoveth every man to judge according to the truth of that he knoweth, and to punish those which are guilty, and to pardon the innocent, in considering their acts, and not the words that are spoken. For it is most no­torious unto all men, that Haman the Son of Amaeath (an Amalechite by Nation, and by that N means a stranger, and not of the Persian blood, but entertained by us) hath in all things enjoyed the fruit of our bounty hitherto; so that he hath been called our father, honoured by all men, and obtained amongst all men, and in all things, the second place after us: yet could he not make a moderate use of his happiness, nor prudently entertain the greatness of his fe­licity; but hath sought means to deprive Mardocheus of his life, who preserved mine; seeking by his fraud and malice to practise the ruine of Esther, the companion of our life and King­dome; and by this means striving to dispossess me of my most faithfull friends, he determined to transfer the Kingdom unto others. Touching my self, in that I know that the Jews, who are by this wretch destinated to die, are no wicked men, but such as live vnder a strict and holy disipline praying God continually that it would please him to continue the Kingdom O in us, and our Successors; I absolve them not only from that penalty, contained in my former Letters sent by Haman (which by these presents I utterly disanul) but my pleasure likewise is, that they be had in all honour. As for him that practised these things, against them, I [Page 292] have caused him and all his race to be hanged before the gates of Susan, according to the just A Judgement of God inflicted on them for their offences. My will and pleasure therefore is, That the Copy of this Letter be sent through all Countreys belonging to us, to the intent that the Jews be suffered to live according to their own Laws, in peace; and that assistance may be given them, to the end they may revenge themselves of those who have offered them outrage in their adversity. And I command that this be done the thirteenth day of the twelfth month called Adar, which is the day that God ordained for their preservation (when they were appointed to be slain) which day I wish may be fortunate to those that love us, and a monument of revenge on those that intended our ruine. My pleasure likewise is, that all men, Cities and Nations should know, that whosoever shall neglect, through obstinacy, to fulfil the tenor of this my Mandate, he shall be pursued with fire and sword: and let these Coppies be set up B throughout all our Dominions; and let each man of the Jews, upon the prefixed day, prepare himself to be revenged on his enemies.

As soon as the Posts had received these Letters, they presently mounted on horsback and rode each of them his appointed way;The Jews re­veng them on their enemies. and Mardocheus being cloathed in a Royal habit, and adorned with a crown of Gold on his head, and a chain of Gold about his neck, came forth: and the Jews of Susan, seeing him thus honoured by the King, sup­posed that his good success was an assurance of their own: and when the Kings Let­ters were published; The Jews lookt upon them as a favourable ray of light which portended their deliverance, and their enemies were in so great fear that divers of other C Nations circumcised themselves, supposing in that so doing they should be in security. For the thirteenth day of the twelfth month (by the Hebrews called Adar, and by the Mecedonians Distre) the posts that carried the Kings letters certified them, that they should exterminate their enemies on that very day whereon they themselves were in danger to be exterminated. The Governors likewise of the Provinces, the Lords and chief Magistrates, did honour to the Jews: for the fear they had of Mardocehus, and after the Kings Letters were published, it came to pass that the Jews slew about five hundred of their enemies. Within the City of Susa the King declared unto Esther the num­ber of the dead that perished in the City,Esther 9. v. 2. 5, 10, 13. and suspecting what might happen thorow the whole Countrey, he asked her if she requested any further matter, promising her that D he would see it executed: she besought him that it might be lawful for the Jews to revenge themselves yet once more the next day upon their enemies, and to hang Hamans ten Sons upon the gibbet: which the King (being loth to contradict Esther) per­mitted, so that on the 14. day of the Month Distre, they slew about three hundred more of their enemies; without taking the smallest portion of their goods. Furthermore the Jews slew in the Countrey, and in the Cities, about sixty five thousand of their enemies, whom they dispatched the thirteenth day of the month, and solemnized the day following in mirth and feasting. The Jews that were at Susan assembled themselves likewise on the fourteenth day of the month, and banquetted that whole day. Whence it cometh to pass, that all the Jews which are throughout the world, keep and solemnize E this day for a festival, and send Presents the one unto the other. Mardocheus also wrote unto the Jews, who lived under the Empire of Artaxerxes, commanding them to ob­serve those dayes, and to solemnize them; willing them to charge their Successors to do the like, to the end that this feast might continue for ever. For since on that day they should have been destroyed by Haman, they should do well if after they had esca­ped that danger, and taken revenge on their enemies, they should observe the same day to give thanks to God: For this cause the Jews keep a solemn feast on these dayes, and call it Purim, that is to say, Lotts. But Mardocheus was great and powerfull with the King, Governing the whole Kingdom under him, and had also all the power that could be conferred on him by the Queen; and for this cause the affairs of the Jews had F better success than was hoped, but there was nothing during the whole reign of Artaxerxes which hapned to be of greater importanance than this which we are going to relate.C. 10 per to­tum Puraea festa. Mardo­cheus authority

G

H CHAP. VII.The year of the World, 3584. before Christ's Nativity, 380.
John the High-Priest, kills Jesus his brother in the Temple. Manasses the brother of Jaddus the High-Priest, espouseth the daughter of Sanaballath Governor of Samaria.

AFter the death of Eliasib the High-Priest, Judas his son succeeded in the office. And Judas being dead,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 7. John his son obtained the place, and was the cause that Bagoses, General of Artaxerxes Army,The revenge taken of John for slaying his brother. polluted the Temple, and made the Jews tributaries; so I that before they could offer their ordinary and daily sacrifices, they were compelled to pay for every Lamb 50 drachmes, which hapned upon this occasion: John had a brother called Jesus, whom Bagoses favoured, and promised to give him the High-Priesthood. One day these two Brethren being in the Temple, they fell out about the succession, and the quarrel rose so high, that John slew his brother Jesus in that holy place. It was a thing very strange, that John being a Priest, should commit such an impiety against his brother; and yet far more strange, in that so cruel an act, and an offence so impious, hath neither hapned amongst Greeks nor Barbarians. But God left it not unpunished, in that for the same sin the people lost their liberty, and the Temple was polluted by the Persians. When Bagoses had intelligence, that John (the High-Priest among the Jews) had slain his brother Jesus in the Temple,Jaddus High-Priest, whose brother Ma­nasses marrieth Sanaballaths daughter. he came thither in all haste, and began to break K forth into bitter threats against the Jews, Have you (said he) been so bold as to commit murther in your Temple? And when he attempted to enter, they hindered him. Where­upon he replied. Am I therefore more polluted than the body that lieth dead in the Temple? And having spoken thus, he entred thereinto, and for the space of seven years Bagoses being thus incensed against the Jews, punish'd them for murthering Jesus. After that John was deceased, Jaddus his son was made High-Priest, who had a brother called Ma­nasses: Sanaballath sent by the late King Darius to govern Samaria, (for he also was of the race of the Chuteans, from whom came the Samaritans) knowing that Jerusalem was a famous City, and that the Kings thereof wrought much trouble unto the Inhabitants of Assyria, and Coelosyria; he willingly marrieth his daughter Nicasis to this Manasses, with L an intent that this Marriage should be as a pledge of his good will to the Nation of the Jews.

CHAP. VIII.
Alexander the great King of Macedonia, passeth out of Europe into Asia, destroyes the Empire of the Persians; and when it was believed that he would have de­molish'd the City of Jerusalem, he pardons the Jews, and treats them very favourably.

M ABout this time, Philip King of Macedon died in the City of Aegaea, being traiterously slain by Pausanias the son of Cerastes, Alexander made King af­ter Philip his father King of Macedon. of the race of Orestes, and his son Alexander succeeded him in the kingdom; who passing over the Hellespont, gave battel unto the huge Army of Darius near the River Granic, and there obtained a famous victory. And hereupon also invading the Countrey of Lydia, (after he had conquered Jonia, and over-run Caria) he fell upon the quarters of Pamphilia, as is declared in another place. But the Elders of Jerusalem were much displeased, that Jaddus's brother, who was at that time High Priest, and had married a foreign Woman, should be companion and associate with him in the Priesthood, so as they mutined against him. For they supposed that that Marriage would be but a means to animate those who had a mind to profane Marriages, N and prove an inducement to others to communicate in Marriage with strangers: calling to mind, that the cause of their evils, and first captivity was, because some of them had fallen, and offended, by coupling themselves with Women of foreign Nations.

They therefore commanded Manasses either to forsake his Wife, or else never more to approach the Altar. The High-Priest likewise being incensed against his brother, as well as the People, drave him in like manner from the Sacrifice. For which cause, Manasses (addressing himself to his Father-in-law Sanaballath) told him,Manasses un­der hope of greater for­tunes, retai­neth the foreign wife he had. That although he loved his daughter Nicasis very intirely, yet would he not condescend for her sake to be deprived of the Priesthood (which was the greatest dignity that could be among their Nation, and which had ever continued in his race.) Whereupon Sanaballath answer'd and promis'd him, That he O would not only continue him in the Priesthood, but also would give him the power and dignity of the High-Priesthood, and make him Governor of all places that he commanded, provided the [Page 294] Marriage solemnized betwixt his daughter and him, The year of the World, 3630. before Christ's Nativity, 334. were continued. He furthermore assured A him, That he would build a Temple, resembling that in Jerusalem, upon the Mountain of Gar­zim, which was the highest in all the Countrey, permitting him to do the same with Darius's con­sent. Manasses puffed up by these promises, remaineth with Sanaballath, and grew in hopes that he should obtain the Priesthood by Darius's means: for Sanaballath was very old.The Apostasie of the Priests. Whereas divers others, both Priests and common People among the Israelites, were intangled in such Marriages, there arose no small commotion in Jerusalem. For all they of this condition retired themselves to Manasses, whom Sanaballath furnished with mo­ney, and lands to till, and houses to inhabit, to favour the ambition of his Son-in-law.

At the same time Darius understanding that Alexander having passed the Hellespont, had B overcome those Governors,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 8. whom he had placed near unto the River Granicus, and that he passed further, spoiling his Countrey; he gathered together his Horsemen and Foot­men, resolving to make head against the Macedonians, before they should gain all Asia: he therefore passed Euphrates, and Mount Taurus in Cilicia, to encounter his enemies. Sana­ballath joyful at Darius's approach, incontinently told Manasses, that he would fulfill his promise, as soon as Darius should return from the conquest of his enemies. For not on­ly he, but also all the Asians persuaded themselves most assuredly, that the Macedonians would not abide the battel against the Persians, Alexander's victory against Darius. by reason of their great multitude; but it fell out altogether contrary to their expectation. For the Persian encountering with the Macedonians, was overcome; and after he had lost the greater part of his Army, and C left his Mother, Wife and Children Prisoners, he himself fled into Persia. Alexander ar­riving in Syria, seized on Damascus, took Sidon, and besieged Tyre: and by his letters send­ing unto Jaddus the High-Priest of the Jews, he required him to send him some supplies, and to sell his Army victuals for their money; assuring him, That if he desired the friend­ship of the Macedonians, he would give him that tribute which he paid to Darius, and he should have no cause to repent of the choice which he should make. The High-Priest answered Alex­anders Messenger, That he had sworn unto Darius never to bear Arms against him, during his life-time; against which oath of his, he could not act. Which when Alexander heard, he was displeased, but resolved notwithstanding to continue the siege at Tyre, until such time as it should be taken; yet threatned he, that as soon as he had taken it, he would lead D forth his Army against the High-Priest, to the end that all Men might know to whom they ought to keep their faith. For which cause, sparing no labour, he overcame Tyre; and after he had given order for the settlement thereof, he came unto Gaza, and took it with Bahemeses the Captain of the Garison that held it. But Sanaballath finding a fit oppor­tunity to make himself great, forsook Darius, and followed Alexander, leading with him eight thousand of his Subjects: and coming to him at the beginning of the siege of Tyre, he offered to surrender to him all those places wherein he commanded, acknowledging him for his Lord more willingly than he had Darius. Alexander received him graciously: whereupon, Sanaballath informed him of his condition, and let him understand, that Ma­nasses (who was brother to Jaddus the High-Priest of the Jews) was his Son-in-law,E who with divers of the same Nation, were desirous to build them a Temple in the Coun­tries under his dominion, assuring the King of much profit thereby, because in so doing, the force of the Jews would be dismembred into two parts, and they could not conspire together to make any new insurrection or trouble, as in times past they had done during the Government of the Kings of Asiria.

When Sanaballath had permission from Alexander to build his Temple, with the greatest speed he might he finished the same,Manasses en­joyeth his de­sire. and made Manasses the High-Priest thereof, suppo­sing that it was the greatest advantage that might happen to his daughters children. Seven months after the surrender of Tyre, and two after the taking of Gaza, Sanaballath died. Alexander also razed Gaza, and prepared himself to come suddenly upon Jerusa­lem. F Which when the High-Priest Jaddus understood, he was much grieved, and afraid, not knowing how to gain the favour of the Macedonians: and on the other side, know­ing that the King was displeased with him, (because heretofore he had disobeyed him:) He commanded the people to make their prayers unto God, and he in his own person offered sacrifice; beseeching God that it would please him to be a shield of defence and succor to their Nation, and to deliver them from those imminent dangers where­with they were threatned. But the next night following, whil'st he slept, God appeared unto him, and commanded him to be of good courage, and that as soon as he had gone about the Wall, he should open the Gates boldly, and command the rest of the people to attire themselves in white; and that accompanied with them, he should march for­wards G in those Priestly ornaments which were appointed by the Law, to the end that in [Page 295] H this equipage they might go and meet with Alexander, without any apprehension of fu­ture evil, because he would protect them. As soon as he awaked from his sleep, he was very joyful; and related this Revelation from God; and performing that which had been commanded him, he expected in this manner the approach of the King; and when he knew that he was not far off from the City, he marched forth to meet him, accompanied with the Priests,Alexander in­tending to be­siege Jerusa­lem, meeteth with the High-Priest and peo­ple in white, and is honora­bly received by them, and do [...] them honor in memory of his vision that ap­peared unto him in the like habit. and a multitude of other people, giving him a most Royal entertain­ment, and far different from that of other Nations, near unto a place called Sapha, which word signifieth a Watch, (by reason that from that place a man may discover the City and Temple of Jerusalem.) The Phoenicians and Chaldeans that were in Alexanders Ar­my, grounding their hopes upon his displeasure, doubted not but that he would give I them leave to sack the City, and to hew the High-Priest in pieces: but it fell out quite contrary; for Alexander espying the People from afar in white Rayments, and the Priests going before them in their Rochets, and the High-Priest attired in a Robe of Purple, broidered with Gold, having his Mitre on his head, and his plate of Gold wherein the Name of God was written, Alexander himself marched forward before the rest of his company, and fell prostrate on his face before that Name, saluting first of all the High Priest; and at the same instant, all the Jews together saluted the King with one voice, and encompassed him round about. The Kings of Syria and the rest that saw that which hapned, were wonderfully astonished, and thought that the King was out of his wits: Parmenio only drew near unto him, and ask'd him, what he meant, to adore the Priest of the K Jews, whereas all other men adored him? To whom he answer'd, I do not adore him, but that God whom the Priest worshippeth: for in my sleep I saw him in such a habit, as I see him in at this present, at such time as I was in Dio a City of Macedonia: and whilest I consulted with my self by what means I might attain to the conquest of Asia, he counselled me to make no de­lay, but to march forward boldly, assuring me, that it would be he that would guide both me and mine Army, and would deliver the Empire of the Persians into my hands. Since that time, I have not seen any one attired after the same manner: and at this present beholding this man, and calling to mind the vision and exhortation that he gave me in my sleep, I hope that mine Army being conducted by divine providence, I shall overcome Darius, and discomfit the Persi­ans, and that my designs shall have a happy issue.

L When he had thus answer'd Parmenio, Alexander's sacrifice in the Temple, the confirmation of his conquest by Daniel's prophecy, his bounty to the Jews. he gave the High-Priest his hand, and went with him into the City, being conducted by the Priests: after this, when he came into the Temple, he offered sacrifice, according to the High-Priests direction, whom he honoured likewise with very great reverence. And when Jaddus shewed him the Prophecy of Daniel, wherein he declared that a certain man of the Nation of the Greeks, should de­stroy the Empire of the Persians, and that in his opinion he was the man; Alexander was very joyful, and dismissed the multitude that attended him, for that time. The next day assembling the Jews, he commanded them to let him know, what favors they desired at his hands. Whereupon the High-Priest answer'd, That he desired that they might be permitted to live according to the Laws and Customs of their Forefathers, and that every seventh year they M might be exempted from tributes. Which was granted them fully. They besought him likewise, That by his permission, the Jews that were in the Countries of Babylon and Media, might live according to their laws. And he promis'd them willingly to do all that which they desired. He made Proclamation also among the People, That if any one of them would bear Arms under him, (and live according to the custom of their Nation) he was ready to re­ceive them: whereupon divers listed themselves under him in the Wars.

After that Alexander had thus behaved himself at Jerusalem, he marched with his Army against the neighbouring Cities; and wheresoever he went, he was received with great affection. But the Samaritans, whose Metropolitan City at that time was Sichem (scitu­ate near unto the Mountain of Garizim, in which there dwelt divers Jews also, that were N revolted from their Nation) seeing how favourably Alexander had received those of Jerusalem, they resolved to profess themselves to be Jews. For such is the nature of the Samaritans, (as we have declared heretofore) that when the Jews are in affliction, they renounce all alliance with them, (wherein they confess the truth:) But when they per­ceive our Affairs to be in prosperous condition,The Samari­tans be kins­men to the Jews in pro­sperity, stran­gers in adversi­ty. they endeavour to persuade the World that we are both sprung from the same original, and are descended of the race of Ephraim and Manasses, the sons of Joseph. They came therefore to the Kings presence, and met him near unto Jerusalem, with great magnificence, and demonstration of singular affection towards him. And after that Alexander had entertained them, they of Sichem approach­ed near unto him, (being accompanied with those Men of War that Sanaballath had sent O unto the King) beseeching him, That he would visit their City, and honour their Temple with his presence: whereupon he promised, That at his return he would visit them. They requi­red [Page 296] him also,The year of the World, 3632. before Christ's Nativity, 332. That he would acquit them of the Tribute of the seventh year, because they did A not sowe in the same. He ask'd them, Who they were that made that request? They answer'd him, That they were Hebrews; but that they were called Sichemites by the Sidonians. He ask'd them again, If they were Jews? And they said, They were not. Well (said he) I have made this grant unto the Jews:The Temple on the Mount of Garizim. when therefore I shall return, and be more particularly in­formed, I shall do that which shall be requisite. Thus dismissed he the Sichemites, but he commanded Sanaballaths Men of War to follow him into Egypt, Onias, son of Jaddus High-Priest. promising in that place to give them possessions by lot; which afterwards he did, (enjoining them to live in Garison in the City of Thebais, to make good that Countrey.) After Alexander's death, his Empire was divided amongst his Successors, and the Temple built near unto Mount B Garizim, remained entire. And if any one were accused in Jerusalem for eating unlaw­ful meats, or for breaking the Sabbath, or for any such like fault, he fled unto the Siche­mites, saying, That he was accused unjustly. In that time deceased the High-Priest Jaddus: and Onias, his son, succeeded him. This was the state of the Inhabitants of Jerusalem at that time.

CDEFG
H

The Twelfth Book of the Antiquities of the JEWS;The year of the World, 3643. before Christ's Nativity, 321.

The Contents of the Chapters of the Twelfth Book.
  • 1. Ptolomey the Son of Lagus is made Governour of Jerusalem, and the rest of Judaea, by a stratagem, and leadeth divers Jews with him Prisoners into Egypt.
  • I2. Ptolomey Philadelphus translateth the Laws of the Jews into the Greek tongue, and dismissing divers Captives of that Nation, he dedicateth many presents to the Temple of God.
  • 3. In what estimation the Jews were with the Kings of Asia, and how the freedome of those Cities which they built, was granted them.
  • 4. Joseph the Son of Tobias driveth away the Jews imminent calamity, by reason of his friendship with King Ptolomey.
  • 5. The friendship and society between the Lacedaemonians, and Onias the High Priest of the Jews.
  • 6. The Jews distracted by seditions, call Antiochus to their assistance.
  • 7. How Antiochus leading his Army to Jerusalem, and taking the City, spoyled the Temple.
  • K8. Antiochus forbiddeth the Jews to use the Laws of their forefathers, the Son of Asmonaeus, called Matthias, contemned the King, and put his Captains to flight.
  • 9. Mathias being dead, Judas his Son succeeded him.
  • 10. Apollonius, a Captain of Antiochus, is overcome in Jewry, and slain.
  • 11. The overthrow and death of Lysias and Gorgias sent out against the Jews.
  • 12. How dividing their Armys, Simon overcame the Tyrants, and Ptolomaidans, and Judas the Ammonites.
  • 13. The death of Antiochus Epiphanes among the Persians.
  • 14. Antiochus Eupator overthrowing the Army of the Jews, besieged Judas in the Temple.
  • 15. Antiochus giving over his siege, plighteth a league of friendship with Judas.
  • L16. Bacchides a Captain belonging to Demetrius, being sent with his Army against the Jews returneth back to the King, without success.
  • 17. Nicanor elected Captain after Bacchides, and sent out against the Jews, is slain with his whole Army.
  • 18 Bacchides sent out once more against the Jews, overcometh them.
  • 19. How Judas being overcome in battle, is slain.

CHAP. I.
After the death of Alexander the Great his Army is divided amongst his Captains. M Ptolomey one of the chife of them, makes himself Master of Jerusalem by surprise, sends several Colonies of Jews into Egypt, and puts great con­fidence in them; continual Wars betwixt the Inhabitants of Jerusalem and the Samaritans.

ALexander King of Macedon having overcome the Persians and establisht the state of the Jews (according as hath been related) departed this life.The death of Alexander, and the Wars of his succs­sors. Whereupon his Dominions and Kingdoms fell into divers mens hands; Antigonus made himself Governor of Asia: Seleucus of Babylon, and the bordering Nations:Jerusalem sur­prized by policy, and the Jews lead way captive. Lysimachus had the Hellespont: Cassander Macedon: and N Ptolomey the Son of Lagus held Egypt▪ Now when these men were at discord amongst themselves (whilest each of them affected the soveraignty, and fought the one against the other) they raised divers great and bloody Wars, which ruined many Cities and destroyed great numbers of their Inhabitants. Syria had sufficient experience of all these miseries under the Government of Ptolomey the Son of Lagus surnamed Soter a Title which he little deserved. He it was that seized on Jerusalem by a stratagem; for he entred the City upon a Sabbath day, under pretext to offer sacrifice; and whilst the Jews suspected nothing but spent the day in ease and idleness, he surprised the City without resistance, and made the Citizens captives. Agatharchides the Cnidian (who wrote the Acts of Alexanders succes­sors, testifieth the same) reproaching us of superstition; as if by that means we lost our City. O He writeth to this effect; There is a certain Nation, which are called Jews who inhabit a City which is call'd Jerusalem, both strong and mighty. They suffered it to fall into Ptolomeys hands, because they would not stand upon their guard; and through their unseasonable [Page 296] [...] [Page 297] [...] [Page 298] superstition they permitted themselves to be subdued by a Tyrant conquerour.The year of the World, 3634. before Christ's Nativity, 321. See A here what Agatharchides saith in this place of our Nation: But Ptolomey leading away with him divers prisoners from the better quarters of Judaea, and the places near unto Jerusalem, of Samaria and mount Garzim, sent them into Egypt to inhabit there: and being assured that those of Jerusalem were most firm in maintaining their oaths and promises, according as it appeared by their answer made to Alexander, when after the discomfiture of Darius, he sent Ambassadors unto them: he put divers of them into his Garrisons, giving them the same priviledges in the City of Alexandria, which the Macedonians had. After he had received their oath, that they should be faithful unto him and his successours, in memory of the great trust and favours he had bestowed on them, many of the other Jews likewise of their own accord went into Egypt, partly B allured thereunto by the plenty of the countrey,Sedition be­twixt the Jews and Samari­tans as touch­ing the Tem­ple. partly by the liberality of Ptolomey to­wards their Nation. Yet were there continual quarels betwixt their posterity and the Samaritans: because they would keep and maintain the customes and ordinances of their forefathers; whereupon divers wars arose amongst them. For they of Jerusalem said that their Temple was the true Sanctuary of God, and would have the offerings and sacrifices sent thither; the Samaritans on the other side commanded them to be brought to the mount Garazim.

CHAP. II.
Ptolomey Philadelphus caused the Laws of the Jews to be translated into C the Greek tongue: and dismissing many Captive Jews, dedicateth many presents to the Temple of God.

AFter the death of Ptolomeus Soter his Son Ptolomeus Philadelphus succeeded in the Kingdom of Egyptt, Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 2. and held it for nine and thirty years space, he it was that translated the law into the Greek tongue, and delivered the Jews from that servitude, wherein they were inthralled in Egypt to the number of sixscore thousand upon this oc­casion. [...] library of Ptolomey Phyladelphus. Demetrius Phalereus Master of the Kings Library, endeavoured to make a col­lection of all sorts of Books that were in the world, and brought all which he thought would be agreeable to the King, who was very curious in his collection of Books.D The Kings demanding one day how many thousands of Volumes he had already gather­ed: he answered him, that he had already gott about two hundred thousand Volums; but that shortly he hoped to have to the number of five hundred thousand. Besides he told him, that he had been lately informed that there ware divers Volumes, among the Jews wherein many things touching their Laws and policies were written which were worthy to be known and deserved a place in so memorable and famous a Liberary but that it would be very difficult to translate them into the Greek tongue, for their characters seem to have some relation to the Syriack, and their pronunciation likewise is not much different from it; notwithstanding they have their phrase proper and peculiar unto themselves. But nevertheless he believed it might be done, since his Majesty would E not think much of any charge; the King approved of this proposal, and wrote unto the High Priest of the Jews to help him to these books. In the mean time a certa [...]n man called Aristaeus, who was intirely beloved by the King by reason of his modesty and had divers times resolved with himself to solicit the King, to dismisse all the Jews that were in his Kingdom, supposing that at that instant he had a fit oppertunity to make his request, he spake unto Sosibus to Terentin, and Andrew the chief Captain of the Kings guard, beseeching them to favour him in that which he intended to move to the King. Having found how they stood inclined, he addressed himself unto the King, and spake unto him after this manner. Since your Majesty hath resolved not only to transcribe, F but also to translate the laws of the Jews I should not speak to your Majesty with that free­dom and sincerity which I ought to use, if I should not inform you that I know not how this can be fairly done at the same time that detain as your slaves so great a number of Jews with­in your Kingdom of Egypt? You will therefore do a work answerable to the greatness of your courage and benignity if you deliver them from their misery, considering that he who gave them their law is God, who governeth your Kingdom (as by diligent inquiry I have certainly learnt) for both they and we adore one God, Creator of all things, whom we call by the name of Jupiter, for as much as he preserveth our life and the lives of all men. For that honour therefore which you owe unto God, send back these people into their Countrey, and permit them to inhabit it, who amongst all men are most singularly affected to their Religion. Neither hath your G grace occasion to suspect, that I make this address unto you, because I am either allied or descended of any of their Tribes; But only for this reason because I am assured that there is but one God, who is the Maker of all men, and that he taketh pleasure in those that [Page 299] H addict themselves to beneficence. The year of the World, 3684. before Christ's Nativity, 280. When Aristeus had spoken thus, the King beholding him with a cheerful countenance, ask'd him, How many thousands he thought they were, whose liberty he desired? Andrew (being nigh at hand) answer'd, That there were more than 120000. Whereupon the King replied, Is this demand, Aristeus, a matter of small conse­quence, which thou requirest? Sosibius and Tarentin replied, That he could do nothing more worthy of himself, then by such an action, to acknowledge the great obligations which God had laid upon him, in raising him to the Throne. The King being well-pleased to see them so unanimous in their request, promised that the Jews should be set at liberty, and that he would pay unto his Soldiers 120 drachmes for each Jew that was his slave: and touching the request made by them, he promis'd them to dispatch his Letters Patents, in most am­ple I manner, to bring an happy issue to Aristeus suit; or rather to satisfie the Will of God, which was chiefly to be regarded. Hereupon he sent out his Proclamation, declaring, That he not only set them at liberty, who had been brought thither by his Father, or those of his Army who attended him; but those also who heretofore had been in his Kingdom, or lately had been brought thither: And notwithstanding it was told him, that the money that would be required for their ransom, would amount to more than 400 Talents, yet ceased he not to confirm that which he had promised. But that it may more plainly appear how great his Royal magnificence was, I thought good to insert in this place the Copy of the Edict, which he sent abroad, to this effect:

K Whosoever of you that in my Fathers service (by bearing Arms under him) have made any inroads into Syria and Phoenicia, The King of Egypts Pro­clamation tou­ching the li­berty of the Jews, sollici­ted by Ari­steus. and after the conquest of Judea, have taken any Prisoners, and brought them into our Cities and Countries, with intent to sell them: All they also, who have heretofore detained any, or at this present have any such Captives in their possession, they are com­manded hereby, to set them at liberty that live under their thraldom, receiving for the ransom of every person 120 drachmes; if they are Soldiers, at such time as their wages shall be paid them: as for the rest, they shall receive their money out of the Kings Treasury. For I am persuaded, that it was contrary to my Fathers intent, and against all right, that they have been taken Priso­ners, and that their Country hath been harassed by the insolency of the Soldiers, who have thought to make their profit and merchandize by them by bringing them into Egypt. Having therefore L an especial regard to justice, and intending to shew mercy to those who are wrongfully oppressed, I command that all those Jews who are detained in servitude be discharged, and that they who hold them captive, receive the ransom promised by us, so as no deceit or fraud be used therein. And to the end that our ordinance be exactly and fully observed, our Will is, That this Edict of ours be publickly proclaimed three days after it shall come unto your hands; and that those who hold such Prisoners in their possession, declare how many Prisoners they have. Moreover, it shall be lawful for any man that will, to accuse such as obey not this Edict; and our pleasure is, that such as shall not observe it, shall have their goods confiscated to the Kings use.

When this Edict of the Kings, published to this effect, was proclaimed abroad, and M that only point was omitted, that concerned those that before-time had been, and after­wards the second time were led away Prisoners, in whose behalf he had given no di­rection, he shewed himself most bountiful in like manner toward these; and gave order that the number and tallie should be speedily gathered, and the money distributed to the Commissioners and Treasurers appertaining to him. This was dispatched in the space of seven dayes, all the Kings ordinance was accomplished, and there was laid out for the ransoms of them all, to the sum of more than 460 Talents: For the Masters exacted six­score drachmes for the children also, grounding themselves upon the Kings Edict, by which it was ordained that for every person they should have that sum, extending the same even unto children.

N After this extraordinary munificence, according to the Kings command, he appointed Demetrius to make a Decree, touching the Translation of the Books of the Jews. For the King did nothing rashly, but administred all things with great wisdom and circum­spection; and therefore the Copy of Demetrius Proposal, and the Letters sent to this effect, are registred, and recorded in writing: the number likewise of the Presents that were sent, and by whom they were offered. So that whosoever shall behold them, he will judge by the curious workmanship, the great skill of the Workman; and by the excellencies of the pieces, he will know by whom each of them was fashioned. The Copy of the advice given by Demetrius, is this:

O

Demetrius to the great King, Health.A

Most mighty Prince, since you have committed the trust unto me to find out such Books as are wanting to your Library,Demetrius ex­hortatory Let­ter to Ptolomy, touching his Library. and to search for such Volumes as hitherto have been hid from my sight, to the end that I might gather them together after that I had used herein all the care that was possible; I have found, that amongst others, we want the Books of the Laws of the Jews. For they being written in Hebrew Characters, we have no notice thereof; nor have we taken the pains to inquire after them, because your Majesty hath not as yet thought fit to desire them. But I think it necessary, that your Majesty should have them procured, and that they be faithfully B Translated, because those Laws proceeded from God himself; and it is most certain, that of all other Laws in the World, they are the wisest and incorruptest. For which cause, Hecateus the Abderite saith, That neither Poets nor Historians have made any mention of them, nor of those that have been governed under the same: because in themselves they are pure, and are not to be published by the mouth of the profane. May it therefore please your Majesty to write unto the High-Priest of the Jews, commanding him to send you six of every Tribe, such as he shall know to be most expert in their Law, by whom we may clearly apprehend the sence contained in those Books, to the end that having the faithful interpretation of those things that are contained therein, we may collect and gather them together, to the satisfaction of your Majesty.

When the King had in this manner been advised, he wrote unto Eleazar the High-Priest C of the Jews, The Kings li­berality to­wards the Jews. touching this matter: letting him know what liberty was by him granted unto the Jews that were in his kingdom: He sent him also 50 Talents of gold, to make cups, ewers and vessels, with an infinite number of precious stones, commanding his Cofferers, who had the charge of his Jewels, to suffer the Workmen to choose what stones they liked best. Furthermore, he appointed that a hundred Talents should be given for the sacrifices and oblations, and other uses of the Temple. But after that I have declared what was the Copy of the Letter sent unto Eleazar the High-Priest, and the manner how he obtained that Sacerdotal dignity, I will give an account of the rich Presents, and their curious Workmanship.

After the death of Onias the High-Priest, his son Simon sirnamed the Just, succeeded D in his place, who for that cause was so called, by reason of the piety which he shewed to­ward God, and good affection which he bare unto his Countreymen. This Simon dying, and leaving behind him one onely son, of young and tender years, who was called Onias: his brother (which was this Eleazar of whom we speak at this present) took upon him the Priesthood, and to him wrote Ptolomy, in such manner as is hereafter expressed.

King Ptolomy to the High-Priest Eleazar, Health.

Whereas divers Jews dwelt in my kingdom, whom my father had honoured, (though du­ring the Reign of the Persians they were sent thither as Prisoners) and made some of them E Captains in his Wars,Ptolomy's Epi­stle to Eleazar for Interpre­te [...]s to tran­slate the Bible. allowing them honourable wages and conditions: To others born in his time in Egypt, he hath committed his Forts and Garisons, which made them much honoured and feared among the Egyptians. Since my coming to the Government, I have behaved my self graciously towards all men, and especially toward those of your Nation, of whom I have delive­red more than 100000 out of Captivity, paying their ransom out of mine own Coffers: I have likewise listed some of those that were of age in the companies and bands of my men of War: I have received some into my Court, whom I took to be faithful and loyal, and in my opinion well worthy of such preferment; supposing this to be the most acceptable Present that I could offer up unto God, for his Providence in advancing me to the Kingdom. And being desirous not only to gratifie them, but also all those Jews that are in the whole world, I have determined to cause F your Law to be Translated, out of Hebrew into Greek, that I might put it in my Library. You shall therefore do well, if you choose out six discreet and learned men of every Tribe amongst you, and send them unto me, such as by reason of their age shall be well instructed in your Laws, and sufficiently enabled to expound the same. And I doubt not but that (the work succeeding as I hope it will) I shall thereby gain great glory. Wherefore I send unto you Andrew the chiefest Captain of my Guard, and Aristeus also, (whom we especially honour) to confer with you: by whom I have sent you 100 Talents of silver, as the first-fruits of those gifts and sacri­fices, which we intend to offer in the Temple. You will do us an especial favor, if you signifie your mind unto us by your Letters.G

As soon as Eleazar had received the Kings Letters, he returned him an answer full of respect, as followeth.

A The High Priest Eleazar to King Ptolomey, health.

If your self, your Queen Arsinoe, and your children be in health, we do very much re­joyce thereat. We have received your Princely Letters with no small joy, and have read and considered the contents thereof; we have also published them in the presence of all the People, and have declared unto them your piety towards God, and have shewed them those vesselles which you sent us, twenty of Gold, and thirty of silver; with five vessells, and a Table which you have sent us as Presents. We have likewise shewed them those hundred talents which An­drew and Aristeus (vertuous and excellently learned men,Eleazars Let­ters in answer to Ptolomey. and honoured by you amongst your B dearest friends) have brought unto us, to be employed in sacrifices and other uses in the Temple Know therefore that whatsoever you are pleased to command we will readily observe, that we may acknowledge the benefits, which you have divers wayes bestowed upon our Nation. We have therefore daily offered sacrifice for you, your Queen Arsinoe, your children and friends: the people likewise have prayed that God would send you happy success in whatsoever you desire, that your Kingdom may be continued in peace, and that the translation of our Law may be ac­complished at your desire, for our own satisfaction. To that intent we have chosen six Elders out of every Tribe, whom we send unto you, together with the original of our Law. Our re­quest is, that according to your accustomed piety and justice, you return us both our Laws and these interpreters in safety, as soon as they have answered your expectation. Fare C you well.

This is the answer which the High Priest sent unto him. I have not thought it ne­cessary to set down the names of the seventy two Elders in particular, who were sent by Eleazar together with the law, although they were all mentioned in the Letter sent by the High Priest. Yet I think it not amiss to recite the excellency of those Presents that were sent by the King, and offered up unto God; to the end that all men may know how zealous he was towards the service of God. For in performance thereof, he spared no expence, but continually assisted the workemen and examined their work­manship; The descripti­on of those Presents which Ptolomey dedi­cated in the Temple of Je­rusalem. to the end that nothing might be carelesly finished, or negligently performed. D I will therefore set down (as near as I can) the excellency of every piece (al­though it may be that the course of History requireth it not) because my desire is, by so doing, to let the Reader know how great the liberality and generosity of the King hath been. I will begin with the magnificent Table.

The King desirous to make it surpasse that at Jerusalem inquired after the dimensions of it, to the intent that he might make it far greater. And having certain notice how large it was, and that there was no lett but that he might make his far greater, he said that he would have it five times greater than the other: but that he feared lest being so great it would be unfit to offer sacrifice thereupon; and his intention was, that the present which he offered, should not only serve for shew, but that they might also be E somewhat proper for the use and service of the Temple. Wherefore concluding that the first was of a size large enough, he resolved his should not exceed the other in greatness; but that equalling it in the quantity of Gold, it should exceed it in the vari­ety and beauty of workmanship. For he was very skilful in all arts very ingenious in all new inventions so that by his own judgement, he contrived such things as were not before in use;The Golden Table. and commanded them to make and finish them, having alwayes an eye to the model, which he had given them to worke by. He undertook therefore to make the Table of two Cubits and a half in length, of one in breadth, and of one and a half in heigth all of massie Gold: about which there was made a border, of a hand bredth; enriched with moving waves, on which there was a figure graven with F admirable art, appearing on three sides: For being triangular, every angle presented the same engraving; so that when it was turned, it seemed that one and the same figure, represented it self. Within the inside of this border it was inchased with di­vers goodly figures, but on the out-side it was far more excellently beautified and wrought because in that part it was most open to the eye. For this cause the upper part of the Table appeared to be of two parts, and of three angles, which (as we said) were apparent at such time as the Table was turned, each one seeming of equal mag­nitude with the other. Upon the graven bends there were precious stones inchased, distant by equal proportion the one from the other, and fastned by Golden buttons tyed by loopes. The sides of the borders (which presented themselves to the eye) G were beautified with rich stones, disposed after the manner of an oval; and there was a border of golden twigs engraven round about the Table: under the ovals there was a Crown garnished with clusters of divers sorts of fruits, the clusters of grapes [Page 302] hung down,The year of the World, 3684. before Christ's Nativity, 218. the ears of Corn stood upright, and all was inclosed with Pomegranats,H and the precious stones were inchased in gold throw the whole circuit of the Table, to present each sort of fruit in their native colours. There was also a rank of ovals under the Crown, not unlike to the former, made of Gold: so that on both sides, both the variety and delicacy of the work appeared, both in the bends and borders, as also in the Table, in which their appeared not any difference, on whatsoever side, it was turned; and from the tope unto bottom one and the same workmanship appeared. For it had a plate of Gold four fingers broad, comprehending the breadth of the Table, on which the feet of the same were staied, which were afterwards fastned to the border by buttons and clasps of Gold,Two golden standing Cups. to the end that the excellent and curious workmanship might the better be seen, and on what side soever it were turned, it might alwayes seem I the same. They engraved also on the same, a labyrinth, in the midst whereof there were divers kinds of precious stones, shining like Stars: and amongst the rest there were Rubies and Emeralds of most orient brightness, as also all other sorts of Stones that either are esteemed for their beauty and price. Near unto this labyrinth from the one end unto the other there were certain knots ingraven, the middle whereof was like to a Rhombus or Losenge,Two silver standing cups. upon which there were certain pieces of Chrystal and Amber, enchaced and placed one by the other in equal distance,Thirty viols. and proportion: which gave a marvelous satisfaction to the beholders.Ptolomeys charge and di­ligence in the [...] of his presents. The Corniches of the feet were made after the forme of a Lilly; the leaves whereof bent themselves under the Table, and the stalke seemed to be stret [...]hed out straight. The base of the same was an hands breadth K large, adorned with a Carbuncle in every part, The breadth thereof was eight fingers, on which all the plate of the feet was staied; and one every one of them was there engraven by curious workmanship Ivy and Vine branches loaden with clusters of grapes, so made to the life, that they seemed to be grapes indeed. For the whole was so sub­tile and dilicate, that when the wind blew, the workmanship waved and was carried up and down; so that it seemed that these fruits were rather natural, than counter­feited by art. The work was made after a new fashion, as if it consisted of three pieces: and notwithstanding it was so well shut and closed together, that the seames and joynts might not any wayes be seen: The thickness of the Table was no less than half a Cubit.L

See here what this was, which the King presented: wherein the price of the stuff, the diversity and beauty of the workmanship, and the excellency of the engraving was very excellent; so that the richness of the materials, and the great variety of or­naments of this magnificent present made it evident that though this great Prince could not for the reasons, before mentioned, make this Table larger than the former, yet he spared no charges to make it surpass it in all other respects. He gave besides this, two vessels of Gold, scaled from the bottom as far as the half part of the Cup; and besides that, inriched with divers precious Stones curiously enchased. And in the midst of them there was a labyrinth a Cubit high, made of all sorts of precious Stones, and at the foot thereof were ingraven spires, after the manner of twigs, and M fast by them a certain fold like unto a net made in oval fashion, that ascended even unto the brimes. The midst thereof was filled with little targets, of the bigness of four fingers, made of precious Stones, and round about the edges thereof were Lillies, ivy flowers, and vines with their clusters of grapes engraven round about. This was the beauty and excellency of those two Cups, each of them containing twenty and four pints. There were also others made of Silver, so transparent as if they had been of the purest Chrystal, thorow which all things that were put into them, were manifestly discovered. He caused also thirty ewers to be made, in which all the Gold that was not covered with precious stones, was shadowed with ivy leaves, and vine branches most curiously engraven: and all these things were not only curiously wrought N by the wonderfull cunning of the workemen; but were in like manner seconded by an ambitious diligence of the King, who thinking it not enough that without sparing for any thing he had undertaken the charge, did oftentimes (forsaking his most seri­ous affairs) visit the shops, and examine the workes; and that which more and more increased their diligence, was, because they saw him so intent upon the work.

And these were the presents which were sent by this King to be dedicated in the Temple of Jerusalem. The 70 In­terpreters [...]. All which being consecrated and layed up in the Temple by the High-Priest Eleazar, after he had greatly honoured those that brought them thither, and given them certain presents to be tendered in his behalf unto the King,O he dismissed and sent them back again. No sooner were they arrived in Alexandaria, but the King (having notice thereof, and how the seventy two Elders were come with [Page 303] H them) he sent to seek out his Ambassadors,The year of the World, 3684. before Christ's Nativity, 280. Andrew and Aristaeus, who came and pre­sented him with letters from the High-Priest Eleazar, and answered him to all which he demanded of them. And being desirous to communicate with the Elders that came from Jerusalem to expound and interpret the Law, he contrary to his ordi­nary custom and manner dismissed all those that came to him about private business, to whome he was accustomed to give audience every fifth day; as he used monthly to forrain Ambassadors. Having therefore for that time dismissed them, he kept those by him whom Eleazar had sent unto him; who coming to his presence (accompained with those presents which the High-Priest had delivered them to present unto him, with the Original where in the Law was written in Golden Letters) he asked them I where their books were: and they discovering and opening them, shewed them unto him. After the King had seen them, he was very much astonished, to see the parch­ments so delicate, and to behold the whole form thereof so perfectly conjoyned, that it was impossible to discover the seames: and he told them that he gave them thanks, that were come unto him, and unto him that had sent them, but more especially unto God, who was the Author of these laws. Whereupon the Elders and those that as­sited them, cried out altogether, and wished that all good hap might befall the King: who through the excessive joy that he conceived, burst out into tears; For naturally extream joy as well as great griefis the cause of tears. After he had commanded that these books should be committed to their trust who were deputed to that office, at length he sa­luted K the Elders, telling them that it was very requisite after he should have treated with them concerning the occasion of their coming to take care of their particular entertain­ment, In a word, he confessed unto them, that their coming was so acceptable unto him, that he promised them so long time as he lived, he would every year renew▪ and honour the memory of that day, (and by good hap it was the very same day where­in he overcame Antigonus by Sea.) His pleasure was also, that they should be his guests, and he caused divers goodly lodgings to be assigned them under the Castle.

Nicanor likewise, who had the charge to entertain strangers, commanded Dorotheus (who was ordinarily imployed in the same) to prepare for every one of them such things, as were necessary for their diet and entertainment. For so was it ordained L by the King, that in every City, there should be a Commissary appointed to provide for forrainers that should come to that place, to the intent they might be treated ac­cording to their own customes: intending thereby, that their entertainment should be the more agreeable unto them, and that they might be the less tired with forrain novel­ties. This custome of his was put in practice at this time by Dorotheus's care and exact diligence, who in his own person disposed all that which was necessary for [...] hos­pitality. He prepared two places to banquet in, in two several parts (according as the King had commanded him) so that some of them might sit on either side of him and the rest might be placed near unto his Table, omitting nothing of that which concerned their honour. When they were in this manner placed, the King commanded Dorotheus M to entertain them as he was wont to do those who repaired unto his Court from Judaea. Hereupon he dismissed the Egyptian Priest, and others that were wont to make the or­dinary prayers: which done he commanded that one of the Elders called Elisaeus (who was a Priest) should bless the Table: whereupon he standing upright in the midst of them all, besought God to bless both the King and his Subjects with all happiness. Where­upon there arose an applause and acclamation of all men, which being ceased, they fell to their banquet, and made good cheer with that which was set before them. When the King had kept silence so long as he thought convenient, he began at last to Play the Philosopher,The banquet that Ptolomey made for the Jews and their prayers before meat. asking of every one of them certain questions in Physick, praying them to discuss the same; and when each of them in order had very pertinently N answered to the question that was propounded unto them, the King took great pleasure therein, and for twelve days space he continued this feast. Whoso desireth to know the questions that were proposed unto them in particular, let them read the Book which Aristaeus hath written to that effect. The King was astonished at their answers, and the Philosopher Menedemus confessed that they confirmed him in his opinion that all things were administred by divine providence and that they furnished him with re­sons to maintain his sentiments.The Transla­tion of the Bible into the Greek tongue. But the King protested in their presence, that their con­versation had infinitely contented and instructed him, in that by their means he had ob­tained the good hap to be informed by them how to govern his Kingdom. Whereupon he commanded that each of them should have three talents given him, and that they should O be conveyed to their lodgings. Some four days after, Demetrius took them with him, and led them over that trench of the Sea that containeth seven furlongs, and that Bridge which joyneth the Island to the continent, and toward the Northern part there­of, [Page 304] he assigned them a loding remote from all noise,The year of the World, 3684. before Christ's Nativity, 380. and fit for contemplation: to A which place after he had brought them, he besought them, that since they had all those things that were necessary for the interpretation of their laws, they would apply them­selves unto it without any discontinuance of the work, until they had brought it to perfection; whereupon they imployed all the diligence that was possible, to the end the interpretation might be exact, intending only this from the morning untill three houres after noon: after which time they imployed the rest of the day in their refection; and to that end they were furnished in all aboundance with all sorts of victuals. Be­sides, Dorotheus presented them with a part of divers dishes which were prepared for the King; for so had his Majesty commanded it. Thus every morning entred they the Kings Palace, and after they had saluted him they retired themselves to their ac­customed B place; and after they had washed their hands in the Sea water, and were puri­fied, they sate down in that manner to prosecute their translation. Now when the law was fully interpreted, and the work was finished, in the space of seventy and two days, Demetrius assembled all the Jews in that place where the law had been translated, and caused it to be read over in the presence of the interpreters themselves. Which done, the Assembly approved the Exposition of the Interpreters; and praised Demetrius, by whose suggestions they enjoyed so great a good. They requested likewise that this Exposition should be perused and over-read by the Nobles and Governours. After this, both the Priest, the Elders the Interpreters, and the Magistrates of the People requi­red, that since this translation was so happily atchieved, it might remain unaltered; so C that no jot thereof might be changed,

Which resolution being allowed by all men, it was ordered, that if any man perceived any thing in that translation, which was either exuberant or deficient, he should consider thereupon and give notice thereof, to the end it might be corrected: dealing herein very discreetly, to the end that that which had once been adjudged good, should continue inviolable for ever. The King therefore was highly contented, seeing his endeavours and purpose in that behalf so happily and profitably finished; but above all things, he took pleasure in reading the Law, admiring at the profound wisdom of the Law-maker, and began to question with Demetrius, by what means it came to pass, that neither any Poet not Historiographer had made mention of that Law, notwithstanding that in it self D it was so admirable. To whom Demetrius gave this answer: that no man was so hardy to touch that work, by reason that it was Divine, and every way venerable: assuring him also, that certain men who had attempted to set their hands thereto, had been punish­ed by God: giving him to understand, how Theopompus, intending to reduce some part of that Law into his History,Gods justice upon those Ethnicks that intermedled with the sacred Scriptures. had ran mad for more then thirty dayes, and that having some intermission of his fit, he appeased God by prayer; thereby easily conjecturing what was the cause of his malady. Moreover, he was certified by a Vision that appeared unto him in his sleep, that this inconvenience befell him, because he had too curiously searched into sacred and divine matters, and had intended to communicate the same unto prophane and wicked men from which enterprise when he had desisted, he recovered E his right wits again. He likewise insinuated further, that Theodestes the Tragick Poet, in­tending to make mention in some of his Poems of a certain History written in the sacred Scriptures, was strucken blind; and acknowledging the cause hereof to proceed from his audacious presumption, he was restored to his sight after he had appeased Gods displeasure.

When the King had considered on these words, according as Demetrius had discoursed them unto him, he prostrated himself on the earth, and commanded that the books should be carefully kept, to the end they might continue free from corruption. Furthermore, he exhorted the Translators to repair oftentimes unto him from Judea, assuring them that in so doing, the matter would redound both to their honor and profit; telling them that for that time he thought good to dismiss them: but when they should return unto F him again of their own motion, they should obtain all that which their wisedom de­served, or magnificence could impart unto them. This said, he gave them leave to de­part, The presents which the King bestowed upon the Interpreters, and those he sent to Ele­azer. after he had given each of them three several suits of apparel, two talents of gold, and a cup that was, in value, worth a talent, and a certain Bed or curious Couch to sit and banquet upon. This gave he them for themselves. But to Eleazer the High Priest he sent, by them, ten Couches, whose feet were of silver, and the furniture answer­able, and a vessel of thirty Talents; Ten Purple Robes likewise, and a magnificent Crown, and one hundred pieces of fine linen: and besides that, he sent, by way of present, unto the Temple Ewers, Basins and two Golden vessels: beseeching Eleazer, by his let­ters, that if any one of his subjects had an inclination to come unto him, he would per­mit G him, assuring him that he would highly esteem the conversation of so learned men: and that he had riches which he would imploy with great pleasure in such affairs. Thus did Ptolomey Philadelphus esteem and honor the Jews

A CHAP. III.The year of the World, 3984. before Christ's Nativity, 280.
Favor, received by the Jews from the Kings of Asia, Antiochus the great, contracts an alliance with the Ptolomey King of Egypt, and gives him Cleopatra his Daughter in Marriage, with severel Provinces for her Dowry, and amongst the rest Judea. Onias the Chief Priest insenseth the King of Egypt by refusing to pay the Tributes which was due.

THe Jews received honour likewise at the hands of the Kings of Asia, because they had born Arms under them.Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 3. For Seleucus sirnamed Nicanor, highly respected them,The immuni­ties and privi­ledges granted to the Jews by Seleucus Nicanor, King of Syria. and permitted them to dwell in those Cities which he built in Asia and lower Syria; and in Antioch which was the Metropolitane chief City. Moreover he gave order, that B they should be held in as great estimation, as either the Macedonians or Greeks that inhabit­ted therein: so that even unto this day that order is continued as (it appeareth by this) for that the Jews refusing to anoint themselves with forrain oyl, do receive a certain sum of money from the Masters of the exercises in lieu of the Oyl. Which when the people of Antioch intended to abolish, during the present War, Mutianus at that time Governour of Syria, The priviledge in Antioch continued to the Jews. opposed himself against them. Again, when Vespasian and his Son Titus had conquered the world, although the Alexandrians and Antiochians desired that the priviledges which the Jews enjoyed might continue no longer; yet could they not obtain it. Whereby the humanity and valour of the Romans may appear, and especially of Vespasian and Titus, that notwithstanding they had received so great C trouble the Wars of the Jews, and were so bitterly incensed against them, for that they had not, by laying down their Arms, submitted themselves, but had con­tinued War against them to the uttermost, yet they deprived them not of their pri­vileges, but put a stop to that displeasure which they had long before conceived against them; and in like manner had no regard to the request of two so pusient Cities, as Alexandria, and Antioch: wherefore they granted nothing in favour of them, nor or­dained any thing to the prejudice of those whom they had overcome in War, so as to abolish one jot of those priviledges which they had in times past; but said that they that had resisted them by Arms, and who had been overcome, were sufficiently punished for their obstinacy: and as touching those that had not committed any offence, they saw D no reason to deprive them of their rights and priviledges. We know likewise, that Marcus Agrippa was of the same opinion touching the Jews. For whereas the Jonians were seditiously bent against them, and besought Agrippa, that it might be only lawful for them to make use of the priviledges which Antiochus Seleucus's Nephew (whom the Greeks intituled by the Name of God) had given them; requiring, that if the Jews were of their blood, they might be tyed to adore the same gods which the Jonians worship­ped: When therefore this matter was referred to the determination of the Judges, the Jews had the better, and obtained the liberty to live according to their own Laws and Customs: and he that at this time pleaded their cause, was Nicholas Damascene. For Agrip­pa pronounced, That it was unlawful for them to innovate any thing. And if any man desire E to have a more exact knowledge hereof, let him read the 123, and 24 book of the Histo­ries of Nicholas. Neither ought this judgment of Agrippa's, to seem in any sort strange: for at that time our Nation had not by any Wars procured the Romans displeasure. But upon just occasion may a man admire the magnanimity of Vespasian, and of his son Titus, who behaved themselves with such moderation after so great a War, and such doubtful Battels as they had fought against us.Antiochus the great King of Asia and Syria vexeth the Jews. But to return to my purpose, from whence I have digressed. At such time as Antiochus the great reigned in Asia, the Countrey of Jewry was much harassed, and both the Jews and Inhabitants of Coelosyria endured many miseries. For Antiochus making War against Ptolomey Philopater and his son, called Ptolomey the fa­mous, they were miserably perplexed. For whether Antiochus overcame, or was overcome, they were continually spoiled: so that betwixt the prosperity and adversity of Antio­chus, F they fared like a ship tossed in a storm. But at length, after Antiochus had overcome Ptolomey, he conquer'd Jewry. After the death of Philopater, his son sent a great Army in­to Coelosyria, under the conduct of Scopas, who seized a great number of those Cities; and falling upon our Nation also, he conquer'd it. Not long after this, Antiochus fought with Scopas, near unto the River Jordan, and obtained the victory, discomfiting the greater part of the Enemies Army; at which time Antiochus recover'd again those Cities of Coe­losyria, which were before taken by Scopas. He took Samaria also: which when the Jews perceived, they submitted themselves of their own accord unto him; and having received him into the City of Jerusalem, they gave both his Army and his Elephants abundance of provision, and willingly assisted him with their Forces, to subdue those Garisons which G Scopas had placed in the fortresses of the higher City. Whereupon Antiochus supposing it to be for his honour, to acknowledge and remunerate the affection and forwardness which the Jews had expressed in his service, wrote unto his Captains and Friends, signifying un­to them how forward the Jews had been in his Wars: and to let them know, that he was resolved to gratifie them for their service.

[Page 306] Hereafter I will insert the copy of his letters which he wrote in favour of them, after A I have recited that which Polybius the Megalopolitane, writeth, to this purpose, which I will recite out of the sixteenth Book of his histories. Scopas (saith he) the General of Ptolomey; Army, marching towards the mid-land, did in one winter overcome the whole nation of the Jews. Ptolomey E­piphames King of Egypt war­eth against the King of Syria He reciteth also in the same Book that after that Scopas had been overcome Antiochus seized Bathanaea, Samaria, Abila, and Gadra; and anon after the Jews, which dwelt at Jerusalem where the Temple was, joyned themselves with him: and although we are to speake more amply and particularly of that appartition that hapned neare unto the Temple; yet we shall defer the recital hereof untill another time. This is that which Polybius hath written. But to return unto our purpose: I will recite B in this place the copy of those letters which were sent by the King.

King Antiochus to Ptolomey, Health.

Whereas the Jews have given us most apparent testimony of there affection towards us,Polybius the Megalopoli­tane of Scopas Ptolomeys Ca­ptain. since the first time of our entrance into their Countrey, and have magnificently entertained at such time as we were in person before their City, by presenting themselves before us, with all their Elders;Antiochus E­pistle to Pto­lomy, as tou­ching the li­berty of the Jews. and have also furnished us largely with all that which was necessary for our Souldiers and our Elephants; and have likewise taken Arms with us against the Aegyptian Garrison: we have thought fit to afford them some satisfaction in repairing their City, ruinated by casualties, to the intent it might be inhabited and Peopled again, by gathering to­gether C those Jews that are scattered abroad in divers places, and planting them again in the same. And in especial (to the end that the service of God may be renewed) we have set down a certain sum of money, to be imployed in sacrifices, and in buying Beasts for their offerings, Wine, Oyl, and incense; that is to say, twenty thousand sicles of Silver; and for sine Floure, according to the law of the place, one thousand, four hundred and sixty measures of Wheat, and three hundred, seventy and five measures of salt. And my will is, that all these things that are above-named, be delivered unto them according to the form of our ordinance. We likewise command, that the work of the Temple be finished with the gal­leries, and other necessary buildings; and that all the Timber be brought out of Judea and other places, and especially out of Libanus, without any tax or tallage: which exemption also shall D take effect in all other necessaryes that are requisite towards the reparation of so famous a Temple. My pleasure likewise is, that all they of the same Nation govern their State, accord­ing to their own laws. Let the antient Priests and Scribes of the Temple also, and the sing­ing men be freed from all taxations, that are payed by the powl, and the tributes, of the Crown and all other whatsoever. And to the end that the City may be the sooner built, I grant unto all them that inhabit the same as this present, or that hereafter transport themselves thither within the month of October, to inhabit the same with exemption from all charges for three years space. We forgive them moreover the third part of their tributes, to the intent they may recover their losses. We will also that those Citizens that have been forcibly led from thence into servitude, be set at liberty, both they themselves, and also those that are of their E alliance; commanding their goods to be restored unto them. Farewell

These are the contents of this Letter.The Edict of Antiochus the great in ho­nor of the Temple. And to yeild the more honour unto the Temple, he sent an edict thorow all his Kingdom to this effect.

That it should not be lawfull for any stranger, to enter within the inclosure of the Temple without the Jews permission; except those that should be purified according to the law and custom of the place. That no man should bring into the city any flesh of Horses, Mules, wild or tame Asses, Leopards, Foxes, or Hares, or Generally of any Cattel prohibited to be eaten by the laws of the Jews. That it should not be lawful likewise for any man to bring their Skins into the City or to nourish any such beasts in the same, but that it might be only lawfull to use these beasts which might be sacrificed unto God, according to the law of their ancestors. That F whosoever should not observe these laws he should pay three thousand drachmes of silver unto the Priests. Furthermore, to express his piety and fidelity towards us, at such time as he heard of the troubles that happned in Phrygia and Lydia, he wrought also unto Zeuxis Governour of one of the higher Provinces, and his intire friend, commanding him to send certain of our Nation from Babylon to Phrygia, writing unto him unto this effect.G

H King Antiochus to Zeuxis his Father,The year of the World, 3790. before Christ's Nativity, 204. Health.

Ʋnderstanding that those of Lydia and Phrygia are newly fallen into Rebellion, I have thought good (according to my duty) to prevent the same: and whilest I consulted with my friends what was to be done,Antiochus's Epistle to Zeuxis, in which he ma­keth honoura­ble mention of the Jews. it hath been thought fit that two thousand Families of the Jews should be sent thither; all which should be drawn out of Mesopotamia and Babylon, to plant them in Garisons, and places of security. For I am persuaded of their good affection and zeal towards us, both in respect of their devotion towards God, as also from the testimony which our Predecessors have given them, namely, that they are faithful, and ready to execute that wherein I they are employed. Moreover, it is our pleasure, that notwithstanding all difficulties, you cause them to pass thither, and permit them to live according to their own Laws. Now when they shall arrive in that place, thou shalt bestow on every one of them ground to build them houses on, with sufficient Lands both for Tillage, and to plant their Vineyards in; for which they shall pay no Tribute for ten years space: and during such time as they may gather of their own for their sustenance, they shall be allowed their provision of Corn for themselves, and their servants. Our will is also, that they who shall be employed on necessary affairs, be sufficiently provided of that they need, to the intent that being so bountifully dealt withall by us, they may shew themselves the more affectionate in that which concerneth us. Thou shalt give order also to the uttermost of thy power, that this Nation be no wayes oppressed, or injured by any man. Farewell.

K Hitherto we have sufficiently declared what friendship Antiochus the Great bare unto the Jews. Antiochus's friendship and confederacy with Ptolomy. After this, Antiochus contracted an alliance and friendship with Ptolomy, who gave him his daughter Cleopatra in marriage, and assigned him for her dowry Coelosyria, The Samari­tans molest the Jews. Samaria, Judea, and Phoenicia; and because these two Kings divided the Tributes between them, the chiefest in authority in every Province, collected from their Countrey, and paid the Sum agreed upon to the Kings Treasury.

At that time the Samaritans puffed up with their prosperity, vexed the Jews, spoiling their Countrey,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 4. and leading them away Prisoners by force. This hapned under the High-Priest Onias. Onias the High-Priest, provoketh the King of Egypt for non-pay­ment of his Tribute. For after the decease of Eleazar, Manasses his Uncle obtained the Priest­hood, L and after the death of Manasses, Onias the son of Simon, sirnamed the Just, enjoyed this dignity. Simon was brother to Eleazar, as I have heretofore related. This Onias was of no great capacity, and withall was very covetous: by which means he failed to pay the twenty Talents of silver which his Predecessors were wont to pay to the Kings of E­gypt, of the Tribute which the People paid unto him. Whereupon Ptolomy Evergetes, the father of Philopater, was grievously incensed against him; so as he sent an Ambassador to Jerusalem to accuse him, because he failed to pay his accustomed Tribute, threatning him, that if henceforth he received it not, he would divide the Countrey amongst his Soldiers, and send them to inhabit it. When the Jews heard this they were much trou­bled: but Onias was no whit moved thereby because he was wholly given over to cove­tousness.

MNO

CHAP. IV.The year of the World, 3774. before Christ's Nativity, 194. A
Joseph, the Nephew of the High-Priest Onias, obtains pardon for his Ʋncle, of Ptolomy King of Egypt, gets the favor of that Prince, and raiseth a very considerable fortune for himself. Hircanus, the son of Joseph, becomes a great Favourite of Ptolomy. The death of Joseph.

BUt a certain man call'd Joseph, The Taxation of the High-Priest for of­fending the King. the son of Tobias and of Onias sister, who was the High-Priest, being young in years (but honored in Jerusalem for his wisdom, foresight and justice) having certain notice by his mother of the arrival of this Ambassador, came un­to the City (for he had been absent in the Village of Phicala where he was born) and sharply reproved Onias his Uncle on the mothers side, because he did not any wayes pro­vide B for the security of his Countrey, but sought to draw his Countreymen into a gene­ral hazard, in that he retained in his hands that mony which was levied for the Tribute [...] whereby he told him, that he had obtained the Government over the people, and purcha­sed the High Priesthood. And that if he were so bewitched with mony, that for the love of it, he could have the patience to see his Countreymen in hazard, and behold his Citi­zens suffer all that which cruelty could inflict upon them, he advised him to repair to the King, and to require him to bestow the whole or the half of the Tribute upon him. Here­unto Onias answer'd, That he would no more execute the Government; and that if it was possible for him, he was ready to give over the Priesthood, rather than repair unto the King. Whereupon Joseph asked him, If he would permit him, in the peoples behalf, to go Ambassador to Ptolomy.C Whereunto Onias answer'd, That he gave him leave. Upon this occasion, Joseph went up into the Temple, and summoned the people to a general Assembly, exhorting them to be no ways troubled, and to conceive no fear through the negligence of his Uncle Onias, wishing them to be of good courage, and promising them that he himself would go Ambassador unto the King, and faithfully plead their Cause before him, and persuade him that they had committed no insolent neglect or contempt against his Majesty; which when the peo­ple understood, they gave Joseph hearty thanks. Whereupon he presently came down from the Temple, and honorably entertained the Ambassadors that came from Ptolomy, and having presented them with gifts of great value, and feasted them magnificently for many dayes, he sent them back to their Prince; assuring them, that he would in person follow D them. And the rather was he incited to this journey, because the Ambassador had per­suaded him to come into Egypt, under such assurance, that he would obtain all his re­quests at Ptolomy's hands; the rather, for that he was won with the young mans free spi­rit and noble entertainment.The Kings Ambassador honourably entertained, who reporteth Joseph's libe­rality upon his return into his Countrey.

As soon as the Ambassador returned into Egypt, he certified the King of Onias's ingra­titude, and Joseph's humanity: certifying him, that he would come in person to entreat pardon for the People for that offence they had committed against him; and the rather, for that he was in especial authority among the People: and he so far enlarged himself in the praise of Joseph, that both the King and Queen Cleopatra had a good opinion of him, although he was as yet absent. But Joseph sent unto Samaria to his Friends, and E borrow'd money, making preparation for his Voyage. Having therefore furnished him­self with Apparel, Vessels and Horses, and with almost twenty thousand drachms, he ar­rived at Alexandria.

At that time it hapned, that the Princes and Governors of Phoenicia and Syria repaired thither to farm their Tributes; for the King was accustomed every year to sell them to the men of most respect in every City: these meeting with Joseph on the way, began to mock at his baseness and poverty. But when he came to Alexandria, and had intelligence that the King was at Memphis, he set forward, and went out to meet him. When therefore the King, accompanied with the Queen, and Athenion his Friend, who had discharged the place of Ambassador in Jerusalem, came riding in his Chariot; Athenion (who had been F honorably entertained by Joseph) perceiving him upon the way, certified the King that it was he of whom he had spoken upon his return from Jerusalem: protesting on his be­half, that he was a virtuous and honorable young man. Whereupon Ptolomy received him with more kindness than the rest, and made him come up into his Chariot; where he was no sooner seated, but the King began to accuse Onias for what he had committed. But Joseph said unto him, Pardon him, O King, and have respect to his old age. For you know that ordinarily old men and young children have one and the same understanding; but from our selves who are young, you shall have what you please to require, without any pretext or cause of discontent. G

[Page 309] H This wise answer increased the affection which the King had allready conceived for him:The year of the World, 3770. before Christ's Nativity, 194. whereupon he commanded that he should be lodged in his own Palace, and that daily he should accompany him at his Table.

As soon as the King came back to Alexandria, the Lords of Syria seeing Joseph sitting near unto the King, were displeased: and the day drawing near wherein they were to know what they should pay for their tribute, they that were of the greatest quality in their countrey farmed it; so that the Tributes of Coelosyria, Phoenicia, Judea, and Samaria, amounted together to eight thousand talents. Whereupon Joseph arising, blamed the farmers, because they had designed amongst themselves to beat down the price of the tributes, promising to give double; and that he would likewise return the I forfeitures that were levied upon the goods of such as offended;The tributes of Coelosyria committed to Joseph. which were farmed together with the tributes. The King gave ear to this discourse of his with great content and said, that he approved the sale of these tributes unto Joseph, who would hereby so con­siderably augment his revenue. When therefore he was asked whether he could give suretie? he made him answer with great confidence: O King (said he) I will give thee such pledges as are both worthy and honorable, and such as you cannot mistrust. When therefore the King desired him to produce them: I will (said he) O King, present thee for sureties, thy self and the Queen thy Wife, that one of you may be surety for me to the other. Ptolomey smiling hereat, granted him the farm of the tribute, without farther surety. This favor of his displeased those Governours of the Cities that were come into Egypt, in that K they saw themselves contemned and constrained to return with shame unto their houses. But Joseph obtained 2000 footmen from the King; that he might by their assistance levy the tribute from those Cities, who were negligent in their payments: and after he had borrowed five hundred talents of the Kings friends in Alexandria, he departed into Syria.

As soon as he came to Ascalon, he demanded the payment of the tribute at the Citi­zens hands, which they not only refused, but moreover upbraided him with injurious words. Whereupon laying hold on about twenty of the principal among them, he put them to death: and having gathered their substances together, he sent the King some thousand talents, certifying him of that which he had done. Ptolomy admiring L at his wisdom,The Ascaloni­tes and Scy­thopolitanes punished for their con [...]mpt. and approving what he had done permitted him to dispose of all things at his pleasure. The Syrians when they heard this began to fear the like severity; and perceiving that the Ascalonites were slain by Joseph, they opened their gates, and receiv­ed him willingly, and payed him their tributes. Whereas also the Scythopolitanes con­tumaciously refused to lay down, according to order, their accustomed tributes, he slew the chiefest amongst them: and sent the confiscation of their goods unto the King. When therefore he had gathered much silver and made great gains of the farming of the tributes, to the intent he might establish and make his power of longer continuance, he liberally employed his gains, considering with himself, that it was a part of wisdom to secure his good fortune, by those riches which he himself had gotten: For he sent M many presents both to the King and Queen, and gave liberally to their friends and favo­rites, and to all those which had any authority or credit in the Court, that he might win and bind them unto him by his benevolence. And in this felicity continued he twenty two years; during which time he was the father of seven children by one wife, and of another called Hircanus, by another Wife who was the Daughter of his Brother Solymius, whom he married upon this occasion.

Going once to Alexandria in the company of his brother (who carried with him his daughter already marriageable,Josephs wealth and children, intending to bestow her upon some Jew of good quality whilest he sate at meat with the King, a fair Damsel coming into the room danced so well that she gained the heart of Joseph, whereupon, he told his brother of it, praying N him since by the laws of their Countrey it was forbidden to a Jew to marry a stranger, that he would hide his fault, and be an assistant unto him, that he might procure her for his Mistriss. His brother promised him his assistance and in the mean time he dress'd up his own daughter, and brought her, by night, unto his bed: whereupon he lay with her (not knowing who she was, because he had drunk over much,) and had her company. His love still increased, and not knowing how to conquer his passion he told his brother that he feared the King would not bestow this Damsel on him. His brother told him that he need not trouble himself, promising that he should enjoy her whom he loved, and that allready she was his wife; letting him know the whole contrivance, and how he had rather wrong his own daughter than to suffer his brother to fall into dishonor. O After that Joseph had commended the kind and natural affection of his brother towards him,Herican [...] off­spring and towardness▪ he took his daughter to Wife, who bare him a Son called Hircanus, as it hath been said. Who being thirteen years old, gave testimony of that natural spirit, and dexeri­ty [Page 310] that was in him;The year of the World, 3750. before Christ's Nativity, 944. by reason whereof his brethren conceived an hatred against him A and the rather because he excelled them in all things, and thereby instead of gaining their love he raised their jealousy and hatred. Whereas Joseph was desirous to know which of his children had the ripest Judgement, and understanding; he sent them one after another to those masters, who were most renowned for Science in that time; but all of them returned back unto him rude, and illiterate, because they were negligent and idle. Whereupon he sent Hircanus the youngest of them into a desart place distant from the high way some seven dayes journey, and gave him with him three hundred couple of Oxen, to sow the ground in that barren place, concealing from him the yokes that should couple them together.B

When therefore he came unto the place, and perceived that the yokes were missing he asked advice of some of the husbandmen: who counselled him to send some one back unto his Father to fetch the couples. But he supposing he ought not to lose so much time as would be spent in sending back a messenger, he made use of a contrivance which seemed much beyond his years. For he caused ten couple of the oxen to be slain, and distributed the flesh amongst his workmen, and made them cut the Skins, and fashion couples thereof, and having yoked his Oxen, he caused the land to be manured, accord­ing to his Fathers direction; and afterwards returned home unto him. Whereupon he loved him the more intirely, by reason of his wisdom and the subtlety of his understand­ing; and esteemed him as if he had no other child but him alone, but this increased the malice and envy of his brothers.C

When news was brought unto Joseph, Joseph send­eth his Son Hircanus to Ptolomey. that about that time King Ptolomey was blessed with a young Son, and how all the chiefest Lords of Syria, and the Countries under his obeysance, repaired to Alexandria in great pomp to celebrate the birth-day of the Kings Son; he being of himself unable (by reason of his age) to go thither, he asked his Children, whether any one of them would go and compliement the King. When therefore the eldest Sons had excused themselves, and refused to undertake the journey, pretending they were unfit to performe the message, and understood not the manner of living at Court, all of them advising that their brother Hircanus might be sent: Joseph was well pleased thereat, and calling for Hircanus asked him if he would go to King Ptolomy: he promised to undertake the journey, and told his Father he needed no great sum of D money to perform it, because he should travel frugally, and content himself for the whole expence with ten thousand drachms. Joseph was very glad to hear of his Sons prudence; and after Hircanus had kept silence for a while he advised his Father, that he should not present the King with any thing out of Judea, but that he should write un­to his factor in Alexandria, commanding him to deliver such summes of money as he thought convenient to buy that which he found to be most magnificent and of best esteem in the City. Joseph imagining that perhaps he would imploy about ten talents in presents and approving of his Sons Counsel, wrote unto his factor Arion (who had the use of almost three thousand talents of his in Alexandria.) For gathering up his money in Syria, he was wont to send it thither; and as oft as the prefixt time came E wherein the Kings tributes were to be paid,Treason inten­ded against Hircanus. he commanded Arion to pay them. Having therefore letters of Credit unto him, he went towards Alexandria. Whereupon his brethren wrote presently unto all the Kings friends, that by some means they would make him away.

As soon as he was arrived in Alexandria, and had delivered his fathers Letters to Arion; Arion asked him how many talents he would have?Hircanus apo­logy for his actions. hoping that he would desire but ten, or thereabout: but when Hircanus had told him he had need of a thousand, he waxed wroth, and reproved him for his prodigality, telling him how his Father had gathered his goods with much labour and frugality, and refusing to give it him, he prayed him to imitate his fathers example: and in a word he told him, that he would deliver him F no more than ten talents; and that for no other use, than to buy presents for the King. Whereupon Hircanus was offended and caused Arion to be kept in Prison. Whereof his Wife informed Queen Cleopatra and desired her that the young man might be chastised for his insolence (for Arion was in great esteem with the Queen, so that she acquainted the King with the matter.) Whereupon Ptolomey sent for Hircanus, and said unto him; That he marveiled, that being sent unto hin by his Father, he had not as yet visited him; and besides that he had committed his Fathers Agent to Prison: he therefore commanded him to yield him a reason thereof. Whereunto he answered, that there was a law among the Jews that no man should taste of the sacrifices that had not first of all visited the Temple, and sacri­ficed unto God; and that in that respect he had not hitherto visited his Majesty, because he expected G certain presents to present unto his Majesty from his Father, who was his Servant. Further­more, he alledged that he punished his Fathers Servant, because he had disobeyed his command­ment, [Page 311] A which he ought not to do, The year of the World, 3780. before Christ's Nativity, 184. whether his Master were noble or ignoble: and if (said he) we chastise not such men, as they have deserved, expect (O King) that you also shall be neglected, by your Subjects.

When Ptolomey heard these words, he rose well pleased, and wondred at the mag­nanimity of the young man. Arion perceiving that the King rose satisfied, and that he was like to have no assistance at his hands,Hircanus apo­logie for his actions. delivered Hircanus the thousand talents, and by this means he was set at liberty. Some three days after, Hircanus came and saluted both the King and Queen: who entertained him graciously, and feasted him, for the kindness which they bear unto his Father. He enquiring among the Merchants, bought one hundred young Lads well learned, and in the flower of their age, paying a talent B for each one; and the like number of Virgins for so many talents. Being invited to a banquet by the King, with all the Princes and other Lords, he was placed beneath them all, because that (by reason of his youth) they that assigned the places, according to every mans dignity, made small account of him. The rest that sate at table, after they had eaten their meat laid all their bones before Hircanus, so that the table was covered round about him whereupon a certain Droll called Triphon (in whose railery the King took some delight) to divert the company, said,

See here Sir what store of bones lie before Hircanus whereby you may conjecture after what manner his Father hath fleeced all Syria. Hircanus jests. The King laughing at Tryphons words, asked Hircanus, how he came by so many bones before him? Not without good reason (said he) O C King; for doggs devour the flesh with the bones, as these do (poynting at those who sate with him at the Table, because they had no bones before them:) but men eat the flesh, and cast the bones away, as I do, because I am a man. The King was so well pleased with his discreet answer that he commanded the rest not to offer him any affront for the future.

The next day he sought out all the Kings friends, and the principal Courtiers, and saluted them one by one,Hircanus sounding what other men would give, gave more than the rest, for which he receiveth ano­ther kingly reward. enquiring of their Servants, what presents they would court the King with upon the birth of his Son? Who told him that some of them would give twelve Talents, and others that were in dignity, would present them according to their ability. Whereupon Hircanus seemed dissatisfied as wanting power to offer such a present, pretending that he had no more than five Talents. All which these Servants D presently reported to their Masters: who were very joyful thereat, in hopes that the King would not be well pleased to receive a small present from Hircanus. Now when the day of solemnity was come, and they that pretended to present the King most mag­nificently, offred no more than twenty Talents: Hircanus presented the hundred young Lads he had bought to the King, and the Virgins unto Cleopatra: for whom he had paid a talent by the pole. At this unexpected magnificence, all men were amazed: but be­sides this, he gave gifts of divers Talents to the King and Queens favourites and Ser­vants, and their attendants; whereby he secured himself from the danger that might fall upon him by their means. For the brothers of Hircanus had written unto them to murther him. Ptolomey was much pleased with the great magnificence of this young E man, and bid him ask whatsoever he pleased at his hands. But he required no other thing but that it would please the King to recommend him, by his letters, to his father and brethren. When therefore the King had particularly honored him, and had given him many rewards, he wrote unto his Father and brethren, and all his Governours, and Commissaries,Hircanus bro­thers assailing him on the way, are sl [...]in and discom­fited. and in that manner sent him away. His brothers hearing how he had in all things highly pleased the King, and that he returned with great glory, they went out to meet him, with an intent to murther him, with their fathers knowledg. For he being displeased with him, by reason of his above mentioned large expence, took no care to secure him: yet concealed he his discontent for fear of the King. But when his brothers came and encountered him on the way he slew divers of those that ac­companied F them, and two of his brethren also were left slain upon the place, and the rest fled unto Jerusalem unto their Father. And when upon his comming unto Jerusa­lem, he perceived that no man welcomed him, he was afraid, and departed presently from thence to the other side of Jordan, Josephs death. where he past his life in receiving and gathering the tributes of the Barbarians. Onias, and after him Simon his Son High Priest. In that time Seleucus sirnamed Soter, the Son of Anti­ochus the great, reigned in Asia. At that time also died Joseph, Hircanus Father, who was a man of good repute and great courage; who established the people of the Jews in a lasting Peace,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cha [...]. [...]. and freed them from poverty and many disasters, and collected the Tributs of Syria, Phoenica, and Samaria, for the space of twenty two years. His Uncle Onias died also about the same time; leaving the Priest-hood to his Son Simon; after G whose death, his Son Onias was made High Priest: to whom Arius King of Lacedemon sent an Embassage and letters, the copy whereof heareafter ensueth.

CHAP. VThe year of the World, 3780. before Christ's Nativity, 144. H
Arius King of Lacedemon writes to Onias the High Priest to contract an Alliance with the Jews, pretending that the Lacedemonians were descended from Abraham, Hircanus builds a magnificent Paliace and kills himself for fear of falling into the hands of Antiocus.

Arius King of Lacedemon,The Letter of the King of La­cedemon to the High Priest of the Jews. to Onias Health:

WE have found out a certain writing wherein it is recorded, that the Jews and Lacede­monians are of the same race,1 Mac. 12. and both of them desended from Abraham. It is I therefore requisite, that since we are brethren, you let us know wherein we can serve you, that we may have one common interest Demoteles our messenger bringeth you our letters written on a square leafe the seal whereof is an Eagle holding a Dragon in her talons.Sedition a­mong the peo­ple, after Jo­seph's death. These were the contents of the Lacedemonians letters.

After the death of Joseph it came to pass, that the people began to mutinie in the quarrel of his Children, For the elder brethren made War against Hircanus, who was the younger, by means whereof the People were divided: The greater part of them followed the Elder faction,Hircanus af­flicteth the Arabians with continual war. and the High Priest Simon also, by reason of his affinity with them, followed their party. Whereupon Hircanus resolved to repair no more un­to K Jerusalem, but fixing his habitation on the other side of Jordan, he made continual War against the Arabians, Hircanus buildeth a strong Tower. slaying a great number of them, and taking many prisoners. He built an huge Tower of white Marble from the bottome to the top and on it he placed the figures of many living Creatures in sculpture of greatheight. About the same he cut a deep trench of water; and having hewed the front of the Rock that stood over against the bulding, he made divers caves therein, many furlongs long. He also made divers chambers therein,Antiochus E­piphanes, King of Syria. both to eat and sleep and dwell in. He drew thither likewise currents of springing water, in so great abundance, that it gave much delight to those that dwelt there,The Sons of Ptolomey Epi­ [...]hance, philo­metor and Physcon. and great ornament to the whole bulding. The mouth of every Cave was so little, that but one only man could enter at once: which he there­fore L made so narrow, because they might the better serve for his security and refuge; that if so be he were at any time assaulted by his bretheren,Hircanus kil­leth himself. he might avoyd the danger of surprisal. Moreover, he built within his Castle many large halls, which he adorned with great and goodly Gardens:Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 6. and this place thus built, was called by him Tyre and is scituate between Arabia and Judaea, 1 Mac. 1. on the other side of Jordan, not far from the Countrey of Essedon. He commanded in this Countrey seven years, all that time that Seleucus reigned in Syria. After whose death, his brother Antiochus, sirnamed Epiphanes, obtained the Kingdom. Ptolomey also King of Egypt (who was likewise called Epiphanes) died and left two children very young behind him, of whom the eldest was called Philometer, and the younger Phiscon. But when Hircanus perceived that Antiochus grew very powerful M he feared to be punished by him for his incursions made upon the Arabians whereupon he slew himself with his own hands; and Antiochus enjoyed all his goods.

NO

H CHAP. VI.The year of the World, 3790. before Christ's Nativity, 174.
Onias, sirnamed Menelaus, seeing himself excluded from the High-Priesthood, retires to An­tiochus, and renounceth the Religion of his forefathers; Antiochus enters Egypt, and being ready to make himself Master of it, the Romans force him to retire.

ONias the High-Priest being dead about this time, Antiochus gave the Priesthood to Jesus, sirnamed Jason, his brother. For that son unto whom Onias had left the succession,Onias sirnam'd Menelaus, sub­stituted in his place. was as yet very young (of whom we will speak in convenient time and I place. This Jesus, (Onias brother) was deprived of the Priesthood, through the Kings displeasure conceived against him, who gave it shortly after to his younger brother cal­led Onias: The Wars be­twixt Jason and Menelaus. For Simon had three sons, who, as we have declared, successively possessed the Priesthood: this Jesus caused himself to be called Jason, as his other brother caused him­self to be called Menelaus, Apostates from the Jewish Re­ligion. whereas his name was Onias. But Jesus, who had first of all been established in the place of the High-Priest, arose against Menelaus, who was elected into the place after him. So that the People were divided into Factions, and Tobias sons were on Menelaus side; but the greater number of the People followed Jason: so that Menelaus, and the sons of Tobias, being much troubled by them, retired to Antiochus, telling him that they intended to forsake the Religion and Ordinances of their fathers, K and to follow that of the King, and to live after the manner of the Greeks; exhorting him to give them licence to erect a place of Exercises in Jerusalem. Which when Antio­chus had granted them, they so behaved themselves, that there appeared no more sign of Circumcision in them: so that at such time as they were naked, there was no difference between them and the Greeks; and neglecting all the ordinances and customs of their own Countrey, they conformed themselves to the behaviour and manners of other Na­tions. Antiochus having all things in his kingdom according to his hearts desire resolved to make War upon Egypt: he contemned Ptolomy's son age (who were not as yet capa­ble to manage their affairs.) Arriving there near to Pelusium with a great power, he cir­cumvented by a stratagem, the young Ptolomy Philometor, and subdued Egypt: for after L he had besieged Memphis, Antiochus en­forced to de­part out of Egypt. and taken it, he came to Alexandria, with an intent to besiege the City, and to lay hold of the King, who was therein. But he was driven, not only from Alexandria, but also out of all Egypt, by the summons that were sent him by the Romans, The History of Antiochus Epiphanes. who commanded him to depart, and withdraw his Army out of that Countrey, as we have heretofore declared in another place. Now will I more largely and particu­larly discourse the acts of this King who overcame Judea, and spoiled the Temple: for having only made a brief mention of him in my former works, I think it necessary in this place to make a more exact recital of his History.

CHAP. VII.
M King Antiochus being received into Jerusalem, utterly ruines it; pillageth the Temple, and builds a Cittadel that commands the Town. He abolisheth the worship of God, many Jews forsake their Religion. The Samaritans disown their relation to the Jews, and consecrate the Temple at Samaria to Jupiter.

AFter that King Antiochus was returned out of Egypt, and for the fear of the Ro­mans had forsaken that Countrey,Antiochus en­tering Jerusa­lem, spoileth the Temple. he led his Army against Jerusalem, and encamped before the City, and took it by surrender, the Gates of the City being set open unto him by those of his Faction: which hapned in the 143 year since the beginning of N the Reign of Seleucus. When he saw himself Lord and Master of Jerusalem, he slew divers of the contrary Faction; and after he had gather'd together many great and rich spoils, he return'd back to Antioch. Two years after, in the 145 year of the Reign of that Family, on the 25 day of that month which we call Chasleu, and the Macedons Apel­laeus, the Romans December: in the 153 Olympiade, he returned again to Jerusalem; at which time, he spared not them who gave him peaceable entrance, and opened the Gates. But his insatiable avarice transported him so far, that he feared not to violate the Temple, and to spoil it of all those riches which he knew to be there laid up; being no less insolent towards his friend, than to the offender, he spared neither. For having seen what quantity of Gold was in the Temple, and how great a number of Presents O and precious Ornaments were there laid up, he was so covetous, that he brake and viola­ted all covenants and conditions. After therefore he had spoiled the Temple, and car­ried away the vessels dedicated unto God, the golden Candlestick, the golden Altar, the [Page 314] Table of the Shew-bread,The year of the World, 3789. before Christ's Nativity, 164. the Censers, and pulled down the Curtains made of fine linen A and scarlet. After he had emptied the treasures that were hidden, and left nothing be­hind him of any value, to compleat the miseries of the Jews, he forbade them to offer their usual and daily sacrifice unto God, according to the order of the Law: and after he had spoiled the whole City, he slew a great part of the Inhabitants, and carried away the rest of them into captivity, with their wives and children, to the number of 10000. Furthermore, he burnt the fairest buildings of the City, and razed the walls, and raised a Fortress in the lower City. For the Temple was as it were a high Cittadel, command­ing the rest. For this cause, having inclosed it with high walls and towers, he placed a Garison of Macedonians therein, with whom remained the rabble and scum of the wick­ed Apostate Jews, who were given over to all impieties, and who also afflicted their Fel­low-Citizens B with many injuries. The King also commanded that an Altar should be erected in the Temple,Antiochus ab­rogating Gods Law, through extreme tyran­ny enforceth the Jews to Idolatry, and fortifieth the Temple on which he caused Swine to be slaughtered, offering Sacrifice contrary to the Religion and Ordinances of the Jews. He constrained them likewise to forsake the worship of the true God, and to adore those Idols whom he reverenced for gods, building in every City and Borough both Temples and Altars, on which he ordina­rily caused Swine to be offered. He forbade them likewise to circumcise their children, threatning to punish him whosoever he were that was found to do the contrary. Moreover he chose certain overseers that should compel them to observe his commands,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 7. so that a great number of Jews, some of their own accord, others for fear of punishment, confor­med to the Kings commands. But those men who were of upright hearts, and valiant C minds, little regarded these menaces: For having more respect to their laws and customs, than to the torments wherewith they were threatned, if they observed not the Edict; they were beaten, and exposed to most cruel punishments, for many dayes, amidst which many times they yielded up the ghost. For after they were whipt, and maim'd in their bodies, they were crucifi'd and tortur'd alive: they strangled the Women also with their circumcised children, whom, according to the Kings command, they hung about the necks of their Parents, who were crucified: And if in any place they found any part of the sacred Scripture, they defac'd and burnt it; and they with whom it was found, were put to a most cruel death.

The Samaritans seeing this affliction of the Jews, The Devil seeketh to abo­lish the Bible. pretended no further alliance to D them, and called their Temple of Garazim no more the Temple of God, but (as we have heretofore declared) they shewed their own corrupt and unconstant natures,The variable wits of the Samaritans, which made them so odious in the sight of the Jews. and derived their descent from the Medes and Persians, as in effect they were; wherefore they sent Ambassadors to Antiochus, with Letters to this effect:

To King Antiochus the visible God, the request of the Sidonians that dwell in Sichem.

Our Ancestors enforced by the continual Pestilence that reigned in their Countrey, and indu­ced by a certain ancient Superstition, have been accustomed to observe that day as a festival, which the Jews call their Sabbath, and having built on the Mount of Garazim a Temple, and E dedicated it unto a God who hath no name, they, have offered up in the same divers solemn Sacri­fices. But since that you have inflicted punishment on the Jews, according as their wickedness deserveth, the Commissaries of the King, supposing that we were tied to their customs, (by reason of some Alliance between us) join us with them, and charge us with the same Accusations: whereas we are born Sidonians, as appeareth by our publick Records. We therefore beseech you, who are our Benefactor and Saviour, to command your Governor Apollonius, and your Steward Nica­nor, not to molest us any more, by charging us with those Accusations which are peculiar to the Jews: who neither are tied to us by Alliance, nor agree with us in Customs; but that our Temple, which hath not hitherto born the name or title of any god, may now be called the Temple of Ju­piter of Grece: by which means, we shall be deliver'd from all trouble; and being at liberty to F attend our Affairs, we may the easier and more willingly pay you the greater Tributes. To this re­quest of the Samaritans the King answer'd, sending them back their own Letter:

King Antiochus to Nicanor, Health.

The Sidonians of Sichem have sent us this request, to which we annex unto these our Letters▪ Since they, who were sent unto us to this intent, have sufficiently made appear both to us and our Council, that they are utterly strangers unto those Crimes wherewith the Jews are charged, and are desirous to live according to the Laws of the Grecians, we absolve them in as much as con­cerneth this Cause, and their Temple, which hereafter shall be called by the name of Jupiter of G Grece: We have writen to the like effect also to Apollonius their Governor. Given the 46th year, and the eleventh of the month Hecatomhaeon, which signifieth August.

H CHAP. VIII.The year of the World, 3799. before Christ's Nativity, 165.
Matthias and his sons s [...]ay those that were sent by King Antiochus to compel them to offer abominable Sacrifices, and after betake themselves to the Desart. They are followed by many others, of whom a great number are stifled in their Caves, because they would not defend themselves on the Sabbath-day. Matthias abolisheth that Superstition, and exhorts his sons to assert their priviledges, and deliver their Countrey from bondage.

AT this time there dwelt a certain man in Modin (a village of Jury) whose name was Matthias, who was the son of John, who was the son of Simon, the son of Asmo­naeus I a Priest, of the rank of Joarib, born in Jerusalem. This Matthias had 5 sons, John call'd Gaddis, Simon call'd Matthes, Judas call'd Machabeus, Eleazar named Auran, Jonathan called Aphus. This Matthias oftentimes complain'd unto his sons, of the deplorable con­dition to which their Nation was reduc'd, of the ruine of their City, the desolation of their Temple,The zeal and piety of Mat­thias and his sons. and the miseries of the People, telling them, That it were better for them to die in the defence of the Laws and Religion of their Forefathers, than to live dishonourably amidst so many calamities. When therefore the Commissaries, deputed by the King, came unto Modin, to constrain the Jews to perform that which was enjoin'd them, and to command them to sacrifice, according to the ordinance; requiring Matthias (who surpassed the rest in honour, and other qualities, but especially in excellency of descent and nobility) K to begin first of all to offer sacrifice, to the end that the rest might follow him, and be in­duc'd by his example; assuring him, That the King would testifie his being well-pleased with his compliance, by the rewards which he would suddenly send him. Matthias answer'd, That he would by no means commit that Idolatry; assuring them, That although all other Nations of the World, either for love, or fear of punishment, should obey the Edicts of Antiochus; yet that nei­ther he, nor any of his children, would be induc'd to forsake their fathers Religion. As soon as he had return'd this answer, he held his peace, and a certain Jew stepped forth to offer sacrifice according to Antiochus ordinance;An Apostate slain by Mat­thias. wherewith Matthias was so much displeas'd, that both he and his sons fell upon him, and with their swords hew'd him in pieces. He slew Apelles the Kings Captain likewise, and the Soldiers which he brought with him, to com­pel L the people to commit impiety. And not content herewith, he overthrew the [...]ltar, crying out with a loud voice, If (said he) any one be affected to the Laws of his Fathers, and the service of God, Matthias with his sons flieth into the desart. let him follow me: And this said, he presently retir'd into the De­sart with his sons, leaving the Borough utterly unpeopled. The rest, after his example, retir'd also into the Desart, with their Wives and Children, and made their habitation in Caves. The Kings Captains having intelligence hereof, gather'd those Forces that were at that time in the Cittadel of Jerusalem, and pursued the Jews into the Desart. And ha­ving overtaken them, they labour'd first of all to make them submit themselves, and to make choice of that which was most for their advantage, rather than to endanger them­selves, and enforce them to chastise their disobedience with blood. But the Jews nothing M mov'd herewith, resolv'd rather to die, than commit such an impiety: Whereupon they (who omitted no opportunity) assailed the Jews on a Sabbath-day, and burnt them with­in their Caves; who neither resisted their Enemies, nor so much as closed up the mouths of their Caves, forbearing to make any resistance, by reason of the day, resolving with themselves, not to violate the Sabbath-day (for we are commanded to cease from all labour on that day.)The Jews are slain on the Sabbath-day, which slaugh­ter maketh Matthias more wary. There were therefore about a thousand stifled in their Caves, with their Wives and Children. Yet notwithstanding divers escaped, and joined themselves with Matthias, whom they chose for their Captain; who declared unto them, That they ought to fight on the Sabbath-day: assuring them, That if they did not, but scrupulously observed the Law, they themselves should be enemies unto themselves, if perhaps the Enemy should assail them N on that day, and they should not stand upon their guard: for by that means they should be de­stroyed without resistance. Hereby he persuaded them to do as he had said: and until this day, it is a custom among us, that if need require, we make no difficulty to fight on the Sabbath-day.Matthias roo­teth out all Idolatry. Matthias therefore having assembled a sufficient number of men about him, destroyed the Altars, and slew those that had forsaken their Religion, as many of them as he could lay hands on. For divers were scatter'd here and there among the Na­tions, for fear; he commanded these to circumcise their children that were not circumci­sed, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 8. driving those from every place whom Antiochus had ordain'd to see his Law executed.

After that Matthias had govern'd for the space of one year, he fell sick of a dangerous disease; whereupon he called for his sons, and spake unto them after this manner: My O sons, I must now go that way which is destined unto all men; I therefore exhort you to follow my advice, and diligently to observe it, remembring the intent of your father, who hath begot and nourish'd you; which is, to maintain the Laws of our Countrey, and to establish our State, which [Page 316] is in danger to be overthrown, and hold no correspondence with those that would betray it to the A Enemy. Let it appear to all the World, that ye are my children indeed; strengthen your hearts with courage, to overcome all force and necessity: And assure your selves, that if you act after this manner, God will not forsake you, but taking pleasure in your virtue, he will once more esta­blish you in your former peace and liberty,Matthias ex­horteth his sons to piety, fortitude and concord. and will permit you to live again after the manner of your Ancestors. True it is, our bodies are mortal, and subject unto destiny, but the memory of our virtuous actions will never perish: being therefore stirred up with the love thereof, strive and bestir your selves to obtain honour, to the end that projecting mighty things, you make no difficul­ty to hazard your lives in the execution of the same. Above all things, I exhort you unto con­cord, to the end that in whatsoever one of you shall be found more naturally apt and fitted than another, he may prosecute it, without any contradiction of the rest. I charge you also to observe B and obey your brother Simon (who is a politick and valiant man) in whatsoever he shall coun­sel you. And for your Captain, you shall choose Machabeus, because he is both valiant and strong: for he shall revenge the injuries and outrages which have been done to our Nation, and put our enemies to flight: And assure your selves, that there is no man that hath any love to Virtue and Religion, who will not join himself unto you in so holy an enterprize.

CHAP. IX.
The death of Matthias. Judas Machabeus one of his sons, takes upon him the management of the publick Affairs. He delivers his Countrey, and purgeth it from the Abomi­nations C which had been committed therein.

AFter Matthias had thus spoken unto his sons,1 Mac. 3. and pray'd God to favor their enterpri­zes, Matthias death. and to restore the People to their ancient policy, and their accustomed manner of living,Judas Macha­beus appointed Governor. which they had in former times observ'd; he dyed, and was buried in Modin. After the People had mourned for him for a certain time, and perform'd publickly such honour at his funerals, as was agreeable to his quality, his son Judas Machabeus took upon him the management of the War, in the 146 year; and by the assistance of his brethren, and other Jews, he drave the Enemies out of the Countrey, and put those of his own Na­tion to death who had forsaken their Religion, and purged the Countrey of all abomina­tions D which had been committed therein.

CHAP. X.
Apollonius General of Antiochus's Army, cometh into Jewry, and is discomfited and slain; and also Serron Governor of the lower Syria.

WHen Apollonius, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 9. who was Antiochus's General in Samaria, heard hereof, he gather'd his Army together,Judas Macha­beus overcom­eth Apollonius in battel. and invaded Judea: against whom Machabeus made head, and overcame him in a battel, wherein there died many, and amongst the rest Apollonius, E whose sword Machabeus got as his part in the spoil. There were a great number of them also wounded,Seron, Gover­nor of Coelo­syria, is put to flight in Judea. and much booty was taken in the Enemies Camp: after which victory, enriched with spoils, he retreated. But Seron, Governor of Coelosyria, hearing hereof, and understanding that divers had joined themselves with Judas, and that he had already about him a sufficient power to keep the field, and give him battel; he thought that it concern'd him to begin to punish those who obey'd not the Kings Edicts. Whereupon, af­ter he had assembled all the Forces that he had, and besides them, hired certain Apostates, or fugitive Jews, he marched forth against Judas, and came as far as Bethoron, a village in Jewry, where he encamped. Judas also came out to meet with him, resolving to give him battel: and seeing that his Soldiers would hardly be drawn out to fight, (both by F reason of their inequality of number, as also because they were faint by fasting a long time) he encourag'd them, saying, That the means to obtain victory, and to have the upper hand over their Enemies, consisted not in the greatness of their number, but in their dependance upon God: whereof they had a most eminent example in their Forefathers, who had oftentimes defeated with a small number of men, divers thousands of their Enemies, because they fought for the defence of their Laws, and for their Children: for the greatest power (said he) that a man can have, is to be innocent, and without offence. By these words persuaded he his Sol­diers, so that without any fear of the multitude of their Enemies, they all together ran upon Seron, and encountring with him, they discomfited the Syrians. For their Chieftain being slain, all the rest betook themselves to flight, in which thing only consisted the safe­ty G of their lives. Judas therefore pursuing them as far as the Champain, slew about 800 of them. The rest saved themselves in those quarters that bounded upon the Sea.

H CHAP. XI.
Judas Machabeus defeats a great Army which King Antiochus sent against the Jews. Lysias the next year returns with a much greater power. Judas kills five thousand of his men, and causeth him to retreat. He purifieth the Temple, and setteth it in order. Other great Exploits perform'd by him.

WHen King Antiochus heard these things,Antiochus's preparation to invade Judea. he was much displeased at that which had hapned: whereupon he mustered all his Forces, and hiring divers strangers and I mercenary Islanders, he prepar'd himself to invade Judea about the Spring-time. But after the muster of his Army, when he found that his treasure failed him, and that he was in great scarcity of money, (for his Tributes were not duly paid him, because the Na­tions were rebellious) being likewise in his own nature a man of great and magnificent spirit, which put him upon great expences, he resolved first of all to go into Persia, to gather his Tributes.Antiochus committing his Kingdom, Provinces and son to Lysias's charge, depart­eth into Persia. He therefore left the charge of his affairs with Lysias, (a man very much esteemed by him, and one that govern'd all the Countrey from Euphrates, as far as the borders of Egypt, and the lower Asia) giving him likewise a part of his Army, and some of his Elephants. To him had the King given charge to see his son Antiochus carefully trained up, until his return: commanding him expresly, That when he had con­quered K Judea, he should make the Inhabitants thereof his slaves, and sell them to those that would give most, and destroy Jerusalem, and utterly abolish that race. The King having given this charge to Lysias, led forth his Army towards the Countrey of Persia, in the 147 year: And after he had passed Euphrates, he marched onward toward the upper Provinces.

Lysias chose Ptolomy the son of Dorymenis, Nicanor and Gorgias, (men of great pow­er and authority amongst the Kings friends) and gave them 40000 Footmen, and 7000 Horsemen, to invade Jewry. Who marching as far as the City of Emaus, encamped in the Plain near unto it, and strengthned their Army with divers Allies out of Syria, and the Countries thereabouts, and with divers Jews also who were Apostates. There came also certain Merchants with them, with an intent to buy those that should be taken Pri­soners, L bringing Gives with them, to manacle those that should be captivated, and money to pay for them.

When Judas had view'd the Camp, and numbred the Enemy,H [...]dio & Ruf­finus, cap. 10. he encourag'd the Sol­diers, exhorting them to repose their confidence and hope of victory in God, willing them to invocate and call upon him,Ptolomy, Gor­gias, and Ni­canors War in Judea. according to their Law; and that cloathing themselves in sackcloth, they should humble themselves according to their accustomed manner in such extreme dangers, and call upon God with supplications and prayers; and that in so doing, God would have compassion on them, and give them power to stand against their Enemies, and put them to flight. When therefore he had order'd his battel according to the custom of his Countrey, by thousands and hundreds, and sent away those that were M newly married, and such as had newly bought possessions, lest the love of their Wives or Estates should abate something of their courage, he stood up in the midst of them, and exhorted his Soldiers to fight valiantly, in these, or such like words:

My Countreymen and Companions, never have we hither to had any occasion more necessary, wherein we ought to shew our courage,Judas's Ora­tion to his Soldiers. and contemn our dangers, than at this present. For at this time, if you fight couragiously, you may recover your liberty: which of it self is so accepta­ble unto you all; and ought the rather to be desired, because thereby you will enjoy the free exer­cise of your Religion. As therefore you shall behave your selves at this time, you may obtain the victory, and enjoy a happy life, (which consisteth in living according to our Laws and ancient customs) but if you prove Cowards, you are to expect nothing less than the extreamest infamy, N and the utter extermination of all your race. Think therefore with your selves, that if you fight not, you must die: and on the other side, assure your selves, that in fighting for your liberty, for your laws, and for piety, you shall obtain immortal glory: prepare your selves therefore, that tomorrow morning you may give your enemies battel. Thus spake Judas to his Army, to en­courage them.

Whil'st he was intent upon the battel, certain tydings was brought him, that Gorgias was sent with 1000 Horsemen, and 5000 Footmen,1 Mach. 4▪ to the end that under the conduct of some fugitives, he might by night, and when he least suspected him, set upon him: where­upon he resolved the very same night to break into the Enemies Army, especially since he knew that their Forces were divided. Having therefore refresh'd both himself and his O Army, and left a number of sires in his Camp, he marched all that night, and sought out the Enemy, who was at Emaus. Gorgias perceiving that the Jews had forsaken their Camp, suppos'd they were retir'd for fear into the Mountains to hide themselves: so [Page 318] that he resolved to proceed,The year of the World, 3800. before Christ's Nativity, 164. and search for them diligently. But early in the morning,A Judas, accompanied with 3000 Men, (who were ill arm'd by reason of their poverty) came up unto his Enemies, who were at Emaus; and after he had seen their warlike dis­cipline, and mighty number, and how Soldier-like they were encamped, he exhorted his followers, telling them, That they ought to fight, although they were naked: for although they were in that condition, yet God (who took pleasure in the greatness of their courage) had al­ready given them the victory against a number of armed Soldiers. And forthwith he com­manded the Trumpets to sound; so that rushing in upon his Enemies on the sudden, the surprize and astonishment was so great, that he slew divers of them who resisted, and put the rest to flight; he pursu'd them as far as Gadara, and the Plains of Idumea, of Azor, and of Jamnia. Judas over­cometh Lysias's Army. In this Encounter there dyed about 3000 of the Enemy. Notwithstand­ing,B Judas would not permit his Soldiers as yet to take the benefit of the spoil, because they were to fight against Gorgias and his Army, assuring them, That as soon as they should have defeated him, they might take their booty, without fear, because they should have no more Enemies to expect.

Whil'st he thus spake unto his Soldiers, they that were with Gorgias, perceived from the top of an hill, that the Army that was left behind them, was put to flight, and that their Camp was on fire: for although they were far off, yet did the smoke assure them of it. Which when they understood, and perceiv'd Judas and his fellows in battel aray, expecting their coming,Judas gather­eth a huge prey. they feared, and betook themselves to flight. When as therefore Judas perceived that Gorgias Troops were discomfited, without stroke strucken, he went C out to gather the pillage; and after he had gotten together great store of gold, silver, scarlet, and purple, he returned to his quarters with joy, praising God for their happy success: for this victory did not a little advantage them, towards the attainment of their liberty.Lysias once [...] invadeth Judea, and lo­seth 5000 of his Soldiers. But Lysias, to repair the dishonour which he had suffer'd by this defeat, raised the next year another Army of almost 60000 chosen Men, and 5000 Horsemen, to in­vade Judea. After he had therefore made his entry by the Mountains, he encamped in Bethsura, a village of Judea.

Judas having notice thereof, came forth against him, accompanied with 10000 Men; and discovering the number of his Enemies far to exceed his, (after he had besought God by Prayer, That it would please him to assist him in the battel) he charged the Van­guard D of the Enemy with so great courage, that he discomfited them, and slew about 5000, leaving the rest in great fear. Lysias knowing the resolution of the Jews, and how they were resolved to dye, except they might enjoy their liberty; and fearing their despera­tion, more than their force, he gather'd together the rest of his Army, and returned back to Antioch: The Temple of Jerusalem. where he sojourned, hiring many Foreign Soldiers, to make a greater Army to invade Jewry. After that Antiochus's Captains had been discomfited so many times, Judas assembled the People together, and told them, That after they had obtained so many victories through the mercy of God, it behoved them to go up to Jerusalem, and to purifie the Temple that was left desolate, and to offer those Sacrifices ordained by the Law. When he came thither with a multitude of people, he found the Temple like a Desart, and the E Gates thereof burnt, and Grafs growing within it; so great a desolation drew sighs from his heart, and he wept with all those that accompanied him: And having chosen out cer­tain of his best Soldiers, he commanded them to assault the Garison that were in the Fortress, whiles he himself purged the Temple. Which command of his being exactly and resolutely fulfilled, he sent for new Vessels, a Candlestick, a Table, an Altar of In­cense, all made of Gold. He put also veils or hangings to the doors, accustomed to be spread abroad, and made Gates to the Temple. And having thrown down the Altar of burnt-offerings, which had been prophaned by Antiochus, he built a new one of all sorts of stones, neither hewen, nor hammered, according to art. The 25 day of the month of Chasleu, (with us September) there were lights set upon the Candlesticks, and per­fumes F laid upon the Altar, and loaves upon the Table, and sacrifices offer'd upon the new Altar.The Temple left desolate for 3 whole years space. All which hapned the same day three years, wherein the sacred Religion was changed into prophaness and impiety. For the Temple was ruinated and left deso­late by Antiochus, and remained in that state for the space of three whole years. For this desolation hapned in the 145th year, [...]. and the 25th day of the month call'd Apellaeus or August, in the 153 Olympiad: and the Temple was purified the same day, in the year 148, and the 154 Olympiad. This desolation of the Temple hapned, according as Daniel had foretold, four hundred and eight years before: for he declared that the Macedonians should destroy it.

After that Judas had re-establish'd the service of the Temple, [...] both he and his Coun­treymen G solemniz'd a feast for eight dayes, omitting not any kind of lawful pleasure, banquetting sumptuously, and honouring God in Hymns and Psalms. Thus rejoyced they [Page 319] H at this re-establishment,The year of the World, 3801. before Christ's Nativity, 163. seeing that contrary to all hope, after so long time, they had re­cover'd the customs of their Countrey, and their ancient Religion: so that a Decree was made for those that should come after, whereby it was commanded, That for the space of eight dayes the rebuilding of the Temple should be solemnized, with the ceremonies and ancient ordinances: And ever since that time, until this day, we celebrate this feast, called the Feast of Lights, for this reason, in my opinion, because this so great felicity began to shine unto us as a light, contrary to all hope. He inclosed the City likewise with a wall and built high Towers thereon, in which he placed Garisons against the incursions of the ene­mies. He fortified the City of Bethsura also, that it might serve as a Fort against the enemy.

I Whil'st these things passed thus,Hedio & Ruf­finus▪ cap. 13. the Nations round about displeased with the re-esta­blishment and power of the Jews, Machab. 5. slew divers of them, whom they surprized by ambushes and treachery.Judas maketh continual War with the neighbouring Nations. On those Judas made continual War, to hinder their incursions, and to make them partakers of those evils they had inflicted upon the Jews. So that invading Acrabathan, he slew the Idumaeans that were descended from Esau, and brought away a great prey out of their Countrey, and shut up the sons of Baan their Prince, who lay in wait for the Jews; and having besieg'd them, he overcame them, setting fire on their Towers, and killing all the men that were therein. After this, he departed from thence, and made War upon the Ammonites, who had a great and mighty Army, under the con­duct of Timotheus: These he encounter'd and overcame, and took their City of Jazor, K and burnt it, and led away their wives and children into captivity, and afterwards retur­ned into Judea. The neighbouring Nations hearing of this, assembled themselves to­gether in Galaad against the Jews, who inhabited the frontiers of Galaad; who having retired to the Fort of Dathema, sent Letters unto Judas, to let him know, That Timotheus intended to surprize the place whereunto they were retreated, and requested him to deliver them from this danger. And whil'st he was reading of these Letters, certain messengers came unto him out of Galilee, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 11. to inform him, that they were assaulted by the Inhabitants of Ptolemais, Tyre, Sidon, and other People thereabouts.

L CHAP. XII.
The Exploits of Simon the brother of Judas Machabeus in Galilee. Judas, accom­panied with Jonathan his brother, obtaineth a victory over the Am­monites. Some other performances of Judas.

JƲdas, that he might send relief to these two parties that were assaulted both at the same time, commanded his brother Simon to take 3000 chosen men with him, and to go and succour those Jews that were assailed in Galilee: and himself, accompanied with Jonathan his other brother, and 8000 fighting men, repaired unto the Countrey of Ga­laad, leaving the government of the rest of the Forces in the hands of Joseph the son of M Zachary, and Azarias, commanding them to have a careful and diligent eye to Judea, and not to engage with any one until his return. Simon coming into Galilee, fought against his enemies,Simon over­cometh his enemies in Ga­lilee, deliver­eth the Jews that were captive. and discomfited them; and afterwards pursuing them that fled as far as the gates of Ptolemais, he slew about 3000: and after he had gather'd the spoils of such as were slain, he set many Jews at liberty who were Prisoners; and having restor'd them to their goods, he retir'd back again to his Countrey. But Judas Machabeus, and Jonathan his brother, having past Jordan, and marched on the other side thereof for the space of three dayes,Judas and Jo­nathan succor the Jews be­sieged in Ga­laad. came at length to the Nabathaeans, who peaceably came out to meet them; by whom he understood the state of those that were in Galaad, and how divers of them were in extreme want, inclosed and besieged in Castles and Cities of the Countrey by N their enemies. These likewise besought him to make haste, and encounter the strangers, and to seek the means to save their Countreymen. Hereupon he returned into the De­sart, and first of all assailed the Inhabitants of Bosra, and took their City, and set it on fire,Bosta taken and burnt. killing all the men that were therein, who were able to bear Arms. Neither was he contented therewith, but when night drew on, he marched towards another Castle where the Jews were inclosed, and shut up by Timothy and his Army; and coming up to them about break of day, he surprized the Enemy at such time as they were raising their lad­ders to scale the walls, and made ready their engines for battery: whereupon he caused the Trumpets to sound, and after he had encouraged his People to fight valiantly and faithfully for their kinsmen and friends,Judas succo­reth the be­sieged Jews. being in great danger, and had distributed his O Forces into three Battalions, he set upon the Enemies reerward. Timotheus's Soldiers per­ceiving that it was Machabeus, whose valor and good fortune they had already experien­ced to their great loss, they, without delay, betook themselves to flight. But Judas, with [Page 320] his Army, followed after them, and slew about 8000 of them; and marching toward Mal­la, A (a City of the enemies) he surprized it, and slew all the men therein, and afterwards consumed it with fire. After this, departing thence, he took and destroyed Chaspoma, Bosor, and divers other places in Galaad.

Shortly after,Timothy's Sol­diers slain. Timothy levied another great Army, and drew out with him all his Al­lies to his succor, and a number of Arabians, whom he had hired: with this Army of his passed he the River,Malla taken and burnt. and encamped near unto a Town called Rapha; exhorting his Soldi­ers to behave themselves like valiant men against their Enemies the Jews, Chaspoma and Bosor taken. and to hinder their passage, because all their hopes of victory depended upon the securing of that Pass. Judas understanding that Timotheus was prepared to fight,Timothy ga­thereth new Forces, and is overcome by Judas. took with him all his Forces, and marched hastily against the Enemy; so that having passed the River, he set upon them,B killing divers of them that resisted: and terrifying the rest, who casting away their Arms, were constrained to flie. There were some of them who saved themselves by their swift­ness; and some by retreating into a Temple called Carnain, where they were in hope to be secured, and so to escape: but after that Judas had taken the City where the Temple was, he slew them, and burnt it, and caused all his Enemies to perish either by the sword or by fire. After this overthrow, he led away with him from Galaad all the Jews, their wives and children,The Jews are brought out of the Countrey of Galaad in­to Judea. and substance, and brought them with him unto Judea. When as there­fore he drew near unto the Town of Ephron, which was scituate directly in his way, so that it was impossible for him to march any other wayes in his return home, without go­ing very much about, and putting himself to great inconveniencies; he sent Messengers C to the Inhabitants,Ephron besie­ged and burnt. to pray them to open their gates, and to grant him free passage through their City: for they had made barricadoes of stones to cut off the passage. But when therefore the Ephronites would give no ear unto him, he besieged their City for a day and nights space, and took and burnt it, and slew all the men that were therein, and after­wards went onward on his way; and so great a number was there of those that were slain, that he marched upon the bodies of dead men.

After they had past Jordan, An admirable victory of Ju­das Machabe­us, who, in all these conflicts, lost not one man. they came into a great Plain, wherein the City of Bethsan (by the Greeks called Scythopolis) stood; from whence they departed, and came into Judea with joy and gladness, singing and praising God, and using their accustomed pastimes and songs of victory. This done, he offer'd up sacrifices of Thanksgiving for their hap­py D success, and the safety of his Army; especially since in all those battels and encoun­ters he had not lost one Jew. Joseph and Za­chary over­come by Gor­gias, lose 2000 Soldiers.

In the mean while two Captains, to wit, Joseph the son of Zachary, and Azarias, who were left for the guard of Judea, (whil'st Simon went into the Countrey of Galilee against those of Ptolemais, and Judas and Jonathan his brother were in Galaad against the Ammonites) desirous also to obtain the honour and reputation of valiant men by some notable exploit, marched with the Forces under their command towards Jamnia. Against these came forth Gorgias, who was Governor in that place, and charg'd them in that manner, that the Jews lost 2000 men, and fled as far as the Marches of Judea. This mis­chief fell upon them, because they had disobey'd Judas's commandment, who had pro­hibited E them to fight with any before his return. And this gives us just cause more and more to admire the providence and excellent conduct of this great Captain of the Jews. Judas and his brethren making War against the Idumeans, Chebron and Marissa be­sieged. gave them no respite, but con­tinually charging them on every side, they took also the City of Chebron, and destroyed all the fortifications thereof, and burnt the Towers, spoiling all the Countrey of the ene­mies, and razed the City of Marissa likewise. Afterwards coming to Azor, they took and spoiled it, and carried away a great quantity of booty from thence, and returned back into Judea in safety. F G

H CHAP. XIII.
King Antiochus Epiphanes being forced shamefully to raise his siege from before Elymais a Town in Persia, (where he designed to pillage a Temple consecrated to Diana) and troubled for the defeat of several of his Captains which he sent against the Jews, dyeth for grief.

AT this time Antiochus passing through the upper Provinces of his Kingdom, un­derstood that there was a very wealthy City in Persia called Elymais, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 13. in which I there was a Temple dedicated to Diana, 1 Mac. 6. full of all sorts of Presents: wherein also he was inform'd,Antiochus de­sirous to spoil Diana's Tem­ple, besiegeth Elymais, and is shamefully repulsed to Babylon. that the shield and Cuirasse of Alexander was kept, who was Philip King of Macedons son. Hereupon he resolv'd to make himself Master of the place, and forthwith besieg'd it. And the Inhabitants thereof being neither affrighted with his approach, nor terrifi'd with his siege, made a stout resistance, so that he failed of his pur­pose. For they drave him from their City; and sallying out upon him, they pursu'd him so hotly, that he fled back to Babylon, and lost a great number of his men. After this defeat,Antiochus Epi­piphanes bur­den'd with cares, falleth sick. and frustration of his hope, news was brought him of the overthrow of his Captains, whom he had left to War against the Jews, and how they of Jewry were now the stronger, and had the upper hand. This trouble seconding his former discontent, K touched him so nearly,Polybius Me­galopolitane of the cause of Antiochus sickness. that he fell sick; and his disease, aggravated with other accidents, increasing, he knew well that he should die: and therefore he call'd for his most familiar friends, and told them, That his sickness was violent and desperate, and that he deserv'd this affliction, because be had persecuted the people of the Jews, and destroyed their Temple, com­mitted horrible Sacriledge, and contemned that God which they adored: And whil'st he thus spake unto them, he gave up the ghost. So that I wonder at Polybius the Megalopolitane, (who is in other things a good Historian) who writeth, That Antiochus died, because he would have spoiled the Temple of Diana in the Countrey of Persia. For since he had only intended to commit Sacriledge, but had not effected it, he merited not to suffer pu­nishment for it. And if it seemeth good unto Polybius, that Antiochus was punish'd by death L upon this occasion; it is far more likely to be true, that his death befell him for the Sacri­ledge he had committed in the Temple of Jerusalem. But our purpose is not to argue against those that maintain, that Polybius's reasons are of greater truth and consequence, than ours are.

CHAP. XIV.
Antiochus Eupator succeeds his father Epiphanes. Judas Machabeus lays siege to the Cittadel at Jerusalem. Antiochus comes against him with a great Army, and besiegeth Bethsura; they both raise their sieges, and come to a pitch'd Battel. The wonderful M courage, and the death of Eleazar, one of the brothers of Judas. Antiochus takes Bethsura, and besiegeth the Temple of Jerusalem; but when the Jews were reduced to the greatest extremity, he raiseth the siege, upon the news that was brought him of Philip's having caused himself to be proclaimed King of Persia.

BEfore Antiochus gave up the ghost,Antiochus ap­pointeth Phi­lip Governor of his kingdom and commit­teth his son Antiochus to his charge. he called for Philip one of his chief friends, and made him Governor of his kingdom. And having deliver'd his Diadem into his hands, his Royal Robe, and his Ring and Jewels, he charg'd him to deliver them to his son Antiochus, entreating him to take care of his education, and to secure the kingdom N for him, until he came to years of discretion. This done, Antiochus died the 149 year of the kingdom of Syria. Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 14. After that Lysias had certifi'd the people of the Kings death, he proclaim'd his son Antiochus (whom at that time he had in his protection) King, sirna­ming him Eupator, Lysias createth Antiochus the younger King, and sirnameth him Eupator. (according to the instructions that were given him.) About that time, the Garison and Apostates that were in the Fortress of Jerusalem, did much mischief un­to the Jews. For setting upon them that went up to the Temple to worship and offer Sacrifice,The Macedo­nians in the Castle of Je­rusalem, do much harm to the Jews. they slew them: for the Fortress commanded the Temple. For this cause, Ju­das resolved to cut off these Garisons, and to that intent he assembled all the people, and besieged it. This enterprize was undertook in the year 150, after that Seleucus had usur­ped the government of those Countries. Having therefore made him certain Engines, O and raised divers Platforms, he industriously continued the siege: But divers of those Apostates that were revolted,Judas Macha­beus besiegeth the Castle. and of that Garison, came out by night, and assembling to­gether such men as were as malicious as themselves, they came unto King Antiochus, be­seeching [Page 322] him,The year of the World, 3803. before Christ's Nativity, 161. That he would not suffer them to be abused by those of our Nation; nor to be ne­glected A by him, since their sufferings proceeded only from their having devoted themselves to his fathers service; for whose sake they had forsaken their own Religion, and follow'd his Laws and Ordinances. Furthermore they told him, That the Fortress was in danger to be surprized by Ju­das, and his Associates, The fugitive Jews flie out of the Castle, and require Antiochus's assistance. except some present succors were sent unto them. When Antiochus the younger had notice hereof, he was displeased, and sent for his Captains and Friends, com­manding them to hire strangers, and to list all those in his kingdom who were of years to bear Arms; so that he gather'd in short time an Army of 100000 Foot, and 20000 Horse, and 32 Elephants: and with this equipage marched out of Antioch, committing his Army to Lysias. Antiochus marcheth into Judea with his Army. As soon as he came into Idumaea, he went up unto Bethsura, a walled City,B and very difficult to be taken, which he besieged: but with such a disadvantage, that the Bethsurians resisting him valiantly,Bethsura be­sieged. and sallying out upon him, burnt those Engines which he had prepar'd for the battery of the Town. When therefore a long time was consumed about the siege.Judas with his forces encoun­treth the King at Beth-za­charia. Judas having intelligence of the Kings approach, raised his Camp from before the Castle of Jerusalem, and marching forward to meet the Enemy, he encamped in a certain streight, in a place call'd Beth-zacharia, about 70 furlongs from the Enemy.

The King having notice thereof, raised his siege from Bethsura, and marched toward the streight where Judas's Army was encamped, and about the morning he set his Sol­diers in battel aray. He first of all caused his Elephants to march one after another through the streight, for that it was impossible for them to march in a square body. About every Elephant were 1000 Footmen, and 500 Horsemen. These Elephants bare high Towers on C their backs, fill'd with Archers. The rest of his Forces he caused to march two several wayes by the mountains, under the conduct of his most trusty friends, commanding them to charge their Enemies with a great shout, and to discover their golden and brazen buck­lers, to the end the reflection thereof might dazle the eyes of the Jews: whereupon, the mountains resounded with the fearful cryes of Antiochus Army; yet was not Judas any wayes discourag'd at it.Eleazar, Ju­das's brother, killeth an Elephant. For receiving the charge with a great courage, he slew al­most 600 of the forlorn hope. But Eleazar sirnamed Auran, Judas's brother, seeing a huge Elephant among the rest with trappings somewhat extraordinary, and supposing that the King was mounted thereon,Judas return­eth to Jerusa­lem, and Anti­ochus follow­eth him. he made towards him with a mighty courage; and after he had slain divers of those that invironed the Elephant, and scatter'd the rest, he thrust D his sword into the belly of the beast, and wounded him to death; but the Elephant fal­ling upon Eleazar, slew him with his weight: and thus honourably diedthis worthy man, after that he had slain a great number of his Enemies, and sold his life at a dear rate. Judas seeing his Enemies Forces so great in number, retir'd back to Jerusalem to continue his siege: and Anti [...]chus sent part of his Army to Bethsura to take it, and with the rest he himself marched toward Jerusalem.

The Bethsurites being afraid of this mighty Army of the King, and seeing their neces­sary provisions failed,The Bethsu­rites yield up their City. yielded up their City, after they had taken the Kings oath, that he would offer no violence; so that when Antiochus was Master of the City, he offer'd them no injury;The Temple of Jerusalem besieged. only he thrust them out disarmed from the City, and placed a Garison E therein. He spent a long time also in besieging the Temple of Jerusalem, for they who kept it, defended it valiantly. For against every Engine the King built and raised up against them, they erected a contrary Engine. They only wanted victuals, because their old provision was consumed, and the ground had not been manured that year, because it was the seventh; in which, according to the Law, the Countrey ought not to be tilled; which was the cause that divers of those that were besieged, fled away privately for want of victuals, insomuch that very few remained for the defence of the Temple. In this condition were they who were besieg'd in the Temple.

But when King Antiochus and Lysias the General had received notice, Antiochus hearing news of Philips in­tent to invade Persia, giveth over his siege to meet him. that Philip coming out of Persia, intended to make himself Lord of the Countrey; they concluded to give F over the siege for that time, and to march forwards against Philip, without giving any no­tice thereof to his Soldiers. He only commanded that Lysias should call a Council of his Captains, and without discovering of his design against Philip; to tell them, That he rai­sed the siege, because the place was very strong, and his Army began to want victuals, and the pub­lick affairs required his presence in other parts of his Dominions. Furthermore, he thought it expedient to capitulate with the besieged, and contract friendship with all the Nation of the Jews, promising them the free exercise of their Religion, because they rebelled only that they were deprived of it; and he was assured, that having the grant thereof, they would live peaceably, and he might safely return into his own Countrey. When Lysias had declared these Reasons, all the Army and the Captains approved thereof. G

H CHAP. XV.
King Antiochus Eupator makes peace with the Jews, but, contrary to his promise, he demoli­sheth the Wall that encompassed the Temple. He cuts off the head of the High-Priest Onias sirnamed Menelaus, and confers that honour upon Alcim. Onias the Nephew of Menelaus retires into Egypt, where the King and Queen Cleopatra his Wife, permit him to build a Temple at Heliopolis, in imitation of that at Jerusalem.

IN pursuance of this resolution,Antiochus ma­keth peace with Judas. King Antiochus sent a Herald to Judas, and those that I were besieged with him, promising them peace, with permission to live according to their Religion.The wall of the Temple de­faced. Which conditions they willingly embrac'd: and having taken an oath of assurance from the King, they surrendred up the Temple. Whereupon Antiochus en­tred into it,Onias, other­wayes called Menelaus, led away Prisoner. and seeing it to be a place so well fortifi'd, he, contrary to his oath, comman­ded his Army to level the Wall that inviron'd it even with the ground: which done, he return'd to Antioch, leading away with him the High-Priest Onias, who was called Mene­laus. For Lysias had counselled the King to murther Menelaus, if he intended that the Jews should live in peace: and the rather, because it was he only who was the Author of all those evils, by reason of the counsel he had given to Antiochus his father, to inforce the Jews to forsake their Religion. The King for that cause, sent Menelaus unto Beraea, K a City of Syria, where he commanded him to be put to death, after he had enjoy'd the High-Priesthood ten years.Alcim or Jacimus made High-Priest. He was a wicked man, and to raise himself to that great honour and authority, had caused several of our Nation to violate our most holy Laws. As soon therefore as Menelaus was dead, Alcim was made High-Priest, who was called Jacimus. Now when Antiochus found that Philip had already conquer'd a great part of his Countrey, he fought with him, and taking him Prisoner, he put him to death. But Onias the son of the High-Priest,Philip slain by Antiochus. (whom, as we have heretofore declared, was left an Orphan in his infancy) seeing that the King had slain his Uncle Menelaus, Onias the High-Priests son built a Temple in E­gypt, resem­bling that at Jerusalem. and given the Priesthood to Alcim, who was not of the race of the Priests, and had transferred this honour into another family at the persuasion of Lysias, he fled unto Ptolomy King of L Egypt, where being honourably entertained by the King and his Queen Cleopatra, he ob­tained a place at Heliopolis, where he built a Temple like unto that which was at Jeru­salem: whereof we shall hereafter have a more fit opportunity to speak.

CHAP. XVI.
Demetrius the son of Seleucus, escapes from Rome, comes into Syria, and causeth himself to be crowned King, and puts to death King Antiochus and Lysias. He sends Bacchides with an Army into Judea, to exterminate Judas and his party, and to establish Alcim in the High-Priesthood; he proceeds with great cruelty, but Judas compels M him to retire to Demetrius for fresh supplies.

AT that time Demetrius the son of Seleucus fled from Rome, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 15. and took possession of Tripolis in Syria; and after he had set the Diadem upon his own head, and had levied and hired certain Soldiers,1 Machab. 7. he invaded the kingdom:Demetrius sei­zeth Tripolis, and other Ci­ties of [...]yria, and killeth Antiochus and Lysias. where he was received to the general content of all men, who submitting themselves unto him, laid hold on the King Antiochus and Lysias, and brought them alive unto him; but he forthwith comman­ded that they should be put to death, after that Antiochus had reigned two years. To this new elected King, divers Jews, (banish'd for their impiety) and with them the High-Priest Alcim resorted;Alcim the High-Priest, with Apostates accuseth Judas before Deme­trius. who in general accused their own Nation, and principally Judas N and his brethren, objecting against them, that they had slain his friends, and all such as were on his side; and that among all those that were in the kingdom, and expected his coming, some of them were slain; and the rest being driven from their native Countrey, were banish'd into other places: Wherefore he desired him that he would send some one of his friends to take notice of the outrages committed by Judas and his brethren. Deme­trius was much moved by these reports, and for that cause sent Bacchides (who was in times past much esteemed by Antiochus Epiphanes for his valor, and to whose government at that time all Mesopotamia was committed:) To whom he gave an Army, joining with him the High-Priest Alcim, with Commission to kill Judas, and his Confederates. Bacchi­des departing from Antioch with his Army, came into Judea, and sent an Herald unto Ju­das O and his brethren to treat with him upon certain Articles of Peace, because his intent was to surprize them by some treachery. But Judas suspecting his design, gave little heed unto him: for in that he came thither with so great an Army, he easily conjectured that [Page 324] he intended no Peace,The year of the World, 3804. before Christ's Nativity, 160. but to make War: notwithstanding some of the People gave eat A unto the peaceable Proclamation of Bacchides; and supposing that there was no ill de­sign in Alcim, who was their Countreyman, they submitted themselves unto his govern­ment. And having received an oath from them both, that neither they, nor any of their followers,Bacchides kil­leth divers that trust his oath. should any wayes be endamaged by them, they committed themselves to their protection. But Bacchides setting light by his oath, slew 60 of them; and by this breach of his faith towards these, he caused others (who intended to submit themselves) to forsake and flee from his government.Bacchides useth great tyranny in Bethzeth. As soon as therefore he had removed his Army from Jerusalem, he came unto the village of Bethzeth, and there apprehending many of those which had fled, and some others among the People, he slew them all, commanding B all those that lived in the Countrey to obey Alcim, Alcim useth popularity and familiarity to win the peo­ples hearts, and killeth all such as were of Ju­das's faction. to whom he left in that place, for the guard of his person, a part of his Army: and that done, he returned unto Antioch to King Demetrius. In the mean while Alcim intending to secure his government, and supposing that it would be so much the better confirmed, if he could obtain the good will of the People, he used all kind of plausible and familiar speech unto them; and conversing with every man pleasantly and graciously, he joined in a short time great Forces to those which he had before:Judas resisteth Alcims power. amongst whom, there were many fugitives and ungodly men, by whose help and assistance he marched through the Countrey, killing all those whom he found to be of Judas's faction. Judas perceiving that Alcim having gather'd great For­ces, had already slain divers of the most worthymen, and such as feared God, he prepa­red himself also to over-run the Countrey, and slew as many of Alcim's party as he could C meet with. At length finding that he alone was unable to stand against Judas, he thought fit to seek after the assistance of Demetrius. Alcim accuseth Judas to De­metrius. For which cause, he repair'd to Antioch, and incensed Demetrius exceedingly against Judas, accusing him for offering many injuries un­to him: protesting that he should suffer many more, except he were prevented and puni­shed by a good Army sent out against him.

CHAP. XVII.
Demetrius, at the instance of Alcim, sends Nicanor with a great Army against Judas Ma­chabeus, whom he endeavors to surprize. They come to a Battel, and Nicanor is slain.D The death of Alcim, by a most remarkable piece of Divine vengeance. Judas is made High-Priest in his place, and enters in an alliance with the Romans.

DEmetrius imagining,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 16. That if Judas should increase in power, it would be some pre­judice to his state, sent Nicanor his most faithful friend, to make War against him: (who was one of them who accompanied him in his flight from Rome.) Demetrius sendeth Nica­nor against Judas. And having fur­nish'd him with a sufficient Army, and able to make head against Judas, he commanded him to spare no one of that Nation.Nicanor dis­sembling with Judas, labor'd to surprize him. When Nicanor came to Jerusalem, he would not proclaim an open War against Judas, but design'd to surprize him by some subtilty: to this intent he sent him a peaceable message, telling him, That he knew no reason why he should engage E himself in the dangers of a tedious War, since he was ready to assure him with an oath, that he would offer him no injury; and that he came thither with his friends, only to express the good affection of the King Demetrius towards him, and his kindness to the Nation of the Jews. Ju­das and his brethren believed this delusion of Nicanor, and suspecting no harm, they gave credit to him, and entertain'd both him and his Army. When therefore Nicanor had sa­luted Judas, he conferred with him, and in the mean while gave a sign unto his Soldiers to lay hands on him: who perceiving his Treason, brake from him, and fled unto his Sol­diers. When Nicanor saw that his intentions were discover'd, he resolved to make open War upon Judas, and to give him battel near unto a borough called Caphar-salama: in which place obtaining the victory, he constrain'd Judas to retreat into the Fortress at Je­rusalem. F On a certain day when Nicanor came down from the Fortress, and went towards the Temple at Jerusalem, Nicanor threatneth the people, that except they yield up Ju­das, he will destroy the Temple. certain of the Priests and Elders went out to meet him, and af­ter they had done their reverence, they shew'd him those Sacrifices, which (as they said) they intended to offer unto God for the Kings prosperity and health. But he blasphe­ming, threatned them, That if the people did not deliver Judas into his hands, he would destroy the Temple upon his return; and with these menaces he departed out of the City. Which when the Priests heard, they wept bitterly, and intreated God, That it might please him to defend his sacred Temple, together with those which called on his Name therein, from the violence and outrage of their Enemies.

Nicanor departed from Jerusalem, and came unto Bethoron, and encamped there, where G he received great supplies of Soldiers which came unto him out of Syria. Now Judas was encamped in another village called Adas, about 30 Furlongs distant from Bethoron, [Page 325] H having with him at the most not above 100 men. Notwithstanding he exhorted his Soldiers not to be afraid of the multitude of their enemies; nor so much to consider against how many they were to fight, as against whom, and for what recompence, to the intent they might altogether couragiously set upon the enemy, at such time as he should lead them forth to battel.Judas and his followers, put Nicanor and his Soldiers to flight. Whereupon assailing Nicanor, there arose a dangerous con­flict between them, wherein, Judas had the better; for he slew a great number of the enemy: and finally, Nicanor himself fighting couragiously, was slain; and as soon as he fell, his Army betook themselves to flight. For having lost their Captain, they disper­sed themselves, and cast away their weapons: Judas speedily pursuing them, made a great slaughter, and by sound of Trumpet, certifi'd those of the neighbouring villages, That I he had discomfited the enemy. Whereupon the Inhabitants betook themselves to their wea­pons, and meeting with those that fled, they slew them, so that not one escaped from this battel, although the Syrian Army consisted of 9000 Men. This victory hapned on the 13 day of the month Adar, Adar, March. as our Countreymen call it, and the Macedonians Distre: And hereof each year there is a solemn feast and memorial observed. From this time forward, the Nation of the Jews were in quiet without any invasion, and lived in peace for a little time:Alcim the High-Priest dieth. but afterwards they were troubled with the like incursions. Whereas therefore the High-Priest Alcim intended to beat down an old wall of the Sanctuary, which had been built by the holy Prophets, he was suddenly strucken by God; so that he lost his speech, and fell to the ground; and after he had endured many torments, at last K he died miserably, after he had enjoyed the Priesthood for the space of four years.

After his death,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 17. the people with a general consent conferred that office upon Judas; who hearing of the great power of the Romans, 1 Mach. 8. and how they had conquer'd Gaule, Spain, Judas cove­nanteth a peace with the Romans. Carthage, Grece, and the Kings Perseus and Philip; and besides all these, the great King Antiochus, he resolved to procure their friendship, and to that purpose he sent Eu­polemus the son of John, and Jason the son of Eleazar, his two most intimate friends, unto Rome, to entreat the Romans to be their Allies and Confederates, and to write unto De­metrius, That he should forbear to make War against the Jews. When the Ambassadors that were sent from Judas were arrived at Rome, the Senate received them; and after they had discoursed with them upon the occasion of their coming, they accepted their alliance, L and made a Decree, the Copy whereof was then brought into Judea, and the original reserved in the Capitol, engraven on a Table of brass. Which Decree of the Romans, concerning their alliance with the Jews, contained these Articles:

That no man under the obedience of the Romans, The decree of the Romans touching soci­ety and friend­ship of the Jews. should maintain War against the Nation of the Jews: nor should furnish those with victuals, ships, or money, that should make War against them. And if any enemies should assail the Jews, the Romans should give them succor to the utmost of their power: and that likewise if any one should make War against the Romans, the Jews should succor them. That if the Jewish Nation would add or diminish any thing of that association, it should be done with the common advice of the people of Rome; and that that which should be ordained, should remain irrevocable.

M This Copy was written by Eupolemus the son of John, and by Jason the son of Elea­zar, at such time as Judas was High-Priest, and his brother Simon General over the Ar­my. Thus the first amity and alliance was contracted between the Romans and the Jews.

CHAP. XVIII.
King Demetrius sends Bacchides with a new Army against Judas Machabeus, who resolves to give him battel, although he had but 800 men.

WHen Nicanor's death, and the defeat of his Army was told Demetrius, he sent a N new Army into Judea, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 18. under the conduct of Bacchides: who departing from Antioch, 1 Mach. 9. and coming to Judea, encamped in Arbela a City of Galilee; where having taken captive a great number of those that were retir'd into Caves,Demetrius sen­deth Bacchi­des with For­ces into Jury. he departed from thence, and went to Jerusalem: And understanding that Judas was encamped in the village of Berzeth, he marched out against him with 20000 Foot, and 2000 Horse. Judas had not on his side in all above 2000 men,Bacchides meeteth Judas with 20000 Soldiers. the greater part whereof being afraid of the nume­rous Army of the Syrians, forsook their Camp, and fled away: by which means there remained no more with Judas, than 800 men. He seeing himself abandoned by so many of his men, and pressed by his enemies, who gave him no time to reinforce his Army, he O resolved to engage with those 800 which remained, whom he exhorted to be of good courage, and to fight valiantly; but they answer'd, That they were not able to make head against so great an Army, and counselled him to retire, and stand on his guard for that time, until he had gather'd Forces that might be able to face the enemy. But Judas re­plied [Page 326] to this effect: God forbid (said he) that the Sun should see me turn my back upon A mine enemies. And if by this means I meet with my death, and that I must needs spend my last blood in this battel, I will never sullie so many notable actions so worthily atchieved, nor di­minish that glory which I have obtained, by one ignominious flight. And having in this man­ner exhorted the small remnant of those Soldiers that were with him,Judas with a small Army, intendeth to assail a mighty Host. he commanded them that without any apprehension of danger, they should make head against the enemy.

CHAP. XIX.
Judas Machabeus with 800 men, engageth against the whole Army of Demetrius. He is slain, after he had performed actions almost incredible. His praise.B

BAcchides drew out his Army, and ranged them in battel, placing the Horsemen on both the wings,Bacchides dis­poseth his Ar­my, and fight­eth with Judas. his light-armed Soldiers and Archers in the front of the Army, and after these a strong Band, called the Macedonian Phalanx; and he himself led the right wing of the battel. And in this aray he approached Judas's Camp, and caused the Trum­pets to be sounded, commanding his Soldiers to give a great shout, and to charge their enemies. Judas did the like, and encountred Bacchides; so that on both sides there was a most cruel conflict, which continued until the Sun-set. And when Judas perceiv'd that Bacchides, and the flower of his Army fought in the right wing, he chose out a certain number of his most resolute Soldiers, and drew towards that quarter, and setting upon C them,Judas disper­seth the ene­mies Army, killeth some, and at last is slain himself. he brake their squadron; and afterwards thrusting into the midst of them, he for­ced them to flie, and pursu'd them as far as the Mount Aza. They of the left wing per­ceiving the flight of those in the right, went after Judas, and inclosed him behind. So that being unable to flie, and seeing himself inclosed by his enemies, he resolved to fight it out. And after having slain a great number of his enemies, he found himself so fee­ble by the wounds which he had receiv'd, that he fell to the ground, and crowned all his other great and immortal actions by a glorious death. His Soldiers seeing him dead, and having no Commander of note left amongst them, after the loss of so valiant a Captain, betook them all to flight. Simon and Jonathan his brothers, upon intreaty, recover'd his body,Judas buried in Modin. and carried it to Modin, (a place where his father was buried:) there was he in­terred D by all the people, who wept for him divers dayes, and honour'd him publickly, according to the custom of their Countrey. Such was Judas's end, who was a valiant man, a great warrior, and very respective of the commandments of his father Matthias, having done and suffer'd all that was possible, to recover the liberty of his Countrey. Being therefore after this manner accomplished, he had left behind him a perpetual re­nown of his worthy acts, and an honourable memory of himself obtained by the liberty, in which he re-established his Nation, delivering them from the servitude of the Macedo­nians: He died, after he had discharged the office of the High-Priest for the space of three years.E

F

H The Thirteenth Book of the Antiquities of the JEWS;The year of the World, 3085. before Christ's Nativity, 159.

The Contents of the Chapters of the Thirteenth Book.
  • 1. Jonathan, after his brother Judas's death, succeedeth in the Government.
  • 2. Jonathan having wearied Bacchides by War, compelleth him to make a League, and draw I off his Army.
  • 3. Alexander, the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, maketh War upon King Demetrius.
  • 4. Demetrius sendeth an Ambassador to Jonathan with Presents, persuading him to be of his party.
  • 5. Alexander, by greater Presents than Demetrius, and by offering the High-Priesthood to Jonathan, draweth him over to his party.
  • 6. Of the Temple of God built by Onias.
  • 7. How Alexander, after the death of Demetrius, highly honour'd Jonathan.
  • 8. Demetrius, the son of Demetrius, overcoming Alexander, possesseth the Kingdom, and maketh an alliance with Jonathan.
  • K 9. Triphon Apamenus, after he had overcome Demetrius, reserved the Kingdom for An­tiochus, Alexander's son, who receiveth Jonathan into favor.
  • 10. Demetrius being overcome by the Parthians, Triphon breaketh his covenant of peace, and laying hold on Jonathan, traiterously killeth him, and afterwards assaulteth Simon his brother.
  • 11. How the Nation of the Jews committed both the Priesthood and the Government of the Army to Simon.
  • 12. Simon driving Tryphon into Dora, besieged him, and maketh a League with Antiochus, sirnamed Pius.
  • 13. A debate arising between Antiochus and Simon, Cendebaeus the Kings Captain is driven L out of the Countrey.
  • 14. How Simon was traiterously slain at a banquet, by Ptolomy his father-in-law.
  • 15. How Ptolomy's endeavors being made frustrate, Hircanus obtaineth the Government.
  • 16. How Antiochus, sirnamed the Just, leading an Army against Hircanus, for 300 Talents, is reconciled, and entreth into a League.
  • 17. Hircanus's expedition into Syria.
  • 18. How Antiochus Cyzicenus assisting the Samaritans, is conquered, and enforced to flie.
  • 19. Aristobulus causeth himself to be crowned King.
  • 20. The acts of Alexander the King of the Jews.
  • 21. The victory of Ptolomy Lathurus against Alexander.
  • M 22. Demetrius Eucaerus overcometh Alexander in battel.
  • 23. The expedition of Antiochus Dionysius into Jewry.
  • 24. Alexander being dead, his wife Alexandra succeeded him in the Kingdom.

CHAP. I.
After the death of Judas Machabeus, Jonathan his brother is by the Jews chosen General of their Army. Bacchides, the Commander of Demetrius's Army, attempts to kill him trea­cherously; but failing, he assaults him openly. A great battel, and a fair retreat, managed N by Jonathan. The son of Amar kills his brother John, and thereby draws the divine ven­geance on his head. Bacchides besiegeth him and Simon his brother in Bethalaga, but they force him to raise his siege.

WE have declar'd in the former Book, how the Nation of the Jews (after they had been under the subjection of the Macedonians) recovered their liberty: we have likewise related the great wars of Judas their Captain, and in which he was at last slain in the defence of their liberty: how likewise (after the death of Judas) all the wicked Apostate Jews, who had revolted from their Religion, took courage, molesting and doing many injuries O to the rest of their Countreymen. Finally, how besides their malice, the Famine raged in the Countrey; so that divers being unable to sustain these two scourges of Famine and War, were constrain'd to submit themselves unto the Macedonians. In the mean [Page 328] while, Bacchides gathering together the Apostates, (who were fallen from the Religi­on A of the Jews, with an intent to live after the manner of the Heathen) committeth the government of the Countrey unto them, who laying hold on Judas's friends and parta­kers, betrayed and deliver'd them to Bacchides: who first of all tormented and beat them,The Jews compelled by the Apostates, and by famine, submit them­selves to the Macedonians. and afterwards put them to death. This so great affliction (than which, the Jews had never endured a worse, since their return from Babylon) was the cause that those of Judas's faction, who were yet alive, fearing the total ruine of their Nation, addressed themselves to Jonathan his brother, exhorting him to imitate his brother Judas's virtues, and to have no less care of his Countrey, than him who dyed in the defence of it: beseeching him, that he would not suffer his Nation to perish for want of a Captain, Bacchides murthereth those of Ju­das's faction. since he himself was so well B qualified to command them. Jonathan answer'd them, That he was ready to dye for them; and being in all things esteemed no less valiant and politick than his brother Judas, he was proclaimed General and Captain of the Jews.

Bacchides having notice hereof,Jonathan, by the publick instigation of the Jews, un­dertaketh the government. feared lest Jonathan should be no less troublesom to the King and the Macedonians, than his brother Judas before him had been, for which cause he sought means to make him away by Treason. But both Jonathan and his brother Simon gat intelligence thereof, and having discover'd his practice, they took all their fa­milies with them,Bacchides complo [...]teth to betray Jo­nathan, and his brother. and fled into the desart that confin'd upon the City of Jerusalem: and retiring near unto a water call'd the Lake of Asphar, they remained in that place. When Bacchides perceiv'd that they mistrusted him, and were driven thither; he went out against them with all his Forces, and being encamped on the other side of Jordan, he ga­thered C his Army together. Jonathan knowing well that Bacchides came out to seek him, sent his brother John (sirnamed Gaddis) unto the Arabians and Nabatheans, to commit the trust of their goods into their hands,Bacchides draweth out his Forces a­gainst Jona­than. until the end of the War betwixt him and Bac­chides: for the Arabians were his friends. Whil'st therefore John marched towards the Nabatheans, (who were of the City of Medaba) the sons of Amareus laid an ambush for him; and after they had furiously set upon him on the way, and laid hold on what­soever he brought with him,John, the bro­ther of Judas, is slain by Amars son. they at length slew him, and all his company: for which fact of theirs, they were shortly after punished by his brethren, as we shall relate here­after.

When Bacchides knew that Jonathan was encamped in the Marshes of Jordan, Bacchides as­saileth Jona­than on the S [...]bbath-day, and loseth 2000 of his men. he made D choice of the Sabbath-day to set upon him, hoping that he would not defend himself on that day, because of the prohibition of the Law. But he, contrary to his expecta­tion, encouraged his Soldiers, and declared unto them how it concerned their lives to be valiant, for that it was impossible for them to escape, because they were shut up in the midst betwixt the River and the Enemy: for they had the Enemy before them, and the River on their backs. As soon therefore as he had made his Prayer unto his God, That it might please him to grant him the victory, he set upon the Enemy with great resoluti­on, and slew a great number of them: and perceiving how Bacchides assaulted him with great fierceness, he stretched out his right hand to strike him; but he preventing the stroke, by stepping aside, Jonathan and his companions leapt into the River, and so saved E themselves, by swimming over to the other side of Jordan, because the Enemy durst not pass the Water to pursue them. Whereupon Bacchides returned incontinently to the Castle of Jerusalem (after he had lost about 2000 of his men.) After this, he fortifi'd divers Cities (which were before ruinated) namely, Jericho, Emaus, Bethoron, Bethella, Thamnata, Pharathon, Techoa, and Gazara, and built in every of them certain Towers, and great and strong Walls, and afterwards he planted Garisons therein, to sally out upon the Jews, and vex them; but especially he fortifi'd the Cittadel of Jerusalem, in which he kept for hostages the children of the principal men of Judea.

About that time there came a certain man to Jonathan and his brother Simon, bringing them news,The Castle of Jer [...]salem [...]. that the sons of Amareus, would solemnize their Nuptials, and were to lead F the Bride, which was daughter to one of the noblest amongst the Arabians, from the City of Gabatha: and it was intended that she should be conducted with great magnificence and pomp. Jonathan and his brother supposing that a fit opportunity was offer'd them to revenge their brothers death,Simon reveng­eth his brother Johns blood on the sons of Amaraeus. and to punish the Medabanes for the wrongs they had done unto their brother, they took with them the greatest Forces that they could, and marched towards Medaba, where they lay in ambush under the side of an hill. But when they saw them that led the Bride, and accompanied the Bridegroom, and a great Troop of their Friends likewise, according to the manner of Marriages, they brake out of their ambush, and put them all to the sword; and after they had seized their jewels, and all the other booty of that company that follow'd them, they retired back again joyfully,G having accomplish'd their design: and thus revenged they the death of their brother John, upon the sons of Amareus. For not only these alone, but their friends that accom­panied [Page 329] H them with their Wives and Children,The year of the World, 3880. before Christ's Nativity, 156. were all of them slain, to the number of 400. And in this manner Simon and Jonathan returned into the marshes aforesaid, and abode there. But Bacchides having fortified all the Garisons of Judea, returned back unto the King. And at that time the state of the Jews was in peace, for the space nigh two years.

But the wicked,Demetrius, by the sollicitati­on of the fugi­tives, sendeth Bacchides a­gainst Jona­than, with an Army. and such as were revolted from the Religion of the Jews, seeing that Jonathan and his followers conversed in the Countrey with great assurance, by reason of the Peace; they sent certain Ambassadors unto King Demetrius, requiring him to send them Bacchides, who might apprehend Jonathan; declaring that it might easily be done: and that in one night breaking in upon them, he might murther them all before they I were aware. When Bacchides, by the King's commandment, came into Jewry, he wrote unto all his Friends,Bacchides dis­pleased with the Apostates, for that they could not sur­prize Jona­than, killeth 50 of them. both Jews, and also his other Allies, requiring them to lay hold on Jonathan: but when by no policy, nor prowess of theirs, they were able to apprehend him, (for that Jonathan having notice of their ambushes, stood upon his guard) Bac­chides the Macedonian was displeased with the Apostates and Fugitives, objecting against them, that they had deceived both the King and him: and laying hold on fifty of the principal of them, he put them to death. But Jonathan and his brother, with those of their company,Jonathan and his brother be­sieged in Be­thalaga. retired themselves into Bethalaga, (a certain village in the desart) for fear of Bacchides; in which place he built Towers and Walls to keep his Garison in more security. Bacchides having notice of it, took the Army that he had with him, and those K Jews that were his Confederates, and marched forward against Jonathan; and approach­ing those fortifications that were made by him, he besieged him for many dayes. But Jonathan, Jonathan steal­ing out of the City, assaileth Bacchides by night. for all his siege and violence, was not a whit terrifi'd, but stood out valiantly; and leaving his brother Simon in the City to make head against Bacchides, he secretly stole out, and gather'd a great number of Soldiers that favor'd his proceedings, and in the night-time couragiously brake into Bacchides Camp; and after he had there slain a num­ber of his men,Bacchides re­vengeth him­self on the fu­gitives, and is enforced to retreat. he gave his brother Simon notice of his coming: who, as soon as he heard the noise in the Enemies Camp, hastily issued forth with his Soldiers, and burnt all the Macedonians Engines, and made a great slaughter of them. Bacchides seeing that he was circumvented by his Enemies, and that both before and behind he was pressed L by them, being astonished at this so unexpected an encounter, was almost out of his wits; so much was he troubled at the issue of his siege, that fell out altogether contrary to his expectation: for which cause he discharged all his choler upon those Apostates, suppo­sing he was abused by them, who had sent unto the King, and had caused him to be sent thither: so that he thought of nothing now, but raising the siege, and returning home with as little dishonour as he could.

CHAP. II.
Jonathan constraineth Bacchides to make peace with the Jews, and to depart out of the M Countrey.

WHen Jonathan knew his intentions,1 Mac. 9. he sent an Ambassador unto him to conclude a Peace betwixt them,Bacchides ma­keth peace with Jonathan. with this condition, That they should each of them deliver up those Prisoners that were taken on either side. Bacchides judging the Proposal to be ho­nourable, Jonathan li­veth at Mac [...] ­mas, punishing the wicked. and that a fit occasion was now offered him, whereupon he might raise his siege without any disgrace, promised Jonathan his friendship; so that both of them swore from that time forward, never to make War the one against the other, and each of them restored their Prisoners. Thus returned Bacchides into Antioch unto his King, and after that retreat, he never made War again upon Judea. But Jonathan having, obtained his N security, went and dwelt in the Town of Machmas: where, during his government, he executed such severe justice on those that were revolted from the Religion of their Coun­trey, that he purged the Nation from Apostates. O

CHAP. III.The year of the World, 3813. before Christ's Nativity, 151. A
Alexander Ballez, the son of King Antiochus Epiphanes, enters with an Army into Syria. The Garison of Ptolemais set open their gates to him, by reason of their hatred to King Demetrius, who prepares himself for War.

IN the hundred and sixtieth year,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 11. Alexander, sirnamed Ballez, the son of Antiochus Epiphanes came into Syria, and seized the City of Ptolemais, by the reason of those Soldiers that were therein,Alexander, the son of Antio­chus Epipha­nes, cometh into Syria, and seizeth Ptole­mais. who were ill-affected towards Demetrius, by reason of his ar­rogancy, which was such, that he granted no man access unto him: for being locked up B in a Royal Fort, fenced with four Towers, (which himself had built near unto Antioch) he suffered no man to approach his presence, but was careless, and wholly negligent in his affairs, living in pleasure and idleness: whereby he was much hated by his Subjects, as we have already declared in another place. Now when Demetrius knew that Alexan­der had seized Ptolemais, he gathered all his Forces, and marched forth against him.

CHAP. IV.
King Demetrius desireth the Alliance of Jonathan, who makes use of this occasion, to repair the Fortifications of Jerusalem.C

JN the mean time he sent Ambassadors unto Jonathan, Demetrius's War against Alexander. that might make an alliance, and ratifie a friendship betwixt them: for he determined with himself to prevent Alexander, 1 Mac. 10. for fear lest he capitulating with him first of all, should obtain his assistance. And this did he especially for the fear he had of Jonathan, lest remembring those inju­ries he had before received at his hands, he should oppose himself against him. He there­fore sent unto him, requiring him to assemble his Forces, and to make preparation for the War: commanding likewise, that those Jews should be delivered into his possession, whom Bacchides had shut up for hostages in the fortress of Jerusalem. After that Deme­trius had demeaned himself in this sort, Jonathan came to Jerusalem, and in the presence D of all the people, and of the garison that was in the fortress, he read the Kings Letters; and after the reading thereof, the wicked and revolted Jews that were in the fortress were afraid, seeing that the King permitted Jonathan to levy an Army, and to receive hostages. But he receiving them into his hands, restored each of them to their fathers and mothers: and by this means remained Jonathan in Jerusalem, where he made divers reparations, and built according as he pleased. For he built the City-walls of hewen stone,The Macedo­nians forsa­king their Garisons, re­sort to Anti­och. to make them more durable against the assaults of War. Which when they per­ceived who were in the Garisons throughout all Judea, they forsook them all, and retired back to Antioch, except they that were in the City of Bethsura, and those in the Fortress of Jerusalem: for they consisted for the most part of those Jews that had abandoned their E Religion, who for that reason feared to forsake their Garisons.

CHAP. V.
King Alexander Ballez desireth the friendship of Jonathan; and to oblige him, confers on him the office of High-Priest, void by the death of his brother Judas Machabeus. King Demetrius on the other side, makes fairer Proposals unto him, and those of his Nation. The two Kings come to a battel, in which Demetrius is slain.

BUT Alexander knowing what promises Demetrius had made unto Jonathan, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 8. and be­ing F well assured how valiant he was, and how he behaved himself against the Ma­cedonians, and how he was persecuted by Demetrius, and his Lieutenant Bacchides: he told his friends that it was impossible for him to meet with a better Ally at that time than Jona­than, who had approved himself a valiant man against his enemies, and particularly hated Demetrius, from whom he had received many injuries, and on whom he had several times taken revenge: wherefore if they thought it good to draw him unto their side against Demetrius, the time was very fit to make an Alliance between them; which advice of his being approved by his Favourites, he sent a Letter unto Jonathan to this effect:

King Alexander to Jonathan his Brother, Health.G

We have long since heard of your valor and fidelity, which hath caused us to send our Ambas­sadors [Page 331] H unto you, to treat with you of an alliance and amity betwixt us; and from this day for­ward, we elect and ordain you High-Priest of the Jews, and receive you into the number of our chiefest friends. Moreover, as a Present, I send you a Purple Robe, and a Crown of Gold, ex­horting you, That since you are thus honoured by us, you will likewise yield us an answerable re­spect and friendship.

Jonathan having received this Letter,Alexander endeavoureth to draw Jona­than to his party, by ma­king him High Priest. invested himself in the habit of the High-Priest, on the day of the feast of the Tabernacles, which was the fourth year after the death of his brother Judas. (For during all that time there had not been any High-Priest.) He assembled also a great number of Soldiers, and caused a great quantity of arms and I weapons to be made.

When Demetrius heard this, he was much troubled, and accused himself of sloth, and too much negligence in his affairs,Demetrius studieth by promises, to assure himself of Jonathans friendship. because he had not prevented Alexander, by drawing Jonathan to his party, but had suffered him to take the benefit of this occasion. Neverthe­less he forbore not to write to Jonathan, and the rest of the people of the Jews, as fol­loweth.

King Demetrius to Jonathan, and to all the Nation of the Jews, Health.

Since you have observed the friendship that you bear unto us, and have not engaged your selves K with our enemies, notwithstanding their divers sollicitations, we praise your fidelity, and pray you to persevere in the same estate, assuring you, that you shall receive the like favors from us, in all integrity. For I am content to remit the greater part of the tributes and taxes that you have usually paid, either to the Kings my Predecessors, or to me; and from this time forward, I ac­quit you from those tributes you are to pay hereafter. And, moreover, I release you of the prize of salt, and of the gold which you were wont to give unto us for our Crown. We likewise acquit you of the thirds of the fruit of your lands, and the half of the fruit of your trees, which hereto­fore you have been accustomed to pay, that you may enjoy them peaceably from this time forward. I acquit you also at this present, for ever, of all that which the Inhabitants of Judea, and the three Provinces annexed thereunto, Samaria, Galilee, and Peraea, are bound to pay me; wil­ling L and commanding that the City of Jerusalem be held sacred, and enjoy the priviledge of a Sanctuary; and that it shall be exempt from the payment of tythes, and all manner of imposi­tions. And I commit the fortress in the same to the hands of Jonathan the High-Priest, per­mitting him to place such a Garison therein, as he shall think fit, and such as will faithfully keep it for his use. I will also that all the Jews, who are imprisoned in my Countrey, be set at li­berty. Moreover, it is my pleasure, that no Horses of the Jews be taken up to run Post for us: I grant also that the Sabbaths, and festival dayes; and three dayes also before every one of those feasts, be dayes of liberty and freedom. And my will is, that the Jews, who inhabit within my dominions, be likewise freed from all molestations. The like priviledge grant I them that will bear Arms with me, to the number of 30000: who, in what place soever they shall be, shall have M no worser entertainment than mine own Army: and part of them will I place in my Garisons, the rest shall be of my guard; and I will make them Captains in my Court, and will permit them to live according to the ordinances of their Country, which they shall observe: and I will al­so that the three governments annexed to Judea, be made subject unto the same laws. My pleasure is, in like manner, that the High-Priest shall take order, that no Jew shall worship in any other Temple than that of Jerusalem; and of my own charge I give every year an 150000 sicles of silver, to be employed in Sacrifices: and that which shall be over and above those Sacrifices, my pleasure is, that it shall be your profit. Moreover, I acquit the Priests and Ministers of the Temple, of the 10000 drachms of silver, (which the Kings levied on the Temple) because they appertain unto the Priests who serve in the Temple, as I have been rightly informed. I grant N also to all those who shall repair unto the Temple of Jerusalem for refuge, and within the pre­cincts thereof, (whether it be for money due unto the King, or for any other cause) that they be acquit thereof, and receive not any damage in their goods. I permit also, that the Temple be repaired and built at my charge. My will is also, that the walls of the City be re-edified, and that certain Towers be built about the same, at my expence. Furthermore, if there be any places fit to build fortresses and strong holds in, thorow all the Countrey of Judea, and to place Gari­sons in them, my will is, that all this be done and fortified, at the charges levied out of mine own coffers. These are the promises and offers that Demetrius made unto the Jews.

But King Alexander having gathered great Forces, as well of strange and hired Soldi­ers, O as of those who in Syria had revolted from Demetrius, led forth his whole Army against the Enemy; and after the Ensigns were displayed, and the onset given, the left wing of Demetrius compelled Alexanders Soldiers that fought against it to flie; and his [Page 332] men pursuing them, spoiled their Camp. But the Right Wing, in which the King him­self A was, being forced to retire, was discomfited; and as for the rest, they betook them­selves to flight: but Demetrius fighting valiantly, slew some of his enemies; and in pur­suing others, who could not endure his fierce assault, was in the end, by setting spurs to his Horse,The battel be­tween Alexan­der and Deme­trius, and of Demetrius's death. carried into a deep and muddy Bog, whereinto by chance his Horse fell, and being unable to get out, he was slain in that place. For being discover'd by his enemies, they turned back upon him; and having inclosed him, they altogether shot their ar­rows against him: so that he being on foot, and fighting valiantly, was at length slain, after he had received divers wounds, and was no longer able to resist. Thus died Deme­trius, who departed this life the eleventh year of his Reign, as we have related in ano­ther place.B

CHAP. VI.
Onias the son of Onias the High-Priest, builds a Temple in Egypt, of the same form with that at Jerusalem. A contention between the Jews and the Samaritans, before Ptolemy Philo­metor, King of Egypt, concerning the Temple of Jerusalem, and that of Garizim. The Samaritans lose the cause.

BUT Onias the son of the High-Priest,Hedio & Ruf­finus cap. 4. called also Onias, (who flying out of his Countrey,Onias the son of Onias the High-Priest, seeketh to build a Tem­ple in Egypt. lived in Alexandria, with Ptolomey Philometor, as we have heretofore de­clared)C seeing all Judea destroyed by the Macedonians, and their Kings; and intending to acquire immortal praise, determined to beseech the King Ptolomey, and the Queen Cleopatra, by Letters, That it might be lawful for him to build a Temple in Egypt, resemb­ling in all things that at Jerusalem; and that he might have liberty to place Levites and Priests in it of his own kindred: And hereunto was he especially moved, by a certain Prophecy of Isaiah, who more than 600 years before, had foretold that a Temple should be assuredly built in Egypt, in honour of Almighty God, by a Jew. Being therefore en­couraged by this Prediction, he wrote a Letter to Ptolomey and Cleopatra, to this effect.

During the time that I was employed in your Wars, and by Gods favourable assistance have D done you many services, I have visited Coelosyria and Phoenicia, and have been in the City of Leontopolis (which is in the Territories of Heliopolis:) I have also visited divers other places, wherein the Jews have built Temples, without observing those Rules that are necessary up­on such an occasion, which is the cause that they agree not among themselves: as also the like hath hapned among the Egyptians, through the multitude of Temples, and the great diversity of Religions. And having found out a very convenient place near a Castle called Bubastis in the Plain, where there is store of all sorts of materials for building, and Cattel fit for sacrifice; I beseech you that it may be lawful for me to purifie the Temple that is ruinated in that place, and dedicated to no sacred power: and that in stead thereof, to erect a Temple in honour of Al­mighty God, according to the form and dimensions of that Temple which is at Jerusalem, where E we shall pray for the preservation and prosperity both of your Self, your Queen, and Children. And this will certainly unite all the Jews within the Kingdom of Egypt, for they will all in this place assemble to celebrate the praises of God, according as it hath been foretold by the Pro­phet Isaias, There shall be (saith he) a Temple for our Lord God in Egypt: many other things also hath he foretold touching this place.

This is the substance of that which Onias wrote unto King Ptolomey. And by his an­swer which he made hereunto, a man may easily conjecture what piety was both in him, and Cleopatra his sister, and wife. For they have returned the sin and transgression of the Law, which through this means fell upon Onias's head, by this answer that ensueth.F

King Ptolomey and Queen Cleopatra to Onias the High-Priest, Health.

We have perused your Letters, by which you desire us to give you leave to cleanse the Temple that is defaced at Leontopolis, in the seignory of Heliopolis, in the place called Bubastis in the Plain. We marvel very much, that a Temple built in a place so unclean, and full of exe­crable Beasts, should be acceptable unto God: but since that you inform us, that the Prophet Isaiah did long since prophesie the same, we give you liberty, if it may be done according to the Law, and with this condition, that we commit not any sin against God.G

Upon this answer, Onias (taking possession of the place) built therein a Temple, and erected an Altar unto God, according to the model of the Temple of Jerusalem; but [Page 333] H far less, and less rich. I think it no wayes requisite to declare the dimensions thereof, nor the vessels belonging to it, because I describe them particularly in my seventh book of the Wars, and Captivity of the Jews: neither wanted there some Levites and Priests, who being of the same opinion with Onias, officiated at the celebration of Di­vine Service.A Temple built in Egypt by Ptolomey's consent. But let this suffice for the present, touching the Temple.

But it came to pass, that the Jews of Alexandria, and the Samaritans that brought in the Service and Worship of the Temple upon the mount Garizim, under Alexander the Great,The Wars of the Jews, lib. 7. cap. 37. dissented from one another, and debated their differences before Ptolomey. For the Jews said, That the Temple in Jerusalem built according to Moses laws and ordinan­ces, Sedition be­twixt the Jews and Samari­tans, as tou­ching their Temple. was the lawful Temple; but the Samaritans maintained, That that which was built I on mount Garazim, was the true Temple. They therefore besought the King, That it would please him to sit in judgment, with the assistance of his friends, to hear their alle­gations in this behalf, and to condemn the party unto death, who should be found faulty in his process. Now the advocates which pleaded for the Samaritans, were Sabbeus and Theodosius: and Andronicus, the son of Messalem, defended the cause of those of Jerusa­lem, and the other Jews. And both of them swore both by God and the King, That they would bring their proofs according to the Law, beseeching Ptolomey to adjudge him to death, whom he should find to have falsifi'd his oath. The King therefore sat down with his friends, to hear the cause, and determine their differences. But the Jews of Alex­andria were much displeased with them that had drawn the preheminence of the Tem­ple K at Jerusalem into question, and were highly discontent, that a Temple so ancient and famous, and so esteemed and honoured through the whole World, should be so dispara­ged. When therefore the day of Audience was come, Sabbeus and Theodosius suffered Andronicus to speak first: who began to prove the lawfulness, holiness, and religion of the Temple in Jerusalem out of the Law; and by the successive government of the High Priests, who from father to son, and from hand to hand, had received this honour; there­in alledging, That all the Kings of Asia had honoured the Majesty of that place with presents and rich oblations: whereas neither in the record of men, nor course of anti­quity, the Temple of Garizim had been in any estimation. Hereunto he added such other reasons, as persuaded the King, that the Temple of Jerusalem was built according to L the ordinance of Moses, and caused him to adjudge Sabbeus and Theodosius to death. This may suffice to have spoken concerning the differences of the Jews of Alexandria, and such things as befell them during Ptolomey Philometors time.

CHAP. VII.
Alexander Ballez finding himself, by the death of Demetrius, in the peaceable possession of the Realm of Syria, espouseth the daughter of Ptolomey Philometor, King of Egypt. Great honour is done by Alexander to Jonathan the High-Priest.

M AFter that Demetrius was slain in the field (as we have already related) Alexander made himself King of Syria, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 5. and wrote to Ptolomey Philometor, 1 Mac. 11. 1. desiring his daugh­ter, Alexander, King of Syria, marrieth Cleo­patra, Ptolo­meys daughter. the Princess Cleopatra, in marriage, telling him, That it was not below his dignity, to con­tract affinity with him, since he had obtained his fathers Empire by the favor of God, and had overcome Demetrius. Ptolomey yielding a willing ear to his request, wrote back, That he was very glad that he had recovered his fathers kingdom, promising him to give him his daugh­ter in marriage; assuring him, that he would meet him at Ptolomais, and bring his daughter unto him to that place, and there celebrate the Nuptials. After he had written these Letters, Ptolomey made haste to Ptolomais, and led with him his daughter Cleopatra, where meet­ing with Alexander, (according to their appointment) he deliver'd him his daughter, N and gave her a dowry worthy of so great a King. Unto the solemnizing of his mar­riage, Alexander, by Letters, invited the High-Priest Jonathan, commanding him to come to him to Ptolomais. He went thither, and presented magnificent Presents to both the Kings; he was highly honour'd by both, insomuch as Alexander constrained him to put off his ordinary garments, and to put on a purple robe, and after that to sit upon a royal Throne: commanding his Captains to march before him through the City, and to com­mand by publick Edict, That no man should dare to speak anything against him, nor offer him any cause of discontent. All which the Captains performed; so that they, who purpose­ly and maliciously came thither to accuse him, seeing the honour that was done unto him by the King, fled away, lest the mischief which they designed for him, should fall upon O their own heads. This King Alexander loved Jonathan so intirely, that he afforded him the chief place amongst his dearest friends.

CHAP. VIII.The year of the World, 3818. before Christ's Nativity, 146. A
Demetrius Nicanor, the son of King Demetrius, entreth into Cilicia with an Army. King Alexander Ballez gives the command of his to Apollonius, who, with very ill success, sets upon Jonathan the High-Priest, who defeats him, takes Azot, and burns the Temple of Da­gon. Ptolemey Philometor, King of Egypt, comes to the relief of King Alexander his Son-in-law, who appoints Apollonius to lay an ambush to surprize him. Ptolemey takes away his daughter, and marrieth her to Demetrius, whom he causeth to be received by the Inhabitants of Antioch, from whence he had driven Alexander, but he returns with a great Army. Ptolemey and Demetrius unite their Forces, and overcome him in a pitch'd Bat­tel; but Ptolemey dyed of his wounds which he received, after he had seen the head of B Alexander sent to him by an Arabian Prince. Jonathan besiegeth the Cittadel at Jerusa­lem, and by Presents appeaseth King Demetrius, who granteth new favors to the Jews. This Prince seeing himself at peace, disbandeth his old Soldiers.

IN the 165th year (of the Reign of the Greeks) Demetrius, the son of Demetrius, (ac­companied with divers hired Soldiers, whom Lasthenes, who was of Crete, furnish'd him with) departed out of Candia, and came into Cilicia. Which news, as soon as A­lexander heard,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 6. he was much troubled: whereupon he instantly posed from Phoenicia to Antioch, Demetrius the son of Deme­trius, passeth out of Grece into Cilicia, and seeketh to make himself Lord of Syria. with intent to secure the affairs of his Kingdom in those parts, before the arri­val of Demetrius. He left behind him for his Governor in Coelosyria, Apollonius Danus: who coming unto Jamnia with a great Army, sent a messenger unto the High-Priest Jo­nathan, C to let him know, That it was very strange, that he only should live at his own ease, and in quiet, without submitting himself unto the King; who would not long pass by unpunished that affront which he offered him, in not submitting to his obedience. Wherefore (said he) deceive not thy self, neither hope thou by sculking in the Mountains, or depending on thy For­ces, to continue thy greatness; but if thou trustest to thy power, come down into the field, and engage with me and my Army in the Plain, A man confi­dent in battel. to the end that the issue of the Victory may shew which of us is most valiant. Knowest thou not, that the chief Nobility of every City, bear Arms under one, who hath always overcome thy Predecessors? Wherefore I challenge thee to meet me in that place where we may use our swords, and no stones; and where the vanquished shall have no advantage by his flight. Jonathan provoked by this bravade, chose out 10000 of his best D Soldiers, and departed from Jerusalem, accompanied with his brother Simon, and came un­to Joppa, and encamped without the City, (because the Citizens had shut the gates against him) for they had a Garison placed in that place by Apollonius. But as soon as he prepared to batter the City, the Inhabitants were afraid, lest he should surprize it by force, and therefore they opened the gates. Apollonius understanding that Joppa was ta­ken by Jonathan, he took 3000 Horsemen, and 8000 Footmen with him, and came into Azot; whence he departed, leading out his Army with an easie march: and arriving at Joppa, he retired back to draw Jonathan into the field, putting great confidence in his Horsemen, and grounding his hope of victory upon them. But Jonathan coming forth boldly, pursued Apollonius as far as Azot; who finding himself in the open Countrey,E turned back upon him,Apollonius fighteth with Jonathan, and is put to flight. and charged him. Jonathan was not at all surprized to see the thousand Horsemen that Apollonius had laid in ambush near unto a certain River, to the end they might charge the Jews behind, but disposed his Army after such a manner, that his Soldiers on every side turned their faces upon the Enemy; commanding his men to defend themselves on both sides, fighting with those that assailed them either in the Van or the Reer. After that the battel had continued until evening, Jonathan gave his bro­ther Simon a part of his Forces, charging him to set upon the Enemies battel: as for himself, he drew his Soldiers into the form of a Battalion resembling a Tortoise, to the end that being covered with their bucklers, joined the one with the other, they might de­fend themselves against the Horsemens arrows; to which all of them were obedient.F The Enemies Horsemen shooting all their arrows against them, did them no harm; for they pierced not as far as the flesh, but lighting upon the bucklers (enclosed and fastned the one within the other) they were easily beaten back, and born off, and fell down, be­ing shot all in vain. But when the Enemies were wearied with shooting all the day long, and that Simon perceiv'd they could charge no further, he set upon their Infantry so cou­ragiously, that he put them all to flight. The Horse of Apollonius perceiving that the Foot were disordered,Jonathan pur­sueth the ene­my as far as Azot, and burneth Da­gons Temple, and killeth 8000 men. grew heartless likewise; and having lost the hope they had in their Foot, they betook themselves to flight in great disorder and confusion: so that they brake their ranks of themselves, and were scattered thorow all the Plain. Jonathan also pur­sued G them as far as Azot, and taking the City by assault, he slew divers of them, constraining the rest that were in despair, to flie into the Temple of Dagon, which is in Azot; and taking the City by assault, he burnt it, with the Villages [Page 335] H round about, and spared not the Temple of Dagon, but burnt it, and all those that were therein. The number as well of those that were slain in the battel, as of those that were consumed by fire in the Temple, was 8000 Men. Having, after this manner, discomfited this Army, he departed from Azot, and marched toward Ascalon: and as he was encamp­ed without the City, the Ascalonites came out unto him, and offered him Presents; which he received, and departed from thence, and marched towards Jerusalem, laden with great spoils.

As soon as Alexander heard that Apollonius the General of his Army was defeated,Alexander sendeth Pre­sents to Jo­nathan. and forced to flie, he made a shew that he was glad thereof, pretending that it was without his knowledge that Jonathan had been assaulted, who was both his friend and his allie. I Whereupon he sent an Ambassador unto him, to let him know how much he rejoyced at his victory, offering him Presents and Honours, with a chain of gold, such as the Kings were accustomed to give to those of their kinred: he likewise gave him Accaron, and the Countrey thereabout, to him and his heirs for ever.

About the same time,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 7. King Ptolomey Philometor set out an Army by Sea, and another by Land, to go into Syria, and to succor his Son-in-law Alexander: and in his way all the Cities received him with great joy,Ptolomey Phi­lometor repai­reth unto Sy­ria with an Army, to assist his Son-in-law Alexander. according as Alexander had commanded them, and conducted him as far as the City of Azot; but that place made great complaints unto him, and demanded justice at his hand, because the Temple of Dagon was burnt and de­stroyed, accusing Jonathan for the firing thereof, and the slaughter of many People there­in. K But Ptolomey hearing these accusations, answered not a word: But when Jonathan came to meet him at Joppa, Jonathan meeteth with Ptolomey, and is honourably entertained by him. he courted him with Royal Presents, and all the Honour that was possible; and after he had conducted him as far as the River called Eleutherus, he dis­missed him, and sent him back to Jerusalem. When Ptolomey was come to Ptolomais, he hardly escaped death, and that contrary to all expectation, by the contrivance of Alex­ander, Treason in­tended against Ptolomey, and discovered; for which cause he taketh away his daughter from Alexan­der, and giveth her to Deme­trius for his wife. and his friend Ammonius: which Treachery being discover'd, Ptolomey wrote un­to Alexander, requiring him, That Ammonius might be punished for his Treason and Conspi­racies practised against him, according to the heinousness of the offence. But seeing that A­lexander deliver'd him not up into his hands, he conjectured and concluded, that he him­self was the Author thereof, and conceived a great displeasure against this perfidious L Prince, who had heretofore very much disobliged the Inhabitants of Antioch, by pro­tecting this same Ammonius, from whom they had received a great deal of mischief: but in the end, Ammonius was punisht for these his outrages, and disgracefully slain like a woman, whil'st in a womans attire he sought to hide himself, as we have related in another place.

At that time Ptolomey began to repent of bestowing his daughter in marriage on A­lexander, and for refusing Demetrius to be his friend and confederate; so that he broke off the affinity that he had with him: and after he had withdrawn his daughter from him, he presently sent Ambassadors unto Demetrius, to confirm a league of peace and amity with him, promising him to bestow his daughter upon him in marriage, and to establish M him in his fathers kingdom. Demetrius very joyful to hear of this Embassage, accepted both of the league and the marriage. There only remained one difficulty for Ptolomey to surmount, which was, how he might persuade the Antiochians to admit Demetrius, against whom they were so much incensed, for the indignities which his father Demetrius had of­fered them; but this difficulty he overcame by this means. The Antiochians hated Alex­ander, because of Ammonius (as we have related before) and by that means were the more easily drawn to drive him out of the City. He perceiving himself to be thrust out of Antioch, came into Cilicia. Whereupon Ptolomey came unto Antioch, and was both by the Citizens and Soldiers therein proclaimed King, and was constrained to take two Diadems, the one as King of Asia, the other as King of Egypt. But he being a man natu­rally N very just, prudent, moderate, and not at all ambitious, and unwilling to displease the Romans, Ptolomey per­suaded the Antiochians to accept De­metrius for their King and refused the Di­adem of Asia. he call'd together the Inhabitants of Antioch, and prevailed so far with them, that at last he persuaded them to accept of Demetrius for their King; assuring them, That if he should receive that kindness at their hands, he would no more keep in memory those things that had fallen out betwixt them and his fathe; protesting, for his own part, that he would in­struct him both how to order the course of his life honestly, and to manage his publick affairs with justice: and promising them, that if he attempted to do any thing that should be unwor­thy of a good Prince, he himself would be the most ready to chastise him; for his own part, he would content himself to be King of Egypt. And by this means the Antiochians were in­duced to receive Demetrius.

O But when Alexander was departed out of Cilicia, with a great Army, and was come into Syria, and had burnt and spoiled the Countrey of Antioch, Ptolomey, accompanied [Page 336] with his son Demetrius, The year of the World, 3814. before Christ's Nativity, 146. (for he had already married his daughter unto him) came forth A with their Armies, and obtained a complete victory, by overcoming Alexander, who was constrained to flie into Arabia. It came to pass in that battel, that Ptolomies Horse hearing the noise of an Elephant, was troubled, and stumbled in such a manner, that he threw his Master on the ground:Alexander be­ing overcome, fl [...]eth into A­rabia, and is slain in that place. which when his Enemies perceiv'd, they ran all together up­on him, and gave him divers wounds in the head, whereby he was in danger to have been slain, unless his Guard had rescu'd him; notwithstanding he was so dangerously wound­ed, that for four days he remained without any sense; on the fifth day, when he began to come to himself, Zabel the Prince of Arabia, who had beheaded Alexander, sent his head unto Ptolomey; Ptolomey's death. wherewith he was well-pleased: but this joy lasted not long, for some few days after he died himself. This Alexander, sirnamed Balles, reigned for the space B of five years, as we have elsewhere related.

Demetrius, sirnamed Nicanor, having obtained the kingdom, quickly discover'd his ill nature, and treated Ptolomies Army very unworthily, forgetting both the confederacy and affinity that he had contracted with him, by Cleopatra his wife, who was Ptolomey's daughter. But the Men of War hating his ingratitude, fled into Alexandria, for their own security, notwithstanding they left the Elephants in his power and possession.

But the High-Priest Jonathan having assembled an Army of all the Countrey of Ju­dea, Jonathan ap­peaseth Deme­trius by Pre­sents. began to besiege the Castle of Jerusalem, where there was a Garison of the Macedo­nians, and a great number of wicked Apostates that were fallen from the Jewish Reli­gion, who, in the beginning, slighted the Engines that Jonathan had raised to take that C place, in the strength whereof they reposed too much confidence: But, in the end, some of them breaking out by night, came unto Demetrius, and told him of the siege; at which he was displeased, and taking a strong Army with him, he departed from Antioch, to make War upon Jonathan. When he came to Ptolomais, he wrote to Jona­than, and commanded him to come unto him: notwithstanding Jonathan gave not over the siege, but took the Elders and Priests with him, with gold and silver robes, and a great quantity of Presents, intended for Demetrius; and when he had deliver'd them to him, he appeased his wrath: and after he had received many honours at his hands, he ob­tained the confirmation of his Priesthood, in as ample manner as he enjoyed it during the time of his Predecessors; and although the wicked Jews accused him, yet did not D Demetrius give any credit to them. Moreover, Jonathan requiring, that for the whole Countrey of Jewry, and for the three governments of Samaria, Joppa, and Galilee, he might pay no more than 300 Talents for Tribute, he granted him a full exemption, and wrote his Letters Patents in these terms:

King Dometrius to Jonathan his brother,Demetrius's Letters to Lasthenes, in which he be­stoweth many priviledges on the Jews. and to all the Nation of the Jews, Peace and Joy.

We have sent you the Copy of the Letter that we have written to Lasthenes, our father, to the end you may know the Contents thereof, which is this:E

King Demetrius to Lasthenes, his father, Joy and Peace.

Because the people of the Jews are our Confederates, and observe our Ordinances, my intent is to requite their good affection, and to assign them the three governments of Apherema, Lydia, and Ramatha, with their appurtenances, which have been taken from Samaria, and annexed to Judea. Secondly, we remit all that which our Predecessors received of them that sacrificed in Jerusalem; and other Tributes likewise, which were gathered for the fruits of the earth, and the trees; the tribute of the Salt likewise, and the Gold that was levied for the Crown: so that it is our pleasure, that hence forward nothing hereof be exacted at their hands. See you there­fore F give order, that the Copy of these our present Letters be sent and deliver'd to Jonathan, to be affixed in some open and conspicuous place in the sacred Temple.

Demetrius perceiving that the Countrey was in peace,Demetrius in­curreth the hatred of his Soldiers, by [...] their [...] in time of Peace. and that he lived without fear of any War, he dismissed his Army, and disbanded his Soldiers, hiring only certain stran­gers, (who were mustered out of Candy, and other Isles;) whereby it came to pass, that his own Soldiers conceived an hatred against him, in that he gave them no wages: where­as his Predecessors maintained them as well in Peace as in War, to the end that they might be the more affectionate towards them; and that if need required to employ them, they might shew themselves more ready and couragious to fight for them.G

H CHAP. IX.The year of the World, 3820. before Christ's Nativity, 144.
Tryphon undertakes to establish Antiochus the son of Alexander Ballez, in the Kingdom of Syria. Jonathan besiegeth the Cittadel at Jerusalem, and sends supplies to King Demetrius Nicanor, who, by their assistance, subdues the Inhabitants of Antioch that had besieged him in his Palace. His ingratitude to Jonathan. He is vanquished by young Antiochus, and flies into Cilicia. Great honours are by Antiochus confer'd on Jonathan, who assists him against Demetrius. A renowned victory is obtained by Jonathan against the Army of De­metrius. He renews the Alliance with the Romans and Lacedemonians. The several I Sects of the Pharisees, Sadduces and Essenes. A new Army is raised by Demetrius, which dareth not encounter with Jonathan. Jonathan undertakes to fortifie Jerusalem. Deme­trius vanquished, and taken Prisoner by Arsaces, King of the Parthians.

WHen Diodorus, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 8. sirnamed Tryphon, (an Apamean by Nation, and General of Alex­anders Army) heard of the mutiny amongst Demetrius's Soldiers, he came to Malchus the Arabian, 1 Maccab. who had the care of the education of Antiochus, Diodorus cal­led Tryphon. Alexander's son, and endeavoured to prevail with him to commit Antiochus to his trust, to the intent he might make him King,Apamenus re­quireth Mal­chus to com­mit Antio­chus, Alexan­der's son, to his charge. and establish him in the government which belonged to his father. And although upon the first motion he could hardly be drawn to believe it; yet, at last, K by the continual instance of Tryphon, he suffered himself to be overcome by his intrea­ties. See here what this man pretended at that time. But Jonathan the High-Priest, de­siring that they within the Cittadel of Jerusalem, and those wicked and apostate Jews, and in general all those that were in Garisons throughout all the Countrey,Jonathan sen­deth Ambassa­dors with Pre­sents to Deme­trius, to request him to cashiere the Forces in the Castle of Jerusalem, and the [...] Fortresses thereabout. might be remo­ved; he sent Ambassadors with rich Presents unto Demetrius, beseeching him to dismiss those that were in garison in the fortresses of Judea: he not only granted this, but promi­sed things of far greater moment, after that War which he had then in hand, should be ended. For the present troubles at that time gave him no opportunity to do what he intended: he therefore prayed, at present, to send him some of his Forces, because his own Army was revolted. Whereupon Jonathan chose out 3000 fighting men, and sent L them unto him. But the Antiochians hated Demetrius, both because of the injuries they had endur'd under him, as also for the hatred they had conceived against his father, who had, in like manner, done them much wrong; so that they only expected an opportunity to cast him off.The rebellion of the Citizens of Antioch, and the re­venge taken on them by Demetrius. Understanding therefore that the succors that Jonathan sent unto Deme­trius were at hand, and foreseeing that in a short time he would gather a great Army, if he were not timely prevented; they betook themselves to their Arms, and beset the Kings Palace after the manner of a siege, and secured all the gates, with an intent to lay hold on the King. Who seeing himself beset by the armed multitude of the Antiochi­ans, took those hired Soldiers, (with those whom Jonathan had sent him) and charged them; but he was forced to retire, being overpowred by the number of the Inhabitants. M Whereupon the Jews perceiving that the Antiochians had the upper hand, they mounted upon the battlements of the Palace, and from thence shot against them, without any dan­ger to themselves (by reason of the distance and height of the place where they were) yet they much annoyed the Inhabitants, insomuch as they drove them from the houses near adjoining, which they incontinently set on fire, whereby the flame was spread through the whole City; so that the houses that were close built the one by the other, and for the most part framed of Wood, were burnt down to the ground. The Inhabitants percei­ving that they could not put out the fire, betook themselves to flight, and the Jews cha­sed them from house to house. When the King perceived that the Citizens of Antioch ran here and there to save their Wives and Children, and had given over the battel, he N set upon them in divers places at once, whereby divers of them were slain, and all at last enforced to cast down their Arms, and to yield themselves to Demetrius's mercy, who par­doning their rebellion, appeased the sedition. After this, he rewards the Jews with part of the pillage, thanking them as the only Authors of his victory. Whereupon he sent them back to Jonathan, with no small acknowledgment and testimony of their prowess and virtue. But afterwards he discover'd his evil nature towards him, and broke his promises, threatning him to make War upon him, unless he paid him those Tributes which the people of the Jews ought, and were wont to pay unto the Kings Ancestors hereto­fore. And that he had certainly done, had not Tryphon hindred him: for he was forced to turn those Forces that he had prepar'd against Jonathan, Demetrius thrust out of Anti [...]ch. to make War upon Tryphon: O who returning from Arabia into Syria, with the younger Antiochus, (who at that time was under age) he set the diadem upon his head. All the Army likewise that had aban­don'd Demetrius, for contracting their Pay, came and follow'd him, and made open War [Page 338] against their Master,The year of the World, 3820. before Christ's Nativity, 144. and under Antiochus and Tryphon fought with him, and overcame A him, seized his Elephants, and made themselves Masters of the City of Antioch. Where­upon Demetrius being wholly discomfited, fled into Cilicia. But the younger Antiochus sent Ambassadors and Letters to Jonathan, calling him his Allie and Friend, confirming the Priesthood unto him,Jonathan, for the favors and benefits he re­ceived at Try­phons and Antiochus's hands, offereth and perform­eth his best en­deavors against Demetrius. and assigned him the four governments annexed to Judea; and besides these, he gave him vessels of gold, a robe of purple, with permission to wear the same: he gave him also a pendent of gold, and assured him, that he esteemed of him as one of his friends, and created his brother Simon General of his Army, from the marches of Tyre as far as Egypt. Jonathan finding such honours as these heaped upon him, sent Ambassadors both unto him and Tryphon, protesting, That he was their Friend and Allie, and that he would fight on his side against Demetrius, of whom he had so great reason to complain, B in that he had made no other return but ingratitude, for all the services which he had done him.

But after that Antiochus had granted him leave to levy a great Army out of Syria and Phoenicia, to fight against Demetrius, he went into the neighbouring Cities, and was by them very kindly received; yet did they not afford him any Men of War. Coming from thence unto Ascalon, the Citizens in honourable aray came out to meet him with Presents; whom together with the Cities of Coelofyria, he exhorted to forsake Demetri­us's part, and to follow Antiochus, to the end, that joining themselves with him, they might all of them combine their Forces against Demetrius, and take vengeance of those mis­chiefs which they had oftentimes endur'd by his means: and which if they prudently examin'd, they had many reasons to prosecute their revenge. After he had persuaded C these Cities to enter into confederation against Demetrius, he came to Gaza, to induce them likewise, and reconcile them to Antiochus. But he found the Gazeans to be of a far con­trary disposition than that which he expected, for they flatly resisted him: and although they were intended to forsake Demetrius, yet would they not join their Forces, or sub­mit the City to his government. For which cause, Jonathan besieged their City, and spoiled their Countrey: for with the one half of his Army he begirt Gaza, and with the other half he over-ran the Countrey, spoiling and burning the same. The Gazeans see­ing these miseries which they were constrain'd to endure, and perceiving that no succors came unto them from Demetrius, but that their own overthrow was at hand, and their assistance far off: and that which was worse, most uncertain; they thought it to be the D wisest part for them, to forsake the one, and follow the other. Whereupon they sent messengers unto Jonathan, protesting that they would be both his friends and confederates. For men do unwillingly take knowledge of their profit, before they have bought it to their sor­row; and that which they neglected at first, and was most expedient for them to perform before they were afflicted, that do they earnestly hunt after, at such time as they have been chastised. Up­on this submission of theirs, Jonathan receiv'd them into favor, and took pledges of them, and sent them to Jerusalem, and from thence marched he along the Countrey as far as Da­masco. And whereas an huge Host sent by Demetrius, came out against him, as far as the City Cedasa, near unto Tyre and Galilee, making their reckoning to divert Jonathan from Syria, by succouring and relieving those of Galilee, who were their confederates: Jona­than E went out speedily to meet with them, recommending the state of Judea to the charge of his brother Simon. Simon, Jona­than's brother, taketh in Beth­sura. Who assembling all the power that was possible to be gather'd throughout all the Countrey, encamped before Bethsura, a strong Fort in Judea, and be­sieg'd it (for Demetrius being before-time seized thereof, kept Garison therein, as be­fore this we have declar'd.) When as therefore Simon raised his Bulwarks, and fitted his Engines to assault the City, and employ'd all his study to surprize the same, they that were besieged waxed afraid, lest if he should take the Town by force, they should lose their lives. For which cause, they sent an Herald unto Simon, requesting him, that he would permit them to depart out of Bethsura, with the safety of their lives and goods, and go unto Demetrius: who satisfying their demands, they presently departed out of the City,F and he planted a Garison therein of their own men, in place of the Macedonians. In the mean while Jonathan, who was in Galilee, caused his Army to dislodge from a place called the waters of Genezareth, where he was encamped, and marched towards the Plain of A­zot, without any suspition that his Enemies had been planted thereabouts: When as therefore Demetrius's Soldiers had intelligence the day before, that Jonathan should march forward against them, they laid an ambush for him, which they placed near the mountain, preparing the rest of their Forces to bid him battel in the Plain. As soon as Jonathan perceiv'd their preparation to the battel, he arranged his Army as conveniently as was possible; but when they that lay in ambush arose, and charged the Jews upon their backs, they fearing to be enclosed, and consequently easily slain, began to flie, so that all of them G abandoned Jonathan, except some few, to the number of 50, with Matthias the son of Absalom, and Judas the son of Chapsaeus, Lieutenant-Generals of Jonathan; who boldly [Page 339] H entred, and, like desperate men, charged the Enemy in the Vanguard with such fury, that they made them amazed at their and compelled them to trust to their heels. Which when they that had abandoned Jonathan perceiv'd, they rallied, and pursu'd them as far as Cedasa, where the Enemies were encamped.

When Jonathan had obtain'd this glorious victory,Jonathan put­teth Demetri­us's Soldiers to flight. wherein there fell about 2000 of the Enemy, he returned to Jerusalem, and (seeing that all things fell out according as he desir'd) he sent Ambassadors unto Rome, to renew the ancient league that was made betwixt the Romans and the people of the Jews: commanding his Ambassadors upon their return from Rome, to go likewise to Sparta, and renew their alliance with that City. As soon as they were come to Rome, and had presented themselves before the Senate, I they declar'd how they were sent from the High-Priest Jonathan, Jonathan re­neweth his friendship and confederacy with the Ro­mans and La­cedemonians. who desir'd to renew their alliance. Whereupon the Senate granted all which they demanded, and gave them their Letters of recommendation to all the Governors of Asia and Europe, and to those of each particular City, commanding them to grant them free passage to return into their Countrey; in their return they went to Lacedemon, and deliver'd those Letters which Jonathan had written to that State, which were to this effect:

Jonathan the High-Priest of the Senate and People of the Jews; To the Ephores, Senate and People of Sparta, Health.

K Forasmuch as heretofore we have received a Letter by the hands of Demotheles, written from Arius your King, to Onias our High-Priest, making mention of that alliance which is be­tween you and us (the Copy whereof we have here under inserted) we received those Letters with great joy, and testified the same both to Demotheles and Arius, (notwithstanding we were not ignorant of this consanguinity long before, because we were informed thereof by our sacred Scriptures:) And whereas we have not first of all acknowledged our alliance, it was for no other reason, but that we might give you the opportunity of preventing us. Since which time wherein we have contracted friendship with you, we have on our holy and solemn days sacrificed unto our God, beseeching him to continue and keep you in prosperity; and forasmuch as we have been environed with many Wars, caused by the inordinate desires of our Neighbours, we have not L thought it meet to be troublesom unto you, or to any other of our Allies. But since we have ob­tained an hapyy issue of all these troubles, we have sent Numenius, the son of Antimachus, and Antipater, the son of Jason, Men honourable amongst our Counsellers, both to the Romans, and to you also; to whom we have given our Letters to be presented unto you, in our behalf, to the end they might renew the amity which is between you and us: you shall therefore do well if you write back unto us, and certifie us wherein we may serve you, there being no good office which we are not ready to perform:

These Ambassadors were kindly entertained by the Lacedemonians, who made a pub­lick ordinance touching their association and amity with the Jews, which they delivered M unto them.

At this time there were three Sects among the Jews, who had different and contrary opinions touching humane affairs: Three Sects of the Jews. the first was that of the Pharisees, the second of the Sadduces, and the third of the Essenians. The Pharisees affirm, That some things are di­rected by destiny, and others are left to our liberty.The Pharisees. The Essenians said, The Essenians. That destiny govern'd all things;The Sadduces. and that nothing hapned amongst men, that was not disposed thereby. The Saddu­ces avow, That there is no destiny, and that humane affairs cannot be governed and disposed thereby, but that all things, depend upon our selves; so that we are the Authors of all the good or evil that hapneth unto us,The wars of the Jews, l. 2. c. 12▪ according as we follow good or evil counsels. But hereof have I treated more exactly in my second Book of the Wars of the Jews.

N Demetrius's Captains being desirous to wipe off the dishonour of their defeat, and recover the loss that had lately befaln them, gather'd together a greater power than the former, and went out against Jonathan; who having intelligence of their coming, mar­ched speedily to encounter them near unto the Plain of Amath: for he resolved to pre­vent their incursions into Judea. Whereupon he encamped about 50 Furlongs from the Enemy, and sent out Spies to discover of what force they were, and how they were encamped. Who, when they had by a most diligent view known all that possibly they could, returning, took certain Prisoners, and brought them away by night with them: by whose confession, the design of the Enemies was discover'd to Jonathan; which was, to set upon him on the sudden. But Jonathan, with a provident care, speedily fortifi'd O his Camp, placed his outguards, and prepared all things necessary for defence, keeping his Soldiers up in Arms all the Night, and exhorted them to be valiant, and ready, if there should be a necessity of fighting by Night, to prevent the surprisal of their Ene­mies. [Page 340] But when the Captains of Demetrius understood that their design was discover'd A unto Jonathan, The year of the World, 3821. before Christ's Nativity, 143. and knew that they were not strong enough to give him battel in the open field, they decamped in the Night, and left a great number of fires burning, that they might the better conceal their retreat. On the morrow, when Jonathan came to attack them in their Camp,Demetrius's Captains once more make War upon Jo­nathan, and seeing their purposes disco­vered, flie by night. and saw it abandoned, and conjectured thereby that they were fled, he follow'd after them; but he could not overtake them, because they had already past the River Eleutherus, and were retired into their strong holds and places of security. Re­turning therefore from thence into Arabia, and making War on the Nabatheans, he spoiled their Countrey, took great Booties, and led away many Prisoners: and from thence came to Damascus, and there sold all that he had taken. About this time, Simon (his brother) marching throughout all Judea and Palestine, as far as Ascalon, placed his Garisons in such B places as he thought for his purpose, and fortifi'd them both with men and munition, and at length came to Joppa, which he took by force, and planted a great Garison therein, because he was advertised,Jonathan mar­cheth to Ara­bia, and spoil­eth the Naba­theans. that they of Joppa intended to surrender the City to Deme­trius's Forces. When Simon and Jonathan had signalized themselves by so many great actions, they returned to Jerusalem, and assembled the People together in the Temple, and persuaded them to repair the Walls of the City, and to rebuild that of the Temple that was ruinated,Simon his bro­ther taketh Joppa. advising them to fortifie the same with strong Towers: and besides this, he caused another Wall to be built in the midst of the City, to secure it against the Garison of the Cittadel,Jonathan and Simon repair the City of Jerusalem, and the Fortresses of Jewry. to the intent that by that means they might cut off and stop up the passages to victual the Fort. He advised them likewise, to build far stronger C Fortresses throughout the Countrey, than those that were already finish'd. All that he proposed was well approved of; whereupon he took care of the City himself, and com­mitted the Countrey to his brother Simon. But Demetrius passing the River, came into Mesopotamia, with a design to make himself Master of Babylon, intending to make that the seat of the Empire, when he should have subdu'd the other Provinces. For the Greeks and Macedonians, who inhabited that Countrey, had sollicited him often by Am­bassadors to come unto them, promising him to submit to his authority, and to serve him in the War against Arsaces King of the Parthians. Demetrius ma­keth War upon Arsaces. King of the Parthi­ans, and is ta­ken Prisoner. Demetrius flattering himself with those hopes, marched towards them with great speed, presuming that if he could overcome the Parthians, he might easily vanquish Tryphon, and drive him out of the kingdom of D Syria. Being therefore entertain'd by those of the Countrey with great joy, he levied a great Army, and made War against Arsaces, but he lost the day, and was himself taken Prisoner, as we have elsewhere declar'd.

CHAP. X.
Tryphon seeing Demetrius ruined, contrives how he may quit himself of Antiochus, that he might reign in his stead, and likewise how he may destroy Jonathan. He deceives him, cau­seth a thousand of his men to be put to death at Ptolemais, and keepeth him Prisoner.

E

WHen Tryphon understood that Demetrius was utterly ruined,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 9. he forsook Antiochus, and contrived how he might kill him,2 Mac. 11. 13. and make himself King. But the fear that he had of Jonathan Antiochus's friend,Tryphon labou­ring to trans­fer Antiochus's kingdom unto his own hands, and fearing Jo­nathans oppo­sition, traite­tously com­plotteth his death. hindred his design; whereupon he resolv'd first of all to deliver himself of Jonathan, and afterwards to kill the young King Antiochus. Having therefore resolv'd to kill Jonathan by some Treason, he came from Antioch to Bethsan, (which the Greeks call Scythopolis) whither Jonathan came to meet him with 40000 chosen men, supposing that Tryphon came thither to make War upon him. But he knowing that Jonathan came thither with so great a strength, and imagining that he could not prevail upon him by open force, he had recourse to fraud, he made him rich Presents, and accompanied them with a great deal of civility; and that he might free him from all F distrust, and ruine him when he should least suspect it, he commanded the Officers of his Army to obey him in all things. After this, he invited Jonathan to come to Ptolomais, and to bring with him some few of his Soldiers, promising to deliver the City into his hands, and resign all the Fortresses that were in the Countrey into his possession; assu­ring him, That he came into that Countrey to no other purpose. Jonathan suspecting no sinister dealing, and believing that Tryphon spake what he intended, disbanded his For­ces, and took only 3000 men with him, whereof two he left in Galilee, and with 1000 he came to Tryphon at Ptolomais. But the Inhabitants of the City shutting the gates as soon as he was entred, (according as Tryphon had commanded them) took Jonathan Priso­ner, and slew all those that attended upon him. Hereupon Tryphon presently sent part G of his Army unto the 2000 that were left in Galilee, to the intent to put them all to the Sword; but they having notice of that which had befaln their Chieftain, took up their [Page 341] H Arms,The year of the World, 382 [...]. before Christ's Nativity, 124. and departed out of Galilee, without any loss. And although the Soldiers of Tryphon exceeded them far in the number, yet were they not so hardy to attack them; because they knew that the Jews were ready to expose themselves to all dan­gers, to defend their lives: and so they returned back to him that sent them, without do­ing any thing.

CHAP. XI.
The Jews make choice of Simon Machabeus for their General, in the place of Jonathan his brother, who was kept Prisoner by Tryphon; who, after he had received an hundred and I two Talents of his Children for his ransom, breaks his promise, and puts him to death. Si­mon erects a stately Monument for his father, and his other brethren. He is created Prince and High-Priest of the Jews. His admirable conduct; he delivers his Nation from the Macedonian yoke; takes by storm the Fortress of Jerusalem, and defaceth it, levelling both the Cittadel and the Hill whereon it stood, even with the ground.

WHen the Inhabitants of Jerusalem heard of the surprizal of Jonathan, 2 Macch. 14. and the loss of his Soldiers,Jonathans want lamented by all men. they were much troubled, that so great a man was taken from them, for they feared, (and that not without cause) that being depriv'd of his valor and conduct, the neighbouring Nations would invade them with K all manner of hostility, which till then they durst not attempt, standing so much in awe of Jonathan. The neigh­bouring Nati­on and Trypho [...] invade Judea. Neither did their expectation deceive them. For they understanding Jo­nathan's death, began presently to invade the Jews on all sides, as those who had no lon­ger any Captain under whose conduct they might make War▪ and shew their valor. And Tryphon having likewise gather'd Forces, was resolved to march into Judea, to make War against the Inhabitants thereof. Simon perceiving that the Citizens of Jerusalem were alarum'd with the fear which they apprehended of those Rumors and new Tumults of War, and being desirous to animate them against all incursions and attempts intended by Tryphon, assembled the People in the Temple, and began to exhort them after this man­ner: L

You are not ignorant (men and brethren) how both I,Simon, Jona­thans brother, assembleth the people, and animateth them. my father, and brethren, have vo­luntarily exposed our selves to all dangers for your liberty. Since therefore I have abundance of such like examples, and that it is the ordinary course of our family to die for our Law and Religion, there is no fear so great as to hinder me to, prefer my honour and duty to my life. Where­fore since you have a Commander who despiseth all danger, to procure and maintain your safety, you ought to follow me couragiously to what place soever [...] shall conduct you. For I am of no better account than my brethren, to value my life more than others; neither am I less than they, to be backward and cowardly to follow their footsteps, but I shall rather glory to imitate them in dying for the defence of our Countrey, Laws and Religion, I will make manifest therefore by M all the testimonies that I can, that I am their true and lawful brother; for I trust in God, that he will give me power to take vengeance of our enemies; and deliver not only all of you, but your wives and children from the injury which they intended against you: and by the grace of God I will preserve the holy Temple, that it may not be ruinated by their prophane hands. For I already perceive, that the prophane Nations despise us, and contemn you, as if you had no Lea­der; Simon succee­deth his bro­thers, Judas and Jonathan. and I know already that they are marching forward to fight you.

By these words Simon heartned the People, who were distracted with fear, so that they revived their spirits, and conceived better hope.Simon sendeth Jonathan, Ab­salons son, to Joppa, to ex­pulse the inha­bitants thereof Tryphon, by fraudulent promises, un­der certain conditions, persuadeth Si­mon, that his brother should be set at liberty▪ Whereupon all of them cried with a loud voice, That Simon was their General, and that he was to succeed his two valiant brethren, N Judas and Jonathan, in the Government; and that as touching themselves, they would be obe­dient in all things that he should command them. He therefore assembled in one instant all the men at Arms in that Countrey, and hastened to repair the City walls, fortifying them with high and strong Towers, and sent a certain friend of his, called Jonathan the son of Absalon, with an Army to Joppa, commanding him to turn out the Inhabitants of that City from thence, feraing they would submit themselves to Tryphon: as for himself, he remained in Jerusalem to secure the same.

Tryphon departing from Ptolomais with a great Army, came into Judea, leading his Pri­soner Jonathan with him. Whereupon Simon and his Army went out against him as far as Addida (a City scituate upon a Mountain, at the foot whereof beginneth the Cham­pain O Countrey of Judea.) Tryphon knowing that Simon was made Governor of the Jews, sent messengers unto him, intending to circumvent him by Treason and Policy, giving him to understand, That if he were desirous of his brothers enlargement, he should send him one [Page 342] hundred Talents of silver, The year of the World, 3821. before Christ's Nativity, 143. and two of Jonathans children for hostages, to assure him, that being A set at liberty, he should not withdraw Judea from the obedience of the King. (For, till that present he was held and kept Prisoner, by reason of the money which he ow'd the King.) Simon was no ways ignorant of this cunning intent of Tryphons, but knew well enough that he should both lose his money, if he should deliver the same; and that his brother should not be enlarged, no, though his children were deliver'd for hostages: on the other side he feared, lest the People should judge sinisterly of him, as if he had been the cause of his brothers death, both by not delivering the money, neither yet the children. Ha­ving therefore assembled the Army, he declar'd unto them what Tryphon demanded; tel­ling them, That the whole scope of his actions were nothing else but treacherous stratagems and subtilities: yet notwithstanding he told them, That he had rather send both the money and the B children to Tryphon, than by refusing his conditions and demands, to be accused to have ne­glected the life of his brother. Simon sent therefore both the money and children of Jo­nathan; but Tryphon having receiv'd both, kept not his promise, but detain'd Jonathan; and leading his Army thorow the Countrey, intended to pass by Idumaea to repair to Je­rusalem. He came therefore to Dora, a City in Idumaea; and thitherward marched Simon to encounter with him, encamping always right over against him. They that were in the Castle of Jerusalem, hearing news hereof, sent Tryphon word that he should hasten and come unto them, and send them munition: whereupon he addressed his Horsemen, pre­tending that very night to ride unto Jerusalem; but the snow about that time fell in such abundance, that it covered the way in such sort and was so thick, as the Horses could not C Travel, which hindred his repair to Jerusalem. For which cause he departed from thence, and came into Coelosyria, Jonathan is slain by Try­phon. and speedily invading the Countrey of Galaad, he put Jonathan to death in that place; and after he had buried him there, he returned to Antioch. But Simon sent unto Basca, and transported his brothers bones, and interred them in his Coun­trey Modin, in his fathers Sepulchre, and all the People mourned and lamented for him many days. Simon also built a great monument of white and polished marble for his father and brethren,Jonathans Monument. and rais'd it to a great height, and garnish'd it round about with galleries and pillars all of one piece, which was an admirable Work to behold. Besides that, he erected seven Pyramids for his father, mother and brethren, for each of them one, so great and so fair, as they caused admiration in those that beheld them; and are D as yet to be seen at this present day. So great was Simons care, that Jonathan and the rest of his family should be honour'd with so magnificent a Sepulchre: which Jonathan dyed, after he had exercis'd the place of High-Priest, and possessed the Government for four years. Thus much as touching his death.

As soon as Simon had taken possession of the High-Priesthood, by the election of the People; the very first year of his Government, he acquitted the People of the Tribute which they were wont to pay to the Macedonians. This liberty and exemption from Tri­bute, hapned amongst the Jews, one hundred and seventy years since the time that Se­leucus, The Jews dis­charged of Tributes. sirnamed Nicanor, obtain'd the kingdom of Syria. And in so great honour was Simon amongst the People, that in their private Contracts and publick Letters, the date E began,Simons au­thority. From the first year of Simon the Benefactor and Governor of the Jewish Nation. For they prospered greatly under his Government, and had the victory of all their neighbou­ring Enemies round about them. For he destroy'd the Cities of Gaza, Joppa, and Jam­nia: he demolished or slighted also the Cittadel of Jerusalem, and level'd it with the ground,Simon razeth the Castle of Jerusalem. to the intent the Enemies might never seize on it any more, nor retreat thither to endamage the City, as they had done before. Which when he had brought to pass, he thought it not amiss, but very profitable, to level the Hill whereon the Castle stood, to the intent the Temple might be the eminentest place. All this he persuaded the People to do in a common Assembly, representing to them how much they had suffer'd by the Garisons, and how much they were like to suffer hereafter, if a stranger should once F more be master of the kingdom, and build a Cittadel in that place. By these exhortati­ons he persuaded the People to finish these Works, and all of them began to work with­out intermission both day and night, so that in the space of three years they level'd the mountain; and from that time forward, there was nothing but the Temple that comman­ded the City. See here what Simon perform'd hitherto.

G

H CHAP. XII.The year of the World, 3824. before Christ's Nativity, 140.
Tryphon, caused Antiochus, Alexander Ballez son, to be put to death, and is made King; his Vices rendred him so odious to his Soldiers, that they offered themselves up to Cleopatra, Demetrius's Relict. She married Antiochus Sother, Demetrius's brother, and made him be crowned King; heovercame Tryphon, who fled to Dora, and from thence to Apamee, where he was taken by force, and killed. Antiochus took a great liking to Simon the great Sacrificer or High-Priest.

I NOt long after the captivity of Demetrius, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 10. Tryphon killed Antiochus the son of Alex­ander, 1 Mac. 15. sirnamed Good, notwithstanding he had the care and charge of his education for four years that he reigned;Tryphon mur­thering Alex­ander, obtain­eth the King­dom. and spreading abroad a certain report, That the young King in exercising himself fortuned to dye; he sent his friends and familiars to the Soldiers, pro­mising them, That if they would choose him King, he would give them a great sum of money; giving them to understand, that Demetrius was a Prisoner among the Parthians; and that if Antiochus his brother should obtain the kingdom, he would punish them divers ways, and revenge the revolt and rebellion which they were guilty of by forsaking him. The Army hoping that if they bestow'd the kingdom on Tryphon, Tryphon ha­ving obtained dominion, dis­covereth his corrupt nature. it would redound highly to their profit, they proclaim'd him King. But after he had attain'd the fulness of his desires, he shewed K how malicious and wicked his nature was. For when he was a private man, he flatter'd the People,Tryphons Ar­my submit to Cleopatra, De­metrius's wife, who married Antiochus So­ter, and com­mitted the au­thority to his hands. and made shew of moderation; and, by such allurements, he drew them to do what he pleased: but after he had taken possession of the kingdom, he discover'd his hypocrisie, and shew'd plainly, that he was not unaptly call'd Tryphon, that is to say, Tri­fler or Mocker. By which means, he lost the hearts of the better sort: and as for his Army, it became so averse from him, that it submitted it self to Cleopatra, Demetrius's wife, who had, at that time, confin'd both her self and her children in Seleucia. And whereas Antiochus, sirnamed the Devout, and brother to Demetrius, was driven from place to place,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 11. and had not any City that would entertain him, for fear of Tryphon; Cleopatra sent unto him, inviting him both to be her husband, and to take possession of the king­dom. L Antiochus ha­ving driven Tryphon out of Syria, besieged him in Dora. And hereunto did she the rather draw him, partly for that she was thereunto per­suaded by her friends, and partly for the fear she had, lest some one of Selucia should be­tray the City to Tryphon. As soon as Antiochus was arrived in Seleucia, and that from day to day his Forces encreased,Tryphon [...] death. he marched forth into the field, and fought with Tryphon, and overcame him in battel, and drove him out of the higher Syria, and pursu'd him as far as Phoenicia: where after he had retired himself into Dora, a strong and impregnable Castle, he besieged him therein, and sent Ambassadors to Simon the High-Priest of the Jews, to confirm a friendship and confederacy with him. Simon very courteously accepted his de­mands, and presently sent Antiochus both money and victuals, sufficient to furnish his Army at the siege of Dora; so that in short space he was accepted amongst the number of his M entire friends. Tryphon flying from Dora to Apamea, was in that place besieged, taken and slain, after he had reigned three years.

CHAP. XIII.
Antiochus Sother's ingratitude to Simon Machabaeus. They come to make War; Simon gets alwayes the better, and renews his alliance with the Romans.

BUT the innate avarice that was in Antiochus, and the malignity of his nature, made him forgetful of those offices and services that Simon had done him: so that he sent N Sedebaeus, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 12. his great friend, with a mighty Army to invade Jewry, and to surprize Simon. But he having some privy intelligence of Antiochus's Treachery, notwithstanding that at this time he was very old, was so provoked with the injuries that Antiochus had done him, that animated with courage more than became his age, he went himself to the War, as if as yet he had been but youthful:Simon and his son expelleth Sedebaeus out of Jewry. he therefore caused his son to march before, with the best Soldiers of his Army; and having left a number of his Soldiers in ambush, in the hollow retreats of the mountains, he executed all his designs, without failing in any one of them: so that after he had every way obtained the upper hand of his Enemies, he ever after enjoyed his Government in peace, during the remainder of his life, and renew­ed likewise the confederacy with the Romans.

O

CHAP. XIV.The year of the World, 3830. before Christ's Nativity, 134. A
Simon Machabaeus, Prince of the Jews, and High-Priest, is betrayed and killed by his Son-in-law Ptolomey, who, at the same time, makes his Relict and his two sons Prisoners.

HE governed Judea for the space of eight years, and was at last slain at a banquet, by the Treachery of Ptolomey his son-in-law;Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 15. who seizing on Simons Wife, and his two children,1 Mac. 6. and detaining them in Prison, sent out certain of his Train besides, to kill John the third son,No faith nor trust, no not in sons-in-law. sirnamed Hircanus of Jerusalem. But the young man having some inkling of their drift, retired himself speedily into the City, and avoided the danger that B they complotted against him; assuring himself of the good will of the People, in con­sideration of the benefits they had received at his fathers hands, and the hatred that they bare unto Ptolomey; who intending to enter the City-gates, was sharply repulsed by the Citizens, for they had already entertain'd Hircanus.

CHAP. XV.
Hircanus, Simon's son, besiegeth Ptolomey in Dagon Castle, but his great love towards his mo­ther and his brothers, (whom Ptolomey threatens to put to death, if he storm'd the Castle) made him forbear to assault it, and raised the siege; after which, Ptolomey nevertheless put C them to death.

WHereupon Ptolomey retired unto a certain Castle situate beyond Jericho, called Da­gon, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 14. but Hircanus was made High-Priest in his fathers stead: who, after he had recommended himself to God,Ptolomey, be­sieged by Hir­canus, knowing the power of natural affecti­on, keepeth his mother and brethren pri­soners, whip­peth them on the walls, and threatneth to throw them down. by the firstling Sacrifices that he offer'd, marched out against Ptolomey, his brother-in-law, to make War upon him. Now when he was fully resolved to besiege the place whither Ptolomey was retired, he had the advantage in all other things; but only by the affection that he bare unto his mother and his brethren, he was over­come. For Ptolomey having taken them, and whipt them upon the Walls in all mens pre­sence, threatned Hircanus, That unless he levied his siege, he would cast them down headlong D from the top of the Castle: now whereas one way Hircanus had a great desire to force and surprize the place, so also on the other side he was wholly disheartned, through the desire that he had to redeem those whom he loved, from the Enemies Tyranny. True it is, That his Mother stretching out her hands, besought him, That for her sake he would not give over valiantly to assault the place; but that he should be the more encouraged to surprize the Fortress, and to lay hold upon his Enemy, and to be revenged of the wrong that was offer'd unto his dearest friends: alledging, that she thought it better to die in the midst of a thousand torments, than that the enemy should escape unpunished, who had been so manifest an occasion of their misery. When Hircanus heard his Mother speak thus, he was more furiously incensed to give the assault; but as soon as he saw his Mother so beaten and sore wounded, his heart melted E within him; and the fervent desire which he before had to better and beat down the City, was presently allayed and cooled: and so the pitiful compassion of his Mother, surmounted and overcame his wrathful desire of revenge.The end of the History of the Bible. Whil'st thus the siege was continued and prolonged, the year of Repose celebrated amongst the Jews was come: For they observed the seventh year, as the seventh day is observed in the week; so that by this occasion, Ptolomey was deliver'd of this siege, who afterwards slew both Hirca­nus's Mother and Brethren; which done, he fled unto Zeno, sirnamed Cotyla, who at that time Tyrannized in the City of the Philadelphians. F G

H CHAP. XVI.The year of the World, 383 [...]. before Christ's Nativity, 133.
King Antiochus Sother besiegeth Hircanus in the Castle of Jerusalem, and raiseth the siege after a Treaty. Hircanus accompanieth him in the War against the Parthians, where An­tiochus is killed; and his brother Demetrius (whom Arsaces King of the Parthians had set at liberty) taketh possession of the kingdom of Syria.

ANtiochus calling to mind the manifold losses he had receiv'd by Simons means,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 15. inva­ded Jewry in the fourth year of his Reign,Hircanus is driven into the City by Antiochus. and in the first of Hircanus's Govern­ment, I which was in the 162 Olympiade. And after he had spoilt all the Countrey, he blockt up Hircanus within the City of Jerusalem, which he had besieg'd with seven Camps; yet with no advantage at all,Pleiades the seven stars. both in regard of the strength of the Walls, and the valor of the Citizens, besides the want of Water which he had in his Camp; which was not­withstanding remedied by a great fall of rain, which fell about the setting of the Pleia­des in the beginning of April. On the North-side also where there is a great Plain, An­tiochus caused 100 Towers to be erected, every one three stories high, on which he plan­ted certain Companies of armed Soldiers, who daily fought with the besieged, and who, by the means of a double and deep Trench, depriv'd them of all conveniencies. They on the other side made often sallies, and if they chanced at any time to charge the Enemy K on a sudden,The weaker fort are thrust out of the City▪ they made a great slaughter: but if they were discover'd, they marched back in order. But Hircanus considering the great number of People that were in the City, who rather consumed Soldiers victuals, than performed any service, he divided those that were unfit for War, and sent them out of the City, retaining only those with him who were valiant and warlike. But Antiochus permitted them not to have free li­berty to depart;Antiochus af­fordeth seven dayes truce to celebrate the feast of Taber­nacles. so that wandring here and there between the Walls and the Camp, they were consumed with Famine, and died miserably. When as therefore the feast of Taber­nacles was to be celebrated during these affairs, they that were within, had compassion of their Countreymen, and drew them within the Walls, and entertain'd them within the City. At this time Hircanus sent a messenger to beseech Antiochus to grant him Truce L for seven days, by reason of the solemnity of the Feast; which he granted, for the ho­nour which he bare unto God. Furthermore, he sent a magnificent Sacrifice into Jerusalem of Bulls with gilded Horns, and vessels full of divers Perfumes, with other vessels of gold and silver. Those that had the charge of the gates, received the Sacrifices at their hands that brought the same, and offer'd them in the Temple. Antiochus himself also gave the Soldiers certain meats to grace their Festival, shewing himself herein to be of a far bet­ter disposition than Antiochus Epiphanes, who, after he had taken the City, caused Swines flesh to be sacrificed upon the Altar, and besprinkled the Temple with the Hogs blood, making a confusion of the ordinances of the Law of God, which was the cause that this Nation rebelled, and conceived a deadly hatred against him: But Antiochus, of whom M we speak at this present, was by all men call'd devout, because of the incredible affection that he had to the service of God. Hircanus acknowledging the bounty and affection he had towards God and his Sacrifices,Hircanus ma­keth peace with Antiochus, and the siege is given over. sent Ambassadors unto him, requiring him, that he would permit them to live according to the ancient Laws and Customs of their Forefathers. Whereupon the good King rejected their counsel who advis'd him to destroy the Jewish Nation, for being contrary to the customs of all other People. And understanding that all the conversation of the Jews was conformable unto piety, he answer'd the Ambas­sadors, That if the besieged would yield up their Arms, and pay the Tributes of Joppa, and the other Cities that were out of Judea, and would receive a Garison, such as he should appoint, he would discharge them of this War. They accepted all other his conditions, but they con­sented N not to receive a Garison, lest they should be enforced to entertain such with whom they could not converse; but instead of the Garison they gave Pledges, and paid 500 Talents of silver, of which the King receiv'd 300 in hand, with the Pledges; amongst which,Hircanus ta­keth a huge sum of money out of King Davids tomb. was Hircanus's brother: and after he had beaten down the Cope and Panes of the Walls, with the other fortifications, he rais'd the siege, and departed. But Hircanus open­ing Davids monument, (who surpassed all other Kings in riches during his time) drew 3000 Talents out of the same,Nicholas Da­mascene. whereby he took occasion first of all among the Jews to entertain a foreign Army. There was also a friendship and alliance betwixt him and Antiochus, whom he entertain'd in the City with all his Army, and furnish'd him largely and magnificently with all that which was necessary for the same; and that which is O more, Antiochus having undertaken an Expedition against the Parthians, Hircanus marched also in his company. Nicholas Damascene beareth witness hereof, writing after this manner in his History: Antiochus erected a Pageant near the flood Lycus, after he had overcome In­dates [Page 344] [...] [Page 345] [...] [Page 346] General of the Army of the Parthians,The year of the World, 3838. before Christ's Nativity, 126. and abode there two days, at Hircanus the Jews A request, by reason of a solemn Feast at that time, in which it was not lawful for the Jews to tra­vel, wherein he is no ways mistaken. For the Feast of Pentecost was at that present the next day after the Sabbath, and it is not lawful for us neither in our Sabbaths nor Feasts, to journey any ways. Antiochus slain in the conflict against the Parthians. Antiochus fighting against Arsaces King of the Parthians, lost the greater part of his Army, and was himself slain. His brother Demetrius succeeded him in the kingdom of Sy­ria, whom Arsaces had set at liberty, at such time as Antiochus came into the kingdom of the Parthians, as we have declared heretofore in another place.

CHAP. XVII.B
Hircanus, after King Antiochus's death, took back again many places in Syria, and reneweth his alliance with the Romans. King Demetrius is overcome by Alexander Zebinus, who was descended of King Seleucus; is taken afterwards in Tyre, and dieth miserably. An­tiochus Gripus, being his son, overcometh Alexander, who is killed in the battel. Antio­chus Syzicus, who was his brother on the mothers side, being Antiochus Sother's son, ma­keth War against him, and Hircanus in the mean time reigns peaceably in Judea.

HIrcanus hearing news of Antiochus death, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 16. led forth his Army with all Expedition a­gainst the Cities of Syria,Hircanus sur­prizeth divers Cities of Syria and layeth de­solate the tem­ple that was built on the hill Garizim. hoping to find them unprovided both of garisons and means of defence, as in effect it came to pass. He therefore took the City of Medaba at C the end of six months, after that his Army had suffer'd many calamities. Afterwards he seized Samega, and the Cities thereabout; the Cities of Sichem, and Garizim also, where the Cutheans dwelt, who had a Temple there made according to the model of the Temple of Jerusalem, (which Alexander the great permitted Sanaballath to build, in favor of his Son-in-law Manasses,The Idumaeans▪ conquered by Hircanus, ad­mit circumcisi­on, and the laws of the Jews. brother to the High-Priest Jaddus, as we have heretofore declar'd) which Temple was laid desolate 200 years after it was built. Hircanus also took certain Fortresses and Cities of Idumaea, as Adora and Marissa; and after he had subdu'd all the Idumaeans, he permitted them to inhabit the Countrey, under this condition, That they should consent to be circumcised, and to live according to the Laws and Religion of the Jews. D They, through the desire they had to live in the place where they were born, submitted themselves to be circumcis'd, and to live according to the customs and ordinances of the Jews; and from that day forward, they were comprehended within the number of the Jews.Hi [...]canus ma­keth a league with the Ro­mans. Whil'st thus Hircanus was High-Priest, he thought good to renew the amity betwixt the Jews and the Romans, and to this effect he sent an Embassage with Letters unto the Senate. As soon as the Senate had receiv'd his Letters, they made alliance with him, to this effect ensuing. Fanius M. F. Pr. assembled the Senate in the field of Mars the eighth day of February, in the presence of L. Manlius, L. F. Mentina, and C. Sempronius, C. F. Fa­lerna; concerning that which Simon the son of Dositheus, Apollonius the son of Alexan­der, Diodorus the son of Jason, men of good reputation and honour, and sent Ambassadors E by the People of the Jews, have proposed; who have dealt with us as touching the confederation and amity that this Nation had with the Romans, and have likewise conferred as touching the affairs of State, namely, that Joppa and the Ports thereof, Gazara and the Fountains thereunto belonging, and those other Cities of the Countrey, which Antiochus took from them, contrary to the decree of the Senate, should be restor'd unto them; and that it may not be lawful for the Kings Soldiers to pass through their Countrey, neither any of those Provinces that are under their government: and that those things which were attempted by Antiochus during this War, contrary to the arrest and decree of the Senate, should be declar'd void, to the end that the Am­bassadors sent in the Senates behalf, may provide for the restitution of those things which An­tiochus had spoilt them of, and may rate and set down the damages which the Countrey hath F receiv'd by this War. Item, That Letters of recommendation should be written in the behalf of the Jewish Ambassadors, to the Kings and free People, for their secure and safe return into their Countrey. It hath been held convenient, to make and ratifie this ordinance, to the end to renew friendship and alliance with men of so good respect, sent unto them by a Nation so good and faithful towards them. And as touching the Letters, the answer was, That they should be written at such time as the affairs of the Senate would permit them any leisure; and that from this time forward, they would have care that no injury should be offer'd them. And the Pretor Fanius was commanded also to deliver the Ambassadors money out of the common Purse, to bear their charges home into their Countrey. And thus did Fanius dismiss the Ambassadors of the Jews, after he had given them money out of the common Treasury, with the decree of G the Senate addressed to those that should conduct them, and give them a sure convoy or safeguard to return into their Countrey. And this was the state of the affairs during Hir­canus Priesthood.

[Page 347] H But King Demetrius being sharply whetted to make War against Hircanus, The year of the World, 3844. before Christ's Nativity, 120. could have neither time nor opportunity to fulfill his desire, by reason that both the Syrians and his Soldiers were become his Enemies, because of his wickedness of life. For they sent Am­bassadors to Ptolomey, sirnamed Physcon, to require him to send some one of Seleucus's race unto them,Demetrius be­ing overcome by Alexander, is slain. to be establish'd King. Whereupon Ptolomey sent them Alexander, sirna­med Zebina, accompanied with an Army; who giving battel to Demetrius, worsted him, and constrain'd him to flie to his Wife Cleopatra, to Ptolomais; who neither accepting, nor entertaining him,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 17. he was constrain'd to retire from thence unto Tyre, where he was ta­ken: and after he had suffer'd many miseries by the hands of his Enemies, he finally died. Alexander having by this means obtained the Kingdom,Alexander slain in the conflict be­twixt him and Antiochus Gryphus. made a league of amity with I Hircanus. And whereas it fell out, that Antiochus, sirnamed Gryphus, the son of Demetri­us, made War against him, he was overcome and slain in the battel. When Antiochus had taken possession of the Kingdom of Syria, he forbare to make War against the Jews, for that he had intelligence that his brother, by the mothers side, (who was in like sort na­med Antiochus) assembled an Army against him at Cyzicus. Remaining therefore in his Countrey, he resolved to make preparation against his brothers coming, who was called Cyzicenus, because he was brought up in that City, and was the son of Antiochus called the Conserver, who died in the Countrey of the Parthians, and who was brother to Deme­trius the father of Gryphus; and it fell out, that both these brothers were married to one and the same Cleopatra, as we have heretofore express'd. When Antiochus the Cyzice­nian K was arrived in Syria, he made War against his brother, which continued many years: during all which time, Hircanus lived in peace, (for presently after Antiochus's death, he revolted from the subjection of the Macedonians) and from that time forward gave them no succors,Hircanus, whi­lest the bro­thers weaken themselves by civil wars, liv­eth in peace. neither as Subject or Friend; but his fortunes both augmented and flourished greatly, during the time of Alexander Zebina, and principally during the Reign of these two brothers. For the War, wherein they consum'd one another, gave Hircanus an op­portunity to levy all the Revenues of Judea, without any contradiction, so that by the same means he gather'd infinite sums of money. For whil'st the Cyzicenian destroy'd his brothers Countrey, Hircanus also made known his inclination and disposition; and see­ing likewise that Antiochus was destitute of those succors he expected out of Egypt, and L that both himself and his brother also (through their natural discords) weakned one anothers estates, he despised them both.

CHAP. XVIII.
Hircanus taketh Samaria, and ruines it totally. How much this High-Priest was in God Al­mighties favor. He leaveth the Pharisees, and betakes him to the Sadduces. His happy death.

HIrcanus seeing himself so powerful, resolv'd to besiege Samaria, (which was a strong M City) and is at this day called Sebasta, because it was re-edifi'd by Herod, as we will make manifest in time and place convenient. He therefore began to besiege and bat­ter the same with all diligence;Hircanus be­siegeth Sama­ria. animated thereunto, because of the extreme hatred he bare the Samaritans, who, on purpose, to please the King of Syria, had offer'd many grievous affronts to the Marissens, who were descended from, and allied with the Jews. He therefore made a Trench round about the City, with a double Wall of 80 furlongs, and committed the general command of this siege to his sons, Antigonus and Aristobulus, who so diligently and valiantly behaved themselves,Antiochus seeking to re­lieve the Sa­maritans, is overcome and put to flight by Aristobulus. that the Samaritans being overpres­sed with extreme famine, were constrained to eat such things as were unusual and unac­customed amongst men, and to call Antiochus the Cyzicenian to their aid: who readily re­paired N thither, but was repulsed by Aristobulus's Soldiers; and being pursu'd by the two brethren as far as Scythopolis, he hardly escaped; and they returning to their siege, fresh­ly assaulted and besieged the Samaritans within their own Walls: so that once more they were constrained to send Ambassadors to Antioch for aid, who was their Ally; who sent unto Ptolomey Lathyrus, for about some 6000 men, who furnish'd him with them, con­trary to his mothers mind, who therefore had almost thrust him out of his dominion. As soon as he had receiv'd them, he made a road into Hircanus's Countrey, and spoilt and forag'd the same as far as Egypt. For he durst not give him battel hand to hand, because he had not competent Forces; but thought that in spoiling the Countrey, he might cause them to raise the siege, and forsake Samaria: but after he had lost a great number of his O men by divers snares of his Enemies, he went unto Tripoly, committing the general charge of that War to Callimander and Epicrates, two of his Captains. Callimander, more rash­ly than wisely, attempting to set upon the Enemy, was himself slain, and his Soldiers [Page 348] routed.The year of the World, 3854. before Christ's Nativity, 110. And Epicrates, given over to covetousness, did openly yield up Scythopolis, and A other Cities, into the hands of the Jews: so that it was impossible for either of them to raise the siege. At last, after that Hircanus had continued his siege before the City for the space of one whole year, he became master of it: and not contenting himself with the taking hereof,Epicrates cor­rupted with money, selleth Scythopolis, and other pla­ces, to the Jews. he utterly destroy'd it, enforcing the Rivers through the midst thereof; yea, he ruined the same in such sort, that the mud and soil both of the water and earth took away all the appearance of the City, so that it seemed as if it had never been. Of this Hircanus, there is a certain incredible matter committed to memory, namely, how during his High-Priesthood, God had conference with him. For it is reported, That the very same day wherein his sons fought against Antiochus the Cyzicenian, whil'st being B himself alone,Hircanus ta­keth Samaria. he offer'd incense in the Temple, he heard a voice, saying, That his two sons had at that present overcome Antiochus:Hircanus is foretold by a voice in the Temple, of his sons victory. all which he incontinently signifi'd unto the people at the gate of the Temple; and, according as he had said, so it came to pass. See here what occurrences hapned in Hircanus's time.

About this very instant likewise, the affairs of the Jews prospered not only in Jerusa­lem and Judea, but also amongst the Inhabitants of Alexandria; and finally, in Egypt and Cyprus: For Queen Cleopatra rebelling against her son Ptolomey Lathyrus, appointed Chelcias and Ananias, Chelcias and Ananias, Cap­tains of Cleo­patras Army. the sons of that Onias who had built the Temple in Heliopolis (ac­cording to the pattern of that in Jerusalem) her Generals. And having committed her Army unto their hands, she acted nothing without their advice, according as Strabo the Cappadocian witnesseth,Strabo of Cap­padocia, his report of the loyalty of the Jews. speaking after this manner: Divers of those who came with us, and C of those who had been sent into Cyprus from Cleopatra, suddenly revolted to Ptolomey: only the Jews that were of Onias's faction, remained constant in their duty, because the Queen made great account and reckoning of Chelcias and Ananias their Countreymen. Thus far Strabo. This great felicity and prosperity of Hircanus, Hircanus groweth in discontent with the Pha­risees. moved the Jews to conceive a hatred against him, and especially the Pharisees opposed themselves against him. These Pharisees were one of the Sects of the Jews, (whereof we have heretofore treated) which Sect was so great in credit with the common people, that when they disposed any thing, were it against the King, or the Priest, they were presently believed. Hircanus had been one of their disciples, and therefore was easily believed. He invited them to a feast, and en­tertain'd them with all humanity: and seeing them in a merry vein, he began to tell them,D That they knew his mind, how that he desired nothing more than to be just, and to square all his actions according to Gods will and direction, according as they themselves taught. He therefore requir'd them, that if they perceiv'd that he mistook himself in any thing, or that he wandred from the right way, they would by admonition redress the same. Whereupon all of them gave testimony of his perfect virtue, wherewith he was highly contented. But one of the company, called Eleazar, a man of a malicious nature, and such an one as delighted in mutiny,Elea [...]r the Phar [...]ee, up­braideth Hir­canus, that his mother was a slave. said unto him, Since you desire to hear the truth, if so be, you affect the estimation of a good man, give over the place of Priesthood, and content your self with the government of the people. Hircanus demanded of him the cause wherefore he should forsake the Priest­hood? Because (saith he) that we have heard say by our Ancestors, that your mother was a E Captive during the Reign of Antiochus the famous (which notwithstanding was a false re­port.) Hircanus hearing this, was sore moved against him, and also all other of the Phari­sees, who were present. Amongst the rest, there was a certain man called Jonathan, of the order of the Sadduces, (who maintain a contrary opinion against the Pharisees) who was an intimate and dear friend to Hircanus, with whom he communicated the injurious speeches that Eleazar had spoken by him,The Sadduce Jonathan, in­censeth Hirca­nus against the Pharisees. who told him, That (as he thought) Eleazar had spoken these words by the publick consent of the Pharisees; and that he might dis­cover the same most manifestly, if he enquired of them what punishment Eleazar had deserved for speaking after this sort. Hircanus therefore talked with the Pharisees concerning his punishment, telling them, That he should very well perceive, that this injury had not been pro­nounced F by the common consent of them all, if they condemned the Offender to suffer a punish­ment proportionable to his offence. Whereupon they decreed, That he ought to be punished by imprisonment and scourging; for (said they) an injury done in word, required no capital punishment: And, to speak uprightly, they in their thinking censured severely enough of this fault, for that the Pharisees are naturally inclin'd to mercy in matter of punishment. But Hircanus was sore offended with this their answer, and imagined that this Eleazar had spoken after this manner, by the common instigation of the rest. This displeasure, and conceived dislike of his,Hircanus for­saketh the Pha­risees, and fol­loweth the Sadduces. Jonathan aggravated to the uttermost, and handled the matter in such sort, that he drew Hircanus to forsake the Pharisees, and to subscribe to the opinions of the Sadduces, abolishing their ordinances, and causing them to be sharply punisht that G observe the same. These practices of Hircanus incensed the people against him and his sons; but we will treat of this in another place. At present I will declare how the [Page 349] A Pharisees have made many ordinances among the People, according to the Tradition of their fathers, whereof there is nothing written in the Laws of Moses: for which cause, the Sect of the Sadduces rejecteth them, affirming, That they ought to keep the written ordi­nances, and not to observe those that are grounded upon the Tradition of the fathers. And great dispute and dissentions have been raised among them upon this occasion,The constitu­tions of the Pharisees. because the richer sort only, and not the baser sort of People, adhered to the Sadduces: but the Pha­risees had the Commonalty on their sides. But of these two sorts, and of the Esseans, I have more exactly Treated in my second Book of the Wars of the Jews. But Hircanus finally appeased this mutiny, and lived afterwards in much peace and happiness; and after he had most discreetly govern'd his Princedom for the space of 31 years,Hircanus's death. he died, leaving B five sons behind him. This man was honored by God, with three great gifts; the gift of Government, the gift of Priesthood, and the gift of Prophecy. For God spake unto him divers times by Oracles and Revelations, and gave him the knowledge of things to come;Hircanus's Prophecy of his sons. which he in such sort foretold, That he declared that his two eldest sons should not possess the principality any long time: whose end it shall not be amiss to set down in what manner it was, to the intent that the Prophecy of their father may be the better known.

CHAP. XIX.
Aristobulus, eldest son of Hircanus, Prince of the Jews, makes himself be crown'd King; C maketh his brother Antigonus, his associate of the Crown: he imprisoneth the rest, and his mother also, whom he caused to die for hunger: He becometh jealous of Antigonus; he maketh him be killed, and he himself afterwards dieth for grief.

ARistobulus, Hircanus's eldest son, resolved after his fathers death, to exchange the Principality into an absolute Kingdom:Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 18. and the better to attain thereunto, he first of all set the Crown upon his head,Aristobulus, Hircanus son, was the first after the capti­vity of Baby­lon, that set the Diad [...]m on his head. 481 years and three months after the People of the Jews were deliver'd from the bondage of Babylon, and led again unto their Countrey. And for that Aristobulus, amongst all his other brethren, loved Antigonus best of all, who was the nearest unto him in age, he accepted him as a companion in the government of the D kingdom: but as for the rest, he shut them up in Prison. He locked up his mother like­wise, who had contended with him concerning the Government, (for that Hircanus had committed all things to her disposition) and so far extended his cruelty,Aristobulus admitteth his brother Ant­gonus to be his Copartner in the kingdom, and imprison­eth the rest of his brethren, and famisheth his mother. that he famish'd her to death in Prison. After he had thus used his mother, he slew his brother Antigonus also; whom he pretended to love above all the rest, and whom (as he made shew) he had made partner of his Kingdom. From whom he estranged himself, by reason of some slanders and false accusations raised up against him; which at the first he gave no credit to, both for that the friendship which he bare unto him, made him not regard the same, as also for that he imagined he was enviously slandered. It came to pass that Antigonus, re­turning upon a certain time from the Army with great magnificence, about the time of E the feast of Tabernacles, chanced to repair thither at that very time wherein Aristobulus hapned to fall sick. Antigonus intending to celebrate the Solemnity, ascended the Tem­ple in great state, attended by some of his Army, to pray for his brothers health. Where­upon certain malicious Wretches, desirous to break the concord that was between them, made use of this occasion, and of Antigonus magnificent pomp and good fortune; and came unto the King,Antigonus's death com­plotted. amplifying unto him in malicious words, what pomp and majesty he had shewed in that solemnity, telling him, That in his actions he demeaned himself no wayes like a private man, Aristobulus is incensed against his brother An­tigonus. but that all his actions were levelled at royalty: finally, that his intent was to enter the Kingdom by force, and to kill him; for he made account, that since he might be King alone, it was a great simplicity for him to have a companion. But Aristobulus, although F he would very hardly be induced to believe these reports; yet notwithstanding being desirous both to extinguish the suspition, and to provide for his own security, he dispo­sed certain of his Guard in a dark and privy place under ground, and lodged himself in a certain Tower called Antonia, commanding that no man should offer violence, except to those who entred armed: giving a further charge to his Guard, that if Antigonus en­tred armed, he should be slain. Which done, he sent for his brother, desiring him to re­pair unto him without Weapons.Aristobulus's Queen, con­triveth Anti­gonus's death. Which when the Queen, and they that complotted the murther of Antigonus, understood, they persuaded the Messenger to tell him the con­trary, namely, That his brother expected (in regard he prepared for War) that in that state and pomp he should come and visit him, to the end he might be an eye-witness of his brave fur­niture G and preparation. But Antigonus suspecting no harm, and relying on the good will of his brother, marched all armed on foot toward Aristobulus, to shew himself in that bravery: and when he came right over against the Tower, that is called Straton, where [Page 350] the passage was very dark,The year of the World, 3862. before Christ's Nativity, 102. the Kings Guard killed him. By this accident a man may ea­sily H conjecture, That there is scarcely any power greater than that of Envy and Slander; and that there is not any thing that may sooner break off the good will and amity a­mongst brethren, than these two passions. And above all there is an occasion offer'd us of great wonder,The force of slander. in respect of one that was called Judas, of the Sect of Esseans; who, in all those things that he prophesied, varied in no sort from the Truth. He seeing An­tigonus come up into the Temple,Judas the Es­sean a Prophet. cryed out among his Disciples, (who frequented him to be instructed by him in the method of Prophecy) That he was weary of his life, because Antigonus's security argued the vanity of his Prophecy, by which he had foretold, that that very day he should be slain at Stratons Tower; whereas the place where he should be murthered, was 600 furlongs off, and the better part of the day was already spent: so that it could not be I imagined, but that he should be in danger to have made a false Prediction. Whil'st he declared his doubts after this manner, and was wholly overcome with choler, news was brought. That Antigonus was slain in a certain place under ground, which was called the Tower of Straton, of the same name with that other that standeth near the Sea, which was after­wards called Caesarea; The punish­ment of Ari­stobulus, for the murther of his brother. which ambiguity troubled the Diviner. Incontinently after this accident, Aristobulus repented himself, in that he had put his brother to death: and this repentance of his was seconded by a most grievous sickness, proceeding from the afflicti­on of his spirit, and detestation of that cruel murther: so that with grievous agony and torment he vomited blood, as if all his entrals had been torn in sunder. This blood so vomited by him, it fortuned (in my opinion) by the Divine Providence of God,K that a certain servant of his bearing it from his presence, by some trip of his foot hap­ned to stumble, and shed the same in that very place which had been soiled with the blood of the slaughtered Antigonus. The touch of Conscience. By which means they that beheld the same, raised a great cry, exclaiming that the Page had shed the blood in a convenient place. Aristobu­lus hearing this outcry, demanded the cause thereof; and for that no man addressed himself to satisfie him, he was the more earnest to know it, (according to the nature of men, who are alwayes more suspicious and desirous to know those things which are most concealed.) At last, from words, he fell to Threatnings, and no body durst tell him the Truth. Whereupon he altogether afrighted in his Conscience, shedding abundance of Tears, and breathing out grievous sighs, began to cry out in this manner, How then? My L impious and detestable act is not hidden from God, but the sudden punishment of my brothers murther pursueth me: wherefore, O thou shameless body of mine, how long wilt thou detain my soul, which is due, and appertaineth to the ghosts of my mother and brother? Why dost thou not take it all at once▪ such as it is, without expecting that I should sacrifice my blood, poured out so many times to those whom I have so treacherously kill'd? While he pronounced these words, he dyed▪ after he had reigned one year. He was called Philelles, that is to say, a Lover of the Greeks. Thus after he had profited his Countrey many wayes, and subdued the Itu­reans, and joined the greater part of the Countrey to Judea; and had constrained them likewise, who should remain in that Countrey, to be circumcised, and to live according to the Laws of the Jews, Aristobulus compelleth the Itureans to be circumcised, and to observe the laws of the Jews. he died thus miserably. He was by nature courteous and shame▪ M fac't, as Strabo testifieth, speaking after this manner, by the authority of Timagines; This was the courteous man, and profitable to his Countreymen the Jews in many things: for he en­larged their Countrey, and conquered the part of the Nations of the Itureans, whom he tied un­to him by the bond of Circumcision.

CHAP. XX.
Salomey, otherwise called Alexandra, King Aristobulus Relict, taketh Jannaeus called Alexan­der, Aristobulus's brother, out of Prison, and made him King, who caused him to kill one of his brothers, and besiegeth Ptolomais. King Ptolomey Lathyrus (whom Queen Cleo­patra N his mother had banish'd out of Egypt) came to relieve Ptolomais; the Inhabitant [...] would not let him in, Alexander raiseth the siege, treateth openly with Ptolomey, and pri­vately with Queen Cleopatra.

WHen Aristobulus was dead,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 19. Salome his Wife (whom the Greeks called Alexan­dra) set his brothers at liberty,Salome, sirna­med Alexan­dra, Aristobu­lus's Wife, ma­keth Jannaeus Alexander King. (whom, as we have heretofore declared, he had made Prisoners) and made Jannaeus (who was called Alexander) King, who both in age and modesty surpassed all the other brethren; but he was so unfortu­nate, that from his birth-day upward, his father had conceived so great a hatred against him, that he never admitted him to his presence so long as he lived. The cause whereof O (as it is reported) was this: When as Hircanus loved Aristobulus and Antigonus, who were his two eldest sons, with most intire affection. God appeared unto him in his sleep, [Page 351] A of whom he demanded,The year of the World, 3864. before Christ's Nativity, 100. Who should succeed him? Whereupon God presented unto his sight the resemblance of Alexander: whereat he was displeased, that as soon as he was born, he sent him out of his presence into Galilee, to be nourished and brought up in that place. But God hath apparently proved that he lied not to Hircanus. For after Ari­stobulus's death,Alexander executeth the one brother that affected the crown, and honoured the other. he taking possession of the Kingdom, caused one of his two brethren to be put to death, who endeavored to make himself King: and as for the other, who re­solved to live in idleness and pleasure, he honour'd him greatly.

After that he had setled his estate, according as he thought it most expedient, he led forth his Army against Ptolomais: and having obtained the upper hand in the battel, he blocked up the men within their City,Alexander be­siegeth Ptolo­mais. and afterwards besieg'd it. For amongst all the B Cities of the Sea-coast, these two only, namely Ptolomais and Gaza, remained as yet un­conquer'd, Zoilus Tyra [...] of Straton and Dora. and there was no adversary left but Zoilus, who had seized of the Tower of Straton and Dora where he govern'd. Whil'st Antiochus Philometor and Antiochus Cyzice­nus were thus at Debate and VVar the one against the other, and consum'd each others Forces, the Ptolemaidans had not any succor from them. But whil'st they were engag'd in this Siege, Zoilus (who held the Tower of Straton and Dora) assisted them with that Army he had under his command, and gave them some succors, by reason that (seeing these two Kings were so eagerly incens'd against each other) he contriv'd how to advance himself to the crown and sovereignty. For these two Kings seem'd to neglect their own dangers, resembling those Wrastlers, who, though being wearied with fighting, yet C are ashamed to submit unto their adversary, but give themselves a breathing time, that they may the better be heartned to re-encounter. The only hopes they had, were in the Kings of Egypt, and in Ptolomey Lathyrus, who held the Isle of Cyprus at that time, (whither he retir'd himself, after he had been driven out of his kingdom by Cleopatra his mother.) To him the Ptolomaidans sent Ambassadors as unto their Ally, requiring him to come and deliver them from Alexander's hands, into which they were in danger to fall. These Ambassadors persuaded him, That if he would pass into Syria, he should have both Zoilus to friend, and those of Gaza to his followers, in rescuing of the Ptolomaidans: and moreover they assured him, That the Sidonians, and divers others would second him: and by this means so encourag'd him with promises, that he made haste to set sail.

D But in the mean space Demenetus (who was both eloquent, and in great authority with the Citizens) made the Ptolomaidans change their resolution, telling them, That it was much better for them to hazard themselves in some uncertain danger, wherewith the Jews threat­ned them, than to deliver themselves into the hands of such a Master, from whom they could expect nothing but manifest slavery. And moreover, not only to sustain a present War; but that which is more, an imminent War from Egypt: that Cleopatra would not permit that Pto­lomey should levy an Army of the Neighbouring Nations, but would come against them with a great power, and would endeavor also to thrust her son out of Cyprus. And as for Ptolomey, if he were frustrate of his hope, Zoilus and the Gazeans re­quire aid against the Jews at Pto­lomey's hands. yet he might notwithstanding once more return again to Cyprus; in this case they were to expect no less than extreme danger. Now although that Ptolomey, E being at Sea, understood how the Ptolomaidans had chang'd their opinion, yet continued he his course onward, and landing in the Port of Sicamine, he caused his Army (who were of Foot and Horse to the number of 30000 Men) to take Land, and with them he approach'd Ptolomais; and perceiving that upon his encamping, they of the City ad­mitted not his Ambassadors, neither in any sort gave ear unto them, he was wondrously perplexed. But after Zoilus, and they of Gaza came unto him, intreating him to grant them assistance, for that their Countrey was destroy'd by the Jews, and by Alex­ander: For which cause Alexander raised his siege from before Ptolomais, for fear of Pto­lomey; and retiring his Army into his own Countrey, he began to use this stratagem. For covertly he incited Cleopatra against Ptolomey, and openly he made shew of amity and F confederacy with Ptolomey, Alexander persuadeth Ptolomey to cut off Zoilus. promising him to give him 400 Talents of silver, provided that he would deliver him the Tyrant Zoilus, and assign those possessions held by him unto the Jews. Ptolomey having made a peace and league with Alexander, did at that time willing­ly lay hold on Zoilus: Zoilus taken▪ but after that he understood that Alexander had sent and incensed his mother against him,Ptolomais be­sieged by Pto­lomey. he brake all agreement, and besieg'd Ptolomais, that would not entertain him. He left his Lieutenants at the siege with part of his Forces, and mar­ched away with the rest,Ptolomey ta­keth Az [...]r a Town in Gali­lee. to invade and pillage the Countrey of Judea. Alexander per­ceiving Ptolomey's intent, assembled about 50000 fighting Men of his own Coutrey, (or as some Historians have written, 80000) with whom he went out to fight against Pto­lomey, who suddenly setting upon Azoch, a City of Galilee, on a Sabbath-day, took it by G force, and carried away from thence 10000 Prisoners, and a great quantity of other booty.

CHAP. XXI.A
Ptolomey Lathyrus's great victory over Alexander King of the Jews, his horrid barbarity, Cleopatra, Ptolomey's mother, cometh to assist the Jews against him. His attempt to sub­due Egypt is frustrated, Alexander taketh Gaza, and practiseth great cruelties there; seve­ral Wars concerning the kingdom of Syria. The greatest part of the Jews extreme hatred against their King Alexander. They call Demetrius Eucerus to their aid.

HE afterwards set upon Sephor a City near unto Azoch, Ptolomey as­saulteth Se­phor. from whence he departed with the loss of many men, with an intent to fight with Alexander: who came B forth to encounter him,Hecatontama­chi, or the Warriors by hundreds. and met with him near unto Jordan, in a place called Asophon, and encamped right over against the Enemy. He had in his Vanguard 8000 men, but the rest of his Forces not finding themselves so well armed, were fearful to engage, who carried brazen Bucklers. Ptolomey's Vanguard also had Bucklers after the same fashion. Philo­stephanus the Camp-master did not a little encourage them: For he caused them to pass the River which separated the two Camps, which Alexander would not oppose, promising himself the victory, if his Enemies could not retreat. In the beginning of the skirmish, each one of them fought with answerable valor; so that a great number of them fell on both sides.Alexander's overthrow. But Philostephanus perceiving that Alexander's Army had the better, he took a part of his followers, and speedily seconded those who were ready to flie. The C Wing of the Jews Vanguard seeing themselves freshly charged, and not succoured by any means, began to flie; and so far were those that marched next them from yielding them assistance, that all of them became partners in one shameful flight. But they of Pto­lomeys side behaved themselves far otherwise: for they pursued and slew them; and af­ter they had put them in disorder, they charged them so hotly, that they blunted their Weapons, and wearied their Arms with killing them. It is reported that 30000 were slain in the battel (Timagenes saith, 50000) as for the rest, some of them were taken Prisoners,Ptolomey, to the end he might afflict the Jews with more terror, causeth his Soldiers to eat mans flesh. and othersome fled unto their Houses. After that Ptolomey had obtained this victory, he over-ran and spoiled the whole Countrey, and in the evening, he quartered himself in certain Villages of Judea, which he found full of Women and Children, and D commanded his Soldiers, without respect of person, to cut their Throats, and to chop them into pieces, and afterwards to cast the morsels into a boyling Cauldron, and when they were well boiled, to eat the same: All which he acted, to the intent that they that were fled from the battel, and retired to their own Habitations, should know that their Enemies would eat mens flesh, that by this means they might be more afraid of them. Strabo and Nicholas report,Ptolomais ta­ken by force. that they demeaned themselves after this manner, as I have declared. And Ptolomey took Ptolomais also by force, as I have made known else­where.

But Cleopatra perceiving how her son prospered, and how he had spoilt Jewry, without any prejudice,Cleopatra pre­pareth an Ar­my against her son. and subdued the City of Gaza: she concluded with her self, that she ought E not to suffer him to go on after that manner, considering it was upon the borders of E­gypt, whose soveraignty he affected. For which cause, she suddenly marched out against him, with an Army both by Sea and Land, committing the command of her whole For­ces to Chelcias and Ananias, both Jews; and sent the greater part of her riches into the Isle of Coos, with her Nephews, and her Will, to be reserved and kept there in safety. And after she had commanded her son Alexander to set sail toward Phoenicia, with a great Navy, because the Inhabitants of that Countrey were revolted, she her self came to Ptolomais, and besieged it, when she perceived that they refused to grant her entry. Ptolo­mey made haste to depart out of Syria, and to enter Egypt, hoping to be Master thereof, when he should find the Countrey unarmed; but he was deceived. At that time it for­tuned,F Ptolomey dri­ven out of E­gypt. that Chelcias, one of the two Generals of Cleopatra's Army, dyed in Coelosyria, be­ing in pursuit of Ptolomey. Cleopatra having tydings of her sons enterprise, and that the success and fortune he expected in Egypt had failed him, she sent part of her Army to drive him out of the Countrey; so that he was enforced to return back again out of Egypt, Ptolomais be­sieged and ta­ken by Cleo­patra. and to go and spend his Winter at Gaza. Meanwhile Cleopatra besieged and took the City of Ptolomais, whither Alexander resorted unto her with great Presents, she recei­ved him very kindly, in regard Ptolomey had used him so ill, he having now no other re­course left him but to her favour and assistance. Upon his arrival, certain of her familiars counselled her to lay hands on him, and to seize the Countrey: and not to permit that so great number of Jews, and so valiant men, should become Subjects unto one man. But Ananias gave G her counsel to the contrary, alledging, That she should commit an act of great injustice, if she should depose him, who was her Allie, from the Government; who was beside that, very nearly [Page 353] H allied unto her. The year of the World, 3873. before Christ's Nativity, 91. For (said he) I would you should know, that by committing this wrong you shall raise in all the rest of the Jews a heinous hatred against you. Cleopatra conforming her self to Ananias counsel, resolved with her self to offer Alexander no injury; but in stead thereof, she entertain'd him as her allie and friend, at Scythopolis a City of Coelosyria. Now when Alexander perceived,Alexander's peace with Cleopatra re­newed. that he was freed from the fear which he had conceived of Ptolomey, he incontinently drew his Army into Coelosyria, and after six months siege, took Gada [...]a; he took shortly after Amath also, (which is a great Fortress belonging to the Inhabitants about Jordan) where Theodore, Alexander ta­keth Gadara. the son of Zenon, had hoarded up the richest and best part of his substance: who surprising the Jews unawares, slew about 10000 of them, and pill aged Alexanders baggage.

I This did not any wayes astonish Alexander: but notwithstanding the disaster, he mar­ched forward toward the Cities Raphia and Anthedon, which Herod afterwards called Agrippias, situate on the Sea-coasts, and took them perforce; and seeing that Ptolomey was retired from Gaza into Cyprus, and that Cleopatra his mother was in Egypt, he besieged the City of Gaza, Alexander be­siegeth Gaza. and spoilt all the Countrey round about it, by reason of the displea­sure which he had conceived against the Citizens,Apollodotus by night invadeth the Camp of the Jews. for that they had sought Ptolomey's as­sistance against him. Apollodotus, Captain of the Gazeans, made a sally by night, and en­tred the Camp of the Jews, having only with him 2000 foreign Soldiers, and 1000 of his own followers. And as long as the night lasted, the Gazeans had the upper hand, because that they made their Enemies believe that Ptolomey was come to their rescue; but as soon K as the day appeared, and this opinion was found false, as soon as the Jews▪ were assured of the truth, they turned back upon them, and charging the Gazeans, they slew about 1000 of them.

Notwithstanding all this, the besieged stood out still, being neither daunted with loss of Men, nor lack of Provision whatsoever, resolving rather to endure any misery▪ than yield to their Enemies:Aretas, King of Arabia, flatter­eth the Gaze­ans, with hope of rescue. and that which made them more confident, was the hope of help which they expected from Aretas, King of Arabia, who had promised no less. But it came to pass, that Apollodotus was slain before his arrival, and the City taken. For Lysimachus his brother conceived a jealousie against him, by reason of the good opinion which the Inhabitants had of him,Lysimachus killeth his bro­ther Apollodo­tus, and betray­ed Gaza to A­lexander. and having slain him, and gather'd those fighting Men that he L might, he yielded up the City unto Alexander, who at the first made a peaceable entry, but afterwards dispersed his Soldiers, and gave them licence to execute all hostility a­gainst the Citizens: so that they acted their cruelty in every place, and slew many of the Gazeans. Neither died these Citizens unrevenged, but so manfully behaved themselves, that they butchered no less number of Jews, than they murthered Citizens among them. Some of them likewise perceiving themselves to be alone, set their Houses on fire, ta­king away first that which was therein, that the Enemy might not be [...] with their spoils. Others killed their Wives and Children with their own hands, to deliver them from the Enemies cruelty. But the Senators, to the number of 500, fled into the Tem­ple of Apollo, for to save themselves, but that did not secure them (for when the Enemy M entred the Town, they were by chance assembled in counsel) Alexander [...] them all to the sword, and instantly razed and levelled that City with the ground: which done, he returned to Jerusalem, after he had spent one whole year at the siege before Gaza.

About this time Antiochus, Antiochus Gryphus slain. sirnamed Gryphus, died by the Treason of Heracleon, in the 45 year of his age, and in the [...]9 of his Reign. His son Seleucus had the Kingdom after him,Seleucus Gry­phus son, ma­keth War with Antiochus the Cyzicenian. who made War against his Uncle Antiochus, sirnamed [...] and having overcome him, he slew him. Not long after, Antiochus the son of Cyzicenus, and Antoninus, sir­named the De [...]out, came to Arade, and crowned them, and made War against Seleucus, whom they overcame in one conflict; and drove him out of all [...] who flying into Cilicia, and arriving again in the City of the Mopseates; he exacted a sum of money from the Citi­zens. N But the people were so incensed, that they set his Palace on fire; whereby it came to pass,Antiochus Eu­sebes putteth Seleucus to flight. that both he and his friends were burnt to dust. During the time that Antiochus the son of Cyzicenu [...] reigned in [...]yria, another Antiochus, Seleucus's brother, made War against him; but he was not only overcome, but both he and his Army were put to the sword.Antiochus, Se­leucus's bro­ther, fighteth against Antio­chus the son of the Cyzicenian. After him [...]hilip his son took the Crown, and governed in certain places of Syria.

Mean while Ptolomey Lathyrus sent to [...] for his fourth brother Demetrius Eucaerus, and made him King of Damascus. Against these two brothers, Antiochus made a manly and valiant resistance, but died very shortly after. For repairing to Laodicea, to succor the Queen of the Galadenians, Demetrius Euc [...]rus made King of Da­mascus, by Pto­lomey La [...] ­rus. who made VVar against the [...]arthians, he was killed fight­ing valiantly; and his two brothers, Demetrius and Philip, possessed Syria, as hereafter O shall be declared. As for Alexander, his own Subjects rebelled against him; for the peo­ple arose and mutined at such time as he assisted at the Altar to solemnize the feast of Tabernacles; and during the time that he intended the Sacrifice, they cast Citrons at [Page 354] him:The year of the World, 3884. before Christ's Nativity, 80. for (as we have declared elsewhere) the Jews have this custom, that on the feast A of the Tabernacles, each one bringeth a branch of Palm, and of Citrons. They upbrai­ded him also with many injurious speeches, reproaching him, that he had been Prisoner in War; and that he was also unworthy of the honour of the Priesthood. Where­upon, Citrons cast at Alexander. he being moved by these disgraces, put to death about 6000 Men: and having made an inclosure of Wood about the Temple and the Altar (as far as the place where­into it was lawful for none to enter but the Priest) he kept there, to the intent the peo­ple might not apprehend him: he entertained also certain foreign Soldiers, Pisidians and Cilicians. For being at odds with the Syrians, he made no use of them.

After this, having overcome the Arabians, he constrained the Moabites and Galaadites to pay him Tribute, and destroyed the City of Amath, whilest Theodore for fear gave B over to resist him.Amath de­stroyed. But encountering with Obeda the King of Arabia, and being surpri­zed and betrayed by an ambuscado in certain miry places,Obeda King of Arabia. he was thrust by the crowd of Camels into a deep Trench, (near unto Gadara, a Village of Galaad) from whence he almost despaired to escape: notwithstanding having overcome that danger, he came to Jerusalem. And besides this, the people hated him, against whom he made VVar for the space of six years, and slew at the least 50000 of them: and the more he entreated them to be quiet, they grew worse against him, for what they had suffered: so that when he demanded of them, What they would have him do to please them? They all of them with one voice cried out, That he should kill himself. And thereupon they presently sent messengers to Demetrius [...], requesting him of his favor and assistance.C

CHAP. XXII.
Demetrius Eucerus, King of Syria, comes to assist the Jews against their King Alexander, whom he defeats in a battel, and retireth. The Jews prosecute the War alone against him; he overcomes them in several battels, and proves extreme cruel to them. Demetrius besie­geth his brother Philip in B [...]roa. Mithridates Synaces, King of the Parthians, sends an Army against him, taketh him Prisoner; he dyeth shortly after.

DEmetrius coming onward with his Army,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 20. and taking with him those who had inci­ted D him to the enterprize,Demetrius Eu­c [...]rus march­eth out against Alexander. came and encamped near unto the City of Siche [...]. But Alexander gathering together some 20000 Jews (whom he knew to be well-affected to­wards him) with 6200 mercenary soldiers and strangers, marched forward against De­metrius, Demetrius fighteth with Alexander, & had the upper hand. who led with him 3000 Horsemen, and 40000 Footmen. Both on the one and the other side there fell out many subtil stratagems: the one of them striving on the one side to inveigle and withdraw the foreign Soldiers, who were Grecians; and the other inforcing himself to reconcile those Jews that were of Demetrius's followers to his faction:Alexander in this fight lo­seth all his hi­red Soldiers. but neither the one no [...] other prevailed at all by these devices, so that at length they were driven to decide their quarrel by the sword, in which encounter Demetri [...]s had the upper hand. For all the strangers that were on Alexanders side, were every one E hewed in pieces, after they had made sufficient proof both of their fidelity and valour. There fell also many of Demetrius's Soldiers. But after that Alexander had fled unto the mountains,Six thousand men resort un­to Alexander. divers Jews (to the number of 6000) in commiseration of his despe­rate estate, and through the fear they had of Demetri [...], resorted unto him; which when the Conqueror heard,Alexander be­ing assailed by the Jews, be­sieged the mightiest of them in Be­thom. he retired himself▪ After this▪ the Jews made VVar against Alex­ander, and in divers losses which they received, there fell a great number of them in di­vers combats: At length, after he had [...] up the best amongst them in the City of Be­thom, he besieged them; and after he had taken the City, and brought them under his subjection, he carried them to Jerusalem, where he committed an unspeakable and cruel murther.Alexander crucifieth 800 Jews, and murthereth their wives and children in their presence. For whil'st he banquetted with his Concubines, in the sight of them all, he F commanded 800 of them, or thereabout, to be crucified, and before their eyes whil'st they yet lived, he caused their wives and childrens Threats to be cut. All which he did, to be revenged of those wrongs which he had received; but he exceeded the bounds of Humanity herein, notwithstanding they had rebelled against him, and reduc'd him into a most pitiful estate, and put him in danger both of his life and kingdom. For being not content to assail and make VVar upon him with their Forces, they drew strangers also into his Countrey against him: and, at length▪ they overpower'd him, so that he was con­strained to yield up into the King of Arabians hands, the Countries and Cities that he had conquered from the Mo [...]bites and Galaadites, for fear they should join with the Jews, and make War against him;Alexander, sirnamed Thra­cidas. besides other innumerable injuries and outrages which they G committed against him. All this cannot hinder, but that he ought to be abhorred for his cruelty, so that he was justly called Thracidas: that is to say, as cruel as Thracian: and [Page 355] H this Title continued amongst the Jews. The year of the World, 3887. before Christ's Nativity, 77. The Soldiers of the contrary party, who a­mounted to the number of 8000, fled by night into strong and sure holds; and as long as Alexander lived, they were in exile. But at last, he was deliver'd of all these Trou­bles, he lived in quiet, and governed his kingdom peaceably all the rest of his life­time. But Demetrius marching from Judea to Beroea, besieged his brother Philip with 10000 Foot, and 1000 Horse. But Straton Lord of Beroea, allied to Philip, called Zizus Duke of the Arabians, and Mithridates Sinaces Governor of the Parthians, unto his help; who repairing unto him with great Forces, besieged Demetrius in his own Tren­ches, in which they so inclosed him, by continual shooting of Darts, and want of Wa­ter, that they constrained him,Demetrius be­siegeth his bro­ther Philip in Beroea. and those that were with him, to submit themselves to I their mercy. When they had spoilt the whole Countrey, and had seized on Demetrius, they sent him prisoner to Mithridates, who at that time was King of Parthia. And as for the Antiochians, as many of them as were found in the Camp, were suffered to be gone with the safety of their lives and baggage, and to return to Antioch. But Mithridates, King of Parthia, honour'd Demetrius, by all means possible, until he was surprized with a sickness whereof he died. Immediately after the battel, Philip came into Antioch, and having obtained the kingdom, ruled over Syria.

CHAP. XXIII.
K Divers Wars of the Kings of Syria. Alexander, King of the Jews, takes many places. His death, and his advice to his Queen Alexandra, to insinuate her self in the favor of the Pharisees, for to gain the love of the People.

AFter this, Antiochus called Dionysius (who was Philip's brother) came into Damas­cus to make himself Master of it,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 21. which he did quickly, in his brothers absence, who was gone against the Arabians. Antiochus King of Da­mascus. When his brother Philip (who had an Army in a readiness to invade the Arabians) had tydings hereof, he came to Damascus with great speed, and made him surrender up the City,Antiochus thrust out of his kingdom by his brother. both by the means of Milesius, whom Antio­chus had left Governor in the Castle, and also by the consent of the Citizens themselves. L But Philip shewed himself ungrateful towards Milesius, performing nothing of that which he had promis'd him, at the recovery of the City; that the World might think that the fear of his power, and not Milesius's favor, was the cause of the surrender of Damascus. Which act of his made Milesius suspect him, and was the cause that he lost the City again. For departing from thence, to exercise himself at Tilt, Milesius lockt the gates against him, and kept the City for Antiochus. Who having intelligence of that which had befallen Philip, Ca [...]p [...]asa cal­led Antipatris. returned out of Arabia, and at that very instant led his Army into Judea, in which were 800 Foot, and 800 Horse. Alexander fearing his approach, made a deep Trench from Caparsabe, Antio [...]hus's death, and the Famine a­mongst his Army. (which is called at this day Antipatris) as far as the Sea of Joppa, (which was the only streight whereby he might be assailed) and made M a Wall fortified with wooden Towers, with their Courts of Guard, distant the one from the other 150 Furlongs, to keep back Antiochus. But he fired all his fortifications, and made his Army pass into Arabia thorow this streight. The King of Arabia retired upon the first assault; but afterwards he presently came into the field with 10000 Horsemen, whom Antiochus charged very valiantly, and in the onset lost his life, (yet with victory) whil'st he sought to succor a company of his men that were hard put to it. After An­tiochus's death, his Army retired to the borough of Cana, where divers of them dyed for hunger.

After him, Aretas reigned in Coelosyria, who was called unto that kingdom by those that held Damascus, and hated Ptolomey the son of Mennaeus. Aretas led his Army into Jew­ry, N and got a victory against Alexander near to Addida: which done, he retired out of Judea▪ Aretas King of C [...]oelosyria. upon a composition made between them. Moreover, once more Alexander march­ed towards the City of Dion, and took it. And afterwards he led his Army against Essa, where Zeno had hoarded up his chiefest riches:Certain Cities taken by Alex­ander. and before he assailed the Fortress, he invironed the place with three huge Walls, which he built round about it, and having taken it by force, he marched to Gaulana and Seleucia: which having overcome, he made himself Master of a valley called the valley of Antiochus, with the Fortress of Ga­mala. And objecting many crimes against Demetrius, the Lord of those places, he dis­possessed him of his government. Then after he had made War for the space of three whole years, he returned into his Countrey; where the Jews entertained him willingly, O by reason of the happy exploits which he had atchieved.

About the same time the Jews were already possessed of the Cities of Syria, Idumaea, and Phoenicia; of the Tower of Straton, Apollonia, Joppa, Jamnia, Azor, Gaza, Anthedon, [Page 356] Raphia, Rhinocura, all which were near unto the Sea: and in the firm land on the one A side of Idumaea, as Adora, Marissa, and all Samaria; the Mounts Carmel and Itabyr; and herewith Scythopolis, Gadara, Gaulanitis, Seleucia, Gabala; and of Moab, Essebon, Medaba, Lemba, Orona, Telithon, and Zara; Antonia of Cilicia, and Pella. This last City was de­stroy'd by them,The Jews are Lords of the Cities of the Syrians, Idu­maeans and Phaenicians. because the Inhabitants would not promise to be converted to the Re­ligion of the Jews, with divers others of the principal Cities of Syria also, which were conquer'd by them.

After this, King Alexander fell sick, by the means of a surfeit and drunkenness; and for the space of three years, he was sick of a Quartane Ague. Nevertheless he conti­nued alwayes in the Camp, Pella destroyed and razed. until such time that being wearied with toyle, he died on the B borders of the Countrey of the Gerasens,Alexander's sickness. as he besieged Regaba (which is a Castle situ­ate on the other side of Jordan.) The Queen perceiving that he was at deaths door, and that there remained neither hope of life, nor recovery, she began to weep and lament, and to beat her breasts, because both she and her children were likely now to be left de­solate, and in these words she bemoaned her self unto him: To whom wilt thou leave both me and thy children, in the state wherein we are? Or why should we survive or live one af­ter another, considering that thou assuredly knowest, that the hearts of thy people are averse from us? Hereupon the King comforted her, and gave her this counsel, That if she would assure the Kingdom both unto her self and her children, she should behave her self accor­ding to his direction:Alexander in­structeth his wife, how she should reign securely. which was first to conceal his death, and not to suffer his Soldiers to have notice thereof, until she had taken this Castle. Which done, he advised her to repair to Jerusalem C in pomp and triumph; and that being there, she should bestow some authority upon the Phari­sees, The authority of the Phari­sees among the people. who would sound her praise, and obtain her the peoples favor. For (said he) these kind of men are in great esteem and credit with the people, and can do much hurt unto those they hate, and benefit them very mightily towards whom they are well affected: For the people easi­ly believeth them, when they find fault with any man, notwithstanding it be of envy; and that himself also had incur'd the displeasure of the people for their sakes, in that he had offended them.

When as therefore (said he) thou shalt arrive in Jerusalem, send thou for the chiefest a­mongst them, and pray them to come unto thee; and after you have shewed them my dead body, use the most plausible speech that you can, and give them permission to dispose of my body as they D please, whether it be their pleasure to interdict and deny me funeral, (in that they have recei­ved many indignities by me) or whether to be revenged, they will offer any ignominy to my bo­dy: and promise you them, that you will do nothing in the administration or government of the Kingdom, but by thier advice. If in this sort you frame both your manners and discourse to­wards them, it will come to pass, that I shall be buried by them with great magnificence, (which otherwise I could not be by any other means) because they will offer no outrage to my body, no al­though you should permit them: and besides that, you shall neig [...] in more assurance and quiet.

Having given his Wife these advertisements,Alexander's death. he gave up the ghost, after he had reign­ed 27 years, and lived 49.

CHAP. XXIV.E
King Alexander leaveth two sons, Hircanus who was High-Priest, and Aristobulus; their mother, Queen Alexandra, gaineth the favor of the People through the Pharisees means; having given them great authority, she consents, through their persuasion, to put the most faithful of the King her husbands servants to death; and to please the rest of them, she giv­eth them the Government of the most considerable places. Tygranes, King of Armenias, invasion into Syria, Aristobulus endeavoureth to make himself King. The death of Queen Alexandra.

AFter that Alexander had taken the Castle of Ragaba, she conferreth with the Phari­sees, F Alexander's funeral. according to her Husbands counsel, and committed unto their discretion not only that which concerned her Husbands funerals, but also the government of the king­dom: whereby she not only appeased the displeasure which formerly they had conceived against Alexander, but also obtained their good will and friendship. They came and de­claimed amongst the people, making an oration of the actions and deeds of Alexander, lamenting everywhere that they had lost a good King,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 22. and by praising him, they incited the people to great grief and lamentation:Hircanus and Aristobulus, Alexander's sons. so that they buried him with more magnifi­cence than any King that reigned before him. This Alexander left two sons behind him, the one called Hircanus, the other Aristobulus, and by his Testament committed the go­vernment G of the kingdom to Alexandra his Wife. For Hircanus was uncapable to manage affairs, and rather delighted in peace and quiet; and Aristobulus, who was the younger, [Page 357] H was both active and fit for government.The year of the World, 3890. before Christ's Nativity, 74. The people were well affected towards Alex­andra, because she had manifestly expressed how greatly she misliked her Husbands mis­government.

She appointed Hircanus High-Priest, (both in regard of his age, as also for that by nature he was addicted to peace and quiet) and committed all things to the disposing of the Pharisees, Hi [...]canus High-Priest. commanding the people to obey and serve them. She also renewed and confirmed that which Hircanus had disannulled, and the Pharisees (according to the customs of their forefathers) had introduced; so that she bare the name, and the Pha­risees the Authority Royal.The Pharisees admitted to the administra­tion of the Commonweal, are greedy of revenge. For they restored such as were banished to their estates, and delivered Prisoners; and in all things they demeaned themselves like great Lords. Alex­andra I also for her part undertook the care of the Commonweal, and kept a great num­ber of Soldiers in pay, and increased her power in such sort, that the Tyrants round about feared her, and deliver'd the hostages and pledges of peace. All the Countrey was at quiet,Aristobulus & his followers accuse the Pharisees of Tyranny. only the Pharisees troubled the Queen, persuading her to put those to death who had counselled King Alexander to put those 800 to death (of whom we have spo­ken before) and they themselves afterwards slew one that was called Diogenes, and af­ter him divers others, one after another: until such time as those in authority came un­to the Royal Palace, accompanied with Aristobulus (who seemed to be displeased with that which had been done, and who, if the occasion were offer'd, made shew that he would not permit his Mother to govern after that manner) and told her that which had K hapned, and in what dangers they had been, to express their duty and loyalty which they ow'd to their deceased Master, and how for that cause they had been greatly honour'd by him; requi­ring of her, that she would not utterly frustrate them of their hopes, which they expected for their service; that now they that had escaped from the danger of their foreign Enemies, were in their houses murthered like Beasts, by their private Foes, without any relief or succors from any one. They furthermore urged, That if their Adversaries would content themselves with those they had slain, they would endure their misfortunes patiently, by reason of the sincere affection they bare unto their Lords: but if they must needs as yet suffer the like, they required that they might have liberty to retire. For that they would not procure their safety otherwise than by her consent; and would rather suffer a voluntary death near unto her Royal Palace, if they might L not be spared: for that it would be a shame both for themselves, and for the Queen, if by her toleration, those who had been her deceased husbands friends, should be thus abused by them which were his Enemies.

That Aretas, King of Arabias, and other Princes, would be glad of this news, to hear that she should deprive her self of those whose names have been dreadful even amongst those neigh­bouring Kings who have but heard of them. And if she had resolved to make more account of the Pharisees favor, than of their service, they intreated her that she would at least distribute them in several Castles; that rather than any ill should fall upon their Sovereign Alexander's house, they were content to lead their lives in that contemptible and despicable condition. Whi­lest thus they spake,Alexandra committeth the custody of the Castles to the Jews. directing their supplications to Alexander's soul, praying him to have M compassion as well of those that were already dead, as of those who were in danger of their lives, the tears ran from the eyes of all the assistants: and Aristobulus above the rest was heartily discontent, and expressed the same, by finding fault with his Mother. But they themselves were the cause of their own calamity, because that against all right and reason, they had permitted a head-strong and ambitious Woman to reign over them, as if the King had no Heirs reserv'd to succeed him in the kingdom. The Queen, uncertain how to determine the matter at that instant, committed the charge of all her Castles into their hands, reserving only Hircania, Alexandrion, and Machaeron, wherein the Princes Moveables and Wealth was kept.

Not long after, she sent her son Aristobulus with a strong Army, commanding him to N draw his Forces towards Damascus, Aristobulus is sent to Damas­cus against Ptolomey. against Ptolomey, called Mennaeus, who was an ill Neighbor unto that City; but he returned thence, without doing any memorable action. About the same time news was brought, that Tigranes, King of Armenia, invaded Syria with 500000 Men of War,Tigranes inva­ding Syria, heareth news of Lucullus's pursuit of Mi­thridates, and returneth home. intending shortly to set upon Jewry. This rumor afrighted the Queen, and all the Commonalty (and not without cause.) Whereupon she sent Am­bassadors with many Princely Presents unto Tigranes, who besieged the City of Ptolo­mais. (For Queen Selena, otherwise called Cleopatra, reigned in Syria, and persuaded the Syrians to deny Tigranes passage.) But Alexandra's Ambassadors met with the King of Armenia, and pray'd him to conceive a good opinion of their Queen, and of all the whole Nation of the Jews; who received them willingly, commending them for that O they had sought him out so far to do him honour, and put them in good hope. After the taking in of Ptolomais, it was told Tigranes, that Lucullus pursued Mithridates (who was not as yet apprehended, for that he was fled into Iberia, which was the cause that Lucullus [Page 358] had entred Armenia, The year of the World, 3894. before Christ's Nativity, 70. and plunder'd it.) Tigranes hearing this news, returned back into H his own Countrey.

After this, Queen Alexandra fell sick of a dangerous disease, whereby Aristobulus took occasion to intermeddle with the affairs of State. Walking therefore abroad one night attended by a trusty servant,Alexandra's sickness, and Aristobulus's attempt. he repaired unto those Castles which were committed to the custody of his fathers friends: for he had misliked his Mothers government long, and feared more than ever, that if she should die, all her posterity should be made sub­ject to the power of the Pharisees, For he perceived how unapt his elder brother was to govern the kingdom, unto whom notwithstanding the succession appertained: only his Wife, whom (accompanied with his Children) he had left with Alexandra, had an inkling of this his intent. He therefore went first of all to Agaba, where Galestes, one I of the chiefest Potentates, commanded, who entertained him with great joy.

The next day,Aristobulus seizeth the Ca­stles, and great concourse of people resort to him. the Queen heard that Aristobulus was departed from Court, she little suspected at first, that he was retired, to work some alteration in the State. But when Messengers came flocking one after another, and told her, that after the first Castle, the second; and after the second, all the rest had consequently been surprized by Aristobu­lus: at that time both the Queen and the whole Nation were alarmed, fearing lest he should presently usurp the Sovereignty; but above all they feared, lest he should revenge himself on those who had abused his servants: and it was thought fit, that both his Wife and Children should be committed to the Castle that adjoined to the Temple. But from all parts round about, there resorted Soldiers to Aristobulus, so that he was attended K like a King: for in the space of some 15 dayes, he took 22 Forts, whither he made his retreats, and assembled an Army of Soldiers, and levied them amongst the Lords that in­habited Libanus and Trachonitis: For the multitude had alwayes resort [...] the stronger side, supposing that if they submit thereunto willingly, and maintain and authorize the same, that they shall draw some profit thereby, as being those that were the occasion of the confirmation of his Monarchy.

Hereupon the ancient Jews and Hircanus repaired unto the Queen,Hircanus and the Elders inform the Queen, and accuse Aristo­bulus. humbly intreating her to take some mature counsel and good advice concerning the present affairs, because that Aristobulus her son was already very near Lord of the whole Countrey, since he had so many Forts under his command: Besides, that it was inconvenient and undecent for them to consult L without her express order, Alexandra's death. notwithstanding she were grievously sick, but that the present danger compelled them. The Queen desired them to do that which they thought should be most profitable for the Commonweal; telling them, That they had many means, for that their Na­tion was mighty, great and strong, and had great store both of money and riches in the common Treasury: shewing them, that because she knew that she had not long to live, she had no more rea­son to take care of those affairs. Having spoken thus, she died, after she had reigned nine years, and lived in all 73. This Woman was endued with greater excellency than could be expected from one of her sex, and expressed both in her actions and ordinances how fit she was to govern a kingdom, and how unworthy some Princes are of the dignities they have amongst men. For making more account of the present than future occurrences,M and neglecting all other things in respect of those which are requisite in a moderate Go­vernment, she never, upon any instigation whatsoever, perverted justice; notwithstand­ing her family fell into such inconveniencies, that the same sovereignty which she had ob­tained by divers dangers and labours, was not long after that, ruinated and lost for her scare effeminate desires. For she gave ear unto those who were ill-affected towards her posterity,Alexandra's Family incur much trouble. and left the Kingdom destitute of such as were fit to govern: so that the Go­vernment which she enjoyed during her life-time, was after her death distracted with in­finite troubles and calamities, wherewith her family was involved. And notwithstand­ing her Government after this manner, yet, during her life-time, she kept the kingdom N in peace. And thus died Alexandra. O

A The Fourteenth Book of the Antiquities of the JEWS;The year [...] World, 3899. before Christ's Nativity, 65.

The Contents of the Chapters of the Fourteenth Book.
  • 1. How after the death of Alexandra, her youngest son, Aristobulus, made War against his brother Hircanus for the Kingdom: who, obtaining the victory, compelled Hircanus B to flie into a Castle in Jerusalem. And how after it was concluded between them, that Aristobulus should be King, and Hircanus live as a private man, without dignity.
  • 2. Of the race of Antipater, and how he purchased renown, great power and authority both to himself and his children; and the flight of Hircanus to Aretas King of Arabia.
  • 3. Aristobulus, being vanquished, is pursued as far as Jerusalem.
  • 4. Hircanus and Aristobulus send Ambassadors to Scaurus, to request his aid and succor.
  • 5. Aristobulus and Hircanus present themselves before Pompey, to debate their Titles touching the Kingdom.
  • 6. Pompey is seized of the Fortresses, by a warlike stratagem.
  • 7. They of Jerusalem shut their gates against the Romans.
  • C 8. Pompey taketh the Temple, and lower part of the City, by force.
  • 9. Scaurus maketh War against Aretas; and by the persuasion and sollicitation of Anti­pater, maketh a league with him.
  • 10. Alexander being overcome by Gabinius, retireth himself into a Castle, where he is shut up, and besieged.
  • 11. Aristobulus escaping out of Prison, flieth from Rome: who being taken again in Judea by Gabinius, is sent back Prisoner to Rome.
  • 12. Crassus warring against the Parthians, passeth thorow Jewry, and spoileth the Treasury of the Temple.
  • 13. Pompey retireth into Epirus, and Scipio cometh into Syria.
  • D 14. Caesar's voyage into Egypt, wherein the Jews do him faithful service.
  • 15. Antipater's valiant acts, and the amity betwixt him and Caesar.
  • 16. Caesar's Letters, and the Senates decree, as touching the friendship betwixt the Jews and Romans.
  • 17. Antipater committeth the government of Galilee to his son Herod, and that of Jerusa­lem to Phasaelus his other son: and how Sextus Caesar advanced Herod to great honour and dignity.
  • 18. Cassius afflicteth Jewry, and exacteth 800 Talents.
  • 19. Malichus poysoneth Antipater.
  • 20. Herod putteth Malichus to death, by Cassius's commandment.
  • E 21. Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, seeking to recover his fathers Kingdom by the aid of the King of Tyre, is discomfited, and driven out of Judea by Herod.
  • 22. Herod meeting Antonius in Bithinia, winneth his favor with a great sum of money, to the intent he should give no ear to his accusers.
  • 23. Antonius arriving in Syria, establisheth Herod and Phasaelus for Tetrarchs.
  • 24. The Parthians make War in Syria, to restore Antigonus to the Kingdom.
  • 25. The Parthians take Hircanus and Phasaelus Prisoners, and lead them away.
  • 26. Herod, at Rome, is declared King of Jewry by the Senate.
  • 27. Herod returneth from Rome, and fighteth against Antigonus:
  • F 28. Antigonus is discomfited by Sosius and Herod.

CHAP. I.
After the death of Queen Alexandra, Hircanus and Aristobulus, her two sons, come to bat­tel, Aristobulus gets the victory; and afterwards, in a Treaty, Aristobulus, though youn­gest, is to have the Crown, and Hircanus is contented to live privately.

WE have already Treated, in our former Book, both of the Acts and Death of Queen Alexandra: it now remaineth, at this present, to prosecute and continue the sequel of our History, to the end that we G neither omit any thing through ignorance,The office and duty of an Hi­storiographer. nor bury it in forgetfulness. For they that make profession to write Histories, and to recite such things as are observed by Antiquity, ought not only studiously to conform their stile, but [Page 360] also to beautifie the same with ornaments of eloquence, that the Reader may peruse their H Writings with the more delectation. But, above all things, they must have an especial care to set down the Truth exactly, that they who know not how these things came to pass, may be the more duly and fitly informed.

When as therefore Hircanus had taken upon him the High-Priesthood, in the third year of the Hundred seventy and seven Olympiade▪ and in the year that Q. Hortensius and Q. Me­tellus (called the Cretensian) were Consuls at Rome, Aristobulus suddenly undertook the War against Hircanus, Aristobulus and Hircanus strive for the kingdom. and fought with him near unto Jericho: where a great number of Hircanus's followers submitted themselves of their own accord to Aristobulus. Through which accident Hircanus was forced to flie to the fortress of the higher City, where A­lexandra, Aristobulus mother, had imprisoned both his Wife and Children (as before is I specified.) The rest of the faction, for fear of his brother who had gotten the victory, retired themselves within the precincts of the Temple,The peace be­twixt Hircanus and Aristobu­lus. where they were besieged and ta­ken. After this, a Peace was Treated of betwixt both the brethren, and their difference was decided in this manner. That Hircanus should pass the rest of his life without med­ling with State Affairs, and Aristobulus should reign. This League was ratified between them in the Temple, and confirmed with oaths, conjunction of hands and embraces, in the sight of all the people: which being finished, Aristobulus retired himself into the Pa­lace, and Hircanus to Aristobulus lodging, to lead a private and quiet life.

CHAP. II.K
Antipater an Idumaean, persuades Hircanus to flie, and to retire himself to Aretas, King of the Arabians, who promiseth to re-establish him in the Kingdom of Judea.

BUT a certain friend of Hircanus, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 11. (by Nation an Idumaean, and by name Antipater) being very rich,Antipater the Idumaean, Hir­canus's friend. and by nature both factious and industrious, was as much Aristobu­lus's Enemy, as Hircanus's Friend. True it is, that Nicholas Damascene writeth of this man, That he was descended of the noblest amongst those Jews who returned from Babylon in­to Jewry: Antipater of Judaea, as Ni­cholas Damas­cenus implies, first called An­tipas. but this he did on purpose to gratifie Herod, Antipater's son, who, by a casual­ty, became afterwards King of the Jews (as we will express hereafter in time and place L convenient.) This Antipater was at the first called Antipas, according to his fathers name, who (as it is reported) was made Governor of all Idumaea by King Alexander and his Wife: and afterwards made a League with the Arabians, Gazeans, and Ascalonites, cor­rupting them, and insinuating himself into their favors, by divers great Presents bestow­ed upon them. This young Antipater considering with himself what Aristobulus power was, and fearing lest some mischief might befall him, through the hatred the young King had conceived against him, he communicated with certain of the greatest amongst the Jews, and secretly and cunningly incensed them against Aristobulus, Antipater in­censeth the Princes of the Jews against Aristobulus. telling them, That they had done amiss, both to see and suffer Aristobulus to detain the Kingdom unjustly in his hands, and to dispossess his elder brother Hircanus, to whom by right of inheritance it did belong. He like­wise M accosted and sounded Hircanus ordinarily with these words, telling him, That he lived in danger of his life, and would doubtless be snared, except he sought his own security, and fled his evident danger: alledging, That Aristobulus's friends would never cease to consult how they might shorten his life; to the end that he might live in more security. To these instigations of his, Hircanus gave small credit, (for that of his own nature he was courteous, and could not easily be induced or seduced by detractions) but this negligence and carelesness in him, was the cause that he was accounted a silly man. On the contrary side, Aristobulus was of a different and more heroick nature, being more active in performance, and care­ful to prevent.

Now although Antipater saw that Hircanus made small account of his instigations, yet N ceased not daily to invent and propose new surmises and accusations, urging Aristobulus's hatred and practice to murther him: and prevailed so by his importunity, that at last he persuaded him to flie to Aretas King of Arabia, promising him, That in so doing, he would give him both aid and assistance. Hircanus was the more easie to be induced to follow An­tipater's advice, for that Arabia was adjacent to Jewry. Whereupon he first of all sent An­tipater to Aretas, to take assurance of him that he should not betray him into his Enemies hands, if he should submit himself unto him, and require his assistance. When Antipater had received his assurance from the King, he returned to Jerusalem unto Hircanus: and not long after that took him away with him, and departed the City by night, and after­wards with great journies arrived at Petra, where Aretas kept his Royal Court. And be­ing O very familiar with the King, he entreated him to re-establish him in the Kingdom of Jewry, and did so much by his importunity and the Presents which he gave him, that he [Page 361] H persuaded Aretas to attempt the matter.The year of the World, 3900. before Christ's Nativity, 64. Whereupon Hircanus promised, That if he confirmed him again in his Royal dignity, he would, upon the recovery of his Realm, re­store unto him those twelve Cities which his father Alexander had taken from the Arabi­ans, the names whereof are these that follow: Medaba, Nabello, Livias, Tharabasa, Agalla, Athona, Zoara, Orona, Narissa, Rydda, Lusa, Oryba. Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 3.

CHAP. III.
Aristobulus is enforced to retire into the Castle of Jerusalem, the King Aretas besiegeth him: The cruelty of some Jews who stoned Onias, a just man, to death. The punishment which I God inflicted upon them for it.

ARetas, Aretas maketh War against Aristobulus, and inforceth him to flie to Jerusalem. induced by these promises, was content to send forth an Army against Aristo­bulus, and himself in person conducted in that expedition 50000 Men Foot and Horse, and had so much the upper hand of his Enemy, that divers after this victory, of their own accord, submitted themselves to Hircanus: and Aristobulus perceiving himself to be destitute of all his friends and followers,The Arabian besiegeth Ari­stobulus in the Temple. fled unto Jerusalem The King of Arabia followed him with all expedition, and besieged him in the Temple: in this siege the com­mon people assisted Hircanus, neither were there any but the Priests only that stuck to A­ristobulus's side.The Jews [...] into Egypt. Whereupon Aretas drew up the Forces he had, and busily set the Ar­my K both of Jews and Arabians about the siege. Whil'st these things were thus, the feast of unleavened bread, which we call the Passeover, was at hand, and the Princes of the Jews forsaking their Countrey, were fled into Egypt. About that time, a certain man cal­led Onias (such an one who for his virtue was beloved of God, and in times past▪ had by his devout prayers and supplications, in a time of drought, obtained rain from God) hid himself, perceiving that this sedition would be of some continuance. This man there­fore being surprized, and brought into the Camp of the Jews, they required him that as by his prayers he had obtained water, so at that time likewise he would by his imprecations, incense God against Aristobulus, and his adherents. But whereas he refused and excused himself, he was at last constrained by the people to perform their request; so that stand­ing L up in the midst of them, he spake after this manner:

O God, King of the whole world, since they who are at this present here with me are thy peo­ple, and those that are besieged are thy Priests, I humbly beseech thee, that when they shall require thee to be incensed against their brethren, thou wilt not hear them▪ and when as likewise they shall provoke thee against the other,Onias contra­dicting the Jews petition, is stoned to death. thou wilt not respect them.

Hereupon, a certain sort of reprobate Soldiers amongst the Jews, hearing these words of his, stoneth him to death: But God immediately punished this cruelty in them, and the murther of Onias so cursedly perpetrated, was revenged by this means which ensueth. Aristobulus and the Priests being besieged, the feast of East [...]r, or the Passeover fell out, during which time it was an usual custom among the Jews to honour God with many sa­crifices: M Now they who were with Aristobulite, not having any beasts to offer up in sacri­fice, they requested the other Jews that were without, That they might have some delivered unto them for their money. Whereunto it was answered, That if they would give one thou­sand drachnis for every head, they should have some delivered into them. To this demand of theirs, Aristobulus and the Priests that were with him, willingly condescended, and let down the prefixed price, and deliver'd the same from the wall▪ but the others, after they had received the money, deliver'd them not those beasts which they desired them to sell them to sacrifice; but they were so impious, that they falsified their oaths not only to­ward men,Breach of faith, and the revenge there­of. but defrauded God also, in denying that which they had promised toward the furnishing of their sacrifice. For which cause, the Priests (being defrauded in this N manner, contrary to the oath and protestations of their adversaries) besought God to shew vengeance on their Countreymen that had committed this heinous and perjurious impiety: neither did God defer their punishment, but immediately after he sent a great and violent Wind, that spoiled all the fruits of the Countrey; so that a measure of Wheat was sold for eleven drachms. O

CHAP. IV.A
Scaurus being sent by Pompey into Syria, Aristobulus gained his friendship. He forced King Aretas to raise the siege of Jerusalem. Aristobulus gaineth a Battel against Aretas and Hircanus.

MEanwhile Pompey sent Scaurus into Syria (himself being in person detained in Ar­menia, Hedio & Ruf­finus chap. 4. in pursuit of the War betwixt him and Tigranes.) When Scaurus came unto Damascus, Hircanus and Aristobulus send Ambassa­dors unto Scaurus. he found that Metellus and Lollius had newly taken the City▪ for which B cause he marched on towards Jewry: where being arrived, certain Ambassadors came unto him in the behalf of Aristobulus, and others also in the name of Hircanus, requiring alliance and confederacy in the behalf of them both, and offering from each of them a Tribute of 400 Talents. But Scaurus preferred Aristobulus's promises, because he was the ablest,Scaurus is presented. and of the noblest spirit, and withall more moderate in his demand: where­as Hircanus was poor and covetous, notwithstanding he demanded greater things than his brother did: for it was a harder matter to subdue a City that was so strong, than to beat a company of runnagate Nabatheans, and scarcely well animated to prosecute that War.Aristobulus maketh War against Aretas and Hircanus. For these causes therefore he (receiving his money) raised the siege, command­ing Aretas to return; which if he refused, he declared him an Enemy to Rome. This done, Scaurus returned to Damascus, and Aristobulus led forth his Army against Aretas and C Hircanus; and fighting with them in a place called Papyron, he obtained the victory, and killed about some 7000 of his Enemies, amongst the number of which, was [...]ephalius, Antipater's brother.

CHAP. V.
Pompey cometh into the lower Syria. Aristobulus sends him a rich Present. Antipater repaireth to him in Hircanus's behalf. Both the brothers case was stated to Pompey, who defers the decision of it, till he reduce the Nabatheans. Aristobulus without expecting till then, retired into Judea.D

NOt long after this,Pompey com­eth into Syria, and Aristobu­lus sendeth a Royal Present unto him. Pompey came unto Damascus; and as he travelled through Coelo­syria, divers Ambassadors resorted unto him from all parts of Syria, Egypt and Ju­dea. For Aristobulus sent him a Present of great value, namely, a golden Vine of 500 Talents price. Hereof Strabo the Cappadocian maketh mention in these words:

There came an Ambassador out of Egypt, bearing a Crown of 4000 pieces of gold; and an­other from Jewry, with a Vine or Garden, and the workmanship was called Terpole, that is to say, Recreation. I have seen this Vine at Rome, in the Temple of Jupiter Capitoline, having the inscription of Alexander King of the Jews; Antipater for Hircanus, and Nicodemus for Aristobulus, come as Am­bassadors to Pompey. and it was esteemed and valued at 500 Ta­lents. It is said that Aristobulus Prince of the Jews sent the same.E

Straight after this, there came other fresh Ambassadors to Pompey, (Antipater from Hircanus, and Nicodemus from Aristobulus) who accused those that had taken money, namely Gabimus, for that he first of all had received 300 Talents, besides other Presents: and secondly Scaurus, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 5. who had received 400; alledging, that by that means they had incensed them against him.A Castle de­stroyed in A­pamea. He therefore gave direction, that they should repair unto him about the Spring, each of them to justifie and maintain their several Rights: as for himself, he drew his Forces from their wintering places, and marched towards Damascus, destroying in his way a certain Fortress which Antiochus the Cyzicenian had fortified in Apamaea. He visited also the Countrey of Ptolomey Mennaeus (who was a wicked and perverse man,Ptolomey Men­naeus fined at a great sum of money. and no wayes differed from Dionysius Tripolitane) who was punished F with the loss of his head, and was united also with him in friendship and affinity; yet acquitted of the death he deserved, by the means of a 1000 Talents Ransom, which Ptolomey distributed among his Soldiers for their pay. He demolished likewise the Ca­stle of Lysias (wherein a Jew called Sylas tyrannized) and passing by the Cities of He­liopolis and Chalcis, and having likewise ascended the mountain (which is between them) he came to Coelosyria, and from Pella repaired to Damascus. In which place he gave audi­ence to the Jews, and their Princes Hircanus and Aristobulus, who were at odds the one a­gainst the other,Aristobulus and Hircanus accused by the Jews before Pompey. concerning their particular interests: the Jews complained against Hir­canus and Aristobulus both, and alledged, that they would not be governed by Kings, because their custom was to obey Gods Priests, whom they honoured, affirming that these G two brethren (who were descended of the race of Priests) endeavoured to draw their Nation under a different form of government, and to reduce them under slavery. Hirca­nus [Page 363] H complained,The year of the World, 3902. before Christ's Nativity, 62. that being the elder born, he had been deprived of his inheritance by Aristobulus, and had only but a small portion of the Countrey alotted him, because Ari­stobulus had seized the rest by force. He complained likewise of those incursions that both by Land and Sea Aristobulus's followers had endamaged their Frontiers with. For the people had not revolted, if he had not been a violent and turbulent man. To this accusation of his,Aristobulus's Apology be­fore Pompey. a thousand of the principallest of the Jews (drawn on by Antipater's persuasion) subscribed. But Aristobulus answered, That Hircanus was dispossessed of the Kingdom, by reason of his incapacity, and natural defects, alledging for himself, That the government was forced on him of necessity, lest it should be transported to others: he protested that he challenged no other title than that which his father Alex­ander I had had. He brought in also for his Witnesses certain arrogant young men, who were hated for their pomp, purple Robes, their curiosity in painting and curling their Hair, and other braveries which they presented, not like men that intended to hear a Case decided, but rather to shew their vanity. After that Pompey had heard them, he condemn'd Aristobulus's violence, but for that time he dismiss'd them (after some favo­rable and gracious conference) promising them that he would come into their Coun­trey, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 6. and determine their differences, after he had seen the Region of the Nabatheans: commanding them in the meanwhile to live in peace. He used Aristobulus likewise very kindly, fearing lest he should incense the people, and shut up his passage: which not­withstanding came to pass. For Aristobulus came into the City of Delion, and from thence K went into Judea, without regarding what Pompey had commanded him.

CHAP. VI.
Pompey is offended at Aristobulus's retreat. He marcheth against him. Their several meet­ings without taking any effect.

POmpey hearing this, was very much displeased; and taking with him his Army which he had prepared against the Nabatheans (with the supplies he had in Damascus, and the rest of Syria, Pompey mar­cheth out a­gainst Aristo­bulus. besides the other Roman companies that he had) he marched forth L against Aristobulus: when he had passed Pella and S [...]hopolis, he came to Coreas (which is the entrance into Judea) drawing toward the heart of the Countrey. There he found a strong Castle situate upon the top of a mountain called Alexandrion, Aristobulus descendeth from his For­tress, to confer with Pompey. whither Aristobulus was retired. He sent to invite him to come and parley with him: who, per­suaded by the counsel of many of his best friends, by no means to make War against the Romans, Aristobulus delivereth the Fortresses to Pompey's hands. came down to him, and after he had debated his title with his brother, con­cerning the Kingdom, Pompey permitted him to return again into his Castle. And this he did two or three times, alwayes flattering Pompey through the hope he had of the King­dom. Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 7. Meanwhile he retired himself, and fortified the place, and made preparation for the War, lest Pompey should alot the Kingdom to Hircanus. Pompey commanded him to M deliver up the fortresses that he held,Mithridates King of Pon­tus, slain by his son Pharnaces. and to write with his own hand to the Captains of the Garisons (who otherwise would not have obeyed him.) Aristobulus submitted, but was so displeased, that he repaired to Jerusalem, on purpose to make preparations for War. Immediately after, Pompey marched towards him with his Army, and a messenger coming from Pontus, brought him news of Mithridates's death, who was slain by his son Pharnaces.

NO

CHAP. VII.The year of the World, 3903. before Christ's Nativity, 61. H
Aristobulus repents, cometh to Pompey, and treateth with him: But his Soldiers refusing to deliver the money that he had promised, and to receive the Romans into Jerusalem, Pompey keepeth him Prisoner, and besiegeth the Temple where Aristobulus's men were retired.

POmpey having encamped near Jericho, (where there was a number of Date-trees, and where also groweth that balm which is the most precious,Gabinius com­ing to receive the money Aristobulus had promised, hath the City Gates shut against him. of all other oint­ments, distilling from a little shrub, which is opened and slit by a sharp cutting stone) the next morning he marched towards Jerusalem. Aristobulus (being sorry for his misbehavior) came unto him, offering him money: and promising him to receive I him into Jerusalem, he intreated him to lay aside all quarrels, and to order all as he thought fit, without coming to War. Whereupon Pompey pardon'd him, and conde­scended to his request,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 8. and sent Gabinius with his Soldiers, both to receive the money, as also to enter the City,Pompey besie­geth Jerusa­lem. but could do neither, for Aristobulus's Soldiers would not permit that any promise should be perform'd: which Pompey took so ill, that after he had com­mitted Aristobulus to Prison, he went in person against the City, which was strongly forti­fied on every side, except toward the quarter that extendeth Northward, which was easie to be beaten down: for this side is invironed with a large and deep Valley, compassing the Temple, which is inclosed with a very strong stone Wall.K

CHAP. VIII.
Pompey, after a three months siege, took the Temple of Jerusalem by assault, and forbeareth plundering of it. He lessens the Jews power. He leaveth Scaurus to command his Army; carrieth Aristobulus Prisoner to Rome, with Alexander and Antigonus his two sons, and his two daughters. Alexander maketh his escape out of Prison.

IN the mean time the City of Jerusalem was divided, for some thought good to yield up the City to Pompey; Jerusalem partly betray­ed, partly be­sieged by Pom­pey. others (that were of Aristobulus's faction) counselled that the gates should be kept shut, and preparation for War should be made, because the Ro­mans L detained Aristobulus Prisoner. The last prevailing, seized the Temple: and break­ing down the bridge which was betwixt it and the City, resolved to stand on their de­fence. But the others not only deliver'd the City into Pompey's hands, but the Royal Palace also, who sent Piso his Lieutenant thither with his Forces to take possession thereof, and to plant his Garisons therein, and to fortifie the houses near the Temple. First there­fore Pompey offer'd the besieged certain conditions of peace, which when they refus'd, he shut them in on every side,Pompey ma­keth prepara­tion to besiege the Temple. being in all these his endeavors assisted by Hircanus. Pompey incamped with his Army on the North-side of the Temple (which was the easiest to be assaulted) on this side also there were certain high Towers, and a huge Trench, besides a deep Valley that begirt the Temple. For on the City-side there was such Precipices, that M there was no passage, the bridge being broken. The Romans wrought vigorously in cut­ting down of Trees to make Bulwarks, which being done, they planted great Machines and Engines that Pompey had caused them to bring from Tyre, they threw great stone Bul­lets with them to batter the Temple. The Romans had hardly got their Works accom­plished, if the strict keeping of the Sabbath had not hinder'd the besieged to make any opposition that day. For the Law permitteth them to defend themselves against their Enemies, being assaulted, but not to assail them when they intend any other work. Which when the Romans understood, they neither gave assault, nor proffered skir­mish on those dayes which we call Sabbaths: but they built their Fortifications and Towers, and planted their Engines, so that the next day they were ready to put them in N execution against the Jews. The Jews in­termitted not their s [...]crifice, notwithstand­ing the sie [...]e. And hereby it is easie to conjecture, how incredible the piety of our Nation is, and how studious and industrious it is in observing the Divine Laws. For notwithstanding any present or imminent danger, they never desisted to offer their solemn Sacrifices: twice a day, in the morning, and about the ninth hour, the Priests offered duly upon the Altar.The [...] king of the Temple. For when the Temple was taken (in the third month, and on a fasting day, in the hundred seventy nine Olympiade, in the year wherein Cajus An­tonius, and Marcus Tullius Cicero were Consuls) the Enemy entred the Temple by force, and kill'd all they met. Yet notwithstanding all this, the Priests ceased not to offer their accustomed Sacrifice: and neither the hazard of their lives, nor the great number of those that were kill'd, could force them to flie; they held it more convenient for them O to indure all things that might befall them in attending upon the Altar, than to trans­gress or vary one jot from their ordinances. And that this may seem to be no fable, or [Page 365] H praise of their dissembled devotion,The year of the World, 3093. before Christ's Nativity, 61. but the exact and perfect truth, all those that write the Histories concerning Pompey and his acts, do witness no less: amongst the number of which, are Strabo, Nicholas, and Titus Livius the Roman Historiographer, the most famous among the rest. The greatest of these Towers was battered by these Engines, and fell, bearing a great Pane of the Wall to the Earth with it, which was the cause that the Ene­mies in multitudes brake in by the breach. The first that ascended the Wall, was Corne­lius Faustus, the son of Sylla, with his Soldiers. After him mounted the Centurion Fu­rius, accompanied with those that follow'd him on the other side; and through the midst of the breach did the Centurion Fabius enter with a strong Squadron. The whole circuit was filled with dead bodies, and some of the Jews dyed by the Romans swords, others I slew one another, the rest cast themselves down headlong from the precipices; many likewise set their houses on fire, and consumed themselves therein, lest they should behold the executions that were performed by their Enemies. There fell about 12000 Jews, and very few Romans. Absalom also, who was Aristobulus's Father-in-law and Uncle, was taken Prisoner.Twelve thou­sand Jews slain. The holiness of the Temple likewise was not a little prophaned. For whereas before that time no prophane man either entred or beheld that which was in the Temple, Pompey, and divers others that accompanied him, entred the same, and saw that which was not lawful to be beheld by any other but the High-Priests only. But al­though he found a Table of gold, and a sacred Candlestick, with divers other vessels and perfumes,Pompey enter­ing the Tem­ple, neither toucheth nor taketh away any thing. in great quantity; and whereas besides, there was about 2000 Talents of sil­ver K in the sacred Treasury in the Temple: yet his piety was such that he would touch none of it, neither did he any thing in this occasion but what was worthy of his singu­lar virtue. The next day he commanded those that had the charge of the Temple, to purifie it,Ali [...] cap. 9. and to offer Sacrifices unto God, according to the Law; committing the High-Priesthood to Hircanus, [...]ompey be­stoweth the Priesthood on Hircanus. both because he had been very useful in many things, and for having hindred the Jews to join with Aristobulus. After this, he beheaded the Authors of this War, and honour'd Faustus and the rest with gifts, sutable to their valor, for ha­ving been the first that entred the breach. As for Jerusalem, he made it tributary to the Romans, taking away from the Jews those Cities they had conquer'd in Coelosyria, and as­signing them a proper and peculiar government.Jerusalem tri­butary to Rome. After this, he inclosed the Nation with­in L certain limits, whereas before-time their Dominions were of a large extent. Not long after this,Gadara resto­red. he repaired Gadara, that not long before was destroyed: all which he perform­ed in favor of Demetrius the Gadarenian, his late servant and bondman. And as touching Hippon, Cities taken from the Jews Scythopolis, Dion, Samaria, Marissa, Azot, Jamnia, and Arethusa, he restored them to the ancient Inhabitants thereof, all which were scituate in the heart of the Land: Besides Gaza, Joppa, Dora, and the Tower of Straton (Cities scituate upon the Sea-coasts, and ruinated formerly with divers Wars) he set at liberty, and annex'd them unto the Province. As for the Tower of Straton; it was magnificently built by Herod, and adorn­ed with Gates and fair Temples▪ and the name thereof was changed, and called Caesarea. Thus Hircanus and Aristobulus▪ through their dissentions and civil broyles, were the cause M of that servitude and misery that fell upon the Jews. For we have lost our liberty, and have been subdu'd by the Romans. Besides that we have been enforced to surrender up those Cities unto the Syrians, which we had formerly conquer'd by force of Arms. And that which is to be lamented, the Romans in a little time have drawn from us more than 10000 Talents: and the Royalty which before-time was an honour reserved for those that were of the Race of the High-Priests, hath been bestowed on men of mean extracti­on; whereof we will speak in place convenient. After that Pompey had given Coelosyria to Scaurus, Scaurus Presi­dent of Coelo­syria. from Euphrates to the frontiers of Egypt, with two Legions of the Romans, he went into Cilicia, and from thence drew towards Rome, leading with him Aristobulus in bonds, and his children (who were two sons, and two daughters) one of which called N Alexander, escaped; and as for Antigon [...]s, (who was the younger) he was led to Rome with his sisters.

O

CHAP. IX.The year of the World, 3904. before Christ's Nativity, 60. A
Antipater proveth very useful to Scaurus in Arabia.

SCaurus led forth his Army against Petra a City in Arabia; Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 9. and the wayes being so bad that he could hardly get to it, he spoilt all the Countrey round about; his Army was pressed with famine, Antipater, by the order of Hircanus, furnish'd him with Corn, and all other necessaries, out of Jewry: who being sent Ambassador to Aretas from Scaurus, persuaded him to contribute a certain sum of silver to secure his Country from being pillaged, and he himself also became pledge for 300 Talents. This done, Scaurus B finished the War, according to his desire, and with no less contentment to Aretas and his Country.

CHAP. X.
Alexander, Aristobulus's son, armeth in Judea, and fortifieth the Towns. Gabinius over­throws him in battel, and besiegeth him in the Castle of Alexandrion. Alexander deliver­eth it up to him, with several other places. Gabinius establisheth Hircanus High-Priest in his room, and reduceth Judea to be governed under the Nobility.

NOt long after this, Alexander, Aristobulus's son, made divers inroads into Jewry; for C which cause Gabinius came from Rome into Syria, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 10. al. 11. and (besides other things wor­thy of memory which he atchieved) he led forth his Army against Alexander, for that Hircanus had not as yet sufficient power to resist him,Castles fortifi­ed. being otherwise exercised in build­ing the Walls of Jerusalem that were beaten down by Pompey; notwithstanding the Ro­mans that were in Jewry hindred him from performing the same. This Alexander travel­ling through the whole Countrey, assembled divers Jews; so that in short time having gotten together 10000 Foot, and 1500 Horse, with good ammunition, he fortified the Castle of Alexandrion near to the City of Coreas. He fortified Machaeron also in the mountains of Arabia. Gabinius therefore came forth against him, having sent before him D Marcus Antonius, accompanied with other Commanders, who recruited the Romans with their coming, and the Jews that were under their obedience, whose Captains were Pitho­laus and Malichus. They took also those Allies whom Antipater had hired, and in this equipage they came against Alexander. Gabinius also seconded them with his Troops. Hereupon Alexander drew nearer with his Army towards Jerusalem, where giving battel to the Romans, he lost about 3000 of his followers, and the like number of his men were led away Prisoners. After this, Gabinius repaired to Alexandrion, and invited those that held it to yield, promising them pardon for the Rebellion they had begun. And many of his Enemies having encamped themselves before the Fort, the Romans charged them: in which conflict Marcus Antonius behaved himself very valiantly,Gabinius cau­seth divers Ci­ties in Jewry to be repaired that were de­faced. having killed seve­ral E of the Enemy with his own hand; Gabinius left a part of his Army in that place, to the end that during the siege thereof, he might go and visit the Countrey of Judea: he commanded therefore all those Cities which in his journey he found either desolate or destroyed, to be repaired; for that Samaria, Azot, Scythopolis, Anthedon, Raphia, Dora, Marissa and Gaza, with divers others, were new built: so that through the obedience that was given to Gabinius's command, it came to pass that the Cities were safely inha­bited, which had layen long time before desart.

And after Gabinius had behaved himself in this manner in the Countrey, he returned to Alexandrion. Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 11. al. 12. Whil'st he thus insisted about the siege, Alexander sent Ambassadors unto him, demanding pardon for his offences, and restoring into his hands the Castles of F Hircania and Machaeron, Alexandrion, and other Ca­stles razed. and finally that of Alexandrion, which Gabinius levelled with the ground. And whereas Alexander's mother came unto him (who favoured the Ro­man faction, and whose husband and children were kept in Prison in Rome) she obtained all that which she requested at his hands: and after he had carefully and friendly dispo­sed of her affairs, he led Hircanus to Jerusalem, to take charge of the Temple and Priest­hood. He ordained also five judgment seats and places of session,Five pr [...]ial sieges in Jewry and divided the Pro­vince into answerable parts: for the one answered in Jerusalem, the second at Gadara, the third in Amatha, the fourth at Jericho, and the fifth at Saphora, which is a Town of Gali­lee. By this means the Jews were deliver'd of their Monarchy, and lived under an Ari­stocracy, or government of the Nobility.G

H CHAP. XI.
Aristobulus being Prisoner at Rome, maketh his escape with Antigonus, one of his sons, and cometh to Judea. The Romans overcome him in battel. He retreateth into Alexandrion, where he is besieged and taken. Gabinius sends him back Prisoner to Rome. He defeats Alexander, Aristobulus's son, in a battel, returns to Rome, and leaveth [...]rassus in his place.

BUt Aristobulus flying from Rome, Hedio. & Ruf­finus cap. 12. al. 13. returneth to Jewry, and resolved to rebuild the Ca­stle I of Alexandrion, which not long since was ruinated. Against him Gabinius sent out certain Men of War with their Captains,Aristobulus returning from Rome, seeketh to re­establish Alex­andrion. namely, Sisenna, Antonius and Servilius, both to keep him from the possession of the place, and to apprehend and surprize him likewise. For many Jews resorted unto him, being drawn thereunto by the ancient Re­putation that he had, who desired likewise revolutions and changes. Pitholaus also (who was established Lieutenant-General in Jerusalem) of his own accord came unto him, with a 1000 Men well armed: but the other that were retired within, for the most part were not sufficiently furnish'd with Arms; for Aristobulus making his reckoning to seize Machaeron, dismissed those followers of his that were disarmed, and were unapt for any execution, and retaining only 8000 well armed Men, he marched thither. But the Ro­mans K pursuing and overtaking him,Aristobulus overcome in battel by the Romans. fought desperately with him, and overcame both him and his; notwithstanding their valiant resistance, about 5000 of them were killed, and the rest dispersed, wandring here and there, where they could best secure themselves: but Aristobulus fled to Machaeron with more than a 1000 followers, and fortified the place. And though his affairs had very slender success, yet he lost not his hope; but after he had endured the siege some two dayes, and received many Wounds, he was taken Prisoner, and with his son Antigonus (who fled from Rome with him) led away Captive by Ga­binius Such was Aristobulus's fortune,Aristobulus sent back again Prisoner to Rome, with his son Antigonus that he was sent Prisoner back again to Rome, and there kept in bonds after he had been King and High-Priest three years and six months. A man in that dignity both magnificent and magnanimous, yet the Senate sent back his L children (according to the tenor of Gabinius's letters) who had promised their delive­ry to their mother, when she surrendred the Castles into his hands: whereupon they re­turned into Jewry. Aristobulus's sons discharged But Gabinius, intending to make War against the Parthians, and ha­ving already past Euphrates, changed his resolution, and determined to return into Egypt, and re-establish Ptolomey, as it is declared in another place. In this expedition also he was supplied by Antipater's means, with Victuals, Money and Ammunition; and by his ad­vice, those Jews that inhabit Pelusium (who kept as it were the very entry into Egypt) were reconciled to him. When Gabinius returned back out of Egypt, he found all Syria full of Tumult and Rebellion.Antipater re­lieveth Gabi­nius in his journey to E­gypt, to install Ptolomey. For Alexander, Aristobulus's son, taking once more posses­sion of the Kingdom, caused divers Jews from day to day to revolt; and foraging the M Countrey with a huge Army, he slew all those Romans whom he met withall, and besie­ged all those that fled into the mount Garizim. Gabinius seeing the affairs of Syria in that state, sent Antipater before him unto them, to appease these commotions; and to cure them of their phrenzy,Alexander, Aristobulus's son, usurpeth the Monarchy. and if it were possible to reduce them to a better mind: for Antipater was really a very discreet man. He repairing unto them, moderated divers of them,Alexander, overcome by Gabinius. and brought them under obedience: but it was impossible for him to reconcile Alexander; for he having 30000 Men with him, came forth to meet with Gabinius, with whom he fought, and was overcome, with the loss of 10000 of his Men, near unto the Mount Itabyr.

After that Gabinius had ordered all things in Jerusalem by Antipater's advice, he pre­sently N set forward against the Nabathaeans, The conquest of the Naba­theans. whom he overcame in battel. He sent back also Mithridates and Orsanes (Men of good account among the Parthians) who had re­tired themselves unto him,Mithridates and Orsanes. causing a report to be spread, that they were fled with Gabi­nius. Now when Gabinius had perform'd great and magnificent exploits in War, he re­turned to Rome, surrendring the government to Crassus. Nicholas Damascene, and Strabo of Cappadocia (who differeth in nothing from Nicholas) have written of these Expe­ditions of Pompey and Gabinius in Judea.

CHAP. XII.The year of the World, 3941. before Christ's Nativity. 53. A
Crassus robbeth the Temple of Jerusalem. He is defeated by the Parthians. Cassius reti­reth into Syria, and defends it against the Parthians. Antipater's great credit, his mar­riage, and his children.

CRassus intending to make War against the Parthians, Hedio & Ruf­finus chap 13. al. 14. came into Jewry, and took away with him the sacred money (which Pompey had not touched, which amounted to the sum of 2000 Talents:)Marcus Cras­sus in his expe­dition against the Parthians, taketh th [...] Treasure out of the Temple of Jerusalem. He spoilt the Temple also of all the gold that was in it, to the sum of 8000 Talents. He took away a wedge of solid gold, to the weight of 300 B pounds, which pound, amongst the Jews, containeth two pounds and an half. He that deliver'd him this wedge was a Priest, and the Keeper of the sacred Treasure, call'd Ele­azar, who gave him the same upon no malicious intent (for he was a virtuous and just man;) but whereas he had the custody of the Tapestries of the Temple committed to his hands (which were both admirable to behold, by reason of their beauty and worth, and withall were in like sort tied and fastned to this beam) and perceiving that Cr [...]ssus used all means to gather all the money he could, he fearing lest he should have seized on all the ornaments of the Temple, gave him this beam for a Ransom to redeem all the rest: binding him, upon the delivery thereof, by an oath, that he should not take any thing away that was in the Temple, but should content himself with that onely piece of C great esteem and value which he gave him. This beam was inclosed in another hollow beam of wood,Crassus break­eth his oath. so that no man knew thereof but only Eleazar. Crassus therefore took his beam,Whence the Temple of Je­rusalem grew so rich. as if he determined to leave all other things in the Temple; yet notwithstand­ing he falsified his oath, and carried away whatsoever was therein. Neither is it to be wondred at, that there was so great Riches found in our Temple, since all those Jews that were dispersed thorow the face of the whole earth,Strabo of Cap­padocia. and all those that feared God (both in Asia and Europe) for a long time offered their Presents in that place. The greatness and multitude whereof wanteth no testimony: neither is it feigned in way of ostenta­tion, but divers other Historians make mention thereof; and, amongst the rest, Strabo of Cappadocia, speaketh after this manner.D

Mithridates sent Men into the Isle of Coos, to fetch from thence the money that Queen Cle­opatra had laid up there, and 800 Talents of the Jews. But we have no publick money, but that which is dedicated unto God. It is therefore a thing most manifest, that the Jews that in­habit Asia▪ transported this money into Coos▪ for fear of Mithridates: For it is not likely that they who inhabited Judea, and had a City so strong, and a Temple so well fortified, should send their money to Coos. Neither is it credible likewise, that the Jews remaining in Alex­andria should do it, for that they feared not to fall into danger through this War of Mithri­dates.

The same Strabo also saith in another place, That when Sylla passed thorow Greece to make War against Mithridates and Lucullus, he sent Men unto Cyrene, which was troubled by E reason of the mutinies of our Nation, wherewith the whole world was filled. There were four sorts of people in the City of the Cyrenians: one of them were Citizens, the second were La­bourers, the third were Strangers, and the fourth were Jews, who at this present are interming­led thorow all Cities; neither is there an inhabited place throughout the world; neither was there any Nation that inhabit the same, wherein these have not set foot and fortified. For both Egypt and Cyrene (being under the subjection of the same Princes, and divers other Nati­ons, conformed themselves to their customs, and nourished assemblies of Jews, and advanced them, and more and more used the Jewish ordinances. It appeareth therefore that there was a Colony of Jews in Egypt. A great part likewise of the City of Alexandria is assigned to the Jewish Nation. They have likewise their peculiar Magistrate, who governeth the people, endeth,F and decideth their differences, and maintaineth their contracts and ordinances, as if he gover­ned in his own Commonwealth. By this means this Nation hath fortified and established it self in Egypt, for that the Jews had their original amongst the Egyptians; and for that Judea is near unto Egypt, from whence the Jews are descended: And as for Cyrene, they have entred it, in that it bordereth with that Countrey which is under the obedience of the Egyptians, (in like manner as Judea doth) or rather for that in times past it appertained to the same Kingdom. Thus far Strabo.

After that Crassus had disposed all things according to his own pleasure,Crassus slain in Parthia. he removed and marched forward to make War against the Parthians, Cassius resist­eth the Parthi­a [...]s. where both he and all his Army were destroyed (as is declared in another place) As for Cassius, he retired himself into G Syria, and took possession thereof, to the end he might affront the Parthians; who being [Page 369] A proud of their victory lately obtain'd, made excursions so far: and coming to Tyre, he at length arrived in Judea, where upon his first entrance he took the City of Tarichaea, and led away from thence 30000 Prisoners. He put Pitholaus also to death, for having maintain'd Aristobulus's faction. All which he did by Antipater's procurement and per­suasion, Antipater's Wife and Children. who was in great credit with him, and who also at that time was highly esteem'd amongst the Idumaeans, amongst whom he married his Wife, who was descended of one of the most famous families of Arabia, her name was Cypron, by whom he had these four sons, Phasaelus and Herod (who after was made King) Joseph and Pheroras; and one daughter called Salome. This Antipater also made alliance with other Princes, and es­pecially with the Arabian, to whose custody he committed his children, during the time B he made War against Aristobulus. But Cassius gather'd another Army, and marched to­wards Euphrates, to go against the Parthians, as it is specified and recorded by other Writers.

CHAP. XIII.
Pompey causeth Alexander to be beheaded, Aristobulus's son. Philippion, son of Ptolo­mey Mennaeus, Prince of Chalcis, marrieth Alexandra, Aristobulus's daughter. His father Ptolomey putteth him to death, and marrieth this Princess.

C SHortly after this, Caesar (being Lord of Rome) Pompey and the Senate being fled on the other side of the Ionian Sea,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 14. al. 15. set Aristobulus at liberty, determining to send him into Syria with two Legions, as being a sufficient man to govern the State-affairs in those parts. Nevertheless, Aristobulus failed of his hopes and authority he expected at Caesar's hands:Aristobulus delivered out of Prison, is poysoned. For Pompey's adherents prevented and poyson'd him, so that he was buried by those of Caesar's faction. His body was kept embalm'd with honey for a long time, un­til that Antonius sent it into Jewry, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 15. al. 16. to be entomb'd amongst the Kings and Princes.

Scipio, by Pompey's commandment, caused Alexander Aristobulus sons head to be cut off, charging him with some misdemeanors which he had committed against the Romans; he was executed in Antioch. The slaughter of Aristobulus's son. Ptolomey, the son of Mennaeus, who govern'd in Chalcis (at D the foot of the mount Libanus) took his brothers, and sent his son Philippion to Ascalon to Aristobulus's Wife, commanding her to send her son Antigonus and his daughters; one of which, called Alexandra, was beloved by Philippion, and married by him: but af­terwards he being slain, Pompey Philippions father married her, and continued the careful maintenance of his brother and sisters-in-law.

CHAP. XIV.
Antipater, by Hircanus's order, assisteth Caesar mightily in the Egyptian War, and sheweth much valor.

E AFter Pompey's death,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 16. al. 17. and that Victory which Caesar had obtained against him, Antipa­ter (Governor of Judea by the commandment of Hircanus) was very useful un­to Caesar. Antipater ga­thereth Soldi­ers out of Syria for Cae­sar's service. For whereas Mithridates the Pergamenian brought him certain supplies, and could not bring them on, by reason of an arm of Nilus passing through Pelusium; but was constrained to stay at Ascalon: Antipater came unto him, and brought with him 3000 Soldiers, and dealt so with the Princes of Arabia to associate them with Caesar, that by his means, all they of Syria gave him their assistance, and never altered their affecti­on that they bear unto Caesar. These were Jamblicus a great Lord, and Ptolomey his son; and Tholomaeus, the son of Sohemus, dwelling on the mount of Libanus, and well nigh all F the Cities. Mithridates being departed from Syria, came to Pelusium, where being repul­sed and excluded by the Citizens, he besieged the City. Antipater in this War behav'd himself valiantly;Antipater helpeth Mi­thridates to take Pelusium. and after he had beaten down a pane of the Wall, he first of all set forward to enter the City. Whil'st Pelusium was in this estate, the Jews that inhabited Egypt in the Countrey of Onias, The Jews of Onias's Coun­trey, are con­federated with Caesar. would neither grant passage to Antipater, nor Mithrida­tes, that marched towards Caesar. But Antipater, who was of their Nation, persuaded them to take their parts, shewing them the Letter of the High-Priest Hircanus, in which he invited them to be friends unto Caesar, and exhorted them to furnish his Army with whatsoever they stood in need of;Memphis in Egypt. so that seeing that Antipater and the High-Priest were agreed together, they submitted themselves. They that dwelt round about Memphis, G hearing that they were thus united, sent for Mithridates also unto them, who came and received them into his favor.

CHAP. XV.The year of the World, 3917. before Christ's Nativity, 47. A
Antipater continueth to acquire great reputation in the Egyptian War. Caesar cometh to Sy­ria, establisheth Hircanus in the High-Priesthood, and conferreth great honours upon Anti­pater, notwithstanding Antigonus Aristobulus's sons complaints.

WHen he was come to a place called Delta, The conflict of the Egypti­ans with Mi­thridates at Delta. he fought with the Enemies in a place which is called the Camp of the Jews: in which battel, Mithridates led the right Wing, and Antipater the left. Being hotly engaged, the Wing that Mithridates com­manded, Alias cap. 18. began to give ground, and was like to have been utterly routed, had no [...] Anti­pater B (running with his Soldiers along the River side) obtained the upper hand of his Enemies, by putting the Egyptians that were Conquerors to flight, and restored Mithri­dates. And pursued them so far, that he got their Camp, and called Mithridates to take part of the prey that he had recover'd from the fugitive Enemy.Mithridates commendeth Antipater's service to Cae­sar. Mithridates lost 800 of his men in this battel, but Antipater lost but 50. Mithridates wrote hereof unto Cae­sar, and shew'd him that Antipater was the cause of the victory, and of their preservati­on: so that Caesar ever afterward highly commended him, and in all his War made use of Antipater in his most dangerous attempts, so that Antipater was grievously wounded in di­vers fights, and behav'd himself bravely.

Now after that the War was finished, Caesar came by Sea into Syria, and bestowed great C honours as well on Hircanus, to whom he confirmed the High-Priesthood, as on Antipa­ter, Caesar confir­meth Hircanus in the Priest­hood, and ma­keth Antipater a Citizen of Rome. whom he made a free Citizen of Rome, and granted him all other priviledges belong­ing thereunto. Divers report that Hircanus himself was in this War, and that he came into Egypt, which Strabo the Cappadocian affirmeth, speaking after this manner, by the au­thority of Asinius; after that Mithridates had entred Egypt, with Hircanus the High-Priest of the Jews. The same Strabo in another place speaketh thus by the authority of Hypsi­crates, Strabo. That Mithridates went alone; and that Antipater was sent for into Ascalon, where he prepared 3000 Soldiers, Asinius. because he was Governor of Judea, and encouraged the rest of the Go­vernors; Hypsicrates. and Hircanus the High-Priest also had a part in this War. Thus far Strabo. At that time came Antigonus, Aristobulus's son, to Caesar, lamenting his father, who had been D poysoned in his service, and how his brother had his head struck off by Scipio, beseech­ing him to have compassion of him,Antigonus, Aristobulus's son, accuseth Hircanus and Antipater be­fore Caesar. being thrust out of his Kingdom. He accused Hir­canus and Antipater also, for their tyrannical and violent government over their Nation, and injuries offered to himself. Antipater being at that time present, answered for him­self to those points wherein he was accused; declaring, That Antigonus and his friends were factious and seditious men, Antipater's answer to his objection. as for himself how much he had done, and how many exploits he had executed in the late War, whereof Caesar himself was a witness. Moreover, he avowed that Aristobulus had been justly led twice into captivity to Rome,Antipater made Gover­nor over Ju­dea. for that he had been alwayes an Enemy, and no wayes well affectioned towards the Romans. And as for his brother, who was beheaded by Scipio, he averred that he was justly punished by him for his Roberies, and not inju­riously E and outragiously, as he pretended. After that Antipater had spoken to this effect, Cae­sar declared Hircanus High-Priest, and gave Antipater any government whatsoever he li­ked best: who, according to his choice, was appointed Governor of Judea.

CHAP. XVI.
Caesar giveth leave to Hircanus to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem. Honours conferred on Hircanus by the Republick of Athens. Antipater causeth the rebuilding the walls of Je­rusalem.F

MOreover,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 17. al. 18. Caesar permitted Hircanus to repair the Walls of Jerusalem (according to his humble suit.) For after that Pompey had beaten them down, they lay le­velled with the earth;Hirc [...]nus, by Caesar's per­mission, repai­reth the walls of Jerusalem. and he commanded the Consuls at Rome, that his Decree should be Registred in the Capitol, in these words following.

Valerius the son of Lucius the Pretor, hath related to the Senate (assembled in the Temple of Concord the 13 day of December) in the presence of L. Caponius, the son of Lucius, and Caius Papyrius Quirinus; The Senates Decree, as touching their league with the Jews. the requests made by Alexander the son of Jason, Numenius the son of Antiochus, and Alexander the son of Dorotheus, Ambassadors in the behalf of the Jews, Men of good Repute, and our Allies, and proposed by them for renewing the ancient favors they have received from the Romans: and in testimony of the alliance, have brought us a vial and G buckler of gold of 50000 Crowns price; requiring our Letters might be given them, addressed to the free Cities and the Kings our Confederates, to grant them passage through the Countries [Page 371] H and Ports with all security,The year of the World, 3919. before Christ's Nativity, 45. and without any offence: And we have thought good to make friend­ship and alliance with them, and to grant them all that which they require, in accepting the buck­ler brought by them. This hapned in the time that Hircanus was High-Priest and Prince, and in the ninth year of his Princedom, in the month of July.

Hircanus was in like sort honour'd by the people of Athens, for many favors that they received at his hands. They sent him also a Decree, which they ratified in his behalf, the tenor whereof ensueth:

The year wherein Dionysius the son of Asclepiades was Governor,Hircanus ho­noured by the Athenians. and Priest, in the month of July, and on the 20 day, this Arrest or Decree of the Athenians, was deliver'd to the Go­vernors by the Pretor Agathocles. Eucles the son of Menander the Alimusian, hath writ­ten I in the 11 of March in the general Assembly, and placed it in the Theatre, and the suffrages were gathered by Dorotheus the High-Priest, with the chief assistants of the people. Diony­sius the son of Dionysius published the same: Since that Hircanus the son of Alexander, the High-Priest and Prince of the Jews, continued his good affection towards all the people, and in especial towards every Citizen of Athens, and hath shewed them many friendships, receiving with all humanity those Athenians that come unto him, whether they resort thither as Ambassa­dors, or for any other particular occasion whatsoever, and sendeth them back after they have pro­vided them of safe conduct, whereof we have heretofore had testimony by the report of Theo­dosius, the son of Theodorus Simeus; who hath made recital unto the people of his worthi­ness, and of the will he hath to do us all the good that is possible: We have thought good to ho­nour K him, by sending him a crown of told in testimony of his courtesies, according to our custom and law; and by erecting a brazen statue unto him in the Temple of Demus, and the Graces: Our will is also, that this be proclaimed by a Herald in the Theatre, during the Bacchanals, when the new Tragedies are play'd. Likewise in the solemnities Panathean and Eleusynian, and at the publick Exercises: We will also that the Governors provide, that all that which we have advised for the honour, favour, affection and good will towards this man, as he hath well deser­ved, be diligently performed, to the end that thereby it may appear how our Nation rewards, and entertains such men that are virtuous; and to the intent, that the honour we impart unto him, may encourage others to be the better affected toward us. It is likewise decreed, that amongst all the Athenians there be certain Ambassadors chosen, who shall, bear this Decree unto him, and exhort L him to do whatsoever is profitable for our common good, seeing himself so much honour'd by us. Let this suffice to express the honours bestow'd on Hircanus by the People of Rome, and the Citizens of Athens.

After that Caesar had given order for the affairs of Syria,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 18. he returned back by Sea. And as soon as Antipater had accompanied Caesar out of Syria,Caesar depar­teth out of Syria. he returned into Judea, and suddenly built up the Walls of Jerusalem, which Pompey had beaten down; and in riding a Circuit about the Countrey, he pacified the troubles not only by threatnings, but by good advice also, Antipater pa­cifieth all occa­sion of com­motion in Ju­dea. which he gave every one to live in peace; assuring them, That if they submitted themselves to Hircanus their Prince, they should live happily, and enjoy their possessions without any trouble: and that if they hoped to advance themselves by any new com­motion, M(supposing by that means to benefit themselves) they should feel, that instead of a Go­vernor, they had a Master; and instead of a King, they should find Hircanus a Tyrant; and instead of the Romans and Caesar to be their Governors, they should find them to be their most hateful Enemies: for they would not suffer, that any thing should be altered that they had esta­blished. By these, and such like admonitions, he kept and continued all the Country in peace.

NO

CHAP. XVII.The year of the World, 3921. before Christ's Nativity, 43. A
Antipater gaineth great repute by his virtue. His eldest son, Phasaelus, is made Governor of Jerusalem; and Herod, his second son, is made Governor of Galilee. Herod causeth to be executed several Robbers. Some great mens jealousie against Antipater and his children. They made Hircanus accuse Herod for those that he had put to death. He compareth in judg­ment, and then retireth. He cometh to besiege Jerusalem, which he had taken, if Antipater and Phasaelus had not hindred him. Hircanus reneweth his alliance with the Romans. The testimony of the Romans esteem and affection for Hircanus and the Jews. Caesar is B murther'd in the Capitol by Cassius and Brutus.

ANtipater perceiving that Hircanus was slow and idle, he declared and appointed Pha­saelus, his eldest son,Alias cap. 20. Governor over Jerusalem, and the Countrey thereabout: As for Herod (who was very young,Antipater ma­keth Phasaelus Governor in Jerusalem, and Herod in Ga­lilee. for he was not at that time above 15 years old) he com­mitted Galilee unto his charge; who, although young in years, yet he was ripe in courage and conduct, which he witnessed in apprehending Ezechias, who was the chief of those Thieves, who ranged over all Syria; he put him to death, with divers of his Complices. Which act of his got him esteem and credit among the Syrians: for by that means he freed their Countrey of all those Robbers, according as they desir'd. He was therefore praised thorow the Villages and Cities for this action,Herod execu­teth Ezekias and his fol­lowers for robberies. as he that had given them peace,C and assured possession of their Estates. For this cause he was made known to Sextus Caesar, who was Uncle to Caesar the Great. Furthermore, his brother Phasaelus was encou­raged to follow his noble actions, and inforced himself to obtain no less reputation than he had;Sextus Caesar Governor of Syria. for which cause, he strove to get the good will of the common People in Jeru­salem, and govern'd the City with such discretion, that he acted all things to every mans content,The form of Phasaelus's go­vernment. and abused not his power to any private mans injury: which was the cause that Antipater was honour'd by the whole Nation, with no less respect than if he had been their only Lord and Soveraign.Antipater, notwithstand­ing his high authority, was alwayes faith­ful to Hirca­nus. Yet did not this eminency of estate so far distract him, that he forgot the love and duty he ought to Hircanus (as in such like occasions it of­tentimes falleth out) notwithstanding divers of the greatest amongst the Jews (seeing D Antipater and his sons so highly advanced both by the publick favor of the whole Nati­on, as also by the Revenues that they drew both out of Jewry, as also by the employment of Hircanus's money) were grievously incensed against them.Antipater winneth the Romans hearts by Hircanus's money, and draweth the Jews into ha­tred. For Antipater had made friendship with the Emperors of Rome, and having persuaded Hircanus to send them mo­ney, he had appropriated the same unto himself, sending it not in Hircanus's name, but in his own; which though Hircanus knew, yet he was not moved therewith, but rather well contented. But that which most of all terrifi'd the Princes of the Jews, was, to be­hold the violent and audacious nature of Herod, who govern'd after a tyrannical man­ner: The Jews ac­cuse Antipater and Herod be­fore Hircanus. For this cause they address'd themselves to Hircanus, and accus'd Antipater openly. How long (said they) will you dissemble, and wink at those things that are daily practised? E See you not that Antipater and his sons, possess, in effect, the Royal Power and Authority of the Kingdom, and that you have only the name? Assure your self that you are not out of danger, in contemning thus both your self and your Kingdom. For Antipater and his sons are not now your Substitutes, neither intend they your profit, or your Countries good (whatsoever your opinion is of them) they are publickly acknowledg'd Lords and Masters. For Herod (Antipater's son) hath already put Ezechias and his Confederates to death, and thereby transgressed our Laws, which forbid to take away any mans life (how wicked soever he be) except he be first of all con­demned to death by the Council: Herod called in question ap­peareth with a great train. and notwithstanding this, he hath been so bold, as to do justice without your authority. When Hircanus heard this, he grew angry (for their mothers, whom Herod had slain, had incensed him by their continual Exclamations in the Temple,F exhorting the King and People to call Herod to account before the Council, of that which he had done.) So that Hircanus moved by these Women, called Herod to answer unto those accusations which were objected against him. Who made his appearance, forewarn­ed by his father not to present himself after the manner of a private person, but well attended and accompanied to withstand all inconveniencies.Sextus Caesar writeth to Hircanus to discharge Herod. After he had taken order for the affairs in Galilee (according as he thought fit) and that he himself was sufficient­ly accompanied to make his Voyage, with such a Guard as neither might terrifie Hirca­nus with number, nor leave himself unsecured in danger, he resorted to Jerusalem. More­over, Sextus, Caesar, Governor of Syria, wrote unto Hircanus to absolve him, adding G threats to his persuasions, if so be he should perform the contrary; which gave Hircanus occasion to deliver Herod in despite of the Council: the rather also, for that he loved him as intirely as his son. Therefore when Herod presented himself before the Council [Page 373] H with his retinue,The year of the World, 3922. before Christ's Nativity, 42. all of them were astonished, and none of those that accused him in his absence, durst open their mouths to speak one word, but all of them kept silence, not knowing what do. Now whilst they stood upon these terms, a certain man, called Sameas, who was of upright dealing, and for this cause was not daunted, arose and spake to this purpose,Sameas one of the Judges foretelleth Hircanus and his counsellers of their immi­nent death by Herods means. Dread King, and you honourable assistants, I could never yet remem­ber, that ever any man which was called in question to defend his cause before us, hath ap­peared in this equipage; and I suppose that none of you can say, that the like hath ever hap­ned: but whosoever cometh into this place to receive judgment, he presented himself with humility and fear, with a countenance prepared to implore mercy, having his hair long, and his garment black: but this gallant Herod, accused of murther (and this for occasion called be­fore I us) who could imagine that he should appear before us in a purple robe, having his hairs trimmed; and besides that, a guard of armed men about him? with an intent that if we con­demn him, according to Law, he may put us to death without Law, that after he hath violated all right, Herod honou­reth Sameas. he may escape and save himself. But I blame not Herod in this action, for that he hath a more inward regard of his particular profit, than of the Law: but I accuse both you and the King, Herod admo­nished by Hir­canus, saveth himself by flight, and ap­peareth no more in judg­ment. who have given him such assurance. Know therefore, that there is a sove­raign God, that will one day punish both you and the King, and him whom you will deliver by the Kings means. And so fell it out as he had said: For as soon as Herod had obtained the Kingdom, he put all those of the council to death, and Hircanus himself likewise, onely Sameas was exempted: for he esteemed him mightily, because of his wisdom and K justice, and because when the City was besieged by Herod and Sosius, Sameas perswa­ded the people to receive Herod, telling them, that by reason of their sins and offen­ces, they could not escape from him; whereof we will speak in time and place. Hir­canus perceiving that the Judges were inclined to condemn Herod, deferred the sen­tence till the next day, and sent secretly unto Herod, counselling him to flie out of the City, assuring him, that there was no other means to save his life. Thus he posted to Damascus (as if he had fled from the Kings presence) and presenting himself before Sextus Caesar, after he had assured his person, he resolved with himself, that if the coun­cil should call him once more to answer, he would not obey them. But after his de­parture the council was displeased with Hircanus, and endeavoured to perswade him, L that all these things tended to his destruction: which he perceived, yet knew not what to do,Alias, chap. 11. Sextus Cae­sar selleth his Presidents place to Herod for ready mo­ney. he was so negligent and void of foresight. When Sextus had made Herod Governor of Coelosyria (which estate he sold unto him for ready money) Hircanus was afraid lest Herod should make War against him: neither passed there long time before the effect grew answe­rable to his fear. For Herod marched forth against him, with a great Army, supposing him­self to be much wronged by the assignation he had sent him, and in that he was summo­ned to give a reason of his actions before the council.Herod march­eth against Hircanus with a great Army, and is disswa­ded from War, by his father Antipater, and his brother Phasaelus. But his father Antipater, and his bro­ther Phasaelus came forth against him, to hinder his approach towards Jerusalem, striving to appease his fury, and counselling him not to attempt any thing by way of action; but that contenting himself that he had threatned and affrighted Hircanus, he should not attempt M any thing further against him, who had raised him to that high degree. They told him also, that it became him not onely to remember that he was cited to answer, but that he was absolved also, and permitted to depart without danger or any violence. More­over, that he ought to think, that God governeth the ballance of War, and that the issues of battels are uncertain, and for that cause he ought not to expect the victory, if he made War against the King who was his familiar, and from whom he had received far more kindness,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 10. and no displeasure: who though he made some appearance and shadow of severity,Hircanus Em­bassadors to Caesar. touching the accusation intended against him; yet notwithstanding, it pro­ceeded not so much from him, as from his evil counsellers. Herod in some sort paci­fied by these perswasions,The Jews much honou­red by the Kings of Eu­rope and Asia, Julius Caesar testifieth in a brazen Pillar, that the Jews were free citi­zens of Alex­andria. obeyed his father, supposing that it sufficed him, in regard of his N future hopes, that he had given the people so large a testimony of his power. This was the state of the Jews at that time. But Caesar arriving at Rome, prepared himself to set sail towards Affrick, with an intent to make War against Scipio and Cato. Hircanus sent Embassadors to him, beseeching him to confirm the amity and alliance that he had with him. But now I think it very convenient to declare all the Prerogatives and alliances that the Romans and the [...] Emperors made with those of our Nation, to the end that all other people might know, that the Kings of Asia and Europe have been well affected towards us, and have made great account of our valor and fidelity. And although divers men ill affected to wards us,Julius Caesars Decree as touching the honours, im­munities and priviledges granted to the Jews. believe not that which the Macedonians and Persians have written of us, be­cause the same matters are not extant in all places, neither set down in publick wri­tings. O but onely amongst our selves and some Barbarians; yet it is manifest that they can­not contradict the declarations made by the Romans which are manifestly affixed in publick places in Cities; as likewise at this present they are engraven in the Capitol in bra­zen pillars. Julius Caesar in like manner in a brazen pillar erected by him, hath decla­red [Page 374] unto the Jews that inhabited Alexandria, The year of the World, 3922. before Christ's Nativity, 24. that they were free Citizens therein,A and to the intent that these things may more manifestly appear, I will propose the decrees of the Senate, and of Julius Caesar, made in the favor of Hircanus and our Nation.

Caius Julius Caesar Emperor, High-Priest, Dictator the second Time, To the Governors, Senate, and People of the Sidonians, Health: If you are well, we are in health, both our selves and our Army.

I have sent you the copy of an inscription, registred in favor of Hircanus, Alexan­ders son, High-Priest, and Prince of the Jews, to the end it may be placed among publick B monuments: and my will is, that it be engraven in a table of brass, both in Greek and La­tine letters; the Tenour whereof is this that followeth: Because Hircanus, Alexanders son, the Jew, both at this present, as also heretofore, as well in Peace as in War, hath expressed his fidelity towards us and our estate, as divers Commanders of our Armies yield testimony of him, and for that in our last Alexandrine War, he seconded us in the battel with Fif­teen hundred Men; and having been sent by us to Mithridates, hath surmounted all those of his Company in valor. For these causes my will is, That Hircanus, Alexanders son and his successors, be Princes of the Jews: and further, that they continue always in the High-Priesthood, according to the ordinance and custom of their Countrey: and that both he and his children be our associates; and be inrolled likewise, as our chiefest friends: and all C that which appertaineth to the Priesthood, according to the ordinances of the Jews, be at­tributed to him and his, and if there happen any difference touching the discipline of the Jews, our pleasure is, that it be determined by him. And as for the munitions of War, and the money to be levied for the entertainment of Souldiers, we think it not fit that they should be charged. The Decrees made and granted by Caius Caesar being Consul, are these:

That the sons of Hircanus be Princes over the Nation of the Jews, and enjoy the places granted unto them. That the High-Priest and Prince of the Jews give favor and aid unto those that are offended. That Ambassadors be sent to Hircanus, the son of Alexander, High-Priest of the Jews, to treat of amity and association with us. That a brazen table be erected in the Capitol: and likewise at Sidon, at Tyre, and at Ascalon in the Temples, where­in D shall be engraven the Contents hereof, in Roman and Greek letters, to the end, that all the Treasurers that are in the Cities, and all other Magistrates may by this our Decree understand, that they are our friends, and that their Ambassadors be entertained with kindness and pre­sents, and that these Edicts be sent into all places.

Caius Caesar Emperor, Dictator, Consul, for the good of the Senate and people of Rome, hath granted to the honour, vertue, and humanity of Hircanus the son of Alexander, that both he and his children shall be High-Priests in Jerusalem, and of the whole Nation ac­cording to the Rites and Customs whereby their ancestors have enjoyed the Priesthood.

Caius Caesar, Consul the fifth time, hath ordained that they shall inhabit Jerusalem, and build again the Walls of the City; and that Hircanus (Alexanders son, the High-Priest and E Prince of the Jews) shall govern as he thinks fit, and that every second year of their tri­bute, there be a part deducted out of the rent they owe, and that they be exempt from all other impositions and tributes.

Caius Caesar, twice Emperor, hath ordained, that the Jews shall contribute every year for their Cities, except Joppa; he acquitteth them also every seventh year (which they call the year of the rest) because that therein, they neither reap nor sow, neither gather the fruit of Trees. His further pleasure is, That every second year, they bring their Tributes unto Sidon, which shall be the fourth part of that which shall be sown; and besides this, that they pay the tenths to Hircanus and his sons, which they have paid unto their Predecessors unto this day. Commanding that no man, whether he be Governor, Captain, or Embassador, or F any other whatsoever he be, levy Souldiers within the Countrey of Judaea, or draw any there­hence: neither exact any money, whether it be for Garisons in Winter, or for any other cause, but that the Jews be exempt from all troubles in all places, and enjoy all that which they have had, bought, and possessed, It is our pleasure also, that the City of Joppe be un­der their government (which they have ever enjoyed since the beginning of their league with the Romans.) We further grant, that Hircanus, Alexanders, son and his children, receive the tribute of that City (as well by them that till the land, as by the gates, entries, and cu­stoms of merchandizes that are transportod unto Sidon) Twenty thousand, six hundred se­venty and five bushels every year, exempting the seventh year, which is called the year of rest, wherein they neither labour nor gather any fruit of the Trees. It is the Senates plea­sure also▪ that Hircanus and the Jews have those Villages which are in the great champain,G which he and his predecessors have possessed, and that with the like interests that they held them before this; and that the same customs continue therein, whereby they held and governed [Page 375] H them.The year of the World, 3922. before Christ's Nativity, 42. Their will is likewise, That the same Laws which have from the beginning been re­spectively observed between the Jews, and their High-Priests, be continued; and whatsoever benefits were granted them, by consent of the Senate and People of Rome. Moreover it shall be lawful for those of L [...]dda, to use the same Rites and Priviledges also. And as touching the demains, places, and habitations that have appertained to the Kings of Syria and Phoeni­cia, by the gift made unto them at such time as they were allied to the Romans: the Senate (I say) ordaineth, That Hircanus the High-Priest and Prince of the Jews possess the same. It is lawful also for Hircanus and his sons, and their Ambassadors sent by them, to behold the tiltings and gladiators, and to sit among the Senators, and that at all times, wherein they shall require to be brought into the Senate by the Dictator, or by the Master of the Horse, they I may have free entrance; and that within ten dayes at the most they receive their answer, if there be any Decree ratified by the Senate.

Caius Caesar, Emperor, the fourth time Consul▪ and the fifth time Dictator for the term of life, hath ratified these things, as touching Hircanus the son of Alexander, the High-Priest and Prince of the Jews: Because that the Generals, my Predecessors, have witnessed as well in the Provinces, as before the Senate and People of Rome, both of the good deserts of Hircanus High-Priest and Prince of the Jews, and that Nation also, toardsw us and our State; and whereas both the Senate and People of Rome have gratified them for the same: we think it convenient also to have the same recorded, and to give order, that Hir­canus K and his sons may be remunerated by the Senate, and People of Rome, according to the mea­sure of their loyalties and good deserts.

Julius Caius Caesar, Roman Consul, To the Governors, Senate and People of Patras Health: The Jews are come unto us to Delos, with some of the Colonies of their Countrey­men, in the presence of your Ambassadors, and assure us of a Decree made by you, whereby you forbid them the practice and ancient use of their sacrifices and oblations: I think it not fit that you make any such Decrees against our friends, and associates; neither that you forbid them to live according to their fashions and customs; or to employ their purses together in supplying their feasts and sacrifices; since in Rome it self they are not interdicted or for­bidden to perform the same. For at such time as Caius Caesar Consul, had prohibited by Edict, That in celebrating the Bacchanals, no one should dance about the City; yet were the L Jews alone exempted from this inhibition: and neither have they been prohibited to contribute, neither to banquet together▪ My self also in like case, in the defence I have made to forbid all other societies, have excepted the Jews therein, and have given them leave to assemble and demean themselves according to the customs, ceremonies, and ordinances of their Countrey. If therefore you have made any such Decrees against our friends and associates, you shall do well to disanul them, by reason of the vertue of the Jews, and the forwardness they have pro­tested in performance of our service.

After Caius Caesar's death,M. Antonius and P. Dolo­bella, bring Hircanue's Embassadors into the Se­nate. the Consuls, Marcus Antonius, and Publius Dolobella, assembled the Senate, and having brought in Hircanus's Embassadors, they declared their re­quest, and contracted amity with them: The Senate likewise ordained, that each thing should M be granted them that they required. And Dolobella having received Hircanus's Letters, sent them throughout all Asia, to Ephesus (which is the Metropolitan City of Asia) in these The General Dolobella to the Princes, Dolobellas's Letters to the Ephesians. Senate, and People of Ephesus, Health: terms: [The General or Emperor Dolobella; (this word Emperor was in those times a title of honour conferred on those Generals who had obtained some great Victory.] Alexander the son of Theodore, Embassador to Hircanus, the High-Priest and Prince of the Jews, hath given us to understand, that his Subjects cannot go to Wars, because it is not lawful for them to bear Arms, nor travel on the Sabbath day; as also for that they may not seek for their vi­ctuals and other necessaries on that day, according to the custom of their Countrey: for this cause I grant them exemption from the War, as my Predecessors have done; permitting them N to use the ceremonies and rites of their Countrey, assembling themselves to make their obla­tions and sacrifices, as their laws and customs require, in contributing to the offering of the sacrifices in the Temple. And my will is, That you write to this effect to every City of the Province. See here how Dolobella honoured Hircanus when he sent his Embassadors un­to him.

Lucius Lentulus Consul▪ pronounceth that the Jews that are Citizens of Rome, Lucius Lu [...]ull­lus in the French, Lentu­lus in the La­tine, being Consul, ma­keth an Edict in the behalf of the Jews. and that observe and offer the sacrifices of the Jews in Ephesus before the Tribunal, be exempt from warfare, by reason of their Religion. Given the nineteenth of October. There are besides these many other Edicts and Ordinances made to this purpose, by the same Generals, and by the Roman Senate, in favor of Hircanus and our Nation, and some O other Cities. In like sort there were divers Decrees and writs sent unto the Gover­nors and Rulers of the Provinces, concerning our Priviledges: all which may be easily believed by those that shall read our History, with no prejudicate opinion, if [Page 376] they consider those that we have here inserted.The year of the World, 39 [...]2. Before Christ's Nativity, 42. For we have shewed more express and live­ly A testimonies of the friendship that we have had with the Romans, and such as at this day are affixed to Pillars, and engraven in Tables of Brass on the Capitol; and that here­after shall remain affixed for ever: For which cause, I have thought it to be a frivo­lous and unnecessary matter to insert all in this place;Josephus's conclusion concerning these Edicts. and I think that there is not any man of so sinister judgment, that will not believe how much we have been esteemed by the Romans, as they have given testimonies by divers Decrees published in our be­half; neither may any man suppose that we lie, considering the truth of that which we publish.

Thus have we sufficiently declared the amity and league that in time past we have had with the Romans. Caecilius [...]as­sus murthereth Sextus Caesar. About this time it came to pass, that the estate of [...]yria was B sore troubled upon the occasion that ensueth: Caecilius [...]assus, one of Pompeys follow­ers, laid an ambush for Sextus Caesar, and slew him, and seising upon his Army, usurp­ed the Government: Whereby there arose great War near Apamea. For Caesars Cap­tains marched out against Caecilius, with great force both of Foot and Horse, to whom Antipater sent his sons with forces to second them (in remembrance of the benefits he had received at Caesars hands) supposing it to be an act of justice, that the murthe­rer should be punished for his so hainous offence.Marcus suc­ceedeth Sex­tus in Syria. Now whereas this War continu­ed a long time,C [...]sar slain by Cassius and Brutus. Marcus came and succeeded Sextus. And Caesar was slain by Cassius and Brutus in the midst of the Senate, after he had commanded three years, and six months, as it is expressed in another place.C

CHAP. XVIII.
Cassius cometh from Syria, draweth Seven hundred Talents out of Judaea. Herod gains his favor. Malichus's ingratitude towards Antipater.

AFter Caesar's death,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 20. the brand of Civil War began to flame, and the chiefest of Rome made it their business to raise forces,Cassius cometh into Syria, and exacteth more then 700 Ta­lents of silver from the Jews. But Cassius came into Syria, with an intent to take the Army that was near to Apamea: and having raised the siege, he drew both Bassus and Marcus to be of his faction, and travelling from City to City, he gathered a number of Soldiers, and much warlike provision, and imposed huge Tri­butes:D Herod winneth Cassius's heart by the money that he levieth in Galilee. but especially he afflicted Jewry, and exacted of that Countrey Seven hundred Talents of Silver. Antipater seeing the State in so great fear and trouble, committing the exaction of a part of this money to his sons; the rest he commanded to be assign­ed to Malichus, who was his Enemy. Herod first of all gathered that which was com­manded him in the Countrey of Galilee, and for this cause was greatly beloved by Cas­sius: for he being prudent and discreet, thought it no small policy at that time, to win the Romans good will on other mens expences. Under the other Governors the Cities were set to sale, together with their Inhabitants: and amongst them, these four were the chiefest, namely, Gophna, Emaus, Lydda, and Thamna: for Cassius sold the people there­of to them that would give most. Besides, Cassius was so much transported with cho­ler,E that he had slain Malichus if Hircanus had not restrained his fury, by sending him One hundred Talents of his own money by Antipater. But as soon as Cassius was de­parted out of the Countrey of Judaea, he practised Antipater's death, supposing that his cutting off would assure Hircanus's state. But Antipater was not ignorant of this his resolution; for having an inkling thereof, he got himself on the other side of Jor­dan, and assembled an Army of Soldiers, both Jews and Arabians. Hereupon, Mali­chus (who was a politick and subtil fellow) denied stoutly that he had intended any Treason,Ma [...]ichus lay­eth in wait to murther An­tipater, but forsweareth the same, and is reconciled. clearing himself with an Oath before Antipater and his Children, that he had never any such intent, especially seeing that Phasaelus held Jerusalem, and Herod F had an Army at command. And in the end, perceiving the difficulty wherein he was, he reconciled himself to Antipater, and they agreed at that time, that Marcus govern­ed Syria, who perceiving that Malichus began to raise troubles in Jewry, resorted thi­ther, and there wanted little but that he had slain him, had not Antipater by earnest request obtained his life.

CHAP. XIX.
Cassius and Marcus leaving S [...]ria, give Herod the command of the Army which they had raised, promising to establish him King: Malichus causeth Antipater to be poysoned; He­rod dissembleth with him.

BUT imprudent Antipater saved Malichus to his own mischief:Cassius and Mar [...]us make Herod Gover­nor of Coelosy­ria. For when Cassius G and Marcus had assembled their Army, they committed all the charge into Herods hands, and made him Governor of Coelosyria, and delivered him great forces, both of [Page 377] H Foot and Horse,The year of the World, 3923. before Christ's Nativity, 41. and Ships by Sea: They promised him likewise the Kingdom of Judaea, after they had finished the War, that was at that time betwixt them, and Anthony, and Caesar the younger. Whereupon Malichus mightily fearing Antipaters power, determi­ned to destroy him; and having corrupted Hircanus's Butler with Money (with whom both of them celebrated a Feast) he poysoned him,Malichus cau­seth Antipater to be poisoned. and afterwards assembling many Sol­diers about him, he made himself Master of the City. When Herod and Phasaelus un­derstood the traiterous conspiracy attempted against their Father, they were grievously incensed against Malichus. But he denied all, and especial abjured the intent or practice of the murther. Thus died Antipater a just and virtuous man, and such an one as dear­ly loved his Countrey. But Herod who was his younger son, immediately resolved to I revenge his fathers death, and came forth with an Army against Malichus: But Pha­saelus, who was the elder, resolved to circumvent him by policy, lest he should raise a Civil War. He therefore accepted of Malichus justifications, and made a shew that he supposed that he had in no manner contrived Antipater's death, and onely minded his Fathers Monument and Funerals. Mean while, Herod resorting to Samaria, and find­ing it in a desperate condition, restored the same, and pacified the dissentions that were amongst the Inhabitants. Not long after (by reason of a Feast) he came to Jerusalem with his Soldiers. Malichus being afraid of his access, perswaded Hircanus that he should not permit him to enter into the City: whereunto Hircanus condescended, al­leadging, that amongst the holy People it was not lawful to intermix a Troop of pol­luted K Men. But Herod slighted them that brought him this news, and notwithstan­ding his command, entred the City by night: whereat Malichus was much amazed. Whereupon, according to his ordinary dissimulation, he openly wept and bewailed the death of Antipater his especial friend; but under-hand he prepared a guard for his own safety. Notwithstanding it was thought fit by Herod's friends, to take no notice of his dissimulation; but to make shew that they were well-affected towards Malichus.

CHAP. XX.
Cassius at Herod's entreaty, sends orders to the Commanders of the Roman Troops, to revenge L Antipater's death; they stab Malichus. Felix who commands the Roman Garison in Jerusalem, attacketh Phasaelus, who reduceth him to capitulate.

HErod having assured Cassius of Antipater his fathers death, he knowing very well of what a wicked man Malichus was, wrote back unto Herod that he should re­venge the death of his father: besides, he sent secret Letters to the Captains that were in Tyre, commanding them to aid and assist Herod in that just execution which he inten­ded. After that Cassius had taken Laodicea, and the Inhabitants of the Countrey came together, bringing with them Crowns and Silver to present him. Herod expecting that Malichus should receive his punishment there, but Malichus mistrusting their designs M when he was drawing near to Tyre in Phaenicia, he contriv'd a greater enterprize. For whereas his son was an hostage in Tyre, he entred the City to draw him thence, and afterwards return into Judaea; taking that opportunity by reason of Cassius's troubles (who marched to meet with Anthony) he resolved to draw the people to an insurre­ction, and to make himself Lord of the Countrey: but God disappointed his unjust purposes: For Herod being a man of a ripe judgment, immediately discovered his in­tention, and sent one of his servants before, under the notion to prepare a banquet, because he had told him formerly that he would entertein all his followers: but in effect, he sent him to the Captains, to command them to go out with their Daggers, and to meet Malichus; who marching forth, and meeting with him near the shore, he N stabbed him. Which act did so much astonish Hircanus, that through amaze he grew speechless: and being much moved, he demanded of Herod's men how this accident had hapned, and who it was that had killed Malichus; which having heard, and how nothing was done without Cassius's commannd: he answered that all was well done, Ma­lichus being a wicked Man, and a Traitor to his Countrey. See here how Malichus was justly punished for the wickedness he committed against Antipater.

When Cassius was gone out of Syria, there arose a new tumult in Judaea: for Felix, who was left in Jerusalem with an Army, marched forth against Phasaelus, and all the people were in arms. For which cause Herod speedily repaired to Fabius, Governor of Damasco, and intending to succor his brother, was prevented by a sickness: so that O Phasaelus obtaining a victory by his own forces against Faelix, enclosed him up in a Tower, whence afterwards he dismissed him under composition. Whereupon he grievously rebuked Hircanus, that being forgetful of divers good offices which he had received [Page 378] by him,The year of the World. 3924. before Christ's Nativity, 40. he had given aid unto his enemies. For Malichus's brother being at that time A revolted, planted Garisons in divers Fortresses, and namely in Masada, which was the strongest of them all. As soon as Herod had recovered his health, he drew forth his forces against him, and dipossessed him of divers places that he held, and after suffered him to depart with his life and goods.

CHAP. XXI.
Antig [...]nus, Aristobulus's son, gets an Army; Herod overcometh him, and returneth trium­phing to Jerusalem. Hircanus promiseth him his Grand-daughter Mariamna, daughter of Alexander, Aristobulus's son.B

ANtigonus, Ptolomey Mennaeus a­dopteth Anti­gonus, Aristo­bulus's son. Aristobulus's son, got an Army together, and hired Fabius; Ptolomey Men­naeus adopted Antigonus for being of his near relations. He was also assisted by Marion, whom Cassius had made Governor of Tyre and tyrannized over Syria, having put Garisons in several places of it, and had taken possession of three places in Galilee, which bordered with his Countrey.Herod expel­leth Antigo­nus out of Jewry. Herod also marching forth against him, dispossessed him of them all; and graciously dismissed those Tyrians that had the keeping thereof, bestowing Presents on some of them, for the love he bare unto their City. And that done, he came and encountred with Antigonus, and fought him, and overcame him before he had scarcely entred on the marches of Judaea, and drove him from thence.C Being come in triumph to Jerusalem, Herod marri­eth Mariamne, Hircanus's niece by his daughter. Hircanus and all the People honoured him with Crowns. For Hircanus look'd upon him as one of his Family, because he was to mar­ry Mariamna, daughter of Alexander, son of Aristobulus, and of Alexandra, Hircanus's daughter: on whom he begat three sons and two daughters. Before her also had he married a Wife of his own Nation,Doris, Herod's wife. who was called Doris, on whom he begat Antipater his eldest son.

CHAP. XXII.
After Cassius's defeat near the City of Philippi, Antonius cometh into Asia; Herod ob­taineth D his friendship by great Presents; Antonius's Edicts in favor of Hircanus and of the Jewish Nation.

ANtonius and Caesar having overcome Cassius, near unto the City of Philippi; Cae­sar went from thence into France, and Antonius into Asia. And being in Bithy­nia, The Judge corrupted with mon [...]. Embassadors resorted to him from all parts: Thither also repaired certain prin­cipal Men among the Jews, to accuse Phasaelus and Herod; saying that Hircanus had one­ly the name, but he the authority of the Kingdom. But Antonius greatly honoured Herod, Hircanus's Embassadors present Anto­nius with a Crown of Gold, and re­quire the cap­tive Jews li­berty, sold by Cassius. who came unto him, to answer those accusations that they had imposed on him: for which cause, they that were his adversaries could obtain no Audience: for E Herod had bought that priviledge from them with his Money. As soon as Antonius was ar­rived in Ephesus, Hircanus the High-Priest, and all our Nation presently sent an Embas­sador unto him, with a Crown of Gold; requiring him that he would write unto the Pro­vinces, that the Jews whom Cassius had taken Prisoners (contrary to the law of Arms) might be set at liberty, and that their Countrey, which was taken from them in Cas­sius's time) might be restored. Antonius supposing that the demands which the Jews had proposed, were reasonable, wrote back presently to the High-Priest Hircanus and the Jews; and sent an Edict also to the Tyrians, ta this effect:

Marcus Antonius Emperor, to Hircanus High-Priest and Prince of the Jews, Health:F

Lysimachus the son of Pausanias, and Joseph the son of Mennaeus, and Alexander the son of Theodore, your Ambassadors came unto me to Ephesus, and have renewed the same Embassage which they heretofore brought to Rome, [...] and at this present likewise they have duly and faithfully acquitted themselves of the Embassage which they present in the behalf of you, and your Nation, by giving us to understand what affection you bear towards us: so that I esteem you for our friend, since I understand how friendly you have behaved your self towards us, both in words and deeds. For when our adversaries and enemies of the Roman Nation spoiled all the Countrey of Asia, and without regard of their Oaths, spared neither Cities nor Temples; we have opposed our selves against them, not onely for our pri­vate G respect, but in the quarrel of the Common-weal, to punish the authors of such offences committed against Men, and of such impieties perpetrated against God: for which we sup­pose, [Page 379] H that the Sun hath in a manner obscured himself, by beholding with unwilling eyes what an hainous offence was committed against Caesar. But we have gotten the upper hand of their impious enterprizes, which are fallen upon Macedonia, as on the Countrey and Air, from whence proceed such detestable designs: and we have likewise cut off the course of their desperate resolution, which made them encounter us near to Philippi, a City of Ma­cedonia, where we seized their places fortified by nature, and enclosed with mountains as if it were with walls, as far as the Sea, so that the passage was barred up, as it were with a gate, had not the gods given us way by resisting their unjust exploits, and furthering ours. Brutus is likewise compelled to flie to Philippi, where being besieged by us, he suffered with his Consort Cassius, and since they have been punished as they deserved; we hope for the I future to enjoy peace and tranquility, and that Asia shall be delivered from all the miseries of War, and as for your part, you may assure your selves, that both you and your Countrey, shall have your share in this happiness, because we have so great a kindness for you to lose any opportunity to procure your advantage, and all the body thereof seems to be relieved from a grievous malady, by means of our victory: We have already sent Letters from City to City, to the intent that if any one among you, either captive or free-man, have been sold to the ut­most by Caius Cassius, or any of that Army, they may be set at liberty. And our will is, that you reap the fruits of all the favors that we and Dolobella have granted you; forbid­ding the Tyrians to molest you, and commanding them to restore all that which they have taken from the Jews, in goods or possessions. As for the Crown which you sent me, I accept K of it.

Marcus Antonius Emperor, Marcus Anto­nius writeth to the Magi­strates of Tyre to restore Hir­canus and the Jews their Lands, Goods and Liberties. to the Governors Senate, and People of Tyre, Health: I have been informed in Ephesus by Hircanus's Embassadors (who is High-Priest and Prince▪ [...] the Jews) that you have seized on their Countrey and spoiled the same, when our adver­saries held that Province. But as we have undertaken the War for the Empire, and in de­fence of Justice and Piety, we have punished these ungrateful, disloyal and perfidious persons. Our will is, that you suffer our allies to live in peace; and as touching that which you have obtained of our adversaries; our pleasure is, that you restore the same to those that are dis­possessed. For none of them had obtained either Province or Army by the consent of the Se­nate; but had usurped them by force, and afterwards bestowed them on those who have been Ministers of their impieties and injustice. But since they have been punished according to their L deserts, we require that our Allies enjoy their own, without any hindrance: and if you hold any places at this present, which belong to Hircanus Prince of the Jews (that were seized since the time that Caius Cassius by an unjust War invaded our Provinces) restore them unto him, without offering to hinder him from the possession of his own. And if you have, or pre­tend to have any right in them, when I shall repair to those places, it shall be lawful for you to debate your right, and we will so judge, that our allies shall receive no wrong.

Marcus Antonius Emperor, to the Governors, Senate, and People of Tyre, Health: I have sent you my Edict, my pleasure is that you carefully consider it, and that you register it among your publick Records, in Roman and Greek letters, and set it up in Writing in an M open place, to the end that it may be read by all Men.

Marcus Antonius Emperor and Triumvir, in the presence of the Tyrians assembled for their publick affairs, hath declared, That Caius Cassius during the troubles, by the assistance of his Souldiers, hath usurped another mans Province; and hath in like sort spoiled our Al­lies, and hath ransackt the Nation of the Jews, who are friends to the people of Rome: and for that by our valor, we have repressed his insolence, by our Edicts and Judgments we will correct his offences, to the end that all things may be restored to our Allies, and that all whatsoever hath been sold, and appertained to the Jews (whether they be Prisoners or Possessions) be restored to their Masters; to the end that each Man may be at liberty as he was before, and that each mans possession may be restored to his first owner. And my pleasure is, N That whosoever disobeyeth this Ordinance, he may be punished accordingly. He wrote to the like effect to the Sidonians, Antiochians, and Arabians; all which we will insert in a convenient place, to testifie what account the Romans made of our Nation.

O

CHAP. XXIII.The year of the World, 3924. Cefore Christ's Nativity, 41. A
The beginning of Antonius's love for Cleopatra; he is very severe to those Jews who came to accuse Herod and Phasaelas. Antigonus, Aristobulus's son contracteth a friendship with the Parthians.

AFter this Antonius went into Syria, Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 11. and Cleopatra came forth to meet him near un­to Silicia, Cleopatra co­meth into Cilicia to An­tonius. and entangled him in her love. At that time also, One hundred of the chiefest among the Jews came in Embassage to him to accuse Herod and Phasaelus: they had chosen the most esteemed Orator that might be found. Messala likewise undertook the B defence of the young men that were accused,Herod accu­seth by one hun­dred Jews be­fore Antonius. and made them answer. Hircanus also was there in person, who was already by marriage allied unto them. After that An­tonius had heard both the one and the other in the City of Daphen, he demanded of Hircanas, which of both the parties governed the Common-weal best? who return­ed him answer, That they who were on Herod's side, were most studious of the pub­lick good.Antonius ma­keth Phasaelus and Herod Tetrarchs. Antonius (who long since had born a good affection towards them, by rea­son of the ancient hospitality that he had received of their father, during the time Ga­binius was in Judaea) established them both Governors of the fourth part, committing to their hands the affairs in Judaea: and to this effect wrote Letters, and committed fourteen of their enemies to prison; had not Herod interceeded for their lives, he had C condemned them to death.Ten thousand Jews repair to Tyre to accuse Herod who are partly slain, partly woun­ed▪ and partly put to flight. Notwithstanding this, as soon as they returned from their Embassage, they could not contain themselves in quiet, but resorted once more unto Antonius, to the number of 10000, to the City of Tyre, where Antonius was▪ But Antonius (al­ready corrupted by store of mony by Herod and his brother, who commanded in that place ordained that the Embassadors of the Jews should be punished, for that they had attemp­ted to make new disturbances, and he confirmed Herod's Government. At that time Herod walking by the Sea side, came unto them, advising both them and Hircanus (who at that present was with them) to give over their appeal, lest some misfortune should befal them. Which they not regarding, certain Jews and Inhabitants of that City, all at once ran upon them, killed some of them, and hurt others, and the rest taking their D flight towards their Counerey, ever afterwards contained themselves and lived in quiet, through the fear the had conceived. But when the people ceased not to exclaim and protest against Herod, Antonius was so displeased, that he commanded all those whom he held prisoners to be put to death.

The year after [...] the Kings son, and Barzapharnes a Prince among the Parthians, invaded and seized Syria. About this time Ptolomey died, the son of Mennaeus; and his son Lysias reigned in his stead, who plighted friendship with Antigonus the son of Ari­stobulus, who obtained his favor at his hands, by the councel and sollicitation of a cer­tain Prince of great authority and credit with him.

E

CHAP. XXIV.
Antigonus being assisted by the Parthians, besiegeth Phasaelus and Herod in the Palace of Jerusalem, but in vain. Hircanus and Phasaelus are perswaded to repair to Barsaphar­nes.

ANtigonus having promised the Parthians to give them One thousand Talents of Sil­ver, Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 22. and five hundred Women,Antigonus promiseth the Parthians a great sum of money to [...] him in the Kingdom. if so be they would deprive Hircanus of the Kingdom, and restore it unto him, and withal, put Herod and his friends to death. The F Parthians undertook it, and marched towards Judaea, though they had not received as yet any of Antigonus's Money. Pachorus led his Troops along the Sea-coast, and Bar­zapharnes conducted his more within the Land. The Tyrians shut their Gates against Pacorus, Pacorus send­eth Horsem [...]n to Antigonus in Judaea. but the Sidonians and Ptolomaidans received him into their City. He sent a body of Horse into Jewry, to discover the estate of the Countrey, and to give succors to Antigonus. The commander of these Horse was the Kings chief Cup-bearer, who was also called Pacorus. The Jews in­habiting about Mount Ca­ [...]el, joyn themselves with Antigo­nus. Certain Jews (inhabiting about the Carmel) joined themselves with Antigonus, and were prepared with him to invade his Enemies, he conceived some hope that he might by their means reduce a certain part of the Countrey under his Go­vernment, which is called Drymae: and other Jews joining with him in the way, per­swaded G him to press forward as far as Jerusalem; where being seconded by others (and his followers already much increased in number) they put themselves in a posture to assault the Kings Palace. The two Brothers, viz. Phasaelus and Herod with their follow­followers [Page 381] H attacked them in the Market-place,The year of the World, 3952. before Christ's Nativity, 39. repulsed the Enemy, and drove him in­to the Temple. Which done, they sent armed men into the houses near adjoining, to guard them; but the people rushing in upon them, and seeing they were destitute of aid, burned both them and the houses wherein they were. But this cruelty of theirs was presently revenged by Herod, Pentecost. who in a skirmish that he had with them, killed a great number of them.Herod fighteth with his ene­mies in the suburbs. And whereas there were daily skirmishes between both parties, the enemies expected until the people (assembled from all parts of the Countrey) should repair to Jerusalem, to celebrate the Feast of Pentecost. Which being come, many thousands of men assembled about the Temple, both armed and unarmed, who seized both the Temple and the City; except the Kings house onely, which Herod I made good with a few Men of War. The Wall thereof Phasaelus his Brother defended. Herod with a company of his followers sallied out upon the Enmy, who were planted in the suburbs, and fighting valiantly against them, he put divers thousands of them to flight, whereof some retired into the City; others into the Temple; the rest into a certain Bulwark near at hand. In this battel Phasaelus shewed no little valor.

Pacorus Conductor of the Parthians, Pacorus Chief­tain of the Parthians en­tring the City, perswadeth Phasaelus to go Embassador to Barzaphar­nes. came into the City with some few Horsemen at Antigonus's request, making shew that he came to appease the sedition; but the scope of his coming was, to obtain the soveraignty for Antigonus. After that Phasaelus was come out to meet him, and courteously entertain'd him in his house. Pacorus perswaded him to go Embassador with him to Barzapharnes, intending under this pretence to surprise K him. He suspecting no treacheries, was easily perswaded, notwithstanding that Herod misliked the course, who knowing the perfidious manner of the Barbarians, exhorted him rather to assail Pacorus, and to assault and oppress his Forces, when they were come unto him. Nevertheless, Hircanus and Phasaelus undertook this Embassage, and Pacorus (leaving with Herod Two hundred Horsemen, and Ten of those whom they call Free-men) conducted the Embassadors. Now as soon as they came into Galilee, the Go­vernors of the Cities in that Countrey, came forth armed to meet them: Barzapharnes also at the first gave them friendly entertainment, and honoured them with Presents; but shortly after he began to practise treachery.The Parthians complot trea­cheries against Phasaelus. For Phasaelus and his attendants were conducted to a lodging that adjoined the Sea; where hearing tidings that Antigonus L had promised One thousand Talents, and Five hundred Virgins to the Parthians, he be­gan already to suspect the Barbarians. For a certain friend of his had given him an ink­ling that there were treasons intended against him that very night, and that his lodging was privily beset with a Guard. And surely they had been surprised, had they not ex­pected that the Parthians (who were round about Jerusalem) should have seized on He­rod, fearing lest he having an inkling of their disaster, should betake himself to flight. This was shortly confirmed to be true by the guards that arrived: For which cause there were some of Phasaelus's friends, who counselled him, that without any more de­lay, he should betake him to his Horse, and fly from thence: and amongst the rest, Ofilius was most earnest, who had discovered this plot, by Saramalla a rich Syrian (who M offered them his ships that road hard by, to further their flight.) Phasaelus would neither forsake Hircanus, nor leave his Brother Herod in danger, but repairing to Barzapharnes, he told him, that he did him wrong to use these sinister practises against him. For that if he had need of money, he was more likely to receive it at his hands, than from Anti­gonus; and that it was an intollerable injustice to put Embassadors to death, who came unto him upon his honour, and had no ways offended him. But the Barbarian hearing these things protested, by an Oath; that not one point of that which he had suspected was true; whereupon he presently went to Pacorus.

CHAP. XXV.
Barzapharnes detaineth Phasaelus and Hircanus Prisoners; sendeth to Jerusalem to secure He­rod, N whoretireth by night, with his Men and his Relations; he is set upon by the way, but getteth always the upper-hand. Phasaelus killeth himself. The King of the Arabian's ingrati­tude torwards Herod; he goeth to Rome.

AS soon as Barzapharnes was gone,Hircanus and Phasaelus sur­prised by the Parthians. some of the Parthians took Hircanus and Pha­saelus prisoners, who mightily detested his perjuries. But the Eunuch that was sent unto Herod, had instructions given him to intice him without the City Walls, and afterwards to apprehend him. But Herod was forewarned of this treachery, by certain Messengers (who were sent by Phasaelus to give him notice thereof) who being in­tercepted by the enemy in the way, and Herod getteth notice thereof, he addressed himself to Pacorus (and those in greatest authority among the Parthians) who subtilly dissembled, O notwithstanding they knew how all things went, telling him, that he should do well to re­pair with them without the Wall, to go and meet those Messengers, who brought him Letters; who had not as yet been seized by their adversaries, but came to acquaint him that Phasaelus was well. But Herod gave them no credit, because he was already other­ways [Page 382] advertised of his brothers surprisal, and had also far greater suspition of the Par­thians, A by the sollicitation of Hircanus's daughter, whom he had married. And al­though the rest made no account of her advertisements, yet Herod gave credit unto her, for that she was a most wise woman.The Parthians l [...]y a plot to surprise Herod: he discovereth i [...], and prevent­eth them by flight. Now whilst the Parthians were in deliberation what were best to be done (in that it was held no policy to make open assault upon such a man) they deferred the whole matter until the next morning. Whilst thus they were debating of their differences, Herod, who rather gaving credit to that which he had heard as concerning his brother (and touching the treasons intended against him by the Parthians) than to his adversaries; as soon as it was night, concluded to make use of the time, and to make away, without staying any longer amongst those uncertain dangers, which his enemies intended against him. For which cause he fled B with those Forces he had with him: and mounting his mother, his sister and his betrothed, whom he was to marry (who was Alexander's daughter) the niece of Aristobulus) and her mother (who was Hircanus's daughter (and her youn­ger brother, with all their family and train, he departed into Idumaea without suspiti­on of the enemy. Amongst whom there was not one so hard-hearted, who seeing such a pitiful spectacle, could not be moved to compassion, beholding the mothers drag away their little children, and abandon their Countrey with tears and complaints: and that which was worse,to leave their friends in bondage, without any hope of comfort or redress.

But Herod mastered these misfortunes by his invincible courage,Herod comfor­teth his friends in their flight. and for that he was C a constant man in all fortunes, he exhorted every one of them whom he met in the way, to be of good courage; and not abandon themselves to immeasurable sorrow, for that by such means they might hinder his retreat, on which their sole and securest conservation depended:Herod seeing his mothers chariot over­turned, is ready to murther himself. whereupon they for their part endeavoured themselves to di­gest their griefs, according to Herod's exhortation. Mean-while he hardly refrained from laying violent hands on himself, by reason of the Chariot wherein his mother rode, which overturned, and had almost slain her; yea so much did this casualty terri­fie him (for fear lest the enemy in pursuit should surprise him during these delays) so that he drew and prepared his sword to kill himself, had not some assistants and followers stept in to him, and stayed the stroke, beseeching him instantly not to for­sake D them, and leave them subject to the enemies violence: assuring him, that it was not the part of a valiant man to respect his own private interest, and neglect his friends danger. By these perswasions he was induced to hold his hands, both by reason of the apprehension of these words, which were spoken unto him, as also for that he was over-ruled by the multitude of those who would not permit his hand to execute his will, so that taking up his mother, and doing her all the service that the time permitted, he followed on his way, and with the speediest and nearest means he could he retired toward the Castle of Massada; where in the way, he oftentimes fought against the Parthians that charged and pursued him,Herod retiring towards Massa­da, is assailed, by the Parthi­ans. but he always got the victory. The Jews also pursued him du­ring his flight; for scarcely had he travelled sixty furlogs out of the City, but that they E assailed him in the high-way: but he put them to flight, and obtained the victory, not like a desperate man, enforced thereunto through necessity, but like a discreet, clear couraged and valiant Soldier. So that in the very place where he obtained the victory against the Jews (after he was made King) he builded a most sumptuous Palace, and a City, which he called Herodium. Whilst he remained at Ressa (a borough of Idu­maea) Joseph his brother came forth to meet him, and to consult with him concern­ing their present condition, and to know of him what should become of that great multitude that followed him, considering that they had no Soldiers in pay, and the Castle of Massada, (whither they intended too fly) was too little to hold all the people: for which cause he sent away many, to the number of Nine thousand, willing them to F disperse themselves here and there in the Countrey of Idumaea, and for the better dis­patch of their journey, he furnished them with victuals. As for himself, he took with him his most able Soldiers and Friends, and repaired to the Castle of Massada (in which place he left the women and their train, to the number of Eight hundred, or there­abouts, The Paathians s [...]oil the Citi­tizens of Jeru­salem, and de­stroy Marissa. and furnishing the place with Corn, Water, and other Provisions necessary, he went unto Petra, the chiefest City of Arabia. As soon as it was day, the Parthians plun­dered all that Herod left in Jerusalem; and amongst other things, they spoiled the Pa­lace; but they medled not with Hircanus's money, which amounted to some 300 Talents. They left divers other things them behind also that appertained to Herod, and especially that which had been transported into Idumaea by his providence. Neither G were the Parthians content with the spoil of the City, but they forraged all the Coun­trey round about, and ruined Marissa a very rich City.

[Page 383] H Thus Antigonus, brought back into his Countrey by the King of the Parthians, re­ceived Hircanus and Phasaelus that were Prisoners: yet he was vehemently dipleased, because the women was escaped, whom according to his promise he intended to have delivered with the money: and fearing lest Hircanus through the favor of the people should be re-established in his Kingdom (who then was Prisoner in the custody of the Parthians) he cut off both his ears,Antigonus re­stored to the Kingdom by the Parthians, cutteth off Hir [...]arus's [...]ars, to pre­vent his re­instalment in the Priesthood. depriving him by that means from enjoying the Priesthood any more, by reason of that maim, because the Law commanded that they who are in that dignity should be sound in all their members. But Phasaelus is to be admired for his great courage at that time: for understanding that he must needs die, he was no wayes disheartned with death, but that which he esteemed most miserable I and dishonourable was, that he must needs die by the hands of his Enemy. Seeing therefore that he could not dispatch himself by other means, (because he was bound and chained) he knockt out his own brains against a stone,Phasaelus dash­eth out his own brains. and so ended his life (with as great honour as may be imagined in such a desperate estate) depriving his Enemy of that power which he intended to practise in tyrannizing over him at his pleasure:Antigonus putteth poy­son into Pha­saelus's wounds instead of cu­ring him. It is said, that the wound being very deep, Antigonus sent privily Chirurgions to cure him; and that under colour of healing him, they should put poyson into the same, where­through he might die. But before Phasaelus gave up the ghost, he understood by a certain womans that his brother Herod had escaped from his Enemies: for which cause K he endured his death with far greater cheerfulness and constancy, seeing that he left behind him such a man as would revenge his death, and punish his Enemies. But He­rod was no ways discomfited with the greatness of those adversities which invironed him round about, but was the more whetted on to find out new inventions, and to ad­venture considerable attempts.Herod flyeth to Malchus King of Ara­bia, to borrow money. For he went unto Malchus King of the Arabians (to whom formerly he had shewed much courtesie) hoping to receive the like of him in this time of his great necessity, and to draw some money from him, either by interest or gift. For being ignorant of his brothers death, he endeavoured to redeem him speedily from his Enemies, by paying his Ransom (which amounted to Three hundred Talents) and for that cause he led with him the son of Phasaelus, who was only seven years old, to leave him in pledge amongst the Arabians for the sum that was deman­ded. L But certain messengers came to him from Malchus, Herod is com­manded out of Arabia, and flyeth into Egypt: from thence, after some storms, he repaired to Rome, where he certifieth Antonius of that which had befallen him. who charged him in the Kings behalf to retire back again, for that the Parthians had enjoyned him that he should neither receive nor retain Herod; And used this colourable pretence, because he would not pay his debts: and hereunto was perswaded by the advice of the greatest in authority among the Arabians, who pretended thereby to make themselves masters of that treasure that Antipater had committed to their custody. Herod answered them, That he repaired not into their Countrey to give them cause of any trouble, but onely to con­sult with them about certain matters of great importance touching his own estate, and that afterwards he was resolved to depart, and withdraw himself into Egypt as secretly as might be possible. He returned therefore to a certain Temple, where he had left divers of M his followers; and the next day he came to Rhinoc [...]ra, in which place he heard tidings of his brothers death. But afterwards Malchus repented himself of his ingratitude, and speedily sent after Herod, but he could not overtake, him: for he had gotten far on his way, and was already arrived near to Pelusium: where being denyed his passage to Alexandria, in those ships that were there, he addressed himself to the Magistrates of the place, who highly respected and honoured him, and sent him to the City where Cleopatra was; who entertained him kindly: yet notwithstanding she could not per­swade him to remain with her. Whereupon he repaired towards Rome (notwithstan­ding the Winter▪ and those grievous troubles that at the very same time afflicted Italy, as it was reported.) Embarking himself therefore to sail into Pamphilia, he was tost with a most N cruel storm; so that with great danger at last he arrived in Rhodes, having been in­forced in the tempest to cast into the Sea great part of his goods. There he met with Sappinas and Ptolomey, two of his endeared friends. He found also the City of Rho­des had suffered much misery by Cassius's Wars: and although his means were very short, yet he helped them in what he might, and caused their Walls to be repaired, notwith­standing that by so doing he greatly hindred himself. After that, he caused a little Frigot to be built, and embarked himself with his friends to repair into Italy, and ar­rived at Arundusium, and from thence went to Rome. The first to whom he discovered his misfortunes, was Marcus Antonius: to whom he reported all the occurrances in Ju­daea: and how his brother Phasaelus was taken by the Parthians, and slain; and how O Hircanus was imprisoned with him. The manner also how they had established Antigonus King, under promise to give them One thousand Talents, and Five hundred of the fairest Women, whom he intended to chuse out of his own race. Lastly, how he stole [Page 384] away by night, and rescued them; and escaping his Enemies hands, had afterwards en­dured A many miseries. Besides that, his friends were in great danger, and left besieged; for which cause he had sailed by Winter, and despised all dangers, only to seek for assi­stance at his hands, on whom depended his hope, and last refuge.

CHAP. XXV [...]I
Herod, through Antonius's and Augustus's assistance, is declared King of the Jews, at Rome. Antigonus besiegeth Massada, defended by Joseph, Herod's Brother.

ANtonius hearing of all those alterations that had befallen Herod, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 23. al. 25. had compassion of B his misery (bethinking himself of the estate and condition of great men, who are likewise subject to no less casualties) and the rather was he induced to do him good,Antonius lo­ved Herod, and hated Antigo­nus. both in remembrance of the friendship he had with Antipater his father, and also by reason of Herods promises of certain sums of money, if he were made King by his means,Caesar Augu­stus, Herods friend. as he had been formerly declared Tetrarch. But that which most moved him hereunto, was the hatred which he bare unto Antigonus, whom he accounted to be a mutinous man, and an Enemy to the Romans. On the other side, Caesar was well incli­ned to succor him, both in regard of those Armies which Antipater had brought into Egypt in his fathers service, as also because of the good hospitality and kindness that he had shewed him in all things; and especially to gratifie Antonius, who was well affe­cted C towards Herod. Whereupon the Senate being assembled, Messala and Atratinus brought forth Herod, Herod admit­ted into the Senate, and declared King, and after they had praised him, and recited the favors which the Romans had received by his father, and the great affection and good will which he bare to the people of Rome; they accused and declared Antigonus the Romans Enemy, not only for his ancient crimes, but also, that in contempt of the Romans, he had recei­ved the Kingdom from the Parthians. Whilst the Senate was sore displeased at the report of these things, Antonius arose, and declared openly before them all, that in furtherance of the Parthian War, it were not amiss that Herod should be made King: which opinion of his was generally allowed, and finally ratified. The principal de­monstration of the love and affection which Antonius bare unto Herod, Herod intend­ing the King­dom for his Wifes brother, enjoyeth the same himself. was, that he D not only obtained him the Kingdom, beyond all hope, for he never thought that the Romans would grant that dignity unto him, who were wont to reserve that honour to those of the Kings blood; and therefore he intended to have demanded it for his Wifes Brother Alexander, Herod ascend­eth the Capi­tol with An­tonius and Cae­sa [...]. and Nephew to Aristobulus by the Fathers side, and to Hircanus by the Mother (which Alexander, Herod afterwards put to death, as shall be declared in time and place) but also for that, within the term of seven dayes, he sent him out of Italy, with the unexpected titles of his felicity.

As soon as the Senate was risen, Antonius and Caesar went forth, leading Herod between them, and being accompanied by the Consuls and other Magistrates, went up into the Capitol to do sacrifice, and to place there this Decree the Senate had made as touching E this matter. The first day of Herod's Reign Antonius feasted him; and after this man­ner he was established King, the hundred and eighty fourth Olympiade, in the year wherein C. Domitius Calvinus twice Consul, and Caius Asinius Pollio were Consuls. Mean while An­tigonus besieged those that were in the Castle of Massada, who were plentifully furnish­ed with all things necessary (except it were water) for which cause Joseph, Herods family besieged by Antigonus in Massada. Herod's Brother, that was within, and Two hundred of his friends, had concluded to fly unto the Arabians: for that they understood that Malchus had repented himself of the fault he had committed against Herod. But whilst they stood upon these terms, God poured down a huge rain on a certain night, that in short time filled their Cisterns, so that they had no more necessity to fly; and from that time forward they took courage; and made F a sally upon their Enemies, in which they charged Antigonus's Soldiers after such a manner, sometimes in open field, sometimes by surprizal, that they slew a great num­ber of them.Ven [...]idius un­der [...] to help [...]seph, fsheth to [...] money of An­tigonus. At that time Ventidius, a Roman Captain, was sent into Syria, to drive the Parthians from thence, and after their departure he arrived in Jewry, making show that he would assist Joseph: but in effect all his pretence was to draw money from Antigo­nus. Being therefore encamped near unto Jerusalem, and having drawn sufficient mo­ney from Antigonus, he retired himself with the greater part of his Forces: and to the intent his deceitful dealing might not be discovered, he left Silo with a company of his Sol­diers: who likewise was honoured by Antigonus, lest he should be cause of some new trouble, before the Parthians, whose coming he expected should yield him aid.G

CHAP. XXVII.The year of the World, 3926. before Christ's Nativity, 38.
Herod being, returned from Rome, raiseth an Army, taketh some places, and besiegeth Jerusalem, but cannot take it; he defeateth the enemy in a great battel; the art he used to draw several of his Jews, who had hid themselves in dens, from Antigonus party; he marched with some troops to find out Antonius who was making war against the Par­thians. the five battels that he fought on the way; Joseph Herods brother is killed in a fight, and Antigonus caused his head to be cut off. The manner how Herod re­venged this death; he besiegeth Jerusalem where Sosius joyneth him with a Roman I army; during this siege Herod Marrieth Mariamna.

AFter that Herod was come from Italy by Sea to Ptolomais, and that he had assembled no small number of Soldiers both strangers and his own Country-men,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 24. al. 16. he marched forward against Antigonus, and passed thorow Galilee. Silo and Ventidius also gave him assistance in this action, having received direction by Gellius from An­tonius, Herod return­ing back out of Italy, leadeth forth his army against Anti­gonus. that they should assist Herod to recover his Countrey. But Ventidius was em­ployed in appeasing the troubles that were raised in the Cities by the Parthians: and as touching Silo he kept in Judaea, having been corrupted by Antigonus. But the further that Herod daily marched into the Countrey, the more his forces did increase; and all Galilee (except a very few) submitted themselves unto him.Herod assault­eth Joppe, and taketh it. Whilest he marched for­ward K towards Massada, (being moved thereunto, for to relieve his parents that were besieged therein) the City of Joppe would not grant him passage: for the Citizens thereof were his Enemies: so that it behoved him first of all to ruinate the same, to the end he might leave no retreat behind him for his Enemy, if he made toward Jerusalem. Upon which occasion Silo laying hold, dislodged his army and made thitherward: whom when the Jews did pursue Herod sallieth out with a small company, and put them to flight, and saved Silo: who could not resist any longer. Afterwards having seized on Joppe, he hasted forwards to deliver his friends that were besieged in Massada; but part of the inhabitants submitted themselves unto him for the friendship they had born unto his father:Many submit themselves to Herod. and others of them, for the honor that they bear unto him: the rest ad­mitted L his government, in acknowledgement of those favors they had received from them both. But the greatest part was moved thereunto by the hope they had conceived of their new elected King, and the confirmation of his Government. Thus by these means was his Army mightily increased.

Whilest thus he marched forward, Antigonus seized on those places that were fittest to lay ambushes in, or to fight at advantages by the way (notwithstanding that by those stratagems he did but small or no hurt at all to his enemy; so that Herod raised the siege, and relieved his friends out of the Castle of Massada: and after he had taken the Fort of Ressa, Ressa taken, & Massada deli­vered from the siege, after which Herod marcheth to­wards Jerusa­lem. he approached Jerusalem, being attended by Silo's Army, and by divers Citizens of the City, who were afraid of his power. And when he had M pitched his Camp to the westward of the City, those that kept the watch and guard on that side, shot their Arrows and threw stones against him: divers likewise sallied forth, and fought hand to hand against those that were planted there: For which cause first of all Herod caused a Proclamation to be made round about the Walls,Herod pro­claimeth about the walls of Je­rusalem, that he repaireth thither for the good of the people, and the common Weal. signifying unto them that he resorted thither for the common good of the people, and for the con­servation of the City, without intent of revenge or memory of any wrongs that his private Enemies had offered him, promising his most free pardon to all those who­soever had hainously offended him. Hereunto Antigonus made this answer (directing his speech to Silo and the Roman Soldiers) that contrary to all justice they gave the Kingdom to Herod, who was a private man, and an Idumaean (that is to say, a half N Jew) whereas it hath been a custome to bestow the same on them that are of the line of the Priests,Antigonus up­braideth Herod that he is but half a Jew, and of no Kingly Race. For albeit at that present they were displeased with him, for that he had seized on the Kingdom by the means of the Parthians, and had resolved with them­selves to dispossess him; yet that there were divers others of that Royal Race, who might be made Kings according to the law,The enemy repulseth He­rods power from the wall. who have no wayes misdemeanded them­selves towards the Romanes; and moreover there are Priests, who should not be justly and uprightly dealt withall, if they should be deprived of that honor which apper­taineth unto them. Whilest they debated the matter after this manner between them, and grew to hot and injurious taunts the one against the other, Antigonus commanded his men to assail those that were near unto the wall: who shooting many Arrows with O great courage against them, drove them easily from the Tower they kept.

At that time Silon gave manifest proof that he had been corrupted by money: for he sub­orned divers of his Soldiers, who cried out that they wanted victuals, and demand­ed greater pay for their maintenance, and requested that they might be placed in some [Page 386] convenient garrisons to winter in,The year of the World, 3929. before Christ's Nativity, 35. for that the places round about the City were desolate A because all necessaries for maintenance of life had been taken away and wasted by; Antigonus Soldiers. Thus was the whole Army discomposed; so that each of them prepared themselves to dislodge. But Herod importuned and cried out upon the Captains and Soldiers that were under Silons charge, telling them that it concerned them not to abandon him whom Caesar, Antony and the Senate of Rome, had sent thither: That for his own part he would give order that they should have abundance of whatsoever they demanded;Silon suborn­eth some of his Soldiers, to take an occa­sion to depart from Jerusa­lem. and immediatly after he deprived Silon of all colour and pretext of flight, for he caused an incredible quantity of victuals to be brought them; and com­manded his friends that inhabited the confines of Samaria, to bring them Corn, Wine, Oyl, Cattel, and all other such provision from Jericho, to the end that from that time B forward the Souldiers might want nothing. Antigonus was not ignorant thereof, so that he presently sent men thorowout the Countrey,Herod procu­red & furnish­ed the army with victuals and abundant munition. to intercept and surprize the purv [...]iors and victualars. Who following Antigonus command, assembled a great number of Sol­diers near unto Jericho, and encamping in the mountains, espied and watched those that brought the victuals. Mean-while Herod lay still, but took with him ten companies, five of Roman Soldiers,Antigonus sendeth out Soldiers to surprize He­rods victualers. and five of the Jews, with home he intermixed some forrain Soldiers, with some few horsemen, and came to Jericho; where being arrived, he seized on the Town, which was abandoned by the inhabitants, of whom five hundred with their Wives and Children were retired into the top of the mountains, whom he took, and afterwards set at liberty: but the Roman Soldiers, entring into their houses, and finding them full of all sorts of moveables,The Romans sent to their Garisons to winter. they plundred them. And the King C having left a Garrison in Jericho, dismissed the Roman Army to go and winter in the Countries lately surrendred unto him; namely, in Idumaea, Galilee, and Samaria. Anti­gonus also purchased his favour at Silons hands by store of bribes, that part of his Army was lodged in Lydda, all which he did to currie favour with Antony.

Whilest thus the Romans lived in all abundance and bare no Arms; Herod would not be idle, but sent his brother Joseph in Idumaea, with a thousand foot, and four hundred horse; and himself resorted to Samaria, where his mother and his other praents kept, who were removed out of Massada. After this he went into Galilee to surprize cer­tain Castles which were held by Antigonus Garrisons, and being arrived at Sephoris (during a great snow) after that Antigonus Garrisons were gone out of the foresaid D Castles,Robbers. he found a great abundance of all sorts of necessary provision, And there having notice of certain thieves, who inhabited in Caves, he sent a troop of horse, with three companys of foot,Herod fighteth with his ene­mies in Gali­lee, and over­cometh them, and bringeth all Galilee under his sub­ection. against them: whom he commanded to punish those rob­bers the place where they lay, was not far from a borough called Arbela: and fourty dayes after, he himself with all his Army marched thither, where the enemies charged him fiercely that the left wing of his squadaon retreated; but he coming on with his main battel, put them to flight, who were already almost masters of the field, and made those of his followers that fled, face about and to pursue their enemies as far as the flood Jordan: who fled some one way and some another; so that he drew all Gali­lee under his subjection, except those that lurked in the Caves. He distributed money E also amongst his Soldiers, and gave each Soldier an hundred and fifty drachmes, and far more unto their officers, and afterwards sent them to winter in Garrisons near at hand.

About this time Silon and his Captains,Antigonus re­fuseth to vi­ctual the Ro­mane army. who had passed the Winter in the said Gar­risons, came unto him Antigonus would no more furnish them with victuals: for he gave them maintenance for no more time then a month, commanding those that dwelt round about them, to spoil the Countrey, and afterwards to retire themselves into the mountains, to the end that the Romans might be destitute of necessary maintenance, and by that means might be consumed with famine. Herod gave Pheroras his youngest brother the charge of that provision, commanding him to inclose the fort of Alexandrion with F a wall; who speedily brought to pass that the Soldiers had all sorts of necessaries at command:Ventius▪ sendeth for Silon to War against the Parthians. re-edefied also the fort of Alexandrion which had been laid desolate. About that time Antony was in Hthenes, and Ventidius was in Syria, who having sent for Silon to accompany him against the Parthians, did first of all charge him to assist Herod in that War: and afterwards to excite the provincial confederates to further his War. But Herod dismissing Silon and his company to follow their destinated Wars with Ventidi­us, did in his own person lead out his Soldiers against those thieves that lived in dens. These Caves were situate in the most highest and inaccessible Mountains, impregnable through narrow paths environed with sharp Rocks, wherein the robbers inhabited secretly, with all their families. King Herod caused a certain number of Coffers to be G made fast to iron Chains, which he caused to be let down by an Engins from the top [Page 387] H hill to ascend the same from beneath,The year of the World, 3927. before Christ's Nativity, 37. neither from above to creep downward against them.) These Chests were filled with Soldiers, armed with great Hooks to draw these thieves unto them, and to break their necks headlong from the height to the bottom. But the use of these Coffers was dangerous, for it was necessary to let them down an infinite depth into the caves, especially for that the thieves had necessary provision among them: notwithstanding when they had gotten down none of the Thieves durst peep out of the mouths of their Caves,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap 25. but fear constrained them to hold themselves quiet. But a certain Souldier having girt his Sword by his side,Herod leadeth his Soldiers against those theeves that held the caves. and taken hold of the chain with both his hands whereto the Coffer was fastned, slid down as far as the entry of the Cave: and being displeased that none came out, he shot divers Arrows at those that were with­in, I Herod letteth down his Soul­diers from the top of the mountain in Coffers. and wounded them; and after that, with his hook he drew those unto him who re­sisted, and tumbled them down headlong from the steep Rock: which done, he rushed in upon those that were within the Cave, and slew many of them, and afterwards return­ed and rested himself in his Coffer. Divers hearing the groans of those that were wounded, were surprised with fear and dispair of their life, but the nights approach was the cause that the matter was not fully accomplished, and many of them getting notice of the Kings free pardon by a Herauld, submitted themselves. The next day they renewed and continued the same manner of fight, and divers went out of their Cof­fers to fight at the enterances of the Caves throwing in fire, which there being much fewel in the Caves, did great execution. Within these Caves there was a certain old man ap­prehended, K A certain old man killeth his wife and seven of his sons, and at last casteth himself headlong from the Rock. with his wife and seven Sons: who being desired by them that he would suffer them to go and submit themselves to their enemies, took up the entrey of the cave, and as his Sons advanced to get out he slew them all, and after them his Wife; and at last, when he had cast their dead bodies down the Rocks, he threw himself down headlong after them, prefering death to slavery. Yet before his death he reviled Herod bitterly, and upbraided him with his ignoble extraction: and although Herod (who saw all that which had happned) stretched out his hand unto him for pardon, yet he would not give ear to him; and by this means were all these Caves entred, and the theeves taken.

Now when the King had established Ptolomey General over the Army in that Countrey,Herod retireth toward Sama­ria, to fight with Antigo­mus. he retired into Samaria, with six hundred horse, and three thousand foot; with a resolution L to fight Antigonus, and to end their quarrel. But Ptolomey had but very slender success in his Government: for they that before-time had troubled the Countrey of Galilee sallied out upon him, and defeated him. After which execution they fled into the Marishes and unaccessible places, where they robbed and spoiled all the Countrey. But Herod returning and setting upon them, punished them: for he slew some of them, and the rest were constrained to flie into strong places, where he besieged them and entring their fortresses perforce, put them to the sword, and destroyed their fortifications: and having brought this rebellion to an end, he condemned the Cities to pay him the sum of one hundred talents. Mean while, Pacorus was killed in the War, and the Parthians were defeated with him;Herod punish­eth the Rebels in Galilee. which was the cause that Ventidius sent Machaeras to succor M Herod with two legions and 1000 horse by Antonius order corupted by Antigonus mony.Ventidius overcometh Pacorus and the [...]arthians in ba [...]el. But Machaeras was notwithstanding Herods disswasion, yet he went to him, alleadging that he did it to look into his actions. But Antigonus suspecting his sudden approach, entertained him not, but caused him to be darted at and driven thence, giving him to understand by his entertainment, what opinion he had of him, who at that time perceived plainly that Herod had given him good counsel,Machaeras kil­leth many Jews. and that himself had failed in misbe­lieving his advice: for which cause he returned to the City Emaus, and killed all those Jews whom he met withall in the way,Herod resol­ving to depart to Antonius, and to accuse Macharas, is reconciled by him and lea­veth his bro­ther Joseph with an army behind him. being much troubled at it whether friends or enemies, he was so highly displeased at that which had happned. Herod came to Samaria, resolving with himself to go to Antonius to complain of these grievances; and to tell N him that he had no need of such associates, who did him more harm than his enemies; whereas of himself he was able to make good his War against Antigonus. But Machaeras, hasted after him, entreating him to stay, and to go no further on that journey, and prayed him to leave his brother Joseph behind him, to go with him against Antigonus. By these perswasions and instant intreaties of Machaeras, he was somewhat appeased: so that he left his brother Joseph behind him, with an Army,; charging him no way to hazard his fortune,Herod repai­reth to Anto­nius at the siege of Sama­ria, and in the way killeth many Barba­rians. or to fall at odds with Machaeras. As for himself he hasted toward Antony, who at that time besieged Samotsata (a City situate near unto Euphrates) having with him an Army of his associates, both horse and foot. When Herod was arrived in Antioch he found divers men assembled there, who were desirous to go and seek out Antony: O but they durst not advance, for fear the Barbarians should set upon them in their journey. Herod encouraged them and offered himself to be their guide. When they were come two dayes journy off Samosala, the Barbarians laid an ambush for them, and had barred [Page 388] up the way with Hurdles, and had likewise hidden some Horsemen thereabouts, until the A Passengers had recover'd the Plain. Now when the foremost were past, the ambush con­sisting of about some 500 Horsemen, they suddenly charged Herod who was in the Rear; when they had broken the first Ranks whom they had met, Herod, with his Troop that was about him, immediately repulsed them; and after he had encouraged his followers, and whetted them on to the fight, he did so much, that he made those▪ that fled, to face about, and fight, so that the Barbarians were put to the sword on all sides. The King also pursu'd them so long, until at last he recover'd that which had been taken by them, which was a certain number of Sumpter-horses and Slaves. But being charged afresh by others, and they in greater number than those who encountred him at first, he like­wise B (rallying his Forces together) charged and overcame them; and killing divers of them, he secured the way to those that follow'd after, who all of them acknowledg'd him for their preserver.

When he drew near unto Samosata, Herod was ho­nourably en­tertained by Antonius and his Host. Antonius sent out the best of his Army to meet and honour him. As soon as he came to Antonius's presence, he entertain'd him kindly; and after he had heard that which had befaln him in the way, he embraced him, in admi­ration of his virtue, and did him great honour, as to him whom a little before he had raised to a Royal dignity. Not long after this, Antiochus surrendred the Fort of Samo­sata to Antonius, and upon this occasion the War was ended. Whereupon Antonius com­mitted the Province with the Army to Sosius: and after he had commanded him to suc­cor Herod, he departed into Egypt. Sosius therefore sent two Legions of Soldiers before C into Judea to succor Herod, and afterwards he follow'd with the rest of his Army▪

In the mean while Joseph is killed in Jewry, Sosius hath the army commit­ted to his charge by An­tonius, who departeth into Egypt. on this occasion that ensueth: For forget­ting his brother Herod's command which he gave him when he repaired to Antonius, he took five Companies of Soldiers which Machaeras had left him, and marching towards Jericho to gather in the fruits of the field, he pitched his Tents upon the Mountains: and for that the Roman Troops were but newly levied, and consisted of those Men who were untrained in the Wars,Joseph, Herods brother, is slain by Anti­gonus. and for the most part were gather'd out of the Countrey of Coelosyria; the Enemies having advertisement hereof, assailed and surprized him in cer­tain places of disadvantage,The Galileans revolt from Herod. where there was a hot skirmish between them, in which Jo­seph died fighting valiantly, and all his Army was defeated. The dead bodies being in D Antigonus's power, he cut off Joseph's head, notwithstanding that his brother Pheroras proffer'd him 50 Talents for the whole body.Machaeras for­tifieth Gath. Which done, the Galileans revolting from their Governors,Herod depar­teth from Daphne, a Sub­urb of Antioch into Galilee. drowned those of Herods party in the Lake; so that divers Commoti­ons and Troubles were raised in Jewry. Machaeras, he fortified the Castle of Gath. This misfortune of Josephs was reported to the King, in a certain Suburb of Antioch called Daphne, Herod fighteth with the Gali­leans, and overcometh them, and dri­veth them into a Castle. who, before the tydings, had already conceived some suspition and fear, groun­ded upon certain dreams, which gave him certain intelligence of his brothers death. De­parting therefore from thence with all expedition, he arrived near to the Mount Liba­nus, where he took about 800 Men with him, and the Roman Legion which he had, and from thence came to Ptolomais; from whence he departed with his Army by night, and E crossed Galilee with them. Whereupon the Enemies came forth against him, and were overcome by him, and shut up in a Fort from whence they were come out but the day before, where Herod assailed them by break of day: but being unable to do them any harm,The house wherein Herod solemnized his Feast, fell down when the guests were gone, without any mans de­triment. by reason of the bad Weather, he led his Men into the Villages near adjoining. But when Antonius's second Legion was come, and joined to his Forces, they that were with­in the Fort grew disheartned, and forsook the same by night. So that Herod marched with all diligence to Jericho, with an intent to revenge his brothers death; and being en­camped near unto the same, he banquetted and entertained the Officers of his Army: and after the Feast was ended, and he had dismissed his company, he withdrew himself into his lodging; in which place it appeared, how much God loved the King: for the roof of F the house where he had solemniz'd his Feast, fell down, without hurt, to any one whom­soever, for not one was left within it. Whence it came to pass, that each one persuaded himself that Herod was beloved by God, considering he had avoided so great and unex­pected a danger.

The next day,Herod wound­ed by his ene­mies. 6000 Enemies came down from the top of the Mountains to fight with him, who afrighted the Romans; and their forlorn hope chased Herods Soldiers with darts,Antigonus sendeth Pap­pus to Samaria and stones, who was himself also hurt in the Thigh with an arrow. Antigonus sent a Captain to Samaria, whose name was Pappus, with some Soldiers, intending thereby to signifie unto his Enemies, that he had more Forces than he needed. Pappus drew near to Machaeras the Roman Captain; and as for Herod, he took five Cities by force, and put G some 2000 of them that were in Garison to the sword; and afterwards (having set the houses on fire) he went out to encounter Pappus, who was encamped in a Borough cal­led [Page 389] H Isanas. The year of the World, [...]9 [...]9. before Christ's Nativity. 35. Divers that came from Jericho and Jewry submitted themselves to Herod; who drawing near the Enemy (who marched forward with great boldness, he fought them, and overcame them; and being inflamed with a great desire he had to revenge his brothers death, he pursued them that fled, and killed them even within their bor [...]ugh. These Houses were presently filled with Soldiers,Fight in the houses. and divers fled and hid themselves upon the tops thereof, who were at last taken; for the Roofs of the Houses were bea­ten down, whereby divers were killed by stones that were thrown at them from above; the most grievous spectable of all those that had hapned in those Wars, was, to see an in­finite number of bodies heaped up amidst the Rooms of the Houses.

This exploit of Herod did very much abate the courage of his enemies, who lost all I hopes of any better success for the future; for a man might have seen them flie away in whole droves: and had not a sudden and violent tempest fallen upon them, the trium­phant Army of Herod had immediately entred Jerusalem with assurance of victory, which had made an end of all that War.Herod being alon [...] and na­ked in his house escaped unhurt a­mongst m [...]ny armed [...]n [...]mies▪ For Antigonus had no other thoughts but to flie away, and to forsake the City. Now the night drawing on, Herod gave order for the Soldiers to eat; and himself being weary, retired into his Chamber to bathe, where he escaped a most evident danger through Gods providence; for being naked, and having no body within but one of his servants, three of the enemies who had his themselves for fear, started out with their Swords in their hands,Herod sendeth Pappus's head to his brother Phaeroras. and ran away, without daring to attempt any thing against the Kings person, so terrible was his presence to them, The next day K Herod caused Pappus's Head to be cut off, and sent it to Phaeroras to comfort him for the loss of his brother Joseph, Herod besie­geth Jerusa­lem. whom this Pappus had killed. When the Tempest was over, he departed from thence, and approached near to Jerusalem, and encamped near unto the City.Herod repair­e [...]h to Samaria to marry [...]lex­anders daugh­ter. This was about the third year after he had been declared King at Rome; and encamping in the places which were fittest for battery, he took up his own quarter be­fore the Temple, as Pompey had done formerly. Having therefore erected three bul­warks in three places, he built Towers thereon, by means of a great quantity of Wood, which he caused to be cut down round about the place: and having p [...]t the siege in a forwardness, he went to Samaria, to marry Mariamna, who was Alexander's daughter, and Aristobulus's Grand-daughter, with whom he had been contracted, as we have already L told you.

MNO

CHAP. XXVIII.A
Herod, assisted by Sosius, General of a Roman Army, taketh Jerusalem by force, buyeth the Plunder from the Soldiers, in favor of the City. Sosius taketh Antigonus Prisoner, and carrieth him away to Antonius.

AFter this Marriage was solemniz'd,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 26. Al. 27. Sosius repaireth thither through the Countrey of Phoenicia; and having first of all sent his Army through the Continent, he him­self also resorted thither with many Foot and Horse: thither also repaired the King from Samaria, Sosius and He­rod lead a mighty Army against Jeru­salem. with a considerable Army, to join with the old Bands; for he had about 30000 B Men. All these assembled themselves together near unto the Walls of Jerusalem, and planted their siege nigh unto the Wall of the City that extendeth towards the North­ward. The Army consisted of eleven Legions of Foot, with 6000 Horse, besides the Auxiliaries that came from Syria. Two Generals commanded this Army: namely, So­sius, who was sent by Antonius to succor Herod: and Herod himself, who made War for himself, with an intent that having dispossessed Antigonus (whom he had proclaimed Enemy to Rome) he himself might be King in his place, according to the Senates decree: Those Jews that were within the Walls (that is to say, almost all the Nation) resisted the Herodians with great courage, boasting much of the Temple of the Lord, and wish­ing all good success to the people; namely, that God would deliver them from all dan­gers:C and spoiling all provision without the City, that was either behoveful for the use of man and beast, by their secret excursions, they made the besiegers destitute of victu­als. Herod preven­teth the dearth Which inconvenience Herod prevented, having laid ambushes to out them off. As for victuals, he made much provision be brought from remote places; so that within a very little space they had abundance of all that which was necessary in the Camp. He erected also with no less care three bulwarks, by the diligent labour of a great number of Workmen: for it was Summer-time; and neither was the air incommodious, or neg­ligence of the Workmen such, but that they presently furnish'd and finish'd them. Af­terwards having raised their Engines upon them, they batter'd the Wall, with as much violence and diligence as was possible: notwithstanding all this, they did no wayes daunt D those that were within; who for their parts used all the cunning imaginable to defend themselves, and by divers sallies set on fire the Enemies Engines; and burnt not only those that were half made, but those that were wholly perfected: and when necessity drave them to close fighting,The Jews without fear resist those that besieged them. they shew no less valor than the Romans; but they were in­ferior to them in skill and martial discipline. And when as the first Wall was beaten down, they built up a new, and countermined against those Mines that were made by the Enemy, so that they fought under-ground hand to hand. Thus using despair rather than courage, they resisted to the uttermost; notwithstanding they were besieged by a great Army, and pressed by famine and want of victuals: for the year wherein the siege was continued was the seventh, in which the earth was unmanured, which by us is called E the year of rest. But at last, 20 chosen Soldiers first of all mounted upon the Wall, and after them one of Sosius's Centurions; for the first Wall was taken in the fortieth day after the siege, and the second on the fiftieth, and some galleries were burnt which were near unto the Temple: which (as Herod said) were burnt by Antigonus, to bring him into more hatred among the Jews. When the outward part of the Temple, and the lower part of the City were taken,The outward part of the Temple, and the lower Ci­ty taken. the Jews fled into the Temple, and into the higher Town, lest the Romans should hinder them from offering their daily and ordinary sacrifi­ces unto God: and they sent A [...]dors to their Enemies, to require that it might be lawful for them only to bring in certain beasts to offer them for sacrifices. VVhich F Herod their King granted them▪ The Jews fl [...]e to the upper City and the Temple Jeru­salem taken. hoping by this means that they would submit themselves, and yield up the places. But perceiving that his opinion failed him herein, and that they obstinately resisted him, to continue the sovereignty in Antigonus, he gave the assault, and took the City by force: where all places were presently filled with murthers, in that the Romans were displeased, because they had continued the siege so long; and the Jews that were on Herods side, enforced them utterly to destroy all those that were of the contrary party; so that slaughters ranged and reigned everywhere, both in porches, and in the houses whereinto they entred: Neither did the religious reverence of the Tem­ple save those Suppliants that resorted thither for safety, but without compassion both old and young were put to death: neither did their murthering hand spare or refrain from Women; nay, not so much as from young Infants. And although the King requested G them to forbear, yet no man gave over, but all sorts of persons were murthered by them, without respect either of sex or age. Antigonus inconsiderate of that estate wherein he [Page 391] H had been, or the fortune and disaster that at that present attended him, came down from the Tower, and humbled himself on his knees before Sosius's feet; who having no com­passion of the change of that estate wherein he saw him, outragiously mocked him, cal­ling him Madam Antigona: yet he left him not without guard after the manner of a Woman,Antigonus sub­mitteth him­self to Sosius. but fast bound for his further assurance. But Herod was busied in devising how he might moderate his associates and strangers, after he had the upper hand over his Ene­mies: for the strangers swarmed into the City, and not only into the Temple, but also into the Sanctuary. He therefore exhorted some, and threatned others, and restrained the rest by force of arms; and he was more troubled at that present in being a Conque­ror, than if he had been conquered: for that those things that were not lawful to be I seen, were beheld by prophane men. He prevented likewise the spoil of the City, as much as in him lay: beseeching Sosius most instantly, to preserve it to the utmost, asking him,Herod sore troubled in pacifying the strangers. If the Romans would leave him King of a Desart, after they had voided the City of men and goods? alledging furthermore, That he esteemed the government of the whole World of no value, The spoil of the City hin­dred. in regard of the life of one of his Citizens. Sosius answer'd, That it was reason that the pillage should be given to the Soldiers, who had born the hazard of the siege: whereunto Herod answer'd, That he would satisfie every man out of his own Treasury; and by this means, he ransom'd the rest of the City, by fulfilling those promises: for he gave many mighty gifts unto every one of the Soldiers, and by proportion unto the Captains; but above K all, he royally rewarded Sosius: so that every one of them departed very well satis­fied.

These calamities hapned in the City of Jerusalem, in the year wherein Marcus Agrippa and Canidius Gallus were Consuls,When Jerusa­lem was taken. which was in the 185 Olympiade, in the third month, on the dayes wherein the solemn Fast was celebrated; as if this affliction had jumpt to­gether in one instant with that of Pompeys, which had hapned that very day 27 years. Sosius offered a Crown of gold unto God, and afterwards departed from Jerusalem, lead­ing Antigonus Prisoner with him unto Antonius. But Herod fearing lest if Antigonus should be kept by Antonius, and sent to Rome, he should debate his Title with him before the Senate by protest,Herod bribeth Antonius with mony, to make away Antigo­nus. that he was descended of the Royal Line; whereas Herod was but a Plebeian and common person: and that although he had offended the Romans, and L thereby might not deserve to be King; yet at least his Children, who were of the Prince­ly Line,The end of the Asmonean fa­mily, and the extinction of their Priest­hood. were not to be denied their Title: Herod, I say, fearing these things, prevailed so much, by force of his money, with Antonius, that he caused him to put Antigonus to death, so that at that time Herod was truly deliver'd from all his fear. Thus ended the estate of the Asmoneans, after 126 years. This family was famous both for their Nobi­lity, and also by reason of their Sacerdotal dignity, and for the noble actions and exploits which their Ancestors had atchieved for our Nation; but they lost their authority through their mutual factions: which sovereignty was derived to Herod, Antipater's son, who was ignoble by birth, and of mean friends, who were subjects and vassals to Kings. See here what we have received from our Ancestors, as touching the end of M the race of the Asmoneans.

NO

The Fifteenth Book of the Antiquities of the JEWS;The year of the World, 3930. before Christ's Nativity, 34. A

The Contents of the Chapters of the Fifteenth Book.
  • 1. Jerusalem being overcome by Sosius and Herod, Antigonus is beheaded by Antony's commandment▪ Herod maketh away the chief friends of Antigonus.
  • 2. How Hircanus being dismissed by the Parthians, returneth to Herod.
  • 3. Herod, after he had made Aristobulus (his wife Mariamnes brother) High-Priest,B practiseth and worketh his death.
  • 4. Cleopatra thirsting after the Kingdoms of Jewry and Arabia, laboureth to beg a part of them at Antony's hands.
  • 5. The arrival of Queen Cleopatra in Judea.
  • 6. Herod maketh War against Aretas, at such time as Antony was overthrown by Caesar in the Actiac War.
  • 7. Of the earthquake in Jewry.
  • 8. Herod's Oration to his Army.
  • 9. Herod intending to repair unto Caesar, doth of necessity kill Hircanus. C
  • 10. How Herod obtained the continuance of his Kingdom of Judea at Caesar's hands.
  • 11. Herod maketh away Mariamne, through false calumniations of her Enemies.
  • 12. Of the famine that afflicted the land of Jewry.
  • 13. The building of Caesarea.
  • 14. Herod buildeth a new Temple in Jerusalem.

CHAP. I.
Antony causeth Antigonus, King of the Jews, to be beheaded.D

IN the former Book I have declared how Sosius and Herod took the City of Jerusa­lem by force,Herod prefer­reth his Favo­rites, and kil­leth his ene­mies. and with it Antigonus Prisoner: Now we will also declare that which hath subsequently followed; for after that Herod had obtained the abso­lute government over the whole land of Judea, he advanced all those among the common people,The Pharisees honoured by him. who favoured his proceedings: as for those who were opposed against him, there passed not a day wherein some one or other of them suffered not pu­nishment. Pollio fore­prophesied Herods Ty­ranny. But, amongst the rest, Pollio the Pharisee, and Sameas his Disciple, were high­ly honoured by him: For during the time of the siege of Jerusalem, they counselled the Inhabitants to receive and entertain Herod; for which cause, he respected them accor­dingly.E Some are of opinion that Sameas made this Prediction. This Pollio heretofore (when Herod was found guilty of death) foretold to Hircanus, and the rest of the Judges, That being absolved by them, he should one day inflict punishment on them all. Which Prediction God in process of time approv'd by the event: no sooner therefore became he Master of Jerusalem, The slaughter of them that were of Anti­gonus's faction. but he gather'd together all the rich Houshold goods that was in the Palace; and furthermore having robb'd the rich men of their goods, and by this means raised a great sum of gold and silver, he sent great Presents to Antony and his friends. Moreover, he condemn'd 45 of Antigonus's principal and noblest Favourites to death, setting a Watch about their doors, that none of them might be carried out under colour of being dead. The dead bodies likewise were trodden under foot: and all the gold,F silver, or jewels, that was to be found amongst them, was carried to the King, and con­verted to his use, so that there was no end of these miseries. For the covetousness of the Conqueror (whose greedy and thirsty desire could hardly be quenched) laid hold on whatsoever was theirs. And because it was the seventh year, it necessarily came to pass, that the Land was left uncultivated, for we are forbidden to sowe in this year. Antony having taken Antigonus Prisoner,Antigonus be­headed. resolv'd to keep him in Prison until the time of his tri­umph: Strabo of An­ [...]igonus. But after that he had heard the Jews were ready to rebel, and continu'd their good affection towards Antigonus, in regard of the hatred they conceiv'd against Herod, he concluded with himself to take his head from him at Antioch: for the Jews could scarcely contain themselves. Strabo of Cappadocia testifieth no less in these words:G

Antony having brought Antigonus the Jew to Antioch, caused his head to be cut off; and was the first among the Romans that hath caused a King to be beheaded in this manner, suppo­sing [Page 393] H that the Jews might never otherwise be induced to change their opinions, and receive Herod: yet this opinion of his was not answerable to equity. For notwithstanding whatsoever violence he did devise, yet could they not be induced to call him King, in so high esteem and account held they their former King. But Antony supposed that that infamy would obscure his renown, and lessen the general hatred they bare to Herod. See here what Strabo writeth.

As soon as the High-Priest Hircanus (who was Prisoner among the Parthians) heard that Herod had taken possession of the Kingdom,Hedio & Ruf­finus, c [...]ap. 2. he returned back unto him,Hircanus hea­ring tydings that Herod had obtained the Kingdom, re­turneth unto him. being deli­ver'd after this manner following: Barzapharnes and Pacorus, Princes of the Parthians, had taken Hircanus, who was first High-Priest, and afterwards King, and with him Phasaelus, Herods brother, and led them away Prisoners with them into their own Countrey: Phasae­lus I not able to endure the dishonour of imprisonment, and preferring an honourable death before a reproachful and ignominious life, murther'd himself, as I have heretofore declar'd.

CHAP. II.
Phraates, King of the Parthians, letteth his Prisoner Hircanus return into Judea; Herod, to make sure of him, contributeth hereunto, and giveth the High-Priesthood to a man of no account. Alexandra, Herod's Mother-in-law, and Aristobulus's Mother, addresseth her self to Cleopatra, to obtain this function for her son, through Antonius's means, Herod K discovereth it, gives that employment to Aristobulus, and feigneth to be reconciled to Alex­andra.

PHraates, Hircanus heigh­ly honoure▪ in Babylon by the Jews. King of Parthia, understanding how nobly Hircanus was descended▪ who was brought Prisoner unto him, entertain'd him graciously▪ and for this cause drew him out of Prison, permitting him to converse in Babylon, in which place there were a great number of Jews, who honour'd Hircanus very much, and no less than their High-Priest and King. The like also did all they of that Nation inhabiting as far as Euphrates, which did not a little content Hircanus. But after that he was advertised that Herod was posses­sed of the Kingdom,Hircanus lea­ving his Coun­trey, expecteth favor at He­rods hands. he transferred his hopes another way, being of his own nature ten­derly L affected towards his friends, expecting that one day Herod would requite him, for that he had deliver'd him from death whereunto he was condemned, and in danger like­wise of the penalty and punishment. He began therefore to consult with the Jews about his journey, who, in way of duty and love came to visit him, and who prayed him, and importuned him to continue with them, offering him all service and honour; assuring him, that he should in no less manner be respected among them than their High-Priest and King: yea, in far higher regard than he might any wayes be in his own Countrey, by reason of the maim he had in his body through Antigonus's tyranny; alledging, that Kings do not ordinarily call to their remembrance those pleasures that they have received in their mean condition, because that with their estates they change both their manners M and inclinations. But notwithstanding all these, or such like Allegations, yet could not Hircanus be withdrawn from the desire he had to repair homeward. Herod also wrote unto him, That he should require Phraates, and the Jews that inhabited his Kingdom, in no sort to envy his felicity, in that he should partake with him both in dignity and royalty; alledg­ing that the time was now come, wherein he might acknowledge the kindness he had received, by being heretofore nourished and preserved by him. Samaralla Herods Am­bassador to Phraates. With these Letters he sent Samaralla likewise, in quality of an Ambassador, to Phraates, furnish'd with great and rich Presents, endeavouring by that means to win him, that he in no wayes should hinder his good in­tent towards one that had so highly deserved it at his hands: yet his protestations were not answerable to his pretence. For insomuch as he governed not with that uprightness N which became a just King, he feared lest some alteration might befall him, according to his demerits: for which cause he sought to get Hircanus under his power, or at least wise to dispatch him out of his life, which he afterwards performed. When therefore Herod had persuaded the Parthian to dismiss Hircanus, Herod highly honoureth Hircanus. and the Jews to furnish him with money sufficient to bear his expence in his journey, he received him with all honour. In common Assemblies, he gave him alwayes the highest place; and in the time of Festi­vals, he made him alwayes sit down before him: and the more closely to deceive him, he called him brother,Herod giveth the High-Priesthood to An [...]nel. endeavouring by all means wholly to take away all colour and suspi­tion of treachery: neither omitted he any other stratagems, whereby he might any ways further or promote his cause; and yet by these means occasioned no small sedition in his O own family. For, fearing lest any one among the Nobility should be established High-Priest, he sent to Babylon for a certain man of a base extraction, called Ananel, and gave him the Priesthood. For which cause Alexandra grew suddenly displeased, not being [Page 394] able to endure that afront.The year of the World, 3934. before Christ's Nativity, 34. This woman was Hircanus daughter, and Alexanders wife,A who was King Aristobulus son, who had two children by her husband, the one very beauti­ful, who was called Aristobulus: the other was Mariamne, who was likewise fair, and married to Herod. She was highly displeased to see her son so much undervalued, that during his life another was called to the honor of High-priesthood: for which cause she wrote unto Cleopatra by the means of a certain Musician, beseeching her to beg the High-Priesthood at Antonius hands for her son.Alexandra sol­liciteth Anto­nius by Cleo­patras media­tion for the High Priest­hood for her son. Which Cleopatra did most willing­ly, but Antonius made little reckoning of those suits. A certain friend of his called Gellius, who was come into Jewry about certain of his affairs, and who had seen Aristobulus, fell in love with him by reason of his beauty: and admiring likewise his tall stature, and allured by Mariamnes admirable beauty, he openly protested▪ that he accounted Alexandra B a happy Mother in her children: and discoursing to this effect with her he perswaded her to send the pictures of her two children to Antonius; for that if he should but be­hold them, he would refuse him nothing wherein he should request his friendship. Alexandra perswaded by these words, [...]ent their pictures unto Antonius. Gellius also made the matter more wonderful, telling him that the children seemed rather to be in­gendred of no mortal strain,Antonius re­quireth Ari­st [...]bulus at Herods hands but by some divine power, endeavoring as much as in him lay, that Antonius might be allured to affection them. Who supposing it to be a matter ill beseeming him to send for Mariamne, who was married to Herod, and desirous likewise to avoid Cleopatras suspitions, wrote unto Herod, that under some honest pre­text he should send Alexandras son unto him (with this addition, if it might not seem C troublesome unto him.) Which matter when Herod understood, he thought it no waies safe for him to send Aristobulus, (who was a hansome young man, and little more at that time then sixteen years old, and so nobly born:) considering that Antonius was at that present in such authority, that no one in Rome was in greater credit then he; and who besides that,The causes why Aristobu­lus was not sent. was very much addicted to his pleasures, which he openly hunted after without fear of punishment in regard of his greatness and power. He therefore wrote him this answer, that if the young man should but only depart out of the Countrey, all the Land would presently be filled with War and Troubles, for that the Jews pretended alteration in Government, and sought to innovate by prefering a new King. When he had in this manner excused himself unto Antonius, he resolved to entertain both the D younger Aristobulus and his Mother Alexandra, with more respect. Moreover his Wife Mariamne did continually importune him to give the Priest-hood to her brother, alleadging that by that honour he might prevent the occasion of his journey. For which cause assembling his friends together in councel,Herod in­veigheth a­gainst Alexan­dra for preten­ding to usurp the Kingdom. he grievously accused Alexandra before them, protesting that she secretly conspired against the Kingdom, and that by the mediation of Cleopatra she laboured to dispossess him of the soveraignty, to the in­tent that her Son by Antonius meanes might Govern in his sted. Which practice of hers was so much the more unjust, because she deprived her own Daughter of that honour wherein she was, and raised up troubles likewise in that Kingdom which he had conquered with great labor, and extreme danger: Yet notwithstanding that he willingly E forgat that which was past, and forgave those wrongs she had done against him, and was ready notwithstanding to shew all kindness and courtesie both to her and hers. He gave the High-Priesthood to young Aristobulus, alleadging that heretofore he had established Ananel in that place for no other respect, than for that Aristobulus was under years.

After that he had thus seriously and considerately discoursed in the presence of the Ladies,Alexandra ex­cuseth her self [...] and having promise of the Priest H [...]od for her son, is reconciled to Herod. and consistory of his friends, Alexandra almost beside her self, not only through the joy she had conceived by this unexpected good fortune, but also for the fear she had to be suspected, began to defend her self with tears and protestations, saying, that all whatsoever she had either practiced or done, was to prefer her Son unto the Priesthood F whom she saw dishonoured: but as touching the Kingdom, that she had never pretended, neither would (if so be she should be presented therewith) receive the same, thinking her self for the present sufficiently honoured, both for that she saw Aristobulus in that estate, for the assurance that all her progeny should receive, in that he was raised up in dignity above the rest. Being therefore overcome by those favors, she accepted willingly the honor for her Son and shewed her self obedient in all things, requesting him that if she had committed any thing rashly and through inconsideration or passion, either in respect of her children, or by the loosness of her tongue, he would be pleased to pardon her. After these debates and interchangeable discourses on both sides, they shook hands the one with the other, in token of a more fixed and unfained friendship than was before,G burying (as they pretended) all evill suspition or cause of unkindness.

H CHAP. III.The year of the World, 3929. before Christ's Nativity, 35.
Herod deposeth Ananel from the dignitie of the High-Pristhood, and confereth it upon Aristobulus, he causeth Alexandra to be seized on and Aristobulus when they were about to make their escape by going to Cleopatra; he feineth a reconciliation with them and afterwards causeth Aristobulus to be drowned bestowing a costly funeral on him.

I HEreupon Herod took away the Priest-hood instantly from Ananel, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 3. who was not that Countrey-man born (as we have heretofore declared) but was born amongst those Jews that inhabit and were planted beyond Euphrates by the Assyrians. Herod taketh the Priest-hood from Ananel. For divers thousand Jews inhabited the Countrey of Babylon, and from thence took he his Original also, being otherwise of the race of the Priests, and well affected toward Herod for a long time before, with whom he had familiar acquaintance. He had prefered him to this honor when he was made King, and degraded him likewise, to appease the troubles of his famiely: demeaning himself herein contrary to the law of the Countrey: for whereas any one hath once been installed in that degree, he is never to be displaced. The first that transgressed this Ordinance,The Priest-hood taken from three. was Antiochus Epiphanes, who dispossessed Josuh and prefered his brother Onias to this place. The second was Aristobulus, away from his K brother Hircanus, and usurped it himself. Herod was the third, who gave the Priest-hood to Aristobulus establishing him in Ananels place before he was dead: and by this means supposing that he had found out a remedy to appease the discords of his family, he not­withstanding all this lived not without suspition what event would follow after this re­conciliation: for he feared Alexandra, lest demeaning her self as she had done, she should seek occasion hereafter to raise new troubles.Alexandra su­spected by Herod, is spied and watched, and her actions observed. He commanded her therefore to contain herself within the royal Palace, and to do nothing of her own authority. Besides that he had appointed certain intelligencers, who should diligently observe that nothing should be done without his knowledge, no not concerning her particular ex­pences and table. All which things exasperated her against Herod, for being full of L feminine pride, she disdained to see her self thus wrongfully suspected desiring rather to suffer any thing, than to be deprived of the liberty of free speech, and under colour to be honoured, to live continually in servitude and fear. Whereupon she sent some of her trusty friends to Cleopatra to complain and lament the insuportable miseries of her present estate, entreating her according to her power, to give speedy relief. Where­upon Cleopatra sent her word, that both she and her Son should resort unto her into Egypt with as great secrecie as might be possible. Upon which advice she practised this policy.Alexandra pretending to flie into Egypt is betrayed by her servant. She caused two Coffins to be made, such as men were wont to bury their dead in, in which she hid her self and her son, comanding those servants of hers that were privy to her design, to carry them out in the night time, and to go directly towards M the Sea, where there was a Bark in readiness prepared to convoy them into Egypt. But Esop one of her houshold servants declared this enterprize of hers to Sabbion on of Alexandras friends, supposing that he had been made privy thereunto: who had no sooner inkling thereof, but (for that beforetimes he was Herods enemy, by reason he was suspected to have been one of those that sought to poyson Antipatar) he resolved by discovery of this secret flight to convert Herods hatred into friendship: and presently discovered Alexandras secret enterprize to the King. Who dissembling the matter until it was upon the point of execution, surprized her at such time as she thought to fly, and yet notwithstanding▪ he pardoned her that fault (in that he durst not decree any punishment against her, though he could have found in his heart to have used severity) N for that Cleopatra would not have contained her self, had she but had such an occasion offered her to express her hatred against Herod. Herod con­triveth Aristo­bulus death. For which cause, under the colour of a high and magnanimous spirit, he made shew to pardon her of his meere clemency: yet inwardly resolved to destroy young Aristobulus; yet not rashly upon the instant, lest the act should grow apparent and palpable.

Now the feast of Tabernacles was at hand, which was one of those that was cere­moniously and solemnly celebrated among us; for which cause he concealed his in­tents during the festival dayes, intending both in himself, and in the presence and com­pany of the people, to follow all kind of pleasure and delight; yet his envy incited him to hasten the execution of his will. Aristobulus was at that time some seventeen O years old who when he approached the Altar to offer sacrifices, according to the law, apparelled in the High Priests Ornaments to perform the ceremonies, he (who for amiable countenance and good stature, surpassed the tenderness of his years) expressing [Page 396] in his countenance the dignity and Nobility of his Race,The year of the World, 39 [...]1 Before Christ's Nativity, 33. drew the eyes and good affections A of all the people unto him; so that they openly called to remembrance the noble actions of Aristobulus his Grand-Father. All the people being therefore surmounted by their affections, and at that present time being all of them overjoyed▪ they brake out by little and little into acclamations, mixt with wishes and prayers: so that the good will the people bare to Aristobulus discovered it self openly, and they manifestly (although too hastily in such a Kingdom) declared what evils they generaly endured: For all which causes Herod concluded to execute that which he had plotted against Aristobulus. As soon therefore as the feast was over-passed, he went into Jericho, where Alexandra entertained him. In that place he used Aristobulus with all kindness to draw him to secure some place, playing with him, and counterfeting to sport, after the fashion B of the young men, to gratifie him. Now the place where they sported being too hot they quickly wearied left their sport, and went out together to take fresh air, and finding a pleasant shade under certain Arbours, and near certain fish-pools, which were largely spred round about, they beheld certain of their Servants and Friends that swom therein, with whom not long after Aristobulus began to swim, being perswaded there­unto by Herod. Whereupon Herods confederates (who were deputed to execute the murther) laid hands on him and thrust him under the water pretending to duck him, in sport, and never gave him over untill such time as they had stifled him in the water. This hapned about the evening, and after this manner died Aristobulus, after he had lived in all for the space of eighteen years, and administred the Priest-hood one whole C year:Aristobulus is drowned by Herods dire­ction. Ananel restored to the Priest-hood. and after this, Ananel presently recovered his former dignity.

When this accident was reported to the women, all of them burst out in tears, and were transported with strange lamentations, which they uttered over the dead body. All the City also was mightily troubled, neither was there any private family that thought not it self touched by this inconvenience, but imagined the loss in particular to concern himself and no other. But above all, when Alexandra had notice of this wicked deed she was more passionate and perplexed than any other, being so much the more discom­forted for that she knew how all things had hapned. But the fear of a far greater mischief constrained her to repress her passion, so that divers times she was ready to bereave her of her own life,The lamenta­tion for Ari­stobulus death. and dispatch her self out of misery with her own hands.D But she contained her self, to the end, that surviving, and living after her son, who was so fraudulently destroyed, and prolonging her own life, without giving any suspiti­on or shadow, that she might with more opportunity expect the occasion to revenge her self: For which cause she dissembled all things, concealed her grief, and made shew that she knew nothing of that which was either intended, or had hapned. As for Herod, he laboured by all means to perswade the strangers, that this death had befallen Aristobulus without his knowledg; and did not only prepare that which was requisite for the funeral, but made shew to be truly sorrowful; and it may be, that in remembrance of Aristobulus beauty and flourishing young years, he was realy touched with compassion, notwithstanding,Herods coun­terfeit sorrow. that he imagined that his death should be a means of his own security,E demeaning himself in all things circumspectly, with intent to purge himself of that crime: But especially, he shewed his great magnificence in the interring of his body, both in the furnishing and preparation of the Herse, as in the perfumes and other things thereunto belonging, in such sort, as the grief which the Ladies had conceived was pacified after this manner of consolation.

FG

H CHAP. IV.The year of the World, 393 [...] ▪ before Christ's Nativity, 165.
Herod is obliged to repair to Antonius, to clear himself from Aristobulus's death; he win­neth him with Presents: He gave order, before his way-going, to his Brother-in-Law Jo­seph, to put Mariamne to death, if Antonius should condemn him to die. Joseph revealed it imprudently to this Princess; and Herod put him to death, for being jealous of him, and Mariamne. Cleopatra's unsatiable ambition and avarice.

BUT none of all these things could either move or mollifie Alexandra, but daily more and more she increased her sorrow, and in the height of her tears kindled her wrath with a desire of revenge.Alexandra cer­tifieth Cleopa­tra of Herods Treasons and her sons trai­terous mur­ther. She therefore acquainted Cleopatra by her pri­vate I Letters of Herods Treasons, and her sons most miserable, and untimely death: Cleopatra long before that time desirous to assist her, and having compassion of her misery, undertook the matter, and ceased not to incite Antony to revenge Aristobulus's death; telling him, that it was an unpardonable errour, that Herod being created King in such a state, whereunto he had no right, should be suffered to practice such conspira­cies again the true and lawful Kings. Antony perswaded by these her words (as soon as he came to Laodicea) sent for Herod, to the end, that making his appearance he might answer that which might be objected against him, concerning Aristobulus's death: for he disliked the act, notwithstanding, that Herod himself had attempted it. But although Herod was afraid of this accusation, and did not a little suspect Cleopatra's displeasure K(for that she ceased not continually to provoke Antony against him) yet he obeyed his commands, and transported himself thither (the rather for that he durst not otherwise do;) notwithstanding he left his Uncle Joseph behind him, committing the Govern­ment both of the Kingdom,Herod ready to repair unto Antony, com­mandeth Jo­seph, to whose charge he committed the Kingdom, to kill his wife. and his private estate unto him; giving him secret instru­ctions to kill Mariamne, if so be, that Antony should happen to do him any mischief. For he loved her so extremely, by reason of her beauty, that he supposed himself wrong­ed, if after his decease, she should be beloved by another; and he openly declared, that all that misery which befel him, proceeded from Antonies passion, and intire affe­ction, and admiration of her beauty, whereof he had formerly heard some report. As soon therefore, as he had disposed his affairs, notwithstanding he had little hope of L good hap, yet he repaired to Antony.

But Josepth governing that Kingdom that was committed to his hands, conversed divers times upon this occasion with Mariamne, and communicated oftentimes with her, not only about publick affairs, but also to do her that honour which so great a Princess deserved. Therefore as he secretly convers'd with her, witnessing the friendship, and ardent affection which Herod bare unto her; He found, that neither she nor Alexan­dra did credit any such thing, but rather laugh'd at it. For which cause, Joseph being too forward to express the Kings good will towards her, proceeded so far, that he dis­covered the commands that was given him; thereby to make manifest, that it was not possible for Herod to live without her, and that if any inconvenience should happen un­to M him, he would not in death also be dis-joyned from her. This discourse of Josephs was not interpreted by the Ladies, as a demonstration of his good will, but rather, as a manifestation of Herods wickedness; who dying, desired also that they should perish; and interpreted, that which he had spoken, as the testimony of his tyrannical and ma­licious heart. At that time there was a rumour spread in the City of Jerusalem by He­rods Enemies, that Antony had so tormented him, that he was dead. Whereupon all those of the Kings house were troubled, and especially the Ladies; so that Alexandra incited Joseph to forsake the Palace,A foolish ru­mour of He­rods death and take the Ladies, and retire under the protecti­on of the Roman Legion, who at that time, was about the City, for the security of the Kingdom, under the Conduct of the Tribune Julius, to the end first of all, that if any trou­ble N should happen in the Kings house, they might be by this means in safety, having the Romans to be-friend them; and afterwards, for that they hoped that if Antony should see Mariamne, she might obtain at his hands whatsoever she desired, and that he would re­store the Kingdom unto her, and deprive her of nothing that concerned her, or was answerable to her Royal estate.

But whilst they were in these deliberations, there came Letters from Herod, contrary to those reports,Herod appe [...] ­seth Antony by Presents, and certifieth his friends by Letters of his health. and all mens expectation. For as as soon he came unto Antony he com­passed his favor by his many Presents, which he had brought with him to that intent from Jerusalem, and suddenly debated the matter with him, he appeased him so, that he was no more displeased against him: and from that time forward, Cleopatra's speeches O were but coldly received in regard of his so ample satisfaction. For Antony said, That there was no reason that a King should be answerable for that which he had done in his King­dom; for that in so doing, he should no more be King: but that when the honour is once [Page 398] given him, The year of the World, 3930. before Christ's Nativity, 3 [...]. he hath the authority likewise left him to use his regal Power. Urging further,A That it concerned Cleopatra likewise her self, not to search too curiously into the affairs and Government of Kingdoms. Herod shewed all this by his Letters, and signified further, what other honours he had received at Antoni's hands in Assemblies and Feasts, to which he invited him always; notwithstanding that Cleopatra seemed to be displeased there­with, detracting him; and being desirous to get the Kingdom of Jewry into her hands, strove, with all means possible, to put him to death: but that he had found Antony always an upright man, and feared not henceforward that any evil should befal him: and return­ing presently upon this, he brought with him a more ample testimony of Antony's most assured affection, both in respect of his own Kingdom, and of his particular affairs.B And as touching Cleopatra, she pretended not to seek any further than that which she had because that Antony had given her Coelosyria instead of that which she had deman­ded, forbearing thenceforward to mention Jewry any more, because that Antony wholly rejected those suits.

After these Letters came unto their hands, the trouble and disturbance wherein they were, and the desire to retire unto the Romans, as if Herod had been dead, was whol­ly extinguished. Yet their resolution was not hidden from the King; for his sister Sa­lome, and his mother informed him of every particular at his arrival, after he had par­ted from Antonius, Joseph and Mariamne ac­cused before Herod. who was marching against the Parthians. Salome likewise spake against Joseph her husband, and slandered him, objecting against him, that he had Mariamnes company. All which she spake through malice, for that in a certain debate, Mariamne C had, in her rage, despightfully hit her in the teeth with her obscure birth. Herod (who was always inflamed with the earnest affection which he bare unto his wife Mariamne) was suddenly troubled hereat: and although jealousie pressed him forward, yet love restrained him, and kept him from doing any thing rashly, for which cause he called Mariamne aside, and demanded of her in secret, what familiar company she had kept with Joseph? She by solemn oaths, and by all possible allegations in her own defence, appeased the King by little and little,Mariamne ex­cuseth and purgeth her self before the King, and is reconciled. and pacified his choller. For he was so transported with the love that he bare unto his wife; that he believed she had sufficiently purged her self of those slanders, that had been forged against her; yielding her most hearty thanks for her honest affection towards him, and declaring unto her openly, the great esteem D and love that he bare unto her. At length, (as it often falleth out amongst Lovers) they fell to tears, and embraced each other with great affection: for that she gave him no credit, he endeavoured the more to draw her to belief. Whereupon Mariamne said unto him: It is not the act of a Lover to have commanded, that if any thing should be­fall thee otherwise than well with Antony, I should presently be put to death, notwithstanding I have no wayes offended thee. No sooner were these words out of her mouth, but the King entred in a strange passion, and giving over his embraces, he cryed out with a loud voice, and tore his hair, saying, That he had a most evident proof that Joseph had commit­ted adultery with her: for that he would not have discovered those things which he had spoken to him in secret, except they had greatly trusted one another. And in this emotion or rage E of jealousie he hardly contained himself from killing his wife.Herod com­mandeth that Joseph should be slain, and imprisoneth Alexandra. But the force of love overcame him so much, that he bridled his rage, notwithstanding it was grievous and irksome unto him. Yet he gave order that Joseph should be killed without either audi­ence or justification of his innocency: and as touching Alexandra, who was the cause of all these troubles, he kept her Prisoner.

About the same time there hapned troubles and revolutions in Syria: for Cleopatra continually sollicited and importuned Antony, Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 9. and whetted on his displeasure against all; perswading him to remove them from their Governments, and bestow the same on her self. And for that Antony loved her extremely, she was in great estimation and credit with him: and being in her own nature inclined to covetousness, she abstained from no F kind of corrupt dealing and wickedness.Cleopatra very covetous. For knowing that the Kingdom should descend unto her brother,Cleopatra murthered her brother and sister. she caused him to be poysoned, when as he was but fifteen years old; as for her sister Arsinoe, she caused her to be slain by Antony's means, being at her prayers in the Temple of Diana in Ephesus. Moreover, in what place soever she understood that there was any hope to get money, whether it were in robbing of Temples, or in breaking open of Sepulchres, she would be possessed thereof: neither was there any re­ligious place so sacred, from whence she took not away the Ornaments. There was not any thing so prophane and prohibited, which she laid not hands on to satisfie her un­bribled avarice. Neither was the whole World sufficient enough to content this state­ly Lady, who was so much a slave to her own desires, and her disordinate appetite, that G all the riches in the World were not able to satisfie the same. For this cause, she con­stantly importuned Antonius to take from others, to be liberal towards her: and there­fore [Page 399] H entring into Syria with him,The year of the World, 932. before Christ's Nativity▪ 32. she presently contriv'd how she might get it into her pos­session. For she caused Lysanias, Ptolomeys son, to be put to death, objecting against him, that he had private intelligence with the Parthians. She begged Jewry also at Antonius's hands, and required him besides that, to dispossess the Kings of Arabia, He was so possessed by this Woman,Cleopatra contriveth Ly­sanias's death. that he seemed not only to be bewitched with her words, but also inchanted by her poysons, to obey her in whatsoever she thought fit: yet he was ashamed to commit so manifest injusties, lest being so far over-ruled by her, he should happen to offend in matters of more consequence.Antonius gi­veth Cleopatra a portion de­ducted out of Jewry and A­rabia. Lest therefore, either by denying her, he should disoblige her, or by condescending to her demands, he should seem to be the wickedest man alive; he deducted a several portion of both their dominions, and presented her with the same. He gave her likewise, those Cities that are scituate between the floud Elutherius and Egypt, except Tyre and Sidon, which he knew to be free Cities of long continuance: although by earnest sollicitation, she thought to seize these also.

CHAP. V.
Cleopatra goeth into Judea, and used all her endeavors (but in vain) to make Herod fall in love with her. Antonius having conquered Armenia giveth her great Presents.

K AFter that Cleopatra had obtained all these things,Cleopatra co­meth to Herod, who instateth her in that part of Arabia and those reve­nues of Jeri­cho that were given her. and had accompanied Antonius as far as Euphrates, who at that time went to make War in Armenia: she returned back again, and by the way, visited Apamea and Damasco, and at last, took her progress into Jewry: where King Herod met with her, and assured that portion which had been given unto her in Arabia, with all the revenues of Jericho, unto her. This Countrey bringeth forth that balm which of all other ointments is the most precious, and onely groweth in that place;An intempe­rate woman given to lust. and also the finest Palm-trees in the World. Being arrived in that place, and grown inwardly familiar with Herod, she sought to allure and draw him to her lust; being of her self naturally addicted to such pleasures and intemperance, or ra­ther (as it seemeth most likely) she laid this foundation to intrap him, under colour to L revenge her self of some injury by that means. But in effect, she generally manifested, that she had a passionate love for Herod; but he was not so kindly bent towards Cleopa­tra; knowing how badly she was inclined towards all men; and at that time he concei­ved the greater hatred against her,Herod goeth about to put Cleopatra to death, and is dissuaded by his friends. because, by that intemperance of hers, she pretended to destroy him: and although, that from the beginning, he had rejected her sollicitati­ons; yet he resolved to be reveng'd of her, if so be by these her subtil undermindings she should continue her policies to betray him. He asked counsel of all his friends▪ whether having her in his possession, he should put her to death. For in so doing, all those should be delivered from divers evils, whom either in time past she had mo­lested, or hereafter she should bring in trouble. Moreover, that it should be profitable for M Antonius also, whom without all doubt she would forsake, if any occasion or necessity should enforce him to make tryal of her friendship. But whilst he debated and discoursed upon this resolution, his friends disswaded him; assuring him that it was far below a Prince of his worth, to cast himself into so manifest peril, beseeching him to attempt nothing rashly:Antonius con­quereth Ar­menia. For that Antonius would not endure the same, notwithstanding, it might be approved that it stood with his profit: nay, rather, that by this means he should encrease his desire. Further, that no one colour of excuse should be left him, in that she was the Woman of the greatest Note and Nobility of that time; and that whatsoever profit might redound unto him by her death, it would be an affront to Antonius: Whereby it most evidently appeared, how great damages would befal to the Kingdom, and the N Kings family also; advising him, to humour her in all things, except in her unlawfull re­quest. Herod bring­eth Cleopatra onward on her way towards Egypt. By these, and such reasons, and probable conjectures, they deterred and disswaded him from adventuring upon this apparent danger, and attempting so hainous an act: so that contrariwise they induced him to offer Cleopatra many rich Presents, and to con­duct her onward on her way towards Egypt.

As soon therefore, as Antonius had made himself Master of Armenia, he sent Artaba­zes, Tigrane's son, with all his children, who were great Princes, Prisoners into Egypt, and presented them to Cleopatra; with all those precious Jewels likewise, which were taken by him or found in the Kingdom. But Artaxias his elder son (who at that time had saved himself by flight) reigned in Armenia: whom Archelaas and Nero the Empe­peror O drove out of his Kingdom, and placed his younger brother Tigranes in his room, as it shall be declared hereafter. As for the Tributes of the Countreys which Herod was bound to pay unto Cleopatra, for the lands bestowed on her by Antonius, he, without [Page 400] deceit,The year of the World, 3933. before Christ's Nativity, 31. justly paid them, supposing it to be very suitable to his security, to continue A himself in her good favor. As for the Arabians, they seeing that Herod had the levying of such a Tribute, payed him for some little time 200 Talents a year, but afterwards they grew slow and negligent in their payments, and scarcely satisfied the half.

CHAP. VI.
Herod intendeth to go to assist Antonius, against Augustus; but Antonius obligeth him to follow on his design against the Arabians: so he entreth their Countrey, giveth them Bat­tel, and gaineth it; but looseth a second, when he thought to have win.

ARetas demeaning himself thus ungratefully, and refusing to do that which in right B he ought to perform; Herod made shew to take Arms against him, but deferred his revenge, in regard of the contentions amongst the Romans. For at that time no­thing else was expected but the Actian War (which fell in the hundred and eighty seven Olympyade) in which Augustus Caesar determined to try his Title with Antonius for the Monarchy.Herod levieth an Army, to assist Antonius against Octavi­an. In the mean while Herod, who had already for many years been Master of a peaceable and fruitful Countrey, from whence he drew rich Revenues, and many Forces; gathered divers Forces with the greatest expedition that he might, to suc­cor Antonius. But he by Letters signified unto him, that he had no need of his assistance: notwithstanding,Herod is inci­ted by Letters to the Arabian War. he commanded him to make a road upon the Arabians, whose perfidi­ous dealing Antonius had not only understood by Herod himself, but also by Cleopatra's advertisements. For she very cunningly conceived, that it would redound unto her C profit, if one of these two should overthrow the other. Herod according to these in­structions from Antonius, returned back into his Countrey, and retained his Army al­ways ready about him, and presently invaded Arabia, and with his Forces, both Horse and Foot, came directly to Diospolis, where the Arabians (having notice of his intended War against them) came out to meet him. They fought a most cruel Battel, wherein, at last the Jews had the upper hand. After this, a great Army of the Arabians assembled them­selves at Cana, a certain place in Coelosyria. Whereof, when Herod was fore-advertised, he marched forth against them,Herods Battels and Conquests. accompanied with the greater part of his Forces. As soon as he drew near to Cana, he resolved to incamp in that place, and after he had well for­tified and intrenched his Forces, to set on the Enemy with the first opportunity: but D whilst he employed himself in the execution hereof, all the Army of the Jews cryed out, re­quiring him without delay, to lead them forward against the Arabians, and were so encouraged, both in respect of the confidence they had in the good conduct and or­dering of their Army, as in regard of their forwardness, who had been actors in the former War, and partakers of the Victory; so that they scarce gave their Enemies leisure to stand to their Arms. When Herod perceived that the heat and forwardness of the Souldiers could hardly be appeased; he thought good to make use of the rea­diness of his Army, and arming himself, he marched on Head of his Army in battalia; This sudden approach danted the Arabians: For although, for a while, they made head against them; yet perceiving their Enemies full of heart, and themselves unable E to resist them, divers of them retreated, and betook themselves to flight: so that all them had been utterly defeated, had not Athenio endamaged Herod and the Jews. For he having the command of that Army which Cleopatra had in that place; and besides that,Cleopatra's Chieftain o­verthroweth Herod. bearing a privy grudge to Herod, disposed his Army in a readiness, and expecting the event of the Battel, resolved with himself to contain his Forces if the Arabians overcame the Jews; and so if they had the worst (as indeed it came to pass) to set up­on the Jews, who should be spent by that time; and surprising them unawares, even in the height of their hope of good success, to massacre them with fresh supplies. When the Jews had spent all their strength against their Enemies, and expected nothing less than the assurance of the Victory,The Arabians returning to the Battel, kill those that fly, and take the Camp. he charged, and overcame them, who had retreated F into certain rough, and difficult places (whereunto their Enemies were better accusto­med than themselves) being grievously wounded by the Arabians, who returned back, and set upon them, divers of them that fled were killed; and of those that escaped, few of them recovered the Camp. Herod losing the hope of this Battel, posted on Horse­back as fast as he could, to bring on fresh supplies: but notwithstanding all his expe­dition and diligence, yet could he not recover the place in time. The Camp of the Jews was taken and sacked, and the Arabians obtained no small success, beyond their expecta­tion. From that time forward Herod began to make certain incursions into Arabia, preying on the Countrey, and doing them much mischief. He incamped himself likewise upon the Mountains, forbearing to draw his whole Forces into the field; and G by his diligence and industry, his labours were not fruitless; for prevailing in some ex­ploits, he put his Men in a capacity to recover their former losses.

H CHAP. VII.The year of the World, 935. before Christ's Nativity, 19.
A terrible Earthquake happeneth in Judaea. The Arabians attack the Jews, and kill their Ambassadors who were sent to treat of a Peace.

AT such time as Caesar and Antony made trial of their titles in the Actian War,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 6. and in the seventh year of the Reign of King Herod, An Earthquake in Judaea kil­leth ten thou­sand men. there hapned such an earthquake in the Countrey of Judaea, that never the like was seen in any other place: so that divers beasts were slain thereby, and many men were overwhelmed with ruines of their I houses, and perished to the number of ten thousand. Only the Soldiers received no damage, because they encamped in the open field. The Arabians hearing tidings there­of which were far greater by report, than they were in effect, by such, who in favour of the Arabians, and hatred of the Jews, reported the same, grew proud: yea, so much was their courage increased hereby, as if all the Cities of Jewry had been already over­thrown, The Arabians kill the Am­bassadors of the Jews. and the men thereof extinguished; and as if they had no adversaries remaining alive to oppose them. For which cause laying hold of those Ambassadors of the Jews, who came unto them to Treat of Peace in their desperate condition, they killed them, and afterwards in the heat of their spleen, set upon their Enemies Camp. But the Jews not daring to expect or prevent their assault, for their present miseries had so de­jected K their spirits, seemed to neglect their Common-weale, and in a manner to dis­pair of their safety.Herod com­forteth the Jews that were out of heart for their former losses. These thus affected did the King encourage, and called unto him the Captains, and (as much as in him lay) reviving their drooping spirits; and when he had restored some to better hopes, at length he attempted to speak unto all the Army, who in the former overthrows would yield to no perswasion. These he did both comfort and exhort in such manner as followeth.

CHAP. VIII.
King Herods Oration to his Soldiers, by which he doth so incourage them that they give L the Arabians a terrible overthrow and oblige them to take Herod for their Protector.

FRiends and fellow Soldiers,Herod com­forteth and exhoiteth his Soldiers. there is not one of you but knoweth, how many mis­fortunes have hindred our progress of late, which are able to wearie and amaze men of the greatest resolution. But since we must needs fight, and that all those things that have befallen us unto this present, are of that nature, that by your own valour they may be recovered; I have resolved to inform, and confirme you in those means, whereby you may retain and continue your accustomed valour and cou­rage.

First of all therefore (as to our War) it consisteth on just grounds,The cause of War against the Arabians. for we are inforced M thereunto through the insolence of our Enemies: the Knowledge whereof should chiefly make you recover your courage. Secondly, I will apparently prove unto you, that our condition is not so desperate, but that we have great and assured hopes to obtain the victory. First of all therefore, I will discourse of that which formerly I proposed, and will make your selves judges of those things which I will discourse upon. For you are privy to the Arabians unjustice, and how perfidious they are to their friends, and impious and barbarous towards all men; but especialy they have always troubled us, provoking us through their extreame avarice and maligant envie, with perpetual injuries. And yet to let slip all other our benefits to that Nation, who is he that delivered them from their imminent peril and thraldom, that was hazarded by Cleopatras means, but our selves? For the friendship I had with Antony, N and his benevolence toward me, was the cause that their burthen of miseries was so lightned; Antony forbore to commit anything that might draw us to suspition.

Besides, after she had wrought him by her solicitation to cut off certain portions of the two Kingdoms to be given unto her, the matter was so handled by me, that by divers presents par­ticularly bestowed upon him by my hands, I have obtained security for us both, and by disbur­sing two hundred talents of mine own, and giving my word for two hundred more for others, for the Revenues of that very Land which in time past was ours, and these now possess and enjoy. Notwithstaanding, reason it were in my opinion, that we that are Jews should not be tributaries, or give any portion of our Countrey to any man; and if we must needs do it, it ill becometh us to pay it for these, who enjoy their lives by our means. It should not be O reasonable for the Arabians, who after they had confessed with many plausible protestations and thanksgivings, that they enjoy their liberty by our benefit, to have deprived and thrust us from our own, and to have unjustly dealt with us; yea even with us, I say, who were not their [Page 402] Enemies,The year of the World, 3935. before Christ's Nativity, 29. but rather on the contrary side their chiefest friends in the time of Peace. And if A fidelity should be respected even amongst those that are our most hated Enemies, much more necessarily ought it to be observed by those that are friends. But these men set light thereby, who think nothing honest, but that which is annexed with lucre; and think no wrong un­excusable, that hath but a shew of profit. Is there any question then, whether we should chastise these unjust men by a just War? since both God commandeth no less, and enjoyneth us al­wayes to hate outrage, and revenge injustice, especially in that War which is not only just, but necessary. For that which both in the confession of the Grecians, and opinion of the Bar­barians is most hatefull and heinous, this have they perpetrated in murthering our Am­bassadors. Legates invio­lable. For the Greeks say, that Ambassadors are sacred and inviolable, and we our selves have received our wholsome and holiest precepts of the Law of God by Angels, that is, from B his Heraulds and Messengers: for this name can both bring God to mans knowledge, and re­concile Enemy to Enemy.

What Impietie therefore is more unpardonable, then to put those Ambassadors to death, who bring tidings of right and justice? or what prosperity can they expect either in their Wars, or felicity in their whole lives, after so hainous a crime? Truely I cannot imagine any: But perhaps some man will say,With whom­soever justice is, there is God also. that right and equitie is on our side; but that the greater num­ber of men and means are with them: but this their speech is unworthy of my followers. For with those with whom justice is, with those also is God; and where God is, there neither wanteth multitude nor fortitude. But let us wade further, and weigh our own own forces by themselves. In the first Battel we had the victory, in the second, upon the first charge we C put them to flight, and found them unable to make their party good against us. Afterwards, when the victory was ours, behold, Athenio, not by lawful War, but by subtil treachery as­saulted us: But shall this be called their valour, or rather their fraud and second iniquitie? why therefore should we have less courage, who ought to have the greater confidence? or why should we fear them who are alwayes inferiours, if they fight openly, and without fraud; and when they seem to overcome, they do it by unjustice?

Moreover, if any man suppose them to be valiant, this should the rather incite them more and more unto vertue; for it is no honour for a generous and noble minde to overcome his inferiour, but to have meanes and might to conquer his superiour, And if any one be terrified by our domestick and homebred miseries, and by our late earthquake, first of all let him think D with himself, that he erreth in that which deceiveth the Arabians by supposing the same to be more grievous and terrible then indeed it was. And afterwards let him think, that it be­cometh them not to draw matter of fear from thence, whence the other took occasion of courage. For as touching themselves they conceive not any hope thorow any good that is in themselves, but only in the trust they have that we are already dejected by our calamities. But when they shall see us march forth against them, their courage will be weakned, and our confidence by this means shall be awakened, for that we are not at this time to encounter with desperate men: For neither are we overmuch afflicted; neither (as some think) hath this misery befallen us through Gods displeasure, but these are the casualties of fortune. And if by the will of God these things are come to pass, it is marvel if by the same will our calamity cease not; and that E our punishment should not satisfie his displeasure. But that this present War is approved by him for just, he himself hath evidently declared. For whereas divers thorow the whole Nation have been oppressed by the earthquake, none of you that bear Arms have incurred any mischief; but all of you have been preserved, which is a manifest token of the will of God; and if your Children and Wives had generally followed the Wars as you do, none of you should have been wanting. When as therefore you shall have bethought your selves of these things, and more­over in regard that God hath at all times an especiall care over you, fail not to pursue this in­jurious Nation with a just war that neither respecteth the laws of friendship nor keepeth the league of of covenant; valiant in murthering sacred Ambassadors; and abject and villanous, where things are to be attempted by valour.F

These perswasions of his did not a little encourage the Jews to the battel, and made them more forward then before. As For Herod, after he had offered sacrifice, according to the custom, he drew his Army forth, and led them with great confidence against the Arabians, and passing Jordan, he encamped near unto the Enemy, with an intent to surprise a Fort Situate between them both; making this account that it would further him much, either if presently he should be drawn forth to fight, or if it con­cerned him to march forward, for that this place should serve him to encamp in with more security. The same resolution also had the Arabians, for which cause they fell to skirmish in that place,The Arabians are overcome by Herod. wherein the first on both sides that gave the charge, and after­wards some other followers were killed: so that those of the Arabians side being G overcome betook them to retreat. This success of theirs bred no little hope in the Jews, who seeing the Enemies Army addressed to attempt any thing rather then to [Page 403] H fight grew the more bold to assail the Arabian in his trenches, and beat him from his camp. They being forced by these assaults drew forward to their defence in great disorder, bringing neither courage nor hope of victory with them: yet notwithstand­ing they defended themselves, both in regard of their great number, as also in respect of that necessity whereunto they were inforced by the Jews. The skirmish on both sides was hot, and divers on either party were put to the Sword: but in the end, the Arabians being put to the worst, turned their backs. The slaughter was so great, that they not only perished by their Enemies Swords, but they themselves murthered one another in the croud, and disorderly flight, in which they were troden under foot, and lay murthered in a manner by their own weapons. So that, in that defeat there fell some five I thousand: the rest fled on the other side of the Rampire: but being overpressed with want of victuals, and especially with lack of water, they had not any ground or as­surance to escape. After them posted the Jews, and being unable to recover the for­tress with them, they begirt the camp with a siege, and shut up all the passages that no succor could come unto them, and took from them all opportunity to escape, although they would have gone away.

When as therefore they saw themselves reduced into such extremity, they sent Ambassadors unto Herod, first of all to demand a truce: and afterwards for that they were oppressed with thirst, to crave some remedy for their present necessities. But he neither respected the Ambassadors, neither the proffered ransome for the Captives, K nor any other whatsoever reasonable demand, desiring earnestly to revenge himself of those injurious treacheries they had practised against his Ambassadors. Being therefore inforced by thirst (which amongst other plagues most grievously af­flicted them) many of them forsook their Trenches,The Arabians enforced by thirst, require truce at Herod [...] hands. and offered themselves to bonds and to be led away Captives; so that within five dayes space four thousand of them yielded themselves Prisoners. On the sixth day, all the rest determined to sally out, and assail the Enemy; rather making choyce of assured death, then thus lingringly and ignominiously to pine away. When as therefore they had all concluded hereupon, they incontinently brake out of their Trenches, but like unapt Soldiers for a skirmish, decayed not only in body, but in courage; reputing their death for advantage, to L escape thereby their extream misfortunes. For which cause upon the first onset, about some seven thousand of them were killed: and thus the fierceness of this Nation being allaied by this overthrow, they submitted themselves to Herod, whom to their own sorrow they had approved to be a valiant Souldier.

CHAP. IX.
Antonius is overcome by Augustus in the Battle of Actium; Herod put Hircanus to death, his pretence for it, he resolveth to repair to Augustus; his orders before his way going.

M HErod puffed up with his successful fortune,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 7. returned back into his own Countrey, having obtained great reputation by his valour and vertue. But when he sup­posed his State to be most assured,Herod dismai­ed at Antonies overthrow. he grew in danger both to lose his dignity and life, by reason of that victory that Caesar obtained against Antony in the Actian War. For at that time he not only supposed himself to be utterly overthrown, but both his friends and Enemies that were round about him lost their hopes, for that it was un­likely that he should escape unpunished with Antony. Whereby it came to pass, that his friends could not conceal their despair, and his Enemies under their colourable and dissembled griefs, covered their joy, promising themselves thereafter a better and N pleasing administration of the Common-Wealth. Hereupon Herod perceiving that ex­cept Hircanus, Herod deter­mineth to make away Hircanus. there was not any one of the blood Royal alive, determined to cut him off, resolving with himself, that if he hapned to escape the danger, a man who at that time was worthier the Kingdom then himself, should not claime the Crown: and if any misfortune should befall him in regard of Caesar, he desired to dispossess Hir­canus of the Kingdom, in regard of the envy which he bare him, for that he was the only man who deserved to be advanced to that dignity.Alexandra sol­liciteth Hira­nus her father to require assi­stance at Mal­chus hands. Whilest thus he was torment­ed in his thoughts, he had an occasion offered him by Hircanus own followers to execute his intention. For Hircanus being of a milde and gentle nature, during all his life-time O forbare to entermeddle with State affairs, committing all things to fortune, and con­tenting himself with whatsoever condition it pleased her to allot him.

But Alexandra being an ambitious woman, and unable to conceal with modesty the hope she conceived of change, sollicited her father that he should not any longer [Page 404] endure the subiection of Herod, who was the very scourge of their family, but rather A that he should stand upon his own guard, and reserve himself to his better fortune. She gave him counsel to write unto Malchus, who had the Government of Arabia, re­questing him to grant him both protection and entertainment; for that if Herod should chance to be cut off by Caesars displeasure, doubtless the Kingdom would return unto him, both in regard of his Nobility, as also of the peoples favour. These perswa­sions of hers Hircanus, at the first repulsed, but afterwards being overcome by the im­portunity of the woman,Alexandra sol­liciteth Hirca­nus her father to require assi­stance at Mal­chus hands. who ceased not day and night to sing the same Song of future hope, and of Herods Treasons, he gave certain Letters to a friend of his, written to the Arabian, wherein he required him to send him certain Horsemen, who might conduct him to the Asphaltite Lake, which lieth distant from the confines of Jerusalem some three hundred Furlongs. And therefore he committed these Letters to Dositheus trust, both B for that he favoured Hircanus and his Daughter,Three hundred furlongs con­tain nine Ger­mane Miles. and seemed likely for divers causes to hate Herod: for he was Josephs kinsman, who was killed by Herod; and not long before, certain of his Brothers were put to death amongst others at Tyre by Antonies command: yet for none of those considerations continued he faithful to Hircanus. For he pre­ferring the present favour of the King that then reigned to the rest, discovered the Letter unto the King; who first of all giving him thanks, required one office of friend­ship more at his hands; which was that folding up the Letter, and sealing it he should conveigh and deliver the same to Malchus, and return his answer, for that it neerly con­cerned him, if he knew his resolution also. Which when Dositheus had diligently per­formed, the Arabian returned this answer, for that it neerly concerned him, if he knew C his resolution also.Hircanus by Herods com­mands is put to death. Which when Dositheus had diligently performed, the Arabian returned this answer, that he was ready to entertain both himself and his whole family, and all those Jews likewise which were of this faction, promising to send him a band of Soldiers, who should be able to conduct him safely thither, and should be obedient to his com­mand in all things. Now as soon as Herod had seized on these Letters, he called for Hircanus and demanded of him whether he had any confederacy with Malchus: he de­nied it, but Herod protesting and bringing forth his Letter in an open assembly, command­ed him afterwards to be put to death. Thus are these matters Registred in Herods com­mentaries: for by some they are delivered otherwise, namely, that he was executed, not for this crime which he had committed, but for some Treasons against the King. For D they Write to this effect, that Herod at a certain banquet (dissembling his suspition) demanded of Hircanus, whether he had received any Letters from Malchus: and that he answered, that he had received Letters, but such as contained nothing else but compliments.Hircanus dieth guiltless. He asked him also whether he had received any present: and when he had answered, that he had received nothing but four Coursers for his Saddle: the King wrested this to a Capitall offence of corruption and treason,Hircanus life. and commanded him presently to be led to death. Now that he died guiltless, they alledge this for a most approved argument; namely, his gentle disposition, who evenin his youthful years never gave sign or appearance of rashness, or pride, or signification of audaciousness, no not even then when he had the royal government in his hands, but in the freedome E of authority disposed of the most things by Antipaters advice. But at that time he was more then fourescore years old, and knew that Herods estate was secured: and that there is no likelyhood that he would remove from beyond Eufrates where he lived in great repute, to live under Herods Jurisdiction, or to engage in any trouble contrary to his humor, and so far different from his nature; so that all these things seem to be fained by Herod.

Thus ended Hircanus life, after his variable and adverse fortunes, wherewith dur­ing all his life time he was afflicted. For when his mother Alexandra lived he was cre­ated High Priest of the Jews, and obtained that honor for the space of nine years: and after his mothers death, he had scarcely governed the Kingdom for the space of three F months, but that he was expulsed by his brother Aristobulus; and afterwards restored by Pompeys assistance, and receiving all his former honours, he lived in full possession of them for the space of fourty years. After this he was once more dispossessed by Antigonus; and being maimed in his body, lived certain years in captivity among the Parthians: from whence not long after he returned home; and though he had many things promised him by Herod, yet after so many alterations of fortune, he obtained nothing at his hands; and that which amongst all the rest is most of all to be lamented, as we have said, he was unjustly put to death, an innocent, and in his old age. For he was a lover of justice, and an observer of perpetual modesty, and governed his Kingdom for the most part by other mens direction, being only guilty in himself of ignorance and the love G of idleness. Truly, Antipater and Herod by this mans goodness obtained so great riches: For which deserts of his, against all Law and right, he was cruelly put to death.

[Page 405] H But Herod, after Hircanus's death, addressed himself to perform his journey towards Caesar: and having little hope of any good fortune, in regard of his friendship with An­tonius; he grew desperately jealous of Alexandra, lest she taking opportunity of the time, should incite the people to rebel, and fill the Kingdom with domestical sedition: for which cause,Herods dispo­sition of his affairs before he repaired to Caesar. committing the Government to his brother Pheroras, he left his mother Cypros, his sister, and all his Kindred in the Castle of Massada, and commanded his bro­ther, that if any misfortune should befal him, he should retain the Kingdom in his own hands, and maintain it. As for his Wife Mariamne, for that by reason of certain dislikes betwixt her, his mother and sister, he left her with her mother, in the Castle of Alexan­drion, and committed them to the custody of his Treasurer Joseph, and Sohemus the Itu­rean, I and with her, the keeping of his Castles, both which, had always been his faith­ful friends, and to whom, in way of honour, he committed the custody of these Prince­ly Ladies. But he gave them also this command, That if they should be certainly in­formed, that any sinister mishap had befallen him, they should presently kill them both, and to the utmost of their power continue the Kingdom in his Children, and his Bro­ther Pheroras.

CHAP. X.
Herod speaketh so generously to Augustus, that he obtained his favor; he accompanieth him K into Egypt, and receiveth him with such an extraordinary magnificence, that it put him in repute with all the Romans.

AFter he had in this sort given order for all his affairs,Herod cometh to Caesar, and declareth unto him what plea­sures he had done Antony▪ promising him no less duty and love, if so be he might be received in­to his favor. he took shipping to Rhodes, to meet with Caesar. And as soon as he arrived in that City, he took the Crown from his Head, and laid it apart, but as for his other Princely ornaments, he changed them not; and being admitted to Caesars presence, he gave a more ample testimony of the great­ness of his courage than ever: for he neither addressed his speech to intreat his favor (ac­cording to the custom of suppliants) neither presented he any request, as if he had in any sort offended him, but gave account of all that which he had done, without being daun­ted L in the least.

For he freely confessed before Caesar, that he had intirely loved Antonius, and that to the utmost of his power he had done him service, to the end that he might obtain the soveraign­ty and the Empire of the World; not by joining his Forces unto his, in that he was otherwise im­ployed in the Arabian War, but in furnishing him both with Wheat and Money, and that this was the least office which it behoved him to perform towards Antonius; for that being once his professed friend, it behoved him not onely to imploy his best endeavors on his so Princely bene­factor, but also to hazard both his head and happiness to deliver him from perils. All which (said he) I have not performed according as I ought to have done; yet notwithstanding I know, that at such time as he was overcome in the Actian Battel, I did not alter my affection with M his fortune: neither did I restrain my self; for although, I befriended not Antonius with my presence and assistance in the Actian War, yet, at least I assisted him with my counsel, assu­ring him, that he had but one onely means left him for his security, and prevention of his utter ruine, which was, to put Cleopatra to death, for that by cutting her off, he might en­joy her estate, and might more easily obtain his peace, and pacifie thy displeasure against him. And for that he gave but slender regard to these my admonitions by his own sottishness and in­discretion, he hath hurt himself and profited you, because, as I said, he did not follow my counsel. Now therefore (O Caesar) in regard of the hatred which you bear unto Antony, you condemn my friendship also. I will not deny that which I have done; neither am I afraid freely and publickly to protest how much I have loved him: but if without regard of persons N you consider how kindly I am affected towards my benefactors, and how resolute and constant a friend I am, and how mindful of kindness, the effect of that which I have done may make me known unto thee: For if the name be onely changed, the friendship notwithstanding may remain, and deserve a due praise.

By these words (which were manifest testimonies of his resolute and noble courage) he so inwardly indeared himself unto Caesar, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 8. who was a magnificent and worthy Mo­narch, Caesar confirm­eth Herods au­thority. that he converted this his accusation into an occasion to win and work him to be his friend: for which cause Caesar, setting the Crown upon his head, exhorted him that he should no less respect his friendship, than he had in former times Antonies: and with­al, did him much honour; certifying him moreover, that Capidius had written unto O him, how much Herod had assisted him in his Wars that he had with the Monarchs of Syria. Herod seeing that he was thus entertained, and that contrary to his expectation, the Kingdom was more surely confirmed unto him, than before time, both by Caesars [Page 406] bounty; and also by the decree of the Senate,The year of the World, 3935. before Christ's Nativity, 29. which he had practised to obtain, for A his greater assurance, accompanied Caesar as far as Aegypt, presenting both himself and his friends with many rich gifts, beyond the proportion of his estate: endeavoring, by these means, both to win their favor, and to shew also the greatness of his courage; requiring moreover at Caesars hands,Herod condu­cteth Caesar to­ward Egypt, and presenteth him with many sumptuous gifts. that Alexander, who was one of Antonies dearest friends, might not be sought out to be punished: yet notwithstanding, he could not obtain the same, by reason of an Oath that Caesar had past before he sollicited him. That done, he returned back again unto Jewry, with greater honour and assurance than before; whereby he struck them with wonderful amazement, who expected his contrary success, as if by Gods special providence he alwayes over-went his dangers,Herod enter­taineth both Caesar and his Army very he­roically. to his great ho­nour. Therefore he prepared himself to entertain Caesar, who returned out of Syria, B to take his journey into Egypt, and received him at Ptolomais, with all Royal honour, and gave his Army Presents with all abundance of Provision: so that he was accounted for one of Caesars most affectionate friends, and rode about with him, when he took the view of his Army; he entertained him also, and his friends with One hundred and fifty Men, adorned with most rich and sumptuous apparel. And for that they were to pass thorow a Countrey, wherein there was great scarcity of Water, he furnished them with both Water and Wine; so that they needed neither of them. He gave Caesar also Eight hundred Talents,Herod giveth Caesar 800 Ta­lents. and so royally satisfi'd he all Men, that they confessed them­selves to have had a far greater entertainment, than the Revenues and Profits of his King­dom could afford them. By which means, he gave the more ample testimony of his C forward friendship, and free affection to deserve well: and making use of the oppor­tunity of the time, he obtained the reputation of a Prince of an heroick and noble spi­rit; so that he was held inferiour unto no man, for the good entertainment which he gave to the chiefest Romans in their return from Egypt.

CHAP. XI.
Mariamne giveth Herod so cold a reception when he returned from Caesar, that being join­ed to the aspersions which Herod's mother and sister laid upon her, he had infallibly caused her to be put to death at that very instant: But he is engaged to return to Augustus; he put-her to death at his back-coming. The business of Alexandra, Mariamne's Mother.D Herod's despair after Mariamne's death; he falleth dangerously sick. Alexandra en­deavoureth to make herself Mistris of the two Forts of Jerusalem; he made her be put to death, and Costobarus, and others follow; he instituteth Plays and Shews in Honor of Augustus, by which, he doth so irritate the most part of the Jews, that ten of them un­dertak to kill him; he putteth them to death: He buildeth many Forts, and rebuilds a very fine, and a strong Town upon the ruins of Samaria, which he names Sebaste.

BUT as soon as he returned unto his Kingdom,Mariamne and Alexandra displeased with Herod. he found all his Houshold troubled, and both his Wife Mariamne, and her Mother Alexandra grievously displeased with him. For they supposed (and not without cause) that they were not shut up in that E Castle for their securities sake, but as it were in a Prison; so that, in as much as they neithay might make use of other Mens, nor enjoy their own goods, they were highly discontented. Mariamne also supposed that her Husband did but dissemble his love, ra­ther for his own profit than for any entire affection he bare towards her. But nothing more grieved her, than that she had not any hope to live after him, if so be, he should happen to die, especially for the order he had left concerning her: neither could she ever forget what commands he had before that time left with Joseph; so that by all means possible, she laboured to win the affections of those that had the charge of her, and especially Sohemus, knowing very well, that her safety depended wholly on his hands. Who in the beginning behaved himself very wisely and faithfully, containing himself F very circumspectively within the bounds of his commission; but after these Ladies had with pretty presents, and feminine flatteries, wrought and mollifi'd him by little and little, at last he blabbed out all that which the King had commanded him;Sohemus dis­covereth the Kings secrets. especially, for that he hoped not that he should return with the same power and authority, which before he had: and for that cause he thought thus in himself, that without incurring any dan­ger in regard of Herod, he might greatly gratifie the Ladies; who in all likelihood should not be deprived of that dignity wherein they were at that time; but would re­turn them the like kindness when Mariamne should be Queen, or next unto the King. Furthermore, he hoped, that if Herod also should return with all things answerable to his desires, that he would perform nothing without his Wifes consent; or upbraid him G with the act, if she contradicted: for he knew too well that the King loved her so, that it was impossible to equal or express his affections; and for these causes he disclosed [Page 407] H the trust that was committed unto him. But Mariamne was very sore displeased to hear that there was no end of her miseries, but they were altogether united and tied to the dangers of Herod; and she oftentimes wished that he might never more return again in safety, supposing that her life with him should be very intolerable: all which, she af­terwards dissembled not, but openly confessed that which afflicted her with discontent. For when as Herod, beyond all expectation, arrived in his Countrey, being adorned with mighty fortune, he first of all, as it became him, acquainted his Wife with his good tydings, and happy success, whom onely amongst all other his friends and Wives, he embraced and saluted,Herod but coldly enter­tained by his wife Mariam­ne. for the pleasing conversation and affection that was in her. But she, while he repeated unto her these fortunate events of his affairs, rather entertained I the same with a displeasant attention, than applauding joy: Neither could her great sincerity cover the agitation of her mind. For when he folded his arms about her neck, she unfolded her sorrow in her sighes; so simple and unfeigned were her affecti­ons; and seemed rather to be displeased than appeased by his narrations. Whereupon Herod was sore troubled,Herod's sor­rows to see his wifes affections distracted and changed. perceiving these things not onely suspected, but also fully mani­fest: but above all things, he was distracted, when he considered the incredible and apparent hatred that his Wife had conceived against him, which incensed him so, that he could not resist the love that had attainted him; so that he neither could continue in wrath, nor listen long to peace, and being unresolved in himself, he now was attemp­ted by this; straight distracted by a contrary affection: so much was his mind tossed be­tween K love and hatred, when oftentimes he desired to punish the womans pride, his heart by loves mediation failed him in the enterprize. For nothing did more tor­ment him than this fear, lest executing his displeasure against her, he should by this means more grievously wound himself,Herods sister and his mother incense the King by sland [...] ­rous reports against Mari­amne. through the desire he bare unto his deceased delight. Whilst thus he was tortured in his passions, and conceived sinister opinions against Mariamne his Wife; Salome his sister, and his mother, having an inkling of his discontents, thought that they had gotten a fit opportunity to express and execute their hatred towards Mariamne: for which cause they conferred with Herod, and whetted his spleen and dis­pleasure with variety of slanders, sufficient at one assault to engender hatred, and kindle his jealousie against her. To these reproaches of theirs he lent no unwilling ears; yet L he had not the heart to attempt any thing against his Wife, or to give free credit to their report; notwithstanding his displeasure increased, and was inflamed more and more against her, for that neither she could colour her cares and discontents, nor he con­tain himself from exchanging his love into hatred: and perhaps at that time he had published some fatal doom against her, had not a happy messenger brought him word, that Anthony and Cleopatra being dead,Anthony and Cleopatra slain. Caesar was become Lord of Egypt: for which cause,Caesar Lord of Egypt. hasting forward to meet and entertain him, he left his family in that present estate. Upon his departure, he recommended Mariamne to Sohemus, giving him great thanks for the care he had had of her,Sohemus ho­noured by He­rod with dig­nities. and granting him in way of gratuity a part of Jewry to govern.

M When Herod was arrived in Egypt, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 9. and had friendly and familiarly conferred with Caesar, he was highly honoured by him: for Caesar gave him those four hundred French men that were of Cleopatra's guard;Caesar enlar­geth Herods dominions. and restored that part of his Countrey unto him again, which was taken away, and spoiled by her. He annexed also unto his Kingdom Gadara, Hippon, and Samaria, and on the Sea Coasts, the Cities of Gaza, Anthedon, Joppe, with the Tower of Straton: which when he had obtained, he grew more migh­ty than before: and after he had accompanied Caesar as far as Antioch, he returned into his own Countrey. Upon his arrival, he found that fortune which was favourable un­to him abroad, too froward at home, especially in regard of his Wife, in whose affe­ction he seemed to be most happy. For he was as inwardly touched with the lawful love of N Mariamne Mariamne, a froward wo­man. as any other of whom the Histories make report; and as for her, she was both chaste and faithfull unto him; yet she had a certain womanly imperfection and na­tural frowardness, which was the cause that she presumed too much upon the intire af­fection wherewith her husband was intangled; so that without regard of his person, who had power and authority over others, she entertained him oftentimes very outragiously: All which endured he patiently, without any shew of discontent. But Mariamne up­braided, and publickly reproached both the Kings mother and sister, telling them, that they were but abjectly and basely born.

Whereupon there grew a great enmity, and unincoverable hatred between the La­dies; and from thence also, there arose an occasion of greater accusations and calumni­ation O than before. These suspitions were nourished amongst them, for the space of one whole year after Herods return from Caesar; and at length, this long contriv'd hatred brake out violently, upon this occasion that ensueth: Whenas about mid-day the King [Page 408] had withdrawn himself into his Chamber to take his rest,The year of the World, 3936. before Christ's Nativity, 28. he called Mariamne to him to A sport with her, being incited thereunto by the great affection that he bare unto her. Upon this his command she came unto him; yet would she not lie with him, nor enter­tain his courtings with friendly acceptance, but upbraided him bitterly with her fa­thers and brothers death. The King took these reproachful words in very evil part, and was almost ready to strike her: but his sister hearing a greater stir and noise than was usual, sent the Butler, who long before that time was suborned by her, whom she commanded to tell the King, that Mariamne had prepared a drink for him to incite and quicken him unto love. Charging him moreover, that if the King in hear­ing him speak of this potion, should seem to be moved therewith, that then he should proceed further in his discourse. He therefore (being in this manner before-hand in­structed B what he ought to do) at that very instant was sent to discover his treachery unto the King; for which cause with a sober and stayed countenance he entred in un­to him, being seriously and well prepared to discourse, and told him, that Mariamne had bribed him to present his Majesty with an amorous cup of drink. Now when he perceived that the King was troubled with these words, he prosecuted his discourse, alledging that the potion was a certain medicine which Mariamne had given him, the vertue whereof he knew not, which he had received according as he had told him, know­ing that it concerned both his own security, and the Kings safety.

Herod, who before this, was highly displeased, hearing these words, was so much C the more incensed: for which cause, he presently commanded Mariamne's most faith­ful servant to be examined by torments, as concerning the poison, supposing that it was impossible for her to undertake any thing whatsoever without his privity. He being tried and tormented after this cruel manner, confessed nothing of that for which he was tortured; but declared unto the King, that the hatred which his wife had con­ceived against him, proceeded from certain words that Sohemus had told her. Scarce­ly had he finished these words, but that the King cryed out with a loud voice, say­ing, That Sohemus, who before time had been most faithfull, both to him and his King­dom, would not have declared these his privy commands, Sohemus suspe­cted by Herod in Mariamnes behalf is put to death. except there had been some more inward familiarity and secrecy betwixt him and Mariamne: for which cause he present­ly D commanded his Ministers to lay hands on Sohemus, and to put him to death. As for his wife, he drew her to her tryal, and to this effect he assembled his most familiar friends,Mariamne is accused by He­rod, and con­demned, and imprisoned. before whom he began to accuse her with great spight and spleen, as touching these potions and poisons aforesaid; wherein he used intemperate and unseemly spe­ches, and such as for their bitterness did ill become him in cause of justice; so that in the end, the assistants seeing the scope of his desire, pronounced sentence of death against her:Mariamne by Salomes insti­gations is led to execution. which being past, both he, and all other the assistants were of his opinion, that she should not so speedily be executed, but that she should be kept close prisoner in some sure place in the Palace. But by Salomes sollicitations, Herod was incited to hasten her death, for that she alledged that the King ought to fear, lest some sedition E should be raised amongst the people, if he should keep her alive in prison. And by this means Mariamne was led unto her death.

Alexandra her mother considering the estate of the time, and fearing no less mischief from Herods hands than her daughter was assured of; she undecently changed her mind, and abjectly laid aside her former courage and magnanimity. For intending to make it known, that she was neither party nor privy to those crimes wherewith Mariamne was charged, she went out to meet her daughter, and entertained her injuriously, prote­sting publickly that she was a wicked woman,Alexandra undecently striveth to ac­quit her self of Mariamnes Treason. and ungrateful towards he husband; and that she well deserved the punishment that was adjudged her, for that she durst be F so bold to attempt so heinous a fact, respecting to requite her husbands entire love with her unfeigned loyalty. Whilst thus dishonestly she counterfeited her displeasure, and was ready to pull Mariamne by the hair; the assistants, according to her desert, condemned her generally for her hypocrisie: but she that was led to be punished, con­victed her self by her mild behaviour; for first of all, she gave her no answer, neither was any ways altered by her reproaches, neither would so much as cast her eye upon her; making it appear, that she discreetly concealed and covered her mothers imper­fections, and was aggrieved that she had so openly shewed so great indignity: expressing for her own part, a constant behaviour, and going to her death without change of colour, so that those that beheld her, perceived in her a kind of manifest courage and G nobility, even in her utmost extremity.

[Page 409] H Thus died Mariamne, having been a woman that excelled both in continence and courage▪ notwithstanding that she failed somewhat in affability and impatience of nature: for the rest of her parts, she was an admirable and pleasing beauty, and of such a carriage in those companies wherein she was entertained, that it was impossible to express the same, in that she surpassed all those of her time; which was the principal cause that she lived not graci­ously and contentedly with the King. For being entertained by him, who intirely loved her▪ and from whom she received nothing that might discontent her, she presumed upon a great and intemperate liberty in her discourse. She digested also the loss of her friends very hardly, ac­cording as in open terms she made known unto the King; whereby also it came to pass, I that both Herods mother and sister, and himself likewise grew at odds with her.

After her death the King began more powerfully to be inflamed in his affections,Herods misera­ble estate and moan after the death of his wife. who before as we have declared, was already miserably distracted. For neither did he love af­ter the common manner of married folk; but whereas almost even unto madness he nou­rished this his desire, he could not be induced by the too unbridled manners of his wife to allay the heat of his affection; but that daily more and more by doating on her, he in­creased the same. And all that time especially he supposed that God was displeased with him for the death of Mariamne. Oftentimes he did invocate her name, using such lamenta­ble expressions that did not become the Majesty of a King. And notwithstanding he devi­sed all kinds of delights and sports that might be imagined, by preparing banquets, and in­viting K guests with Princely hospitality, to pass away the time; yet all those profited him nothing, for which cause he gave over the charge and administration of his Kingdom. At length he was so besotted with grief,A plague inva­deth Jerusalem. that oftentimes he commanded his servants to call his wife Mariamne, as if she had been alive. Whilest thus he was afflicted, there came a pe­stilence within the City, that consumed a great part of the people, and most of the nobili­ty, and all interpreted that this punishment was inflicted by God upon them, for the un­just death of the Queen.Herod falleth griev [...]usly sick. Thus the Kings discontents being by this means increased, he at last hid himself in a solitary wilderness, under pretext of hunting: where afflicting him­self incessantly, at last, he fell into a most grievous sickness. This disease of his was an in­flammation or pain in the neck: he seemed also in some sort to rave and grow mad: neither L could any remedies relieve him of his agony: but when the sickness seemed rather to in­crease, all men at last grew almost desperate of his recovery. For which cause his Physician, partly in respect of the contumacy of his disease, partly, because in so great a danger there was not any free election of dyet, they gave him leave to taste whatsoever best pleased his appetite, committing the uncertain event of his health to the hands of fortune.

Whilest thus he continued in Samaria, Alxandra in Herods absence, seeketh to get the possession of the Castles. which now is called Sebaste, Alexandra, being at that time in Jerusalem, having notice of this his condition, endeavored to reduce all the strong fortresses that were within the City under her subjection: the one of which was hard by the Temple: the other was situate within the City: for they that are Masters of these keep all the rest of the nation under their awe: because that without these, neither the usual and M daily sacrifices may be performed: neither may the Jews live without such sacrifices and oblations, who had rather lose their lives than contemn their religion. She therefore solicited those that had the government thereof, to surrender them up to her and Herods children be­gotten of her daughter Mariamne, lest he being dead, they should be seised on by others: and if it should fortune him to recover his health, in the mean while they m [...]ght be kept and held by no man more securely, than such as were his nearest friends. This suit and solicita­tion of hers was but coldly received: and the Captains who at all times shewed themselves always faithful, at that time were the rather far more constant in their duty, both for that they hated Alexandra, and also that they thought it a great offence to despair of the health of their Prince. Herods counsel­lors certifie him of Alexandras intent. For these were the Kings old friends, and one of them was Herods own Nephew, N whose name was Achiabus. For which cause they sent presently messengers unto him to shew him Alexandra's intent: who having heard these news, presently commanded her to be put to death: Al [...]xandra put to death. and at length overcoming his sickness, he grew so badly affected both in body and mind, that he grew hateful unto all men: so that all those who offended him, and for how lit­tle cause soever, were presently punished. In this his intemperance he imbrued his hands in the blood of divers of his friends, as Costabarus, Lysimachus, Antipater, sirnamed Gadias, and Dosi­theus, for this occasion that ensueth. Costabarus was an Idumaean, and one of the greatest ac­count amongst his countreymen, who was descended from the Priests of Cozas, whom the Idumaeans esteem for a god, before that Hircanus had obliged them to embrace the Jews Religion. Herod being made King of the Jews, appointed Costabarus to be Governor in Idu­maea O and Gaza, Costabarus, whom Herod had matched with his sister Salome, usurp­eth in Idumaea. giving him Salome his sister to wife, after he had put Joseph to death, to whom she had been married before, as we have declared. Costabarus seeing himself in this estate beyond his expectation, grew more proud then this good fortune required, and in a little time forgot himself so far, that he thought himself dishonoured, if he should perform [Page 408] [...] [Page 409] [...] [Page 408] [...] [Page 409] [...] [Page 410] that which Herod commanded him, and scorned that the Idumaeans should be under the A Jews subjection, notwithstanding they had received their manner of government from them. He therefore sent messengers unto Cleopatra, giving her to understand, that Idumaea had alwayes been under her ancestors subjection: and for that cause she ought upon just cause to demand and beg that countrey at Antonius hands, and that for himself he was rea­dy to become her servant. All which he practised, not to gratifie Cleopatra in any sort whatsoever, but to the intent that if Herods fortunes should be any wayes weakned, he might more easily by this means both enlarge and obtain the Kingdom of Idumaea. And with these foolish hopes was he transported, in regard of his birth and riches, which he had heaped together by such dishonest means as he continually practised, as he that intended B no small matters. But notwithstanding Cleopatra's often and earnest petition to obtain his soveraignty,Costabarus preserved by his wives in­tercession. yet could she not obtain it at Antonius hands. When Herod had notice of these covert and cunning practices, he was ready to kill Costabarus. But upon the earnest supplications of his sister and her mother, he dismissed and pardoned him; yet held him al­wayes insuspicion, by reason of this practice. Not long after it hapned, that Salome fell at debate with Costabarus, for which cause she sent a Bill of divorce to her husband, notwith­standing it were against the laws and ordinary customs of the Jews. For according to our ordinances, it is only lawful for the husband to do the same; and as touching the wife, not­withstanding she were separated, yet it is not lawful for her to marry again, except her hus­band first give her licence. But Salome without respect of the laws of the countrey grounding C her self too much upon her own authority, forsook her husband: saying, that she separated her self from her husband, by reason of the great friendship which she bare unto her brother, for that she had received some notice that Costabarus conspired against her with Antipa­ter, Costabarus, Ly­simachus, Anti­pater and Dosi­theus accused before Herod. Lysimachus and Dositheus. And this accusation she confirmed by Babas children, whom he had already kept with him in all security for the space of twelve years. All which was true, and at that time beyond all mens expectation wonderfully troubled Herod, as soon as he heard it.Babas sons pre­served by Costa­barus. For as for Babas sons, he had heretofore resolved to cut them off, for that they had been alwayes disaffected towards him and all his enterprises; but all that time he had let them pass, because by continuance they were grown out of his remembrance. Now the cause of this enmity and hatred which he bare towards them, was gathered from this D ground; when Antigonus enjoyed the soveraignty; and Herod besieged the City of Jerusa­lem with an army; those incommodities and necessities that ordinarily happen unto those that are besieged; were the cause that divers acknowledged Herod, and fixed their hopes upon him. But Babas sons being in authority, and besides that, attended by a great num­ber of men, persevered in their faithful observation of Antigonus, and blamed Herod conti­nually, encouraging the inhabitants to continue the Kingdom in those to whom it app [...]r [...]in­ed by descent: and they themselves followed that course, which in their opinion was most profitable for the Commonweal. But after that the City was surprized by Herod, and he grew master of the estate, Costabarus, who was appointed to keep the City gates, and to lie in wait that none of those who were accused to have forsaken the Kings side, should escape, know­ing E that the sons of Babas were greatly esteemed and honoured among the people, and fore­seeing that their safety might be no small furtherance to himself, if at any time there might ensue any alteration, he discharged and hid them within his own possessions: and notwith­standing that at that time he had protested to Herod by an oath, that he knew not what was become of them, yet though suspected of perjury, he concealed them. And after­wards when the King had by Proclamation promised a reward to him that should disco­ver them, and sought for them by all means, neither then also would he confess the fact. For being afraid lest he should be punished for his first denial, he concealed them still, not so much for their sake as for his own interest.

Now when the King had notice hereof by his sisters report,Babas sons and others are accu­sed before He­rod and slain. he sent to the place where F they were hidden, and made kill them, and all those that were guilty of the same crime: so that no one of Hircanus kindred was now left alive, but all of them being kil­led, Hedio & Ruffi­nus, chap. 10. who excelled in nobility and dignity, he did what he pleased without any contradi­ction: for which cause he by little and little forsook the ceremonies and ordinances of his Countrey▪ Herod introdu­ceth divers for­rain customs. and corrupted the decrees and institutions of their ancestors, which he ought to have kept inviolable, by his new and strange inventions. In whose time there was a very great change and alteration of the ancient and good manner of living:The year of the world▪ 3939. before Christs Nativity▪ 25. for all fell from bad to worse: and the politick order, whereby the people ought to be go­verned and kept within compass of their duty, went to decay. For first of all, he ordain­ed certain wrastlings from five years to five years, in honour of Caesar: and builded a G Theater for that purpose within Jerusalem. The Theater and the Wrast­ling places. He erected also a most huge Amphitheater within the Plain, which were two Monuments worthy to be seen, by reason of the sump­tuousness thereof: but wholly contrary to the fashions of the Jews. For neither the [Page 411] H use, nor the presentation of these spectacles, hath ever been practised or taught by our Ance­stors; yet was it his pleasure to ennoble this assembly, to the end it might be continued from five to five years, and this he proclaimed publickly in the Countries round about, and to this fight he assembled all the nations. The wrastlers also and all that which concerned their ex­ercise, were sought out from all corners of the world, under the hope to obtain the proposed palm and victory; and all the most expedient in those exercises that were to be found, were invited to that assembly: For he proposed most huge rewards, not only to those that exerci­sed wrastling, but also to those who are called Musicians, and to all sorts of players on instru­ments, endeavouring to his utmost power, that all the most famous in those professions should I be assistant in those pastimes. He appointed also a reward of great value for such as ran upon the chariots of three, four, or of one horse, and all that which was both sumptuous and magni­ficent to behold; for every one thing was most carefully provided; for he strove to have the honour of a most magnificent preparation for his games. The Theater was hung all about with Caesars titles, and the trophees of those nations which were overcome by him, altogether set out and shining with gold and silver. As for the instruments thereof, there wanted neither furniture, costly vestments, or precious stones. Thither also were drawn certain wild beasts, as Lions and other beasts, which were worthy to be placed in this famous shew, being admira­ble both for their force and rareness of nature, who fought the one with the other, and against such men likewise who were condemned to die: whereby the strangers conceived, together K with the admiration of his expence an uncomparable and unaccustomed pleasure. Herod obtain­eth no small honour by these expences. But his coun­treymen interpreted this thing for a manifest corruption of those disciplines and manners which they had entertained and honoured amongst them. For it was an act most manifest­ly impious, to hazard men against wild beasts, to delight the eyes of other men: It was also a matter as impious, to change and prophane the ordinances of the countrey, for forrain exer­cises: But the most hated of all these were the Trophees; for in that they were certain Ima­ges attired in armor, the use and veneration whereof were forbidden by our laws, this dis­pleased and grieved them more than any thing whatsoever: neither was Herod ignorant of those troubles which they procured. But he thought it to be a matter of danger to attempt the same for the present by force, and for that cause he familiarly debated the same with L some few of them, and discoursed unto them his occasions, to the end to rid them of their superstition, The Jews sup­pose that the Trophees co­vered with arms were Images. but could not prevail. For all of them, with one consent, cried out against the indignity which they saw him commit: telling him that although all other things were to be tolerated, yet the Trophees, which were Images of Men, were unsupportable, because they were unusual in their Countrey. Herod perceiving that they were discontented, and that they would not be easily wrought upon, except they had some contentment, he called the worthiest men amongst them, and led them into the Theater, demanding of them what they thought these Trophees were: and when they cried out that they were images of men; he inconti­nently caused all the ornaments to be taken off from them, letting them see that they were nought else but naked stocks of wood; so that suddenly their displeasure was turned into a M laughter, and their doubts were presently discussed. Thus appeased he the people, and mo­derated the fury of their discontent; so that divers of them changed their opinions, and were no more displeased. Notwithstanding there were some of these that persisted in the conceit they had of those exercises, supposing that the corruption of their ancient discipline was an in­ducement to their grievous calamities; and they imagined that it rather concerned them to undergo all dangers, than to endure any alteration in their customs, by permitting that Herod should introduce new and extraordinary fashions, who onely in word was their King, but in effect an enemy of their whole nation. Ten men con­spire against Herod. For this cause there were ten men amongst them, who bound themselves by oath to hazard all extremities, and to this intent they had hid certain short swords under their garments: amongst these there was one that was blind, who urged N and egged on by the strangeness of those things which he had heard, not for that he was of ability to execute any thing with his hand, but to testifie that he was ready to suffer with the rest, if any misfortune should befall them, by his example the rest of them were not a little confirmed: These having mutually undertaken this resolution, repaired to the Theater, under hope that Herod should not escape them, for that they intended to assail him una­wares: at least if they failed of him, their hope was to fall foul on some of his favourites and followers, accounting this to be some comfort in their expected death, if in regard of their violated religion they might bring the King in hatred with the common people.Herod hath in­telligence of the conspiracy. And these intending to offer themselves as Leaders unto the rest, resolved to execute these things. But one of those intelligences that Herod had sent abroad to pry and search into O such like actions, having discovered all their conspiracy, signified the same unto the King, when he was ready to enter into the Theater. He knowing very well what ha­tred was continually hatched against him, betook himself to his Palace, and sent for the conspirators by their names: who being apprehended in the fact, and knowing that there [Page 412] was no way for them to escape, resolved to endure their present misfortunes with cou­rage:A for being no wayes daunted, with a resolute countenance they drew out their weapons, protesting that their conspiracy was honest and holy, not attempted by them for private affection, or their own profit sake, but in the behalf of their publick discipline, which no good man would either see or suffer to be violated, though it cost him his life.

Now when with great confidence they had alleadged these things for their justification they were led away by the Kings Ministers to be put to death by divers sorts of torments.The ten men are executed, and the intelli­gencer is cut in pieces. Not long after this, that Intelligencer who had betrayed them, growing hateful in all mens eyes, was stabd by certain men, and chopt in pieces with their swords, and afterwards cast unto the dogs in sight and presence of many. Yet did no man discover this act, until after B long and wearisome inquisitions made by Herod, it was got out of certain poor women (who were privy to the fact) with divers torments. Then were all the actors of that mur­ther punished, with their whole families: and notwithstanding all this, the common people was no wayes daunted, but were ready to defend their laws, except they were restrained by some greater power.Herod fortisieth two castles within Jerusa­lem, Antonia, Samaria, or Sebaste. Which when the King perceived, he resisted their endeavors with all diligence, lest through these alterations in affairs, the people should be drawn to an open rebellion. Whereas therefore he had two strong Castles within the City, one wherein his palace was, another called Antonia, that adjoyned near unto the Temple, forti­fied by him; he thought good to strengthen a third called Samaria, the name whereof he changed, and called it Sebaste (which was distant from Jerusalem some dayes journey) to C contain those of the common sort that were abroad, under his obedience, and very fit to bridle any uproars that might be raised in the City and Countrey.Stratons Tower or Caesarea. And for the whole Nation he builded a Fort,Gabala. which in times past was called Straton, and afterwards he na­med it Caesarea. H [...]rod planteth garrisons in the fortresses to withstand con­spiracies. He builded also a Fort in Galilee, which was called Gabala, in a large Plain, where by turns he kept his horsemen. Besides these▪ he builded the Fort of Esthmonites in the Countrey of Peraea on the other side Jordan.

Now when he had fitly disposed all these Castles through his whole Countrey, for the security and safety of his Kingdom, the matter of rebellion was taken from the common people, who upon every light cause are subject to commotions, in that he had prepared a remedy against all privy conspiracies, by planting such forces always near at hand, who D might prevent and pacifie all alterations at their beginning. After this, betaking himself to encompass Samaria with a wall, he brought to pass that divers of those who had born arms with him against his enemies, and divers of the people likewise that dwelt round a­bout, came to inhabit it, both in regard of the Temple, which he intended to build in that place, as also for that he fortified the same for his own security (although that formerly it was not in the number of famous Cities.) He therefore changed the name thereof, and called it Sebaste, and distributed the lands that confined the City among the inhabitants of the same (which was by nat [...]re a fruitful countrey) to the intent that within a little space they might inrich themselves. He invironed the City also with a strong wall, being as­sisted by the natural strength and steepness of the place: and besides the whole circuit,E he included so much ground, that it was no wayes inferiour to any of the famous Cities; for it contained the circuit of twenty furlongs or stadia's. And in the midst thereof there was a sacred place, containing a furlong & a half, wonderfully adorned; in which there was a Temple builded, famous both for be uty and bigness. And as for the other parts of the City, he adorned them with all sorts of ornaments. And seeing how nearly it concerned him to provide for the security of his person in this walled City, he erected a Fortress for himself. And as for the beauty thereof, his intent was that it should remain for a mo­nument to posterity, of his magnificence and liberality.

CHAP. XII.F
Judaea is afflicted with many miseries, but especially with a violent Plague and a terrible Fa­mine: Herods wonderful care and liberality to remedy it: He recovereth by this means the love of the people, whom he supplieth with abundance of all things: He buildeth a stately Palace in Jerusalem: He marrieth with the Daughter of Simon, whom he createth High-Priest. Another brave Castle is built by him in the same place where he had former­ly routed the Jews.

THat very year, Hedio & R [...] ­ [...]inus, chap. 11. al. 10. which was the thirteenth year of Herods reign, very great calamities hapned in that countrey (either through Gods displeasure, or for that the revolution of time would have it so.) [...] For first of all, there were such continual droughts, that by reason thereof the earth grew barren, and produced not those fruits which of it self it was accustomed to bear. And after G this the ordinary course of mens diets being altered by reason of the want of corn, the want of food was accompanied with a b [...]d [...]ly sickness (for that by custom these two plagues do or­dinarily entertain one another:) for this made the plague and sickness more vehement, [Page 413] H for that the sick in this great penury could neither have care of themselves,The year of the World, 3942. before the Nati­vity of Christ, 22. as was ex­pedient, nor get convenient nourishment for preservation of life: so that many died daily, and those also that remained alive were in despair, because they could not relieve their want and necessities, what diligence soever they used. For which cause, after the old fruits of that year were wholly consumed, and all the rest of their store was utterly spent, there appeared not any means whereupon they might hope; namely, for that the misery in­creased more than was expected; yea, and extended it self beyond that year: so that they had nothing remaining by them, and the seed that was sowed at that time mouldred away, and the earth for all their labours afforded them no encrease. The necessity therefore being I thus great, constrained men to search out many new inventions to maintain their life: and the King likewise was in no less perplexity; in that he was deprived of those ordinary revenues which he received by the fruits of the earth; and the rather, for that he had spent his money in repairing his Cities, according as before this we have declared: all things were wasted by divers calamities, so that a man could conceive no hope of remedy. Be­sides this, the people hated their King; for that it is their custom ordinarily to accuse their Governors, as if they were the authors of all their evils. Yet did the King bethink himself how he might remedy these inconveniences, but he hardly could find the means, for their neighbors could not sell them victuals, because they were no less afflicted than themselves: and although he might have recovered some little for a great sum of money, K yet he wanted it also to defray the charges:Herod maketh [...] of all his rich orna­ments and hou­shold stuffe of gold and silver▪ and buyeth corn. notwithstanding in that he knew, that it behoved him to employ his uttermost endeavors for a general remedy to such a violent oppression, he melted down all those movables he had either of Gold or Silver within his Palace, and spared nothing either for the matter, the excellency, or the fashion; no not so much as the vessels wherein he was ordinarily served. This money was sent into Egypt, where at that time, under Caesar, Petronius held the government. This man being Herod's friend, in that he desired the safety of his subjects, at such time as divers of them retired themselves unto him, by reason of their necessity, he permitted them to buy up corn, and assisted them in all things, both in their bargains, and in their carriages: so that the greater or the whole sum of their succours was attributed to him. But after their return, Herod L did so much, that the care that was taken by him did not only change the affections of those which were his enemies, but besides all this, he purchased great praise and com­mendation for his liberality and singular providence.Herod distribu­teth the [...]. For, first of all, he distributed a certain quantity of corn to all those who were not able of themselves to supply their own wants, using herein both great care and diligence. After this, for that there were a great number of such, who in regard of their age, or some other infirmity, were unable to pre­pare their victuals, he took order for their relief, and appointed them certain Bakers, who should furnish them with bread sufficient for their subsistance. He gave order also, that they should not pass the winter without cloathing, but provided for such as were naked sufficient raiment, considering that the sheep were partly dead, and partly devoured, and M that there was no wool to set them a work, or other stuff to make garments of. Now after he had furnished his subjects with these things, he thought good also to shew kindness to the neighboring Cities, and stored the Syrians with seed-corn to sow their lands, which yielded him no little profit: for the earth incontinently gave him a large and plentiful tribute for that she had received, so that all of them had abundance of victuals: and as soon as the harvest was ready, he sent fifty thousand men into that Country which he had re­lieved: and by this means he with all diligence restored his afflicted Kingdom, and com­forted his neighbors, who were oppressed with the like calamity. For there was not any man in necessity, that according to his quality was not assisted and succoured.

The Villages likewise and the Cities, and those of the common sort who entertained N great housholds, and were in want, having their recourse unto him, received that which they had need of: so that to reckon up all the Corn which he gave unto those who were not his subjects, it appeareth that he employed ten thousand Cores of Wheat: now the Core cont [...]ineth ten Athenian bushels: and within the compass of his Realm he employed eighty thousand: which care of his, and discreet favour, wrought so much in the hearts of [...] Jews, The Jews fa­vour Herod for his bounty. and was so highly renowned amongst other Nations, that the ancient hatred which they had conceived against him, for that he had altered certain customs of their Kingdom, was wholly forgotten, and he was supposed by them to have made a sufficient recompence, by the diligence he had shewed in assisting them in their necessities: and no [...] glory obtained he amongst strangers: so that by these miseries the King's honour O was not a little magnified, and whatsoever damage he received at home, so much honour and reputation atchieved he abroad. For whereas in strangers necessities he had shewed himself to generous, none did regard what he had been before, but such as they lately found him to be.

[Page 414] About the same time also he sent Caesar certain supplies,The year of the World, 3942. before Christs Nativity, 22▪ namely, five hundred chosen A men of his Guard, whom Ellius Gallus led into the Wars in Arabia, and had often use of them in his most dangerous attempts. When therefore his Kingdom was restored to its former felicity, he builded a Royal Palace in the higher part of the City, furnished with many large buildings, and adorned with gold and marble seats, so that they might receive a great number of men:H [...]rod sendeth Caesar five hun­dred of his g [...]ard. he named also each room of the house according to their several names, and called one the lodging of Caesar, and another of Agrippa. After this, being in­tangled with love,The Palace built in J [...]ru­salem. he married a wife, lest he should be distracted by vain desires; and the cause of this his new marriage was this: There was amongst those that dwelt in Jerusalem a certain Citizen called Simon, the son of Boethas the Alexandrine, who was a Priest and B one of the chiefest in Nobility amongst them:Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 12. this man had a daughter, the fairest and comliest creature of that age, whose beauty being renowned by the common voice, it came to pass, that Herod was taken with her good character, and afterwards obtaining the sight of her, he fell in love with her; yet would not use his authority, lest he should seem to behave himself tyrannically,H [...]od [...] from hi [...] Priest­hood, and placeth Simon in his room, and marrieth his daughter. but chose rather to accept her for his wife. Where­as therefore Simon seemed unworthy of his affinity, and yet too worthy to be contemned, he made election of a convenient means to obtain the fulness of his desire, which was, to raise both Simon and his to higher dignities. For which cause he presently deposed the high Priest Jesus, the son of Phabetes, and established Simon in his place; and that done, he contracted affinity with him. After the marriage was consummate, he builded C a new Castle in that place wherein he had overcome the Jews, when he made war against Antigonus.

This place is distant from Jerusalem some sixty furlongs, or stades, strong by nature, and fit for defence and fortification. For near it there is a certain steep hill made by Art, after the manner of a round dug, environed with round Towers, with a steep ascent of two hundred steps cut out of hewed stone. Within the same there are divers places builded with great and sumptuous workmanship, made both for defence and delight. At the foot of this hill there are two houses worthy to be seen, for divers singularities, and namely, by reason of those Conduits of water, which although they spring not in that place, yet notwithstanding they are brought from far with great cost and expence. The D Plain that adjoyneth upon it, is all full of buildings, after the manner of a City, and the top of the Castle commandeth all the Plain. As soon as he had disposed all his affairs, according to his hearts desire, he possessed the Kingdom in great quietness, for that he made his subjects obedient unto him, both by fear, in shewing himself inexorable when it concerned him to punish; and by liberality, whereby he provided for their publick necessities: he therefore took an especial care of himself, as if the life and safety of his person had been the security of his people. He behaved himself officiously and favoura­bly towards all foreign Cities; he entertained the Princes with presents, which ac­cording to his occasions he sent unto them, to insinuate himself into their favors, being in his own nature magnificent and fit to govern: so that all his fortunes increased, and E all things fell out happily according to his desire. True it is, that the care which he im­ployed in honouring Caesar, and other mighty Magistrates of Rome, caused him to outstrip his customs, and to alter divers Ordinances of his Country in building Cities, and erecting Temples in honour of them, although he builded them not in the Land of Jury: for the Jews would not have endured it, because we are forbidden to honour images and figures, formed according to the likeness of a man, as the Greeks are accustomed to do; but he did this in the Country and foreign Cities, and excused himself to the Jews: saying, that he did it not of his own head, but performed that according to the charge which he had from others,H [...]rod [...]. who were greater than himself: and in the mean while gratified Caesar and the Romans, in that he respected their honour more than he did the ordinances of his F Country: although in all things he had regard to his particular advantage, and deter­mined with himself to leave behind him after his death, large and ample testimonies of his power and greatness; which was the cause that he builded Cities with great charge and expence.

CHAP. XIII.
Herod causeth to be built a glorious City in honour of Augustus, which he calleth Caesarea. He sendeth his two Sons to him, whom he had by Mariamne, their names were Alexander and Aristobulus. Augustus conferreth new favors on him. The cause why Herod used the [...]sseniens so kindly.

G

WHen as therefore he had found out a fit and convenient place upon the Sea-coast to build a City on, [...] which of long time had been called the Tower of Straton, he both magnificently designed and set down the model and form thereof, and made many sum­ptuous [Page 415] H buildings,The year of the World, 3942. before the Nativity, of Christ, 22▪ both Palaces and other private Lodgings, not builded after a slight man­ner, or of weak and fading matter, but of Marble. But the greatest work of all, was the Haven which he made exempt and free from storms and tempests, that in greatness resem­bled that of Piraeus, and was so spacious, that it was able to receive many great Ships into the Road, and had divers Rooms and Warehouses to lay up the Merchandize therein. And the more admirable was this Structure,Piraeus the Port of Athens. because the materials that were fit to finish this great work, were not gotten in that place, but must needs be brought from other places, with great charge and expence.Dora and Joppa ill Harbors. This City is seated in Phoenicia, upon the Coast in the way to Egypt, between Joppa and Dora, certain Villages scituate upon the Sea-coasts, unfit either I for landing or harbour, by reason of the Affrick wind, and driving the sand of the Sea upon the shore, giveth not any quiet road unto the ships, but that the Merchants are enforced for a long time to ride at Anchor. To correct this incommodity of the place, he made the circuit round about the Port so spacious,The Port of Caesarea. that it was able to receive a great Fleet: and he cast down to the bottom therof, which was about some twenty sathoms deep, certain huge stones, that for the most part were fifty foot long, eight foot broad, and nine foot high, some more,That part of the Mole that kept off the Sea was called Procymation, that is, Stop flood in Greek. and some less. This Mole extended two hundred foot, of which one half served to break the violence of the waves; on the other half was built a wall fortified with Towers, whereof the fairest was called by the name of Drusus, Livia, Augustus Em­press Son, who died young: there was also many Vaults like Arches, to lodge Sea-men.

K The descent being hard by, incompassed all the Port like a round plat-form, that served for a pleasant walking place. The entrance and mouth of the Haven was toward the North, which is a wind that of all other most purifieth and cleanseth. The supporter and strength of all the circuit on the left hand, upon the entrance to the Port, was an ample and huge Tower, to fasten it the more strongly; and on the right hand were two huge Pil­lars of Stone, higher than the Tower, that stood opposite against them, erected and fastened together. All round about the Haven there were certain buildings, all of a row, of polished Marble, and in the midst there was a little Mount, on which there was a Temple dedi­cated to Augustus, which presented it self to their sight who sailed to the Port, there be­ing two Statues, the one representing Rome, and the other Augustus Caesar. This City also L was called Caesarea, as much to be wondred at for the matter whereof it was built, as for the Art whereby it was erected: and no less cunning was there shewed in the Vaults and Conduits under ground, then in those buildings that were about them: some of them were conveyed toward the Port, and discharged themselves into the Sea: but there was one that went athwarts all the rest, to the end that thereby the rain-water, and the cleans­ings of the City might be conveyed into the Sea, and that when the Sea should flow, it might wash and cleanse all the City.

He erected also a Theater of Stone,The Theater and Amphi­theater. and behind the same, to the Southward, an Amphi­theater, that was able to receive a great number of men, and so pleasantly and fitly sci­tuated, Herod sendeth his sons, Alex­ander and Ari­stobulus to Rome unto Caesar. that from thence a man might discover Ships at a great distance on the Sea. This M City was finished at the end of twelve years, during which time the King was never wearied in following the work, nor negligent in furnishing the necessary charges. After this, perceiving that the City of Sebasta was already inhabited also, he resolved to send his two sons,Caesar giveth Herod the Do­minions of the Trachonites of Baranea and Auranita. Alexander and Aristobulus, to Rome, to present them unto the Emperor Caesar. Pollio, who was Herod's most intimate friend, had prepared them lodgings at his house; but it was needless, because Augustus gave them an appartment in his own Palace. This great Emperor received them with all the kindness and civility imaginable; and gave their father the freedom to make choice of either of them to succeed him in his Kingdom, enlarging it with the addition of three Provinces, Trachona, Baranca, and Auranita, on this occasion that followeth.Zenodorus liveth by spoil. A certain man, called Zenodorus, had rented Lysanias lands; N and not contenting himself with those revenues which he gathered, but desirous to gather more, he lived upon spoils and robberies in Trachona, which is a Country the inhabitants whereof commonly live by pillage and spoil, which they purchase from the Citizens and Merchants of Damasco. And so far was Zenodorus from prohibiting these robberies, that he himself also was partaker of the booty: so that the Nations neighbouring about, seeing themselves thus abused, sought for remedy at Varus hands, who was their Governor, re­quiring him to acquaint Caesar with Zenodorus's proceedings. Which when he understood, he commanded that such lawless ryoters should be punished, and that the Country should be added to the Jurisdiction of Herod, to the intent that by his vigilancy, the inhabitants of Trachona should no more molest their neighbors. For it was hard to restrain them, con­sidering O that they were accustomed, and traded in such theft, and could not live other­waies. For they neither had Towns nor Lands, neither heritages nor any possessions, but only certain retreats and caves under ground, and lived pell-mell like beasts: and having made abundant provision of water and victuals, they might easily endure War a long [Page 416] time,The year of the World, 3942. before Christ's Nativity, 22▪ and maintain themselves in their caves, when their enemies assailed them without.A

The doors of these dens were so narrow, that they could be entred but by one at once: but within it was incredible spacious and large: the upper part thereof was not sleepy, but plain, and in form of a smooth earth: for the whole place naturally consisted of a sharp and ragged rock with a hard and difficult passage thereon, unless a man be guided thorow the paths. For the way was not direct and straight, but full of winding and many turnings. At such time as they wanted opportunity to spoil their neighbors, they robbed one ano­ther; Herod punish­eth the Rob­bers. and omitted no kind of wickedness. Herod having received the gift of this Countrey from Caesar, resorted thither under the conduct of certain guides that knew the wayes, and having brought their power and proling to an end,Hedio & Ruffi­nus, chap. 13. he left the neighbouring nations B in assured peace.Agrippa is sent into Asia. But Zenodorus being partly whetted on with envy, partly incited by the grief which he conceived through the loss of his possessions, resorted to Rome to accuse He­rod; Agrippa sendeth the Gadareans bound unto Herod, who came to accuse him. yet could compass nothing of that which he intended.

When Agrippa was sent into Asia by Caesar to govern the Provinces beyond the seas He­rod, because he was his familiar friend, went to salute him at Mitylene where he wintered, and afterwards returned into Jewry. But certain Gadareans came unto Agrippa with an in­tent to accuse Herod: Zenodorus Sig­niory sold to the Auranites, and bestowed on Herod by Caesar, is the cause of the Wars. but he sent them bound unto the King, and vouchsafed them no au­dience. On the other side, the Auranites, who of long time hated Herod's government, stirred up commotions, and endeavored to draw the countrey into rebellion, and that up­on a just ground, as it seemed, as that time: for Zenodorus despairing of his affairs, went C and sold them a certain part of the Lordship in Auranita (which was comprehended with­in Caesar's donation to Herod) for the sum of fi [...]ty talents of yearly revenue, wherewith they grew discontented, for that they were unjustly deprived of their estates: and here­upon they made often incursions, endeavoring sometimes to recover the same by force; and otherwhile contending for the right of their possession by course of justice. They drew also unto them certain needy Souldiers; Who according to the custom of wretched men, expected their better fortunes by change and innovation: which though Herod knew, and could have providently prevented them, yet exhorted them to maintain their titles rather by good means than open violence, being loth to give any occasion of new troubleor disquiet.Caesar commeth into Syria, be­fore him the Gadar [...]ans ac­cuse Herod, and afterwards mur­ther themselves. At length, in the seventeeth [...] of his reign, Caesar came into Syria: upon whose D arrival divers of the Gadareans began to exclaim against Herod, accusing him of his severity and tyranny: which accusation they the rather attempted, because they were chiefly incited thereunto by the instigations and false suggestions of Zenodorus, who bound himself by an oath, that he would never give over, until that delivering them from Herod's tyranny, they were reduced under Caesar's protection. The Gadareans perswaded by these his prote­stations, began to continue their exclamations, and somewhat the more audaciously, for that they perceived that they lived as yet unpunished whom▪ Agrippa had delivered into He­rod's hands: for Herod had set them at liberty without any punishment, notwithstanding that in regard of his own subjects he was inexorable as ever man was; and most patient in induring those injuries that were offered him by strangers,The year of the World, 3942. before The Nati­vity, of Christ, 18▪ whom he alwayes dismissed E without revenge. When therefore they accused him of violence and rapine, and for vio­lating and razing down their Temples, Herod being nothing concerned thereat, presented himself before the Emperor to justifie his actions. But Caesar entertained him very kind­ly, and diminished nothing of the good affection which he bare unto him, notwithstanding all the uproars and insolent tumults of the people. Thus was the first day spent in audi­ence of their complaints, and in those dayes that followed there were no further objecti­ons to be heard of: for the Gadareans perceiving both Caesar's disposition and the inclina­tion of his Council, and fearing (as it was most likely) to be delivered into Herod's hands, the next night after some of them killed themselves; others for fear of torments brake their own necks; and some of them also drowned themselves in the river. And thus where­as F they seemed to condemn themselves, Caesar presently absolved Herod.

And this felicity of his was seconded with another of small cons [...]quence.Ulatha, Pa [...]eas, and other regi­ons are given to Herod▪ For Zenodo­rus having his bowels broken through an extream flux of blood, finished his life at Anti­och in Syria. Whereupon Caesar gave Herod his Countrey, which was a large possession, and was situate between Trac [...]onita and Galilee, Herod highly esteemed by Caesar, and Cae­sar maketh Ph [...]roras a Te­trarch. containing Ulatha, Paneas, and the Countries thereabouts. He made him one of the Governors of Syria also, commanding them to ex­ecute nothing without his advice. At this time he attained to the height of all worldly fe­licity: For whereas within the mighty Roman Empire all things were disposed by Caesar and Agrippa, Caesar honoured no man more than Herod next to Agrippa: and Agrippa respected him above all men next to Caesar. Whereupon he grew to be so confident, that G he begged a Tetrarchy at Caesar, hands, for his brother Pheroras: on whom he bestowed one hundred talents of his revenue out of his own Kingdom, that if he should happen to die, Pheroras estate might be assured and left no wayes subject unto his children.

[Page 417] H As soon as he had conducted Caesar as far as the Sea,The year of the World, 3942. before Christ's Nativity, 22▪ upon his return he builded a stately Temple of White Marble in honour of his Name, in the countrey which belonged to Zenodorus, near to a place which is called Panion, which is a huge cave in the heart of a Mountain, and a place of great pleasure, under which there is a wide pool of im­measurable depth,Herod buildeth a Temple near unto Panion. which is full of standing Water, and the upper part of the Mountain is very high. From under this cave springs the fountain heads of the flood Jordan. This place of it self so famous and delightful,Herod remitteth the third part▪ of his tribute. was chosen out by Herod, and adorned also with a Temple which he built in honour of Caesar. At that time also he released the third part of those tributes which his subjects paid unto him, to the end (as he said) that he might I relieve his subjects after the penury they had endured. But the truth of his intention was, that he did it to that end to win their favours, who were [...]inisterly affected towards him. For they had conceived an hatred against him, because all piety was in a manner abolish­ed, and the ordinances of the countrey in a sort disannulled by the means of those temples which he had built, and each man privily murmured bitterly against him; so that they were inclining to a mutiny. But Herod with great discretion prevented it, and cut off all occa­sions of insurrection, commanding every one to mind his business; forbidding them to make any assemblies in the City, or to talk one with another under colour of walking a­broad for pleasure or feasts sake. Moreover he had sent out certain Intelligencers to disco­ver all that which was done, appointing grievous punishments for those that misliked his K Government. For divers of them were led unto the Castle of Hircania, some openly, some privately, where they were no sooner imprisoned, but they were put to death; and both in the City and in the countrey, there were certain men appointed to take note of all such that used any assemblies upon any occasion whatsoever. He was so concerned at his subjects distastes, that as it is reported of him, he took the habit of a private man, and thrust himself in the night time into the company of the people, to understand and gather what they thought of his government; and those whom he found to be untractable and obstinate, and would not be conformed to his will, he dispatched them by one means or other,Herod bindeth the people by an oath. binding the rest of the people by an oath to serve him faithfully, and constrained them to keep the oath they had sworn, and to acknowledge his Soveraignty: whereunto L divers through the fear they conceived, easily condescended. But they who had more cou­rage, Herod excuseth the Pharisees from swearing for Pollio's and Samea's sakes. & were discontented to see themselves constrained, he cut them off by all means pos­sible. He required also an oath of divers of those Sectaries who followed the Pharisees Pollio and Sameas: and notwithstanding they denied to take the oath, yet he did not punish them as he did the other for their refusal,The Esseans not much unlike the Pythagonists. in respect and reverence of Pollio their Master. From this rigor also were they exempt, who amongst us are called Esseans, which is a sort of men that live after that manner that Pythagoras did among the Grecians, of whom I have more expresly discoursed in another place.

I think it not a matter to be overslipt, neither varying from my History, to report for what cause the King had so religious an opinion of those men. There was a certain Esse­an M called Manahem, who in his sect was accounted an upright and just man, and one that had obtained from God the knowledge of things to come. He seeing Herod one day at such time as he was very young and went to School, saluted him and called him King of the Jews. Herod supposing that Manahem knew him not, or that he mocked him, reproved him sharply for his speech, saying, that he acknowledged himself to be one of the com­mon sort. Manahem smiling, hit him gently with his hand upon the back, and said unto him, Thou shalt be King, and shalt have a happy reign; for such is Gods pleasure: and at that time remember thy self of the words that Manahem spake unto thee, which shall serve for a test [...] ­mony to put thee in mind of thy mutable estate. For it becommeth thee nothing more, than by justice, piety, and equity, to win the hearts of thy subjects: yet know I by revelation from God, N that thou wilt not follow these instructions; for thou shalt forget and neglect both divine and hu­mane laws, though in other respects thou shalt be most fortunate, and purchase eternal glory. Yet shalt thou not escape Gods hands, for he shall chastise thee in the latter time of thy life with a grievous punishment.

At that time Herod gave small regard to those his words,Herod questio­neth with Ma­nahem about the continuance of his Kingdom, and loveth the Esseans for his sake. in that he had no hope that any such thing should happen: but not long after, as soon as he had obtained the King­dom to the fulness of his felicity, he in the greatness of his power sent for Manahem, and asked him how long he should reign. But he returned him a doubtful answer. Which when Herod perc [...]ived, he asked him anew if he should reign ten years. Whereunto Ma­nahem answered, And twenty, and thirty, without setting him down any prefixed term. He­rod O contenting himself herewith, embraced Manahem, and gave him licence to depart, and continued his affections towards the Esseans for his sake. I have thought good to register these things, notwithstanding they may s [...]em uncredible, to declare that divers of our nation have had communication with GOD by reason of their holiness.

CHAP. XIV.A
Herod buildeth a New Temple in Jerusalem,The year of the World▪ 3947. before Christs Nativity, 17. after he had pulled down the Old.

IN the eighteenth year of his reign,Hedio & Ruffi­nus, chap. 14. al. 11. Herod, after he had finished these many and admi­rable actions, conceived in his mind, a mighty project, which was to re-edifie Gods Temple of greater bigness and answerable height,Herod intend­eth to re-edifie Gods Temple. hoping that this work, which was the most admirable of all those he had undertaken (as indeed it was) being finished, would B eternize his memory.Herod certifieth the people that he will re-edi­fie the Temple. But fearing lest the people, in regard of the greatness of the enter­prize, would be hardly drawn thereunto, he determined to sound their intentions by his discourse, and for that cause assembling them together, he spake after this manner:

Men and brethren, I hold it to be a matter both vain and superfluous, to recount unto you what things I have performed, during the time of my government. For they have been of that nature, that they have returned me but little honour, and your self great profit and securi­ty. For you your selves know, that in those adversities that have befallen you, I have been no wayes negligent in that which concerned your profit: and in those buildings I have erected by Gods assistance, I have not so much regarded my self, as that which concerneth you all: and my hope is by the will of God, that I have brought the estate of the Jews to that degree C of felicity, that they never had or expected before this time. As for that which I have particularly done in the heart of the Countrey, and in the Cities which I have augmented, as well with ornament and beauty, as with a number of inhabitants: since you your selves know, I think it a ridiculous matter to reduce them to your memory. But I must assure you that the design which I will presently undertake, is far more holy and more excellent, than may be performed by us. For our predecessors, after they were returned from the captivi­ty of Babilon, builded a Temple in Honour of our great and mighty God, which in height wanted sixty cubits of that which Solomon first built: yet ought we not to object it as a blame, or ascribe this action to any impiety in our Ancestors. For the Temple was not at their dispo­sing, but the measure of their Building was set down by Cyrus and Darius the Son of Hy­staspes, D to whom and their Successors, they have first of all been slaves, as after their time they have been under the subjection of the Macedonians: so that they had not the means and opportunity to raise this religious Monument, according to the first pattern, to that requi­site and convenient height. But since at this present, by Gods permission, I have obtained the Kingdom: and that for a long time hitherto we have enjoyed a happy peace: and that neither money nor great revenues are wanting: and that which is our greatest good, we are made happy by the favour of the Romans, who in a sort are Lords of the whole world, and in effect are our entire friends: I will enforce my self to repair that defect, which hapned in times past through the miseries of our noble predecessors: resolving with my self to perfect that which is requisite for the service of God, in acknowledgment of the benefits which I have recei­ved E from him, by whose mercy and means I have obtained my Kingdom.

This sudden and unexpected speech of Herods filled all mens ears with wonder, and hearts with expectation, in that he seemed to promise such a thing, as was beyond their hope, and as they thought far greater than his power: and that which most di­stracted them was, for that they had conceived a fear, lest after he had pulled down the old, he should not be of abllity to erect a new. For which cause his counsel seemed to be dangerous,The Jews fear­ing least Herod should pull down the old Temple before he had prepa­red matter for the new, he promiseth the contrary. and attempt over difficult. But the King perceiving with what doubts they were detained, encouraged them, promising in no sort to deface the Old Temple, before all that was prepared and polished, which was requisite for the building of the New. And in this he kept his word: For he appointed a thousand chariots to draw F stones unto the place, and chose out amongst the rest ten thousand expert workmen. He apparelled also at his own charge one thousand Priests in their accustomed Vestments, whereof some gave the Masons instructions how they should work, and the rest assisted the Carpenters.Convenient st [...]ff is gather­ed for the building of the Temple. This done, after he had prepared all things requisite, he caused them to fall to their building. As soon as therefore the former foundations were taken a­way, and new were planted in their place, the Temple was erected upon them, in length one hundred cubits, and twenty cubits in height, above those hundred cubits which the former contained, which twenty cubits were in some manner sunck, after that by process of time the foundations began to be setled: and during Nero's reign our Countreymen thought to have raised it to the first height.How the Tem­ple was builded [...] Herod. The building was of white G and strong marble stones, which were each of them twenty and five cubits long, eight cu­bits high, and about some twelve cubits broad. All the structure of the same was made after the manner of a Princely Palace on all sides, and the middle part thereof was higher [Page 419] H than the rest: so that it might easily be discovered by the inhabitants of the Countrey many furlongs off; and especially it was most apparent and subject to their sight, who dwelt opposite against it, or repaired unto the City. The doors thereof and their porches were correspondent to the rest of the magnificence of the Temple, garnished with divers Tapestries and Azured Flowers, which adorned the Pillars: under whose chapters a Golden Vine spread it self on each side, replenished with many goodly clu­sters of Grapes hanging down: which was an admirable work to behold, both in respect of the greatness, as also for the workmanship and matter whereof it was made. He encompassed all the Temple with most stately Galleries, correspondent to the magnifi­cence I of the same, and surpassing those in times past for the cost: so that never any man before him so magnificently adorned the Temple. Two of which were underpropped with very strong walls, whose Workmanship was so exquisite, that it is incredible to re­late. There was a stony rising or hillock, and very streight and high, the top whereof towards the Eastermost part of the City was somewhat smooth and bending. The first that encompassed it with a wall, was Solomon our King, who by Gods favour and labour of divers workmen, did first of all build the higher part: Herod also inclosed the lower part thereof with another wall, under which to the Southward there lieth a most deep valley. This wall was made of huge stones, close fastned the one unto the other with Lead, shutting all within his enclosure, and extending it self very deep: so that the great­ness K and height of this four-square-building was an incredible thing to be imagined. The greatness of the Stones appeared in the Front, but on the inside they were fastned toge­ther with clapses of Iron, which fortified and strengthned the building for ever against all injuries of times. This work having been thus continued to the top, and the void space between the wall and the rising hillock filling up the floor above, was made level. The whole circuit of the Tower contained about four stades or furlongs, a stade or furlong in length from angle to angle. On the inside and near unto the top there was another wall of stone extended along the Eastern side: having a double porch of equal greatness with that of the wall, and placed in the midst of the Temple, and openeth right upon the gates thereof, which the Kings formerly had adorned. Round about the L Temple were planted those spoils which were taken from the Barbarians, which King Herod had placed there, with all those spoils which he had taken from the Arabians. In a corner on the North side there stood a very strong Fortress, builded by the Asmo­nians; who were Herods predecessours, and had been both Kings and High Priests, and had imposed a name on that Tower which was Baris, in which they kept the Priestly Vesture, wherewith the High Priest was wont to be adorned at that time only, when he was to offer sacrifice. King Herod kept the same in that place, and there remained it af­ter his death, until the time of Tiberius Caesar, under whom Vitellius Governor of Sy­ria, came unto Jerusalem, where he was entertained by all the people with as great mag­nificence, as was possible: and being desirous to acknowledge the favour that he had re­ceived M at their hands, being requested by them that they might have the keeping of the High Priests Ornaments, he wrote unto Tiberius Caesar to grant them that favour: and till the death of King Agrippa the Jews had the same in their possession. But after that Agrippa was dead, Cassius Longinus that governed Syria, and Cuspius Fadus Lieutenant of Judaea, commanded the Jews to return the same into the Fortress Antonia; saying, That the Romans ought to be Lords thereof, as they had been in times past. For which cause the Jews sent Embassadors to Claudius Caesar, to request his favour therein, who arri­ving at Rome, found the young King Agrippa there, who besought the Emperor that it might be lawful for him to have the keeping of the habit: who commanded Vitellius the Governour of Syria, to deliver it into his hands. It was formerly kept under the N seal of the High Priest and the custody of the Treasurers, and on the Eve of a certain solemn Feast, the Treasurers went up to the Captain, who kept the Fortress for the Romans, and after they had opened their seal, they took the habit: and after the Feast was past, they returned it back again unto the same place, and shut it up under the same seal in the presence of the Captain.

After that Herod had in this manner builded this strong Tower for the security and guard of the Temple,The Tower of Antonia. he called it Antonia, for the love of Antonius his friend, and one of the chiefest men in Rome. In the Western part of this porch, there were four gates, whereof the one opened upon the Kings Palace, to which there was a direct way tho­row the midst of the valley: the two others led unto the suburbs: and the fourth O opened upon the rest of the City, and gave open passage unto the same, by the means of a number of stairs, by which men might descend to the foot of the valley: and from thence there was an ascent by other stairs to ascend upwards. For the City was scituate opposite to the Temple, after the manner of a Theater, which ended at this [Page 420] valley on the South side,The year of the World 3955. before Christs Nativity, 9. where, on the very front of this square, there was also ano­ther A gate in the middle, equally distant from both corners, and a stately Tripple Gallery, the length whereof extended from the oriental valley, as far as the We­stern. It was impossible to extend it any further, for it took up all the space. This work was one of the most famous pieces that was ever seen under the Sun. For the depth of the valley was so great, that it was impossible for a man to see the bottom if he looked downward from the higher part: and notwithstanding, on the same he e­rected this porch of so great a height,The porch builded aloft above the val­ley. that but to look from the top thereof, and to con­sider the depth as well of the Valley, as the height of the Porch, it would make a man giddy, and his eye could not pierce unto the bottom of the same. Those Galleries B were supported by four ranks of Pillars equally distant; and a strong stone wall filled up the spaces that were between the pillars of the fourth rank: the thickness of the pillars was such, that one was as much as three men could fathom, holding one ano­ther by the hand, for each of them was twenty and seven foot about, with a double base at the bottom. The whole number of them was one hundred sixty and two, they were engraven and damaskt with Corinthian work, so that it moved admiration in those that beheld it. Betwixt these four ranks of pillars there were three Porches, containing in breadth each of them thirty foot, and in length a stade or furlong: and more than fifty foot in height. That in the midst was in breadth once and half as much as these two; and in height twice as much. The floor was made of rare planks,C engraven with divers figures, and the roof thereof was far higher than any of the rest, in which were certain huge beams morteised, on which there were certain pil­lars builded, united and joyned so together, that it is incredible to those that have not seen it,The inward court, into which and no further the Jews might enter. and admirable to him that beholdeth it: for all the work seemed to be but one stone. Such was the fashion of the circuit of the first Porch. In the midst, and not far off from the other, stood the second: whereunto there was an ascent made with few steps. It was inclosed with a separation of stone, with an Inscrip­tion, forbidding any stranger to enter the same upon pain of death. This inward porch both to the Southward and the Northward had three gates, in rank equidistant the one from the other: and toward the eastward had one great gate, by which those D men entred, who were cleansed with their wives. For beyond that place it was not lawful for the women to have access. But the third inward space was onely accessible by the Priests. In it was the Temple, and within it the Altar, on which they were wont to offer up sacrifices unto God. But Herod durst not enter into the interiour Sanctuary, because he was not a Priest, he committed that Fabrick to the Priests care, which they accomplished in a year and a halfs time: Herod had been eight years about the rest.The dedication of the Temple. The people were replenished with the fulness of joy, and eve­ry one gave thanks unto God for that the whole Work was finished so speedily, and wished all happiness to the King for his cost and diligence in the execution and finish­ing thereof: and they celebrated a great Feast in honour of the restauration of the E Temple. Then did the King offer up three hundred Oxen unto God, and the rest of them, each one according to his ability offered so many sacrifices, that they can hardly be numbered.

About the very time of the Celebration of this Feast, in the honour of the Re-edi­fication of the Temple, the Kings day of Coronation fell out, which he was wont to solemnize every year with great joy:A Conduit un­der ground from the Castle Antonia. and for this two-fold occasion the solemnity and joy was far more sumptuous and compleat. The King also caused a Conduit of Water to be made, and conveyed by pipes under ground, drawing it from the Castle Antonia unto the East gate of the Temple; near to which he builded another Tower also, to the end, that by the Conduits he might ascend privily unto the Temple, if hap­ly F the people should practise any insurrections against his Royalty.During the building of the Temple, it ne­ver rained by day. It is reported, that during the building of this Temple, it never rained by day time, but only by night, to the intent the work might not be interrupted: and our Predecessors have testified no less unto us. Neither is this thing incredible, if we attentively consider those other effects of Gods Providence.

G

A THE SIXTEENTH BOOK Of the B ANTIQUITIES of the JEWS:

The Contents of the Chapters of the Sixteenth Book.
  • 1. Herod maketh a Law which maketh him be reputed a Tyrant: He goeth to Rome, and brings back his Sons Alexander and Aristobulus; his Sister Salome and those C of her Faction endeavour to render them odious to him.
  • 2. How Herod gave Wives unto Alexander and Aristobulus. And how nobly he received Agrippa in his Dominions.
  • 3. Herod goeth to meet Agrippa at Pontus with a Fleet, by which he re-enforceth his Army, and returning back with him a great part of his way, doth much good to se­veral Towns.
  • 4. The Jews who lived in Jonia complain to Agrippa, that the Grecians will not let them enjoy their Privileges.
  • D 5. How Herod returned into Judea, and freed his Subjects from the payment of the fourth part of the Taxes.
  • 6. Salome, Herod's Sister, endeavoureth to ruine his two Sons Alexander and Aristo­bulus, whom he begot of Mariamne: He sends his Son Antipater, whom he had by his first Wife, to Rome.
  • 7. Antipater doth so incense his Father against his Brothers Alexander and Aristobulus, that Herod bringeth them to Rome, and accuseth them before Augustus, for hav­ing attempted to poyson him.
  • 8. Of Alexander's defence, and how the two Brethren were reconciled to their Father E Herod.
  • 9. Herod having compleated the building of Cesarea dedicateth it to Augustus, and en­tertaineth the people with stately Plays and Past-times: He causeth other Towns to be built with several Monuments. His extream Liberality to Strangers, and his excessive rigour to his own Subjects.
  • 10. Testimonies of the Roman Emperour's Affection towards the Jews.
  • 11. King Herod causeth David's Sepulchre to be opened to get money out of it, for which God punisheth him; strange Divisions and Troubles in his Family. The Cruelties which this Prince's mistrustfulness and Antipater's malice causeth, together with his Son Alexander's Imprisonment.
  • F 12. How Archelaus King of Cappadocia, reconciled Alexander to his Father.
  • 13. Herod declareth War against the Arabians, for protecting Trachonites Robbers.
  • 14. Syllaeus will perform nothing of what Augustus's Lieutenants had ordained, but goeth to Rome to him. Herod entreth into Arabia with an Army, and taketh the Castle where the Trachonites were retired.
  • 15. Syllaeus doth so incense Augustus against Herod, that he refuseth to give Audience to his Ambassadors, neither will he admit those whom Aretas King of the Arabians sent. This Aretas succeeded Obodas, whom Syllaeus caused to be poysoned, that he might G get the Kingdom. Herod sends the third Embassage to Augustus.
  • 16. Herod more incensed than ever against his Sons Alexander and Aristobulus by seve­ral Aspersions, causeth them to be imprisoned. Augustus is made sensible of Syllaeus's [Page 422] wickedness, condemns him to die, confirms Aretas in the Kingdom of Arabia; he H is sorry for having so ill an opinion of Herod, adviseth him to call a great Assembly at Berite, where his Sons, after new complaints given in against them, are to be judged.
  • 17. How Herod's Sons were condemned in the Council of Berytum.

CHAP. I.
Herod maketh a Law which maketh him be reputed a Tyrant: He goeth to Rome, and I brings back his Sons Alexander and Aristobulus; his Sister Salome and those of her Faction endeavour to render them odious to him.

AMongst the rest of the affairs of the Commonwealth,The year of the World, 3955. before Christ's Nativity, 9. the King thought it behoved him to redress and hinder private injuries, both in the City and Countrey: For the which purpose he made a new law unlike to the former, that it should be lawful for such as were Wall-breakers,Hedio & Ruffinus, chap. 1. to be sold for slaves without the li­mits of his Kingdom: Which Law did not seem so much to in­tend the punishment of Malefactors,Herod made a new Law, that wall-breakers should be sold into Bondage out of the Kingdom. as the dissolution of his K own Countrey customs. For to serve Forreign Nations, who lived not after the manner of the Jews, and to do whatsoever they commanded them, was more prejudicial unto Religion than unto the parties con­victed of that fact. Wherefore it was sufficiently already in the old ancient Laws pro­vided for the punishment of such people,The punishment of theft according to the law of Moses Exod. 1. 22. to wit, that a thief should restore four times as much as he stole: Which if he was not able to do, that then he was to be sold; not unto strangers, nor into perpetual bondage, but only for seven years; at which time he should again be set free. So that the common people did interpret this new Law to set down an unjust punishment,Deut. 12. 15. and rather to savour of tyranny, than of Prince­ly dignity, and to be enacted not without contempt of their ancient Laws: So that L for this cause all men spake very ill of the King.

At the same time Herod sailed into Italy to salute Caesar, Herod sailed into Italy, and brought home his Sons from Rome. and to see his Children liv­ing at Rome. Where Caesar receiving him very courteously, permitted him to take his Sons home with him, as being now sufficiently instructed in the Liberal Arts. Who returning into their Countrey, were joyfully received of all their Countrey-men, both for that they were of comely stature, and of courteous behaviour, and in their very carriage did shew that they came of Kingly lineage.Salome and o­thers falsely accused Herod his Sons, and made their fa­ther hate them Which things moved Salome and the rest, by whose false accusations their Mother Mariam was destroyed, to envy them; fearing their power, and verily perswading themselves that they would be revengers of their Mother's injuries. So taking hereby occasion, they began also falsely to ac­cuse M them, as misliking their Father, who had caused their Mother to be slain; and as though they had an aversion from him, whose hands were imbrued in their Mother's blood. For they knew that by such calumniation they might draw them into hatred, and avert their Father's good will from them. Yet did they not carry these their in­ventions to the King's ears, but contented themselves to bruit them abroad amongst the common people; which so in the end coming to his hearing, would cause in him such enmity and hatred against his Sons, that it would overcome in him all natural affection.

CHAP. II.N
How Herod gave Wives unto Alexander and Aristobulus, and how nobly he received Agrippa in his Dominions.

BUt the King as yet mistrusting nothing,Herod married his Son Ari­stobulus to Ber­nice Salome's daughter, and Alexander to Glaphyra the daughter of the King of Cappadocia. moved with a Fatherly care over them, had them in such esteem as reason did require, and for that they were now come unto man's estate, he married them both: Unto Aristobulus he gave Bernice the daugh­ter of Salome; and unto Alexander, Glaphyra the Daughter of Archelaus King of Cap­padocia. Which done, understanding that Marcus Agrippa was returned out of Italy O into Asia, he went unto him thither, and invited him into his Kingdom, requesting him to accept of his Friend's entertainment. Which Agrippa yielding unto, Herod o­mitted [Page 423] A nothing that might delight him: For he received him in his Cities newly built, shewing him the fair houses, and goodly Edifices, entertaining him and the rest of his friends and followers with all sorts of delights, pomp and magnificence, as well at Sebaste, as at the Haven of Caesarea, and in the Castles he built, to wit, Alexandrium, Herodium and Hircania. Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 2. He also brought him to Jerusalem, where all the people met him apparelled in such rich and brave attire, as they were accustomed to adorn them­selves withal,Herod carrieth Marcus A­grippa all a­bout his King­dom. when they celebrate their Festivals, and with many joyful acclamations received and saluted him. Agrippa offered an hundred head of fat Oxen to God, and feasted all the people; and although he would willingly have made a longer abode there,Agrippa of­fered an hun­dred beasts at yet Winter drawing on, fearing tempestuous weather, he was forced to sail a­way B with all speed to Jonia, both he and his friends being honoured with very great presents.

CHAP. III.
Herod goeth to meet Agrippa at Pontus with a Fleet, by which he reinforceth his Army; and returning back with him a great part of his way, did much good to several Towns.

HErod having past the Winter at home,Herod sailed unto Agrippa to Chius, and gave a great sum of money to re-edifie the porch. and hearing that Agrippa was with an Ar­my C minded to go to Bosphorus, the Spring time being now at hand, he sailed un­to him again, and taking his course by Rhodes and Cous, he came towards Lesbus, thinking there to find Agrippa: But by a contrary wind he was driven from thence, and forced to stay a while at Chius; where many privately coming to salute him, he re­warded them with Princely rewards: and perceiving that the City gate, destroyed in the Wars against Mithridates, was not yet repaired, but still lay ruinated for want of mo­ney to repair it, he gave so much money as largely sufficed to restore it to the former beauty and bigness; exhorting them with all expedition to re-edifie and adorn the Ci­ty as it was in times past.Herod found Agrippa at Synope a City of Pontus, and was by him honourably entertained. At last the wind changing, he sailed first to Mitylene, and then to Bizantium; and there understanding that Agrippa had already past the Rocks D of Cyanes, he followed him with all speed, and overtook him at Synope a City of Pontus: Who contrary to Agrippa's expectation arrived there with his Navy: Herod's coming was very grateful unto Agrippa, and with especial affection they embraced one another. It was an evident sign of friendship, that the King omitting his own pri­vate business, would now come unto him in so convenient a time. Wherefore Herod abode still with him in the Army, always present either to assist him with counsel, or to bear part of the Labour with him.Herod still pre­sent with A­grippa insports and serious af­fairs. He was also present with him at such times as he meant to be merry, being his only Counsellor in difficult matters, for the benevolence he bare unto him, and also in all his mirth, as being one whom he honoured. Agrippa having dispatcht the business in Pontus for which he came, it pleased him not to return E by Sea,Agrippa went by land to E­phesus. but to go by Paphlagonia, Cappadocia, and the greater Phrygia, and so they came by land to Ephesus: and there taking ship they came to Samos. And in that whole Journey, almost in every City he gratified Herod, at his entreaty relieving many of their necessities.Herod helped many in the way with mo­ney. And Herod did in the way help many with money that wanted, and spent much upon his Guests; and moreover, if any one had any suit unto Agrippa, Herod was the only man that might obtain his suit for him. And though Agrippa also was both nobly minded and easily entreated to grant all such things as were not preju­dicial to any man;Herod was a Mediator for many to A­grippa. yet was it a matter of no small moment and importance in King Herod, to incite him to use beneficence, being even of his own accord forward enough to put the same in practice.The Citizens of Ilia are re­conciled to Agrippa, and they of Chius obtain a privi­lege. For first of all he reconciled Agrippa, being angry against F the Iliensians, and himself paid the money that the people of Chius were indebted un­to Caesar's receivers, obtaining for them an immunity: And he also assisted and plea­sured others in whatsoever they needed.

CHAP. IV.
The Jews who lived in Jonia complain to Agrippa,The Jews of Jonia com­plain unto A­grippa of the injuries offer­ed them by those Coun­trey-men. that the Grecians will not let them enjoy their Privileges.

G WHen they came into Jonia, a great multitude of the Jews inhabiting that Coun­trey being gathered together, expected him to speak unto him; and finding oportunity, they complained unto him of the wrongs that those Countrey-men of­fered [Page 424] them,The year of the World, 3956. before Christ's Nativity, 8. not permitting them to live according to their Laws; and that upon Fe­stival H days they pulled and haled them before their Tribunal: and that they would not permit them to send sacred money unto Jerusalem, and that they compelled them to do publick business, and to spend the Holy money in those affairs, contrary to the Privileges granted unto them by the Romans. Herod endeavoured to have the Jews complaints heard by Agrippa, and desired one of his friends and followers called Ni­cholaus, Nicholaus did make a speech unto Agrippa, in the behalf of the Jews. to plead the Jews cause: Who made a speech unto Agrippa, sitting with the rest of the Roman Nobility, and other Kings and Princes, in their behalf after this manner: ‘Most worthy Agrippa, true it is, that all men that suffer injury, are con­strained to fly for redress to the Higher Powers, and we, over and above, hope to obtain our suit. For we ask nothing but that which your goodness hath already I granted, and that which they endeavour to take from us that are as we also are, your Subjects. And although that your benefit bestowed upon us was great, yet we are worthy still to enjoy it, only for that you your self judged us worthy thereof. And suppose it was a small matter, it is a discredit for you not to grant so small a trifle. Wherefore it is evident, that the injury done unto us, doth also redound unto you, whose decrees those that have injured us, fear not to coutemn, and do disanul your benevolence towards us. For if any one should ask any of them, whether they had rather lose their lives, than be deprived of their Countrey Laws, rites, sacri­fices and festivities, wherewith they honour their gods, I know they would rather endure any calamity, than to be forced to forsake their Countrey-customs. For ma­ny K Wars arise only for defence of Religion: and the greatest reward and content that we reap by this happy peace; which through your means we enjoy, is this, that we are every one permitted to live according to the custom of his Countrey, and to continue in piety. Wherefore they endeavour to take from others that, which by no means they would permit to be taken from themselves, as who would say, it was not as great offence to hinder other men's piety and devotion, as neglect their own. Let us consider whether there be any City or Nation, that doth not count their feli­city to be situate in your dominion, and the power of the Romans? or is there any that desireth your honour and power to decay and be of no force? Truly none that is wise: For there is none, whom either publickly or privately it concerneth not:L But these people endeavouring to take from us our liberty, do also as it were deprive themselves of all benefits which they have received at your hands, which are infi­nite. For what a benefit is it, that whereas other Nations living under the domini­on of rigorous Kings constituted over them; these do only obey the Romans, and live in happy peace and tranquility? But as for our affairs, were no man troublesome unto us, yet are they not such as deserve to be envied. For enjoying the common felicity, which others your Subjects do, we desire nothing of high esteem or worth, but only request that we may live according to the Religion of our Countrey, which of it self is not to be envied, but may be profitable for them that permit it. For God doth always love them who honour him, and them who do not hinder his honour.M What is there in our Religion offensive to any man? nay, what is there that is not according to all piety and justice, whereby all things continue and are preserved? For neither do we conceal what life we follow, nor the labours and exercise we use, but resting the seventh day from all labours, we spend that day in learning our Reli­gion, and the Laws and customs thereof, esteeming this custom not to be of small force to correct and amend our manners. These our customs having in them nothing that any that searcheth them can justly reprehend, they are now also, though many are perswaded the contrary, consecrated and confirmed by their antiquity: So that we must needs make a conscience of it to forsake our Laws, that have endured so many ages. These are the injuries that these people by violence offer us; they sa­crilegiously N take from us the money dedicated to God: They impose tributes upon us, who are free: They upon festival days force us to their Tribunals, to Law, and other prophane business, without any necessity, but only in contempt and disgrace of our Religion, which they know well in the mean time while they persecute with unjust and unlawful hatred. For your Empire, equally providing for the good of all your Subjects, doth not only nourish the mutual concord of them all, but also resisteth hatred and malice. These are the injuries, most worthy Agrippa, whereof we seek redress at thy hands, requesting thee that hereafter we may live according to our Religion as formerly, and that our adversaries may have no more authority o­ver us than we over them: which is not only justice and equity, but already also O granted by your clemency. And there are yet extant, to be seen in the Capitol, ma­ny decrees and ordinances of the Senate concerning this matter, engraven in brass, [Page 425] A which are read unto this day: doubtless for our truth and fidelity so oftentimes tri­ed; or at least, though we not deserving it, yet holy and inviolate. For you do not only not withdraw from us and all other Nations, your former benefits granted unto us, but you do rather every day, beside all hope and expectation, increase them; all which, time will not suffer me to rehearse. And that we may not seem vainly to boast of our duties and officiousness towards you, and also omitting other things that are past; our King now sitting with you, can sufficiently testifie it so to be. For what kind of love and good will hath he omitted to shew unto your Nation? where was he not proved trusty? what hath he not devised to honour you? where stood you in need, when he was not the first man to help you? Why therefore, should B not we receive some favour for his deserts? I will not omit to put you in mind of the Valour of his Father Antipater, who came in with 2000 Souldiers to assist Caesar in the Egyptian Wars, wherein he so valiantly behaved himself, that neither by Sea nor Land any one in those Wars deserved more commendations than himself. I will not repeat at this time how much good he did Caesar in those Wars, and what and how great rewards he received; but rather I should first of all put you in remembrance of the Letters that the Emperour writ unto the Senate concerning this matter, wherewith he obtained for Antipater the honours and privileges of the City. For this only argu­ment had been sufficient to have declared that we did not obtain such favour without desert, and request thee now to confirm the same, of whom we might justly hope for C new benefits, seeing such friendship and familiarity between thee and our King. For we have understood by our Nation that dwell in Judaea, how many offerings thou didst there sacrifice unto our God, and with what vows thou honouredst him; how thou feastedst the people, and wast delighted in that mutual hospitality. All which was an argument of the friendship confirmed between so great a Roman Prince and the Na­tion of the Jews, even in Herod's house. By all these, we humbly request in the pre­sence of the King, nothing but this only, that thou wouldest not permit us deceitful­ly to be defrauded of that, which you your selves have already granted unto the Nation of the Jews.’

Now no one of the Greeks offered to oppose himself against that which Nicholaus D did speak; for this was no contention to a Judge concerning their right, but only a de­precation and supplication to avoid injury. Neither did they deny it, only thus they excused themselves, that the Jews dwelling amongst them, were troublesome unto them. But the Jews shewed themselves to be free Citizens, and to live according to their Religion and Laws of their Countrey, without any man's molestation or injury. Wherefore Agrippa understanding that they were wronged,Agrippa con­firmeth the Jews privi­lege. answered thus: That he would not only gratifie them for his friend Herod's sake, but also for that they seemed to him to demand a reasonable matter. Wherefore, though they had demanded a greater thing of him, he would have granted them whatsoever he might, without pre­judicing the people of Rome. And now, seeing they only demand of him that which E already the Romans had granted unto them, he would ratifie and confirm unto them the benefit which they had already received at the Romans hands, and provide that henceforth no man should molest them for living according to the institution and ordi­nances of their Countrey. Having thus spoken, he dismissed the Assembly. Then Herod arising,Agrippa de­parted from Lesbus. thanked him in all their names. And then, after mutual embracing one another, they departed, taking their leaves from Lesbus.

CHAP. V.
F How Herod returned into Judea, and freed his Subjects from the payment of the fourth part of the Taxes.

THe King having a prosperous wind,Herod return­ed to Jerusa­lem, and made a speech unto the people, and let them understand the cause of his journey, and remitted the fourth part of his Tribute. within a few days after arrived at Caesarea; from thence he went to Jerusalem, and calling together all the people, as well the Citizens as also the Countrey people there present, there he told them the cause of his journey, and how he had obtained immunities for the Jews living in Asia, that they might converse there among the Gentiles, without molestation. Then he told them what felicity they had received and enjoyed by his reign, seeing that his greatest care was so to provide for his Subjects, that they might want nothing. And to gratifie them G the more, he told them, that he would freely remit the fourth part of the Taxes and Tribute they were to pay for the year past. The people greatly comforted, as well with the King's speech unto them, as with his liberality, departed joyfully, wishing the King all happiness.

CHAP. VI.H
Salome, Herod's Sister, endeavoureth to ruine his two Sons Alexander and Aristo­bulus, whom he begot of Mariamne: He sends his Son Antipater, whom he had by his first Wife, to Rome.

IN the mean time,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 3. al. chap. 7. the discord of his house was daily encreased, by reason of Salome's inveterate hatred against Alexander and Aristobulus; she presumed so much on her suc­cess against their mother, that she hoped to leave none of her children alive to revenge her death:Salome perse­cuteth Mari­amne's chil­dren with natural hatred. And she wanted no occasion, for it seems the two young Princes were not I very well affected towards their Father, partly for the memory of their Mother's death, and partly also for that they desired the Kingdom. So that they upbraiding Salome and Pheroras, did renew their old hatred against them, who daily practised, by all means they could,Alexander and Aristobu­lus being by Salome and Pheroras drawn into bad words, are by them accused to their Father Herod. to overthrow them: The young men also hated them, but not with the like hatred that they were hated of them. For they for their ingenuous man­ners and noble race, dissembled not their anger, but freely declared their minds. But Salome and Pheroras contrariwise, enviously and craftily prepared themselves a way by calumniations; always provoking the magnanimous spirits of these young Princes, whose fierceness might soon bring them into suspicion with their Father, that he might gather hereby, that they wanted not will to revenge their Mother's death; yea, e­ven K with their own hands, forasmuch as they were not ashamed to be the Children of such a Mother, and would contend that she was unjustly put to death. And now all the City talked of them, every one pitying their rashness: Salome not ceasing to ga­ther by their own speeches probable arguments of suspicion, that they did not only take their Mother's death impatiently, but also raging like furies, did both bewail her death and their own case, who were compelled to converse with the murtherers of their unfortunate Mother; and as it were, contaminate themselves with living a­mongst them.Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 4. al. chap. 8. And the absence of the King greatly encreased their dissension; who being returned, having made a speech unto the people, he presently was admonished both by Pheroras and Salome his Sister,Pheroras and Salome accuse Alexander & Aristobulus unto Herod. that he was in great danger by reason of his L two Sons, who did openly boast that they would be revenged of them that killed their Mother: Feigning moreover that they were encouraged, for that they hoped that Archelaus King of Cappadocia would help them to accuse their Father unto Caesar. He­rod hearing this, was greatly troubled; and so much the more, that he heard the same also reported unto him by others: And hereby he was put in memory of that which was past, how that for the dissension of his house he could not long enjoy his friends and dearest wife,Herod was for­tunate abroad and unfortu­nate at home. And as it were foreseeing by that that was past what would ensue, and fearing some greater calamity would befall him, he was altogether amazed. And truly, as abroad he was most fortunate above all hope, so at home he was most un­happy and unfortunate beyond men's opinion: So that one may well doubt whether M his fortunate success abroad, did countervail his misfortunes at home; or whether it had been more expedient for him to have had neither the one nor the other, but to have had only a common and ordinary favour at fortunes hands. Deliberating thus with himself,Herod advanc­eth Antipater to bridle the arrogancy of his Sons. he thought it good to call unto Court another Son of his, whom he be­gat when he was a private man; and to grace him with honours, and to oppose him against the other two Brethren, to the end to bring down and repress their fierce and haughty minds; (this Son of his was called Antipater) not minded (which after over­come by affection he did) to make him sole heir of all, but thinking thereby to bridle Mariamne's Children, and to diminish their arrogancy, by letting them see that it was not needful to keep the inheritance of so flourishing a Kingdom only for them; where­fore N he introduced Antipater, one opposed against them, that thereby the other two laying their pride aside, might shew themselves more tractable to their Father: And so thought by this means to provide for their safety.Antipater in­citeth his Fa­ther against his Brothers. But it fell out far otherwise than he expected; for they esteemed this fact as an injury done unto them: And Antipater was of that nature, that having gotten promotion contrary to his expectation, he did endeavour all ways possible to be in greater account with his Father than the other two, who was already, through false accusations, alienated from them, and every day (as he also desired) ready to believe any thing that might incense him against them.

Wherefore this was all his business: Yet he had an especial care not to be thought O an accuser of his Brethren, but he used others of his Complices, whom the King nothing suspected; who for the trust the King put in them, might also have better credit given [Page 427] A unto their words. For this man had many followers and favourers, as it were gaping after preferment by his means; who with a kind of counterfeit good will, made a shew of love and good will towards Herod, And being many in number, and trusty one to another, the young Princes were every day entrapped more and more: For many times they shed tears for very grief of the contumelies and injuries that they suffered; and many times they mentioned their Mother, and complained unto those whom they thought to be their friends, of their Father, as one that dealt not well with them; all which Antipater's Favourites maliciously noting, and adding thereunto something of their own invention, they did presently tell it unto Herod; and so did foment the dis­sention of his house. For the King being moved hereat, and purposing to humble B Mariamne's Children,Herod brought Antipater's Mother into the Palace. did daily encrease and augment Antipater's honour; and at his entreaties, at last brought his Mother into the Court; and many times writing secretly unto Caesar in favour of Antipater, he especially commended him in particular unto him: And being to sail to salute Agrippa, who was now to depart out of Asia, having governed that Province ten years, he only took with him Antipater of all his Sons; whom he also committed to Agrippa with many gifts,Herod deliver­eth Antipater to Agrippa to be carried to Rome. to go with him to Rome, and to be brought into favour with Caesar: So that now all things seemed to be done, as it were by his man's beck, and the other two to be already dis-inherited.

C CHAP. VII.
Antipater doth so incense his Father against his Brothers Alexander and Aristobulus, that Herod bringeth them to Rome, and accuseth them before Augustus, for hav­ing attempted to poyson him.

ANtipater's Journey to Rome, Antipater was honoured at Rome. with his Father's Letters of Recommendation to all his friends there, proved both very advantageous and honourable to him; yet this was a great grief to him,Antipater when he was present, incit­ed his Father against his Brethren by lies; and be­ing absent, he did the same by Letters. that he could not daily calumniate his Brothers; for he feared lest his Father's mind should change, and so would affect Mariamne's Children D most. This being his daily fear, though he were absent, he ceased not by Letters to incite his Father against them, as having care of his safety; but indeed for that he there­by through his bad practises, hoped to obtain the Kingdom; so that he encreased Herod's wrath against them, that he was become a deadly enemy unto them both. But fearing rashly in his anger to commit any thing to prejudice them, he determined to sail again to Rome, and there to accuse his Sons before Caesar; lest he being led a­way through indignation and displeasure against them, should seem to cast off all love and fatherly affection towards them.Herod sailed to Rome, and followed Cae­sar to Aqui­leia. And repairing to Rome, and not finding Caesar there, he followed him unto Aquileia; and coming to speech of him, and requesting him to take notice of his misfortunes, he presented his two Sons; and accused them E before Caesar of insolency,Herod accused his Sons be­fore Caesar. and for having attempted to poyson him; complaining their hatred to be gone so far, that now by any wicked and execrable way what­soever they sought their Father's Kingdom, notwithstanding that Caesar had given him full power and liberty to leave the Kingdom to him whom he found most du­tiful unto him. And that they, though thereby they might not gain the Kingdom, yet they could be contented with their Father's death; and that they sought it with danger of their own lives; and that this horrible and detestable hatred was now rooted in their hearts. And that he having long endured this calamity, was now forced to open it unto Caesar, and trouble his ears with these complaints. And spake after this manner: Have I, deserved this at their hands? what wrong have I done F them? or how can they think it reason, that I, who have exposed my self to so many dangers, and undergone, so difficult labours for a long time, to obtain the Kingdom, should not peaceably enjoy the same, and suffer me to be Lord of my own Dominions, and permit me the liberty to leave it unto him who shall deserve such honour in the best performance of a Son-like duty? So that the beholders hereof, seeing piety so rewarded, might hereby be the more incited hereunto; especially seeing that without violating the Law of Nature, it is not lawful to think any such thought: For no man can affect his Father's Kingdom, but he doth also desire his Father's death, seeing it is not permitted men to succeed those in the Kingdom who are yet alive. He alledged moreover, that for his part he had had a care that they should want nothing convenient for a kind G Father to provide for Princely Children, neither ornaments, nor followers, nor delights: That also he had provided for them Wives of a Noble Race, and had mar­ried one of them unto his Sister's Daughter, and the other unto Archelaus his Daughter [Page 428] King of Cappadocia: And which was the greatest matter of all, he had not used the H authority of a Father against them after these enterprizes, but brought them unto Caesar their common benefactor; and that forsaking his own right of a Father, who had been injured; or of a King, against whom treason had been wrought; he was now con­tent to debate his matter with them before such a Judge, as well knew how to decide the thing in question according to right and equity; yet requested him that their of­fence might not be left unpunished, nor he forced to lead the rest of his life still in per­petual fear; nor suffer them to be so miserable, as never to enjoy themselves, nor de­sire to see the light of the Sun, after having violated the most sacred Laws of God and nature. Herod having with a vehement voice objected these accusations against his Sons before Caesar, the two Princes were not able to abstain from tears whilst he was I yet speaking; and having ended his speech, they wholly burst out into tears; not that they were guilty of those impieties laid unto their charge, but that they were ac­cused by their Father; against whom it was not decent to speak freely for themselves, nor expedient to refuse to defend their own cause.Alias, chap. 9 Wherein they remained doubtful what to do,Alexander and Aristobu­lus moved all that were pre­sent, even their Father and accuser to tears and compassion. moving the auditors to pity them by their tears and lamentations; and fearful withal, lest it should be thought that their guilty conscience did trouble them, that they were not able to speak in their own defence; seeing that indeed it was only for want of experience, by reason of their tender years. Which also Caesar per­ceived, and all that were present were so moved to compassion, that neither their Father, who was their accuser, could refrain from being moved with com­passion.K

CHAP. VIII.
Of Alexander's defence, and how the two Brethren were reconciled to their Father Herod.L

THen the young Princes perceiving both their Father and Caesar to be mollified, and they that were present partly to pity them, partly to shed tears of compas­sion; the one of them named Alexander, who was the elder, directing his speech to his Father, began thus to clear himself of the Crimes objected against them: Father,Alexander speaketh in his own, and his Brother's de­fence. how well and friendly minded thou art towards us, this present judgment declareth; for hadst thou determined any heavy sentence against us, thou wouldest not have brought us before him, who is the preserver of us all: For thou mightest, being a King, or for thy authority over us as a Father, have punished us for our offence ac­cording to thy power: But in that thou hast brought us to Rome, and made Caesar our Judge, it is an argument that thou seekest to save us; for no man brings any one M to the Temple, whom he purposeth to destroy; which greatly aggravateth our cause, who do censure our selves unworthy to live, rather than to incur an opinion of impie­ty committed against thee such a Father. How far more expedient is it to die guilt­less, than to live suspected of so great an ingratitude? Wherefore if God grants us so much success in our defence, as to perswade you of the truth, we shall not rejoyce so much for having escaped so great a danger, as to be found innocent by your judgment; for we do not desire to live with the suspicion of those Calumnies. It is a probable accusation to accuse our years, as having affected the Kingdom; and our unfortunate Mother's calamity maketh it seem more probable. But consider, I beseech thee, if the same crime may not as well be framed against any one whomsoever, as against us.N For any King having children by a Wife that is now dead, may if it please him, su­spect them, as practising treason against him their father. But suspicion is not suf­ficient to prove a man impious and guilty: Wherefore produce any one that can bring sufficient proof, that may induce any moderate Judge to believe, that we ever attempt­ed such a horrid Crime. Can any man shew that poyson was prepared by us for you, or that we conspired with any, or that we corrupted any servants with money and gifts; or that we writ any letters against thee? yet calumny may feign every one of these upon no occasion. It is a grievous matter, for discord to be in a Princes Court; and the hope of Dominion, which your Majesty affirmed to be the reward of piety, doth often impel mens minds unto hai­nous offences. But although it be most certain that we cannot be convicted of any crime, yet how O can we clear our selves from accusations forged against us, before them that will not hear us? But did we speak some insolent words? yet were they not against thee, O my father (for that had [Page 429] A been impiety) but against them who traduced us. We bewailed our mother's misfortunes. It is true: But not because she is dead, but because after her death she is evil spoken of by those who ought not to do it. We affect the Kingdom of our father, he being yet alive. Where­in? Is not that purpose of ours vain and frivolous, we having already been graced with Kingly honours? And suppose we were not; yet might we hope for them. But could we ex­pect them with killing of thee, whom both earth and seas would disdain after so execrable an offence? Or could we have expected that the loyalty of thy subjects, and the laws of our nation would have permitted us, having gotten the Kingdom by murthering our father; to have enjoyed the same, and entred into the holy Temple, which thou didst repair? Or sup­pose we despised them all; yet could any one that murthered thee escape, Caesar being living? B The Children by thee begotten are not so impious nor foolish, though more unfortunate, than thy estate requires. And seeing thou hast nothing to accuse us of, or nothing to prove any ac­cusation laid unto our charge, how canst thou be perswaded that we are guilty of such inhu­mane acts? Is it because our mother was put to death? But her death ought rather to have made us more wary, than insolent and rash. We could speak more in our own defence than this, but what need is it to excuse that which was never done? Wherefore we beseech Caesar (who is Lord of all, and now our Judge) only this, that if thou canst, O my father, put away out of thy mind all suspicion of us, to suffer us to live hereafter, how unhappy and un­fortunate soever: For what is more miserable, than to be rashly accused without cause? But if thou canst not, we living, live without fear of us, let us die condemned by our own C censure. For our lives are not so dear unto us that we desire to keep them to his molestation that bestowed them upon us.

Caesar with these words, though before not greatly crediting such accusations and slanders laid against them, was now more moved to believe that they were guiltless, and the rather, that fixing his eyes upon Herod, he perceived him also to be moved, and all that were present were sorry for the young Princes:All men do pi­ty the young men. So that all who were present censured the King, for the absurd and frivolous accusation framed against them; their youth and handsomness made all the spectators so concerned at their misfortunes, that there was nothing wherein they were not ready to assist them: And much more, after that Alexander had ingeniously refuted his father's accusations, the accused remaining still D in the same posture and place, and for grief fixing their eyes upon the ground. At last some hope appeared, so that the King himself seemed to need some excuse, for having so rashly accused his sons, without any certain proof of his accusations. At last, Caesar having a while deliberated with himself,Caesar pro­nounceth the young men herein to have offended, that they gave oc­casion of suspi­cion, and he exhorteth the Father to be reconciled to his Children. pronounced that the Princes were innocent of the crimes laid unto their charge: Yet herein they were too blame, that they had so behaved themselves, that they gave their father occasion to suspect them. And as for Herod, he requested him to lay aside all suspicion, and to be reconciled to his Chil­dren. For it was unjustly done of him to believe such forged accusations against those whom he had begotten; that he was fully perswaded that they would prove so duti­ful to him for the future, that he would not only forget that distaste that they had giv­en E him, but that he would also renew his former affection towards them; and both parties endeavouring thus to re-establish the friendship and trust that ought to be be­tween so near Relations, their union would be greater and more sincere than ever. Caesar having thus admonished the young men,Herod is re­conciled to his Children. they prepared themselves to entreat their Father's wonted favour: He, not expecting so long, came and embraced each of them one after another, they weeping exceedingly; and all those that were present, both servants and others, did the like.

Then giving humble thanks unto Caesar, they departed together, and Antipater with them,Antipater friendly doth congratulate his brethren returned into his Fathers fa­vour. counterfeiting himself to congratulate their happiness for being reconciled unto his Father. Within a few days after, Herod gave Caesar three hundred Talents, who F was now bestowing his gifts and presents at Rome, and exercising his liberality upon the people. And Caesar again bestowed upon him half of the revenues out of the Mines of the metal in Cyprus; and the other half unto the overseer thereof; and gracing him otherwise also,Herod did give Caesar 300. ta­lents. he gave him leave to chuse which of his sons he pleased for to succeed him in his Kingdom; or if he had rather, to distribute it amongst them all: which Herod presently would have done, but Caesar would not permit him, affirming, that during his life he should keep it all whole and undivided,Caesar gave Herod half his revenues out of the Mines of Cyprus. and his sons should be subject unto him.

After this, Herod returned again into Judea, in whose absence the Trachonites, that were no small part of his Kingdom,The rebels are conquered. were revolted, yet by the industry of the Captains, G he left to oversee all in his absence, they were reduced again, and forced to do as they were commanded. As Herod and his sons were sailing towards home, arriving at Eleusa a City of Cilicia, which is now called Sabaste, he found Archelaus there, who was [Page 430] King of Cappadocia. Archelaus did courteously entertain Herod, and was very joyful H that his sons and he were made friends, and that Alexander his son in Law had so well cleared himself and his brother of the crimes laid unto their charge. And so each one bestowing upon the other princely gifts, they departed taking their leave one of the other. After this, Herod being newly returned into Judea, and calling the people to­gether into the Temple, told them all that had past in his absence from them, and the courtesy of Caesar: And told them also of other affairs that he thought fit for them to know; and turning the latter end of his speech unto his Sons, and exhorting the Cour­tiers and common people to concord, he told them that his sons should reign after him, and first of all Antipater; and after him his sons that he had by Mariamne, Alexander and Aristobulus: In the mean time every one of them should honour him as King and I Lord, notwithstanding his old age, which for long experience was the fitter to govern, seeing there was nothing in him wanting to keep both his Subjects and Children in their obedience; and that the souldiers also, if they only respected him, should live in all happiness and felicity without molestation. Having thus spoken, he dismissed the peo­ple; some thinking he had spoken according to equity, others thinking clean contra­ry: For having now as it were caused an emulation amongst his Children, there was as it were already a shew of some mutation.

CHAP. IX.K
Herod having compleated the building of Caesarea, dedicateth it to Augustus, and enter­taineth the people with stately Plays and Past-times: He causeth other Towns to be built and several Monuments. His extream Liberality to Strangers, and his exces­sive rigour to his own Subjects.

ABout this time Caesarea was finished,The year of the World, 3957. before Christ's Nativity, 7. the tenth year after it was begun to be built, the 28. year of Herod's Reign, in the 192. Olympiad. In the dedication hereof; there was great pomp and sumptuous preparations: For all Musicians were brought thither to strive one with another, who was most excellent in their Art; and Cham­pions L that wrastled being naked and anointed with oyl:Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 5. al. 10. There was also a great many that fought with swords, and a great number of wild Beasts; and all things else that at such times were used, and in account, either at Rome or in other Countreys. These sports were also consecrated unto Caesar, Caesarea is fi­nished. and were to be renewed every fifth year. All this provision the King at his own cost and charges provided to be brought from all places whatsoever,Quinquennal [...] certamen. to shew the greatness of his magnificence. Julia, Caesar's wife also bestowed much of her own to the furnishing hereof, and sent many precious things out of Italy; so that the worth of them all amounted to five hundred talents. And a great company being gathered together to behold these sports, he received all Embassadours sent unto him from other Nations, to thank him for the benefits he had bestowed on M them; and he lodged, feasted and recreated them: and being all day long amongst the people to see those sports, at night he received them with banquets, and shewing them his magnificence; and gained great praise and commendations for a worthy King. For, he in all things so provided, that the last was more pleasing and greateful than the first, and caused him to be more admired. And it is reported that Caesar himself and Agrippa often did say,Caesar and A­grippa com­mend Herod's magnanimity. that Herod's magnanimity was greater than his present revenues could bear, and that he well deserved an Empire as big as all Syria and E­gypt. These sports being ended, he builded another Town in a Field called Caphar­saba, Antipatris is built. chusing for it a watery soil fit for plants: the City was compassed with a River; and he also planted round about it a Wood full of fine Trees. This Town he called N Antipatris, after his father's name, Antipater. After which he also builded a Castle about Jericho, Cypron is built. called after his mother's name, Cypron, which was very strongly forti­fied, and adorned within with rare and sumptuous edifices. And not forgetting his brother, he dedicated unto him most stately buildings; for first he built a Tower as big as Pharo in the City,The Tower & Town of Pha­saelus is built. in remembrance of his dead brother, and called it by his name, Phasaelus, which also was the strongest Fort in all the City. After this, he build­ed a Town near unto the Valley of Jericho, towards the North, whereby the fields that before almost lay desart, were now tilled and inhabited by the townsmen; so that of them it was named Phasaelus-field. It were hard to relate all his liberality in particular shewed, both unto the Cities of Syria and Gree [...]a, and all other places where­soever O he came: For he helped many, either by building publick places; or if there were any new works begun, and not finished for want of money, by giving them mo­ney [Page 431] A to finish them, the chiefest among all which were, that he builded at his own cost and charge the Temple of Apollo at Rhodes; and gave them many talents of silver to build their ships. He also builded the greatest part of the publick houses and places in the City of Actium, which Caesar built for the Nicopolitans there inhabiting, and that with his own proper cost and charges,Herod built the Temple of Pythias. He also, for the Antiochians inhabiting the greatest City of Syria, builded Arches on each side of the greater street, that goeth quite thorow the midst of the City, and doth as it were part it in two; and the street it self that lay open, he paved with polished stone; which work was as great a con­veniency to the inhabitants, as a beauty unto their City. He also helped to maintain the sports at Olympus with yearly revenues,The sports of Olympus. that for want of maintenance began to de­cay: B So that by his means there were more solemn sacrifices, and all things more sum­ptuous to please them that came to behold them: For which liberality he was declar­ed perpetual Master and Maintainer of those sports.Why Herod was liberal to strangers, and cruel to his own nation. It is admirable to see in one man such diversity of minds: For on the one side, if we consider his liberality towards all men, we must needs say, he was of a most free and bountiful nature; contrariwise, if we consider the injuries and cruelty he shewed against his subjects and dearest friends, we must confess him to have been a hard man, and intractable, and who passed all bounds of modesty; so that we would think him to have been of two contrary dispo­sitions. But I am otherwise perswaded, and think that both these did proceed from one matter: For because he thirsted after glory and honour, and wholly applied him­self C thereunto, he became liberal wheresoever he was, in hope, either to reap present thanks for his labour, or a future remembrance. Wherefore spending above his reve­nues for this matter, he was forced to be chargeable to his subjects; for it was necessa­ry that he, that so lavishly bestowed such huge summs of money upon others, should some where get it, though with evil means. Lastly, seeing himself for such like inju­ries hated of his subjects, he thought it a hard matter to gett their good wills; which he could do no ways else, but by remitting the tribute they paid him. Wherefore he abused the hatred of his people for his own commodity: For if any one of them did not tolerate that slavery wherein they lived, or did endeavour to shake off the yoke of his dominion, against such he used a prodigious cruelty; and injured them no less, D than if they had been his enemies, without regarding friendship or kindred; for that he desired alone to be honoured of all men.Herod greedy of honour. And how greedy of honour he was, we may guess by the honours he did unto Caesar, Agrippa and others of their friends: For he desired to be an example to his subjects, that as he himself honoured men better than himself, so they should all honour him likewise; thereby declaring what thing he did naturally most desire. But the Jews Religion doth not permit them license to ho­nour Potentates, who of necessity ought to have greater care and respect of right and equity, than of such officiousness towards superiours: for it was disprofit enough unto the Jews, that they could not with Statues and Temples obtain the King's favour, and with like flatteries satisfie the fond appetites of a vain-glorious man. And this E seemeth to me to be the reason that Herod was unjust, and hard towards his friends, and to those whom he made partakers of his counsels and enterprizes; and free and bountiful towards strangers.

CHAP. X.
Testimonies of the Roman Emperours Affection towards the Jews.

THe Asian and Cyrenian Jews were greatly afflicted by the Citizens of those Coun­treys, F Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 10. who having had the same privileges granted unto them by the ancient Kings that the Citizens had,The Jews of Asia and Cy­rene being af­flicted by the inhabitants there, send an Embassage to Caesar, and do obtain of him immunity. were now greatly injured by the Grecians; as though they carried money out of the Countrey, and were prejudicial unto the rest of the in­habitants. And the Grecians making no end of their injuries, they were constrained by Embassadours to complain of them unto Caesar: who wrote unto every Province, that it was his pleasure, that the Jews should enjoy like privileges with the other inha­bitants of the countrey. The copy of which writing we have here set down, that it may the better appear how the Roman Emperours of ancient times were affected unto our Nation.

Caesar Augustus Pont. Max. Trib. potestatis, thus decreeth. For as much as the Nati­on G of the Jews hath always been trusty unto the Romans, not only at this day, but also in all former Ages, and especially in the time of our father Caesar the Emperour, under Hircanus their High Priest: I have ordained, that according to the common sentence of the Senate, [Page 432] they shall live after their Countrey-Laws,The year of the World, 3957▪ before Christ's Nativity, 7. under which they lived in the time of Hircanus H the High Priest of God; and that their Temple shall retain the right of a Sanctuary, and that it shall be lawful for them to send votive money unto Jerusalem by certain persons; and that they shall not be compelled to appear before any Judge upon their Sabbath days, or the day before their Sabbaths, after nine of the clock upon the preparation day. And if any one be known to steal their holy books or holy money, laid up in their places appointed for Religi­on, he shall be guilty of Sacrilege; and his goods shall be confiscate unto the Treasury of the people of Rome, I also decree, for the good will I bear unto all men, that their Memorial or request offered unto me by C. Marcus Censorinus, shall together with this my Edict be pub­lished in the famous place, which all Asia hath dedicated unto my name, to wit, Argyra. And if any shall be so bold as to do contrary to our Decree, he shall be punished extraordina­rily.I This was engraven in a pillar in Caesar's Temple. Caesar wisheth health unto Nor­banus Flaccus. Let it be lawful for all Jews wheresoever living, to carry their sacred money to Jerusalem, according to their ancient custom, and that no man should forbid them so to do: And this did Caesar write in favour of the Jews.

Agrippa also wrote in the Jews behalf, [...]. as followeth; Agrippa wisheth health unto the Magistrates, Senate and people of Ephesus: I will that the Jews living in Asia keep their sacred money, which according to the custom of their Countrey, they usually send unto Jerusalem; and if any one shall steal their holy money, the same person, if he fly to a San­ctuary, shall be violently taken away from thence, as a sacrilegious person, and delivered unto the Jews to be punished. He also wrote unto Syllanus the Magistrate, that the Jews K might not be constrained upon their Sabbaths to appear before a Judge: M. Agrippa wisheth health to the Cyrenian Magistrates and Senate. The Jews inhabiting among you, for whom Augustus hath already written unto Flavius the President of Lybia, and unto o­ther Magistrates of that Province, are not to be hindred from sending their holy money to Jerusalem, as their custom is; and they have now complained unto me, that they are mo­lested by the false accusations of some bad people, and forbidden to do it under pretence of a certain Tribute, which notwithstanding they are not to pay. Wherefore I command that they may be permitted to live after their custom, and free in all such matters: And if in any of your Cities any sacred money of theirs be intercepted, that by certain persons which you know to be fit for that purpose, ye make choice of them, to send it again unto the Jews. Item C. L Norbanus Flaccus Proconsul:Caius Norba­nus Flaccus writeth in the Jews behalf. Health unto the Magistrates of Sardinia; Caesar hath writ­ten unto me, commanding that no man hinder the Jews, according to their custom, to send sacred money unto Jerusalem; wherefore I also write unto you of the same, that you may not be ignorant both of my will and Caesar's also.Julius Anto­nius Proconsul. Moreover Julius Antonius Proconsul, did al­so write to this effect: Health unto the Magistrates, Senate and people of Ephesus. The Jews of Asia in the Ides of February, I sitting in the judicial seat at Ephesus, signified un­to me, that Caesar Augustus and Agrippa have permitted them to use their Countrey-cu­stoms; and every one according as he thinketh good, to contribute his first fruits for Re­ligion sake, to be carried without let or hinderance unto the Temple of the most mighty God; and they desired me to ratifie by my consent, that which they had already granted them by M the above named Emperours. Wherefore I would have you to know, that I also, according unto Caesar's and Agrippa's Decrees and Ordinances, do permit and grant them also to do all things they please, according to their Countrey-customs, forbidding any man to hinder them therein.

I have thought good to add these Decrees, because I know, that these my writings will come into the Grecians hands, that I may shew them, that in former ages we were so esteemed of the publick Magistrates, that none were permitted to hinder us from using our Countrey-rites and Ceremonies, and that by their consent we worshipped God in our own Religion, which I do inculcate the oftner, that I may move strange and forreign Nations, and take away their hatred conceived against us, which is with­out N all reasonable cause. For no Nation doth always use the same customs, but almost whole Towns among them do sometimes alter and differ from the rest; yet is justice equally to be distributed unto all men; which is most profitable, as well to the Gre­cians, as to the other barbarous Nations, which is greatly observed in our Laws; which if we follow and violate not, are able to make all nations love us. Wherefore we re­quest all men, not to despise us, for differing from them in Religion; but favour us in that we follow virtue. For this is common to all Nations, and without this, man's life must needs be unhappy. But I will now return unto my history.

O

A CHAP. XI.
King Herod causeth David's Sepulchre to be opened to get money out of it, for which God punisheth him; strange Divisions and Troubles in his Family. The Cruelties which this Prince's mistrustfulness and Antipater's malice causeth, together with his Son Alexander's Imprisonment.

HHerod spending lavishly many summs of money,Hedio & Ruf­finus▪ chap. 7. al. 7. 12. both at home and abroad, hear­ing that Hircanus who reigned before him, opened David's Sepulchre, and B took out of it three thousand Talents of Silver,The desire of Gold. and that there was left yet far more, able to defray any great charges whatsoever; he purposed to do the like. And at this time, in the night season, accompanied only with his most trusty friends; being very wary that none of the people should know of it, he entred into the Sepulchre; but he found no money there, as Hircanus did; but he took from thence a great deal of Silver and Gold Plate, whereby he was enticed to make a more diligent search: And he sent two of his company on purpose into the inner part of the Sepulchre, where the bodies of Solomon and David were entombed, who were lost; and, as it is reported,Herod lost two of his men in David's Se­pulchre. fire came out of those places, and consumed them. Whereat Herod be­ing terrified, departed out of it; and moved with Religion to make satisfaction, he C builded a most sumptuous monument of White Marble, at the entrance into the Se­pulchre; Nicholaus the Historiogra­pher reproved▪ of which building Nicholaus also, a writer of that time, maketh mention; but he speaketh not how they went into the Sepulchre of David, thinking that there­in he should not keep Decorum, if he should make mention thereof. Wherein he fol­lowed this accustomed order; for his Writings were to come to the ears of the King yet living, wherein he did only curry favour, mentioning only that, that might re­dound unto the King's credit: So that many of his open and wicked pranks, he did ei­ther colour under some other pretence, or else all ways possible he endeavoured to hide them. For he doth, as it were, tell a tale of Herod's cruelty against Mariamne and his Sons, as though he did thereby deserve credit and praise; accusing her of A­dultery, D and them as Traitors unto their Father: and this he doth all along, too much extolling the King's good deeds,Joseph came of the Priest­ly Line of the Asmonians. and too diligently excusing his iniquities. But as I have said, we must pardon him who did not so much write to leave a memory of things done unto after Ages, as to gratifie and please his King. But I, who come of the lineage of the Asmonian Kings, and execute the office of a Priest, account it a shame to lie; and do intend to relate the History of all things that were acted and done, yet with a reverence for Herod's Posterity, who do also now bear sway and rule; yet, with their pardon and leave, I must prefer the truth to their inclinations.

After the Sepulchre was thus violated,A discord in Herod's house▪ Herod's house began to decay, whether re­venge lighting upon that part which was already scarce sound, or whether by mere E chance, such calamity at that time befel him, as might justly be thought the reward of impiety. For there was a discord in the Court not unlike to Civil Wars, every one striving against other with hatred and forged accusations:Antipater's crafty plotting against his Brethren. But especially Antipater's politick practice against his Brethren was to be noted, who entangled them by other men's forged accusations; himself oftentimes seemed to take upon him their defence, that making a shew of good will unto them, he might secretly oppress them the soon­er; and he did so craftily circumvent his Father, that his Father esteemed him to be his only Conserver. Wherefore the King commanded Ptolomens his chief Secretary of State, to conceal nothing of the affairs of the Kingdom from Antipater, who im­parted all to his Mother, so that all things were done according as they pleased; and F they made him displeased with those, against whom they knew the King's displeasure might redound unto their profit.

But Mariamne's Children were every day more and more provoked, disdaining to give place unto their inferiours;The women at discord and variance. their Wives did the like: and Alexander's Wife Gla­phyra, who was the Daughter of Archelaus King of Cappadocia, did greatly envy and dis­dain Salome, and she also her again, both for the love that she bare unto her Husband, and for that she disdained (as women are wont) that her Daughter married unto Aristo­bulus, should be in equal honour with her. Pheroras also the King's Brother had a hand in this contention,Pheroras refus­ed the King's Daughter of­fered him to Wife. about a private cause of suspicion and hatred. For he fell so far in love with one of his maids, that he refused the Kings Daughter offered unto him, ra­ther G making choice of his maid. Herod took this in very ill part, seeing his Brother (who had received so many benefits at his hands, and was almost his fellow in his Kingdom by his means) not to shew the like brotherly affection to him again as he ought. And [Page 434] seeing he could not disswade him from that madness, he married his Daughter unto H Phasaelus his Son: And afterwards thinking that his Brother's mind towards his maid was satisfied, he complained of his injurious dealing, in repulsing his Daughter offer­ed unto him to Wife, he offered him another of his Daughters named Cypros. Then Ptolomeus advised Pheroras not to contemn his Brother's offer, and persist in such folly still; telling him it was mere madness to incur the King's displeasure on such an account. Pheroras understanding this counsel profitable for him, having obtained pardon at the King's hands, sent away his maid, by whom he had a Son, and promised the King to marry this his other Daughter; and appointed the thirteenth day after to celebrate his Marriage; making a solemn Oath unto the King, never after that time to use the company of that woman whom he had put away. The time appointed being expired,I he fell so far in love with the former woman, that he would not stand to his promise, but again accompanied with his maid.

Then Herod, not able any longer to contain himself, used many speeches, whereby he evidently shewed his mind to be alienated from his Brother. And there were ma­ny who taking this opportunity, did by forged calumnies encrease his aversion; so that now there was no day nor hour past, wherein he did not still hear some new combu­stions and stirs amongst his dearest friends.Salome entic­ed her Daugh­ter to betray her husband's secrets. For Salome being so offended at Mariam­ne's Children, did not permit her Daughter married to Aristobulus, to enjoy mutual love and comfort of her Husband, enticing her to bewray her Husband's secrets; and if there happened any small occasions of offence (as often it falleth out) she should the K more aggravate them with suspicions, whereby she also learned all their secrets, and made the young Princess hate her Husband. And she, to please her Mother, related, how that often when her Husband and Alexander were alone, that they were wont to talk of Mariamne their Mother, and use reproachful words against their Father; and threatning, that if they ever did obtain the Kingdom, they would make the Sons of the King, whom he had by other Wives, Notaries and Town-Clerks, and so they might reap profit of their Learning which they had attained to: and whensoever they saw any of the Kings Wives wear any of Mariamne's apparel, that then they vowed in­stead of that attire, to cloath them with Sack-cloth, and shut them up where they should never see the Sun▪ Salome presently told all this to the King; who, though he were L much grieved hereat, yet he chose rather to seek to amend it, than to punish them: and thus, notwithstanding he was daily more and more put out of humour, believing all reports whatsoever; yet he contented himself with chiding of them, and seemed sa­tisfied with their excuses.

But presently the mischief was again set on foot; for Pheroras the King's Brother, meeting Alexander, who (as we have said) was Glaphyra her Husband, who was Daughter to Ar­chelaus; he told him that he heard by Salome, that Herod was so far in love with Glaphyra, that he could not shake off this affection.Herod greatly moved against Pheroras, for affirming that he was in love with Glaphyra▪ The young Prince hearing this, became jealous, and was in a great rage; and now what honour soever or gifts Herod, for the love of his Son, gave her, Alexander did interpret it in the worst sence: and not able to put up such M injuries, he went to his Father, and with tears related unto him what Pheroras had told him. Herod was never more surprised; and not enduring to be falsely accused of so shameful a fact, inveying against the great malice of his friends; who for his good of­fices he did them, so rewarded him. He presently sending for Pheroras, very sharply be­gan to chide him, saying; O most impious that liveth amongst men! art thou become so ungrateful, either to speak or think such a matter of us? Thinkest thou that I do not perceive thy drift; that thou spakest not these words unto my Son to discredit me, but also to the in­tent by this means thou mightest work some treason against me, and cause me to be poysoned? For who but a good Son, as this is, would suffer his Father, suspected for such a matter, to live, and not to be revenged of him for such offence? Whether dost thou think that thou didst put N these speeches into his mind, or by them a sword into his hand to kill his Father withal? Or what was thy intent, seeing thou hatest him and his Brother; and only counterfeiting good will towards me, to belye me, and to report that of me, that without impiety could not be thought? Get thee hence, thou wretched Imp, seeing thou hast thus abused thy Brother, who hath deserved so well at thy hands. Go basest of men, I will leave thee to the gnawing worm of thy own perfidious Conscience, to be thy Executioner all thy life time: And for your greater con­fusion, I will content my self to confound your wickedness with my goodness, in not punishing you according to your deserts; but treating you with that mercy, of which all the world know­eth you to be so unworthy. The King having uttered his anger against his Brother Pheroras, & he being taken in a manifest fault answered, that that report was first devised by Salome, O of whom he heard it:Salome excus­eth her self. Which she (being then present) hearing, began to exclaim, saying, it was not her device, and that they all laboured to make the King hate her, and put her to [Page 435] A death, being one who did especially wish him well; and what in her lay, seeking his safety; and that now he was in danger of more Treason, than ever before: For (said she) I was the only cause that you did put away the woman whom you so doted after, per­swading you to marry the King's Daughter; and this is the cause that you hate me. With these speeches, tearing her hair and striking her breast, she made a shew of innocency; but this gesture was a colour to hide her bad intent. So Pheroras was left in great per­plexity, not knowing what to say or do; and could find no pretence to excuse his fact: for on the one side, he confessed that he told it unto Alexander; and on the other, he could not make Herod believe that he heard it of Salome. This contention endured a good while; at last, the King being wearied, sent away his Brother and his Sister; and B greatly commending his Son's moderate mind, and that he had given him intelligence of those speeches: it being then late, he went to supper.

After this contention,The effect of calumniation. Salome was hardly thought of, because she was judged to be the Author of this ill report; and the King's Wives hated her, because they knew her to have strange qualities; and so variable, that one while she would profess friendship, and presently after hatred. Wherefore they still had something to inform Herod of against her; taking occasion happening by chance, which was this: There was a King of the Arabians, named Obodas, a slothful man, and one given to idleness: And there was one Syllaeus that did govern all; this man was a crafty fellow, and in the prime of his youth, and very beautiful. This Syllaeus coming unto Herod about C some business, and viewing Salome, who then sat at supper with him, began to set his mind upon her; and finding she was a Widow, he entred into talk with her: and she finding her Brother now not so friendly unto her as before he had been, and also entangled with the beauty of this young man, did not greatly deny to marry him; and many Feasts being made at that time, they shewed evident signs of their mu­tual consent, and love one to another. The King's Wives told the King of this in jest. Herod commanded Pheroras, at supper time to note if he could espy any tokens of fa­miliarity betwixt them; and Pheroras told him, that by signs and mutual viewing one another,Syllaeus the A­rabian desir­ing Salome to wife, was de­nied. they sufficiently shewed their intents. After this, the Arabian being suspected, departed into his own Countrey. But two or three months after, he came again in­to D Judaea only for this purpose, and talked with Herod touching this matter, requesting him to let Salome be his Wife; affirming that that affinity would be profitable unto him for the traffick between his people and the Arabians, whose Prince he was to be; and did already enjoy a great part of the Dominion. Herod told all this unto his Sister, and asked her if she would marry him; and she answered, she would. Then they re­quested that Syllaeus should become a Jew in Religion, or else it was not lawful for him to marry her. He would not condescend hereunto, affirming that he should be stoned to death by his people, if he did it; and so he departed without obtaining his purpose. From that time forth, Pheroras, and especially the King's Wives, accused Salome of in­temperancy; affirming that she had had the company of the Arabian. Now Herod E determined to marry his Daughter unto Salome's Son, whom Pheroras refused for the love of his Maid; which Son of Salome's was her eldest that she had by Costabarus; to shew his good will towards Salome his Sister. But he was disswaded by Pheroras, who told him that the young man would never love such a Father in Law, because of his Father's death; perswading him rather to marry her to his eldest Son, who was to suc­ceed him in his Tetrarchy, which he easily perswaded the King unto, and so obtained pardon for his former offence.Herod marri­ed his Daugh­ter to Phero­ras's Son. Wherefore, the match being changed, the Maid was married unto the young man, who had a hundred Talents in dowry with her, more than otherwise should have been given with her.

But all this while this dissention of Herod's house did not cease, but rather encreas­ed; F it having a shameful beginning, and coming to a sorrowful end. Herod had three Eunuchs, whom he greatly esteemed for their beauty; one of them was his Butler, the other his Cook, and the third his Chamberlain; whom also he was wont to em­ploy in serious affairs of his Kingdom. Some one or other informed the King, that these three Eunuchs were corrupted by his Son Alexander, The Sons ha­tred towards their Father is bewrayed. with great summs of mo­ney; and being upon Tortures examined if they had accompanied with him, they confessed all; yet they affirmed that they knew no practice of his attempted against his Father. But their torments being encreased by Antipater's Favourites, they were forced to confess that Alexander secretly hated his Father; and he exhorted them to forsake Herod, who was now good for nothing; who dissembled his age by painting G his face, to make himself seem younger than he was; and colouring his head and beard black, which were already grown very white through age: But rather set their minds upon him, who would in despight of his Father, enjoy his Kingdom due unto him; [Page 436] and that then he would advance them to the highest honours of the Kingdom: For he H had not only title unto it by his birth, but also was now prepared likewise to invade it; and that he had many of the Captains, of the souldiers, and many of the King's friends on his side, who were prepared to do or endure any thing for his sake.

Herod hearing this, fear and anger did seize on him, by reason that his Son's words seemed both insolent and threatning; and being for both these causes in a rage, he feared some greater matter to be put in practice against him, which he could not sud­denly, having so little warning, avoid: And not daring to make open enquiry, he set secret spies a work, to tell him how all matters stood, himself now mistrusting all men, and accounting it his security to mistrust all, even them that deserved it not: and not moderating his suspicious mind; now whosoever was the nearest to him, was the I more suspected,Herod credit­eth all tales, and so putteth many to death unjustly. as of most power to injure him. As for others, that were but on­ly named by his spies, he presently esteemed it his safety to put them to death. Then they of his houshold, every one being careful to save himself, were one turned a­gainst another, every one esteeming it his own safety to prevent others, by ac­cusing them unto Herod; which done, presently they incited other men's envy a­gainst him, and every one of them to desire such measure as they had measured unto others; and thus they also revenged their private Quarrels, and presently after they themselves were taken, and did by other mens means suffer the like, being entrap­ped in the same trap they set for their enemies. For the King did quickly repent for having put very many to death, who were not convicted; yet for all that, he was K not hereby admonished to beware of the like hereafter; but on his repentance for their death, raged so far, as to cause him to inflict the same punishment upon the accusers, which he had done upon them.Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 8. The Court was in such a lamentable condition, that he com­manded many of his dearest friends, and them especially, whose fidelity he had for­merly experienced,Herod denieth to be familiar with Andro­machus and Gemellus, not to come in his sight, nor within his Court-gates. For he did now shake off the friendship between Andromachus and Gemellus, and himself, who were his ancient friends; and oftentimes had gone Ambassadours for him, and always been of his counsel, and had been tutors unto his Children, in whom he had always reposed more trust than in any others; the one of them, for that his Son Demetrius was familiar with Alexander; and Gemellus, for that he knew him to L be a friend to Alexander; for he was one of them that had brought him up, and had travelled with him to Rome. And no doubt but he had censured them with some more heavy sentence, had it not been that they were so eminent persons. Wherefore at that time he was contented to have banished them, and deprived them of all their au­thority, to the end, that having disgraced these good men, he might the more freely play the Tyrant.Antipater the cause of all mischief. Antipater was the cause of all this mischief; who from the first time that he perceived his Father to be fearful and suspicious, still after that, joyned with him as Counseller; and as it were, encreased his rage and cruelty; and then he gal­lantly played his part,Many were tortured and examined for Alexander's cause. endeavouring that whosoever would resist him, should be made away. Wherefore Andromachus and the rest of his friends being now banished the M Court, the King presently tortured all that he imagined any way to favour Alexander, to see if they were guilty, or if they knew of any treason to be practised against him; but they knowing nothing to inform him of, died amidst their torments. Where he so much the more tortured others, for that contrary to his opinion, he found not so much as an evil thought against him; Antipater craftily interpreting it, that they had rather in torments conceal the truth, than to shew themselves not trusty to their masters and friends; wherefore many being taken, he caused them to be tortured to get something out of some of them. At last one amongst the rest, not able to endure those torments imposed upon him, said; that he had often heard Alexander say, when any one com­mended his tall stature, or skilful shooting, and the rest of his vertues; that nature had N bestowed upon him these qualities to his prejudice; for his Father through envy here­at, was offended; so that when he talked with him, he did on purpose draw his body together, lest his Father should perceive the tallness of his stature; and that when he went a hunting with him, he on purpose did miss the mark he could have hit, because he knew his Father could not endure that he should be commended. And whilst these words were considered and pondred, and his torments intermitted, he accus­ed Alexander again, to have conspired with his Brother Aristobulus, to kill his Fa­ther when he was hunting, and then to fly with speed unto Rome, and beg the Kingdom of Caesar. There were also found some of Aristobulus his Letters written unto his Brother, complaining of the injurious dealing of his Father, who had given O certain Possessions to Antipater, the yearly revenues whereof amounted to two hun­dred Talents. Then Herod thinking himself to have probability enough, his former [Page 437] A suspicion was now confirmed, and so he took Alexander and cast him in prison; and again he began to doubt, because he did scarcely believe the informations against him, neither could he devise any cause wherefore they should seek to commit Treason a­gainst him. And those complaints seemed childish; neither was it probable, that hav­ing openly killed his Father,Alexander being in pri­son, his friends were tortured▪ he would afterwards have gone to Rome. Wherefore endeavouring to find some stronger argument of his Son's impiety; and because he would not be thought rashly to have committed his Son to prison, he caused the most noble and eminent of all Alexander's friends to be tortured, and they confessing no such matter as he expected, he put them to death.

Whilst thus all the Court did resound with fear,One accused Alexander to have sent let­ters to Rome against his Fa­ther. torments and contentions, a cer­tain B man accused Alexander, to have sent letters to his friends at Rome, to entreat them to cause him to be sent for by Caesar thither, that he might accuse his Father of certain conspiracies against Caesar, and how he more esteemed the friendship of Mi­thridates King of the Parthians, than the friendship of the Romans; affirming also, that he had poyson ready prepared at Ascalon. Herod hearing this, was comforted by flatterers about him, as having not done any thing rashly; and so he gave now full credit unto all:Alexander confesseth the treason, and who had a hand in it. Yet the poyson was diligently sought for, but could not be found. Alexander being now oppressed with this calamity, he yet took courage; and because he would more incite his Father's displeasure against him, he did not deny it: Perhaps meaning to make his Father ashamed of himself, for giving credit so easily unto forged C tales; or at least, if he could not effect that, entangle all the Court and him too in ca­lamity and misery: Which that he might the better do, he writ four little Pamphlets, and sent them unto his Father; telling him that it was needless to use any more tor­ments, for indeed, treason was intended against him; and that Pheroras and his most trusty friends were herein conspirators: And that in the night time Salome came se­cretly unto him, and as it were, forced him to lie with her: And that all of them aim­ed at this mark, to have him made away, that so they might enjoy their wished liberty. He also accused Ptolomeus and Sapinnius of this conspiracy, who were more faithful un­to their King, than all others: So that now these men, who before were most friendly one to another, began like mad men to rage one against another: and punishment so D hastily pursued every one, that they had not time to speak in their own defence: Nei­ther was their punishment deferred till their cause was tried, and the truth known; so that some were bound and imprisoned, others presently put to death, others laughed in their sleeves to see that day, yet discontented for that any delay was used for their punishment:Herod was so troubled with the contention in his house, that he was weary of his life. So that the King's Court was now greatly defaced with sorrow and hea­viness, wherewith the usual felicity thereof was destroyed. Herod himself amidst these calamities, could not but be weary of his life; who, not daring to trust himself in any bodies hand, he was tormented with a dayly and hourly fear of some untimely death, that would befall: And many times perswaded himself, that he did see his Sons before him with a drawn sword ready to kill him; and this was his cogitation night and day, E so that herewith he almost ran mad.

CHAP. XII.
How Archelaus King of Cappadocia, reconciled Alexander to his Father.

WHilst Herod was thus troubled in his mind,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 9▪ al. 13. Archelaus King of Cappadocia careful of his Daughter, and the young Prince his Son in Law, and pitying his friend Herod in such calamities;Archelaus the King of Cappadocia feigneth dis­pleasure a­gainst Alex­ander his Son in Law, and so reconciled He­rod unto him. he thought it his duty to make a journey unto him. And F finding him so affected as it was reported unto him before his coming, he thought it an unfit way to argue him of too much credulity and rashness; perceiving that thereby he would be rather exasperated, so much the more labouring to excuse himself. Wherefore Archelaus devised another way to appease these troubles; he counterfeited indignation against the young Prince, approving all the King's actions; affirming that he would break the band of Wedlock between his Daughter and Alexander; and that if she knew of the Conspiracy, and did not inform the King thereof, himself would punish her. Then Herod, contrary to his expectation, seeing Archelaus so angry for the offence committed against him, began to remit his anger: And now with just consideration weighing what he had done, by little and little, G he began to have a Fatherly affection, and to be hereby moved to compassion; yet so oft as any one sought to excuse the young Prince, he grew very angry thereat: but when Archelaus also began to accuse him, then Herod's heart relented, and he with tears [Page 438] besought Archelaus not to yield too much to anger, nor for the young Princes offence,H break off the marriage. Then Archelaus perceiving him to relent, began to turn the matter against Herod's friends, as the causes of all this mischief, who had corrupted Alexander, who of himself was void of malice; and especially he aggravated the mat­ter against Pheroras the King's Brother.Archelaus layeth the fault of A­lexander's of­fence upon o­thers, and e­specially upon Pheroras. Pheroras having now incurred the King's dis­pleasure, perceived that none could so soon reconcile him unto the King, as Arche­laus; wherefore, clothed in black, and making other signs, as though he despaired of his life, he went unto him, who did not deny to help him what he could; yet he told him that it was no easie matter for him to pacifie the King, so highly offended, per­swading him rather himself to go unto the King his Brother, and crave pardon of him; confessing himself to have been cause of all this mischief; by which confession of his,I the King's wrath would be greatly appeased, and so he also should have better occasion to entreat for him.Pheroras con­fessed himself to be the au­thor of all mischief, and obtaineth par­don of his bro­ther. Pheroras followed his counsel, which fell out happily for them both; for the Prince, contrary to any ones expectation, was freed from all his troubles: And Archelaus made Pheroras and Herod friends; and he himself having obtained great friendship of the King in his adversities, he returned joyfully into Cappadocia, being re­warded with rich gifts, and being accounted of as Herod's chiefest friend. They also agreed amongst themselves, that Herod should go to Rome, because he had already writ­ten unto Caesar, Herod accom­panied Ar­chelaus unto Antioch. concerning this matter: And they both went together to Antiochia, and there Herod reconciled Titus the President of Syria unto Archelaus; and so he re­turned into Judea. K

CHAP. XIII.
Herod declareth War against the Arabians, for protecting Trachonites Robbers.

WHilest Herod being gone to Rome, The year of the World, 3956. before Christ's Nativity, 8. was absent from his Kingdom, the Arabian Wars began, on this occasion: The inhabitants of Trachon, whose Countrey Caesar taking from Zenodorus, gave it unto Herod; being forbidden and hindred from stealing, were now forced to frame themselves to live like husband-men, more civily L than before: But this kind of life pleased them not, neither did their Countrey yield fruits worth their labours;The cause of the Arabian War. yet at first Herod compelling them thereunto, they abstain­ed from injuring the inhabitants bordering upon them, which did greatly redound unto Herod's credit,Caesar gave Trachonitis to Herod, Alias chap. 14. by whose diligence they were brought unto it. But when Herod was gone into Italy to accuse Alexander, and to commend Antipater unto Caesar, the Trachonites hearing a bruit of his death, revolted, and turned to their accustomed robberies:Herod's Cap­tains subdue the Rebels in Arabia. Yet they were at that time again subdued in the King's absence by the Captains that he left at home; and forty of the chiefest of the Thieves amongst them being taken, the rest terrified by their example, left their own Countrey, and fled in­to Arabia, where Syllaeus received them, in revenge that he could not obtain Salome M for his Wife; and receiving of him a strong hold to dwell in, they did not only make incursions, and rob and spoil the borders of Judaea, but also of Caelosyria, and drove away the preys they got into the place allotted them, Syllaeus protecting them and their villanies. Herod returning from Rome, found that his people were greatly en­damaged by these Thieves; and seeing he could not subdue them, by reason the Ara­bians did protect them;The Thieves taken and pu­nished. not enduring that injury, and entring into Trachon, he kil­led all their Families: Whereby they were so much the more enraged against his Countrey; for they had a Law amongst them, whereby they were commanded to revenge the death of their Families; and so contemning all dangers, they came and wasted all Herod's Countrey with continual incursions. Then the King complained N hereof unto Saturninus and Volumnius then Presidents,Alias, chap. 15. sent thither by Caesar; re­questing that he might have the Thieves to punish them. They hearing this news, with as much speed as they might, gathered their Forces together; and making themselves stronger than they were before, with sudden incursions wasted all where they came, destroying both the fields and villages, and killing all they could find; so that now this resembled a War, rather than a Robbery; for they were a thousand in number.Herod de­manded the Thieves to be delivered unto him, and the money he had lent to be re­payed. Wherefore Herod required these Thieves and Robbers to be delivered unto him, and required the debt that Obodas owed him; for Herod had lent Obodas threescore Talents, and sent them unto him by Syllaeus; and now the time was expired wherein the money was to be repayed. But Syllaeus, who had taken all the rule from O Obodas, and himself governed all, denied that those Thieves were in Arabia, and de­ferred the payment of the money: So that this matter was debated before Saturninus [Page 439] A and Volumnius then Presidents of Syria. The year of the World, 3958. before Christ's Nativity, 6. At last it was by them determined, that within thirty days, the money due to Herod should be paid, and the runa­ways of both Countreys delivered each to other. But there was no one Ara­bian that either had fled unto Herod for any offence committed, nor for any o­ther cause;Saturninus and Volumni­us, the Rulers of Syria, do re­concile Herod and the Ara­bians. but the Arabians were convicted to receive the Thieves that fled from Herod.

CHAP. XVI.
B Syllaeus will perform nothing of what Augustus's Lieutenants had ordained, but goeth to Rome to him. Herod entreth into Arabia with an Army, and taketh the Castle where the Trachonites were retired.

WHen the day was come that was appointed,Herod, by the permission of Saturninus & Volumnius, en­tred into A­rabia with an Army, and de­stroyed the Castle called Repta. Syllaeus not minded to stand unto the agreement made, went in the mean time to Rome: But Herod exacted his money, and the Thieves to be restored unto him. Saturninus and Volumnius per­mitting him with force of Arms to persecute those obstinate people: So he levy­ing an Army, went into Arabia; in three days space going as far as ordinarily men use to march in seven; and coming unto the Castle wherein the Thieves kept, C at the first on-set he took it and destroyed it, being called Repta; and did no o­ther harm unto the inhabitants.Nacebus with 25 Arabians slain. And a Captain of the Arabians, named Nacebus, came to succour the Thieves, and so fought with Herod's Army; in which Battel a few of Herod's men were slain; but of the Arabians were killed five and twenty, with their General,Herod carried 3000 Idumae­ans into Tra­ch [...]n. and the rest were put to flight. Being thus revenged upon the Thieves, he led three thousand Idumaeans into Trachon, to keep the inhabitants from robbing; and sent Letters unto the Roman Governours who were in Phaenicia, that he had only used the authority which they gave him against the rebellious Arabians that resisted him, and nothing else; which afterward also, they making enquiry, they found true.

D

CHAP. XV.
Syllaeus doth so incense Augustus against Herod, that he refuseth to give Audience to his Ambassadors, neither will he admit those whom Aretas King of the Arabians sent. This Aretas succeeded Obodas, whom Syllaeus caused to be poysoned, that he might get the Kingdom. Herod sends the third Embassage to Augustus.

THe Arabians sent messengers with all speed to Syllaeus at Rome, Hedio & Ruf­finus chap. 10. al, 16. and informed him E otherwise, aggravating every thing according to their fashion. Syllaeus being a little before insinuated into Caesar's acquaintance,Syllaeus accus­ed Herod unto Caesar. by chance was then also about the Palace; and hearing these news, he presently changed his apparel; and clothing himself in black, he went in this manner unto Caesar, informing him how Arabia was afflicted with Wars, and that the whole Kingdom was wasted by Herod, who had en­tred into the Countrey with an Army, and with tears complained that 2500 of the Arabian Nobility were killed, and amongst them his friend and kinsman Nacebus; and great riches were taken away, which were laid up at Repta; and that all this was done in contempt of Obodas, who had no Army ready, nor a fit Captain for his Forces, he being not there. Syllaeus having thus spoken; adding moreover, that he F would not have come to Rome, but that he was perswaded that Caesar would have had a care of the common peace and tranquility of his Subjects; and that had he been at home, Herod to his cost should have violated that Peace. Caesar hereat was greatly moved, and enquired of some of Herod's friends who were then present, and of certain men that were lately come out of Syria also, whether Herod had led an Army out of the limits of his own Kingdom. Which they not denying, and Caesar not vouchsafing to hear the cause why, his displeasure against Herod was greatly encreased, so that he writ threatning Letters unto him; telling him, that hitherto he had used him as a Friend,The Arabians and Tracho­nites under­standing that Caesar was of­fended with Herod, rejoyce thereat. but hereafter he would use him as a Subject; which also Syllaeus signified unto the Arabians. By which Letters they were made proud, and would G neither render unto him the Thieves that were escaped, nor restore the money he lent their King, nor pay him rent for the pasture-ground that they hired of him. More­over, the Trachonites hearing this, rebelled against the Garrison of the Idumaeans; [Page 440] and joyning with the Arabian Thieves,The year of the World, 3960. before Christ's Nativity. 4. who wasted their Countrey; not so much re­specting H their own gain, as their revenge and particular profit; they did many mis­chiefs, and exercised great cruelty against them. Herod did put up all injuries, and durst not once mutter, Caesar being offended with him; for the which cause he was not so couragious nor valiant as he was before.Caesar offend­ed with Herod▪ For first of all, Caesar would not ad­mit his Ambassadours, whom he sent to plead his cause before Caesar; and Herod a­gain sending other Ambassadours, Caesar sent them back again, their business undone.

Wherefore Herod being in this perplexity, greatly feared Syllaeus; who being now at Rome, did easily perswade Caesar any thing; for Caesar was very credulous; and Syllaeus aimed at some greater matter.Obodas dying, Eneas suc­ceeded him in the Arabian Kingdom. For Obodas dying, Eneas succeeded him in the Kingdom of Arabia, changing his name, called himself Aretas; whom Syllaeus, by I forged calumniations, did seek to depose from the Crown, and usurp the Kingdom unto himself, giving great summs of money unto the Courtiers, and promising great summs unto Caesar; whom he now perceived to be angry against Aretas, for that, with­out his consent, he presumed to take upon him the government of the Kingdom. But at last he also sent letters and gifts unto Caesar, and amongst the rest a Crown of Gold worth many Talents; and in those letters he accused Syllaeus, who as an impious and disloyal servant, had poysoned his King Obodas; in whose life-time he had also invad­ed the Government of the Kingdom, committing Adultery with the Arabians Wives, getting together other men's money,Caesar would not give Au­dience to the Arabian Am­bassadours. thereby to obtain the Kingdom. Caesar would not permit these Ambassadours to have Audience; but refusing their gifts, suffered K them to depart without obtaining that they came for. In the mean time the affairs of Judea and Arabia every day became worse and worse, every one seeking to trouble the estate of both Kingdoms, and no man endeavouring to quiet them. For the King of Arabia was not yet established in his Kingdom, and therefore could not control his Subjects. And Herod feared that if he did defend himself, he should so much the more incite Caesar against him; and so was forced to put up all injuries that were done unto him:Herod sent Ni­cholaus Dama­s [...]ne to Caesar▪ And finding no end of his miseries, he at length determined to send again to Rome Ambassadours, to see if, by the help of friends, Caesar might be perswaded to think better of him; and so committed that Embassage unto Nicholaus of Damasco, and sent him to Rome. L

CHAP. XVI.
Herod more incensed than ever against his Sons Alexander and Aristobulus by seve­ral Aspersions, causeth them to be imprisoned. Augustus is made sensible of Syllaeus's wickedness, condemns him to die, confirms Aretas in the Kingdom of Arabia; he is sorry for having had so ill an opinion of Herod, adviseth him to call a great As­sembly at Berite, where his Sons, after new complaints given in against them, are to be judged.M

IN the mean time the dissention of Herod's house was much encreased,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 11. al. 17. by the aug­mentation of hatred against his Sons Alexander and Aristobulus; and although at all other times his Court was never void of suspicion,Eurycles a La­cedemonian insinuateth himself into Herod's fami­liarity. which is a pernicious evil to Kings and Princes; yet, at that time especially, this mischief was in his principal vigour and force. For one Eurcyles a Lacedemonian, and a Noble man of his Countrey; but having a turbulent wit, given over to flattery and pleasure, yet cunningly dissembling both vices, coming unto Herod and giving him gifts, and receiving greater gifts at his hands, was by him courteously entertained; and familiarly conversing with him, brought it so to pass, that he was esteemed amongst his especial friends. This Eurycles N lodged at Antipater's house,Eurycles insi­nuated him­self into A­lexander's friendship. being also familiar with Alexander for their often meeting one another: For he said that Archelaus King of Cappadocia and himself, was great friends, and therefore he counterfeited himself to reverence Glaphyra very much; and all men judging him indifferent in all parties, he diligently noted whatsoever past, and every word that was spoken, seeking, by all means he could, matter to gratifie others carrying of tales; and with such flattering fair speeches he insinuated himself into every man's friendship, that he seemed Alexander's only trusty friend; and that all his endeavours with others, were only for to be more serviceable to Alexander in his concerns. And by this his deceit, he so insinuated himself into Alexander's favour, that the young Prince thought him to be his only friend, unto whom he O might impart his secrets; so that Alexander shewed him how much he was grieved for not being in his Father's favour; and related his Mother's misfortune, and that [Page 441] A Antipater had now gotten all authority and dignity from him and his Brother, and was the only man that could do all; and that these injuries were no long­er tolerable, their Father being now incited against them, that now he would nei­ther admit them unto his Councils nor Banquets. And he committed his griefs (as he then thought) into his friends bosom.Eurycles ob­serving all A­lexander's words and a­ctions, related them to Anti­pater and He­rod. But Eurycles told Antipater all, af­firming that thought it nothing concerned him, yet he could not but speak of it for the greatness of the present danger; desiring him to beware of Alexander, who did not stick openly to shew what mind he bare; but did, as it were, manifestly shew that he desired to make away his Father. Which done, he received of Antipater most rich gifts, and pledges of his good will towards him; at length he perswaded him to B relate his news himself unto Herod. The King gave an attentive ear, whilst he relat­ed Alexander's malice; and was so moved with the circumstances, that he conceived a deadly hatred against his Son, which also without further delay, he did make ma­nifest; Eurycles by craft got mo­ney of Arche­laus. for he rewarded Eurycles for his pains with fifty Talents. Which he having received, went unto Archelaus; and speaking well of Alexander, acquainted him how instrumental he had been in reconciling him unto his Father: and receiving of him also a summ of money, he departed before his malice was discovered, and returned into his Countrey; and using the like shifts there also, he was at last by his Countrey­men banished from Lacedemonia. Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 10. Furthermore, Herod not content now, as before, to hear only that which was told him of Alexander and Aristobulus, Herod doth give ear unto the accusers of Alexander and Aristobu­lus. did himself also C conceive a proper hatred against them, observing all things, and making diligent en­quiry though no man accused them, and permitting all men to speak what they pleas­ed against them. And amongst the rest, Evaratus of Cous had conspired with Alexan­der; and he seemed now to hear no talk more willingly than this, and such like. But then greater misfortunes than all the rest befell the two Princes, false accusations ne­ver ceasing to be forged against them; and every one as it were, striving to accuse them of some crime or other unto the King, pretending the care they had of his safe­ty. Herod had two Champions,Jucundus and Tyrannus con­fess that A­lexander did solicite them to kill Herod as he was a hunting. Jucundus and Tyrannus; both acceptable unto him, for their strength, and tall stature, and bigness of body: These two for some offence were banished the Court, and received into Alexander's service, and placed amongst D his Guards; and for that they were very active, he bestowed many gifts and much money upon them. Whereat the King presently conceiving suspicion, began to tor­ture them; and after many torments, they confessed that Alexander had hired them to kill Herod, as he was a hunting wild Beasts: for so it might easily be bruited abroad, that he falling off his horse, fell upon his own Lance, and so was killed; which once before had almost happened unto him. They also declared unto him, that certain gold was hidden and buried in the stable: And they also accused Herod's chief Hunts­man, that at Alexander's command he had given Alexander's Servants the King's Lances and his Armour. After them the Governour of the Castle of Alexandrium was taken, and examined upon tortures; and it was objected against him, that he promised to re­ceive E them into the Castle, and deliver unto them the King's Treasure there. But he denying it, his own Son affirmed all to be true, and brought forth Letters to testifie the same,How Alex­ander writ un­to the Captain of Alexan­drium to re­ceive him. resembling Alexander's hand written to this effect: So soon as by God's assist­ance we have done that which we intend to do, we will presently come unto you; be careful therefore, that according to your promise you do receive us into your Castle. Herod hav­ing had a view of these Letters, did now without any doubt believe, that indeed some treacherous practice was plotted against him by his Sons.Diophantus the Scribe doth counter­feit other men's hands. But Alexander af­firmed that Diophantus the Secretary had counterfeited his hand, and that the Letter was Antipater's device. For Diophantus was accounted cunning in such matters, and afterward being taken with the like, he was therefore put to death. And the King F produced them that had been tortured at Jericho before the people to accuse his Sons, where they were stoned to death; and the people hereat moved, would also have killed Alexander and Aristobulus with the same death. But Herod, by the means of Ptolomeus and Pheroras, did restrain them;Alexander and Aristobu­lus are impri­soned; and Aristobulus warneth his Mother in law▪ and commanded the young Princes to be cast into prison, and there to be kept so close that no man was admitted unto them; but many [...]pies were set, who should narrowly mark all their actions and words; and now they were accounted as condemned men, both by other men's opinions, and also by their own. One of them, to wit, Aristobulus, for grief inviting his Aunt, and Mother in Law, to compassionate his present calamity, and to hate him that was the Author hereof; affirmed that she also was in great danger, being accused in hope to G marry with Syllaeus, to have signified unto him by Letters all that past in Herod's Court. Which words the woman presently came and told to her Brother Herod. The King no longer able to bridle his fury, commanded them both to be bound, and kept in several [Page 442] places,The year of the World, 3960. before Christ's Nativity, 4. one from another, and each of them to write what they had plotted against H their Father: And being thus commanded, they wrote that they neither prepared Treason, nor yet thought of any Treason against him; only they purposed to fly, because they perceived that they could no longer live here, because they were so su­spected, Alexander confesseth to Herod, that he purposed to fly to Arche­laus. and in continual care. At that time a Prince of Cappadocia came Ambassa­dour from Archelaus, named Mela, who was one of the greatest Lords of the Coun­trey: And Herod desiring to shew his Son's malice, he sent for Alexander out of pri­son; commanding him to relate how, and after what order, or whither they meant to fly: he answered, unto Archelaus, who had also promised them to send them to Rome; Mela Ambas­sadour of Ar­chelaus, King of Cappadocia▪ but that they had no further intent or purpose to effect any unlawful practice a­gainst their Father, and that all other accusations were false. And that he requested I that Tyrannus and the rest might have been better examined, but Antipater prevented that; who, by his own forged rumours spred amongst the people, did cause them to hasten their deaths. Which being said, Herod commanded both him and Mela to be led unto Glaphyra, Claphyra Alexander's wife is de­manded, if she knew of any Treason a­gainst Herod. that she might be asked whether she were any way privy to the con­spiracy against Herod: And coming unto her, the woman seeing her husband bound, presently tore her hair; and being amazed, with great compassion, cried out. The young man's cheeks were also bedewed with tears; so that a long time after, those that were present amazed, and moved to compassion at this miserable sight, could neither speak nor do the King's command. At last Ptolomeus, to whose charge Alexander was committed, desiring him to speak, whether his Wife was privy to his intent; he K answered, How could it be otherwise, who is dearer unto me than mine own life, be­ing Mother of my Children? then she answered, crying out aloud, that she was privy to nothing that was any harm; yet (quoth she) if it will avail you any thing, or help to save your life, I am ready to tell any lie whatsoever, seeing I must die, and will deny nothing you would have me to say. Alexander answered, Neither did I purpose any impiety against my Father, as some suppose, who ought not to think so; neither dost thou know of any one: this thou knowest, that thou and I purposed to fly unto Arche­laus thy Father, and that he promised to convey us to Rome; which she also af­firmed.

Herod now thinking that Archelaus was disaffected towards him,Archelaus excuseth him­self to Herod. delivered Letters L unto Olympus and Volumnius, commanding them in the way as they went, to pass by Eleusa a Town of Cilicia, and deliver certain Letters unto Archelaus himself to the same effect; and that from thence they should go to Rome; and if so be when they came there, they found that Caesar had been reconciled to him by Nicholaus his means, that then they should also deliver certain Letters unto him; declaring all that was past between him and his Sons, and the proofs alledged to convince the Princes. Archelaus writ a­gain unto Herod, that indeed he would have entertained the young men, for fear that any greater mischance should befall them or their Father, by reason of the suspicion a­gainst them; yet was he was he not minded to send them to Caesar, nor to have confirmed them in any malicious course.Caesar and He­rod made friends. The Messengers coming to Rome, found Caesar reconciled to M Herod, and delivered the Letters unto him. For Nicholaus his Embassage was to this effect: So soon as he came unto Rome, and had entred the Palace, beside the charge he had given him, he did also undertake to accuse Syllaeus. For he perceived the Ara­bians at variance among themselves; and that some of them had declared all Syllaeus his bad practices, and that by his means many of Obodas's Kinsmen were murthered, as his adversaries manifestly proved by his Letters which they intercepted.

Now Nicholaus desirous to reconcile Herod unto Caesar, omitted not this occasion by chance offered him;Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 12. al. 18. for he well knew that if he began with the King's defence, he should then find a hard and heavy Judge against him; but if he began to accuse Syllaeus, he should find also a fit occasion to plead his King's cause.Nicholaus accuseth Syllaeus, and excuseth Herod. Wherefore Nicholaus taking N upon him to prove the accusation against him at the day appointed, he conversed with King Aretas's Ambassadours, accused Syllaeus as a murtherer of his Lord and King, and many other Arabians; and that he had borrowed much money, to trouble the peace of the Commonwealth; and that he had corrupted many women and honest Matrons, both at Rome and in Arabia. He added hereunto a most grievous crime, to wit, that he, by his lies and false reports, had deceived Caesar; whom in all things he had mis­informed, concerning that which Herod had done. Which when he once mentioned, Caesar commanded him to omit the rest; and only to relate the matter concerning He­rod; whether Herod did not enter into Arabia with an Army, and did kill two thou­sand and five hundred men, and carry away Captives, and rob and spoil the Coun­trey?O Nicholaus answered, that to these demands himself was able to answer, that Herod did none of these; and that he did not deserve any displeasure. Caesar, contrary [Page 443] A to his expectation, hearing this, began to give diligent ear to what Nicholaus said: And hereupon Nicholaus related unto Caesar, how Herod had lent five hundred Talents, and that he had a Writing in pawn, wherein he was permitted after the day appoint­ed, if then it were not repayed him again, to prey upon all the whole Countrey, and satisfie himself;A Narration of the Arabi­an Wars, and the borrowed money. and that this was no hostile invasion, but according to Law and equi­ty, a requiring of his right and debt due unto him. And that this was not rashly done, though by the writing he was so permitted to do; but by the consent of Saturninus and Volumnius Presidents of Syria; in whose presence Syllaeus swore by Caesar's good fortune at Berytum, that within thirty days after, both the debt, and also certain fugi­tives fled from the King, should be restored unto him; and that Syllaeus performed none B of these: And so Herod went again unto the Presidents, and they permitted him to go and take pledges for his money; and that so by their permission he went into Arabia. And this is the War that his adversaries have so tragically exaggerated; and yet how can it be called a War? seeing that it was done by the consent of the Presidents, and that by Covenant after Perjury, wherewith both God's and also Caesar's name was vio­lated. The Thieves of Trachon. It now remaineth that I speak something concerning the Captives. There were forty Thieves of Trachon, and afterward more that fled from Herod for fear of punish­ment, and fled into Arabia, whom Syllaeus protected and succoured to the injury of all men, and gave them ground to inhabit, and was partaker of their preys; notwith­standing that by his foresaid oath, he was bound to restore them, together with the C borrowed money; neither can he name any man beside them taken in Arabia, and carried away Captive, and some of them also escaped. This his forged tale concern­ing the Captives being thus refuted, hear, O Sovereign Caesar, the lying invention, which to provoke thee to wrath, himself devised. For I am well able to affirm this, that when the Arabian Army assaulted us, and one or two of our men were killed, then at last Herod forced to make resistance, he killed Nacebus, and with him five and twenty, and no more; for every one of which Syllaeus falsely told Caesar a hundred, and so told him that two thousand and five hundred were killed. Caesar hereat greatly moved, with an angry countenance looking upon Syllaeus, he asked him how many Arabians were killed in the fight? He amazed, and knowing not what to reply, an­swered, D that he erred in the number. Presently Caesar commanded the Writings to be read, containing the conditions between them; and the Writings of the Presidents, and the Letters of the Cities containing the complaints of the Robberies.Syllaeus con­demned to die▪ And so the matter was brought to pass, that Caesar was reconciled unto Herod, and condemned Syllaeus to die; and repenting himself to have written so threatning Letters to Herod, he objected that also unto Syllaeus; affirming, that by his false informations he had caused him to pass the limits of friendship, in using his friend so hardly. And so he sent Syllaeus into his Countrey, that after he had satisfied his creditors, he might be punish­ed according to the sentence. But he still continued angry with Aretas for that with­out his authority,Caesar was purposed to give the King­dom of Ara­bia to Herod, and was alter­ed by Herod's Letters. he had usurped the Crown and Kingdom: and he was minded also E to bestow Arabia upon Herod; but the Letters which Herod sent him, changed his mind. For Olympus and Volumnius, as soon as they understood that Caesar's wrath towards He­rod was pacified, presently they delivered unto him the Letters as they were command­ed; wherein were contained the Arguments whereby his Sons were convicted of Treason against him. Which Caesar having read, he thought it not convenient to trou­ble the old man (unfortunate with his Sons) with another Kingdom; and so he ad­mitted Aretas his Ambassadours;The year of the World, 3961. before Christ's Nativity, 3. and chiding them that their King had rashly usurped the Kingdom without his Authority and knowledge, not expecting his pleasure; he received their gifts, and confirmed him in the Kingdom by his Authority. This done, being now reconciled unto Herod, he writ unto him, that he was sorry for him, that F he had such Children;Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 3. and that he should, if they had attempted any Treason against him,Aretas's Am­bassadors un­to Caesar. punish them as men that desired to murther their Father, for he gave him free and full Authority; but if they only attempted to fly, he should also be satisfied with a less punishment.Caesar allow­ed Herod to punish male­factors. Wherefore he counselled him to call a Council at Berytum, together with the Roman Presidents, and Archelaus King of Cappadocia, and the rest of his friends, and the Nobility thereabout, according as they should advise him, so to do. And this was the effect of Caesar's Letter.

CHAP. XVII.H
How Herod's Sons were condemned in the Council of Berytum.

HErod receiving this Letter, rejoyced above measure; both for that he had a­gain obtained Caesar's favour, and for that Caesar had given him full Authority to do what he pleased unto his Sons. And yet I know not how it came to pass, that he who in his prosperity was a hard Father, yet did shew himself not rash in putting his Sons to death; and though his affairs were in a very flourishing condition, yet he was very moderate in his revenge.Herod assem­bleth all that Caesar willed, except Arche­laus. Wherefore by Letters he called together all those I whom Caesar appointed, only Archelaus excepted, either for that he hated the man, or else for that he feared he would have withstood his purpose: And when they were all come together, as well the Presidents as the rest, who were called out of divers Cities, he would not bring his Sons into the Council, but kept them in a Village of the Sidonians, named Platan, not far distant from the City, to the intent, that if they were called for, he might bring them forth. Then Herod himself alone entring into the Council, before an hundred and fifty men there assembled for that pur­pose, began to accuse his Sons before them; and used a speech not only pitiful for his own calamities, but also little becoming a Father. For he was very vehement in inveighing against their offence; neither did he sufficiently express his mind, shewing K many signs of fury and anger;Herod accused his Sons. neither did he deliver in writing any proofs of the Ac­cusations unto the Judges; but undecently himself alledged there, the Father against the Son; himself also reading before them certain Letters written by them, wherein was contained no impiety nor Treason, but only a consultation to flee away, and cer­tain hard speeches whereby they shewed themselves offended; which when he came unto, he exclaimed, as though hereby they confessed their treacherous practices; greatly exaggerating the matter, and protesting that he had rather die than hear such speeches. Lastly, affirming that both Nature and Caesar gave him authority a­gainst them; and his Countrey Laws so commanded, that if any one being accus­ed, his Father or Mother should lay their hands upon his head, and the standers L by must presently stone him to death; which though he might easily do in his own Countrey and Kingdom, yet he thought good also to expect their censures. Yet he came unto them, not for that they were to judge his Sons, who were taken in a manifest crime; but that by this occasion they might add their suffrages to the just indignation of a Father offended, and that they might leave an exam­ple unto all posterity, that such Treasons ought not to be left unpunished. The King having thus spoken, and not permitting the young Princes to be brought in to answer; all seeing what the King intended, and that there was no hope to reconcile them unto their Father, or save their lives; they all confirmed his authority. And first of all Saturninus one that had been Consul, and had been adorned with many M honours,Saturninus doth pro­nounce an in­different sen­tence. pronounced an indifferent sentence, limited with circumstances, to wit, that he condemned Herod's Sons, yet not to die; for (quoth he) my self have Sons, and I would not add this calamity to Herod's misfortune past. After him also his three Sons, who were their Father's Legates, pronounced the same sentence. But Volumnius pro­nounced that they had deserved death▪ Volumnius and other of Herods friends pronounce Herod's Sons to be behead­ed. Herod ask­ed of Nichola­us what his friends at Rome thought of his Sons. who were so impious towards their Father; whose sentence after him the most part followed; so that it seemed that they were now ordained to be put to death. Presently Herod carried them with him to Tyre, where he met Nicholaus who was there arrived, returning from Rome; unto whom the King first relating what was done at Berytum, he asked him what his friends at Rome thought of his Sons? He answered that they judged the Princes intents impious, and that they N ought to be bound and imprisoned; and then after due consideration, if it were thought expedient, to be put to death; lest the King might be thought to have given more way to his anger than to reason; yet, if it might so please him, they thought it best to acquit them, lest otherwise he do that which hereafter he may repent when it is too late. And this was the opinion of most of his friends at Rome. Then the King a long time pon­dered these words, and made no reply, but commanded him to go along in his company. At his arrival in Caesarea all men were doubtful what would become of his Sons, ex­pecting an end of that Tragedy; for they greatly feared that by reason of the old dis­cord, he would cut them off; and notwithstanding they were sorry for them, yet it was dangerous either to speak rashly, or to hear any thing spoken freely concerning O them; but in their hearts compassionating them, they concealed their griefs. Only one amongst all the rest, an old Souldier named Tyro, others dissembling their grief, [Page 445] A spake freely what he thought:The year of the World, 3961. before Christ's Nativity, 3. This Tyro had a Son of Alexander's age, and beloved of him, whom Alexander much accounted of. This fellow many times amidst the multitudes exclaimed, that truth and equity were banished out of the world, and that in their stead, malice and untruth reigned: Whereby there was such a mist and a fog caused over the whole world, that no man could see his own errors. This his free Speech, though it was not without danger, yet all men hereat were moved; for that he had some reason to shew his fortitude in so dangerous a time, and every one was willing to hear his Speech: and though themselves for fear were silent, yet did they not reprehend him for speaking freely. For the expectation of the event of so great mischief was able to have wrested from every one of them words of commiseration. B Tyro with great audacity also came unto the King, and begged of him that he might talk with him alone:Tyro speaketh to Herod, and not observing modesty, he and the Captains were impri­soned. which the King granting, he used these words with great la­mentation: I can no longer, O my King, suppress this my grief, which causeth me so bold­ly to speak, though with my own peril; yet if it please thee, my King, that which I intend to speak shall be for thine advantage.

Where now, my Lord, are thy wits? Where is thy couragious mind ever hitherto able to match all difficult businesses whatever? How happeneth it that thou hast so few Friends and Kindred? For I account not them Kinsmen or Friends that permit such wicked­ness and hatred in thy Court, which was most happy and fortunate. And what art thou unto thy self? Wilt thou not look and see what is done? Wilt thou put to death C the two young Princes born unto thee by the Queen thy Wife, who abound in all vertue, and commit thy self now in thy old age unto one only Son, who nourisheth impious Hopes and Designs; and to thy Kindred, who by thy own censure have often de­served death? Dost thou not perceive that the people keeping themselves quiet and still; do both condemn the errour of thy Friends, and also pity and compassionate the two Princes? Moreover, all thy Soldiers and the Captains themselves have compassion on them, and curse the Authors of this unfortunate calamity.

The King at first took these words of Tyro in good part as being admonished of the perfidious dealing of them about him, and his own calamity. But Tyro immo­destly and Soldier like urging the King, and for his own simplicity not able to D discern what fitted that time, the King at last thought this, rather a turbulent up­braiding him, than a friendly adomonition: and asking who those Captains and Soldiers were, he commanded them all, and Tyro also, to be bound and kept in pri­son. Then one Tripho the Kings Barber, taking hereat occasion, told the King, that Tyro had often sollicited him,Tyro is by his Son and a Barber ac­cused to have practised Treason a­gainst the King. as he shav'd the King to cut his throat with his razor, promising him for recompence great rewards, and that he should be one of Alexander's chief Friends. Having spoken these words, the King commanded him to be appre­hended, and the Barber, and Tyro and his Son to be tortured. Tyro his Son seeing his Father in most miserable torments, and that he still persisted in them (and by the Kings displeasure, conjecturing that there was no hope of life) told them that tor­tured E his Father, that he would confess all the truth, conditionally that his Father and himself might be no more tormented: and having his request granted, he told them that it was agreed, that Tyro with his own hand should have killed the King: for he could get opportunity to come unto the King when no man else was with him, and so he would kill him, and for Alexander's sake endure any torments whatsoever. This spoken, he delivered himself and his Father from further tortures: but it is un­certain whether the tale he told was true, or whether he devised it to free them both from torments. Then Herod now laying all doubt aside (if before he were in any) thought what death his Sons should die,Tyro with 300 Captains are accused be­fore the peo­ple and slain, Alexander and Aristo­bulus strang­led at Sebaste, and buried in Alexandri­um. and leaving no place to repentance and mer­cy, he hastened to execute his purpose: and producing 300 Captains, and Tyro and F his Son, and the Barber his accuser; he accused them all before the people, and the people throwing any thing that came to their hands at them, they killed them every one. And Alexander and Aristobulus was carried unto Sebaste, and there by their Fa­thers command were strangled: and their bodies carried by night into the Castle A­lexandrium, where there Grand-father by their Mothers side, and many of their Pro­genitors lay buried. But perhaps some will not marvel, that a hatred so long a breed­ing should in the end so prevail, that it overcame natural affections. But one may justly doubt whether the fault were in the young Princes, who exasperated by a hard Father so long time,The cause of these calami­ties was De­stiny and Gods Provi­dence. fell into such a hatred of him, or whether it is to be im­puted unto his unkindness and immoderate desire of Honour and Rule, who could G not abide any to be his equal, but rather chusing to do all at his own pleasure: Or rather unto Fortune, whose power the wisest living is not able to resist. Where­fore I am perswaded, Fortune hath predestinated all humane actions, so that they [Page 446] must have a necessary event. And this inevitable force we call Fate, or fatal De­stiny,H for that there is nothing which it effecteth not. But it sufficeth briefly to have touched this high matter, which of it self is very difficult, which attributeth some­thing unto our actions, and examineth the causes of the variety of our actions, which speculation is already comprised in the two Volumes of our Law.Wherein A­lexander and Aristobulus offended. Furthermore, touch­ing the Princes fault, we may accuse their youthful arrogancy, and their pride, who did give too great ear to their Father's accusers; and for that they were unjust searchers into his life and actions; and that they maliciously suspected him, and could not rule their tongues;Herod's shameful er­rour not to be excused. but hereby gave double occasion to their Adversaries, and matters unto those tale-bearers that sought to get the King's favour. But their Father's shameful fault cannot be excused, who suffered himself so to be over-ruled with passion, that he I put them to death that were begotten of his own body, without any proof or argu­ment of the crimes laid unto their charge; yea, two young Princes of excellent feature of body, not only beloved of their own Nation, but also of strangers; they were dex­trous in all Exercises, and commendable in Military Affairs, and eloquent in Civil Dis­courses. For, in all these things they were excellent, and especially Alexander the eld­est of them. It had been enough for him, suppose he had condemned them, either to have kept them in perpetual Prison, or banished them into some far Countrey; seeing that he was assured of the Roman Power, under whose protection he neither needed to have feared invasion, nor secret Treason against him. For to put them to death, only to satisfie his own furious will, what else doth it argue, but only an impious liberty cast­ing K off all Fatherly humanity and kindness? especially seeing that he was aged, whose years could neither plead ignorance, nor that he was deceived. For neither was he the more excused by the delay he used; nay, it had been a less offence, if amazed with some sudden news, he had been incited to so hainous an offence: But after so long deli­beration, at last to effect such a matter, betokens a bloody mind, and hardened in wic­kedness, as he shewed afterwards, not sparing the rest, whom before he held most dear: Who, though they were less to be pitied, in that they justly suffered; yet was it an argument of his like cruelty, in that he abstained not from their deaths also: But we will speak of this hereafter.L

MNO

A THE SEVENTEENTH BOOK Of the B ANTIQUITIES of the JEWS:

The Contents of the Chapters of the Seventeenth Book.
  • 1. Antipater endeavoureth to hasten his Father's death, that he may reign in his place. The Children that Herod had by his nine Wives.
  • C 2. Of Zamaris a Babilonish Jew, a man of singular virtue.
  • 3. Antipater, Pheroras and his Wife conspire against Herod, Salome acquainteth him with it, he causeth some Pharisees who were of this Conspiracy, to be put to death: He endeavoureth to make Pheroras repudiate his Wife, but he cannot be perswaded to it.
  • 4. Herod sendeth Antipater to Augustus with his Will, by which he declareth him his Successor. Syllaeus bribeth one of Herod's Guards to kill him, but the plot is dis­covered.
  • 5. Pheroras's death.
  • D 6. Pheroras's Wife is accused, and Herod is advertised of Antipater's Conspiracies.
  • 7. Antipater being returned back unto Judaea from Rome, is convicted in the pre­sence of Varus Governour of Syria, for having endeavoured to poyson the King his Father. Herod causeth him to be imprisoned, and writeth to Augustus on that Subject.
  • 8. The Golden Eagle that Herod had consecrated, and fixed on the Portal of the Temple, is pulled off; the severe punishment that he inflicteth for it. The King's terrible sickness, and the cruel orders that he giveth to his Sister Salome, and to her husband.
  • E 9. Augustus referreth it to Herod, to dispose of Antipater as he pleaseth. Herod fal­ling into a relapse of his Torments, desireth to kill himself; Achiavus one of his Grand-children hindreth him: It is reported that he is dead; Antipater endea­voureth in vain, to bribe his Keeper to set him at liberty; as soon as Herod hear­eth of it, he sendeth one to kill him.
  • 10. Herod altereth his Will, declareth Archelaus his Successor; he dieth five days after Antipater. Herod's glorious Funeral ordained by Archelaus; the peoples great acclamation in favour of Archelaus.
  • 11. Some Jews (who demanded satisfaction for Judas and Matthias and others deaths, F whom Herod caused to be burned, for having pulled down the Eagle at the Portal of the Temple) make an Insurrection, which obligeth Archelaus to cause three thousand of them to be put to death: He goeth afterwards to Rome, to be confirmed King by Augustus: His Brother Antipas, who pretends to have right to the Crown, repaireth thither also; the Cause is pleaded before Augustus.
  • 12. A great Rebellion in Judea, whilest Archelaus was at Rome; Varus Governour of Syria stoppeth it. Philip, Archelaus's Brother, goeth also to Rome, in hopes to obtain one part of the Kingdom. The Jews send Ambassadours to Au­gustus, G to free them from their obedience to Kings, and to re-unite them to Syria: They complain to him against Archelaus, and abhor the memory of Herod.
  • [Page 448] 13. Caesar confirms Herod's Testament, and appointeth his Children to be his Suc­cessors.H
  • 14. An Impostor counterfeits himself to be Alexander, Herod's Son; Augustus finds out the Cheat, and sends him to the Galleys.
  • 15. Archelaus marrieth Glaphyra, his Brother Alexander's Widow. Augustus having heard several of the Jews complaints of him, confineth him to Vienna in France, and uniteth his possessions to Syria. Glaphyra's death.

CHAP. I.I
Antipater endeavoureth to hasten his Father's death, that he may reign in his place. The Children that Herod had by his nine Wives.

AFter that Antipater had made away his Brothers, through the ex­treme impiety and unbridled fury, wherewith Herod their Fa­ther was incensed against them; yet he did not immediately ob­tain that which undoubtedly he hoped for. For being freed of K that fear he conceived, lest his Brothers should be partakers with him in the Kingdom,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 1. he found it a difficult and dangerous mat­ter to find the means how to obtain it;Antipater, af­ter he had made away his Brothers, grew hateful both to the Souldiers and the people. so strange and hainous a hatred had all the Nation conceived against him. On the other side, in shewing himself proud and lofty, he more and more en­creased that hatred which the Souldiers had conceived against him, in whom the secu­rity of the Kingdom consisted, if it should fortune to fall out that the people should at­tempt any alteration. All which mischiefs were procured by his own sins, and the un­natural murther of his Brothers.Antipater go­verned the Kingdom with his Father. Nevertheless, he governed the Kingdom with his Father, living only in less Authority than himself: Herod also reposed more confidence in L him, even in those things, for which he was worthy to lose his head. For the King con­ceived that in confirmation of his good affection towards him, Antipater had accused his Brethren, to continue his Father in security, and not for any hatred he bore unto them more than to his Father; though indeed he hated them for his Father's sake, be­ing transported with fury. But all these were but as so many stratagems to insinuate him­self into Herod's Counsels and Favours; and these did he craftily make use of, to cut off the occasion lest any should prevent or accuse him of that which he pretended to do, and that Herod might be deprived of all relief, if so be that Antipater should be [...] his Forces against him.Antipater wisheth his Father's death▪ For the Treason he complotted against his Brothers, proceeded from the hatred he bare unto his Father: But at that time he was the more egged on to prose­cute M his intended purposes without any delay. For if Herod should happen to die, it was most sure that the Kingdom should be his; and should his life continue any longer time, and the practice Antipater went about should be discovered, seeing himself invi­roned with these dangers, he should be enforced to make his Father his Enemy. For which cause he was very liberal to all those that were about his Father;Antipater spared no cost to win his Father's friends. and through the great gifts he bestowed upon them, he extinguished that hatred which all of them bare unto him: and above all things he continued himself in credit with those friends which Herod had at Rome, by sending them divers Presents; and namely Saturninus, who was Governour of Syria. He hoped also, by bribes and rewards, to draw his Fa­ther's Brother into his faction, and to corrupt the King's Sister also, who was married to N one of the King's most esteemed friends in Court. He was a subtil and politick man in entertaining those men with colourable shew of friendship with whom he conversed, and to draw himself into credit with them: he was sufficiently dexterous to dissemble his malice and discontents, which he had conceived against any man. Notwithstanding all this,Antipater could not de­ceive his Aunt▪ he could not deceive Salome his Aunt, who of long time before had sounded his inclinations, and who was not so simple as to suffer her self to be deceived; but had already, by all cunning means that might be, prevented his malice, although she had a Daughter married unto his Uncle by the Mother's side. This Daughter was first of all wedded to Aristobulus, and afterwards by Antipater's means to his Uncle: For Callaeas her Husband's Son had married the other. But neither could this affinity colour the O matter so much, but that his malice was discovered; neither could that former consan­guinity extinguish the deserved hatred conceived against him. Herod constrained Salome [Page 449] A(who through amorous passion had thought to have married her self to Syllaeus the Arabian) to marry with Alexas, and that by the mediation and perswasion of Julia Caesar's wife, who advised Salome not to refuse that Marriage, lest he should prove her mortal enemy; for Herod had made an Oath, that if Salome condescended not to mar­ry Alexas, Herod com­pelleth Salome to marry A­lexas. he would never make account of her: For which cause she followed Julia's advice, who was Caesar's wife, and counselled her also to her profit and preferment.

At the same time Herod sent his Daughter Glaphyra to King Archelaus, who had been married to Alexander, Glaphyra sometimes A­lexander's Wife is sent back to Ar­chelaus King of Cappado­cia. Hedio and Ruffinus, c. 1. presenting him a Dowry out of his own Treasury, lest there should any difference arise between them, and he himself most carefully brought up his Sons Children. For Alexander had two Sons by Glaphyra, and Aristobulus begat B on Bernice, Salomes Daughter, three Sons and two Daughters. Sometimes he would recommend them unto his Friends, and bewailing the misfortune of his Sons, would beseech God that no such ill fortune might befall their children, but rather that they might increase in virtue, and acknowledge their education and bringing up, with all dutiful respects unto their Parents.Herod bring­eth up his Sons chil­dren. He provided them also each of them with a wife, when they were ready for Marriage; Namely, the Daughter of Pheroras for the eldest of Alexander's Sons; and the Daughter of Antipater for Aristobulus's eldest Son: and one of Aristobulus's Daughters was married to Antipater's Son; and the other to Herod his own Son, whom he had begotten of the Daughter of the High Priest. For it is lawful in our Countrey, and according to our custom, to have divers Wives at one C time. The King procured these Marriages through the compassion he had of those Or­phans, thinking by this mutual Alliance to cause Antipater to be their Friend. But Antipater conceived no less hatred toward the children, than he had done malice to­wards their Fathers:Antipater hateth his Brothers chil­dren. For the care that Herod had of them, increased his hatred, in that he pretended to be the greatest among the Brethren; and he especially feared lest when they should grow to mans estate, they would resist his power, being assisted by King Archelaus, as his Sons in Law; and Pheroras who was a Tetrarch should do the like, for that he had married his Son to Alexander's Daughter. And so much the more was he incited, because all the people had compassion of these Orphans, and had conceived a hatred against him, who never ceased to express his malice against his D Brethren.Antipater la­boureth his Father to break of the Marriages he intended. He therefore devised all the means that were possible to disanul the Decrees which his Father had resolved upon to this effect, being very loath that they should e­ver live to be partners with him in the Kingdom. So that at last Herod condescended to Antipater's demand, which was, that he might marry Aristobulus's Daughter, and his Son to Pheroras's Daughter: and thus were the forementioned Marriages wholly cut off;Herod's nine Wives. yea, even against Herod's former Decree. At that time Herod had nine Wives, namely, Antipater's Mother, the High Priests Daughter, by whom he had a Son that bare his name, and a Daughter of his Brothers, and a Cozen of his own, by whom he had no children. He had another Wife also, that by Nation was a Samari­tane, by whom he had two Sons, Antipas and Archelaus, and a Daughter called Olym­pias, E who was afterward married to Joseph the Kings Cozen. As for Archelaus and Antipas they were brought up at Rome, with a certain private Friend of his. More­over, he married one that was called Cleopatra, that was born in Jerusalem, by whom he had Herod and Philip, which Philip was brought up at Rome. By Pallas he had Pha­saelus: by Phedra and Helpia he had two Daughters, Roxane and Salome. As for his eldest Daughters, Alexander's Sisters by the Mothers side, whom Pheroras had refused to take in Marriage, he match'd the one with Antipater his Sisters Son, and the other he wedded to Phasaelus his Brothers Son, and this was Herod's Progeny.

F

CHAP. II.
Of Zamaris a Babylonish Jew, a man of singular virtue.

AFter this,Herod build­eth a Castle in the Region of the Tracho­nites, and maketh Za­maris the Jew that came from Babylon Governour therein. intending to assure his Estate in the Countrey of Trachonite, he resolved to build a Borough of the bigness of a City in the midst of the Countrey, as well to secure his Countrey, as to be in better readiness to repulse his Enemies, with more expedition. And having intelligence that a certain Jew was come from Baby­lon with five hundred Archers on Horseback, and about one hundred of his Kins­men, G and had adventured to pass Euphrates, and was in the Countrey adjoyning to Antioch near unto Daphne in Syria, where Saturnine General of the Roman Army had given him a Castle, called Valatha, to inhabit, he sent for him and his followers, [Page 450] promising to give him both Lands and Lordships in the Segniory of Batanea, which H bordereth on Trachonite, intending that he should make head against those that would assail him; and promising him that both his Lands and his Souldiers should be exempt from all Tributes, and payments of Customs. This Babylonian Jew was induced by these offers to come, and take possession of the place, where he builded a Borough, called Bathyra. This man opposing himself against the Trachonites, defended the Coun­trey, and those Jews that came from Babylon to Jerusalem to offer Sacrifice, from all Incursions and Robberies of the Trachonites; and divers that observed the Religion of the Jews, resorted unto him from all places; so that this Countrey was very well peo­pled, by reason of the exemption of the Tribute, which continued during Herod's life-time.I

But Philip who succeeded him, exacted afterward some small Tribute of them, and that but for a little while. But Agrippa the Great, and his Son of the same name, charg­ed them with great Taxations; yet permitted them to enjoy their Liberty; whose Successors, the Romans imposed many grievous Tributes upon them, yet continued their Freedom; of whom hereafter we will more particularly and largely discourse in due place, and in process of my History. Now this Jew Zamaris, to whom Herod had given the Possession of his Countrey, died, after he had lived virtuously, and left a virtuous Off-spring behind him;Jacim and Philip the Sons of Za­maris. amongst whom was Jacim, renowned for his dexte­rity on Horseback; who, with his Troop of Horse, was of the King of Babylon's Guard. This Jacim died when he was very old, and left his Son Philip to succeed him; a va­liant K man, and addicted to all sorts of Virtue, as much as any one that hath been re­nowned in History; for which cause King Agrippa loved him, and put his trust in him, and committed the trust and training of his Souldiers unto him, who led them also forth, if occasion of service was proffered.

CHAP. III.
Antipater, Pheroras and his Wife conspire against Herod, Salome acquainteth him with it, he causeth some Pharisees who were of this Conspiracy, to be put to death:L He endeavoureth to make Pheroras repudiate his Wife, but he cannot be perswaded to it.

WHilst Herod's Affairs were thus disposed,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 3. all men's eyes were fixed upon Anti­pater, after that Herod had given him full power; which was granted him, in hopes that his Father had, that he would behave himself faithfully and affectionately towards him: But he abused his Authority more audaciously than could be expected; for he treacherously coloured his conceived malice, and easily drew his Father to be­lieve him in whatsoever he said. He was feared by all men, not only for his Authority, but for his subtilties and policies. But above all the rest, Pheroras respected him most,M and was in like manner,Pheroras de­ceived by wo­men. as greatly esteemed by him. For Antipater circumvented him by the means of certain women, who favoured his Faction; for Pheroras was com­manded by his Wife, his Mother, and Sister-in-Law, notwithstanding that he hated them, by reason of the abuse they had offered to his Daughters who were unmarried; nevertheless he was enforced to dissemble all things, because he could do nothing but what they were always privy to, and had such power of his Affairs, that they obliged him to perform whatsoever they pleased. Antipater was also very intimate with them, both on his own account and his Mother's; for these four women were of one mind in all things, and spake, as it were, by one mouth: Yet was Pheroras at odds with Anti­pater, upon some slight distastes, and she that wrought this debate betwixt them, was N the King's Sister Salome, who had a long time spied all their drifts; knowing well, that their mutual friendship tended to the overthrow of Herod, which she was ready to acquaint him. And they knowing well that the King disliked this their inward fami­liarity, and that he was privy to that which they pretended, which was his utter ruine; resolved between themselves to refrain their publick familiarity, and to make a shew that they were at odds one with another; to which intent they reproached one ano­ther, especially at such time as they were either in Herod's presence, or there was any one with them,Salome disco­vereth to He­rod the Con­spiracies of the Ladies and others. who (as they thought) would acquaint him with it. But in secret they intermitted not their accustomed friendship, and continued their correspondence with more privy affability; yet was not Salome ignorant hereof, neither when they first de­vised O this drift, neither afterwards when they put it in execution; for she diligently noted all things, and aggravated the same by report to her Brother, whom she informed [Page 451] A of their secret meetings, banquetting and secret consultations, which (as we said) had no other scope but his ruine, if he did not prevent them in time; shewing that for the pre­sent they behaved themselves like enemies in outward shew, and all their speeches tend­ed to disgrace one another; but that in secret they were friends, and entertained their a mity, and promised each other their mutual assistance, to strengthen themselves against those, to whom they were loath their friendship should be discovered. But he durst not make shew thereof, because he knew that his Sister was a woman too much addict­ed to reproachful Accusations.The Pharisees subtil and ar­rogant. There was among the Jews a Sect of people that were called Pharisees, who were too much addicted to self-opinion, and boasted themselves to be the exactest observers of the Law in all the Countrey; to whom these women B were very much addicted, as to those who were much beloved of God, as in outward appearance they made shew for. These were such as durst oppose themselves against Kings, full of Fraud, Arrogancy and Rebellion; presuming to raise War upon their motions, and to rebel and offend their Princes at their pleasures: Whereas therefore, all the Nation of the Jews had sworn to be faithful unto Caesar, The Pharisees would not swear obedi­ence, but were fined. Phero­ras's Wife payeth their Fine; for which benefit, they promise her the King­dom. and to the estate of the King, these only refused to take oath; and of this Sect there were to the number of six thousand For which cause the King having imposed a penalty upon them, Pheroras's Wife paid it for them; for which cause they pretending to gratifie her, and being e­steemed for such as were skilful in foretelling such things as were to come, by reason of their often communication with God, foretold her, that God had decreed to bring the C Kingdom of Herod and his Posterity to an end; and would bring to pass, that the Crown should descend to Pheroras and his Sons. Salome had got an inkling hereof, and had told Herod no less: And how they likewise corrupted every one of his Cour­tiers; Bagoas, Carus and others are put to death by Herod. for which cause he put those to death amongst the Pharisees, who were the prin­cipal Authors of this Advice, and with them also the Eunuch Bagoas, and Carus who was his darling, and one of the finest men of that time. He afterwards cut off all those amongst his houshold Servants, who were of the Pharisees Faction; for the Pharisees had perswaded Bagoas, that this new King whom they prognosticated, would not only consider him as his Benefactor and Father; but that he himself should also marry, and find himself capable to beget Children.

D But after that Herod had punished those amongst the Pharisees,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 4. who were convicted to have been of the Conspiracy,Herod accus­eth Pheroras's Wife, and commandeth him to put her away. he assembled a Council of his friends; before whom he accused Pheroras's Wife, and ripped up the injuries that were done unto his Daugh­ters, as it hath been declared, ascribing the same to the pride of this woman, objecting it for a crime against her, for having injured his Honour. Besides this, he accused her that she had of set purpose, stirr'd up Mutinies, and by all means possible, both in words and deeds, contrary to all Law of Nature, stirred up debate betwixt him and his Bro­ther; and that the Fine that he had imposed upon his Adversaries, was satisfied at her charge; so that no jot of that Conspiracy was contrived without her consent. For which causes (said he) Brother Pheroras, it shall not be amiss for you of your own ac­cord, E to drive such a wretched woman from you, before you be requested, and the Sentence be pronounced against her; otherwise she will be the cause to kindle a War betwixt you and me. For if you will continue the Friendship and Brotherhood betwixt you and me, seperate your self from her: In so doing, I will account you for my Brother; and you shall lose no­thing by the affection which I bear unto you. For the bond of Brotherly love cannot conti­nue safe and inviolable, unless you put her away. Now although Pheroras was moved with the importance and weight of this discourse;Pheroras refus­eth to put a­way his Wife▪ yet he said, that for the love he bare un­to his Wife, he would forget nothing of that duty which Consanguinity required at his hands in regard of his Brother; but that he had rather die, than live without her com­pany, Herod inter­dicteth Phero­ras and Anti­pater their pri­vy meetings, and forbid­deth the La­dies no less. whom he loved more dearly than his life. Herod, although he took this answer F of his Brother's for a most grievous injury, yet forbare he to discover his displeasure to­wards him: He only forbad Antipater and his Mother, and in like manner Pheroras, to frequent the one with the other any more. He commanded the women likewise, that they should give over their familiar entertainments the one with the other, which all of them promised to perform. Yet this notwithstanding, upon fit opportunities and occasions, they visited one another; and Antipater and Pheroras feasted one another by night. The report also went, that Antipater had the company of Pheroras's Wife, and that his Mother was the means and instrument of their privy meeting.

G

CHAP. IV.H
Herod sendeth Antipater to Augustus with his Will, by which he declareth him his Successor. Syllaeus bribeth one of Herod's Guards to kill him, but the plot is dis­covered.

ANtipater suspecting his Father's distastes,Herod sendeth Antipater to Caesar. and fearing lest his hatred should bring him into hazard, he wrote unto his friends in Rome, requiring them to write their Letters unto Herod, requesting him to send Antipater unto Caesar, with all expedition as was possible. Which being brought to pass, Herod sent him thither with divers Roy­al I Presents; and gave him his Testament and Will with him, wherein he had be­queathed the Kingdom to Antipater. And if it should happen that Antipater should die before him, then he bequeathed the same to his Son Herod, whom he had by the High Priest's Daughter. About the same time Syllaeus the Arabian repaired to Rome, notwithstanding he had neglected those things which Caesar had commanded him. Antipater accused him before Caesar, Antipater ac­cuseth Syllaeus at Rome before Caesar. for the same faults wherewith he was charged by Nicholaus. Syllaeus also was accused by Aretas, for murthering divers of the best ac­count in the City of Petra, countrary to his mind; amongst the which was Sohemus (a man of much virtue and honour) and Probatus, Aretas accus­eth Syllaeus for killing Proba­tus and others. Caesar's Servant; of which Crimes Syllaeus was accused upon this occasion which ensueth: There was a certain man of K Corinthus, who was one of the King's Guard, and one he put very great trust in: Syl­laeus perswaded him by store of money and Bribes, to kill Herod; which he promised to perform. Probatus made privy to Syllaeus's mind, he presently told it to the King who caused him to be apprehended and tortured,A Traytor that sought the King's death is ap­prehended. who confessed the whole matter: He laid hands also on two Arabians, perswaded by this Corinthian's confession; one of which was a man of Command in his Countrey, and the other was Syllaeus's chief friend. They being examined, confessed that they came thither to solicite, with many exhortations, the Corinthian to execute the murther; and to assist him, if he stood in need of them. Which being fully proved by Herod before Saturnine, he sent them to Rome, there more amply to be proceeded against, and so to be punished.L

CHAP. V.
Pheroras's death.

HErod perceiving that his Brother Pheroras did constantly continue his affection to­wards his Wife, he commanded him to retire himself into his own Dominions; whereupon he willingly departed to his Tetrarchy;An Oath so­lemnly ob­served. protesting by many solemn Oaths, that he would never more return into the City, unless he were assured that Herod was M dead. Not long after it hapned, that the King fell sick, he was sent for to receive cer­tain secret instructions, as from the mouth of a dying man; but Pheroras would not o­bey him in regard of his Oath. Notwithstanding, Herod dealt more kindly with him, and continued his love and affection towards him;Pheroras in his Sickness is vi­sited by Herod; and being dead, is ho­nourably bu­ried by him. for he came to Pheroras, as soon as he heard of his first Sickness, without being sent for: And after he was deceased, he sent his body to Jerusalem, and honourably entombed him in that place, and grievous­ly lamented his death. This was the beginning of Antipater's mis-haps, who at that time was gone to Rome. For it was God's pleasure, that at last he should be punished for the murther of his Brethren. I will discourse of this at large, that it may serve for an example to many Kings, how they ought to practice and follow Virtue in all their N actions.

CHAP. VI.
Pheroras's Wife is accused, and Herod is advertised of Antipater's Conspiracies.

AFter Pheroras's death,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 5. two of his Freemen, who were Taphnites by birth; and such as Pheroras in his life time,Pheroras's Free-men ac­cuse his Wife for poysoning him. both only trusted, and dearly loved, came un­to Herod; requiring him not to suffer his Brother's death to pass unpunished, but to O make diligent enquiry of that unfortunate and unexpected disastre. Herod gave ear to their suit, perceiving that the matters they importuned him in, were likely and very [Page 453] A credible. Whereupon they told him that Pheroras, the day before his unexpected sickness, had supt with his Wife; and that having received an unaccustomed Poyson with his meat, he was dead. That this Poyson had been brought thither by a woman of Arabia, who in her speech protested that it was some Potion to encrease love, but in effect it was to bring Pheroras to his end. For the women of Arabia amongst all o­thers are skilful in Poysons, and are great Sorcerers; and she that was charged with this fact, was esteemed a great friend and favourer of Syllaeus's best beloved. That Pheroras's Mother and his Wife's Sister went into those Quarters, on purpose to buy that Poyson; and returned back, and brought this woman with them the day before the Supper.Herod tortur­eth the Ladies Bond-women, and soundeth out Antipa­ter's and their secrets. The King moved by these words of theirs, tortured both those Maid-ser­vants B of theirs, who were their Bond-women; as also certain other of their free ser­vants. Now when the fact could not be extorted, by reason that none of them con­fessed it; at length, she that was last of all put to her tryal, overcome by the pains she endured, said nothing else, but that she prayed God that Antipater's Mother might feel the like torments, since she was the cause of all these mischiefs which they endured.

These words of hers made Herod the more eager and inquisitive, so that by force of tortures he wrought out all the secrets of these women; their Banquets, their secret Assemblies, and those very words that Herod had spoken apart betwixt his Son and himself, which had been reported unto the women that Pheroras entertained; namely, C that he would give him one hundred Talents provided that he would use no confe­rence with Pheroras. Moreover, they reckoned up the hatred that Antipater bare un­to his Father, the complaints that he made unto his Mother, of the too long life and continuance of his Father; for that in regard of himself, he was already grown old; so that although the Kingdom should fall into his hands presently, yet he could receive but very little contentment thereby. Moreover, he alledged, that divers Brothers, and Brothers Children were brought up together with him, so that he might not secure­ly hope for any thing; for that already, if he should fortune to die, the Kingdom was to descend not to his Son, but to his Brother: Besides this, he was accustomed to ac­cuse the King of divers cruelties committed by him, and of that murther which he ex­ecuted D upon the persons of his Children. That for fear lest he should practice his Ty­ranny against those that remained, Antipater had found out the device to be summon­ed to Rome, and Pheroras withdrew himself into his Tetrarchy.

These words, which as he knew had reference to that which his Sister had often in­formed him of, were not by him held incredible; so that being pressed with the ma­lice of Antipater, Herod thrust­ed Doris, An­tipater's Mo­ther out of his Palace. he sequestred Doris his Mother from his presence, robbing her be­fore her departure of all her Jewels, which were valued at many Talents; and from that time forward he shewed himself more favourable towards those women of Phero­ras's houshold. But nothing did more whet Herod's displeasure against Antipater, than did a certain Samaritan,Antipater the Samaritan de­clareth how Antipater the King's Son had provided Poyson for his Father. who was also called Antipater, who had the ordering of E the Affairs of Antipater the King's Son. For he being brought in question, and tor­tured, declared among other things, that Antipater had mixed a mortal Poyson, and delivered the same to Pheroras his Uncle, commanding him to practice the King's death in his absence, and by that means least suspected. That this Poyson was brought out of Egypt by one called Antiphilus, Antipater's friend. That it was sent to Pheroras by one called Theudion, Antipater's Mother's Brother. That this Poyson was kept by Pheroras's Wife,Pheroras's Wife confes­seth that she hath the Poy­son, and casts her self down headlong from the Roof. and was committed by her Husband to her custody. She being examined by the King hereupon, confessed no less; and hasting forth, as if she intended to fetch the same, she cast her self down headlong from the top of the house; yet she did not kill her self, because she fell upon her feet. After she was recovered out of her swoun, and the King F had promised all security both to her self and her Family, if so be she would discover the truth; and contrariwise, threatned her with extreme torments, if she obstinately continued in concealing these Treasons: She sware she would discover all things ac­cording as they were acted; and as many men thought at that time, she told no­thing but the truth. That Poyson (said she) was brought by Antiphilus out of Egypt, and bought there by the means of a Brother of his, who was a Physician. After this, Theudion brought it to our house; and I having received it from Pheroras's hands, kept the same, but bought by your Son Antipater, to poyson you that are his Father. Now therefore, after that my Husband fell sick, and you in kindness came to visit and comfort him, he being moved with compassion, and conquered by your brotherly kind­ness, G and by your good affection and loving care in giving order for his health, cal­led me unto him, and said; Oh Wife, Antipater hath circumvented me, whilst by his pe­stilent counsels, and poysoning practices he desireth to cut off his Father, and deprive me of a [Page 454] kind Brother. Now therefore, since I perceive there is no part of my Brother's love and H natural affection diminished towards me, wherewith he was wont to entertain me; and that my last hour of life approacheth, God forbid, that being ready to sleep with my Fore-fathers, I should present them with a Ghost soil'd and sweltered in my Brother's blood: Di­spatch therefore, and burn this poyson before mine eyes. Hereupon (said she) I present­ly brought it forth according as my Husband commanded me, and burnt the greatest part of the Poyson, and the rest I have reserved, that if after my Husband's death, your Majesty should use me unkindly, it might serve me to escape those extremities that would betide me.

After she had spoken thus, she brought forth before them the Poyson, and the box wherein it was kept.The year of the World, 3962. before Christ's Nativity, 2. After her, another of Antipholas's Brothers, and the Mother I to them both, confessed no less, being constrained thereunto by force of violence and torture, and acknowledged the Box. The King's Wife also, who was the Daughter of the High Priest,The King put­teth away his Wife, and blots his Son out of his Te­stament. He degradeth Si­mon, and in­stateth Mat­thias in the Priestood. was accused of confederacy and concealment of all these Treasons. For which cause Herod put her away from him, and cancelled his Sons name out of his Testament, wherein he had bequeathed him the Kingdom after his decease. He dis­placed also his Father-in-law Simon the Son of Boethus from the Priesthood, and pla­ced Matthias the Son of Theophilus, who was born in Jerusalem. In the mean time Ba­thillus, Antipater's Freeman returned from Rome; who being tortured, confessed that he brought a Poyson with him, to deliver it to Antipater's Mother and Pheroras, to the end, that if the first Poyson were not effectual enough to dispatch the King, they might K make use of this other, to cut him off speedily. There came Letters also to Herod's hands from his friends at Rome, Archelaus & Philip are ac­cused by An­tipaters means written and devised by Antipater's means, to accuse Archelaus and Philip, for very often they had refreshed the memory of Alexander and Aristobulus's death, contrived by their Father; and for that they lamented the misera­ble fate of them, who were innocently betrayed; and that now also they themselves were called back into their Countrey for no other cause, but upon their arrival to be made partakers of their Brother's miserable destiny. These things did Antipater's friends certifie Herod of, in that by many and mighty Presents he wrought them there­unto. He himself also wrote unto his Father colourably, after a manner excusing the young men, and imputing their words unto their indiscretion and young years.L Mean while, he busied himself in accusing Syllaeus; and courted the chiefest Romans, buying divers Ornaments and Jewels to present them with, to the value of two hun­dred Talents. And it is to be wondred at, that so great matters being in agitation a­gainst him, seven months at least before his return into the Countrey of Judaea, that no inkling thereof came unto his ears. But the cause partly was the diligent search and watch that was kept upon the High-ways, and partly the hatred that all men had con­ceived against Antipater. For there was not any that would put themselves in hazard to procure his security.

M

CHAP. VII.
Antipater, being returned back into Judaea from Rome, is convicted in the presence of Varus Governour of Syria, for having endeavoured to poyson the King his Father. Herod causeth him to be imprisoned; and writeth to Augustus on that Subject.

HErod concealing his displeasure,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 6. answered Antipater his Son's Letters; giving him a strict charge (as soon as he had dispatched his affairs) to hasten homeward, lest his long absence should prove hurtful to him.Herod writeth friendly Let­ters to Anti­pater, and cal­leth him home from Rome. He likewise, after a temperate manner,N complained unto him of his Mother, promising notwithstanding to remit the fault up­on his return; and by all means he made shew to him of much kindness, fearing lest he, apprehending any suspicion, should defer to hasten his return; and lingring too long at Rome, should contrive some treacherous stratagem, to the prejudice of himself, and the overthrow of his Kingdom. Antipater received these Letters in Cilicia, and had already received others at Tarentum, by which he understood of Pheroras his Unkle's death, whereat he was sore grieved; not for the love he bare to Pheroras, but for that he died before he had murthered his Father, according as he had promised him. As soon as he came to Celenderis a City of Cilicia, he grew doubtful whether he should return or no, and was grievously troubled at his Mother's disgraces,O who was banished from the Court. The opinions of his friends in his behalf were va­rious; for some of them counselled him to stay and expect the event of these troubles [Page 455] A in some place: others on the other side, advised him to delay no longer his return into his Countrey, for that upon his arrival he might easily satisfie all those objections and accusations that were forged against him, because his accusers had nothing else to strengthen their cause with, but his absence. This later advice pleased him best; so that he betook himself to Sea,Celenderis in Cilicia, and at last arrived in the Port of Sebaste, so called, and builded by Herod to his great charge, in honour of Caesar.

And now already it manifestly appeared that Antipater was upon his downfal:Sebaste a Ha­ven builded by Herod in honour of Cae­sar. For no man came out to salute him, no man entertained him, as they did upon his depar­ture, when as all of them accompanied him with prayers and happy acclamations: but contrariwise they boldly and openly spake against him, and bitterly cursed him, tell­ing B him that he was justly punished for the wickedness that he had committed against his brothers.Antipater upon his re­turn is saluted by no man.

About the same time Quintilius Varus, who was sent to succeed Saturnine in the Government of Syria was at Jerusalem, Quintilius Va­rus, Gover­nour of Syria. and drew thither at that instant upon Herods request, to assist him with his Counsels in his present and weighty occasions: Now whilest these two sate and cousulted together, Antipater came in before any man ex­pected him, and in that purple garment and Royalty that he was accustomed to use, entered the Palace. The Guard of the Gates suffered him to enter in, but they ex­cluded all those that were with him. This first of all affrighted and appaled his Spi­rits, in that he already perceived into what calamity he was fallen; and now also C when he drew near his Father, he thrust him from him, accusing him of the mur­der of his Brethren, and reproaching him with that intent he had to poyson him, telling him that the next day Varus should both hear and judge all his misde­meanours.

He altogether daunted at the greatness of that unexpected mischief, which he both heard and saw, departed presently from them wholly amazed, and in the way met with his Mother and his Wife (which was Antigonus's daughter, who had been King of the Jews before Herod) by whom he was advertised of all that which had happened, and for that cause more diligently prepared himself for his tryal.Herod calleth his Son in question be­fore Quintili­us Varus. The next day Varus and Herod sate in judgement, accompanied by their friends on both sides; thither also D were cited the Kings kindred and his sister Salome; and certain others, who could discover his secret practices; some of which had been tortured, and namely Antipa­ters mothers servants, who a little before his arrival, had been apprehended with a letter to this effect: That he should take heed that he returned not into the Countrey, be­cause his Father was made privy to all his practices, and that for the present he had no o­ther refuge but only to Caesar, and to take care likewise lest he should fall into his Fathers hands.

Hereupon Antipater humbling himself on his knees before the King his Father, besought him not to condemn him before his cause was heard, but to suspend his judgment until such time as he had heard his justifications. But Herod after he had commanded him to E withdraw himself into the midst of the Court and Assembly, deplored his infelicity in be­getting such Children, and bewailed his mishap, that in his old age he was reserved for an Antipater. Antipater accused by Herod. After this he reckoned up his cares in their education and institution, and how bountifully he had bestowed upon him as much riches as he required: he added that none of all these favours could preserve him from falling into the hazard of losing his life by their policy, that they might unjustly possess the Kingdom, before either the Law of Na­ture, or the will of their Father, or their own rights could challenge the same. But a­bove all the rest, he wondred at Antipater, with what hope he could possibly be puffed up to attempt so audacious and wicked an enterprize. For by his Testament he had made him the Heir of his Kingdom, and in his life time also had made him his equal in Digni­ty, F Glory and Power: That he received yearly fifty talents of revenue, and to furnish his voyage for Rome had three hundred talents given him. Moreover, he accused him for his slanderous accusations against his murthered and slaughtered Brothers: Who if they had been wicked, why did he imitate them? But if they were innocent, why without cause produced he is slanderous accusations against those, who were his natural Brethren? For in his own respect he had never found any thing against them, but by his report, neither had be given Sentence against them, but by Antipaters advice, who for the present were absolved by him, because he was become the Author of their Parricide. In uttering these words he began to weep, being unable to insist any further; for which cause he besought Nicholaus Damascene, who was his dear friend, and conversed or­dinarily G with him, and was privy to all that which had passed, to prosecute the rest of his Indictment.

But Antipater turning himself towards his Father, began to justifie himself, urging [Page 456] the same Testimonies, and Favours that his Father had shewed unto him, and the H honours he had received at his hands, which he would never have shewed him, if he had been unworthy of the same, and had not by his virtue deserved these favours. He alledged also, that by his virtue he had prevented all that which might have happened; and that where the cause required his labour or diligence,Antipater's answer to his Father's obje­ction. he dispatched all things with his own industry; that it was unlikely that he, who had delivered his Father from those Treasons which were intended against him by other men, should himself attempt the like: And as far from probability that he should go to extinguish that virtue (whereof even until that day he had given testimony) to the end that always hereafter he might be defamed for such baseness. For long before this time he was named and entitled to succeed him, and to enjoy those very honours, whereof already he enjoyed no small part; whereby he protested I that it was unlikely, that he, who might enjoy the half of all that his Father had, in all security, vertue and honour, should desire the whole with infamy and danger; yea, and with an uncertainty to obtain the same; that the punishment which had befallen his Bro­thers (whom he had disclosed and accused at such time as they were hidden) was procured by him, who, if he had pleased, might have concealed them; and whose wickedness towards their Father (after it was proved) he himself had revenged upon them: Neither (as he said) repented he himself of that which he had done; for that action of his might be an argument to prove how incorruptly he loved his Father. And as touching that which he had dealt in at Rome, Caesar himself was witness thereof, who could be no more deceived, than God himself; whereof those Letters bore record, which were written by him; which in K equity, should be of no less force, than the slanders of those who sought to set them at odds: The most part of which objections and reproaches had been complotted and devised by his enemies, who have had the leysure to pursue the same during his absence, which they could not have performed in his presence. At length he pleaded, that all those Confessions were false which were extorted by torture, in that it ordinarily falleth out, that such as are put to the tryal, confess many things by force of torment, that are untrue, to satisfie them that put them thereto: Briefly, without all favour, he offered himself to the Rack in justifi­cation of his Innocency. Upon these Protestations, all the Council and Assistants were confounded. For all of them had great compassion of Antipater, who was wholly drowned in his tears; so that his very enemies began to pity him. And Herod himself L made it appear, that he seemed in some sort to be altered in his opinion; notwith­standing he endeavoured to conceal the same.

But Nicholaus,Nicholaus Da­mascene pro­secuteth the King's Accu­sation. according as he was requested, prosecuted that Accusation which the King had begun; urging all things to the uttermost, and producing all the Wit­nesses, and those manifest Proofs, that were gathered from their Examinations that were tortured. Especially he discoursed at large of the King's Virtue, which he had fa­therly expressed in the education and instruction of his Children; for which he had been so unkindly and unnaturally requited. Moreover, that his first Children's foolish rash­ness was not so much to be wondred at; for that being young, they had been corrupted by the malice of their Counsellors, and had blotted out of their hearts all tue Laws of M Nature, rather through ambition of Rule, than desire of Riches. But that Antipater's boldness was both wonderful and wicked, who, more cruel than the cruelest Beasts (who towards their Benefactors acknowledge each good turn) was nothing mollified by his Fa­ther's so great indulgence, nor terrified by his Brother's calamity; but must needs emulate them in their cruelty. And thou thy self (said he) O Antipater, wert the Judge of their attempted Treasons, by thy inquisition they were indicted, thou didst execute the justice a­gainst them being convicted. Neither do we disallow that thou didst prosecute them with just indignation, but rather admire thee for that thou imitatest their intemperance: And we easily gather, that those acts of thine were not attempted for thy Father's security, but intended for thy Brother's overthrow, that by detesting their malice, thou mightest insinnate N thy self into the favour of their Father and thine, that afterwards thou mightest more cun­ningly and securely bring him to his end, which at length thou hast attempted to perform. For whilst thou adjudgest thy guilty Brothers to death, and sparest their Confederates, thou makest it manifest in all men's eyes, that thou hast a kindness for them, whose assistance thou mightest hereafter use in oppressing thy Father. Thou hast therefore enjoyed a double pleasure: the one openly, as if rejoycing and glorying, that by thy Brother's death thou hast atchieved a matter of honour; the other secretly, with endeavouring by greater wic­kedness, but more secret fraud, to make an end of thy Father; the revenger of whose in­juries thou pretendest to be. For if thou hadst truly detested their malice, thou hadst never esteemed the same to be worthy of thy imitation; for thou hadst not cut them off for com­mitting O such Capital offences as were answerable unto thine, but for that they had a more just Title to succeed in the Kingdom than thou hast. And thou hast thought good to mix the [Page 457] A murther of thy Father with the massacred bodies of thy Brothers, lest thou shouldst be suddenly convinced in thy conspiracies against them, and to the end that the punishment that thou well deservest to suffer, should light upon thy infortunate Father, projecting with your self such a parricide, and so unusual and hainous a murther, that to this day the like thereof hath not been heard of amongst men. For thou being his Son hast practised these Treasons, not only against thy Father, but against him that loved thee above measure, and did thee good beyond expectation, with whom thou hast actual participation of the Government of the Kingdom, and who had appointed thee his Heir in the same, being no ways hindered, either for the present, or in times past, to participate the pleasure of So­veraignty, and being assured of the hope of Succession, both by the will and writing of thy B Father. But you have measured the course of your affairs, not according to Herod's vir­tue, but according to your own appetite and malice, intending to deprive such a Father of his part, who granted you the whole; and seeking in effect to murther him, whom in words you pretended heretofore to protect from injury. And not content your self to practise these treacheries, you have infected your Mother also with no less corruption, and instead of love that should have been amongst Brethren, you have filled your Family with mutinies and hatreds: And besides all these things, thou hast been so audacious, as to call thy Fa­ther beast, being of thy self more malignant than those beasts which are most venomous, using thine own venom against thy dearest friends, and such as have best deserved at thy hands, strengthening thy self with his Guard, and divers treacheries both of men and C women against one old man, as if thy cursed mind alone were not sufficient to satisfie thy ha­tred. And now after so many men and women, Slaves and Freemen tortured for thy cause, after the open and manifest testimonies of thy parties in the conspiracy, thou art so impudent as yet to contradict the truth: and thou that lately hopedst to deprive thy Fa­ther of his life, doest now as much as in thee lieth, endeavour to abolish that Law that was instituted against Malefactors in thy kind, and herewithal, O Varus, equity, and all what­soever is Justice in the world. Dost thou therefore accuse them of falshood, who were examined in torments, to the end thou mightest endanger their credit, who were the pre­servers of thy Fathers life? Shall we believe thee more than them in their torments? Wilt thou not, O Varus, deliver the King from the injury of those, who are his own flesh and D blood? Wilt thou not put this wicked beast to death, who hath murthered his Brothers, to pretend a love towards his Father, and who hath at last been discovered to be the most mor­tal enemy of them all, to the intent that at one instant he might establish the King­dom in himself Thou knowest that Parricide is no private crime,Parricide that publick injury of life and na­ture. but a publick injury to life and nature, which is no less loathsome in the thought, than it is in the act: which whoso punisheth not, is of himself guilty of an injury offered to our common mother nature.

After these Speeches, he added certain points concerning Antipater's Mother, which through feminine frailty had been blabbed out by her, to wit, that she had ask­ed counsel of Soothsayers and Conjurers, to whom the Kingdom should befall: and E that she had offered Sacrifices, and made Prayers for the death of the King. And moreover, he declared what lascivious pranks Antipater had played with Pheroras's women, in banqueting and amorous and wanton dalliances. The informations likewise that were presented by such as were tortured, with sundry testimonies of divers men; some suborned, the other found out to be immediately produced and confirmed. For each man seeing that Antipater was exposed to the accusations of those men, who had the Government in their hands, and that the good fortune that had long accompanied him, had openly delivered him into the hands of his enemies, they immediately discovered the insatiable hatred which they had conceived against him, whereas before the fear that they had of him enforced them to be silent: yet he F was not so much burdened with other mens hatreds, as with his own wickedness; namely, his deadly hatred against his Father, his breach of amity amongst his Bre­thren, whereby he filled the Kings Houshold with seditions and murthers, of some complotted, and acted by others; neither giving place to hatred according to Ju­stice, nor to amity according to good affection, but according as it might stand with his profit. Which because divers men perceived long before that time, they judged of events according as they had reason, and the rather because that being void of hatred, they spake but their opinions. And whereas heretofore they had cried with a loud voice against him, at such time as they were shut up; at this time when they were de­prived of their fear, they declared all things that they knew. And whereas there G were produced divers of the mischiefs committed by him,Antipater accused by all men. yet there seemed nothing to be feigned, for that the accusers neither spake in favour of the King, neither con­cealed any thing for fear of danger, but condemned all Antipater's wicked actions, and [Page 458] judged him worthy of death and punishment,The year of the World, 3962. before Christ's Nativity 1. not so much for his Fathers security, as H for his own demerit. Neither did they only accuse him, who were by justice tied thereunto, but divers voluntary witnesses also brought in their evidence; so that al­though he was a very cunning dissembler, and colourer of his lies, and most im­pudent in their assertions, yet he durst not once open his mouth, or mutter against the same.

As soon as Nicholas had finished his discourse and accusations, Varus commanded Antipater to answer to those crimes that were objected against him,Varus giveth Antipater li­cence to justi­fie himself. if he had any thing to alledge, that he was not guilty of those forfeits or hainous crimes that were laid unto his charge. For of himself he desired nothing more, and knew well that Herod his Father desired no less,Antipater striveth by his protestations and invocation of God, to justifie him­self. than that he should justifie himself, and maintain his inno­cency.I But he humbling himself upon his face, and lowly bending his body to the ground, besought God, who was the searcher of all hearts, to approve his innocency by some eminent sign, how he never had attempted any thing to his Fathers preju­dice. For this is the custom of all wicked men, that as often as they attempt any hai­nous act, they ingage themselves in all wickedness, without any respect of Gods Justice; and when as by their misdeeds they are fallen into danger, then they call upon God, by whose invocation and testimony they desire to be delivered: making a shew that they commit all things to his determination. The like whereof in this time happened in Antipater, who, whereas before he disposed all his actions so, as if there had been no God that had the oversway of humane affairs; at such time as K Justice overtook him, and he was deprived of the benefit of the Law, had his re­course to Gods power, alledging that he was reserved by God to this end, that he might diligently intend his Fathers safety. Hereupon Varus, when as by often que­stionings he could wrest nothing from him, but that he only cried upon God, seeing that otherwise there would be no end of these debates, he commanded the poyson to be brought forth before them all, that he might make experience of what force it was:The poyson is ministred to a con­demned man, and it killeth him. Hedio and Ruffinus, c. 7. which being presently brought unto him, and given to one that was condemned to die, it presently killed the man. Which done, he arose and departed out of the Council, and the next day went unto Antioch, where for the most part he was wont to have his residence, for that it was the chief City of the Assyrians. But Herod pre­sently L commanded his Son to be put in bonds, no man knowing what talk had been between him and Varus upon his departure,Herod impri­soned his son, and sent Em­bassadours to Caesar to cer­tifie his a­buses. but all mens opinion was that the King did nothing in imprisoning him, but by his counsel. When as therefore he had fast bound him, he sent unto Caesar, and wrote his Letters unto him, as touching Antipa­ter, sending certain appointed Messengers, who by word of mouth might assure him of his cursed treasons.

At the very same time there was a Letter intercepted,Antiphilus's Letter to Antipater. sent by Antiphilus to Antipa­ter, which Antiphilus remained in Egypt: which Letter being opened by the King, was written to this effect: I have sent you Acme's Letter, hazarding thereby my own life: For you know that I am in danger of the displeasure of two mighty Families, if I M should be discovered. As for your self, bethink you well of your affairs in this respect. Such were the Contents of this Letter. The King made diligent search for others al­so, but he could find none, for Antiphilus's servant, who had brought that which was read, denyed that he had any other. But while the King was in this doubt, one of his servants and friends perceived that the inside of the Messengers under coat was newly sewed: for he had two garments the one upon the other: and conjecturing that the Letters might be hid in the foulds thereof, as indeed they were, he ripped the same,Acme's Let­ters to Anti­pater. and found them. The Tenour whereof was this: Acme to Antipater, Health: I have written the Letters to your Father, according as you gave me instructions, and I have counterfeited the copy of my Letter, as if it had been sent by Salome to my Mistress. I N assure my self, that when he hath read the same, he will punish Salome as one that hath practised Treason against him. But that Letter that was supposed to have been writ­ten by Salome to Acme, was of Antipater's invention, and in Acme's style. The Con­tents were these:Acme's Let­ter to Herod. Acme to King Herod, Health: Whereas I have an especial care, that nothing be concealed from thee that concerneth thy security, having found a Letter of Sa­lomes written against thee unto my Lady, I have not without danger taken the copy there­of, and sent it unto you in which she required that she might have licence to marry Syl­laeus. Tear this copy, least through the knowledge of the same, I come in danger of my life. Now in that which she had written to Antipater, she discovered that she had written these words to Herod, according to that order he had given her, as if Salome O had conspired to work some treason against him. She sent also the copy of those counterfeit Letters in the name of Salome, and sent them unto her Mistress to work treason.

[Page 459] A This Acme was a Jew born, and Chamber-maid to Julia, Caesar's Wife, and did that which is above written, for the love which she bare unto Antipater, whom he had hired by great sums of money, to the end, that she should assist him to execute the mischief, which he practised against his Father and against his Aunt. Herod made almost desperate by the great mischiefs of Antipater, was stirred upon the sudden to shorten his days, for that he was the only means that stirred up these great Tempests of Sedition in his Kingdom;Herod enflam­ed with hatred against his Son and who not only practised against his Father and his Aunt, but against his Sister also; and had in like manner corupted Caesar's Family. Salome also incensed him the more, beating her breasts, and offering her self to all deaths, if any such like matter might be duly proved against her. For which cause Herod sent for Antipater, commanding him to speak freely all that which he had to say, without fear. But he having not one word to answer for his defence, Herod said unto him: Since that on all sides thou art convicted and surprised in thy wickedness, delay not, but discover those that are of thy Confedera­cy. B Antipater layeth all the fault upon Antiphilus. Whereupon he laid all the fault upon Antiphilus, and named none other. At that time Herod being wounded with extreme grief, would have sent Antipater to Rome unto Caesar, that he might receive his judgment from him; but afterwards he feared, lest, by the interest of his friends, he should escape the danger; for which cause he kept him bound and fettered in Prison, as he had done before: And in the mean while he sent certain Messengers with Letters to Caesar, to accuse his Son, and to declare wherein Acme had been his Confederate, producing the Copy of the Letters. These Ambassadours therefore re­paired to Rome, instructed in those things they were to answer to, those Interrogatories that should be offered them; and with them he sent these Letters.

C

CHAP. VIII.
The Golden Eagle that Herod had consecrated, and fixed on the Portal of the Temple, is pulled off: The severe Punishment that he inflicteth for it. The King's terri­ble Sickness; and the cruel Orders that he giveth to his Sister Salome, and to her Husband.

D WHilst Herod's Ambassadours were on their Journey to Rome with his Orders,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 8. he fell sick, and made his Will, appointed his youngest Son to succeed him in the Kingdom; for through Antipater's instigations,Herod falling sick, maketh his Will, and leaveth the Succession of his Kingdom, with his other Goods to his Friends and Kinsfolks. He­rod impatient in his old age and wondrous wayward. he had conceived a hatred against Archelaus and Philip. He sent also a thousand Talents unto Caesar, and five hundred to his Wife, and to his Children, Friends and Free-men. He bestowed also Mo­ney, Rents and Lands upon his own Children: He gave his Sister Salome an ample Possession, because she had always persevered in loving him, and had never offended him. And having lost all hope of re­covery, for that he was about 70 years old, he became very touchy and froward in whatsoever his affairs. The cause hereof was, that opinion he had conceived, that he grew contemptible; and that the whole Nation took pleasure in those mis-haps which befel him: which some of those who were favoured by the people, made him the rather believe, upon this occasion which ensueth: Amongst those that were most learned among the Jews, Judas the Son of Sariphaeus, and Matthias the Son of Margalothus, the E most excellent Interpreters of the Laws and Ordinances of the Countrey (and for this cause were in greatest esteem amongst the people, by reason that they instructed and trained up the Youth; for all those that desired to obtain Vertue, spent all their time with them) understanding that the King's sickness was dangerous,The year of the World, 3963. after Christ's Nativity, 1. they incensed the younger sort, counselling them to overthrow all those works that the King had caused to be made, contrary to the Law and Custom of the Countrey; to the end, that they fight­ing for Piety, might obtain the reward that attendeth the same. For in that the King had undertaken and done many things contrary to the Law, divers unaccustomed miseries had befallen him, and namely that sickness wherewith he was detained. For Herod had done divers things contrary to the ancient Law; against which Judas and Matthias exclaimed openly.A Golden Ea­gle upon the greatest Gate of the Temple For he had erected over the Portal of the great Temple, an Eagle of Gold of great value. Now the Law prohibiteth that they, who pretend to live according to the same, should in any sort erect any Image, or represent any Figures of living Creatures F whatsoever. For this cause these Doctors counselled them to pull down that Eagle; telling them, that although the matter seemed very dangerous,Contempt of death. yet ought they to prefer an honest death before a pleasant life, if so be it be employed for the defence of their Countrey-laws and Religion. For in so doing, they should obtain immortal praise for the present, and a memorable and eternal glory in time to come; nei­ther that they should protract the execution thereof for fear of danger, since death was a thing that could not be avoided; so that since by the general course of Nature, they must needs die, it should be­come them bravely to forsake their lives with praise and honour in embracing Vertue. For to die in the execution of some noble exploit (which cannot be atchieved without hazard of danger) their Children should be richly rewarded with the fruits thereof, and their other Parents that should outlive them (of what Sex soever) should reap the fruits of that glory which was honourably atchieved by them. In these or such like words they encouraged the young men.

About that time there was a rumour spread, that the King was dead, which gave very great fur­therance G to the Doctors resolution. For at Noon they went up into the Temple, they pulled and hewed down the Eagle with their Axes, in the sight and assembly of a great number of people that [Page 460] were in the Temple. Now when the tidings hereof came unto the ears of the King's Captain, he fear­ing H lest some further and more fatal tumult might be raised, drew out a strong Company of Souldiers with him, to repulse those that were assembled to hew down the Eagle; and charging the rude and disarmed multitude, who were gathered together, he easily killed and dispersed the most; as for those forty young men that valiantly prepared themselves to resist, he apprehended them, and with them the Authors of Sedition,The young men pulling down the gol­den Eagle, hew it in piec­es with their Axes. Judas and Matthias, who scorned to submit themselves; and led them to the King; who demanding of them how they durst deface the sacred Image? They answered, that long before that time they had resolved it; and that now, according as they had resolved, they had like va­liant men performed the same. For we (said they) maintain the honour of God, and the Doctrine of our Law, whereof we are Disciples; neither ought you to admire, that with contempt of your Ordinances, we have preferred the Laws of our Forefathers, which Moses hath left us in writing, according as he was sug­gested and taught them by God: Judas and Matthias with forty other young men, being brought to the King's presence justi­fie their acti­ons with joy, and the King sendeth them bound to Jeri­cho. Neither do we refuse any death or punishment which thou shalt inflict upon us, being assured in our Consciences, that we suffer not for Impiety, but Piety's sake. Thus spake they all I of them; continuing the like constant boldness in their answers, as they had shewed in their actions; being also ready, constantly to endure any punishment for that which they had attempted. Hereupon the King commanded them to be bound, and sent them to Jericho: Then calling before him those principal Jews, who had the Government under him; and being brought into their Assembly upon his Pallat, by reason of his weakness, he recited unto them the numberless toils he had endured for their sakes; in like manner, how upon his great charges, he had repaired and re-edified the Temple; whereas the Asmoneans, for the space of 125 years, wherein they reigned, could not perform such a Building to the honour of God. Moreover, he signified unto them, how he had adorned the same with precious Gifts; for which he hoped that after his death his memory and glory should survive. After this, he expostulated with them for what cause they abstained not from offering him that injury during his life time?Herod assem­bleth the Go­vernours of the Jews, and expostulateth with them a­bout this com­motion. And why at Noon day, and in the sight of all the people, they had laid hands K on these Presents which he had dedicated unto God; and had taken those things away violently, which, though in words they appertained to him, yet in the effect, if they were well examined, they had taken from God? The Governours suspecting his cruelty, and fearing lest his unbridled passion should urge him further, by which means they might be assured of some severe punishment; answer­ed him; that those things were not done by their consents, and that in their opinion, the injury ought not to be let slip without punishment. At that time Herod shewed himself more favourable to­wards the rest,Matthias de­prived of the High Priest­hood, and Jo­zarus assigned his place. but he caused Matthias to be deprived of the Priesthood, as one who in part had been the cause of that which had happened; and in his place substituted Jozar, one of his Wives Brethren. During the Priesthood of this Matthias it happened also, that another High Priest was elected that ve­ry day wherein the Jews did usually celebrate their Fast. For Matthias, the night before the day of the Fast, seemed in his Dream, to have the company of his Wife; and whereas for this cause he was L unfit to offer the Divine Sacrifice, he had Joseph the Son of Ellemus appointed him to be his Assistant, by reason of his alliance.Joseph Ellemi for one day High Priest. Herod therefore deposed Matthias: And as for the other Matthias, who had moved this trouble, both he and his companions were by his order consumed with fire.

This very night the Moon was eclipsed, and Herod's sickness grew more vehement. For God pu­nished those sins which he had committed.Matthias and Judas burned For he was inflamed with a slow fire, which to the out­ward sense seemed not so vehement, but inwardly searched and afflicted all his Entrails: He had also a ravenous and unnatural Appetite to his meat,The Eclipse. which could no way be satisfied. Besides that, he had an Ulcer in his Bowels,Hedio & Ruf­ [...] chap. 9 with a strange and furious Collick. His Feet were swelled, and of ve­nomous colour; [...] horri­ble sickness. and his Stomach was no less affected also. His Members rotted, and were full of crawling Worms, with a filthy, and no less troublesome Priapism, accompanied with an intolerable Stench: Besides all this, he had a strong Convulsion of his Nerves, and shortness of Breath. For which cause it was a general opinion amongst holy men, and such as had the knowledge of Prophecy,M that the King was thus punished for his infinite impieties and sins committed against the Majesty of God. And although he was tormented with an unsupportable sickness, yet he had hopes to escape; and for that cause he sent for Physicians from all places,The hot Baths of Calliroes that flow into the Lake of Asphaltite. and refused none of those remedies which they thought requisite for him. He therefore past over Jordan, and went into the hot Baths of Calliroes; the Waters whereof are potable, besides other vertues they have against all other kind of sickness: this Water dischargeth it self into the Lake called Asphaltites. Being there, it was thought good by his Physicians, that he should refresh himself in those Waters: There being set by them into a Bathing-tub filled with Oyl, he grew so sick, that they held him for dead. Whereupon all his Domestick ser­vants wept and lamented, and all his familiar friends cried out, bewailing him; and with their great noise caused him to come to himself: And seeing himself wholly out of hope to escape, he gave order that there should a Distribution be made, to every Soldier the summ of fifty Drachmes; and he offered great Pre­sents N to their Captains, and his Friends. Afterwards he returned to Jericho, where a melancholly hu­mour possessed him,Herod bestow­eth a distribu­tion among his Soldiers. which made him unsociable, and displeased against all men; so that seeing that he must needs die, he bethought him of this wicked action that followeth. For the Noblest men amongst the Nation of the Jews, resorting unto him from all parts (by his command, under the express Penalty of loss of life, to whosoever should neglect the same) the King shewed himself to be displeased, as well against those whom he thought guilty,Herod com­mandeth that the Noblest of the Jews should be slain after his death as against them who had given him no occasion of discontent. For he caused them to be shut up in a place called the Hippodrome, which was the Tilt-yard to run Horses in; and sent for his Sister Salome, and Alexas her Husband, telling them that his end was at hand, for that his griefs did incessantly torment him; which as he said, he ought to bear patiently, because it was an end that should happen to all men. But that which most grieved him was, that he saw himself deprived of those mournings and lamentations, which a King deserved. For he was not ignorant of the Jews affections, neither how his death was desired and longed for by them, since that in his life time they O presumed so far as to revolt; and dishonour and deface those gifts, which he had bestowed upon the [Page 461] A Commonweal. It therefore behoved them to afford him some solace in that his bitter anguish; for that if they refused not to perform that which he had contriv­ed in his mind, the lamentation of his death should be magnificent, and as great as ever any King ever had; and the pleasure and laughter that might accompany his death, should be abated by their sorrow, who should unfeignedly lament for the whole Nation. He therefore commanded them, that at such time as he should give up the Ghost, they should cause the Hippodrome to be invironed by his Souldiers, as yet unadvertised of his death (which he would not have published before this executi­on was ended) and to command them to shoot their Arrows at those that were shut up therein. And that when they had killed them all after this manner, they should B make him triumph and rejoyce in a double joy; first, for that in his death, his Com­mands should be ratified by effect: Secondly. For that he should be honoured by a memorable lamentation. Thus weeping, he entreated his Kinsfolk, for the love they bare unto him, and for the faith they bare unto God, that they should not suffer him to die frustrate of his last honour; and they protested that they would not transgress any point of his Commands. Hereby a man may conjecture what his nature was, who took pleasure in these above-named impieties, and who, through the desire he had of long life, hath after this sort dealt with those of his Blood: And it may be conjectured by these his last Commands, that he had nothing in him that savoured of any humanity; for that departing out of the World, he had such a mind that all C the Nation, and all such as were most affectionate towards him, should be driven to sorrow and desolation, commanding that in every house one should be killed; yea, such as had not in any sort offended him, and were not accused of one mis-deed com­mitted against any other; whereas they that have any vertue, finding themselves at that state, have been accustomed to lay aside the hatred which they have before born unto their enemies.

D CHAP. IX.
Augustus referreth it to Herod, to dispose of Antipater as he pleaseth. Herod fal­ling into a relapse of his Torments, desireth to kill himself; Achiabus one of his Grand-children hindreth him: It is reported that he is dead; Antipater endea­voureth in vain, to bribe his Keeper to set him at liberty; as soon as Herod hear­eth of it, he sendeth one to kill him.

WHilst he delivered these instructions to his Kindred,Letters are sent from Rome, that Acme was executed by Caesar's Com­mand, and that he had Autho­rity to use he received Letters from those Ambassadours which he had sent to Rome unto Caesar; the effect where­of E was, that Acme was put to death by Caesar's Command, who was displeased with her, for that she had been of Antipater's Conspiracy, who was remitted to Herod's pleasure, like a King and Father, to use him as best pleased him; either to exile and banish him; or, if it please him, to put him to death. Herod receiving these News, recovered his Spirits a little, through the pleasure he received in the Contents of those Letters,Antipater as his pleasure. both of Acme's death, and of the power that was granted him to pu­nish his Son. But being assailed afresh by grievous Dolours, and urged with a desire to eat,Herod calling for a Knife & an Apple in­tendeth to stab himself. he called for an Apple and a Knife; for he was accustomed to pare his Apples himself, and cut a little, and afterwards to eat it: When as therefore he had gotten hold of the Knife, he looked round about him, determining to give F himself a mortal Wound therewith; and had certainly done it, had not Achiabus his Grand-child hastily stept within him,Achiabus with holdeth his hand. and stayed his hand, and called for assistance. At that time the sorrow and lamentation was renewed in all the Palace, as if the King had been already dead:Antipater thinking his Father to be dead, dealeth with his Keep­er for his deli­very, which Herod hearing of command­eth him to be slain. And Antipater certainly believing that his Father was departed, began to hope (and confirmed no less in his words) that being delivered out of Prison, he should obtain the possession of the Kingdom without any difficulty; and treated with the Jaylour concerning his deliverance, offering him great Presents both in hand and hereafter, as if there had been no other question but of that. But so far was the Jaylour from obeying that which Antipater demanded, that he went and acquainted the King what his intent was, and what offers he made him. Herod who had already conceiv­ed G a sinister opinion of his Son, hearing what the Jaylour had said, began to ex­claim, and to beat his head, although he was at the uttermost gasp; and lifting him­self up upon his elbows, he commanded that one of his Guards should presently [Page 462] go kill him; and that done, he should be buried in the Castle of Hircanion, without H any honour.

CHAP. X.
Herod altereth his Will, declareth Archelaus his Successor; he dieth five days after Antipater. Herod's glorious Funeral ordained by Archelaus; the peoples great acclamation in favour of Archelaus.I

AFter this,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 10. having changed his mind, he made a new Testament. For he appoint­ed Antipas Tetrarch of Galilee and of Peraea, Herod's Will is changed. whereas before he had instituted him for his Successor in the Kingdom. He created Archelaus King; he gave the Provinces of Gaulonites, Trachonites, Batanea and Paneade to Philip his Son, and Archelaus's Bro­ther by the Mother's side, to be Tetrarch over those places. He gave his Sister Salo­me, Jamnia, Azot and Phaselis, with fifty thousand Crowns of Gold. He provided al­so for his other Kins-men, all whom he left rich in money, which he gave them, and re­venews which he assigned them.His Legacy to Caesar, and Ju­lia his Wife. He gave Caesar ten Millions of Drachmes in Silver, amounting to the summ of eleven hundred thousand Francks; besides a great quantity K of Gold and Silver Plate, and of precious Moveables. To Julia, Caesar's Wife, and to certain others, he bequeathed five millions of Drachmes, amounting to five hun­dred and fifty thousand Francks,Herod's death. or thereabout. After he had in this manner disposed all things, some five days after he had caused Antipater to be executed, he departed this life; having reigned after Antigonus's death, for the space of thirty and four years, and thirty and seven years after he was elected and approved King by the Romans: A man without respect, cruel and severe towards all men, Slave to his wrath, Lord of the Laws; yet so favoured by fortune, as no man more; for from a private man, he be­came a King; and being environed with many dangers, he always happily escaped; and he lived also a very long time.Herod's muta­ble & strange Fortune. And as concerning his Family and Children, in his L own opinion he was happy, in that he overcame his enemies; but in my opinion, he was most unfortunate.

Before the King's death was thorowly known,Salome and Alexas after the King's death, dismiss the Jews that were shut up in the Hippo­drome. Salome and Alexas discharged those that were locked up in the Hippodrome, and sent every one of them home unto his own house; telling them, that the King commanded them to depart, and follow their houshold Affairs, and till their Land; wherein they performed a most noble action, and benefitted the whole Nation with an especial good turn. After the King's death was bruted abroad, Salome and Alexas caused all the Army to be assembled in the A [...] ­phitheatre in Jericho; and first of all they caused Herod's Letters to be read, which were addressed to the Souldiers,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 11. in which he gave them thanks for the fidelity and M good will which they had expressed towards him;Herods thanks­giving to his Army, and te­stament read, & Archelaus is applauded by the people. praying them to continue the same to Archelaus his Son, whom he had appointed to be their King after him. That done, Ptolomey, to whom the King had committed the custody of his Seal, recited his Testa­ment, which was to take no effect, except that Caesar approved the same. Thereup­on all of them began to applaud and honour Archelaus for their King. The Souldiers flocked about him in Troops, accompanied with their Captains; promising him to serve him with no less good will and affection,Alias, cap. 12▪ than they had done his Father; praying God to yield him his assistance.

At that time also the King's Hearse was prepared,Herod's Corps is buried with great pomp & solemnity in Herodion. and Archelaus gave order that his Obsequies should be most royally performed; and bestowed all the Furniture that was N requisite for that Funeral and Princely Interrment. He was carried out in a Gilded Litter, adorned with divers precious Stones, the Cover thereof was of Azure colour. The dead body was apparelled in a Purple Raiment, having a Diadem upon his head over which there was a Crown of Gold, and a Scepter put in his right hand. About this Litter marched a great number of his Children and Kinsfolk; and after them fol­lowed his Souldiers, disposed in Bands and Troops, according to the custom of every Nation: The first of these were the Archers of his Guard; after them went the Thra­cians; The Germans and French served under Herod. and lastly, marched the Germans and Galatians; all of them in their Warlike Dress and Discipline. After them followed all the Army, marching in order, as when they were drawn up in Batalia, each one under his Captain. Next these followed five O hundred of his Houshold Servants, bearing Perfumes. And all these in his Equipage, marched to the Castle of Herodion, distant some eight Furlongs off. For there he was [Page 463] A entombed, according to the Tenour of his Testament. Thus died Herod. Archelaus continued his Mourning for seven days space in honour of his Father. (For the Law of the Countrey ordaineth no less.) And after he had feasted the people, and laid a­side his mourning Apparel, he ascended up into the Temple. All the way as he went, all the people with Shouts and Acclamations,Archelaus banqueteth the people. cried, God save the King; and with Prayers and Praises honoured him to their uttermost: And he being conducted up to a high Throne of Gold, which was made on purpose, entertained the people very gra­ciously, taking pleasure in their Acclamations and Congratulations that they bestow­ed upon him. He gave them thanks also, ‘For that they had blotted out of their remembrance, the injuries that his Father had done unto them; protesting in B his own behalf, that he would certainly take care to requite their kindness, with an entire affection. He likewise told them, that for the present he accepted not the Title of King, because the honour was bequeathed him with this condi­tion,’ that Caesar should ratifie his Father's Testament. For this cause, although the Souldiers that were in Jericho, were so kind to set the Diadem upon his head, yet he would not accept of that uncertain honour; because it was not resolv­ed whether Caesar, who was the principal Party in the Gift, would grant him the Go­vernment or no.

He protested likewise,Archelaus promises that with Caesar's approbation, he will care­fully intend the desires and profits of the people. that if his Affairs succeeded according to his desire, he would not, in honour, forget their love, or leave their good affection unrequited. C And that in the mean while, he would enforce himself, by all means, to further those things that concerned them; and entertain them with more kindness, than his Father had done. But they, according as it is the custom of the common people, thinking that those that enter into such Dignities, declare and open their minds at the first day: The more Archelaus spake kindly and courteously unto them, the more they applaud­ed him; and presented him with divers Petitions, for Grants and Donations from him. Some of them cried out unto him, that he should take off some part of their yearly Taxes: Others cryed to him, to deliver those Prisoners that were committed by Herod, of whom divers had pined a long time in Prison: Others instantly urged him to cut off those Tributes which had been imposed by him upon Bargains and Sales, D which was to pay the half of the Bargain. Whereunto Archelaus did not any ways con­tradict, striving to the uttermost of his power to please the people; for he knew very well, that their good affection would be no small advantage towards him, in the con­firmation of his Kingdom. That done, he sacrificed unto God; and afterward fell to banqueting and entertainment of his Friends.

CHAP. XI.
Some Jews (who demanded satisfaction for Judas and Matthias and others deaths, whom Herod caused to be burned, for having pulled down the Eagle off the Portal of the Temple) make an Insurrection, which obligeth Archelaus to cause three thousand of them to be put to death: He goeth afterwards to Rome, to be confirmed King by Augustus: His Brother Antipas, who pretends to have a right to the Crown, repaireth thither also; the Cause is pleaded before Augustus.

E

MEan while,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 12. al. 13. some amongst the Jews who were desirous of Revolutions, in their F private Conventicles bewailed Matthias and his Confederates, whom Herod had put to death and condemned,The seditious people bewail Matthias, and those that were executed with them. for defacing the Golden Eagle; because that after their decease, they had neither been publickly honoured, nor lamented, by reason of the fear that the people had conceived of Herod. For which cause, at that time they re­quired with lamentations and out-cries, that their Obsequies might be solemnized; and as if the dead bodies had received some satisfaction by their tears and exclamations, they uttered many odious and disgraceful expressions against Herod; and assembling themselves together, they requested Archelaus to do them Justice against those, that during Herod's life,They would be revenged on Herod's friends, and would depose the High Priest. were in Authority; and especially they demanded, that the High Priest who was advanced by his Father, should be deposed, and that another more G lawful and upright might be placed in his stead, to exercise the High Priest's Function. Now, though Archelaus was sore displeased at these violent proceedings, yet notwith­standing, he conformed himself to their humour, in that he was with all expedition, to [Page 464] repair unto Rome, The year of the World, 3964. after Christ's Nativity, 2. to understand and attend Caesar's pleasure. Therefore he called H for the General of his Army, commanding him to perswade them not to seek revenge for those men, who were dead, notwithstanding they were their friends; because whatsoever was done, was done according to Law; and that no enquiry might be made thereof, except, to the great prejudice of his reputation, and hazard of his state, in regard of the uncertainty of the time; that it was more expedient for him to study for the maintenance of peace, until such time as being established in the King­dom by Caesar's consent, he should return back again unto them, and that then he would consult with them for the common profit, according to their demands; wish­ing them for the present to contain themselves, and to take heed lest they stirred up Sedition.I

When he had thus instructed his General, he sent him unto them. But they cried out with a loud voice, and would not suffer him to speak; but for fear of danger and death, they put him to silence. And if any other were so forward as to speak unto them, and perswade them to some moderation, and to alter their sinister resolutions, he was also in danger: For that they had this perswasion, that all things ought rather to be order­ed according to their pleasures, than by the Authority of their Superiours; supposing that although, during Herod's life time, they had been deprived of their dearest friends, it would be now a matter unworthy their courages, after his death to be cut off from their privilege to demand their revenge. For they were transported with their own opinions; and held all that for lawful and upright, which was in any sort conformable K to their pleasures, without fore-seeing the danger that might happen thereby; they were so desirous to be revenged on those, whom they reputed to be their enemies. Now, whereas divers were sent by Archelaus to advise them, and divers came unto them not as messengers from him, but as friends and lovers of peace, of their own motion, with an intent to pacifie them, they would not permit any of them to speak; and through their rage there arose a great tumult, which had grown to a further extremi­ty, if a great number of people had joyned with them.

At that time fell the Feast of Unleavened Bread,Sedition at the Feast of the Passover. which is called Pascha, which is a Memorial of their deliverance out of Egypt; at which time all men do most willingly present their Sacrifices; and a greater number of Beasts are killed at that Feast, than at L any other time. To this Solemnity also, an infinite number of people assembled from all parts, to honour God; whereby the seditious (supposing that they had gotten fit opportunity) lamented Judas and Matthias, who were the Expositors of the Law, and kept themselves within the Temple, whither they had gathered good store of Victu­als, which they were not ashamed impudently to beg for. But Archelaus, fearing lest their rage should produce some more grievous effect of mischief, sent out a Captain, with a Regiment of a thousand men, to repress their fury, before the rest of the people were infected with their follies; and to bring them likewise unto him, whom they found to be the forwardest in that Commotion. Against those the Seditious cried out with great clamours, and incensed the people against them, so that all of them rushed M in upon the Soldiers, and killed divers of them. The rest of them escaped with their Captain; yet not without divers Wounds. That done, they which were within the Temple, returned again to their Divine Service.

Now Archelaus supposing that his whole Fortune was endangered, except he repres­sed the rage of the multitude; he sent out all his Foot, with a certain number of Horse, to prevent, lest they that were without should yield assistance to those who had taken up their lodging in the Temple; and to put those to the sword, who having escaped the violence of the Foot,Three thou­sand Jews slain. supposed themselves to be in security. These Horsemen slew about three thousand men, the rest retired themselves into the Mountains that were near adjoyning. Hereupon Archelaus made Proclamation, that each one should re­pair N unto his own house. For which cause they departed, and abandoned the Feast, for fear of greater mischief; notwithstanding they had spleen enough, as it is the or­dinary custom of the ignorant multitude.

After this,Archelaus repairs to Rome, and ma­ny of his Facti­on follow him Archelaus, accompanied with his Mother, took his Voyage to Rome, with Nicholaus and Ptolomey, and with divers other his Friends; committing the Govern­ment of all his Houshold and Kingdom to his Brother Philip: Salome, Herod's Sister went also, leading with her, her Children. There went also divers other of his Kind­red, who said that they would all of them endeavour for Archelaus, that he might ob­tain the Kingdom; but in effect, it was to hinder him with all their Power: and especi­ally, Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 13. al. 14. to accuse him unanimously, for what was done in the Temple. Sabinus, Caesar's O Viceroy in Syria, posting into Jewry to take charge of Herod's Money, met with Arche­laus in Caesarea. But Varus arriving in the mean while, detained him from finishing [Page 465] A that Voyage; for Archelaus had sent for him to come thither by Ptolomey, and Sabinus willing to do Varus a pleasure, would not seize the Fortress of Jewry; nether sealed up Herod's Treasures, but left them in Archelaus's possession, until such time as Caesar had given order for the Estate; and after he had made this promise, he stayed in Caesarea.

After Archelaus had set sail towards Rome, Sabinus re­paireth to Je­rusalem, with an intent to seize Herod's Treasures and Castles. and Varus was departed for Antioch, Sabi­nus went to Jerusalem, where he seized the King's Palace: and calling before him the King's Agents, and the Captains of his Garrisons, he required them to deliver up their Castles into his hands. But they according as Archelaus had commanded them, conti­nued the possession in their accustomed manner, according to the King's direction, pre­tending B to keep the same in Caesar's behalf.Antipas in hope to recover the Kingdom▪ sail­eth to Rome, At the same time Antipas Herod's Son travel­led to Rome likewise, in hopes to be elected King, in regard of Salome's promises; and for that he better deserved the same than Archelaus, considering that in the first Testament, which should be of more force than the later, he had been appointed King. He led his Mother also with him, and Ptolomey the Brother of Nicholaus, who had been one of He­rod's most esteemed friends, and was well affected to further his Title. But especially he was stirred up to seek the Kingdom by Ireneus, a man very eloquent, and to whose charge, in regard of his sufficiency, the Affairs of the Kingdom had been committed. For which cause, although he was perswaded to give over the Kingdom unto his elder Bro­ther, who was confirmed in the Kingdom by his Father's Testament, yet he would not C give ear thereunto. But Antipas no sooner arrived in Rome, but all his Kinsfolk re­volted from Archelaus unto him, not so much for the love they bare to him, as for the hatred they conceived against Archelaus; and above all, for the desire they had to re­cover their liberty, and to draw themselves under a Roman Governour. For they thought that if there were any contradiction, that Antipas, for whom they endeavour­ed to procure the Royalty, should be more profitable to them than Archelaus: Sabinus also, by his Letters, accused Archelaus to Caesar; but Archelaus by Ptolomey, exhibited unto Caesar a Supplication, containing his Right and Title unto the Kingdom, his Fa­ther's Testaments, and the account of the Money which Herod his Father had sealed up, together with his Ring, and expected the issue.

D But when he had read these Letters, and those which Varus and Sabinus had sent him, and understood what summs of money he had left, and what the yearly Revenue was, and how Antipas challenged the Kingdom, and appropriated it to himself, according as his Letters mention,; he assembled all his friends, to have their advice thereupon. Amongst them was Caius the Son of Agrippa, and his Daughter Julia, adopted by him, whom he caused to sit in the chiefest place; which done, he commanded the Assistants to speak what they would concerning this matter. At that Antipater, Salome's Son, a man very eloquent, Antipater Salome's Son, accuseth Ar­chelaus before Augustus Cae­sar. and a great Adversary to Archelaus, spake first, saying, That it was a mockery for him at that time to speak of the Kingdom, considering that before Caesar had granted it him, he had already seized the Forces of the State, when as upon a Festival day, E he had killed so many; who, although they had deserved that punishment, yet ought the justice thereof to have been reserved to a lawful Power, and not to have been usurped by him; either being King with Caesar's prejudice, whose Authority he had contemned; or by being a private man, which was a great oversight. For which cause, he undeservedly at this time hoped for his approbation, whom already, as much as in him lay, he had deprived of the Ti­tle and Authority of his Allowance. Moreover, he objected against him, that of his own Authority he had changed certain Officers of the Army, and that he had seated himself in the Royal Throne; and like a King, had determined certain causes, and had granted certain demands of the people: That he had left nothing undone, which he might have performed, had Caesar confirmed his Title. He alledged also, that they who were enclosed in the Hip­podrome, F were dismissed by him; and divers other acts, partly true, partly probable in re­gard of the ambition of young men, who, desirous to govern, do ordinarily commit such things: Besides this, his neglect in mourning for his Father; and withal, his rare Banquets all night long at that very time his Father died; whereat the people began to mutiny, seeing the small regard he had of his Father's death, from whom he had received so great Goods and Honours. How all the day long be made a shew of his sorrow and tears in his Pavili­on, but all the night he took pleasure like a King; and being such, if Caesar should grant him the Kingdom, he would behave himself no less unkindly towards him, than he had done to his most kind Father. That it was no less than an odious crime in him, to delight him­self with Songs and Dances at his Father's death, as if he had been his enemy: That he G now came to Caesar's Presence, to the intent to obtain the Kingdom by his consent, whereas already he had behaved himself no otherwise, than if he had already been established King by his Authority. But most of all he exaggerated the Slaughter he had committed in the [Page 466] Temple, and the Impiety perpetrated so near to the Feast of Easter; at which time divers,H both Strangers and Citizens had been killed after the manner of Sacrifices, and the Temple filled with Carcases, not by a stranger, but by him, who, under the colour of Religion, desir­eth the Government of the Kingdom, to the end he might satisfie the injustice of his nature, in exercising each way his Tyranny towards all men; for which cause his Father never thought, nor ever dreamt to substitute him King in his place. For he knew both his life and dispositi­on, and by his former Testament (and that of greatest force) had ordained his Adversary Antipater to be King. For he had been allotted the Kingdom by his Father, not when his mind was dead before his body, but when both his Judgment was sound, and his body in health. Yea, although at that time Archelaus's Father had such a conceit of him, as in his later Testament he pretendeth; yet, that he had already declared what kind of King he was I like to be, who contemned Caesar's Authority in confirming the Kingdom; and being as yet a private man, doubted not to murther the Citizens in the Temple, This said, Antipater (to give greater credit to his words, bringing divers of his Kindred as Witnesses of that he had said) ended his Oration.

Whereupon Nicholaus arose, Nicholaus ex­cuseth Arche­laus. and alledged in Archelau's behalf as touching the slaughter, that it was to be imputed to their impiety, who could not be restrained from their Tumults and Uproars, before Archelaus was enforced to appease them by force; alledging, That they were so much the more guilty, for that they had not only ex­ercised their malice, but also had enforced others to attempt so great a revenge against them; for their insolency seemed in appearance to concern Archelaus, yet in a sort their contumacy K pertained to Caesar's ruine. For those that had been sent by him to appease and redress their sedition, were, against all Law and right, charged and killed by them, without respect of God, or regard of the solemn Feast: Whose defence Antipater was not ashamed of, with­out respect of equity, so that he might satisfie that hatred which he bare unto Archelaus. That therefore it was their fault, who first of all abstained not from injury, but whetted those Swords which were drawn in maintenance of the peace, against their own bosoms. He enforced all other things also, whereof they had accused Archelaus, against them­selves, saying, that none of these things were done without their consents; and that the offence was not so grievous, as they intended it should be esteemed, to the end they might dis­credit Archelaus. So great a desire was in them to hurt their Kinsman, a man both well L respected, and affected by his Father; as also kind and officious towards them in all things that concerned them. As for the Testament, that it was made by the King when he was in perfect estate of mind and body, and of greater force than the former, because the Authority and confirmation thereof was ascribed unto Caesar, the Sovereign of the World.

Further, that Caesar would not imitate them in that wrong they did unto Herod, who (being, during his life-time, bountifully graced by him, by many benefits) do now after his death, go about to violate his last and truest Testament; but that rather like a Friend and Confederate, he would confirm his Will; who, like his faithful and sworn well-willer had committed all things to his trust. For that there must needs be a great difference between M their Malice, and Caesar's Vertue and Faith, which was renowned thorough the whole world. For which cause he would not judge his Decree to be inconsiderately past, who left his Suc­cession to his well deserving Son, and referred all things to his trust. For that it was un­likely that he should err in the choice of his Successour, who had so discreetly submitted all things to Caesar's judgment. After this manner Nicholaus also finished his discourse. Here­upon Caesar courteously raised Archelaus,Caesar pro­nounceth Ar­chelaus to be worthy of the Kingdom. who lay prostrate and humbled before his feet, telling him that he was most worthy to be King, by giving an apparent Testimony, that he was constant in his resolutions; pretending that he would do nothing but that which should be answerable to Herod's Testament, and Archelaus's profit; and seeing the young man was confirmed in some good hope with this his promise, Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 14. he determined nothing N more for that time; but dismissing the Council, he debated with himself, whether he should ratifie the Kingdom to Archelaus only, or divide it amongst Herod's Kindred, especially since they all had need of his assistance.

O

A CHAP. XII.
A great Rebellion in Judea, whilest Archelaus was at Rome; Varus Governour of Syria stoppeth it. Philip, Archealus's Brother, goeth also to Rome, in hopes to obtain one part of the Kingdom. The Jews send Ambassadours to Au­gustus, to free them from their obedience to Kings, and to re-unite them to Syria: They complain to him against Archelaus, and abhor the memory of Herod.

B BUt before Caesar had determined any thing certainly in this behalf,Marthalce Archelaus's Mother dieth. Marthalce, Ar­chelaus's Mother died of a Sickness; and Varus the President of the Jews in Syria, had sent Letters,Varus pacifieth the Seditions at Jerusalem. which assured the Emperour of the Rebellion of the Jews. For af­ter Archelaus's departure, all the Nation was in an Uproar. To pacifie which, Varus resorted thither, and punished the Authors of the same: and after he had appeased all things, he returned to Antioch; leaving a Regiment of Soldiers in Jerusalem, to re­strain the factious Innovations amongst the Jews; yet, he prevailed nothing by his po­licy. Alias, cap. 15 For as soon as Varus was gone, Sabinus, who was Overseer of Caesar's Affairs, remaining in that place,Sabinus's A­varice raiseth a great Sedi­tion in Jerusa­lem, at the Feast of Pente­cost. grievously burthened the Jews, trusting to that power that was left him, and supposing that he was already enabled to withstand the multitude. C For he armed divers Souldiers, and made use of them to oppress the Jews, and to pro­voke them to Sedition. For he took upon him to surprise their Fortresses, and by force to make search after the King's Treasures, for his private Lucre and Covetousness sake. When therefore, the Feast of Whitsuntide was come (which is one of our Festi­vals) divers thousands from all parts repaired to Jerusalem, not only for Religion's sake, but also for despite and hatred they had conceived against those Violencies and Injuries, which Sabinus had offered them. And not only were those of Judaea griev­ously offended, but divers also resorted out of Galilee and Idumaea, from Jericho and the Cities situate on the other side Jordan, desiring all of them to be revenged on Sa­binus. And dividing their Camp into three Bands after this manner; one part of D them took up the Hippodrome; and of the other two, the one seized the Southern Quarter of the Temple, and the other the Eastern, and the third which were in the Hippodrome, were planted to the Westward, where the King's Palace stood; and thus prepared they all things that were necessary to set upon the Romans, whom they had besieged on all sides. At that time Sabinus fearing their number and resolution, who were resolved either to die or overcome; sent present Letters unto Varus, requiring him with all expedition to send him a supply, because the Regiment that was left by him, was in great danger; and must needs utterly perish, without his speedy rescue: As for himself, he withdrew into the Tower and Dungeon of the Castle Phaselus, which was a Fortress, so called in honour of Herod's Brother, who was killed by the Parthians; E and from the top thereof made a sign to the Romans, that they should salley out upon the Jews; being afraid to trust himself to his own Friends, expecting that the rest should expose their lives to danger in maintenance of his safety, which his extream Covetous­ness had endangered,A most blood­dy Battel fought be­twixt the Ro­mans and Jews near unto the Temple. and their lives also. The Romans having made this Sally, there arose a desperate skirmish, wherein the Romans divers ways had the upper hand; yet the Jews were no ways discomforted, notwithstanding they had lost many men; but wheeled about so long, till at last they seized the outward Galleries, and those that en­compassed the Temple, and in that place there was a hot Assault; for they flung down stones with their hands and slings, and there were certain Archers mixed among them; who having recovered a place of advantage, grievously gauled the Romans which F were below, in that they had no means to avoid their shot, but were so exposed there­unto, that their Enemies had the better. And with this disadvantage the Romans fought a long time, till at length, being enraged to see their enemies have such an ad­vantage, they secretly fired the Galleries and Porches, without any discovery of those that were therein; which Fire, brought thither by many, and fed with such matter as would speedily flame, immediately took hold of the Roof, because the Roof was covered with Pitch and Wax, gilded over; so that these great and excellent Buildings were burnt down to nothing in a moment;Divers Jews are slain and burned in the Roof of the Porches. and they that were resorted thither, were all of them consumed before they were aware. For some of them fell with the Roof of the Galleries; others shot at, and killed by those that stood round about; others G despairing of their lives, and amazed at the mischief, either cast themselves into the fire, or killed themselves with their own Swords; and all those that retired in hopes to save themselves by that way they ascended, were encountred by the Romans, who killed [Page 468] them, all, because they were disarmed, though furiously desperate: so that not one H of them that ascended the Porches escaped with his life. Afterwards the Romans thrusting forward one another by those ways where the fire was least, entred the Treasure house where the sacred money was kept, by which means a great part there­of was stoln away by the Soldiers,A great part of the sacred treasure taken away by the Soldiers. and Sabinus to all mens knowledge carried away four hundred Talents. But the Jews being afflicted with a double calamity, first of all with the loss of their Friends in that fight: and lastly, with the spoil of the trea­sury; yet they assembled a Troop of the valiantest Soldiers, and besieged the Palace, threatning to burn the same, with Sabinus and all other the Romans that were there­in, The Palace besieged by the Jews except they speedily departed; and in so doing, they promised both them and Sabinus all assurance and security: whereby it came to pass, that divers of them that I were in the Palace, issued out and submitted themselves unto them. But Rufus and Gratus having three thousand of those valiant Soldiers under their command,Rufus and Gratus, Cap­tains of He­rod's Army, joyn with the Romans. who had served Herod, joyned themselves with the Romans. The like did those Horse­men which followed Rufus, who in like manner submitted themselves to their directi­on: yet for all this, the Jews continued and intended their Siege, undermining their walls, and exhorting the Romans to depart, and not to deprive them of their liberty, which they had long enjoyed under their Predecessors. Sabinus was willing to depart from thence with his Soldiers; yet durst not trust them in regard of their former at­tempt, and he suspected the too liberal offer his enemies had made him: but neglected it, because he expected Varus. K

At the same time infinite other troubles were raised in divers other places of Judaea, according as every one either was incensed with a desire of gain,Hedio and Ruffinus, cap. 15. or a will to revenge. For two thousand Soldiers (who had formerly served under Herod, and being at that time cashier'd,Divers tu­mults in Jew­ry. lived at home) assembling themselves together, assailed those of the Kings faction, who made head against them, under the conduct of Herod's Nephew Aciabus, Two thousand of Herod's Soldiers assail the Kings peo­ple. who never daring to encounter them in a place of equal advantage, in that they were old Soldiers, and well exercised in war, defended himself, in that he held and kept himself as near as he could in the mountains and places of advantage. More­over, Judas the Son of Ezechias the Arch-thief, whom Herod overcame with so much difficulty at Sephoris a City in Galilee, Judas, Eze­chias's Son the Arch-thief. gathering unto him a band of desperate men,L made incursions upon the King's Dominions. And having taken all those Arms and Weapons, which he might recover in that place, he armed from the first to the last, all those Souldiers that were with him; he took away all that money which was re­served for the King, in that place; and affrighting the Inhabitants round about him, he spoiled all those with whomsoever he met; aspiring to the Kingdom, not that he thought himself well enough qualified for that dignity, but because he had gotten such freedom in wickedness, he took the boldness to do any thing.

Whilst these troubles ranged in every place, Simon also, who had been one of He­rod's servants;Simon, He­rod's Servant. and both for his shape, stature and strength, was esteemed amongst all men, undertook the Kingdom: and being attended by a mighty Army, and proclaim­ed M King by them, who were a wicked and unbridled multitude, and perswading him­self that he was worthy to be King before any other; he first of all set the Palace on fire in Jericho, and spoiled all that was therein. He burnt also divers other Royal Pa­laces, belonging to the King, which were in divers places of the Countrey; giving them free license who were his followers in the Action, to bear away the Prey that remained: And far more licentious pranks had he played, had not his practises been speedily and wisely prevented. For Gratus, who with the King's Soldiers, had joyn­ed himself winh the Romans,Gratus con­flict with Si­mon. and gathered all the Forces that he had, went out against this Simon. And after a fierce Battel, they on the other side of Jordan, were put to flight; and fighting rather with courage than Military Discipline, they were overcome.N And whilst Simon, Simon be­headed. in crossing a Valley, sought to save himself by flight, Gratus met with him, and cut off his head.

About the same time also,The Jews al­most enraged in rebellion. the Royal Palace of Amatha, that was hard by Jordan, was burnt by men of as bad disposition as Simon was. And thus thorow the whole Na­tion reigned this raging Rebellion, for that the Countrey had no King, who by his Ver­tue, might govern and moderate the people; for that the strangers who were sent to re­press these mutinies,Athronges strong in body and goodly in stature, at­tempteth the Royal Digni­ty. did rather incense them through their Violence and Avarice. For a certain obscure and base man (neither esteemed for Vertue, nor worthy of regard for his Riches, but being a Shepherd utterly unknown before, and only famous for his huge stature and strength) called Athronges, was so audacious to aspire to Royal O Dignity, and took pleasure to offer violence, not valuing his life; and exposing himself to all hazards for the only unbridled affection he bare to Soveraignty. He [Page 469] A had four Brothers of as goodly stature as himself,The year of the World, 3965. before Christ's Nativity, 3. who were esteemed for men of va­lour and execution, whereby they imagined they had the means offered them to obtain the Kingdom. Each one of these had the Command over a Company. For a great company of people resorted daily unto them; the charge of whom was com­mitted unto his Brethren, at such time as any occasion of War was offered, and he in the mean while wearing the Diadem on his head, ordered, counselled and commanded all things. The Power of this Gallant endured a long time, who was not called King for nothing; for he disposed all things according to his own plea­sure; and both he and his Brethren were flesh'd with the slaughter of the Romans, and those of the King's side, whom he hated alike; these, by reason of the insolence they B had used during Herod's life-time; the other, in regard of those injuries, which late­ly they supposed themselves to have received by them. This hatred of theirs daily encreased more and more, and there was no man that could escape their hands, both in respect of the gain sought, and for the custom they had to shed Blood. They therefore at that time set upon the Romans, and surprised them on the sud­den near to Emmaus, at such time as they carried Victuals and Munition unto their Camp, and having enclosed their Centurion Arius, with forty of their most valiant Footmen, they shot him thorough with their Darts: The rest that expected nothing less than death, were saved by Gratus, who came in upon them with the King's Soul­diers; whereupon, leaving the dead bodies, they retired. Continuing their War C after this manner a long time, according as occasion was offered, they had done much mischief to the Romans, and far more injury to the Nation of the Jews. At last, they were surprised; the one in an Encounter betwixt them and Gratus, the other in fighting against Ptolomey. Athronges & his Brethren taken. The eldest was taken by Archelaus; and the last be­ing dis-heartened with the Accidents, and seeing no means to escape (for besides his other mishaps, his Souldiers were afflicted with sickness) he, with the rest, upon Arche­laus's Faith and Oath, submitted himself unto him. But this was done some little while after.

At this time all Judaea was full of Robberies;Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 16. and as many seditious Assemblies as drew together, so many Kings were there elected, who were raised to the utter ruine of D the Commonweal. Amongst the rest, the Romans were they that smarted least; but the Murthers were executed against those that were out of the Countrey. But Varus understanding by Sabinus's Letters, in what dangers they were; and fearing the utter overthrow of his third Legion, he took with him the two other (for to the uttermost in Syria there were but three) and with the assistance of the Kings and Tetrarchs, he hasted into Jewry, to relieve those that were besieged; commanding those that were sent out before he dislodged, to meet him at Ptolemais; and passing by the City of the Berythians, he received a thousand and five hundred Soldiers at their hands, to attend him in his War. Aretas also, who was Lord of Petra, drawing himself into Confederacy with the Romans, in regard of that hatred he bare Herod, sent him E Horse and Foot. When all these Forces were assembled at Ptolemais, he delivered a part thereof to his Son, and one of his Friends; commanding them to make War against the Galileans, who bordered uopn that City; who entring that Countrey, and putting all those to flight, whosoever durst make head against him▪ he took Se­phoris; and selling the Inhabitants under the Spear, he consumed the City with fire. Varus himself marching towards Samaria with his Army, violenced not the City, in that he knew it was free from the Contagion of the Seditious; but he pitched his Camp in a certain Village,Arus burned by the Arabi­ans. which was Ptolomey's Possession, called Arus. The same did the Arabians burn, revenging themselves on Herod's Friend for his sake; and marching forward,Sampho and Emmaus burn­ed. the Arabians spoiled also another Village called Sampho; and for that it was F strongly fortified, burned it. Besides, in that journey nothing escaped their hands, but they put all to Fire and Sword: For both Emmaus was burned by Varus's Com­mand, and in revenge of his Soldiers that were killed in that place, it was left desolate and void of Inhabitants.Varus repair­eth to Jerusa­lem, and deli­vereth the Le­gion that was besieged. From thence, drawing near to Jerusalem, those Jews that besieged the Legion of that side, upon the sudden view and approach of the Army of the Romans, fearfully fled, giving over that Siege which they intended. But those Jews of Jerusalem, being sharply reproved by Varus, alledged in their excuse, that the peo­ple, in regard of the Feast, were assembled in that place; and that the War was not begun by their consent, but undertaken by their boldness who resorted thither from divers places; and that they were so far off from assailing the Romans, that they rather G seemed to be besieged by them. And long before this, Joseph, King Herod's Nephew, Gratus and Rufus, with their Soldiers, were gone out to meet Varus, and those Ro­mans that had sustained the Siege, had done no less. But as for Sabinus, he would [Page 470] not appear in Varus's presence; by stealing away privily out of the City, he fled to­wards H the Sea. Then Varus sending a part of his Army thorough the whole Countrey, sought out those Authors of this Sedition, and those that were noted men in the acti­on; some of which who were most guilty, were punished; the rest were delivered. Of those that were punished for this occasion,The Punish­ment of the Conspirators. there were about two thousand crucified, and that done, seeing that this Army stood him in little stead, he dismissed them. For divers disorders and injuries, contrary to Varus's express Command, were acted by his Souldiers, who sought after nothing more than to encrease their means by other men's miseries. And hearing that ten thousand Jews were assembled together, he hasted to apprehend them; but they, not daring to hazard their fortune in a fight with him, by Achiabus's advice submitted themselves. But Varus having pardoned the people for I their Rebellion, sent all those that were the Ring-leaders thereof to Caesar, who pardoned divers of them.Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 16. al. 17. But he chastised certain of Herod's Allies, and such as bare Arms with them; for that neither in regard of Kindred, nor respect of Justice, they had abstained from Insurrection. After that Varus had thus appeased all the trou­bles in Jewry, and left the first Legion in Garrison in Jerusalem, he returned to Antioch.

But Archelaus was crossed in Rome by another Occurrent, that arose upon this occa­sion: The year of the World, 3966. after Christ's Nativity, 4. Certain Ambassadours of the Jews resorted thither by Varus's permission, re­quiring that it might be lawful for them to live according to their own Laws; these presented themselves to the number of fifty, and were back'd by eight thousand Jews K that inhabited the City.The Embas­sage of the Jews to Rome. And when Caesar had assembled the Council of his Friends, and chief Citizens in Apollo's Temple, which he had builded to his mighty charge, thi­ther resorted the Ambassadours,Archelaus & the Ambassa­dours of the Jews appear before Caesar. who were followed by a Troop of Jews; and Ar­chelaus also, attended by his Friends. But the King's Kindred neither stood by Ar­chelaus, in regard of the hate they bare him; and yet disdained to assist the Ambas­sadours, for that they were ashamed in Caesar's presence to oppose themselves a­gainst their nearest Friend and Kinsman.Philip Herod's Son. Philip also was present at that time, who by Varus's perswasion, resorted thither out of Syria; especially to plead for his Brother, to whom Varus wished all good fortune: Besides that, hoping not a little, that if the Jews should obtain the liberty to live according to their Laws, it might come to pass,L that the Kingdom being divided amongst Herod's Children, he might also light on some part thereof. Therefore, after the Ambassadours of the Jews had obtained Li­cence to propose their demands, pretending with themselves wholly to exstinguish the Royalty:The Ambassa­dours of the Jews rip up Herod's and Archelaus's iniquity. They began to rip up Herod's disgraces; alledging how only in name he had been a King, whereas otherwise he had used all the Tyrannous practices, that the wickedest person could have invented, towards the destruction of his Nation; and that not content with these, he had of his own head practised and invented new. Nei­ther that it needed to reckon up how many he had deprived of life, when the estate of those that were alive was far more desperate; whom he not only frighted with per­petual terrour and severity, but also with injurious hands had not abstained from their M Goods. By which means it came to pass, that he not only builded, but beautified Foreign Cities, inhabited by Foreign Nations, to the end he might the rather utterly spoil those by exaction, which were situated and seated in his own Countrey: And that he enforced his Nation to extream Poverty, which he received in most happy Estate; whilst he spoiled those Nobles of their Estates, who upon weak probabilities were con­demned to die; or granting them Life, deprived them of their Possessions. And, whereas yearly Tributes were imposed on every one, yet severally were the ravenous and covetous desires of his Friends and Courtiers to be satisfied; yea, and of his servants also, who had the Authority to exact these things; and by this means they might re­deem their injurious wickedness. As for the deflouring of Virgins, and the shameful be­traying N of a Matron's chastity, they covered them under silence; for that it is a great comfort to those that suffer such abuses, if their disgraces be but known to a few. In short, that Herod had no other ways governed, than as if the Government had been com­mitted to a most wild Beast. For which cause, whereas in times past that Nation had been afflicted with many Calamities and Murthers, yet that there is no example extant amongst their Monuments of Antiquity, that may be compared with their present Ca­lamity under Herod. For which cause, upon just respects, they had with one con­sent, named Archelaus their King; supposing that whatsoever King might befall them, he would always demean himself more affably than Herod had done; and that to honour Archelaus, they had mourned with him for his Father, to gratifie him in O other things, to the intent they might obtain his good affection. But he without de­lay, and all at once, had made manifest to the whole Nation, what opinion they were [Page 471] A to conceive of him, notwithstanding that as yet he was not confirmed King (for that it lay in Caesar's hands to grant it) and as if he had been afraid, lest he should assuredly be acknowledged for his Father's Son, he had shewed an example of his Vertue, Mo­deration and good Government, that he would use towards his Subjects, by the first Act which he had committed, not only against God, but also against men. For in the Temple it self he hath caused three thousand of his Countrey-men to be killed in stead of Sacrifices. And how can he chuse but be justly hated, who besides his other cruel­ties, objecteth against us the Crime of Rebellion and Mutiny? The effect of their re­quest therefore was this, that they might not any more be governed by a King, nor a­ny such like Government; but that they might be united unto Syria, and submit B themselves under their Governours that should be sent thither: That in so doing, it should truly appear whether they were sedicious and addicted to changes, or whether they would live in peace,Nicholaus ex­cuseth Herod and Archela­us. when they had favourable Governours. After the Jews had spoken to this effect, Nicholaus discharged the Kings of those Accusations that were ob­jected against them, and namely Herod, who (as he said) had never been accused all his life-time; and that it was no reason that they who justly accusing him, might have caused him to be punished during his life-time, should now address their Accusations against him after he was dead. And as touching those things which were objected con­cerning Archelaus's actions, it ought to be imputed to their insolence; for that engag­ing themselves in matters contrary to Law; and having begun to murther those who C sought to appease the tumult, they accused such as had kept them in obedience. Be­sides this, he objected against them, that they were addicted to alterations, and took pleasure to stir up Seditions, for that they knew not what thing it was to obey Justice and the Laws, and that there was no Nation in the World so head-strong as that of the Jews; for that they would have the upper hand over all. Thus spake Nicholaus.

CHAP. XIII.
Caesar confirms Herod's Testament, and appointeth his Children to be his Successors.

D WHen Caesar had heard these things,Caesar maketh Archelaus an Ethnarch, and bestoweth one half of the Kingdom on Philip and Antipas. he dismissed the Assembly. But some few days after, desirous to make an end of this matter, declared Archelaus not King, but Lord of half that Government that appertained to Herod; promising him to bestow a Royal Dignity upon him, if so be he behaved himself vertuously, according as it be­came him. As for the other Moyety, he divided it between two of Herod's Sons, Philip and Antipas, who debated with his Brother Archelaus for the whole Kingdom. The same Antipas also, had the Countrey on the other side Jordan, and Galilee, with two hundred Talents of yearly Revenue. As for Philip, he had Bathanea, Trachonitis and Auranitis, and part of the Palace that was called by Zenodorus's name, with one hun­dred E Talents. As for Archelaus, he had Idumaea, Judaea and Samaria, which were dis­charged of the fourth part of the Tributes by Caesar, for that they had joyned themselves with the rest of the people, during the time of the Sedition. Besides that, Archelaus had the Tower of Straton, Sebaste, Joppe and Jerusalem. For Gaza, Gadara and Hippon were Cities of Greece, which Caesar had separated, and adjoyned to Syria. Archelaus had five hundred Talents of yearly Rent out of his Countrey. Thus was the Patrimony divided among Herod's Sons.Salome. As for Salome, besides that which her Brother had given her in his Will, which were the Cities of Jamnia, Azot, Phasaelis and half a Million of money, Caesar granted her a Royal house in Ascalon; so as she received in the whole, sixty Talents of yearly Revenue, and had her house allotted her within the Dominion F of Archelaus. All Herod's Kindred received that which was bequeathed unto them by his Testament. Two of his Daughters that were unmarried, were endowed by Caesar with a quarter of a Millon of money which he gave them, besides their Father's Porti­on, Herod's two Daughters that were Vir­gins married to Pheroras's Sons. and they were married to Pheroras's Sons. Moreover, he gave Herod's Sons, all which he had given him by the Testament, amounting to the summ of one thousand and five hundred Talents; contenting himself only to receive some few movables, not so much for the value, as in remembrance of the King, who had given them.

CHAP. XIV.The year of the World, 3966. after Christ's Nativity, 4. H
An Impostor counterfeits himself to be Alexander, Herod's Son; Augustus finds out his Cheat, and sends him to the Galleys.

AƲgustus having thus ordained Herod's Succession,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 18. a young man, and a Jew born, brought up in the City of Sidon, Alias, cap. 17▪ by a certain Roman Free man; intruded him­self into Herod's Kindred;The false A­lexander. for all those that beheld him, reported that he resembled Alexander, Herod's Son, who was killed by him; and by this means he began to a­spire to the Kingdom: Whereupon, calling to him a Companion, who was his own I Countrey-man, and a long experienced Courtier, his Arts-master, and fit to make di­sturbances; he, by his instructions, feigned himself to be that Alexander, Herod's Son, who was delivered from death by the means of a certain friend, who had the charge to see him executed; who executing others in their steads, delivered both him and his Brother Aristobulus, and that they were both escaped in this manner. Being puffed up by these Toys, he failed not to deceive other men; and as soon as he came to Creet, as many Jews as he fell in conference with, he perswaded them no less; and getting much money from them, he sailed into the Isle of Melos; where he gathered a great Summ of Money, under pretext that he was of the Kings Blood. And now hoping that he should recover his Father's Kingdom, and that he should reward those that K were beneficial to him, he hasted towards Rome, accompanied with his Friends in great pomp. And being arrived at Puteol, he was entertained there with no less fa­vour by those Jews, whom he deceived by his colourable Title; and divers others, who had been Herod's Friends and Familiars, came unto him, and entertained him as their King. The cause hereof was the natural disposition of men, who take pleasure in false reports, together with the report of his resemblance. For they that had frequent­ed very familiarly with Alexander, held it for a matter most assured, that he was the man, and none other; and affirmed unto others upon their Oaths, that it was he, so that this rumour at last came to Rome. And all the Jews that dwelt there came forth to meet him,The false A­lexander com­eth to Rome. saying, That it was God's handy-work, that he was after that manner L preserved beyond all men's expectation: And they greatly rejoyced in his Mother Mariamne's behalf, from whom he was descended; he was carried in a Litter through the Streets with all the Apparel of a King, the charge whereof was defrayed by those who were his Friends. He was attended by a great multitude of men, and honoured with great applause, as it ordinarily falleth out at such time as, beyond all expectati­on, any one is found to have been miraculously preserved. When this News was brought to Caesar's ears, he gave small credit thereunto, perswading himself that it was a hard matter to deceive Herod, in a matter of so great importance: Notwith­standing, conforming himself in some sort to the opinions of men, he sent a certain Free-man of his called Celadus, who had very familiarly conversed with Alexander M and Aristobulus during their Infancy; giving him charge to bring Alexander unto him to the end he might see him; which he did, and was never the wiser in discovering him.The false A­lexander can­not deceive Caesar. Notwithstanding, Caesar was not fully deceived. For, although he resembled him somewhat; yet he was not so exactly like him, that he could deceive those who narrowly observed him. For this counterfeit Alexander had hard hands, in that he had been accustomed to labour, which the true Alexander could not have, in regard of his tender and delicate education; and likewise, this man was of a rough skin, and hard flesh. Caesar therefore, discovering the treachery both of the counterfeit Scho­lar, and lying Master, and how they agreed in their confident Justifications, he en­quired of them, what was become of Aristobulus, who was secretly hidden with him; N and for what cause he presented not himself, to enjoy the honour that appertained to those who were so Nobly descended? It was answered him, that he remained in the Isle of Cyprus, for fear of dangers, to which they are exposed who sail by Sea, to the end, that if any mis-fortune should befal him, all Mariamne's Race should not be extinguished, but that at least, Aristobulus might be left alive. Whilst he owned these things, and the Author of the Fable justified no less, Caesar drawing the young man aside, said unto him: My friend, if thou wilt not deceive me, thou shalt have this recompence, that thou shalt not be punished. Tell me therefore what thou art, and who hath emboldned thee to practice this fraud; for this malice is so great, that it surpasseth thine age. The false A­lexander is condemned to [...]ug at an Oar. Whereupon, being unable to conceal the truth, he discovered the treache­ry O to Caesar, how and by whom it was contrived. At that time Caesar being loath to falsi­fie his promise that he had past to this false Alexander, and seeing that in times past he had [Page 473] A laboured with his hands, he caused him to be enrolled among the number of his Gal­ley-slaves; and caused the other that induced him to this cheat, to be put to death; contenting himself that the Inhabitants of Melos had lost their charges, which they had employed upon this false Alexander, who had a shameful end, as it hath been heretofore declared.

CHAP. XV.
B Archelaus marrieth Glaphyra, his Brother Alexander's Widow. Augustus h [...]ving heard several of the Jews complaints of him, confineth him to Vienna in France, and uniteth his possessions to Syria. Glaphyra's death.

AFter that Archelaus had taken possession of that Sovereignty that was allotted him,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 19. al. 18. he came into Judea, where he deposed Joazar the Son of Boethus from the High Priesthood;The Priest­hood is taken from Joazar, and delivered to Eleazar▪ and from him to Joshuah the Son of Sias. accusing him to have favoured the Seditious, and established Eleazar his Brother in his place. After this, he re-edified the Palace in Jericho, and sumptuously adorned it; drawing away the half of those Waters which served the Borough of Ne­ara, and conveying them thorough a field which he had planted with Palm Trees; he C builded a Borough in that place, which he named Archelais; and contrary to the Laws of his Countrey, he married Glaphyra, Archelaus's Daughter, who had been his Brother Alexander's Wife,Archelau builded. by whom he also had divers Children; notwithstanding, the Law of the Jews forbiddeth a man to marry his Brother's Wife. Neither did Eleazar enjoy the Priesthood any long time; but during his life time, Jesus the Son of Sias was sub­stituted in his place.

The tenth year of Archelaus's Government, the chiefest Governours among the Jews and Samaritans, unable any longer to endure his cruelty and Tyranny, accused him be­fore Caesar; and especially after they had understood that he had transgressed Caesar's Command, who had charged him to behave himself graciously towards them. Which D when Caesar understood, he was sore displeased, and caused Archelaus's Agent to be cal­led before him, who was then at Rome, and sent for Archelaus also; and esteeming it too base an indignity for him to write unto him, Go (said he) unto him with all expedition, and bring him unto me without delay. He posting forward with all diligence, at length arrived in Judaea, where he found Archelaus banqueting with his friends; and having ac­quainted him with Caesar's Commands,Archelaus banished and confined. he hastened him away. As soon as he came to Rome, after that Caesar had heard his Accusers and his justification, he banished him, and confined him in the City of Vienna in France, and confiscated all his Goods.

But before Archelaus was sent for to Rome, he reported unto his friends this Dream which ensueth: He thought that he saw ten Ears full of Wheat, and very ripe, which E the Oxen were eating; and as soon as he awaked, he conceived an opinion that his Vision presaged some great matter. For which cause he sent for certain Sooth-sayers, who made it their profession to interpret Dreams. Now, whilst they were debating one with another (for they differed for the most part in their exposition) a certain man called Simon, Simon the Es­sean interpre­teth Archela­us's Vision. an Essean, having first of all obtained security and licence to speak, said, that the Vision prognosticated, that a great alteration should befal in Archelaus's Estate, to his prejudice. For the Oxen signified Afflictions, in respect that those kind of creatures do ordinarily labour; and as for the change of Estate, it was signi­fied by this, in that the earth being laboured by the Oxen, altered its condition and shape; and as touching the ten Ears of Corn, they signified the like number of years: F And therefore, when as one Summer should be overpast, that then the time of Arche­laus's Sovereignty should be at an end. Thus interpreted he this Dream. And the fifth day after the Vision thereof, Archelaus's Agent, by Caesar's Command, came in­to Jewry to summon him to Rome. Some such like matter happened to Glaphyra, his Wife also, the Daughter of King Archelaus: She (as we have said) married Alexander, Herod's Son, when she was a Maid, and Brother to this Archelaus; who being put to death by his Father, she was married the second time to Juba King of Mauritania; and he also being dead, she living with her Father in Cappadocia, was married to Archelaus; who put away Mariamne his Wife, for the love he bare unto Glaphyra. She living with Archelaus, Glaphyra's Dream. had such a Dream: She thought she saw Alexander by her, she cherishing and G embracing him, he checked her, saying, Glaphyra, Thou verifiest that Proverb, which saith, Women have no Loyalty. For having given me thy faith, and married with me at such time as thou wert a Virgin, and born Children by me, thou hast forgotten and [Page 474] neglected my love, thorough the desire thou hast had to be married the second time.H Neither wast thou contented to have done me this wrong, but hast taken unto thee likewise a third Husband, lewdly intruding thy self into my Family; and being mar­ried to Archelaus, thou art content to admit my Brother for thy Husband. Notwith­standing this, I will not forget the love that I have born thee, but will deliver thee from him, who hath done thee this reproach, by retaining thee for mine own, as here­tofore thou hast been. After that she had told this Vision to some women that were her Familiars, she died very shortly after. Which accident I have thought good to register in this place, in that I was to treat of those things; and otherwise the matter seemeth to be a notable example, containing a most certain argument of the Immorta­lity of Souls, and God's Providence. And if any one think these things incredible, let I him keep his opinion to himself, and no ways contradict those, who by such events are incited to the study of Virtue.Cyrenius Cen­sor of Syria. Now when the Government of Archelaus was united to Syria, Cyrenius who had been Consul, was sent by Caesar to tax Syria, and to dispose of Archelaus's house.

A THE EIGHTEENTH BOOK Of the B ANTIQUITIES of the JEWS:

The Contents of the Chapters of the Eighteenth Book.
  • 1. Judas and Sadoc taking an opportunity by vertue of the Tax which was imposed upon C all Judea, endeavour to establish a fourth Sectary, and kindled a great Civil War.
  • 2. Of the four sorts of Sectaries that were among the Jews.
  • 3. Salome's death, the Sister of Herod the Great. Augustus's death, whom Tybe­rius succeeds. Herod the Tetrarch caused the Town of Tyberias to be built, in honour of Tyberius. The Troubles among the Parthians, and in Armenia: O­ther Disturbances in the Kingdom of the Comagenes. Germanicus is sent from Rome to the East, to establish the Authority of the Empire: He is poysoned by Piso.
  • D 4. The Jews are so highly offended that Pilat, Governour of Judea, had suffered the Impe­rial Standards to be brought into Jerusalem, having the Emperour's Picture on them; that he was forced to cause them to be carried out again. The Commenda­tions and Praises of JESUS CHRIST. A horrid injury done to a Roman La­dy by the Goddess Isis's Priests: how Tyberius punished them.
  • 5. Tyberius causeth all the Jews to be banished from Rome. Pilat punisheth the Sa­maritans, for having drawn themselves together in Arms: They accuse him to Vitellius Governour of Syria, who sends him to Rome to clear himself.
  • 6. Vitellius restoreth the High Priest's Vestments to the Jews, to keep as they did former­ly: E He treateth in Tyberius's behalf, with Artobanus King of the Parthians: The cause of his hatred against Herod the Tetrarch. Philip, Tetrarch of Trachonitis, of Gaulanitis, and of Bathanaea, dieth without Children; his Dominions are re­united to Syria.
  • 7. A War between Aretas King of Petra, and Herod the Tetrarch; who having married his Daughter, would repudiate her, to marry Herodias, Aristobulus's Daughter, and his Brother Herod's Wife. Herod's Army is totally routed, and the Jews im­pute it to John the Baptist's Imprisonment. Herod the Great's Posterity.
  • 8. By what several Accidents of Fortune, Agrippa, surnamed the Great, who was A­ristobulus's F Son, and Herod the Great's Grand-child and Mariamne's, was made King of the Jews by the Emperour Caius Caligula, as soon as he had succeeded Ty­berius.
  • 9. Herodias, Herod the Tetrarch's Wife, and King Agrippa's Sister, being impatient to see her Brother reign in so much Prosperity, compels her Husband to go to Rome, to obtain a Crown also; but Agrippa having written to Caius against him, he ba­nisheth him and his Wife to Lions in France.
  • 10. The Sedition of the Jews and Grecians, in the City of Alexandria.
  • 11. Caius commands Petronius Governour of Syria, to compel the Jews by force of Arms, G to receive his Statue in the Temple; but Petronius mollified by their Prayers, writ­eth to Caius in the Jews behalf.
  • 12. Two Jews called Asinaeus and Anilaeus, both Brother, and of a mean extraction, [Page 476] become so powerful near Babylon, that they give enough to do to the Parthians:H Their Actions; their Death. The Grecians and Syrians who lived in Sylesia, unite against the Jews, and kill fity thousand of them unawares.

CHAP. I.
Judas and Sadoc taking an opportunity by vertue of the Tax which was imposed up­on all Judea, endeavour to establish a fourth Sectary, and kindled a great Civil War.I

CYrenius the Roman Senator having passed through all Degrees,The year of the World, 3973. after Christ's Nativity. 11. Of­fices and Dignities, until such time as he obtained the Consulship, (a man of great account) was sent into Syria by Caesar's order, to do justice among the people, and to sess and tax every man's goods: Coponius a Captain of Horse was sent with him, who was appointed to be Governour of all Jewry. Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 1. Cyrenius therefore came into Judea, which was already united to Syria, to tax the Goods of the Inha­bitants thereof,Cyrenius is sent by Caesar, into Syria, to execute Ju­stice in that place. and to confiscate Archelaus's Substance. And al­though at the first the Jews thought this Tax very unreasonable, yet notwithstanding K without contradiction they submitted themselves, being perswaded thereunto by the counsel of the High Priest Joazar the Son of Boethus. But after this there arose a cer­tain Jew called Judas the Gaulanite,Coponius Pre­fect of Judaea. born in the Town of Gamala; who having a certain man called Sadoc the Pharisee, Confederate with him, laboured to stir up the people to Rebellion:The Taxation of the people of the Jews. alledging that the Sess was no other thing, but a confession of their servitude; exhorting all the Nation to maintain their liberty, and putting them in hope that they thereby should happily establish their estates,Alias, chap. 3. and enjoy their goods with security; and besides this, obtain both honour and glory in prosecution of such an enterprise. Moreover, that God would not afford them a more assured way to settle their Fortunes, than by this means; namely, if they would employ themselves L in the execution of their designs; and if having conceived in their minds high and noble attempts, they forbore not to accomplish the same, notwithstanding the execu­tion cost them their lives. These speeches of theirs were entertained by the people with great pleasure, and by the same they were the more confirmed and heartened to Rebellion. So that there was no kind of evil which these men set not abroach; yea, the whole Nation was so full of miseries, that it was impossible to relate them: For the Wars went on with such fury, that it was impossible to restrain the violence there­of; so that they neither spared friends nor enemies, but were wholly given over to the spoil.Slaughters Thefts, Sedi­tions and Fa­mine in Judaea▪ There was nothing but Robberies and Murthers of the Nobility, under pretence to establish the state of the Commonweal, but in effect for their private pro­fit M sake; whereby the Cities were ruined with Seditions and Murthers, in which the Inhabitants killed one another, after a strange manner of fury, and desire they had not to spare any that was not of their Faction. They were afflicted with Forreign Ene­mies and Famine; yet none of these could pacifie their fury, nor make them forbear to destroy Cities, and shed innocent Blood; till at length the horrible mischief took such a head,The Temple of Jerusalem burnt. that they consumed the Temple of God, and burned all the stately build­ings. So dangerous a thing it is to change the Customs and Manners of a Countrey. For Judas and Sadoc having introduced and raised a fourth Sect,Judas and Sa­do [...] the Au­thors of the fourth Sect. and tying the Secta­ries to their command, filled the whole Commonweal with many troubles; and plant­ed the roots of those mischiefs, which afterwards spred abroad from this unaccustom­ed N Sect. For which cause I think it not amiss to discourse briefly of these Sectaries o­pinions, whereby so many evils have fallen upon our Nation.

A CHAP. II.
Of the four sorts of Sectaries that were among the Jews.

THere were three Sects among the Jews of long continuance and Antiquity;Hedio & Ruf­finus, c. 11. al 5▪ that of the Esseans, that of the Saducees, and that of those who were called Pharisees. Of these we have spoken in our second Book,Three Sects of whom menti­on is made in the second Book of the Wars of the Jews. of the Wars of the Jews; and yet now I think it not amiss to speak somewhat of them in this place also. The Pharisees use a very austere and strict kind of life, and addict not themselves to any delicacy, but di­ligently B follow that which their reason induceth them unto. They honour their El­ders; neither dare they reply, or reproach them for their admonitions. They attribute all things unto fate,The Pharisees Doctrine. and yet they take not an assent of will from man; supposing that God tempereth all things in such sort, that by his Ordinance and man's will all things are performed, good or evil. They believe also, that the Souls of men are immortal; and that after death they receive their reward, according as they have addicted them­selves to virtue or vice in their life times; the one to lie in perpetual Prison, the other to rise again very shortly. For which cause they are in great esteem among the people; and all that which appertaineth to the service of God, whether they be Prayers or Sa­crifices, all things are done according as they give direction. So ample a Testimony C do the Cities yield of their wisdom,The Saducees opinion. temperance and honest life. But the Saducees are of that opinion, that the Souls of men perish with their Bodies. They observe no other thing but that which is in the Law; and hold it a Virtue to dispute with their Masters, con­cerning the Decrees of their Sect. Their opinion is entertained by very few; yet such, who for the most part are men of the best account; there is hardly any thing done without their advice: And when they are advanced to any honours, they are enforc­ed to allow of that which the Pharisees shall propose; otherwise the common people will not endure them.The Esseans Opinion. The Esseans attribute unto God the Government and disposi­tion of all things. They say that the Souls of men are immortal; and all the uttermost of their endeavour and delight is, to maintain Justice and Equity. They send their Of­ferings D unto the Temple, yet sacrifice they not with other men, by reason they use more sacred and different Ceremonies; for which cause they are secluded out of the common Temple,The Esseans life and man­ners. and sacrifice a-part. Otherwise, they are men of most reconciled be­haviour, and such as are wholly addicted to cultivate their Land. They have one cu­stom which is worthy admiration, and such a one as is not to be found amongst any o­ther, either Greeks or Barbarians, that make account of virtue, which they have pra­ctised from all Antiquity; which is, that they possess their goods in common; neither doth the richest among them make more use of his possessions, than he that hath least of all. They are at least four thousand in number, who have neither Wives nor Slaves; supposing that Women are the occasion of injustice, and Slaves do cause insurrections; E and living apart by themselves, they serve one another; and chuse out certain upright men among the Priests to gather the Fruits and Revenues of the Lands, to the end they may be maintained and nourished thereby:Plisti among the Danes. In a word, they follow the same course of life that they do,Judas [...]alilae­us the Author of the fourth Sect. who are called Plisti among the Danes. The fourth Sect was found­ed by Judas of Galilee, which accordeth altogether and in all things with the Pharisees, but they are extremely zealous of their liberty, acknowledging but one only God, Lord and Master of all things; and had rather both themselves with their dearest Children and Kindred, should endure the most grievous and bitter torments that may be imagin­ed than call any mortal man their Lord. Of which constancy of theirs I forbear to dis­course any further at this time, for it is sufficiently known unto divers, who have been F eye-witnesses thereof; neither do I fear lest any one should suppose those things to be incredible, which I have said of them; but rather, that I have spoken less than they themselves make evident, in contemning their grievous tortures and punishments; which courage and magnanimity of theirs encreased very mightily amongst our Nati­on, being kindled by the most grievous injuries which were offered us by Gessius Florus our Governour,Gessius Florus's injuries. by which means at length it came to pass, that they revolted and re­belled against the people of Rome. Thus much concerning the Sects among the Jews.

CHAP. III.H
Salome's death, the Sister of Herod the Great. Augustus's death, whom Tybe­rius succeeds. Herod the Tetrarch caused the Town of Tyberias to be built, in honour of Tyberius. The Troubles among the Parthians, and in Armenia: O­ther Disturbances in the Kingdom of the Comagenes. Germanicus is sent from Rome to the East, to establish the Authority of the Empire: He is poysoned by Piso.

AFter that Cyrenius had confiscated Archelaus's Goods,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 3. and finished the valuation of I every man's Estate (which happened thirty seven years after Antonies overthrow by Caesar in the Actian Battel) he deposed Joazar from the Priestly Dignity,Ananus the Son of Seth made High Priest in Joa­zar's place. by reason of that Sedition which the people stirred up against him, and established Ananus the Son of Seth in his place. But Herod and Philip took each of them the possession of their Tetrarchy,Alias, cap. 6. and disposed of the Affairs thereof. Herod inclosed Sephoris with a strong Wall,Sephoris chief City of Gali­lee. and made it the chiefest City and Ornament of Galilee: He fortified also ano­ther City called Bataramphtha, and named it Julias, in honour of Julia the Emperour Caesar's Wife.Betaramphtha called Julias, Paneas, Beth­saida. Philip repaired Paneada, situated near unto the head of Jordan, and cal­led it Caesar [...]a; he repaired also the Borough of Bethsaida, near unto the Lake of Gene­zareth, and gave it the dignity of a City, both for the number of the Inhabitants, as for K other pre-eminencies,Men's bones scattered in the Temple. and called it Julia, by Caesars Wives name. As for Coponius the Governour in Judaea, who (as we have said) was sent with Cyrenius, in his time there hapned that which followeth. At the Feast of Unlevened Bread, which we call Pascha, the custom was that the Priests opened the Temple Gates about midnight,The year of the World, 3974. after Christ's Nativity, 12. at which time certain Samaritans, who secretly entred into Jerusalem, as soon as the Gates were open, spred men's bones amidst the Porches, and over all the Temple; whereby it came to pass, that the Priests began to keep a more diligent watch, than they had done before.

Some little while after,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap 4. Coponius returned to Rome, and Marcus Ambivius succeeded him in the Government. In his time Salome, King Herod's Sister, departing out of this life, bequeathed unto Julia the City of Jamnia, and all the Lands and Countrey round L about;The year of the World, 3975. after Christ's Nativity, 13. she gave her also Phasaelis, situate on the Plain; and Archelais, where there are divers Date Trees, bearing most excellent fruit. After Ambivius, Annius Rufus had the Command, in whose time died Augustus Caesar, the second Roman Emperour, after he had reigned fifty seven years, six months and two days; and had Antonius his Co-part­ner in the Monarchy for the space of fourteen years.The year of the World, 3977. after Christ's Nativity, 15. He lived in the whole seventy se­ven years.

After Caesar succeeded Tiberius Nero, the Son of Julia his Wife, who was the third Roman Emperour. He it was that sent the fifth Governour into Judaea, whose name was Valerius Gratus, who succeeded Annius Rufus. This Gratus deposed Ananus, and appointed Ismael the Son of Fabius High Priest;The year of the World, 3978. after Christ's Nativity, 16. and after his decease (for he lived but a M little while after) Eleazar the Son of Ananus was made High Priest. A year after, this Eleazar was also deposed, and the Priesthood was given to Simon the Son of Camithus; who continuing in this dignity for a year's space and no longer, Joseph called Caiphas succeeded him.The year of the World, 3979. after Christ's Nativity▪ 17. After Gratus had behaved himself thus, he returned to Rome, af­ter he had remained in Judaea for the space of eleven years. After him came Pontius Pilate, and succ [...]eded him in the Government. But Herod the Tetrarch being enter­tained into Tiberius's Friendship, builded a City in honour of his name, and called it Ti­berias. He planted it in the fruitfullest part of Galilee, hard by the Lake Genezareth, and near unto the natural Baths in the Borough called Emmans. The year of the World, 3980. after Christ's Nativity, 18. This City was peo­pled by strangers, who resorted thither from all parts, and by divers of the Countreys N of Galilee; some of which were constrained to inhabit the same. Some of those like­wise, who were in authority repaired thither; and from all Countreys, many flocked thither, who were not all assuredly held to be Free-men; all which he made free, and gave them great gifts, on that condition, that they should not abandon the City. To some of them he gave houses already builded, to others Lands very apt to be tilled, knowing that the inhabiting of such a place was contrary to the Laws and Customs of his Coun­trey, Tyberias build­ed. and the Ordinances of the Jews; for that Tiberias was builded in a place full of Sepulchres;Phraates King of the Parthi­ans, slain by the Treason of Phraataces his Son. and our Law saith, he that converseth in those places, is held unclean and defiled for the space of seven days.

At that very time Phraates King of Parthia died, being treacherously killed by his Son O Phraataces, for this cause: After that Phraates had begotten many lawful Children, he took an Italian woman to be his Concubine, called Thermusa; whom with other [Page 479] A Presents Julius Caesar had sent unto him.The year of the World, 3990. after Christ's Nativity, 28. After he had begorten on her his Son Phraa­taces, he was so much besotted with her beauty, that he took her to his Wife, and held her in high esteme. She that might perswade him unto all that she pleased, enforced her self to the uttermost, to make her Son King of Parthia; and seeing that she might not attain thereunto,Thermusa, Phraataces's Mother. except she had first found out the means to deliver her self of Phraates's lawful Children, she perswaded him to send them Hostages to Rome. In a word, they were presently sent away, because Phraates had not the power to contradict Thermusa's Will, and only Phraataces was brought up in State Affairs; who thinking the time too tedious and long, if he should expect the Kingdom till his Father was dead, conspired against him by the instigation and furtherance of his Mother, with whom B(as it was thought) he committed Incest.Phraataces slain. In effect, being equally attainted of those two enormous Crimes, both for the murther of his Father, and Incest committed with his Mother, he was generally hated by his Subjects, who rebelled against him before he was setled in his Kingdom. By this means his Fortune was overthrown, and he died. The Noble men among the Parthians, perceiving that it was impossible for them to main­tain their State without a King, and that their King ought lineally to be descended of the Race of the Arsacians (because by custom they might not chuse any out of another stock) and supposing that their Ordinances had too much already been broken, and that it would redound to their great dishonour, if the Kingdom should be continued in the hands of such a man, who was descended from an Italian Concubine, they sent C Ambassadours to require Herod to come and be their King;Herod sent for by the Parthi­ans, and slain in hunting. who otherwise was hated of all the people, and accused of extreme cruelty: In a word, he was an unsociable man, and extreamly cholerick, notwithstanding he was of the Blood of the Arsacides; they therefore flocked about him, and killed him at a Banquet made at a certain Sacri­fice (for the custom of the Parthians was, that every one bare his weapon) or as the common report was, that he was killed when he was a hunting. For this cause they sent Ambassadours to Rome, requiring that one of those that were Hostages there might be their King; and one Vonones was sent unto them, who was preferred above all his Brethren. For he seemed to be capable of that high Degree of honour, as to command two of the greatest Sovereignties that were under the Sun; the one of his own Nati­on, D the other of a Foreign Dominion. But the Barbarians, who are by nature incon­stant, and most insolent, shortly after repented themselves; for they disdained to ex­ecute the Command of a Slave (for so called they a Pledg) saying, that the Parthians had not a King given them by right of War, but that which was the greatest abuse that could befall them, by an injury offered them in the time of a shameful Peace. For which cause they speedily sent for Artabanus King of Media, who was of the Race of the Arsacides. To this request of theirs he willingly condescended, and came unto them with his Army, and Vonones marched forward against him. At the first encounter, although the common sort among the Parthians favoured Artabanus, yet he was over­come, Vonones King of the Parthi­ans put to flight by Ar­tabanus. and fled to the Mountains of Media. But not long after, having assembled a E greater Army, he once more set upon Vonones, and defeated him; at which time Vono­nes retired himself with some Horse-men of his, into Seleucia. But Artabanus having made a great slaughter of those that fled, and wholly abashed the minds of the Barba­rians, he retired to the City of Ctesiphon, with those people that accompanied him, and was afterwards made King of Parthia. Vonones arrived in Armenia, and at the first, sought to make himself King over that Nation, sending to this effect certain Ambassa­dours to Rome; but Tiberius repulsed his suit in respect of his Cowardice; but the rather because Artabanus, by an express Embassage, had threatned him with War. For those of the greatest power among the Armenians (who are those that dwell about the Flood Niphates) maintained Artabanus's Title;Vonones sub­mits to Sylla­nus Govern­our of Syria. and Vonones, destitute of all hope to obtain the F Kingdom, yielded himself to Syllanus, who was Governour of Syria; and in regard that he had been brought up at Rome, he was kept in Syria; and Artabanus gave Ar­menia to Orodes, Orodes King of Armenia. one of his Sons. Antiochus King of the Comagenes died also at that time,Antiochus King of Coma­gena. and there fell a debate betwixt the Commons and the Nobility; so that both parties sent their Ambassadours to Rome. The Nobles demanded that the Kingdom might be reduced into divers Provinces; and the people requested that they might be honoured by a King,Germanicus poysoned by Piso's means. as they had been accustomed. The Senate decreed that Germani­cus should be sent to settle the affairs of the East, Fortune thereby presenting him with the occasion of his ruine. For, when he arrived in the East, and orderly disposed all things he was poysoned by Piso, whereof he died; as is declared in another place.

CHAP. IV.H
The Jews are so highly offended that Pilat, Governour of Judea, had suffered the Impe­rial Standards to be brought into Jerusalem, having the Emperour's Picture on them; that he was forced to cause them to be carried out again. The Commenda­tions and Praises of JESUS CHRIST. A horrid injury done to a Roman La­dy by the Goddess Isis's Priests: how Tyberius punished them.

PIlate Governour of Judaea led his Army from Caesarea to Jerusalem, Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 6. alias, chap. 8. where he win­tered them with an intent to bring in Caesar's Standards into the City, in con­tempt I of our Law,Pilate bring­eth Caesar's Statues to Je­rusalem, and upon the peo­ples instant motion trans­ferreth them to Caesarea. which forbiddeth us to make images. For which cause, those Go­vernours that were before him, were wont to make their entries into the City with­out such Pictures or Paintings. Pilate was the first, who unawares, and by night en­tred Jerusalem, bringing with him his Images. Which when the people understood, in great multitudes they resorted to Caesarea, beseeching him for many days, that he would transport those Images into some other place. But when Pilate denied them to perform their request, because the matter would redound to Caesar's dishonour, and the Jews also ceased not to sollicite him; some six days after commanding his Soldiers to lie in Ambush in a readiness,The year of the World, 3997. after Christ's Nativity▪ 35. he sate him down in the Tribunal within the Hippodrome; making use of the opportunity of the place, for that it was most fit for a Stratagem.K There being urged once more about the same business, he gave a sign to his Souldiers to beset them; threatning them with death, except they would presently give over their suit, and repair every one of them with all speed to their own houses. But they prostrating themselves upon the earth, and offering their naked throats, told him that they rather desired to die, than to see their Laws violated. Pilate amazed at the con­stancy they shewed in the conservation of their Laws, suddenly caused Caesar's Images to be transported out of Jerusalem, Pilat seeking to draw cer­tain Springs of Water to Jerusalem, stireth up a Rebellion. into Caesarea: And not long after he intended to take Money out of the Sacred Treasury, to cause water to be brought into the City through Conduits, from a Fountain more than two hundred Furlongs off; which the people took so ill, that divers thousands of men assembled themselves, exclaiming a­gainst L Pilate; endeavouring thereby to make him give over his Enterprise. Some of them also uttered divers injurious speeches against him, as it ordinarily falleth out a­mongst an unbridled multitude.The year of the World, 3998. after Christ's Nativity, 36. But he caused them to be encompassed by a great number of his Soldiers, attired in popular habit, with cudgels, as soon as they began to exclaim against him, he gave a sign to his Soldiers; they, as it was before command­ed them, made use of their cudgels; and without distinction of persons, fell on all those whom they had encompassed; and so unmercifully laid on them, who were naked and disarmed, that some of them were killed, others grievously hurt; and after this manner was the Tumult and Sedition appeased.

At that time was JESUS, Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 6. Alias, cap. 9. a wise man, if it be lawful to call him a man. For he was M the performer of divers admirable works, and the instructer of those who willingly en­tertain the truth; and he drew unto him divers Jews and Greeks to be his followers. This was CHRIST, who being accused by the Princes of our Nation before Pilate, and afterwards condemned to the Cross by him;Jesus Christ crucified by Pilat. yet did not those who followed him from the beginning, forbear to love him for the Ignominy of his death. For he ap­peared alive to them the third day after, according as the Divine Prophets had be­fore testified the same, and divers other wonderful things of him: And from that time forward the Race of the Christians, who have derived their name from him, hath never ceased.

At that time also there fell out another accident,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 7. alias, chap. 10. which very sorely troubled the N Jews; and in the Temple of Isis at Rome, there were many shameful acts committed. But I will first of all relate the accident in the Temple of Isis; and then will I declare that which befell the Jews. There was in Rome a Lady called Paulina, renowned both for the Nobility of her house, as also through her study and exercise of Virtue. Be­sides this, she was very rich, and with her Riches beautiful, and in her flourishing years; and notwithstanding, a very Mirrour of chastity. She was married to a cer­tain Noble man called Saturnine, that equalled her in all those her excellent perfecti­ons. A certain young man called Decius Mundus, one of the Knights of greatest ac­count at that time, fell in love with her. But she was of that disposition, that it was impossible for him to corrupt her by Presents; and the more she refused those infinite O Presents which he sent unto her, the more was Mundus's heart enflamed with ardent af­fection; so that to enjoy her but one only night, he offered her two hundred thousand [Page 481] A Drachmes, amounting in our English money to some six thousand pound; yet, for all this, he could not overcome her. For which cause, being unable to endure this violent passion, he thought best to pine himself away for want of food, thereby to deliver him­self from the Tyranny of that Passion, wherewith he was afflicted. But there was a certain Free-woman that belonged to Mundus's Father, whose name was Ida, expert in all sorts of subtilties; who being sore grieved to behold the young man's resolution, whom she saw wholly addicted to a desperate death; she addressed her self unto him, and encouraged him with hope; promising him to bring him to Paulina's speech, by the means of a certain Bribe which she intended to offer. He rejoycing very much at her motion, demanded what summ should serve her: who, requiring nothing more B than fifty thousand Drachmes, to obtain Paulina; he furnished her presently. When by this means she had quickened the young man's spirit, and received all that which she demanded, she steered not the same course which others had kept, that had the so­licitation of the matter before, seeing she saw that money would not tempt her; but knowing that she was deeply devoted to the service of Isis, she practised this subtil and unexpected policy. She addressed her self to certain Priests of the Temple; and upon great hopes, and offer of great Presents, and paying them down at present twen­ty and five thousand Drachmes, and promising them as much more upon the perform­ance of the bargain; she disclosed unto them the passionate love which the young man bare unto Paulina, exhorting them to work so wisely that he might enjoy her. They C bewitched with this huge Present they had, and hoped to receive, promised her to work the feat. Whereupon, the eldest among them resorted to Paulina; and having free access unto her presence, he required that he might have conference with her in se­cret; which when he had obtained, he told her that he was sent unto her by God A­nubis, in that the God was surprised with her love, and desired that she would come un­to him. Paulina took great pleasure in this his discourse, and told her Familiars how she had been honoured with the amorous solicitation of a God, and certified her Hus­band, how God Anubis would lie with her: Whereunto he consented, knowing how great his Wife's chastity was. She therefore repaired to the Temple; and after she had supt, and the time was come wherein she was usually accustomed to lay her down to D rest, and the Gates were lockt up by the Priests that were within, and the lights like­wise were taken away; Mundus, who lay hid within, failed not to accost her: who, thinking that it was God Anubis, satisfied his desires all the night long; and in the morning betimes before the Priests, who were privy to this Treachery, were stirring, he retired himself: Paulina also, early in the morning repaired to her Husband, and ac­quainted him how Anubis appeared unto her; and boasting among her Familiars, what conference he had used with her: But some of them believed her not, in regard of the manner of their entertainment; the rest were altogether amazed, supposing those things to be no ways incredible, when they bethought themselves of the Ladies chasti­ty. Some three days after this act was committed, Mundus meeting with Paulina, said E unto her: You have saved me two hundred thousand Drachmes, wherewith you might have augmented your Treasure; and this notwithstanding, you have not failed to satisfie my re­quest: Neither am I grieved that you have contemned me under the name of Mundus; since that undertaking Anubis's name, I have accomplished my desire; and this said, he departed. But she, presently amazed with the man's audacious impudence, tore her Garments; and having told her Husband of all this subtil circumvention, she request­ed earnestly his assistance, and that he would not forsake her in the prosecution of her revenge; who presently acquainted the Emperour with every particular thereof. Now when Tiberius had diligently understood how all things had happened,Tiberius caus­eth Is [...]s's Priests, and I­da to be hang­ed, and banish­ed Mundu [...] by the inqui­sition and examination of the Priests, he condemned them and Ida, who had been the F inventer and complotter of this Treason against Paulina, to be hanged: He pulled down the Temple also, and cast Anubis's Statue into Tyber, and banished Mundus; supposing that he ought not to be more grievously punished, considering that the fault which was committed by him, proceeded from extream love: Behold here the inso­lence committed in the Temple of Isis, by the Priests that appertained to that Temple. Now I intend to declare that which happened to the Jews that were at that time in Rome, according as I both purposed and promised.

CHAP. V.H
Tiberius causeth all the Jews to be banished from Rome. Pilate punisheth the Sa­maritans, for having drawn themselves together in Arms: They accuse him to Vitellius Governour of Syria, who sends him to Rome to clear himself.

There was a certain Jew,Fulvia, Satur­nine's Wife delivereth Gold and Pur­ple to be sent to the Temple in Jerusalem, they convert it to their own uses; which, when Tiberius knew, he com­manded all the Jews to be thrust out of Rome. that having been accused for the breach of the Laws of his Countrey, and fearing to be punished for the same, fled from thence, be­ing a man of a most mischievous behaviour. He dwelling at that time in Rome, pro­fessed himself to be an expounder of Moses's Law; and drawing to him three other, no I less Reprobates than himself, he followed his ordinary Profession. Fulvia, a Lady of much honour, became their Scholar, and had embraced the Religion of the Jews; whom they had perswaded to send certain Purple and Gold to the Temple of Jerusa­lem; which after they had received, they converted it to their own use, as before they had determined to do. Tiberius, who was informed hereof by Saturnine his familiar Friend, and Fulvia's Husband, who had discovered the same unto him; commanded all Jews whatsoever to depart out of Rome. Of these the Consuls chose out and enrol­led to the number of four thousand men, whom they sent into Sardinia; and punish­ed divers of them that refused to bear Arms, for fear they should transgress the Ordi­nances of their Countrey. So that by reason of the loose behaviour of four wicked K persons, all those of our Nation were driven out of the City of Rome.

Neither was the Nation of the Samaritans exempt from this trouble: for a certain subtil Companion, who sought by all the means he might, to encroach upon the peo­ples favour, perswaded them to withdraw themselves with him to the Mount Gerazim (which they supposed to be the holiest amongst all their Mountains) in which place, he promised he would shew them the Sacred Vessels buried in a certain place, where Moses had laid them:The Samari­tans assemble at Tirathaba, to ascend the Mountain Ga­razim: Pilate chargeth, and overcometh them, and put­teth them to flight. And at that time they being gathered together in Arms, by his perswasion, encamped themselves in a Borough called Tirathaba, where they enter­tained those that repaired thither, to joyn themselves with them, to the end, they might ascend the Mountain with the greater Company: But Pilate prevented them,L and got up before them with Horse and Foot; who, charging those that were assem­bled in the Borough, put them to flight; and slaying some, and putting the rest to flight, led away a great number of them Prisoners with him: Pilate executed the chiefest Ring-leaders amongst them. The tumult of these Jews being published a­broad, and their misfortune made known, the Senate of Samaria addressed themselves to Vitellius, who had been Consul, and who at that time governed Syria; before whom they accused Pilate, for the murther of those whom he had killed, saying, that they assembled not in Tirathaba to rebel against the Romans, but to secure themselves a­gainst Pilate's Tyranny. Whereupon Vitellius sent Marcus his Friend to take charge of Judaea, Alias, chap. 1 commanding Pilate to return to Rome, and to satisfie the Emperour of M those things whereof the people had accused him.Pilate accused before Vitelli­us, is sent to Rome. Hereupon Pilate, after he had remained ten years in Jewry, repaired to Rome, having no means to contradict that Command that Vitellius had given him. But before he arrived there, Tiberius was dead.

CHAP. VI.Hadio & Ruf­finus, chap. 8. alias, chap. 12.
Vitellius restoreth the High Priest's Vestments to the Jews,Vitellius com­eth to Jerusa­lem, forgiveth the Jews their Tribute, and committeth the charge of the High Priest's Gar­ments to them. to keep as they did former­ly: He treateth in Tiberius's behalf, with Artobanus King of the Parthians: The cause of his hatred against Herod the Tetrarch. Philip, Tetrarch of Trachonitis, of Gaulanitis, and of Bathanaea, dieth without Children; his Dominions are re­united to Syria.

N

AS soon as Vitellius came into Judaea, he went up to Jerusalem, and celebrated there the Feast of the Passover;The High Priest's Vest­ments reserv­ed in the Ca­stle of Anto­nia. and after he had been magnificently enter­tained in that place, he forgave the Citizens all the Tribute of those Fruits which were sold. He delivered them also the Ornaments of the High Priests, with all the O rest of the Priestly Furniture within the Temple, committing the charge thereof un­to the Priests, according as in times past they had the same. But at that time they [Page 483] A were laid up in the Castle of Antonia, for this cause which followeth: Hircanus the High Priest, the first of that name, having builded a Tower near unto the Temple, did for the most part make his Residence therein, and there kept his Vestments that were committed to his charge, the rather for that he only had the Authority to put them on, and return them into their place at such time as he came down into the City, and put on his accustomed Raiment. His Successors did the same, till Herod being ex­alted to the Kingdom; and seeing this Tower to be strongly situated, builded the same most magnificently, and called it Antonia, in honour of Antony his great friend. And having found these Vestments in the place, he retained them with him, assuring him­self, the people would attempt nothing against him. Archelaus his Son, and Successor B in the Kingdom, kept the same course that Herod had done. But after that the Romans had obtained the Sovereignty thereof, they kept the High Priest's Ornaments in their hands, and reserved them in a place builded for that purpose, under the Seal of the Priests; and the Governour of those that kept the Sacred Treasure, lighted the Lamp every day in that place: Every seventh day before the Feast, the Governour delivered them into the High Priest's hands; and after they were purified, he put them on to do Di­vine Service, and the next day after the Feast he returned them again to the same place where they were kept before; which custom was observed thrice every year, in the time of a Fast.Vitellius ad­vanced Jona­than the Son of Ananus to the Priest­hood, and de­gradeth Joseph sirnamed Caiaphas. But Vitellius returned those Ornaments into the hands of the Priests, according to the ancient Orders; leaving them to be used when need required; commanding the C Governour, to trouble himself no more about the place where they should be kept. After he had done this favour to the Nation of the Jews, he deposed the High Priest, Joseph, sirnamed Caiaphas; and advanced Jonathan, the Son of Ananus, to that Digni­ty, and afterwards returned to Antioch.

At that time he received Letters from Tiberius, by which he commanded him to ca­pitulate and conclude a Friendship with Artabanus, the King of the Parthians (whose hatred he suspected and feared, lest, seizing on Armenia, he should work farther mis­chief against the State of Rome) desiring him to assure the League by Hostages, and namely, with Artabanus's Son. After Tiberius had written these Letters above men­tioned unto Vitellius, he perswaded the Kings of Iberia and Alania by great store of D money, that with all expedition they should make War against Artabanus: But the Iberians would not be drawn thereunto; yet they suffered the Alanes to march thorough their Countrey, and opened them their Gates of the Mount Caspius, to give them passage to invade Artabanus. The Parthians lose Armenia. Thus once more was Armenia conquered, and the Countrey of the Parthians was invaded, whereby the chiefest among them were killed. The King's Son also was killed in those Conflicts, with divers Thousands of his Army.Such things as hapned be­tween Vitellius and Artaba­nus. Moreover, Vitellius having sent money to a Kinsman and Friend of Ar­tabanus, pretended to corrupt him, to make Artabanus away. But Artabanus per­ceiving the Plot that was intended against him; and seeing that he could not escape, because it was attempted by a great number of the best accounted Nobles within his E Court, ceased to pass any further: And seeing himself most apparently environed, and thinking that under the colour of Friendship, he was fraudulently betrayed, he thought it better to retire himself into the Provinces of the higher Countrey, and there to save himself,Artabanus rostored to his Kingdom by the Danes and Swedes. rather than to put himself in hazard, and resort unto them who had already betrayed and forsaken him. Arriving in that place he assembled a a great number of Soldiers of the Countreys of Danes and Swedes; and having fought against them who had opposed themselves against him, he recovered his King­dom. A League be­twixt Vitellius and Artaba­nus. When Tiberius had tidings hereof, he endeavoured to draw Artabanus into Friendship with him; which when Artabanus had notice of, he willingly admitted; so that Artabanus and Vitellius met together near Euphrates, and, by the means of a F Bridge that was builded upon the River,Herod's Ban­quet in the midst of Eu­phrates. they debated the matter together; being each of them attended by their Guards. After that they had concluded the Peace, Herod the Tetrarch feasted them in a very magnificent Pavilion, erected in the midst of the River,Artabanus sendeth Tiberi­us his Son in Hostage, and a Jew seven cu­bits high. with great cost. And not long after, Vitellius sent Darius, Artabanus's Son, in Hostage to Rome, with divers Presents, amongst which there was a man seven Cubits high, a Jew born, who was named Eleazar, who was called a Giant, by reason of his stature. That done, Vitellius returned to Antioch, and Artabanus to Babylon. But Herod, desirous to be the first that should advertise Caesar of the receipt of these Hosta­ges, Herod adver­tiseth the Em­perour of all things, before Vitellius's Let­ters came to his hands. sent an express with Letters, by which he fully satisfied him of all that which had hapned, omitting nothing for the Consul to acquaint him; so that after Vitellius's Let­ters G were brought unto him, and that Caesar had already assured him of the true infor­mation that Herod had given him, Vitellius was much troubled: and suspecting, lest he had received a greater injury, than the matter made shew for; he conceived in his heart [Page 484] a secret spight which continued until Tiberius was dead, and Caius obtained the H Empire.

At that time also Philip, Herod's Brother died, in the twentieth year of Tiberius's Reign, after he had reigned himself for the space of seven and thirty years, in Trachoni­tis, Gaulonitis and Bathanaea. During all the time of his Government, he behaved him­self very peaceably; for he made his abode within his own Dominion. He walked, being accompanied with a small number of his chosen servants, and had that seat car­ried after him, wherein he was accustomed to fit and do justice; to the end, that if a­ny one presented himself, and required his assistance, he might, without delay, do him right.Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 9. alias, chap. 13. For upon the first motion, the seat was placed in that part wherein the Plain­tiff met him; and being seated therein, he examined the cause, punishing those that I were guilty, and absolving the innocent. He died in Juliade, and was buried in the Sepulchre which he himself had caused to be built;The year of the World, 4000. after Christ's Nativity, 38. and his Obsequies were perform­ed with great Solemnity and Majesty. And for that he left no Heirs Males behind him, Tiberius seized on his Estate, which he united to the Government of Syria; ordaining that the Tributes that were gained in his Tetrarchy, should be kept within the bounds of the same Countrey.

CHAP. VII.K
A War between Aretas King of Petra, and Herod the Tetrarch; who having married his Daughter, would repudiate her, to marry Herodias, Aristobulus's Daughter, and his Brother Herod's Wife. Herod's Army is totally routed, and the Jews im­pute it to John the Baptist's Imprisonment. Herod the Great's Posterity.

MEan while Aretas, King of Arabia Petraea, and Herod, fell at strife, the one with the other,Herod the Te­trarch putteth away Aretas Daughter, and marrieth Hero­dias his Bro­ther Herod's Wife. for this cause that ensueth: Herod the Tetrarch married A­retas's Daughter, with whom he had lived married a very long time. Afterwards, taking his journey towards Rome, he lodged with Herod his half Brother by the L Father's side (for Herod was the Son of Simon's Daughter, which Simon was the High Priest) and there being surprised with the love of Herodias, his Brother's Wife, which was the Daughter of Aristobulus their Brother, and Sister to the Great Agrippa; he was so bold as to propose Marriage to her, which was to be performed as soon as he returned back from Rome; and to repudiate Aretas's Daughter. After he had ratified those Covenants, he continued his Voyage to Rome; from whence he no sooner returned, and performed that for which he went, but his Wife (who had some privy notice of the Conventions which were made betwixt him and Herodias) before he suspected that she knew thereof, re­quired him to send her to the Castle of Macheron, Herod's Wife returned into her own Countrey. which was the Frontier Town M betwixt Herod's and Aretas's Countreys; without acquainting him any ways with her intent. Herod condescended unto her request, thinking she was ignorant of his drift: But she, long before that time, had taken order with the Governour of Ma­cheron (which at that time was under her Father's Government) to prepare all things for her journey; where being arrived, she speedily posted into Arabia, under the Convoy of those Governours, who received and conducted her, the one after the o­ther. As soon as she arrived in her Father's Court, she presently acquainted him with Herod's resolution; whence arose the beginning of this discord between them. There­fore they both of them assembled their Armies upon the Confines of the Countrey of Gamalite, and fought under the Conduct of the two Generals, to whom they had com­mitted N their Armies:Herod's Army discomfited by the Arabians. In this Battel Herod's Army was wholly defeated, through the Treason that was plotted against him by certain banished men of Philip's Tetrarchy, which were in pay with Herod. Tiberius got notice of all this, by those Letters which Herod had written unto him;Tiberius com­mandeth Vitel­lius to make War against Aretas. and being very much displeased with Aretas, for his proud attempt, he commanded Vitellius to make War against him; desiring him, that if he could take him alive, he should send him bound unto him; but if dead, he should send him his head.

Divers Jews were of the opinion, that Herod's Army was overthrown by the just vengeance of God, who punished him most justly, because of the Execution which he caused to be done on John sirnamed Baptist: Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 10. alias, cap. 14. For he had put this man to death, who O was endued with all Virtue, and who exhorted the Jews to addict themselves thereto, and to practice Justice towards men, and Piety towards God; exhorting them to be [Page 485] A baptized; and telling them, that Baptism should at that time be agreeable unto God, if they should renounce not only their sins, but if to the purity of their bodies, they should add the cleanness of their Souls, re-purified by Justice. And whereas it came to pass, that divers flocked and followed him to hear his Doctrine; Herod feared, lest his Subjects allured by his Doctrine and Perswasions, should be drawn to revolt. For it seemed that they would subscribe in all things to his advice; he therefore thought it better to prevent a mischief by putting him to death, than to expect some suddain Commotion,John Baptist slain by Herod. which he might afterwards repent. Upon this suspicion, Herod caused him to be bound, and sent to the Castle of Macheron, whereof we have spoken hereto­fore; and there he was put to death,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 16. The Jews were of opinion, that in revenge of B this so grievous a sin, Herod's Army, against whom God was displeased, had been sub­ject to their utter ruine and overthrow.Vitellius lead­eth his Army a­gainst the King of Arabia. But Vitellius being resolved to make War a­gainst Aretas, gathered together two Legions, and all those Horse or Foot, that he could assemble amongst those Kings, who were the Romans Allies; and marching to­wards Petra, he stayed at Ptolemais, because he pretended to pass by Judaea. Which when the principal Nobles amongst the Jews had notice of,The year of the World, 4001. after Christ's Nativity, 39. they went out to meet him; beseeching him that he would not pass thorough that Countrey, because it was a custom amongst them not to see any Images born, such as he had of divers colours in his Army.Vitellius re­paireth to Je­rusalem, and displaceth Jo­nathan, and preferreth his Brother. Whereunto he condescended; and having changed his purpose, he caus­ed his Army to march thorough the great Plain: As for himself, he came to Jerusalem C accompanied with Herod the Tetrarch and his Friends, to offer Sacrifice to God upon the next Festival day; where he was most magnificently received by all the people of the Jews. He stayed for the space of three days, during which time, deposed Jo­nathan from the High Priesthood, and gave it to Theophilus his Brother. The fourth day Letters came to him,Caius Caligula succeedeth af­ter Tiberius. that advertised him of Tiberius's death; for which cause he com­manded the Oath of Fidelity should be ministred to the people, in the new Emperour Caius's behalf. He called back his Army also, and sent them to their Winter Quarters; because it was not lawful for him to prosecute the War, by reason the Empire was fal­len unto Caius.

It is said,Aretas ga­thereth by Au­guries, that it was impossible for the Army to come to Pe­tra. that Aretas hearing news of Vitellius's Expedition or Voyage, and after he D had taken counsel of the Augurs, said, that the Army should not advance as far as Pe­tra; because he that had the command of the Expedition, or he that obeyed his Or­dinance in conducting the same, or he against whom the Army was conducted, should die. Vitellius therefore, retired to Antioch. A year before the death of Tiberius, A­grippa, Aristobulus's Son, came to Rome, to treat with the Emperour about certain Affairs. But before I speak any thing hereof, I will relate Herod's Progeny, both for that it is pertinent to this present Narration, and also, that the greatness of God's Pro­vidence may appear; to the end that a man may know, that neither the number of Children, nor any other humane force whatsoever it be, can be available without the fear of God; considering that within the space of one hundred years, or some­what E less, it fell out, that all Herod's Line, which was very populous and fruitful, was extinguished, a very few excepted. Whereby we are given to understand what the misery of Mankind is, and learn to moderate our selves. It is also expedient to speak something of Agrippa; who, amongst all other, deserveth admiration; that being a man wholly in Obscurity, and base in Birth, he was exalted to such greatness, as no one of those that knew him, would ever have thought his Fortune should have such success and power. And although heretofore I have spoken somewhat of this matter, yet it is requisite that I speak something more expresly thereof in this place. Herod the Great had two Daughters born by by Mariamne, Hircanus's Daughter: The one of them which was called Salampso, was married by Herod to Phasaelus, the Son of Pha­saelus, F Herod's Brother: The other called Cypros, was married to Antipater her Cousin, who was Salome's Son, who was Herod's Sister. Phasaelus had five Children by Salam­pso; three Sons, Antipater, Herod, and Alexander; and two Daughters, Alexandria and Cypros, whom Agrippa the Son of Aristobulus married; and Alexandria was marri­ed to Timaeus of Cyprus, who was a man of great dignity, and with whom she died without Issue. Cypros had by Agrippa her Husband, two Sons, and three Daughters; Bernice, Mariamne and Drusilla; their two Sons were called Agrippa and Drusus: Drusus died very young; but Agrippa was Brought up by his Grandfather amongst his other Brethren, Herod, Aristobulus and Bernice. These were Herod's Children, Son unto him who was surnamed the Great: Bernice was Costobarus's Daughter, begotten G on Salome, Herod's Sister: Aristobulus died, leaving his Children under age, under his Father's charge, with Alexander his Brother, as we have already related. These at­taining their full age, were thus married; Herod, Brother to Agrippa, was matched with [Page 486] Mariamne, Olympias's Daughter, who was Herod the Great his Daughter, and of Jo­seph, H Herod's Brother; by her he had his Son Aristobulus: Aristobulus, Agrippa's third Brother married Jotape, the Daughter of Sampsigeram, King of the Emesenians: They had a Daughter which likewise was called Jotape, which was deaf. These were the Children begotten by Herod's three Sons. But Herodias their Sister married Herod, the Son of Herod the Great, whom he begot on Mariamne, the Daughter of Simon the High Priest, by whom Salome was begotten. After her birth, Herodias, in contempt of the Laws of the Countrey, married her self with Herod, her Husband's Brother, be­gotten of the same Father, being separated from him during his life time, who was Te­trarch of Galilee. His Daughter Salome was married to Philip, the Tetrarch of Tracho­nitis, Herod's Son: Who dying without Children, Aristobulus married her, who was I Herod's Son and Agrippa's Brother: They had three Sons, Herod, Agrippa and Aristo­bulus. See here the Posterity of Phasaelus and Salampson. Antipater, by Cypros, had a Daughter that likewise was called Cypros, which was married to Alexas Selcius, the Son of Alexas; of whom he begat a Daughter called likewise Cypros. As for Herod and Alexander, who (as I said) were Antipater's Brothers, they died without Issue. Alex­ander, Herod's Son, who was killed by his Father, begat Alexander and Tigranes on the Daughter of Archelaus, King of Cappadocia: Tigranes being King of Armenia, died with­out Issue, after he had been accused at Rome: Alexander had a Son called Tigranes, af­ter his Brother's name, who was sent by Nero, to reign in Armenia, who had a Son cal­led Alexander, who married Jotape, the Daughter of Antiochus, King of Comagena: K This Alexander, by Vespasian, was elected King in Lesis, a City of Cilicia. As soon as Alexander's Posterity began to multiply, they fell from their Countrey-Religion; to [...]llow the customs of the Greeks. All the rest of King Herod's Daughters died with­ [...] issue. Having after this manner reckoned up Herod's Posterity, which continued [...]il such time that Agrippa the Great began to reign: It remaineth at this time to de­clare what adventures befel this Agrippa; and how he escaping his dangers, obtained at last so great Power ad Dignity. [...] [...]tained great Dignity and Power.

CHAP. VIII.L
By what several Accidents of Fortune, Agrippa, surnamed the Great, who was A­ristobulus's Son, and Herod the Great's Grand-child and Mariamne's, was made King of the Jews by the Emperour Caius Caligula, as soon as he had succeded Ty­berius.

SOme little time before the death of King Herod, Agrippa liv­ing at Rome. through his lavish Libera­lity groweth into Necessity. Agrippa was gone to Rome; where he came very well acquainted with Drusus, Tyberius the Emperour's Son; and was beloved of Antonia, the Wife of Drusus the Elder, by the means of his Mother Bernice, whom Antonia held in great esteem, and to whom she had recommended M her Son. And whereas by nature he was of a liberal and generous spirit, as long as his Mother lived, he would not discover his inclination, lest he should provoke her displeasure against him. But immediately after Bernice was dead, and he became his own Master, partly by his daily and bountiful entertainment and living, partly by his immoderate Liberalities, but especially by his lavish Prodigality towards Caesar's Free men, whose favour he hunted after, he was brought into extream Poverty, and could no more live at Rome; the rather for that Tiberius having lost his Son, forbad his friends to come into his sight, lest their presence should refresh and encrease the sorrow he conceived for the loss of his Son. For these causes he returned back into Judaea, hav­ing but badly ordered his Affairs,Agrippa be­thinketh him­self how he might shorten his miserable life. spent his money, and left himself no means to satis­fie N his importunate and many Creditors: For which cause, uncertain how to dispose of himself, and ashamed of his present estate, he withdrew himself into a Castle called Malatha in Idumaea, to pass away obscurely and miserably the rest of his time. Which purpose of his,Cypros, A­grippa's Wife certifieth He­rodias his Si­ster of his Po­verty, and re­quireth her assistance. when Cypros his Wife perceived, she endeavoured by all means to pre­vent his resolution: She wrote to Herodias his Sister, who was married to Herod the Tetrarch, acquainted her both what Agrippa had decreed, as also by what necessity he was enforced thereunto; and she exhorted her, that in regard of affinity she would assist him, and imitate her in this, who, as much as in her lay, relieved his misery, al­though her Fortunes were far weaker than hers. Being therefore sent for by his Sister and Wife,Agrippa dwelleth at Tiberias. he was commanded to dwell in Tiberias, and had a certain Summ of Money O assigned him for his maintenance; and for his greater honour, was appointed Magistrate of that City. Yet Herod did not continue long time in that mind, although by the [Page 487] A means he had given him, he had not satisfied his Kinsman's necessities. For being in the City of Tyre in a certain company, where he drank immoderately, Agrippa esteemed it for an extream injury, that Herod had upbraided him with his poverty, and hit him in the teeth, that he maintained him at his charge. For which cause he withdrew himself to Flaccus, Herod taunt­eth Agrippa with his Po­verty. who had been sometimes Consul at Rome, and for the present was President of Syria, with whom he had been very familiar at Rome: Flaccus received him very kindly, and had also done the like a good while before to Aristobulus, Agrippa's Brother, who were both at variance between themselves; yet,Agrippa re­tireth himself to Flaccus. notwithstanding this Dis­sention between them, Flaccus entertained them both with equal favour. But Aristo­bulus remitted nothing of his hatred he bare his Brother, and never rested till he had B drawn Flaccus into dislike with his Brother,Aristobulus draweth A­grippa into Flaccus's dis­favour. upon this occasion: The Inhabitants of Damasco, contending with the Sidonians about their limits, and being to debate their cause before Flaccus; knowing what interest Agrippa had in him, they besought him that he would further their Cause, promising him a great Summ of money: whereupon he addressed himself in what he could, to further those of Damasco. But Aristobulus, who had an inkling of this conclusion and promise, accused his Brother to Flaccus; and after enquiry was made, and he found guilty of the Fact, Agrippa grew out of the Pre­sidents favour; and falling again into extream poverty, he came to Ptolemais; and having no way to subsist, he resolved to go into Italy. And seeing he wanted Money, he commanded Marsyas his Free-man, that by all means whatsoever, he should seek to C take up Money upon Interest. He spake unto Protus (who was Agrippa's Mother's Free­man, who, by the Testament of his deceased Mistress, was left unto Antonius's protecti­on) that upon his Master's Bill and Promise, he would lend him some Money. But he alledging that Agrippa before that time owed him money,Agrippa by Marsyas's means, bor­roweth money of Protus. extorted from Marsyas a Bill of his hand for twenty thousand Attick Drachmes; deducting out of that Summ two thousand and five hundred, which Marsyas took for himself; which he might the more easily do, for that Agrippa could not otherwise chuse. Having therefore received this money, he went to Anthedon, where getting Shipping, he prepared himself for the journey.

But when Herennius Capito, who was Treasurer of Jamnia, understood of his being D there,Agrippa, whilst Heren­nius Capito ex­torteth money at his hands, flieth to A­lexandria by night, he sent his Souldiers to him, to exact three hundred thousand silver Drachmes at his hands, for which he stood indebted to Caesar's Treasurer, during his being at Rome; by which means he was enforced to stay. Whereupon he made a shew that he would obey their demand; but as soon as it was night, he caused the Cables of the Ship to be cut, and cast off, and sailed to Alexandria; there he requested Alexander Alabarcha, to lend him two hundred thousand Drachmes in Silver; he protested that he would trust him with nothing:Agrippa bor­roweth money at Alexan­dria. But admiring Cypros, his Wife's constant love toward her Husband, and her many other Virtues; he, upon her promise, condescended to do him a kind­ness: Whereupon, in present money he payed him five Talents in Alexandria, and promised to deliver him the rest of the money at Puteol, fearing Agrippa's unthriftiness. E Thus Cypros having furnished her Husband for his Journey into Italy, returned her self and her Children into Judaea by Land.Agrippa ar­riveth at Pu­teol, and is ad­mitted to Cae­sar's presence. But Agrippa, as soon as he arrived at Puteol, wrote unto Tiberius Caesar, who lived in Capreas, signifying unto him that he came to do his duty; beseeching him that he would grant him free and favourable access. Ti­berius, with all expedition, returned him a very kind answer; assuring him, that he would be very glad to see him safely arrived in Capreas. In a word, as soon as he was arrived, Caesar expressed and made it known, that his affection was answerable to his Letters; and both embraced him, and lodged him. The next day Caesar received Let­ters from Herennius Capito, who advertised him that Agrippa owed three hundred thou­sand Drachmes of Silver, which he borrowed, and payed not at the time prefixed; F and that when the appointed time of payment was come, he was fled out of the Coun­trey, and by this occasion he had deprived him of the means to constrain him to make satisfaction. When Caesar had read these Letters, he was highly displeased, and com­manded those of his [...]mber that they should not admit Agrippa to his presence, until such time as he had li [...]arged that debt.Agrippa bor­roweth three hundred thou­sand drachmes of Antonia, Germanicus's & Claudius's Mother.

But he, nothing daunted at Caesar's displeasure, required Antonia, Germanicus and Claudius's Mother, who was afterwards Emperour, to lend him the summ of three hun­dred thousand Drachmes, to the end he might not lose Caesar's friendship. Who re­membring her Bernice, Agrippa's Mother, and with what familiarity they had conversed together, and how Agrippa likewise had been brought up with Claudius her Son, lent G him that money:Caius com­mended to Agrippa's charge. Whereupon, he paying the debt, without any contradiction, enjoy­ed the Princes favour; and was so reconciled to Caesar, that he committed his Nephew to Agrippa's charge; commanding him to attend him always, whithersoever he went. [Page 488] Being by this benefit bound and tied to Antonia, he began to reverence her Nephew H Caius, who was gracious in all mens eyes, and honoured in memory of his Parents. At that time by chance there was one Allius a Samaritan, Caesar's Free-man, of whom he borrowed ten hundred thousand Drachmes of Silver; and payed Antonia her due, and kept the rest,Allius Caesars Free-man lendeth A­grippa money. the more honourably to attend and wait on Caius. By whom being entertained with most inward familiarity, it happened one day, that riding in the same Coach with him, Agrippa wisht (for they two were alone) that Tiberius might shortly surrender the Kingdom and Empire unto Caius, who was each way more wor­thy than he. These words of his were overheard by the Coachman called Eutychus, who was Agrippa's Free-man, who for the time, spoke not a word thereof. But being afterwards accused for stealing Agrippa's garment (as he indeed had done) and brought I back again, after he had fled away to Piso (who was the Governour of the City) he asked him why he fled;Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 13. who answered, that he had certain secrets which he desired to reveal unto Caesar, Eutychus, A­grippa's Free-man bethinks him to accuse Agrippa to the Emperour. that appertained to his profit and safety; for which cause he was sent by him in Bonds to Capreas. Tiberius according to his dilatory manner, wherein no King or Tyrant ever equalled him, held him Prisoner. For neither did he present­ly admit any Ambassadours, neither sent he Successors to those, who were Governours of his Provinces, when the former were dead; and was no less negligent in yielding audience to his Prisoners. But when his friends at any time questioned him, why he used these accustomed delays; he answered them, that he deferred the Ambassadours after that manner, lest, if he should suddenly dispatch them, they should instantly re­turn K with new, whereby it should come to pass, that he should be continually troubled in entertaining and dismissing them.

And as for his Offices,For what cause Tiberius changed not his Governors he left them in their hands to whom he had committed them, in regard of his Subjects welfare. For naturally all Magistracy is subject to Avarice; but especially strangers induce those who exercise the same, to gather and ingross the more eagerly, when as the time of their Authority is short, and of small assurance; whereas, if they should continue in the same for a long time, in regard of the gain they had made, and the much profit they had raised, they would be afterwards less greedy to extort further. Now, if he should send others to succeed them on a sudden, it were impossible for him to content them, notwithstanding their many Bribes: whereas, in L giving them time to fill their purses, when they had gotten well, they would abate the furious desire of Lucre which they affected before. And to this purpose, he told them an example of a poor man that was a Lazar, to whose wounds a great number of Flies assembled themselves, and covered the same; at sight whereof, some by fortune ar­riving there, and having compassion of his misery, and supposing that the cause why he repulsed them not, proceeded from his disability, approached near to help him, but he prayed them to let him alone. Whereupon, they demanding the cause where­fore he that was hurt, refused to be delivered from so irksome, an evil; he answered them, for that they should do him more wrong, if those flies were driven away; for that being already full of blood, they prick me not, (said he) neither suck me so earnestly, M but give me some ease, whereas if new should light on my wound which were hungry, and should seize my flesh in that desperate estate that I am, they would procure my death. For these causes he said; that seeing his Subjects already consumed by so many exactions, he thought it a good policy in him, and a better provision for them, not to send them new Governours continually, who might, after the manner of flies, suck them to the quick; especially, if to their innate covetousness, he should add the fear of their sud­den displacing. Now, to prove that to be true, which I have declared of Tiberius's disposition, this action of his may suffice to justifie me: For having been Emperour for the space of twenty two years, all those Governours which he sent into Jewry were two, namely Gratus, Why Caesar would not give Audience to his Prison­ers. and Pilat his Successor; neither carried he himself otherwise towards N the rest of his Subjects of the Empire.

And as for his Prisoners, the reason why he delayed so much to give them Audience, was, to the end that they who had been condemned to death, [...] not speedily be delivered from those torments,Agrippa sol­liciteth An­tonia to bring Eutichus to his Answer. wherewith he threatned them, and which they had deserved by their wickedness. For whilst he kept them in that pain, their misery en­creased the more. For this cause Eutychus could not obtain Audience at his hands, but was a long time detained Prisoner.Antonia very much honour­ed by Tiberius. Afterwards, in process of time, Tiberius trans­ported himself from Capreas, to Tusculanum, which was distant from Rome some hun­dred Furlongs: There did Agrippa sollicite Antonia, to cause Eutychus to be cal­led to his answer,Antonia dis­covereth Seja­nus's Conspi­racy to Caesar. concerning the accusation which he pretended against him. Now,O Antonia was in great favour with Tiberius, both in regard of the affinity that was be­tween them (in that she was Drusus's Wife, who was Tiberius's as in respect of [Page 489] A her Modesty. For she being young, continued in her Widowhood, and would not Marry with any other, notwithstanding Augustus importuned her to wed; but lived always in honour, without blame. Besides that, she had done Tiberius a great plea­sure; for at such time as Sejanus his Friend, and a man of great account in those days (by reason he had the Government of the Army) practised a Conspiracy against him; whereunto divers of the Senate, and of his Free-men, and of his Souldiers likewise, were accessary: yet, she brought all their intents to nothing. This Attempt had tak­en a great head, and Sejanus had finished his purpose, had not Antonia used more ad­vised courage, than Sejanus did in executing his Treason. For having discovered the danger that threatned Tiberius, she wrote, and sent her express Letters by Pallas, one of B her trusty Servants, unto him to Capreas, to assure him in particular of the whole Con­trivance of the Conspiracy. Caesar having true understanding thereof, caused Sejanus and his Confederates to be executed. Therefore, though before that time he honour­ed Antonia greatly, yet he did afterwards honour her far more, so that he trusted her in all things. When therefore, she entreated him to give Eutychus Audience; Tiberius answered, If, said he, Eutychus hath falsly objected any thing against Agrippa, it sufficeth that he endure that Punishment that I have enjoyned him: But if in the Torture he maintain that which he hath spoken to be true, it is to be feared lest Agrippa, intending to punish his Free-man, do rather heap the Punishment upon his own head. When Antonia had report­ed this answer of his to Agrippa, Agrippa urg­eth Eutychus trial, and for certain speech­es [...] his is cast into Bonds. he did the more instantly sollicite her, requiring her C that the matter might be brought to tryal: And for that Agrippa ceased not to impor­tune her, Antonia took the occasion, which was this: Tiberius being after Dinner time carried in his Litter, and having Caius and Agrippa before him, she walking by the Litter, besought him to call Eutychus to his Tryal: Whereunto he replyed; The Gods (said he) know, that that which I do, I do it not of mine own will, but for the necessity I am pressed with upon your request: And having spoken thus, he commanded Macron, Sejanus's Successor, to bring Eutychus before him; which was performed with all ex­pedition. Whereupon Tiberius asked him what he had to say against him, who had made a Free-man of him? My Sovereign (said he) Caius that is here present, and Agrip­pa rode one day together in the same Coach, and I sat at their feet; after divers discourses D held between them, Agrippa began to speak after this manner unto Caius; O, said he, would God the day were come, wherein the old man, departing out of this world, would make you Governour thereof: For his Son Tiberius would be no hindrance unto you, for you might dispatch him: Then should the World be happy, and I likewise have my share in the Felicity. Tiberius esteeming this his Accusation to be true, and having of long time conceived a grudge against Agrippa, for that notwithstanding he had commanded him to honour Tiberius, who was his Nephew, and Drusus's Son; Agrippa had given small regard to his Commandment, and had not honoured him, but was wholly addicted un­to Caius. For which cause he said to Macron, bind me this fellow. He scarcely under­standing that which he spake, and no ways suspecting that he should give that Com­mand E against Agrippa, deferred the performance, until such time as he might more ex­actly understand his mind. When therefore Caesar turned into the Hippodrome, and by chance, met with Agrippa in the teeth: This is he (said he) Macron, whom I have com­manded to be bound: And demanding of him once more, of whom he spake; It is A­grippa, said he. Then had Agrippa recourse to submissive and humble Prayers, refresh­ing the memory of his Son, with whom he had been brought up; alledging the edu­cation he had used towards his Nephew Tiberius: but he prevailed nothing, but was led away bound in those Purple Ornaments which he then wore.

At that time it was very hot weather, Thaumastus Caius's Ser­vant giveth Agrippa drink, whom he promiseth to procure his Freedom. and he was extreamly thirsty: Whereupon, espying Thaumastus one of Caius's Servants, who carried Water in a Pitcher, he requir­ed F him to give him drink; which, when he had willingly bestowed on him, he drank, and afterwards said unto him, This service thou hast done me in giving me drink, shall do thee good one day: For as soon as I escape out of these Bonds, it shall not be long before I ob­tain thy liberty at Caius's hands, for that thou hast not neglected to do me service in this my Imprisonment, more than whilst I was in my Prosperity. Neither deceived he the man's expectation of his promise, but rewarded and gratified him: For afterwards, when he had obtained the Kingdom, he begged Thaumastus's liberty at Caius's hands, and made him his Steward; and after his decease, he gave order that he should serve in the same place, with his Son Agrippa, and his Daughter Bernice; so that he died very old, and much honoured. But this happened afterward. But at that time Agrippa stood before G the place bound with other Companions, who likewise were in Bonds; and through the grief he conceived, he leaned against a certain Tree, on which there sat an Owl. One of those Prisoners, who was by Nation a German, beholding that Bird, asked the [Page 490] Souldier that was fettered with him, who he was that was apparelled in Purple; and H understanding that his name was Agrippa, and that he was a Jew, and one of the Nobi­lity of that Nation, he desired the Soldier, who, to the end to guard him, was chained with him, to suffer him to draw near unto Agrippa, and to have a little conference with him, for that he had a great desire to ask him certain things concerning the Customs of his Countrey. Which when he had obtained, and having got near him, he told him by an Interpreter of that which followeth: Young man (said he) the sudden change that hath befallen thee at this present, afflicteth and oppresseth thee with great and grievous Tor­ment, neither wilt thou easily believe that thou shalt escape from thy misery; yet so doth the Divine Providence dispose of all things,A certain Ger­man foretel­leth Agrippa of his happy Fortunes to come, and the manner of his death. that thou shalt shortly be delivered. Know there­fore, and I swear unto thee by the Gods, both those of mine Ancestors, and those also, who I have residence and presidence in this place, and who have procured us this Iron Chain, that I will tell thee all; not to yield thee pleasure by my vain discourse, or to entertain thee with fruitless Consolation; knowing well, that when these Predictions shall happen to fail, they will breed thee more sorrow, than if thou hadst never heard of them. But I have thought it good, yea, although it were with mine own danger, to declare unto thee the Predictions of the Gods. It cannot otherwise be, but that shortly thou shalt be delivered from these Bonds, and shalt be advanced to great honour and power; so that those, who at this day have com­passion on thy Calamity, shall envy thy Glory; and thou shalt depart this life in great felici­ty, and shalt leave thy Children mighty Possessions. But bear this in thy remembrance, that when thou shalt see this Bird once more, thou must needs die within five days after. These are those things which the Gods think meet to foretell thee by this Bird. As for my self, I K have supposed I should do thee wrong, if I should conceal this Prediction from thee, hav­ing the fore-knowledg thereof. I have therefore thought good to impart this joy unto thee; whereby, thorough hope of thy future profit, thou mayest more easily endure thy present mis­fortune: for which cause I beseech thee, that as soon as thou shalt be partaker of this thy fe­licity, thou wilt endeavour thy self to deliver us also from these Adversities.

This Presage of the German's seemed as ridiculous to Agrippa, as admirable after­wards. But Antonia being sore grieved at the young man's Calamity, thought it not only a difficult matter for her to entreat Tiberius for him, but altogether unprofitable, in regard she should be repulsed; yet, she prevailed so much with Macron that he was L committed to the custody of such Soldiers, who were of a more mild behaviour, and had a Centurion appointed to keep him, that suffered him to use his daily Bathings, and gave his Friends and Servants leave to visit him, by whose service and kindness, his necessities might be relieved. His Friend Silas also, was admitted to speak with him; and amongst his Free-men, Marsyas and Stichus, who brought him in such meats as he was delighted withal, and Coverings under colour to sell them; which, by the permission of the Soldiers, who had no less direction from Macron, they spread by night for him to take his rest upon.Agrippa liv­ed six months in Prison. See here the estate wherein Agrippa lived in Prison for the space of six Months. But Tiberius being returned to Capreas, began at first to be attainted with a certain lingring disease;Tiberius fal­leth sick, and sendeth for his Sons. and for that his Sickness encreased more and M more, he began to conceive a sinister hope of himself; and commanded Euodus, whom he most honoured amongst all his Free-men, to bring him his Sons, because he intend­ed to talk with them before he died. But the truth is, that he had not any Children of his own, but had adopted them: For Drusus, who was his only Child, was already dead,Tiberius Ge­mellus, the Son of Drusus. and had left behind him a Son called Tiberius, sirnamed Gemellus. He had Caius also, his Brother Germanicus's Son; who was in the flower of his Age, and had been very well bred.Caius the Gra­cious, Germa­nicus's Son. To him also the people ascribed very much, in remembrance of the Virtue of his deceased Father; and as for himself, he was of a sweet conversation, and so modest, that he was familiar and affable to all men. Whereby it came to pass, that not only the people, but the Senate also, held him in great estimation; as also all the N Subjects in every several Province: For they that spake with him, were drawn, part­ly by his affability, partly by the fidelity they saw in him; so that when he was dead, all of them mourned, not counterfeitly lamenting his loss, but with unfeigned sorrow; for that there was not any one, that supposed not his death to be every man's particu­lar loss. He therefore demeaned himself so modestly towards all men, that his Son af­ter his death, was highly advanced thereby: For, amongst the rest, the Soldiers made their reckoning, that although it should cost them their lives, to get him the Empire, they would not refuse the hazard.

After that Tiberius had charged Euodus, to bring him the two young men the next morrow, by break of day; he besought the Gods of that place, to give him an evi­dent O sign, whereby he might know who should succeed him: For although he desired to leave the Empire to his Grand-child, yet he made more account of that which God [Page 491] A should make manifest unto him. Therefore he conceived a presage, that he, who the next day should enter first to salute him, it should be he, who in the Empire should necessa­rily succeed him. And having setled this thing in his fansie, he sent unto his little Son's Master, charging him to bring him unto him by break of day, supposing that God had ordained that the Empire should be his; but the matter fell out quite contrary to his expectation. For being in this thought, he commanded Euodus, that as soon as he could, in the morning, he should suffer him, of the two young Princes, to enter in unto him, who should arrive the first. He walking out, met with Caius before the Chamber door (for Tiberius was not there; who being ignorant of that which his Grand-father thought, was busie about his Breakfast) and said unto him, that the Emperour his Fa­ther B called for him; and withal, suffered him to enter. When Tiberius beheld Caius; he suddenly began to consider the Power of God, who deprived him of the means to dispose of the Empire, according as he had determined with himself, for that it lay not in his power; and he lamented greatly, not so much for that he saw his design could not be brought to effect, as that his Son Tiberius was in danger of his life; seeing that in all appearance, Caius would be Master; who being so near a Relation, would prove the more dangerous to young Tiberius, because Sovereignty desireth no sharer: And Caius would be always jealous, and never think himself sure, so long as young Tiberius was alive.Tiberius ad­dicted to the Mathematicks In a word, Tiberius was very much addicted to Astrological Predictions; so that the greater part of those things which he executed all his life time, was order­ed C thereby.

He seeing Galba one day coming towards him,He foretelleth Galba's Suc­cession in the Empire. spoke this of him to his Familiars, Behold the man that shall be one day honoured with the Roman Empire. And amongst all the Emperours, he gave greatest credit to Divination, for that in certain things, he had found the Conjectures correspondent to truth. But at that time he was griev­ously disquieted by reason of the misfortune that had happened; yea, he was so griev­ed, as if his Grand-child had been already lost; and he blamed himself, because he had sought these Presages; for that he might have died, without falling into that dis­aster, in being ignorant of that which was to come; whereas, now he should die in the knowledge of their mis-fortunes, whom he loved most entirely. Being thus troubled D to see that the Sovereignty of the Empire should, contrary to his intention, fall into their hands, who by his will should not enjoy the same; although it were with hearts grief, and contrary to his will, yet he spake to Caius after this manner which ensueth: My Son, Tiberius re­commendeth the Roman Empire, and Tiberius his Grandchild to Caius. although Tiberius be more nearly allied unto me, than you are; yet, notwithstand­ing, both by mine own advice, as also by the will of the Immortal Gods, I commit unto your hands the Empire of the Romans: I require you therefore, that when you shall enjoy the same, you forget not the good will I have born towards you, who have established you in so high and worthy a dignity; and I charge you likewise, that you forget not your Cousin Ti­berius; but knowing that, by the will of the Gods, I am he, who after them, am the Author of so much happiness which hath befallen you, you return me the like good will and affecti­on: E And that you likewise take care of Tiberius, by reason of your mutual relation; for you ought to know, that Tiberius serveth you for a Bulwark to maintain your Empire, and your own life; and if he die, it will be the beginning of your mis-fortune. For it is a dan­gerous matter for those who are raised to high Dignities, to be sole, and without Allies. Moreover, the Gods do never leave them unpunished, who attempt and act any thing against the Laws of Consanguinity. These were the last words which Tiberius spake to Caius; who promised him to perform all that which he required, notwithstanding he meant nothing less:Caius killeth Tiberius. For immediately after he was enstalled in the Empire, he caused Tibe­rius to be killed, according to his Grand-father's Predictions; as also the same Caius died soon after by a Conspiracy that was practised against him. When that Tiberius F had declared Caius his Successor in the Empire, he lived not many days after, and died after he had governed twenty years,Caius Caligul [...] the fourth Ro­man Emperor. five months, and three days. Thus Caius was the fourth Emperour.

The Romans having intelligence of Tiberius's death, greatly rejoyced at the good news, yet they durst not assure themselves; and though they desired nothing more, yet they feared, lest the news should be false; and lest, if they shewed themselves too diligent in expressing their signs of joy, they should afterwards be accused for it, and lose their lives thereby. For Tiberius had done much mischief to the Noble Families in Rome, Tiberius a Ty­rant. being of himself a cholerick man, implacable towards all men without any occa­sion; having a natural inclination so cruel, that the easiest pain whereunto he adjudg­ed G those whom he condemned, was death. Notwithstanding therefore, that every man took pleasure to hear the news, yet did all conceal it, until such time as they might be more fully assured, through the fear of those miseries they foresaw, if the [Page 492] matter should fall out otherways. But Marsyas, Agrippa's Free-man, having certain H notice of Tiberius's death, ran speedily to comfort his Master Agrippa, with these good news; and meeting with him as he came out of the Bath, he made a sign unto him, and told him in the Hebrew Tongue, the Lyon was dead: Agrippa conceiving that which he meant,Marsyas, Agrippa's Free-man, certifieth him of Tiberi­us's death. was ravished with joy, and said unto him; I will requite thee for all those benefits I have received at thy hands, and especially for this good news, provided that it prove true. The Centurion who had the keeping of Agrippa, considering what ex­pedition Marsyas had used in running, and the pleasure that Agrippa had conceived in his report, he began to suspect some alteration, and asked him what had happened; and whereas he delayed to give him an answer, he importuned him the more. Where­upon Agrippa told him plainly what he had heard, in that he had grown already inti­mately I familiar with him. The Centurion rejoyced at this news, as well as Agrippa, hoping to speed the better thereby, and made Agrippa good cheer: But whilst they were in the midst of their Banquetting,The rumour was spread in Rome, that Ti­berius was a­live. and drunk freely, there came one unto them, who told them that Tiberius was alive, and that within few days he would come to Rome. The Centurion troubled with this news, for that he had committed a Capital crime in eating in the company of a Prisoner, upon the news of Caesar's death, and by rejoycing with him; he drave Agrippa out of the place where he sate, and reproach­fully said unto him; Thinkest thou (said he) that I know not how falsely thou spreadest the rumour of Caesar's death? yes, be assured thou shalt answer thy lie with the loss of thy head. This said, he caused Agrippa to be bound, whom before-time he had suffered to go at K liberty; and shut him up in more close Prison, than he had been before: so that A­grippa was all that night long in this extream misery. The next day the rumour was spread thorough the whole City, that confirmed Tiberius's death; and at that time, e­very one boldly protested it: There were some also, who offered Sacrifices for this cause:Caius certifi­eth the Senate and Piso of Ti­berius's death, and his Suc­cession; and willeth that Agrippa should be sent to his own Lodging. And there came Letters also from Caius, which were addressed to the Senate, by which he assured them that Tiberius was dead, and how the Empire was committed to his hands. He writ another also to Piso, who had the Guard of the City, containing the like report; and besides that, commanding him to transfer Agrippa from the com­pany of those Souldiers, by whom he was kept, to the same place where he was lodg­ed before; so that from that time forwards, he grew confident. For although he was L as yet a Prisoner, yet lived he at his own discretion. Caius arriving in Rome, brought with him Tiberius's body, which he burned most magnificently, according to the cu­stom of the Countrey:Tiberius's Fu­neral. And although he were very willing to set Agrippa at liberty the same day, yet he was disswaded from it by Antonia; not for any ill will she bare the Prisoner, but in regard of Caius's honour; lest thereby he should shew himself to be glad of Tiberius's death, in setting him at liberty so speedily, whom he had committed to Prison. When, therefore, some few days were over, he sent for him to his house, and caused his hair to be cut, and his garments changed; and that done, he set a Dia­dem upon his head,Caius createth Agrippa King, and giv­eth him two Tetrarchies. and made him King of Philip's Tetrarchy; to which he added Ly­sanias's Tetrarchy; and changed his Chain of Iron, into a Chain of Gold of the same M weight; and sent Marullus into Judaea, to govern there. The second year of Caius's Reign, Agrippa asked leave to repair into Judaea, to dispose of his Kingdom, purposing to return again when he had dispatched those Affairs.Agrippa de­parteth into his Kingdom. Which when the Emperour had granted him, he came into Judaea, and was seen and saluted for a King, beyond all men's expectation; serving thereby for a most notable example unto men, to express unto them how great the power of Destiny is in humane Affairs,The year of the World, 4002. after Christ's Nativity, 40. considering the poor estate wherein he had been before, and the happiness which he enjoyed at that time. Some termed him happy, in that he resolutely followed his hopes; others could scarce­ly believe that he was thus advanced.N

CHAP. IX.
Herodias,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 14. alias, chap. 16. Herod the Tetrarch's Wife, and King Agrippa's Sister, being impatient to see her Brother reign in so much Prosperity, compels her Husband to go to Rome, to obtain a Crown also;Herodias, A­grippa's Sister envieth her Brothers hap­piness, and in­citeth her Hus­band to seek a Kingdom. but Agrippa having written to Caius against him, he ba­nished him and his Wife to Lions in France.

HErodias, Agrippa's Sister, was married to Herod the Tetrarch of Galilee, and Peraea: Shee envied her Brother to see him raised to so great Authority, and to far greater O Dignity than her Husband enjoyed. For which cause she was displeased, that her Bro­ther, who fled out of his Countrey, in that he wanted means to pay his debts, was re­turned [Page 493] A in great Honour and State. This alteration seemed unsufferable to her, especi­ally, to see him apparelled like a King, and environed with a great multitude of people, so that it was impossible for her to hide her grief; for which cause she incited her Hus­band, and perswaded him to make a Voyage to Rome, and to purchase as much as he pos­sessed. For, said she, I cannot endure to live, if Agrippa, Aristobulus's, Son, condemned to die by the sentence of his own Father (so poor and indigent, that to redress his necessities wherewith he was daily pressed by his Creditors, he was constrained at last to flee to Rome) should return with such Titles of Honour; and that her Husband, who was a King's Son, and was called to the Kingdom by his Father, should live obscure, and pass his life like a private man: Husband (said she) if herefore it hath been no prejudice to thee, to live in less Dig­nity B than thy Father hath done; now at, least, desire that due honour which belongeth to thy Family; neither think it sufferable to be inferiour to him, who in times past hath been main­tained by thy Bounty: Neither suffer it to be thought (through thine own sloth) that he in his necessity, had more industry to obtain an ample Fortune, than you amidst your abundance; as if it redounded not to thy shame, to be thought inferiour to him at this time, who not long since, except by thy pity, had no means to live. Let us therefore hastily repair to Rome, and neither spare Gold, Silver, or any other expence, for that it availeth us not so much to keep the same, as to employ it in the purchase of a Kingdom. But Herod disswaded her as much as he could, for he contented himself to live in quiet, and suspected the Confusion that was at Rome; which he endeavoured, as much as in him lay, to lay open to Herodias: C But the more negligent she saw him, the more instantly she incited him to seek out for the Kingdom; and never gave over, until she had conformed him to her desire; which she forced him to,Herod with Herodias re­pair to Rome. rather than obtained. Having therefore furnished himself after the most magnificent manner, and spared no cost, he repaired to Rome, and led Herodias his Wife with him.Agrippa sendeth Fortu­natus with Letters and Presents after him. Agrippa smelling their intent, and the preparation they made, he bestir­red himself too: And having notice that they were put to Sea, he sent Fortunatus, one of his Free-men, to Rome, with Presents to the Emperour, and Letters against Herod; with Commission to acquaint Caius with every particular, according as the occasion should serve. He embarking himself after Herod, had a quick passage, and was only prevented by him, but for the space that Herod presented himself to Caius; for he presently follow­ed D him, and delivered his Letters. For they arrived at one time at Puteol, and found Caius at Baia, Baiae are cer­tain Baths in Campania, not far from Pu­teol. a Village of Campania, distant from Puteol some five Stades; adorned with most Royal and sumptuous Palaces; for that every Emperour enforced himself to exceed the honour of his Predecessor, by reason of the hot Baths that naturally issued out of the earth, serving both for the health of the body, and recreation of the spirits. Whilest Caius talked with Herod, Herod is accus­ed for favour­ing Artaba­nus the Par­thian. having visited him first, he received Agrippa's Letters, contain­ing Herod's Accusations; for they accused him of a Conspiracy plotted betwixt him and Sejanus, since the beginning of Tiberius's Empire: And how for the present he favoured Artabanus, King of the Parthians, to the prejudice of the Emperour Caius; of which the preparations Herod had stored up in his Arcenals, gave evident testimony, which were E sufficient to arm seventy thousand men. Caius was much moved with these informati­ons, and asked Herod if that which was informed him, touching his warlike preparati­on, was true: He unable to contradict the same in any thing, for fear he should be con­victed of falshood:Herod is per­petually ba­nished, and confined in Li­ons in France; and Agrippa is made Lord of his Lands and Goods: and Herodias despising Cae­sar's bounty, accompanieth him in exile. confessed no less. Whereupon Caius supposing the Accusation of his revolt to be sufficiently proved, deprived him of his Tetrarchy, and annexed it to Agrip­pa's Kingdom; bestowing Herod's Substance also upon him. He banished him likewise for ever, and confined him in the City of Lions, in France; and understanding that He­rodias was Agrippa's Sister, he gave her all that which in right appertained to her. And supposing that she would not willingly accompany her Husband in his calamity, he told her that he pardoned her for her Brother's sake: But she gave him this reply; Mighty F Emperour, you speak magnificently, and as it well becometh so great a Majesty; but there is a cause that hindreth me from partaking the benefit of that bounty which you intend towards me, which is the affection that I bear unto my Husband; whom if I should forsake in his mi­sery, it would very ill beseem me, in that I have been a partner with him in his felicity. Caius displeased with her resolute answer, banished her likewise with her Husband, and gave her Estate also to Agrippa. God did after this manner punish Herodias, in regard of that envy which she had conceived against her Brother;Caius at the first governed the Common­weal very happily, but afterwards u­surped divine honours. and plagued Herod, in that he had so easily listned to the foolish perswasions of a woman. But Caius governed the Empire the first and second year of his Reign with great applause, behaving himself graciously to­wards all men, whereby he obtained the good liking of the Romans, and the favour of G his other Subjects: But in process of time, the greatness of his Estate made him surpass the limits of humane condition, and challenge to himself the Title of Divinity, where­by he governed all things in contempt of God.

CHAP. X.H
The Sedition of the Jews and Grecians, in the City of Alexandria.

WHereas there arose a Sedition betwixt the Jews and Grecians that inhabited A­lexandria, Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 15. alias, cap. 17. three chosen Ambassadours on either side were sent unto Caius: One of these Ambassadours of Alexandria was Appion, Appion, Prince of the Alexandrians Ambassadour accuseth the Jews, because they ascribed not Divinity to Caesar. who accused the Jews of many failings; and amongst other things, he alledged, that they made no account of ho­nouring Caesar: And that, whereas all other Subjects of the Roman Empire had erect­ed Altars and Temples in honour of Caius, and in all other things had received him as I a God; the Jews supposed it to be a dishonour for them to honour his Statues, or swear by his name. After that Appion had urged many things, and inveighed griev­ously against the Jews; hoping that Caius would be provoked against them, as in all likelihood and appearance it should have fallen out:Philo Judaeus, for the Jews is shut out, and can get no au­dience, and committeth the cause to God. Philo, the chiefest among the Am­bassadours of the Jews, a man of great worth, and Brother to Alexander Alabarcha; being experienced in Philosophy, addressed himself to answer those Accusations which were urged against the Jews; but Caius commanded him silence, and willed him instantly to withdraw himself; and was so displeased, that it appeared very manifestly, that he intended some cruel revenge against them. Whereupon Philo departed after he had been grievously threatned, and spake thus unto the Jews that flocked about him; K We must be of good courage, since Caius in words seemeth to be displeased with us; for in effect, he will arm God in our behalf, against himself.

CHAP. XI.
Caius commands Petronius Governour of Syria, to compel the Jews by force of Arms, to receive his Statue in the Temple; but Petronius mollified by their Prayers, writ­eth to Caius in the Jews behalf.L

BUt Caius,alias, chap 17. being sore displeased that the Jews only despised his Ordinances, sent Petronius into Syria,Caesar sendeth Petronius into Syria, and commandeth him in spight of the Jews, to plant his Sta­tue in God's Temple. to succeed Vitellius, charging him with a strong Army to in­vade Judaea; and if they willingly admitted his Statue, that then he should place it in the Temple of God; but if they denied it, then, that overcoming them by force, he should compel them to condiscend thereunto. As soon as Petronius came into Syria, he endeavoured to satisfie Caesar's Command; and having assembled as great an Army as he could possibly levy, and leading forth with him two Legions of Roman Soldiers, he wintred at Ptolemais, intending at Spring to invade Judaea: All which he signified to Caesar by his Letters; The Jews re­pair to Ptole­mais, beseech­ing him that he would not bring his Sta­tue into the Holy City. who commending him for his industry, advised him to use all expedition therein, and to make War against those who should disobey his Commands. M Mean while divers thousands of the Jews resorted to Petronius, who was quartered at Ptolemais; beseeching him not to constrain them to do that thing which was contrary, to their Laws, or to transgress the Ordinances of their Fore-fathers. For if (said they) you have wholly decreed to bring and erect this Statue in our Temple, first deprive us of our lives, and afterwards do that which shall seem good in your eyes: For it is impossible for us, so long as our Souls remain within our Bodies, to permit that which is forbidden by our Laws; or to suffer such Impiety, in regard of that honour which we owe unto our Law-mak­er, and our Predecessors, who have ratified our Laws, to the intent we should encrease in Virtue. Petronius answered thus, If I were Emperour, or if the Emperour would be ruled by my advice, your reasons might prevail with me; but I am enforced to obey him, otherwise N my Life and Fortune is at Stake. Hereunto the Jews answered; My Lord (said they) since you are resolved, not to transgress, by any means, the Commands and Contents of Cae­sar's Letters, neither will we any ways violate or infringe the Prescript of our Law, under hope of Divine Assistance, and in imitation of the Virtue of our Ancestors: For we are not so faint-hearted, that for the hope of a vain and untimely desire of life, we should break the Laws which Almighty God hath proposed unto us, under the reward of Eternal Felicity: For which cause, we will endure all Fortunes whatsoever, so that our Countrey Law and Religion may remain inviolate; and we are ready to encounter any mis-fortune, under hope that God will assist us; for whose honour, we fear not to adventure on any danger. This had we ra­ther do, than by obeying thee through Cowardice, to incurr perpetual Ignominy; and that O which is more, God's wrath in neglect of his Laws, whose Authority, even in thine own judgment, is more to be regarded than Caius's Commission.

[Page 495] A Petronius conjecturing by these their answers, how hard a matter it was to force them from their opinion; and perceiving he could not do for Caius what he expected, in the e­rection of his Statue, without great Blood-shed, whereby much murther and inconvenience might follow; he took some of his nearest and dearest friends with him, and posted to Tiberias, that he might more conveniently and circumspectly look into the Jews Actions. They fearing some imminent danger through the Wars they expected from the Romans, The Jews met Petronius at Tiberias, be­seeching him not to violate the Sacred City with his Images. and greater mischief through the breach of their Laws; assembled once more many thousands of them, and met with Petronius at Tiberias; beseeching him that he would not enforce them to that necessity, nor defile their Sacred City with forbidden Images. Whereunto Petro­nius answered: Therefore (saith he) will you fight with Caesar, without regard, either of B his ability, or your own weakness? We will not fight (said they) but we will rather die, than depart from our Laws. Whereupon, prostrating themselves, and laying open their nak­ed throats, they said they were ready to die. In these terms they continued for the space of forty days, neglecting their Husbandry, though that was the chiefest Seed-time: For it was most resolutely concluded among them, rather to suffer death, than to admit the Statue.Aristobulus, King Agrip­pa's Brother, and [...]lcias, the High Priest, entreat Petro­nius in the Jews behalf. Whilst the matter stood upon these terms, Aristobulus, Agrippa's Brother, and Elcias, accompanied with divers of their Train, and some of the chiefest among the Jews came unto Petronius, beseeching him that he would consider the ob­stinacy of the people, neither give them occasion to draw them into desperate actions; but rather, that he would write unto Caius, with what obstinacy the people refused C the Dedication of his Image in the Temple: And how, giving over the care of their Husbandry, they prepared themselves for War, without any trust or confidence in their own strength; being rather resolved to die, than to suffer so great an indignity to be offered to their Religion. Besides, how giving over their Tillage, there was nothing to be expected but Robbery, whereas they should want means to pay their Customs; by which means, they hoped that Caesar would be moved to moderate his severity to­wards that Nation, and not to give them cause of Rebellion: And that if he might not be moved from the prosecution of the War, that then he might go forward with his business. This was the effect of Aristobulus's request.

But Petronius, Petronius pro­miseth the Jews to write unto Caius in their behalf, and exhorteth them to follow their Husban­dry. partly in respect of their Prayers who instantly urged him, and the D weightiness of the affair; partly in regard of the contentious resolution of the Jews, supposing that it was a matter unworthy a man, to put so many thousands of men to death, to satisfie Caius's foolish ambition; and touched with the fear of God, and re­morse of his own Conscience, he had rather to his own danger, inform the Emperour of the absurdity of the matter by his Letters, being no ways ignorant of his cholerick spi­rit, and forwardness in revenge, except his furious passion and expectation were answer­ed. For this thought he, that although it altered not his resolution, but haply enforc'd his displeasure against him, in that he speedily executed not his Command; yet, that it was the duty of a good man, not to refuse an assured death, if so be it might save so guiltless and huge a multitude. When therefore, he had assembled the Jews together E in Tiberias (when many thousands of them resorted thither) and disposed all those war­like Forces, that at that time gave attendance on him, round about him; he told the Jews first of all, not his own, but the Emperour's intent, who would shortly have them taste his displeasure, and enforce them to bear the burthen of his indignation, who were so bold as to contradict him: For himself, it necessarily concerned him, that since, by the Emperour's favour he had received so great honour, he should not commit any thing contrary to his Command. I hold it (said he) a matter most just to employ my life and ho­nour for you, to the end, that so huge a number of men should not be drawn into the danger of death: and I will respect the excellency of the Laws of your Fathers, for which you think you ought to undergo a War and danger: neither is it lawful to suffer the Temple of God to be defiled F by the Authority of Princes. I will therefore write to Caesar, and acquaint him with your minds; and in all that I may, I will assist you to obtain your Request. God (whose power surpasseth all industry and humane force) vouchsafe to conduct you, and make you constant in the ob­servation of your Laws; and grant, that he, through excessive desire of humane glory, com­mit not any thing that may offend God. And if Caius be displeased, and enforce his inevi­table displeasure against me, I will undertake all danger, and endure all torments, both in body and spirit, to the end, that I may not behold so many vertuous men, as you are, perish in your good and juct actions. Go therefore each of you, and ply your work, and till your Lands; I will send to Rome, and will employ both my Friends, and my self for you.

After he had spoken this, he dismissed the Assembly, praying the chiefest amongst G them to encourage the Husbandmen to ply their business, and to confirm the rest of the people in their good hope; he himself also ceased not to encourage them. And truly God shewed his assistance to Petronius, and assisted him in all his affairs: For as soon [Page 496] as he had finished his discourse to the Jews, there suddenly fell a great rain beyond all H humane expectation; for the day was very fair, neither was there any appearance of rain in the Air, and all that year long there was an extream Drought; so that men were past hope to have any moisture, notwithstanding, that sometime there appeared certain Clouds in the Heavens.After a long and continual Drought, there fell a sudden shower At that time therefore the water fell in great abun­dance, and besides the expectation and opinion of men; the Jews conceived hope, that Petronius soliciting their cause, should not be repulsed. But Petronius was more amaz­ed than all the rest, seeing evidently that God undertook the affairs of the Jews, and gave them testimony of his manifest assurance; so that they that were their professed Adversaries,Petronius writ­eth to Caius. had no power to contradict them, as he himself wrote to Caius at large, with inductions and exhortations, to the end he should not draw so many thousand I men into a desperate resolution and unhappy death; for without War it was impossible for him, ever to make them forsake their Religion. Moreover, that he would not cut off and lose the Revenue which he received of that Nation; and would not erect a Trophy of an everlasting Curse and Malediction against himself. Adding moreover, what the power of their God was; which he had so clearly declared, that no man ought to doubt, but that his merciful hand was over them. This is the Contents of Pe­tronius's Letters.

On the other side,Agrippa ho­noureth Caius in Rome, & in reward there­of Caius wil­leth him to de­mand some­what; who de­sireth nothing else, than that Petronius's Commission to erect the Sta­tue, be revok­ed. King Agrippa, who at that time was at Rome, grew more and more in favour with Caius; having entertained him at a Banquet, wherein he was ve­ry desirous to exceed all others as well in sumptuousness, as in all other sorts of delights K and pleasures; yea, he entertained him so nobly, that not only others, but also the Em­perour himself, could not attain to such magnificence; so much he endeavoured to sur­pass all others, through the great desire he had to content and satisfie Caesar in all things. Caius was amazed at his courage and magnificence, seeing Agrippa so willing to con­strain himself, above his power and means, to abound in Silver; and all this to the intent to please him. For which cause Caesar, in requital of his kindness, intending to honour Agrippa to his uttermost power, in granting him that which he most de­sired; being one day warm with Wine, invited him to drink a Carouse: adding these words;

Agrippa, I have heretofore known the honour thou hast shewed towards me, and thou L hast expressed the earnest affection that thou bearest me, in hazarding thy self in divers dangers, into which thou hast been drawn during Tiberius's life time; and hast omitted nothing, no not in that which exceedeth thy power, to shew thy affection towards me: For which cause, I think it should be a great shame for me, if I should suffer my self to be over­come by thee in kindness, without some answerable correspondence: I will therefore put that in practice, which I have heretofore omitted; for all those things that hitherto I have bestowed on thee, are of no reckoning. My will is, that thy merits should at this time be requited, by such means as might for ever make thee happy. Now he spake after this man­ner, hoping that Agrippa would beg some great Province at his hands, or the Reve­nues of some Cities. M

But although he had already prepared his demand, yet he did not discover his in­tent, but gave Caius this answer; that whereas he had served him to the dislike of Ti­berius, it was not for the gain he expected heretofore; and for the present also, he did nothing under hope to be rich; contenting himself that he was in the Emperour's good favour. That the benefits he had received of him were great, yea, exceeding all that which he durst ever have hoped: For (said he) although they be but small in com­parison of your Greatness, yet in respect of my self who have received them, and in my conceit, they are very great. Caius admiring his generosity, insisted to press him to ask whatsoever he had a mind to, being ready to grant it. Whereupon Agrippa said, Dread Prince, since it is your good pleasure to think me worthy to be honoured by your Presents, I N will not request any thing at your hands, that may tend to enrich me; for that by those goods you have already given me, I am greatly honoured: But I beseech and request one thing at your hands, which will purchase you the reputation of Piety, and will procure God to be pro­pitious unto you in all your actions; and which also, will breed me much glory among those who shall hear that I have not been refused in my demand, which concerneth me more than the ne­cessities of this life: I therefore beseech you, that it will please you to give order that that Sta­tue, which you have charged Petronius to erect in the Temple of the Jews, may never be put there. This was Agrippa's request to the Emprour, knowing very well how dange­rous a matter it was, and as much as concerned his life, to demand any such thing at Caius's hands, that was not answerable to his humour. Caius, on the one side, moved O with the service Agrippa had done him; and on the other side, seeing how great an in­dignity it should be for him, if before such an Assembly of Witnesses, he should deny [Page 497] A that which he had so instantly pressed Agrippa to request, as if suddenly he had repent­ed himself; and admiring Agrippa's virtue (who having an opportunity in a moment to augment his particular Estate, either by Revenues, or other Commodities; had pre­ferred the Common Cause, the Laws of his Countrey, and Piety, before all these) he granted him his Supplication; and wrote to Petronius, praising him for that he had us­ed such diligence in assembling his Army, as also for all that whereof he had given him notice: adding these words; If (said he) you have already erected the Statue which I commanded you, let it remain in the place; but if it be not done, be thou no more trouble­some to the Jews, but dismiss thine Army, and repair thou in person to that place whither I have sent thee: For I urge no more the erection of the Statue, for the desire that I have to B gratifie Agrippa, whom I entirely honour, and in such sort, as it is impossible for me to contradict any thing whatsoever, that either he hath need of, or shall require. These were the Contents of those Letters which Caius wrote to Petronius, before he understood that the Jews were like to revolt; for they made it known, that rather than they would endure the Statue, they would hazard a War against the Romans: Which, when Caius understood, he was extreamly troubled; and being a man addicted to all villany, and averse to all honesty, and who gave place to no good counsel, after he had conceived a displeasure against any man; and who likewise thought it a great hap­piness for him to accomplish all that whatsoever he pleased; he wrote again to Petro­nius, Caius writeth to Petronius, charging him to murther himself, for neglecting his Command. to this effect; Since the Presents which the Jews have given thee, have more pre­vailed C with thee than my Commands have done; so that to please them, thou hast despised that which I have enjoyned thee; I make thy self the Judge, how much thou hast deserved to incurr my displeasure, to the end, that thou mayest serve for an example to all those, who shall come after thee, that an Emperour's Commands ought not in any sort to be neglected. Although this Epistle was both written and sent, yet Petronius received it not during Caius's life time, for they that carried it, were stayed with cross Winds; so that Petro­nius received those Letters that assured him of Caius's death, before he received the o­ther: For God would not forget Petronius, who exposed himself to great dangers for the love of the Jews, and the honour of God. And Caius being taken out of the world by God's wrath, being kindled against him, by reason that he affected Divine D honour, received his reward; and Petronius obtained favour both at Rome, and through all the whole Government, and especially among the principal Senators, against whom Caius was accustomed to vomit up his cholerick Revenges. He died a little after he had written the Letter to Petronius, by which he threatned and denounced him death. Hereafter I will declare the cause why he was taken out of this world, and the man­ner how Treason was plotted against him.Petronius re­ceives Letters of Caius death before those, whereby he was com­manded to kill himself. The Letter that brought the tidings of Ca­ius's death, was delivered to Petronius first; and presently after, he received that wherein he enjoyned him to kill himself: He highly rejoyced at this his good luck, and Caius's death; and admired God's Providence, who speedily and happily had re­warded him, both for the honour that he bare unto his Temple, and also for having E assisted the Jews. Behold, how Petronius escaped from death, by an unexpected Pro­vidence.

CHAP. XII.
Two Jews called Asinaeus and Anilaeus, both Brothers, and of a mean extraction, become so powerful near Babylon, that they give enough to do to the Parthians: Their Actions; their Death. The Grecians and Syrians who lived in Seleucia, F unite against the Jews, and kill fity thousand of them unawares.

IN those days there happened a grievous Commotion amongst those Jews that in­habited Mesopotamia and Babylon, Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 16. alias, cap. 20. and such Slaughters and Calamities as never the like hath been declared in our former Narrations;A grievous Commotion a­mong the Jews in Mesopota­mia and Baby­lon. which in regard I intend to report both particularly and seriously, I will rip up the whole cause thereof from its first O­riginal. There was a City called Nearda, belonging to Babylon, stored with Inhabi­tants, and enriched with many fruitful Possessions, sufficient to sustain so great a mul­titude: Moreover, it was such as might be hardly invaded by the Enemy; both for that the River Euphrates surrounded it, and also for that it was fortified with G very strong Walls. Upon the same River also, there stood another City, called Ni­sibis; in which the Jews, in respect of the strength of the place, kept their Dragma, which they were accustomed to offer unto God, and the rest of their Votive money. [Page 498] These two Cities therefore served them for two Store-houses;The year of the world, 4003. after Christs Nativity, 41. and from thence, ac­cording H as time required, they sent the money they had gathered, to Jerusalem, and committed the Convoy thereof to divers thousands of men, for fear it should be taken away by the Parthians, who at that time had the Soveraignty in Babylon. Among these Jews lived Asinaeus and Anilaeus, two Brothers▪ born in Nearda; whose Father being dead,Asinaeus and Anilaeus, born in N [...]arda, re­tire into a certain place, and great Compa­nies flock unto them. their Mother bound them to the Weavers trade, for amongst those Na­tions it was accounted no indignity to follow that trade: for both men and women exercise themselves therein. It happened, that their Master with whom they learn'd their occupation, beat them one day, for that they came somewhat late unto their work. They taking this chastisement of his as if a great injury had been done unto them, betook themselves to their weapons, whereof there were great store in that I house, and retired themselves into a place where the River divideth it self into two parts, which naturally aboundeth with excellent pastures, and such fruits as were reserved for the winter. To these men there flocked a number of needy persons, whom they armed, and became their Captains, and no man opposed himself against their insolent proceedings. Being by this means grown absolute and impregnable, for that they had builded themselves a strong Fortress, they sent unto the Inhabitants, command­ing them to pay them Tribute for their Cattle which they pastured; so that this Tri­bute was sufficient to entertain them, promising to those who obeyed them, all friend­ship, and that they would maintain them against all those that should wrong them, of what place soever they were: but if they did not that which they commanded K them, they threatned them that they would kill all their Cattel. The Inhabitants of the Countrey, knowing themselves unable to oppose them, obeyed them, and sent them the number of Cattel which they required; so that greater Forces daily joyn­ed themselves with them, and they grew to that power, that they could make their excursions against those whom they intended to hurt. Every one respected them, and they were feared by all men, so that their renown came at last to the ears of the King of Parthia.

The Governour of Babylon likewise intending to cut off this mischief before it grew to greater head, assembled as many men as he could possible, both Parthians and Babylonians,Asinaeus and his Compani­ons beset by the Governors and Princes of Babylon. and marched forth against them; with an intent to root them out, be­fore L they should have any inkling thereof to prepare themselves for their defence. Ha­ving therefore prepared his Army, he lay in ambush neer unto a Marish, and the next day following (which was the Sabbath, in which the Jews forbear all kind of work, he making his account that the Enemy durst not make head against him, but without fight he should lead them away captives) he march'd easily, thinking to charge them unaware. Asinaeus, who at that time sat idly with his fellows, having his Arms by him: Ye men (said he) methinks I hear the neighing of Horses, not such as when they are in their heat, but as when they are backt by men. Moreover, I hear the noise of their Bridles, and I fear lest the Enemies secretly stealing upon us, should circumvent us: let therefore some one of us go and discover what the matter is, and M bring us word: I would I were found a lyar in that which I have told you. This said, one of them went out to espie what the noise intended; who running hastily back a­gain, told him, that he had not falsly conjectured as touching the intent of the Enemy, for that they were at hand, and would not suffer themselves any longer to be out-braved by them. He also declared, that there was a mighty number of Horsemen, who were assembled like a drove of Beasts, sufficient and able utterly to overcome Asinaeus and all his Company, forasmuch as they were not in a readiness to defend themselves: and our Law forbiddeth us to do any manner of work on the Sabbath. Asinaeus resol­ved with himself not to do that which the Spy had said, but thought that it was better for them to behave themselves valiantly in their necessity wherein they were plunged,N and that if they must needs die, it better became them to make breach of their Law, than to hearten their Enemies by their submission.Asinaeus, af­ter he had en­couraged his Souldiers, put­teth his Ene­mies to flight. He therefore presently betook himself to his weapons, and encouraged all those that were about him, to make it known in effect what their valour was. Whereupon all of them at once marched forth against the Enemy, and slaughtered a great many of them, for that they, despising Asinaeus and his followers, marched as if they went to lay hold on men already van­quished; but in the end they were constrained to betake them to flight.

When the news of this skirmish was brought to the King of Parthia,Asinaeus and Anilaeus are sought unto by Artabanus for friendship. he was wholly astonished at the boldness of these two Brethren, and had a great desire to see them and to speak with them. He therefore sent one of the trustiest of his Guard, to let them O understand, that although King Artabanus had been injured by them, in that they had invaded his Countrey; notwithstanding, said this Ambassadour, he making [Page 499] A less account of the displeasure he hath conceived against you, than of your Virtue, hath sent me unto you, to give you my hand and troth in his name, for a safe conduct and security in your Voyage, requiring you to be his friends; he treateth therefore with you without any Deceit or Fraud, promising you Gifts and Honours, and resolveth to encrease your Dignity by his Power. Asinaeus refused to enterprize this Voyage, but sent his Brother Anilaeus with certain Presents, such as he could possibly find. He therefore departed with the Messenger, and presented himself before Artabanus; who seeing Anilaeus come alone, asked him how it happened that Asinaeus came not with him: And understanding that he stayed in his Marish, through the fear that he had of him; he swore by the Gods of his Ancestors, that he would do him no wrong, wishing them to give credit to his pro­mise, B and he stretched out his hand, which is the greatest sign with which the Kings of that Countrey use to assure those that parley with them. For after they have mutu­ally given one another their hands, there is no sinister practice to be feared, and they, from whom a man expecteth any harm, are no more to be feared, at such time as they have given this testimony of assurance. This done, Artabanus sent back Anilaeus, to perswade his Brother Asinaeus to come to Court, Artabanus did this, supposing that this his Amity with the two Brothers, would be a bridle for the Jews, who otherwise might encroach upon his Governments. For he feared, lest if any Rebellion should happen, and he should be troubled in that War, Asinaeus and they of Babylon should grow more strong, as well by the voluntary submission of the Jews, as by force; and C thereby should do him the more mischief. Upon this deliberation he sent Anilaeus, who easily perswaded his Brother, giving him to understand among other things, what good will the King bare him, and the Oath that he had sworn; so that both of them resorted to Artabanus, who received them very graciously, admiring Asinaeus's Virtue, who had so great a courage in all his Enterprises; considering especially, that he was a man of low stature, and who, to look on, seemed to be contemptible: and he told his Friends, that without comparison, he had a greater heart, than his body.

And when in banqueting he had named Asinaeus, Abdagasis would have slain Asinaeus, but Artaba­nus will not permit him. and shewed him to Abdagasis the General of his Army, signifying unto him, with what valour these Brethren were en­dowed D in Feats of Arms: Abdagasis required that it might be lawful for him to kill Asi­naeus, to the end he might punish the wrongs he had done to the Estate of the Parthi­ans. Never (said the King) will I give my consent to betray a man, who hath committed himself to my protection, and hath given me his hand, and who buildeth upon the Oath I have past unto him in the name of the Gods: But if thou be a valiant man in feats of Arms, thou hast no need to make me forswear my self; but when his Brother and he shall depart from hence, assail him, and overcome him by thy valour, provided that I be not privy to thy attempt. And afterwards, calling Asinaeus to him in the morning; It is time (said he) that thou return homeward, for fear thou provoke divers of the Captains of my Court, which, Artabanus committeth the Territo­ries of Baby­lon to Asinae­us's charge, and dismisseth him with Gifts contrary to my will, will endeavour to kill thee. I commit the Countrey of Babylon E to thy protection and guard; which by thy care and vigilancy, shall remain exempt from all Robberies, and other such Calaemities. Reason it is, that I procure thy good, because I have engaged mine Honour and Faith irrevocably unto thee; not upon any light matter, but for things that importane thee as nearly as thy life. This said, he gave him certain Presents, and presently dismissed him. Now, as soon as he returned home to his own Fortress, he fortified the places, both those which were already secured, and the other, which as yet no man had attempted to fortifie: And in short time he grew to that greatness, that no man, of so obscure Fortune and beginning, attained before him. Neither contented with the Honours of the Babylonians, he was also held in great account by the Captains of the Parthians, who were sent to govern in the neighbouring Pro­vinces; F yea, so much encreased his Authority with his Power, that all Mesopotamia was at his Command. In this Felicity and encreasing Glory of his, he continued for the space of fifteen years; which never began to decay, until such time as neglect­ing the ancient Study of Virtue, and contemning the Laws of his Fore-fathers, both he and his factious followers being drowned in pleasure, yielded themselves Captive to Foreign Lust. It fortuned that a certain Governour of those Parthians came into that Countrey, accompanied with his Wife, not only endowed with other Perfections, but also admired for her incomparable Comliness and Beauty; whom,Anilaeus kil­leth a Noble man of the Parthians, and leadeth a­way his Wife. without ever seeing her, only by report of her Beauty, Anilaeus, Asinaeus's Brother, loved entirely; and when as by no one of his allurements he could ob­tain G her favour, neither had any other hope to enjoy the Lady, he could not bridle his unruly Lust, but he made War against her Husband; and killing the Parthian in their first Conflict, his Wife became his, both in subjection and Bed-service, [Page 500] which thing was the Original of many mighty Calamities, both to himself, and to H his Brother. For when, having lost her former Husband, she was led away Cap­tive, she carried with her the Images of the Gods of her Countrey, which she high­ly esteemed, according as it was the custom of those that inhabited that place, to have their Gods whom they adore in their houses, whom, when they travel in­to a Foreign Countrey, they carry about with them. She therefore brought them with her, and used them according to the fashion of her Countrey, at the first secret­ly; but after she was known for Anilaeus's Wife, then she adored them according to the custom, and with the same service which she used during her first Husband's days, sacrificing to her Gods.

Their chiefest friends seeing this,Anilaeus be­ing reproved for his Wife's Idolatry, kil­leth one of his Friends. first of all reproved them, for that Anilaeus commit­ted I such things that were no ways used among the Hebrews, and altogether repugnant to their Laws, for that he had married a woman of a Foreign Nation, that contradicted and violated their accustomed Religion; for which cause they advised him to beware, lest, in submitting themselves too much to their unbridled pleasures, they should lose the honour and power they had received from God, even until that present. But seeing their perswasions profited nothing, and that Anilaeus likewise had villanously killed one of his dearest Friends, who had somewhat too freely reproved him (who, at such time as he lay a dying, being touched with the zeal of the Laws of his Ancestors, and with grief against his Murtherer, wished that Asinaeus and Anilaeus, and all their Associates might die the like death; they, for that they were transgressors of the Law; the o­ther,K for that they succoured not themselves in that oppression, which they suffered for the maintenance of their Laws.) They were sore displeased; yet notwithstanding they contained themselves, calling to their remembrance that their felicity proceeded from no other cause, but from the valour of those Brethren.

But when they understood that the Parthian Gods were adored by this woman, they bethought them that it behoved them not any more to bear with Anilaeus in con­tempt of their Laws; for which cause, addressing themselves to Asinaeus in great As­semblies, they exclaimed against Anilaeus; saying, that he ought, although at first he had no power to dispose of himself; yet now at last, to correct this errour before it should redound to their publick Plague: For that both the Marriage was dis-allow­ed L in all men's eyes, as altogether contrary to their Laws; and that the superstitious observance of the Gods, which the woman presumed to use, was an apparent injury offered to the true God.Anilaeus is accused be­fore his Bro­ther Asinaeus, but he wink­eth at his fault But he, although he knew that his Brother's fault would breed some great inconvenience, both to himself and his followers; yet, being over­come with Brotherly affection, he easily pardoned his Brother, ascribing his errour to the violence of his unbridled passion. But whereas daily more and more he was tired with exclamations and greater reproofs, at length he admonished his Brother of the matter, chiding him for that which was past, and desiring him to amend the errour hereafter, by sending home the woman unto her Kindred. Yet this admonition of his took no effect with him;Asinaeus poy­soned by the Parthian wo­man. for the woman perceiving that the rumour that was M raised among the people was for her sake; and being afraid lest for her love sake, A­nilaeus should incurr some danger, she poysoned Asinaeus, to the end that her love being in Authority, she might more freely practise her impiety. Now when Anilaeus had gotten the Government into his own hands, he drew out his Forces against cer­tain Villages belonging to Mithridates, one of the chiefest among the Parthians, and Artabanus's Son in Law; which Villages he spoiled, and carried away men, sheep, and other riches. When Mithridates, who at that time was resident in those Quar­ters, understood of the spoil of his Villages, he was very much displeased, and the rather, for that without any occasion or proffer of injury, Anilaeus had assailed him in contempt of his Estate, who was a chief Peer of the Countrey: For which cause N he immediately assembled the greatest power of Horse and Foot he could gather, to set upon Anilaeus and his Associates.Anilaeus draweth his Forces into Mithridates's Countrey, and spoileth his Villages, and taketh him Prisoner. Leading his Forces therefore against one of the Villages, he kept himself in covert, to the end he might fight the next day, which was the Sabbath day; on which the Jews attempted not any thing. Whereof when Anilaeus was advertised by a certain Syrian, who dwelt in another Village, who had exactly told him all Mithridates's intent, and the place where he intended to banquet with his Souldiers; after he had made his Soldiers take their refreshment, marched out by night, to the end he might charge the Parthians before they might be advertis­ed of his coming. He therefore rushed in upon them about the fourth Watch of the night, and slew those whom he found asleep; and the rest being astonished thereat,O were forced to save themselves by flight: He also took Mithridates Prisoner, and caused him to be carried away naked on an Ass, which is one of the greatest disgra­ces [Page 501] A which the Parthians imagine may be offered them. Having after this disgraceful manner carried him into a Forrest, some of his familiars perswaded him to kill him: but Anilaeus told them, that they ought to deal with him far otherwise; for that it behov­ed them not to kill a man, who was one of the chief among the Nobility of the Par­thians, and one that was most honoured in regard of that affinity and alliance he had with the King: that although all that which heretofore had been offered to Mithri­dates; were insupportable; yet if they should be instrumental to save his life, he would pardon the injuries, and reward them for their Mercy in saving his life; whereas if they should deal severely with him, the King would seek his revenge, and make a hor­rible slaughter of those Jews that inhabited Babylon: whom they ought to have com­passion B of, both for that they were of their blood, and for that if any mischief should befal them they knew not whither to retire themselves;Anilaeus dis­misseth Mi­thridates. whereas they might be assist­ed with the flower and select men of their nation. Having thus discussed and debated the matter to his Soldiers, his opinion was approved, and they were perswaded; and so Mithridates was sent back again.

But he no sooner returned home unto his house, but his wife hit him in the teeth, that he lived but by the mercy of his enemies, notwithstanding he were the Kings Son-in-law; that he had made no reckoning to punish those, who had so much injured him; that he likewise contented himself to have his life saved, after he had been pri­soner to the Jews: For which cause (said she) recover thou thy former virtue and honour, C which thou hast heretofore lost, or I swear by the Gods of the King my Father, that the bond of Marriage which is betwixt me and thee shall be dissolved.

Mithridates, unable to endure these usual reproaches, and on the other side appre­hending his wives haughty courage, from whom he feared to be separated, he assembl­ed the greatest power of men that he could possible, notwithstanding it were against his will, and led them forth; supposing himself to be unworthy of life, if he, who by Na­tion was a Parthian, should be put to the worst by the Jews. When Anilaeus understood that Mithridates came forth against him with a great force, he thought that it would redound greatly to his indignity, if he should lie lurking amidst his Marshes, and ho­ping that he should have no worse fortune against his enemies, than he had at first, and D building much upon his Soldiers, who were ever wont to get the upper hand in their encounters, he likewise drew forth his Army: to them also others adjoyned themselves, who sought nothing else but pillage, and hoped that with their only presence they might discourage their enemy.

But after they had marched about ninety stades, and passed thorow a County that was scant of water, and were about the heat of the mid day burned up with thirst; Mithridates Army came in sight, and charged them even at that time, when they faint­ed for want of drink, and through the extremity of heat, so as they could scarcely handle their weapons. At that time Anilaeus's Soldiers encountring with Mithridates's fresh men, were shamefully put to flight: whereby it came to pass that a great number E of them were killed. But Anilaeus himself, and all those of his Company, retired them­selves in great haste into a Forrest, leaving Mithridates Lord and Master of the Field, whereof he was very joyful.A great num­ber of disso­lute persons flock to Ani­laeus, with whom he spoi­leth certain Burroughs of the Babylo­nians. Notwithstanding this disaster, an infinite number of lawless men resorted to Anilaeus, who set little by their lives, provided there might no limit be proposed to their unbridled licentiousness; so that he gathered a greater number of men than those he had lost; yet they were far different in valour from the former: for they were wholly ignorant of warlike discipline. Notwithstanding, he being accompanied with these men, went and set upon divers Burroughs of the Baby­lonians, which were totally destroyed by his rapine and violence. For which cause the Babylonians and his other enemies, sent unto Nearda to the Jews that were there, F requiring that Anilaeus might be delivered into their hands:The Babylo­nians require Anilaeus, that they may pu­nish him: they assail and slay him. whereunto condescend­ing not (for although they had a will to perform their request, yet it lay not in their power to deliver him) they required that they might live in peace. And to treat of the conditions of peace, the Babylonians sent certain men to confer with Anilaeus. They having surveyed the place wherein Anilaeus kept, assailed both himself and his followers by night, and slew all those they encountred with, without resistance, and amongst the rest Anilaeus. When the Babylonians saw that they were deliver­ed from the oppression of Anilaeus, who till that time had been as it were a bridle un­to them, to restrain and curb the hatred they conceived against the Jews, with whom they had oftentimes been at odds, by reason of the contrariety of their Religi­ons, G whereby it happened that they oftentimes fell at debate upon every opportu­nity when they met.

Now when Anilaeus's men were defeated, the Babylonians set upon the Jews on all [Page 502] sides; who seeing themselves in danger by reason of the insolence of the Babylonians, a­gainst H whom they were too weak to make resistance; and on the other side, unable to live amongst them, they went and dwelt at Seleucia, a City famous in regard of Seleucus the Son of Nicanor, who builded it. In that City dwelt divers Macedonians, divers Greeks, and a great number of Syrians.The Jews af­flicted by the Babylonians, repair to Se­leucia. The Jews fled thither, and continued there about five years, without any molestation: But in the sixth year, when the Plague encreased in Babylon, the Jews that remained there, were enforced to seek them some new habita­tion; and that removing of theirs into the City of Seleucia, was the cause likewise, of their further mischief, as I will make manifest. The Greeks who dwelt in Seleucia, are ordinarily at debate with the Syrians, and have always the upper hand; but after that the Jews came to inhabit that place, in a certain Sedition that arose among them, the I Syrians had the upper hand, by the means of the Jews, who joyned their Forces with theirs, who of themselves were valiant and good Soldiers.

The Greeks being repulsed in this Tumult, and having no other means left them to maintain their former honour; but to break that League of Friendship, which was between the Syrians and the Jews; devised in private, each one with those Sy­rians with whom they were acquainted, promising to live in peace and amity with them; whereunto they condescended willingly. For the chiefest of these two Nati­ons concluded the Peace, which presently after followed, to the end that on both parts they should joyn in hatred against the Jews:Fifty thousand Jews slain in Seleucia. So that altogether charging them at una­wares, they killed more than fifty thousand of them; they were all put to the Sword,K except some few, who through the mercy of their Friends, and assistance of their Neigh­bours, were suffered to escape.The Jews that were saved, repair to Cte­siphon. These retired themselves to Ctesiphon a City of Greece, that was not far from Seleucia, where the King resideth every year, and keepeth the greatest part of his Moveables; hoping in that place, through the reverence of the King, they might remain in more safety and security. All the Nation of the Jews that were in these Quarters, stood in great fear: For the Babylonians and the Seleuci­ans, with all the Assyrians of that Countrey, agreed amongst themselves to make a ge­neral War against the Jews;The Jews re­tire into Near­da and Nisibis. whereby it came to pass, that they assembled themselves at Nearda and Nisibis, trusting themselves to the strength of these Fortresses, which were inhabited also by men who were expert in Arms. See here what the condition of the L Jews was, who remained in Babylon.

A THE NINETEENTH BOOK Of the ANTIQUITIES of the JEWS:

The Contents of the Chapters of the Nineteenth Book.
  • 1. The Cruelties and Follies of the Emperour Caius Caligula: Several Conspiracies a­gainst him. Chaereas, being assisted by several others, killeth him: Some Germans of his Guard kill some of the Senators afterward. The Senate condemns the thoughts of his memory.
  • 2. The Soldiers resolve to promote Claudius, Caius's Ʋnkle, to the Imperial Dignity. Sa­turninus's Speech in the Senate, for Liberty. Chaereas sends to kill the Empress Ce­sonia, C Caius's Wife, and her Daughter. Caius's good and evil Qualities. The Sol­diers carry Claudius into the Camp, to make him Emperour: The Senate sends to him, to pray him to forbear.
  • 3. King Agrippa encourageth Claudius to accept of the Empire. The Soldiers, who had been for the Senate, forsake it, whether Chaereas would or not; and joyn with those that had sworn to Claudius. So Claudius becometh Master, and condemns Chaereas to die: He suffers with a wonderful Constancy. And Sabinus, who had been one of the chiefest of the Conspiracy, killeth himself.
  • 4. Claudius the Emperour confirmeth Agrippa in the Kingdom, adding Judaea and Sama­ria thereunto: He giveth the Kingdom of Chalcis to Herod, Agrippa's Brother; D and maketh Edicts in favour of the Jews.
  • 5. King Agrippa goeth to his Kingdom, and putteth his Chain, being a token of his Im­prisonment, into the Sacred Treasury of the Temple of Jerusalem. He provideth for the Dignity of the High Priesthood: He is highly displeased at the Dorites insolence, who had caused Caesar's Statue to be erected in the Jews Synagogue.
  • 6. Petronius, Governour of Syria's Letters to the Dorites, concerning the Emperour's Statue, which they caused to be erected in the Jews Synagogue. King Agrippa bestoweth the High Priesthood on Matthias. Marsius is made Governour of Syria.
  • 7. Silas (General of Agrippa's Forces) his great Imprudence, obligeth this Prince to put him in Prison. Agrippa fortifieth Jerusalem, but the Emperour Claudius com­mands E him to forbear: His excellent Qualities; his stately Buildings: The cause of his falling out with Marsius, Governour of Syria: He bestoweth the Great Priest­hood on Aelioneus: dieth after a terrible manner: Leaveth for his Successor his Son Agrippa, and three Daughters: The Inhabitants of Caesarea and Sebastes prove extreme ungrateful to his Memory. Claudius the Emperour sends Fadus to be Governour of Judaea, because of Agrippa's Minority.

CHAP. I.The year of the World, 4004. after Christ's Nativity, 42.
The Cruelties and Follies of the Emperour Caius Caligula: Several Conspiracies against F him. Chaereas, being assisted by several others, killeth him: Some Germans of his Guard, kill some of the Senators afterward. The Senate condemns the thoughts of his Memory.

CAius did not only express and manifest his fury towards those Jews that dwelt in Jerusalem, Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap 1. and in other neighbouring places;Caius's Ty­ranny towards the Jews. but also thorough all the Countreys both by Land and Sea, which were sub­ject to the Roman Empire, filling the whole World with an infi­nite number of mischiefs; yea, such, and so odious, that the like hitherto have never been heard of.Caius's Ty­ranny towards the Senators and Patricians. But Rome especially, felt the G force of his fury; but especially the Senators, Patricians and No­blemen were plagued. They also that were called Roman Knights, who, in Wealth and Dignity, were next unto the Senators; for that out of their number, such men [Page 504] were chosen, who were to supply the Senate, were most persecuted. For with ig­nominies H they were abused, with banishments and confiscations weakned, and by slaughters wholly exterminated. He likewise usurped the name of God, command­ing his Subjects to dignifie him with more than humane honours; and ascending the Capitol. which amongst all the Temples in Rome is most religiously honoured, he was so bold as to salute Jupiter, Cajus calleth himself Jupi­ters Brother. and to call him Brother. Many such impieties were committed by him, which shews that his unbridled and extravagant madness did never forsake him. Amongst other his mad pranks that he played, this is worthy of me­mory: for on a time, thinking it to be too much trouble for him to cross the Sea be­tween Puteol a City in Campania, and Misenum another Town seated by the Sea-shore in a Gally; and otherwise esteeming it a thing correspondent to his greatness, who I was Emperor, to exact that superiority on the Sea, which was answerable to his sove­raignty on the Land, betwixt one Cape of the Sea unto another, for the space of thirty furlongs or stades, betwixt which the Gulf had his course, he caused a Bridge to be built, on which he commanded himself to be drawn in a Charriot, as if that way were answerable to the dignity of his deity. He left not one Temple in Greece whatsoever, that he spoiled not of those excellent pictures that were in them;Cajus spoiled all the Tem­ples of Greece. Giving a Comission that all Statues, and whatsoever ornaments or gifts, and presents that were dedicated in a­ny Temple, should be brought unto him; saying, that such things as were admira­ble, should be reserved for a place of admiration, such as was the City of Rome: with these spoils of the Temples he adorned his Palace and Gardens, and generally K all his houses and Palaces that he had in Italy. Cajus com­mandeth Mem­mius Regulus to tran [...]fer Jupiter Olympus to Rome. He was so impudent also, as to give di­rection, that Jupiter Olympius Statue, which the Greeks had in great estimation, and which Phidias the Athenian Satuarian had made, should be transported to Rome. But Mem­mius Regulus, to whom he directed this commission, executed it not, because the Masons informed him, that without spoiling it they could not remove it from the place. It is reported also, that he was hindred from this execution by such prodigies that are almost incredible: which he assured Cajus of, giving him to understand, what the occasion was, that had moved him to disobey him therein: and whilst he was in dan­ger of death for his delay, the sudden and successful death of Cajus warranted him from the same. Yea, so far stretched his unbridled fury, that having a daughter new­ly L born, he caused her to be carried into the Capitol, and laid at the feet of the Image of Jupiter; Cajus compa­reth himself with Jupiter. saying, that the child was common betwixt him and Jupiter, leaving the judgment to all men, which of the two parents was the greatest. And notwithstand­ing all these his misdemeanours, yet did men tolerate him.

He gave liberty to slaves also to accuse their Masters of whatsoever crimes they would: which was so much the more hateful, because all things were done by Caesars authority, and to his good liking: so that Pollux, who was Claudius bondman, durst accuse him,Cajus gave slaves free li­berty to ac­cuse their Masters, and countenanced Pollux to ac­cuse his Ma­ster Claudius. and Cajus the Emperour was contented among the Judges to hear his Uncle brought in question for his life, hoping (although it fell out otherwise) to pick out an occasion to put him to death. For having filled all the Countries of his Empire M with false accusations, and all sorts of mischiefs, and giving slaves a prerogative above their Masters; their Lords devised many conspiracies against him, some for spite, and with an intent to be revenged of those injuries they had received: others pretending by his death to prevent those inconveniences that threatned them. In a word, his death concerned the security of the Laws,Many conspi­racie [...] against Cajus. and the safety of all men: and had he not been speedily cut off, our nation had almost been utterly exterminated. For which cause I thought good to make an exact and ample declaration of every occurrent; namely, for that the knowledge thereof maketh very much towards the manifestation of Gods power and will, which brings consolation unto those who are in adversity, and keep them within the bounds of modesty, who suppose that their prosperity should N continue always firm, and although they neglect virtue, think that no evil may befal them. Three several Conspiracies were intended against him, to ease the world of this burthensome Tyrant, All of them were attempted by men of great account. For, Aemilius Regulus, Three conspi­racies against Cajus. who was born in Corduba in Spain, was fully resolved to kill him himself, or to make him away by the means of his Confederates. Chaereas Cassius, Co­lonel over a thousand men was the conductor of another Band;Aemilius Re­gulus. Cassius Chaereas▪ An­nius Minucius. and Annius Minucia­nus was in no less readiness to do his uttermost herein. The cause that moved them to combine thus altogether in hatred against Cajus, was, that in respect of Regulus, he was by nature a detester of all iniquity: for he was a very generous man, and so free; that he dissembled not any of his designs, but communicated them with many, who were either O his friends, or valiant men fit for execution. And as touching Minucianus, he was in­duced to seek his revenge, through the desire he had to do justice to Lepidus, who had [Page 505] A been one of his especial friends, and one of the rarest men that were ever found among the Roman Citizens (whom Caius had put to death through the fear he had conceived of him) knowing well that all they, against whom Caius was incensed, could not e­scape with less punishment than loss of life. As for the third man Chaereas, he could not endure the shame and reproach of cowardise that Caius had objected against him, but feared besides, that his friendship and inward familiarity with Caius would draw him into manifest dangers: for which cause, and his own security and honours sake, he resolved to dispach him. Generally all of them were resolved to rid the world of Caius, and bring an end to his pride and tyrannical power, for their hope was that their attempt having good success: their Countrey and Common-weal should reap the B fruits thereof, for whose security and safety, it became them to hazard themselves, though it were with loss of their lives. But above all the rest, Chaereas was egged on with a desire he had to grow famous, and through the facility and convenient means he had to do it,The Circen­sian Games. because his Colonels room gave him most secure access unto him. A­bout that time the Circensian Games were solemnized, which is a kind of Pastime which the Romans very willingly behold,Caius causeth divers to be murthered, who request mitigation of their exacti­ons. and to this intent they resort to the place of these exercises, and the common people is wont to demand somewhat from the Em­perour, which they desire to obtain; and after having examined their requests, do never refuse them. Now they required with instant and importunate supplications, that Caius would discharge them of their taxations, and moderate the excessive tri­butes C which they payed: but he would give no ear unto them, and caused those to be apprehended, who called upon the matter most earnestly; sending his Guard, some of them one way, some of them another, to put them to the sword. After he had gi­ven this order, and they who received it had fully executed it, a great number of men were killed. The people seeing this, ceased to exclaim any more, preferring their lives to their goods. This horrid sight incited Chaereas the more to execute his enterprize,Chaereas for many causes is incited a­gainst Caius. to the end he might finish his furious and tyrannical life, whose pleasure was all mens destruction. He had often resolved to kill him at Table, yet he deferred to do it, not that he fainted in his resolution, but because he expected some better opportunity. He had been Captain of Caius Guard a long D time.

Caius having appointed him to gather in his Tributes, in the execution whereof he followed his own nature, rather than Caesars command, and spared those of whom he ought to have compassion for their poverty sake. Caius was so displeased here­with, that he objected against him, that the cause why he delayed the bringing in of his money, was his cowardise and negligence: And among other injuries that he of­fered him, as oft as he gave him the Watch-word, as he usually went to fetch it once a day upon his watch-day, he gave him the names of women, and others that were ig­nominious persons, notwithstanding that he himself was no less remarkable, for his ef­feminate daintiness. In those Ceremonies which he himself had established, he attired E himself like a woman, and was disguised with certain veils, whereby he might the better counterfeit that sex, and yet notwithstanding he could object this dishonour to Chaereas. whom he vexed constantly when he gave him the watchword, and so much the more because his companions jeared him with it. For when it was his turn to receive the word from Caesars mouth, he ordinarily fitted him with such an one as might move laughter, which made him the bolder to conspire with his Confederates, in that he had just oc­casion to be displeased: among these was a Senator, called Popedius, and one that had past through all honours and offices, otherwise an Epicure and lover of delights. Timidius accused him (in that he was his enemy) that he had uttered certain injurious speeches against Caius: Popedius is ac­cused of a crime by Ti­midius unto Caesar. and for proof hereof, he alledged Quintilia for his witness, a F woman among all Stage-players dearly beloved of many, but in especial, by Pope­dius, by reason of her incomparable beauty: and for that she refused to bear witness in a matter falsely objected against him, whom she entirely loved, Timidius required, that she might be examined by torture. Caius importuned herewith, commanded Chaereas with all expedition and diligence to see Quintilia tortured: and the rather gave he Chaereas these Commissions to kill and torment those whom he pleased, for that he had conceived this opinion, that be would acquit himself with more cruelty, to the end he might exempt himself of that reproach of faint-heartedness which was wrongfully objected against him.Caius com­mandeth Quintilia to be tortured, who confes­seth nothing.

Whilest thus Quintilia was led forth to be tortured, she trod upon the foot of one G of those who were of the Confederacie giving him to understand that he should be of good courage, for that there was no fear that she would bewray any thing in torture, but would endure it with constancy: notwithstanding, Chaereas tormented her cruelly [Page 506] which he rather performed by constraint, than of his own free will. And seeing he H could enforce nothing out of her, he brought her back to Caius in so pitiful an estate, that all they that beheld her, had compassion on her. Caius likewise himself was moved, and bethinking him of those pains she had endured he desisted from the inquest and accusation which was prosecuted against Popedius and Quintilia and gave her a certain sum of money,Popedius is absolved. to comfort her against the indisposition that might follow by reason of her torments, which she had so couragiously endured.

This displeased Chaereas very much,Chaeraas con­ferreth with Clement and Papinius. as if he had been the cause of all those evils that had hapned to those two persons, whom the cruelest of men did bemoan. He con­sulted therefore with Clement, who was Captain of the foot, and Papinius who had the command of the Guard, and spake unto them to this effect. ‘We have (said he) O Cle­ment, I employed our selves to the uttermost for the Emperours safety: for by our di­ligence and care we have done so much, that of all those, who have conspired against him, some of them have been killed: the rest in such sort tormented and martyred, that Caius himself had compassion on them. But what reward or honour receive we for all these services?’ Clement hearing these words, held his peace, giving manifest testimony by his looks, and the change of his colour, that he was greatly ashamed he had so long time obeyed the Emperours commands: and whilst he thought with him­self that it was no policy for him to open his mouth against Caius cruelty, Chaereas em­boldned himself to discover the calamities and dangers wherein both the City and the whole Empire were plunged, telling him, that the common report was, that Caius was the K cause of them:

But (said he) those that will narrowly examine the truth, will judge that I and Papini­us that standeth by me, and you, Clement, more than we, have caused the Romans torment, and the World's misery, for that of our own will we have been Ministers of Caius's Com­mands; and although the means lieth in us to make an end of those Violences that are com­mitted against the Citizens, and injuries to the whole World; yet we serve him for his Guard and Hang-men, in stead of Soldiers. And we bear Arms, not to maintain our Li­berty, and the Roman Empire, but to preserve him who keeps their bodies and minds in sla­very: And every day are we soiled in their blood who are killed and tortured, until such time as some one serve us with the same sauce, to satisfie Caius's Cruelty. For it is not for L the good will be beareth us, that he maketh use of us; but that which is more, we are suspect­ed by him, and he will cause us to be put to death, as he hath done others. For his displeasure is not limited by justice, but by his will: We also shall serve him for a mark to aim at. For which cause, it behoveth us to provide for the security and liberty of all men; and especially, to warrant our selves against all those dangers that threaten us.

Clement declared by apparent signs, that he thought well of Chaereas resolution, but he counselled him to make no words of it, for fear the rumour thereof should be spread among the people, and the secret should be discovered before the execution: and lest that Caius getting an inkling thereof, they should all of them be drawn into danger of death; and in the mean while, it behoved them to hope that some good M fortune would fall out to their furtherance: and that for himself, his age had taken from him the necessary courage that belonged to such enterprizes. ‘It may be (said he) that I may furnish you with some advice more secure than yours is,’ Chaereas, for a more honester than it is, who is he that can propose? This said, Clement returned to his house, ruminating with himself upon those words▪ which he had both heard and spoken.Cornelius Sa­binus. But Chaeras grew fearful, and conferred with the Colonel Cornelius Sabinus, whom he knew to be a man of reputation, a lover of liberty, and greatly discontent­ed with the estate for the miseries of the Common-weal; and seeing it was ne­cessary to attempt that with all expedition which he had intended, he thought good to impart the matter to him; fearing lest Clement should discover all the Conspiracy,N considering that delay and procrastination would be but an occasion to hinder the a­ction. When therefore he perceiv'd him to give ear to all that which he intended, and that already he was confirmed with no less resolution than himself was; but in that he knew not with whom he might familarily communicate the same, he said nothing: whereas otherwise he was ready, not only to conceal that which he had heard, but also declared that which he had in his heart, he was so much the more encouraged. For which cause, without further delay they went to Minucianus, who was conformable unto them in virtue, good affection, and great courage; and who besides that, was suspected by Caius by reason of Lepidus death. For, Minucianus and Lepidus were very great friends, and had been associates in the same dangers. For Caius was feared O by all those who had any publick Office,Annius Mi­nucianus. sparing none of them in particular or general, but made them all groan under the burthen of his fury.

[Page 507] A Now they knew well one another, that all of them were displeased to see the Com­mon-weal in that estate: but the apprehension of the danger suffered them not to manifest the hatred that each of them bare to Caius, although their secret conceit ingendred among them a certain Amity. For, before that time, as often as they met together, they were accustomed to esteem Minucianus for the most honourable man of the Company, as in truth, among all the Citizens of Rome he was the most fa­mous, valiant and best esteemed among them: being therefore assembled at that time, he was first of all requested to speak his opinion. For which cause he asked Chaereas what the watch-word was he had received that day (for all the City knew very well what mockery Caius usually used in giving Chaereas the Watch-word:) Chaereas, not­withstanding B this disgrace, failed not to answer him, relying on the wisdom of Mi­nucianus, and said unto him;

But give you me for the Watch-word, Liberty; mean while I give you thanks for that you have awakened me more speedily, than of my self I have accustomed to be. You need not now any further enforce your self to incite me by your words, sith both you and I have undertaken the same resolution. Before we were assembled in this place, our thoughts were united. Behold here my sword that is girt unto my side; this shall suffice for us both. And if you please you shall be my Captain, and I will march under your Command, and will fol­low you under assurance of your assistance and wisdom. They, who have valiant hearts, ne­ver want Arms: for it is a confident courage that makes the weapon do execution. That C which kindleth me thus to this action, is not the consideration of my particular interest: for I have not the leysure to think on those dangers that threaten me, through the grief that I conceive, to see the Liberty of my Countrey changed into slavery, and the force of the Laws wholly abolished, and all sorts of men condemned to death by Caius cruelty. It is I that deserve to be trusted in this execution, and I make you my Judge, since you have the like intention that I have.

Minucianus, Chaereas with certain others intend to kill Caius. perceiving with what affection Chaereas spake, embraced him with all love; and after he had praised him, he exhorted him to continue his constancy: then departed they one from the other, with prayers and wishes; and at that time there hapned a presage that confirmed them the more. For as Chaereas entred into D the Senate, some one among the people cast out a word, that redoubled his courage. Dispatch (said he) that which thou hast to do; for God will assist thee. Chaereas was somewhat afraid, lest some one of his Associates had betrai'd him. But at last, he thought it was some one of those, who, being privy to his resolution, gave him a Watch-word to animate him the more; or that it was God, who, governing and ob­serving humane affairs, pushed him forward. After he had imparted this his delibera­tion to divers; sundry Senators, Knights, and Souldiers being advertised hereof were in Arms. For, there was not any one that supposed not that Caius death was the great­est good hap the Common-wealth could expect. For which cause, all of them enforced themselves as much as they could, to assist the execution with couragious and virtu­ous E resolution: and as forward were they in affection as in power; in words as in ef­fect, Calisthus, Ca­ius Freeman, certifies Clau­dius that Ca­ius command­ed him to poy­son him. desiring each of them to be partakers in the dispatch of a Tyrant. For Calisthus also, who was Caius freeman, and raised by him to great Authority, yea, such as almost equal'd him, adjoyned himself to them for the fear he apprehended of all men, and for those great riches which he had gathered together, for that he was a man of a cor­rupt conscience, and easily won by bribes and presents, doing wrong to all men, and abusing the power he had, against whomsoever he pleas'd, contrary to all right and rea­son. Besides, for that he knew the unbridled nature of Caius, who having once conceiv­ed an ill opinion of any man, could never afterwards be disswaded or reconciled. A­mongst divers other dangers that he had to apprehend, the greatness of the danger F of his riches was not the least, which was the cause that made him serve Claudius, and secretly to follow him, under hope, that after Caius death, he should be his Suc­cessour in the Empire, and that at that time he should by him be maintained in the same estate, which he enjoyed: and by this means he thought to obtain his amity and good liking, by giving him to understand how Caius had commanded him to poyson him, and how he had invented infinite delays to defer this execution. As for mine own part, I think that Calisthus forged this matter. For if Caius had pretended to kill Claudius, he had not been disswaded by Calisthus allegations, who had present­ly received his reward, if he had deferred to execute his Masters command, with all expedition in a matter so acceptable to him. So it is, that the Providence of God G would not permit Caius to execute that rage against Claudius; and Calisthus was there­by thanked for a benefit which he no ways deserved.

Those that were about Chaereas day by day, followed the action very slowly, notwith­standing [Page 508] that he willingly delayed not,The year of the World, 4005. after Christ's Nativity, 43. but thought on all occasions fit to finish his H purpose in, for that he might assail him at such time at he ascended up into the Capitol, or even then when he solemnized those Ceremonies, which he had instituted in honour of his Daughter, or at such time as he stood in the Palace to scatter Gold, and Silver among the people, by casting him from the top of the Palace into the Market place, or at such time as he celebrated those Mysteries,Chaereas expe­cteth the oc­casion to assail Caius. that were introduced by him. For, no man suspected Chaereas, so discreetly had he behaved himself in all things: and he perswaded himself that no man would have thought that he should lay violent hands on Caius. And although he had done nothing to any effect; yet so it is, that the pow­er of the Gods was sufficient to give him force, and to kill him without drawing weapon. Chaereas was sore displeased against his companions, in respect that he I feared that they would let slip their occasion; and although they perfectly knew that he intended it for the maintenance of the Laws, and for the good of them all: yet did they request him to delay a little, for fear lest in the execution he should in some sort miscarry, and for that cause the City might be brought in trouble by the informations that would be made of that act; and that at length when Caius should be so much the better provided against them, they should not know how to shew their virtue, when the time required that they should assault and set upon him. They therefore thought it good that the opportunity to set forward this business, should be the time in which the Games of the Palace were celebrated, which were solemnized in honour of Caesar, who first of all disanulled the Peoples Authority, and K appropriated it to himself. This Solemnity is celebrated in a Tent before the Palace, where the noble Citizens, with their wives and children remained to behold the sport, and Caesar himself likewise. At that time they concluded that it would be an easie matter for them,The final con­clusion of the Confederates as touching Caius death▪ when so many thousands of people should be shut up in so narrow a place; so that he, who would step formost to give the stroke, might very easily be succoured, for that he could have no assistance, although his Guard should have the courage and desire to defend him. Chaereas resolved upon this, and it was concluded that the first day of those sports that were next at hand, the deed should be done: but their adventure was greater than their conclusion. For the delay was such, as the third day was almost past, and hardly could they be drawn to attempt L the matter on the third day. At which time Chaereas assembled all the Confederates, and told them that the opportunity of time had overslipt them, accused and reproach­ed them of slackness in that execution, which had been so virtuously resolved a­mong them: and that it was to be feared, lest if any should be discovered, the whole matter should be frustrate: by which means Caius might grow more cruel than he was before. See we not (said he) that by how much liberty we take from our selves, by so much we augment Caius tyranny? whereas we ought first of all to obtain security for our selves, and afterwards purchase perpetual felicity to others, the greatest glory whereof shall redound unto our selves. Now they having nothing to reply against so honourable a resolution, and yet notwithstanding no ways enforcing themselves towards the acti­on,M but remaining altogether amazed without one word speaking, Chaereas spake thus:

Most noble and generous Gentlemen, what is the cause that we linger and delay in this manner? See you not that this day is the last day of the Games, and that Caius is ready to go to Sea? for he hath determined to sail into Alexandria, and to see Egypt: truly it will be a small honour for us, if we suffer him to escape out of our hands, to the end that both by land and Sea, he may triumph over the Romans negligence. How can we chuse but condemn our selves justly, and challenge nothing but dishonour, if some Egyptian supposing that men of free condition could not any longer endure his inso­lence, should put the matter in execution? For mine own part, I will dream no longer N upon your consultations, but this very day will I hazard my self; and betide me what can, I will sustain all fortunes with pleasure and courage. For I am a man of that mind, that no danger can be so great or grievous to daunt me, or draw me from so worthy an enterprize which some other will put in execution if I delay, depriving me of the greatest honour and glory that the world can afford for its deliverance. This said he departed with an intent to attempt and end the matter, and encouraged the rest to do the like; so that all of them were desirous to set hand to the enterprize, without any further delay. The custom was, that the Captains of the Guard entred the Palace with their swords by their sides, and in such equipage they asked the Em­peror the Watch-word. At that time it fortuned that it was Chaereas turn to fetch the O Watch-word, a great number of people had flocked to the Palace, to take up their places to behold the Games with great press and noise; wherein Caius was [Page 509] A greatly delighted: for there was no distinction of place either for Senators or Knights, but each one sate together confusedly, men and women, slaves and freemen. Caius, arriving there first, had offered sacrifice in honour of Caesar Augustus, in whose ho­nour likewise those sports were solemnized. It came to pass that whilest those Beasts were embowelled, that were appointed for sacrifice, Asprenas Gown, who at that time was Senator,Caius sacrifi­ceth to Au­gustus Caesar. Asprenas. was besprinkled with blood: whereat Caius began to laugh; yet notwithstanding, this was a presage for Asprenas. For he was slain that very day that Caius was. It is reported that Caius at that time, contrary to his own nature, behaved himself most affably towards all men, so that all the assistance were astonish­ed to behold the courtesie that he used. After the sacrifice was done, he sate him B down to behold the Pastimes, and had about him the most noble of his friends and familiars.The Theatre. Now was there every year a Theatre builded, according to this form and fashion that ensueth: It had two gates, the one towards the open yard; the o­ther opening upon the porch, by which the actors had their egress and regress, without disturbance of those who sate to behold the pastime. There was within the same a certain room, separated from the rest, where the Players and Musicians kept. When the people were seated, and Chaereas, with the Captains were near a­bout Caesar, Batibius. who sate on the right side of the Theatre: Batibius one of the Senators, a man very expert in feats of Arms▪ asked Cluvitus privily in his ear,Cluvitus. who sate by him and had in like sort been Consul, whether he heard any news? who answering C him, that he had heard nothing. On this day (said Batibius) shall the tragedy be plaid of a Tyrants death. Cluvitus made him this reply in Homers words.

Whist: lest some Greek should listen to our talk.

Now whilest some one darted certain apples and rare and precious Birds at the people, Caius took great pleasure to behold how they strove one with another round about him, buffeting one another to see who should get the same: but at that pre­sent there chanced two presages: for the sport that was represented, was of a Judg; who was apprehended and crucified, and in the Dance they represented Cynera, who D was killed with Myrrha her Daughter: and there was a great quantity of blood ga­thered to counterfeit both the murther of the Judge that was crucified, as also of Cynera. It is affirmed likewise, that the day was the very same, whereon Philip the Son of Amyntas King of Macedon, had been killed by Pausanias one of his familiars, at such time as he entred the Theatre. Whilst Caius was incertain with himself whe­ther he should remain until the sports were finished, for that it was the last day of them, or rather should resort to the Bath, and after he had refreshed himself, return back again thither as he had done before; Minucianus sitting next unto him, fearing lest the occasion should be overslipt, because he had seen Chaereas go out of doors, with an intent to go and encourage him. But Caius catcht him by the E Gown, saying, Whither go you, my friend? At which time for the reverence sake that he bare unto Caesar, he sat him down again: but the fear that he had, grew so forcible, that he arose again; so that Caius could not detain him, supposing that he had gone thence to dispatch some important business. At that time did As­prenas counsel Caesar to repair to the Bath, telling him that after his refreshment he might return thither again; all which he did, being desirous that the resolution might take effect. They that were with Chaereas were ready disposed to take advantage of the time, and were agreed each of them to stand prepared and in a readiness, in a place appointed, to the intent to act the Tragedy: and the delay seemed very tedious to them, for it was already three a clock afternoon. So that Chaereas seeing that Caius F lingred so long, intended to go in unto him and assail him in his seat: but he con­ceived that he could not bring that to pass without great loss and murther of the Se­nators, and Knights that were present. Now although he had this apprehension, yet addressed he himself to the execution thereof, supposing that the loss that might happen by the death of some one, would be well recompensed by the security and li­berty, that would redound unto all men. When as therefore they were in a readi­ness to enter the Theatre, news was brought them, that Caius was risen to come forth; by means whereof there arose some noise. For which cause the Confedesates turned back into the Theatre, and appeased the people, telling them that they displeased and annoyed the Emperor: but the effect was, to draw him aside from all those, G who might yield him any assistance; and so to set upon him. Before Caius marched Claudius his Uncle, and M. Minucianus his Sisters Husband and Valerius who at that time was Proconsul, who might not by any means be drawn from their place, al­though [Page 510] they had the will, by reason of the Place and Dignity which they held. Cai­us H followed after them, accompanied with Paulus Auruntius. Now when he was en­tred into the Palace, he left the ready way where his Officers were, and Claudius and his Associates held: and turned aside by an unfrequented way to the Baths, on pur­pose to see certain young Boys, who were come out of Asia, and were sent him out of that Countrey, partly to sing in those Ceremonies that were instituted by him, and partly to dance in Arms about the Theater; and in that place Chaereas came and encountred him, asking him the Watch-word: which Caius gave him very reproach­fully according to his custom. For which cause without any further delay, Chaereas assailing him both in word and act, drew his sword and gave him a great wound, which notwithstanding was not mortal: some say that Chaereas purposely wounded I him after that manner,Caius slain. because he would not kill him at once, but to his greater tor­ment increase the number of his wounds: but I cannot believe it, for that in such ex­ecutions a man hath no leysure to determine how to strike. And if Chaereas had such an intention, I account him the veriest fool that might be, for he rather took plea­sure to content his despite, than readily to deliver both himself and others, who, by his delay, in being of his Confederacy might be drawn into hazard. For, if Caius had not been suddenly killed, he could not have wanted rescue, and it should seem that Chaereas had not pretended to do so much mischief to Caius, as to himself and his Fel­low-confederates. And being in this uncertainty, whether his enterprize should have fallen out happily or no, he had without reason both undone himself and lost the oc­casion,K whereas having happily hit home, he might without a word speaking secure himself against those who would offend him▪ But let every man think what best pleas­eth him. Caius feeling the grief of the wound (for he was stricken between the shoul­der and the neck, and his sword could not pierce further, by reason that it hit upon the first bone of the breast) he cried not at all, neither called for any of his friends, whether it were that he distrusted them all, or that he had some other thoughts; and in lamenting himself he passed forward. But he was met by Cornelius Sabinus who was already prepared to encounter him, who thrust him down upon his knees: whereupon all of them environed him round about,Aquila gave Caius his deaths wound: but Chaereas was the au­thor and chief actor of the tragedy. and with mutual exhortations encouraged one another to do their utmost in murthering him. At length in all L mens opinion they agreed on this, that it was Aquila that gave him the deadly wound, that severed his soul from his body. But this act ought to be attributed to Chaereas: For though divers set to their hands in the action, yet was he the first who had bethought him of the action, having a long time before any of them pre­meditated the same, after what sort it should be attempted: and he also was the first that durst boldly impart it unto others, and who after they had allowed of his reso­lution, assembled them: and when every one was to speak his opinion, he conclu­ded the same very discreetly, and had always done far more than the rest; so that by his earnest and honourable perswasions, he encouraged those that were faint­hearted, since at such time as the opportunity presented it self, to set hand to the exe­cution,M he was the first that attempted it, and who valiantly struck and made an easie way to the rest, who found Caius calm enough, for he was almost dead. For which cause, it is necessary that all which others have done, should be ascribed to Chaereas advice, vertue and diligence.

Thus died Caius, being struck with many mortal wounds. Now when Chaereas and his Companions had dispatched him, they perceived well that it would be impossible for them to save themselves, if so be they should return by the way that they came; so much were they ravished with that which they had done: For they drew themselves into no small danger by murthering an Emperour, who was cherished and beloved through the folly of the common people, and whose death the Soldiers would not N leave unpunished. Now in that the ways were narrow where the murther was done, and they themselves also were hindred by reason of the great number of people, and Officers and Soldiers that gave their attendance that day in guarding the Emperour; they took another way,Chaereas with his Confede­rates retireth into Germani­cus house. and retired themselves into Germanicus's lodging, who was Caius's Father, whom they had lately killed. This house adjoyned unto the Palace. For although the Palace was but one, yet consisted it of divers lodgings which were builded by several Emperours; whose names, whether they had begun or finished the works, were imposed upon the same Buildings. When therefore they had escaped from the press, they were in safety as long as the inconvenience that had befallen the Emperour was yet hidden.The Germans Caesars Guard. The first report of his death came to the Ger­mans O who were of his Guard, being a Company chosen out of that Nation named the Celtique Band, for the preservation of the Emperours Person. These men [Page 511] A are very prone unto wrath, and amongst all other Barbarians, it is a rare thing in them to examine the causes of their execution: otherwise they are men strong in bo­dy, and who in the Wars always give the first onset, yielding great advantage to those on whose side they fight. They having notice of Caius murther, were vehemently grieved thereat, for that it is their manner to censure all things not according to right, but as they were answerable to their own profits: Caius especially was dearly beloved by them, for he had obtained their favour by bestowing much money upon them. Their Captain was one called Sabinus, who was not advanced to that dignity, either for his virtue or for the Nobility of his Ancestors (for he was but a Fencer) but for his mighty strength and huge body. They therefore ran about with B their naked swords searching for Caesars murtherers from house to house;Sabinus with his German Souldiers seeketh for those that slew [...]. and meet­ing with Asprenas at first, whose Gown (as we have said) was bebloodied with the blood of the sacrifice, which was a presage that boded him but little good for­tune, they hewed him in pieces. The second was Norbanus (who for his Nobility and Ancestors might derive his Titles from the noblest Citizens, amongst whom were divers Generals of Armies) who seeing they made no reckoning of his Dignity,Asprenas cut in pieces. and being of himself endowed with great force and strength,Norbanus. he took a sword from one of them which first assailed him; with whom he grapled, and made them know that he intended they should buy his blood very dearly; [...]nd indeed so had he done, but that, being environed by divers, who assailed him at once, he was beaten C down,Anteius. and struck with many deadly wounds. The third was Anteius, one of the number of the Senators, who with some others met not with these men by chance, as the two other had done; but to shew the hatred that he bare unto Caius, and the pleasure that he took to see him lye dead, was come out of his house, being eg­ged on with envy to feed his eyes with that spectacle. For Caius had banished An­teius Father, whose name likewise was Anteius, and not content therewith, he had sent his Souldiers to kill him. He therefore with great pleasure beheld the car­case of this Tyrant; but hearing the uproar that was raised in every part of the house, he thought good to hide himself: yet could he not avoid the narrow search of the Germans, who were so displeased, that they killed all they met, whether they were D guilty or guiltless of the fact: Thus were these three made away.

But after the rumour of Caius death was heard in the Theatre,What sort of people they were that la­mented Caius death. every one was ama­zed, and could scarcely believe it. For although divers of them were very glad that he was taken out of the world, perswading themselves that it would highly profit them; yet did their fear hinder their belief. On the other side, there were some, who desiring not that any such mishap should befal Caesar, and conceiving in their thoughts, that it was impossible to be done, for that there was no men so bold, as to attempt it; they supposed the report to be altogether false. Of this mind were certain women and children, slaves and souldiers. These by reason they received wages at his hand, tyrannized with him, being his ministers in all those abuses that he E offered to many good Citizens, in partaking the booty, and other advantages that Caius drew unto him. As for the Women and Children, they were of that opinion, by reason that such kind of people take delight in Plays, Jests, Donations of flesh, and other such Pastimes, which Caius in word pretended to do to gratifie the common people, but in effect it was to have means to satisfie his rage and cruelty. He was al­so gracious among the servants and slaves, for that by him they had liberty to ac­cuse and contemn their Masters, and were therein countenanced by Caius. For when they falsly accused their Masters, they were easily believed; and when they discover­ed their Masters treasures, in recompense of their discovery they were not only made free by him, but also sent home with rich and ample rewards. For the reward that F was assigned them, was the eighth part of those goods that were confiscated. As for certain of the Nobility, although the matter seemed true to some of them, for that before they were privy to that which the rest intended, and notwithstanding they desired that the enterprize should be effected; yet kept they all things close, and gave no sign of joy, nor made any shew that they heard that which was reported. For some of them feared lest if they should be frustrated of their hope, they should bring themselves in danger of punishment, for having discovered their intent sooner than they should have done.Divers rumors of Caesars death. They likewise who knew the enter­prize and were Confederates with the Actors; yet did they more closely conceal it the one from the other, fearing lest if they should discover the matter to any one of G those, who drew any commodity from Caius tyranny, they might bewray them: whereby if Caius should be yet alive, they might incur the danger of punishment. For the report was, that he had been wounded in certain places; yet that he was not [Page 512] killed; but as yet alive, and among his Physicians hands, who dressed his wounds.H No man therefore durst freely discover the secrets of his heart to his Neighbour; for they that spread those reports, were either friends (and for that cause were suspected as favourers of his Tyranny) or enemies, and by that means, in that they were but sini­sterly affected towards Caius, there was no certainty to be gathered of that which they said. There arose also another report, which daunted and beat down the hearts and hopes of the Nobility; namely, that Caius setting light by the danger wherein he was, and as little also by the wounds he had received, was come into the Market-place all bloody as he was, and after this manner declaimed before the people: See here, how they that spread these rumours, preferred their conjectures, which were void of all reason: which distracted those that heard it, according as they were affected. Notwithstand­ing I all this, no man removed from his place, for fear lest they should be suddenly ac­cused; knowing well that they should be accused, not according to their thoughts and affections, but according to the disposition of their Judges and Accusers.

But after that the Germans had environed the Theatre with their naked Swords,The German Soldiers re­sort to the Theatre. all that were present expected nothing but death; and as soon as any man entred, they were seized with such an amazement, as if they had already felt the strokes; so that they knew not what to do, having no heart to depart from thence; and otherwise perswading themselves, that if they stayed there any longer, it would breed them fur­ther danger. At length, when the Soldiers were entred into the Theatre by force, all the Assembly cried out, protesting that whatsoever was done, it was besides their K knowledg, whether it were either attempted by Conspiracy, or any other means. They therefore most humbly entreated them, that they would spare them, and not inflict the penalty of the guilty on those that were innocent: For their own parts, they pray­ed them to search out those who had committed the act, if any such thing were com­mitted. And thus spake they with tears, beating their breasts, and calling the Gods to witness; alledging that which the present danger suggested them with, and as much as such as pleaded for their lives could say. By these perswasions of theirs the Soldiers fu­ry was abated, so that they began to repent for what they had executed in the Thea­tre; for this also was a cruelty, as they themselves (notwithstanding their barbarous incivility) supposed it to be, which was, that the heads of Asprenas and others that were L killed, were carried and set upon an Altar. Whereat all the Assistants were most griev­ously discontented, remembring themselves of the dignity of the men, and having com­passion of that which had befallen them; considering also, that they themselves were not far off from dangers, being uncertain whether they should save themselves: where­by it came to pass, that some of those who had cause to hate Caius, durst not freely re­joyce at his death, because they were upon the point to lose their own lives, having as yet no appearance of any safety.

At length Auruntius, Auruntius entreth the Theatre, and signifieth the Emperour's death. a man who was gracious among the people, and was one of the common Criers, who had a strong voice; and by crying such goods as were to be sold, had gathered so great substance, as that he was accounted one of the richest men in M Rome, and in great esteem amongst all men in that behalf, entred the Theatre in a mourning Habit, and after a lamentable manner: And although he inwardly hated Ca­ius, yet for the fear he conceived lest he should lose his goods, and in consideration of the present danger, he dissembled his joy; wearing all those Garments of mourning, and using no less lamentation, than if he had bemoaned the death of his dearest friend. After this manner he came into the Theatre, publishing Caius's death, to the intent that the people might not be ignorant of that which had hapned:The Germans fury, awaken­ed by the death of Caius, is pacified. After this, he began to repress the rage of the Germans, and commanded their Captains and Tribunes to put up their Swords, assuring them of the Emperour's death; which act of his did manifest­ly save the lives of all those who were assembled in the Theatre, and all them likewise,N whom they could have met with. For if they had had but the least surmise, that Caius had as yet been alive, there was not any sort of cruelty which they had not commit­ted: For they bare him so great love and affection, that to secure him from that mis­fortune, they would have redeemed him with the loss of their own lives. But as soon as they understood he was dead, they repressed their furious rage, which egged them forward to revenge; knowing that it availed them nothing, to discover their affecti­ons towards him, in that he could yield them no requital. Besides, the fear they had, lest, that in pursuit of their Tyrannous Murthers, the Senate should be incensed against them, if so be the Government of the Estate should be returned into their hands, made them contain themselves. Thus was the fury of those Germans appeased for the death O of Caius.

Mean-while Chaereas (who feared very much, lest Minucianus should fall into the [Page 513] A Germans hands, and in their fury be murthered by them) sought for him among the Soldiers; enquiring of every one, whether they knew if he were killed or no. Where­upon Minucianus and Clement were brought unto him, who in his presence commended Chaereas's exploit, and gave him thanks in the name of the whole Senate; who witnes­sed that it was to the general benefit,Chaereas, Mi­nucianus, and Clement con­sult about Caesar's death. and good of the Commonweal; and that the greatest persons were beholding to him, for that he had neither wanted good advice in his deliberation, nor courage to execute his resolution; alledging that the nature of Tyranny was such, that being puffed up with a short pleasure of unjust and intolerable rule, it finally (as being hated by all good men) determined and ended in misery, as manifestly appeared in that which had befallen Caius; who, before any thing was ei­ther B devised, practised or executed against him, was already hateful to all men; and had in such sort violated all Laws, that his greatest friends were resolved to take Arms against him, who in appearance had deprived him of life, when both in truth and in ef­fect it was he himself, who was the Author of his own ruine.

Hereupon all they arose who were in the Theatre,Arcion a cer­tain Physician dismisseth some. and raised great noise and trouble in seeking to save themselves. The occasion was, that a certain Physician called Arcion, being called out to go and dress certain men that were wounded; making a shew as if he went to go and prepare such things as were necessary for those that were wounded, made those issue out with him who sate nearest unto him; but the truth was, he did it to the end to draw them out of the present danger.The Senate and people en­quire after those that slew Caius. Valeri­us Asiaticus wisheth he had been the Author. Mean-while the Senate assembled C themselves in the Palace, and the people flocked together to make enquiry after those who had murthered Caius: The people with an entire and simple intent, the Senate only to use some formal proceeding. For Valerius Asiaticus, who had formerly been Consul, came forth among the people, who were in an uproar; and supposing it a strange matter that no man knew who had killed the Emperour, whilst every one enquired who it was that had done the deed; O, said he, would it had been I that had done it. But the Consuls published an Edict, containing the Accusations that were presented a­gainst Caius; commanding the people and Soldiers, who were as yet in the Theatre, to retire themselves to their Lodgings. And the people were put in great hope, that they should be eased of those Taxations, wherewith they had been burthened: And the D Soldiers were promised Honours and Dignities, if they would contain themselves in their accustomed order, and stir up no further trouble. For it was to be feared, lest if they had been further fleshed in Murthers, the City should have fallen into some great danger, through Rapines and Spoils both of Houses and Temples. But by this time all the whole Senate was assembled, especially those who were Confederates in Caius's murther; who seemed to gather courage, and to speak boldly, as if the Government of the Estate had been fallen into their hands.

E CHAP. II.
The Soldiers resolve to promote Claudius, Caius's Ʋnkle, to the Imperial Dignity. Sa­turninus's Speech in the Senate, for Liberty. Chaereas sends to kill the Empress Ce­sonia, Caius's Wife, and her Daughter. Caius's good and evil Qualities. The Sol­diers carry Claudius into the Camp, to make him Emperour: The Senate sends to him, to pray him to forbear.

WHilst the Estate of the Empire was thus distracted,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap 2. Claudius was suddenly fetcht out of his house:The Soldiers elect Claudius Emperour. for the Soldiers assembling themselves together, and confer­ring among themselves what was requisite to be done, perceived that it was impossible F that so many, and so weighty affairs of the Commonweal, should be well managed by a Popular Government; and grant it could be possible, that it would yield them little or no profit: On the other side, if it should happen that one of the chiefest of the Se­nate were chosen, that he would prove their enemy, for not having contributed to his Election. Whilst therefore, the Sovereign Authority remained as yet undisposed of, they thought fit to elect Claudius, who was Caius's Unkle, for their Emperour; who was a man of that reputation, that none of those who were assembled in the Senate, was more capable than he was, both in regard of his Birth, and also of his good Education; who likewise being by them exalted to the Dignity of the Empire, would honour them and with all answerable bounty acknowledg their good deserts. Wherefore they resolved to G go to his Lodging, and take him out to declare him Emperour; Cnaeus Sentius Saturninus, hearing of it and conceiving that there was no time to be lost, to witness both his worth and his courage; he got up (as if he had been compelled, but in effect, of his own ac­cord) [Page 514] and spoke after this manner with a confidence suitable to those brave men, who H have made all the world admire the Glory of the Roman Generosity.

You Lords of Rome, although it be incredible, that the Liberty which hath so long time been unexpected, should return and visit us; yet so it is, that we see the excellency thereof, although it be uncertain how long time the Gods will bestow it on us; which is such,Cnaius Sentius Saturninus de­claimeth in the Senate. that it may rejoyce us for the present, what issue soever it may have hereafter. For to them that know what Virtue is, it is no small felicity to live one hour in freedom of mind, and in a free Countrey,Liberty a pre­cious thing. and governed by such Laws, which in times past have made our Common­weal to flourish. For mine own part, I cannot remember our ancient Liberty, for that I was born after the subversion thereof: But I infinitely desire to have the happy fruition of that which we enjoy at this present. And I think them also very happy, who are born and I brought up in virtuous Studies. I likewise suppose that a second honour next to the immor­tal Gods, is to be ascribed to them, by whose Virtue at last, though very late, even in this our Age, we have obtained the felicity to enjoy the same; which happiness would God, with our Inheritance, we might bequeath to our Posterity. For in regard of our selves, this day sufficeth us both, as well all those that are young, as they also who are old. For the Aged shall forsake this life with more pleasure, in that they have had the knowledge of that Blessing, which is joyned to their Liberty: And the younger shall be furnished with a Royal Exam­ple, in admiring and knowing their Virtues, by whom we enjoy this benefit of Freedom. For in regard of the present time,Liberty pur­chased by Virtue. there is not any thing that we ought more earnestly to af­fect, than to live virtuously; for only Virtue is the thing that confirmeth men in their Li­berty.K Tyrannies breed many mischiefs in Common­weals. I cannot speak of the time past, but only by hear-say; but for what I have seen with mine eyes, and perceived by my observation, I know how great mischiefs Tyrannies do ordi­narily breed in a Politick Estate: For they utterly exstinguish all Virtue, and deprive Free men of all that perfect magnanimity that may be in them; and teach both to flatter, and to fear, for that the Commonweal is abandoned, not to the wisdom of the Laws, but to the fury of intemperate Governours.Julius Caesar. For since Jullius Caesar bent his thoughts to overthrow the Popular Government in Rome. and violated the happy course of Law, whereby our State flourished, the Commonweal hath been overthrown. For in subjecting the Law to his good liking, and himself to his particular desires, there is not any kind of misery and mischief, that hath not overthrown our City; so that his Successors have employed themselves to the L uttermost, and with a certain emulation, to abolish the Laws of our Countrey; striving which of them might diprive our Commonweal of her Noblest Citizens: For that they have made their account, that their security consisted in communicating their secrets with such as were hase and abject; abasing, not only the great Courages of those men, who were famous for their Nobility and Virtue; but also by murthering a great number of them by all sorts of Punishments: And whilst all of them endeavoured to be absolute in their Command, they made it their business to oppress the Commonwealth.

But amongst all the rest, Caius, who this day hath lost the benefit of life, hath wrought greater mischiefs himself alone, than any other, by discharging his brutish and beastly wrath, not only against the common Citizens, but also against his own Parents and Friends; de­meaning M himself alike towards all men; and manifesting his injustice, in that he pursued them most, who were most innocent; and by this means grew hateful, not only to men, but also to the Immortal Gods. For it is not enough for Tyrants to satisfie their Concupiscence, to use all sorts of Injuries, to ravish both men's Wealth and their Wives; but also, they glo­ry, when they may utterly ruine both their Fortunes and Families, who are their enemies. For all Liberty is opposed against Tyranny, and it is impossible (notwithstanding all the mi­series that may be imagined or offered) that Free-men should agree with Tyrants, how lit­tle time soever it be that they have exercised their Tyranny. They also know too well, with how many mischiefs they have entangled their Subjects (although they have not the spirits to revenge themselves of those wrongs that are done unto them) and being well assured into N what incumbrances they have drawn them, perswade themselves, that they have but one on­ly means left them to secure themselves from suspitions, and to procure their own security; which is,An Exhortati­on to maintain Liberty. to put them to death, if they may possibly do it. Since therefore at this time you are delivered from so many mischiefs, and are no more subject, except to one another (which is a Pledge of Concord for the present, and of security in time to come, and Glory unto him that hath redressed the Estate) you shall deal very well and wisely in my opinion, to provide for the Commonweal; foreseeing very diligently, all that which concerneth the good and profit thereof. It is free for any man to speak his opinion of that which displeaseth him, for that there is no Superiour to countermand their saying, or that is exempt from reproof, if he offend against the Commonweal, or that may threaten with the Authority of O an Emperour, for that shall be said. For what else, in these later times, hath encreased and furthered our over-topping Tyranny, than their slothful fear, who durst in no wise oppose [Page 515] A themselves against his Lust? For being entangled by a certain kind of pleasure of a quiet life, and accustomed to live after the manner of Slaves, and being afraid also to die vir­tuously, and desirous to live with shame, we are fallen into these scarce sufferable Calami­ties, and into such mischiefs as have concerned us too nearly. First of all therefore, you ought to honour those who have killed the Tyrant,Chaereas to be honoured for his Noble At­tempt. by dignifying them with as great honours as may be imagined, and especially Chaereas. For he only hath been the man, who by the power of the Gods, and through his great wisdom and valour, hath given you your Liber­ty. Neither ought you to forget him, but to heap Honours on his head; yea, special favours, as to the man who first of all consulted, and first of all hazarded himself against a Tyrant, for your liberty. It is an honest, and well-beseeming action of men of free hearts, to re­store B and repay suitable kindness for the benefits they have received: Such is this man in your behalf; not like to Brutus and Cassius, who murthered Caesar; for they were the Ori­ginals of Seditions and Civil Wars in this City: And this man, by the death of a Tyrant, hath not only at once delivered you of him, but also hath cut off those mischiefs that arose by him.

Thus spake Sentius, and his advice was entertained with great applause, not only by the Senators, but the Knights also that were there present. Whereupon, a Senator, cal­led Trebellius Maximus, arose; and stepping to him, pulled off the Ring which Sentius had on his finger, wherein was inchased a Stone with Caius's Picture in it, which Sen­tius had forgot to pull off; so intent was he about that which he both said and did; C and by this means the engraved Image was broken. Now, in regard it was late, Chae­reas demanded the Watch-word from the Consul;Chaereas re­quireth a Watchword at the Consuls hands. who gave him the word, Liberty. They were all astonished at this change, and could scarcely believe that which hapned. For since the Popular Government had been abolished, the Consuls had never given the Watch-word, until that present time: For before the City was oppressed by Ty­ranny, the Consuls commanded the Soldiers. After that Chaereas had received the Word, he gave it his Soldiers, who subscribed to the Senate's Authority: Of these there were about four Companies, which preferred the Lawful Government before a Tyranny; who also retired themselves to their Officers. As for the people, they re­turned to their respective homes, full of joy, hope and courage, for that they had re­gained D the Government of the State, which belonged unto them, and not to any parti­cular Governour. In a word, Chaereas was their only hope: He foreseeing that there would some mischief follow, if Caius's Wife and Daughter should remain alive; and that if all his Friends and Family should not be utterly extinguished, all those who should be spared, would serve to no other end, but to the ruine of the Commonweal, and the Laws: And on the other side, desiring to see an end of that which he had be­gun, Chaereas send­eth Julius Lu­pus to kill Ca­ius's Wife and Daughter. and to satisfie that hatred he had conceived against Caius; he sent Julius Lupus, one of the Captains of the Guard, to kill both his Wife and Daughter; which he did. And the cause why he gave this charge chiefly to Lupus, was, for that Lupus was Cle­ment's Kinsman, who was a Confederate in the execution of Caius; to the end, that E partaking after this manner in the death of the Tyrant, he might be known to have dealt as forwardly for the Commonweal, as if, from the beginning, he had been a Counseller and Agent in the Conspiracy. Notwithstanding there were some of his Companions of that opinion, that it should be but a cruelty to deal with a woman in that sort, for that Caius, had offended through the corruption of his own Nature, and not by the counsel of his Wife; and that all those evils which he committed in the Commonweal, by de­solating the Flower thereof, was his own offence, not hers.

There were others that accused her to be the cause of all that which Caius had com­mitted; alledging that she had given him an Amorous Drink, by which he was ti­ed and entangled in such sort unto her, and so led and transported by her love, that F she governed all that which concerned the Estate of Rome, and the World subject to Rome: But her Defenders prevailed nothing. For at length it was resolved she should lose her life.

To finish this Tragedy Lupus was dispatcht, who lost no time in the accomplishment of their intent who had sent him, for fear he might have been blamed, and accounted but coldly affectionate towards the good of the Commonweal. Therefore, as soon as he came into the Palace, he found Caesonia, Caius's Widow, lying by the body of her murthered Husband, destitute of all that which the Law gratifieth those that are dead with;Caesonia accus­eth Caius, for that he would not give cre­dit to her Counsels. altogether bloody, and greatly afflicted; having her Daughter lying by her: being in this condition, she was heard to utter no other words, but that she blamed G Caius, for that he had not given credit to that counsel which she had given him so of­ten; which words of hers, were by some interpreted two ways; for some thought that she meant, that she had counselled her Husband to give over his Cruelty, and [Page 516] murthers which he exercised against his Citizens; and that in his Government, he H should use a tempered measure with virtue, for fear, lest his Subjects misliking of his manners, should seek his destruction. Others took it, as if she had encouraged Caius to set upon the Conspirators, and kill them without any delay; yea, before they had committed any offence, and by that means provide for his security. They therefore said, that Caesonia blamed Caius, for that he had behaved himself too carelesly, in that wherein she had counselled him. Such were the words which Caesonia spake, and such was the exposition, as divers men interpreted them.

She seeing Lupus coming, shewed him Caius's body, and prayed him with tears and complaints to come nearer: But perceiving that he made no answer, then she knew the cause of his arrival, and offered her naked throat unto him with a great courage, using I such expressions as they ordinarily do, who despair of their lives; she desired him to defer no longer to finish that Tragedy which his Companions had begun; and so died couragiously, by the hand of Lupus: and after her, was her Daughter killed, which was very young. This did Lupus assure Chaereas of with all expedition. This was Caius's end,Caius a wicked man. after he had reigned four years wanting four months. Before such time as he ob­tained the Empire, he was an intemperate and wicked man, and addicted to his plea­sure, a favourer of Tale-bearers, exceeding fearful; and for that cause, when he got the upper hand of any man, he was ready to kill him. He esteemed this the only fruit of his power, to abuse it against Innocents; and to gather and heap up great spoils and Booties, by wicked and unjust Murthers, Rapines and Oppressions; lifting himself a­bove K all Humane Authority, and affecting to be esteemed as a God, suffering himself to be transported by the people's Praises; All that which the Law condemned and punished, as a thing most detestable, that made he use of to punish Virtue with. He ne­ver remembred any friendship that had been done him, how great soever it either was or had been, when he was in his passion; and was apt to inflict punishments in his rage, on just and upright men.Caius given o­ver to Lust. All that which was answerable to Virtue, was odious in his eyes. In all things that pleased him, he had so violent Appetites, that it was impossi­ble to contradict him; so that he was not ashamed to use the unlawful company of his own Sister: Whereby it came to pass, that the Citizens of Rome began to hate him ex­treamly, for that the like had not been seen or heard of; of a long time men could not L believe it, notwithstanding they sufficiently expressed the hatred they bare against the fact he had committed. It cannot be said of him, that he builded any work beseeming his Royal Magnificence,Caius builded a Haven. worthy the mentioning, or profitable either to the present or future world; except some Ports that he made near to Rhegium and Sicilia, for Har­bour of such Ships as came and went into Egypt for Corn; which doubtless, is a stately work, and very profitable for such as travel by Sea. True it is, that it was not brought to perfection, but only half finished, because the Work-men wrought slowly. But the chief cause thereof was, that he spent his study in unprofitable matters, and loved ra­ther to consume his Substance, to feed his own private Lusts, wherein he took great de­light, than to erect and build any goodly and famous Work, which might have re­dounded M to the profit of the Common-weal.Caius an excel­lent Orator. Otherwise, he was an eloquent man, and very expert in the Greek and Vulgar Roman Tongues, apprehending presently that which others said; and although they had been tedious in their expressions, yet he answered them in an instant; and in Affairs of Consequence, he had such a moving per­swasion and power, that no man could exceed him, both in regard of his quick Wit, and easie apprehension, because he had taken pains, and had exercised himself in Learn­ing. For being Tiberius's Brother's Son, whose Successor he also was, he was enforced to be studious; seeing that Tiberius, who was of the same years, was in like manner ex­cellently learned. Caius therefore enforced himself to imitate the Emperour Tiberius, whose near Kins-man he was; and surpassed all those that were in Rome at that time:N Yet, notwithstanding all these great advantages, which his good instruction had bred in him, could not hinder the misfortune that befell him, by the abuse of his Authority. So rare a thing it is to see them who have liberty, to do what they list without punish­ment, to govern themselves with modesty. In the beginning he took delight in the friendship of very honest men, to get credit and reputation, thinking to outstrip the most excellent: But after he was given over to licentiousness, the affection that he bare them was changed; and instead thereof, he grew more averse from them daily; where­by they were enforced to conspire against him, and seek his ruine.

Now,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 3. as I have heretofore declared, Claudius understanding of that which had be­fallen Caius his Nephew, and seeing all his house wholly troubled for this occasion,O was in such distress, that he knew not what to do to save himself; but went and hid himself in a certain corner, where he was surprized, having no other cause to apprehend [Page 515] A his danger, except his Nobility. For during the time that he lived a private man, he behaved himself modestly, kindly, and favourably unto all men, being well seen in the Sciences, and principally in the Greek tongue, shunning as much as in him lay, all tumult and train that might breed trouble. When as therefore the people at that time were wholly amazed at the trouble, and the Palace was full of fury and fear, and nothing reigned more in general than confusion and disorder; the Souldiers of the Guard, who were the most experienced and bold, consulted amongst themselves what course they were to take. Neither were they much discontented with Caius death, in that they supposed that upon just occasion, he was put to death, for which cause they rather bethought themselves on that which concerned their fortunes, and how they B might assure themselves in those dangers, seeing the Germans were wholly bent against those, who had killed Caius; rather incited thereunto of their own cruel natures, than of any good affection they had towards the welfare of the Common weal. All which things troubled Claudius, and put him in fear of his life, the rather for that he saw Aspre­nas head and the rest of the Nobility that were massacred, carried about to be seen: for this cause he kept himself in a certain place, which was only accessible by certain steps or stairs, and hid himself therein, because it was obscure. In that place one of the Souldiers of the Palace called Gratus, being unable to discern who he was, in regard of the obscurity of the place, and supposing him to be some one that desired to be concealed, he drew near unto him to the intent he might the C better know him: and when Claudius besought him, that he would depart and leave him, he passed the more onwards, and laying hold of him and drawing him into the light, knew him; crying out to those that followed him: This is Germanicus, let us take hold of him, and create him Emperour. Claudius perceiving that he was ready to be attached, and fearing lest they should put him to death as they had done Caius, besought them that they would pardon him, protesting unto them his inno­cency, and how he had no ways been either accessary or agent in that which had been done. Whereupon Gratus beginning to smile, took him by the hand, saying, that he had no cause to suspect his life: ‘For (said he) it behoveth thee to rouse up thy spirits, and to bethink thee how to govern an Empire, of which the gods (who D have the care of the whole world) have deprived Caius, to reward thy virtue with. Arise therefore, and take possession of the Throne of thine Ancestors.’ This said, he lifted him on his shoulders, for that Claudius could not walk on foot, through the fear and joy that he had conceived of that which had been told him.

Upon these speeches divers of the Souldiers of the Guard assembled about Gratus and perceiving that it was Claudius, whom they supposed to be dragged to his death, they had compassion of him as on an innocent, for that they knew him to be a man of a milde nature, who all the time of his life intermedled with nothing, and who in like sort had been often in great danger during Caius life. There were others of them that said,Claudius a­gainst his will drawn unto the Empire. that the judgment of this matter belonged to the Consuls: whereupon, E although a great number of Souldiers flocked about him, and the simple people that were unarmed fled from them; yet could not Claudius go on his way; so weak and feeble felt he himself in his whole body. It fortuned likewise, that they who carried his litter, perceiving his plight, fled away for fear, and left him, so little hope had they that their Master should escape with his life, whom they saw to be thus drawn by the Souldiers. Now when Gratus and his Associates were arrived in the Court of the Palace, which (as it is reported) is the place which was first of all inhabited in Rome, they began to think upon that which was to be done: thither also there flocked a great number of other Souldiers unto them,The cause that induceth the Army to make Claudi­us Emperour. who took pleasure to behold Claudius, enforcing themselves to place him in the Imperial Dignity, in regard of F that good affection which they bare to Germanicus his Brother, whose memory was much honoured among all those, who had conversed with him. Moreover, they ripped up how many avaritious acts the Senate had committed, and how great errors the chiefest Senators had been guilty of, before the Publick Government was changed. Moreover, they considered the danger and difficulty of their actions then in hand, for that the Government being administred by one only man, would be dangerous for them, if he should obtain the same by any other means; whereas if Claudius should enjoy the same by their permission and good will, he would have them in remembrance who had favoured him, and would recompence them according to their merits. This was the effect of their discourse,Claudius car­ried on mens shoulder unto the Army. which they held among themselves, or when they met G with one another. All of them at length concluded upon this advice, and environed Claudius, and lifting him up upon their shoulders, they carried him into the Ar­my, to the intent that no man might hinder them to finish that which they intended. [Page 516] There fell a debate also betwixt the Senators and Citizens: For, the Senate desirous H to recover their former Dignity, and enforcing themselves to avoid the slavery that had befallen them by the wickedness of Tyrants, intending the maintenance of their present good fortune. Contrariwise, the people envied them that Dignity. And knowing that their Emperours should be as it were bridles,Difference betwixt the Citizens and Senators. to restrain the avarice of the Senate, and the refuge of the people, they were very glad to see that Claudius was advanced, making their account that if he were created Emperour, they should avoid a Civil war, like unto that which hapned in Pompeius time.

‘The Senate knowing that Claudius was carried into the Army by the Souldiers,The Senate perswade Claudius to resign the Dignity offer­ [...]ed him. chose out some of their order, and sent them as Embassadours in their behalfs, to signifie unto him that he ought to use no violence in obtaining the Empire, but ra­ther I to remit the charge of the Common-weal to the Senate. That he both was and should be one of the Senators, and have the conduct of the Common-weal, and dis­pose it according to Law, perswading him to call unto his remembrance those grievous mischiefs, which the former Tyrants had wrought in the Common-weal, and what dangers he himself had also suffered with them, during the reign of Caius their late Emperour. That it should ill become him, who had detested the fury of others ty­ranny, now willingly to be drawn to oppose himself against his Countrey. That if he would obey them, and continue to express the virtue and constancy of his life, which in times past he led with commendation, he should obtain those Honors which free Citizens could afford him, and in suffering himself to be governed by Laws, to K the end he might have part in the command, and to be commanded in his turn, he should obtain the praise of virtue. That if he would not be disswaded by the death of Caius, which was fresh in memory, for their own parts they would hinder his proceedings as much as in them lay. They also alledged, that they were provided with Souldiers, and store of Armour, and a great number of domestick servants, all which they would employ against him: But over and above these things, they had far greater helps, namely their hope, and good fortune, and the gods, who are wont to fight for those who maintain virtue and goodness. They solemnly protested also for their own parts, that they were of that mind, that there was nothing more honest and just, than to fight for their liberty and Countrey.’ L The Embassadours that brought this message were Veranius and Broccus, who both of them were Tribunes of the people. They prostrating themselves on their knees before him, humbly besought him that he would not engage the Common-weal in a Civil war. And seeing that Claudius was inclosed with a great number of Souldiers, in respect of whom the Consuls were of no force, they besought him that it would please him to de­mand the Government at the Senates hands, and receive it from them if he were resol­ved to be Emperour; for that it would be an act more holy, and just, if he should obtain the same with their good will, and not in despight of those, who would vouch­safe it him willingly.

M

CHAP. III.
King Agrippa encourageth Claudius to accept of the Empire. The Soldiers, who had been for the Senate, forsake it, whether Chaereas would or not; and joyn with those that had sworn to Claudius. So Claudius becometh Master, and condemns Chaereas to die: He suffers with a wonderful Constancy. And Sabinus, who had been one of the chiefest of the Conspiracy, killeth himself.

ALthough Claudius knew with what presumption the Senate had sent this N Embassage,Claudius de­nieth to give over the Dig­nity that was offered him. yet he did modestly entertain the same for the present. But sup­posing that it stood very little with his security to commit himself to their trust, and being encouraged by the exhortation of the Souldiers,Hedio and Ru­ffinus. cap. 4. al▪ 3. who promised him their ut­most endeavour, and by the incitation of King Agrippa, he determined by no means to let the Soveraignty slip out of his hands, in that it was so willingly and freely be­stowed on him when he thought least on it. After that Agrippa had performed all those duties unto Caius which were requisite for such an one as had been by him advan­ced to Honour, and having taken his body and laid it in a litter, he brought him out before the Souldiers of his Guard, and assured them that Caius was yet alive, and for that he found himself sick of those wounds that he had received, he sent to seek for O Physicians. But afterwards understanding that Claudius was taken by the Souldiers, thrust so much, that he got himself passage unto him, whom he found altogether daunted, [Page 517] A and ready to surrender all things into the Senates hands; and encouraged him, to take upon him the Government of the Empire, which the Soldiers had offered him. Which done he departed, and was suddenly sent for by the Senate, whither he resort­ed altogether perfumed, as if he were returned from some Banquet, and had known nothing of that which had happened:Claudius con­firmed in his resolutions by Agrippa. 1. He therefore asked the Senators, what was be­come of Claudius, who told him of the truth; and besides that, required him to give them his opinion and counsel, touching the present Affairs: ‘His answer was, that he was ready to adventure his life in the behalf of the Senate: Yet, by the way he told them, that they ought to have an especial regard of the Commonweal, rather than all the pleasure they could pretend; and that they who would be Lords of an Em­pire, B had need of Arms and men to maintain themselves, lest being weak and un­provided, they should be deceived in their expectations. The Senate replied, that they had great store of Furniture, and that they would contribute money; that they had good store of Soldiers, to whom they would add their Slaves, and give them liberty.Agrippa tel­leth the Senate his opinion. But Agrippa replied, Would God, Grave Fathers, that you were a­ble to perform the matters you intend; yet will I not fear to discover that unto you, which concerneth you nearly. You know well, that the Army that is with Claudius, consisteth of such men, who have been long time trained up in Feats of Arms; and that those that are to fight on your side, are but men gathered together; and such as you joyn them with, are the very scum of your Slaves, who are both C untractable and untrained. We shall therefore enter fight against expert Soldiers, and commit our Fortunes to such men as scarcely know how to draw their Swords: I ra­ther think it fit that we send unto Claudius such men, as may perswade him to give over the Empire. And to perform this Message, behold my self in a readiness to be commanded by you.’

To this effect spake Agrippa; Agrippa with some others, is sent to Clau­dius. and hereunto the Senators agreed, and sent him to Claudius, appointing him others to accompany him. As soon as he came to Claudius, he secretly discovered unto him in what perplexity the Senate was, and gave him in­structions to answer and carry himself like an Emperour,Claudius's an­swer to the Ambassadors. and to shew his Dignity and Power. Whereupon Claudius gave the Ambassadours this answer; ‘That he won­dred D not that the Senate were so unwilling to be commanded by a Sovereign, in regard of that cruelty which the fore-passed Emperours had used to their destructi­on. But for the present they should taste of his mercy, and feel his moderate Rule; and they should live under the Government of such an one, who although in name he had the Imperial Authority, yet that in effect he would govern all things by their disposition. For which cause, he wished them in no sort to distrust him, whom, as they themselves could witness, they had seen and known to have dealt virtuously and justly in many Affairs, although the state of times had been far different.’ Those that were sent from the Senate hearing these words, returned back again.The Soldier's Oath taken. But Claudius instantly assembled his Army, and exacted an Oath of Fidelity E from them; bestowing on every one of them who were of his Guard in way of Largess, five thousand Drachma's, amounting to some twenty five Pound a man, of our sterling money. He presented their Captains also with Presents answerable to their Qualities, promising to perform no less bounty to all the rest, in what place soever they were. Hereupon the Consuls assembled the Senate in the Temple of Jupiter the Victorious, before day, and some of them hid themselves through the fear they had of that which should be spoken: Others departed out of the City, and resorted to their Countrey Farms, foreseeing with themselves the issue of all these things; and perceiving that their hope of Liberty was lost, they thought it far better for them to be exempt from danger, and to pass their life in quietness, though it were with Subjection, than to be F altogether uncertain of their security and safety, by maintaining the Dignity of the Se­nators: Yet, about a hundred of them drew themselves together, and no more. Now whilst they were consulting upon that which they were to do,The Soldiers require a Mo­narch at the Senates hands. they suddenly heard a shout of Soldiers that were assembled round about them, requiring the Senate to chuse them an Emperour, and not to suffer their State to be lost through a multitude of Go­vernours; and to this effect spake they, lest the Government should be given to divers, and not to one. This course of theirs gave little content to the Senators, both in re­gard of the loss of that Liberty which they expected, as through the good liking they had of Claudius; Some affect the Empire. notwithstanding, there were some that pretended some hope to be advanced, both in respect of the Nobility of their Race, as in regard of their Alliance G that they had by Marriage with the Caesars. For, Marcus Minucianus, a man of himself of Noble descent, and who had married Julia, Caius's Sister, stood up to demand the Sovereign Government; but the Consuls restrained him, alledging excuse upon excuse. [Page 518] Another, Minutiananus also, one of Caius's Tutors, withdrew Valerius Asiaticus from H thinking on those things: And there had happened as great a slaughter as had ever been heard of, had any of these had the liberty to desire the Empire, or oppose them­selves against Claudius. For amongst others, the Fencers, who were of no small number, they of the Watch, and the Saylers, joyned themselves together with the Army. They therefore, that pretended to demand the Empire, gave over their Suit, partly in the Cities behalf, partly for their own private security.

About break of day Chaereas and his Companions went forth to debate the matter with the Soldiers; and made signs to them, that he would speak with them, but they made a great noise to cut them off from proceeding any farther, for all of them were earnestly bent to have an Emperour and Sovereign Lord; and required with all I expedition, that they might have one proclaimed and known. So the Senate under­stood, by the Soldiers disdaining its Authority, that it was impossible to re-establish the Republick; and on the other side, the Soldiers mis-regarding so worthy an As­sembly, was unsufferable to Chaereas and his Confederates against Caius. At length, Chaereas being unable to conceal his Passion, and hearing that they asked for a Mo­narch, promised that he would give them one, if they would bring him a Token from Eutychus, who was the Wagoner to the Green Band, whom Caius had loved extreamly; in so much as he employed his Soldiers in servile Labours, as to build him Stables for his Horses, besides several other reproaches, threatning them that he would bring them Claudius's head; and told them that it was a shame, after having K taken the Empire from a Fool and a Mad man, to give it to a Block-head. Yet none of these words could divert them from their purpose;The Soldiers with displayed Ensigns repair to Claudius. but all of them drew their Swords, and with displayed Colours, marched towards Claudius, to unite themselves with those, who had already bound themselves by an Oath, to serve him faithful­ly. So that the Senate was abandoned, and destitute of all defence; and there was no difference betwixt private men and Consuls. All of them were astonished and confused, not knowing what to do, because they had thus provoked Claudius's dis­pleasure against them. And now fell they to reviling one another, in testimony of the repentance they conceived for their proceedings. Whereupon Sabinus, one of those who had murthered Caius, Sabinus rather chuseth death than to allow of Claudius. arose, and protested, that he would sooner cut his L own throat, than consent to the establishment of Claudius, or behold with his eyes, the misery and thraldom of his Countrey: He likewise encouraged Chaereas; telling him that he deserved very little by cutting off Caius, if he thought to live without the Liberty of his Countrey. To which he answered, that he made no account of his life; yet that he intended to sound Claudius's mind, and with this resolution they concluded.Q▪ Pompeius the Consul, with others, resort to Clau­dius. Mean while some of the Senators thought on every side to break through the midst and thickest of the Soldiers, to go and do reverence and homage to Clau­dius: amongst whom was Q. Pompeius one of the Consuls, whom the Soldiers accus­ed to be one of the principal Actors to incite the Senate to recover their Liberty; and they drew their Swords against him; and if Claudius had not restrained them,M they had surely dispatched him: But he made him sit down by him, and by that means delivered him from the danger. The other Senators, who accompanied him, were not entertained thus honourably; but some of them were wounded, even then when they pressed forth to salute Claudius: Apomus retired himself sore wounded, and the rest were in great danger to lose their lives.Claudius is perswaded by Agrippa, to use the Sena­tors more mildly. But King Agrippa drawing near unto Claudius, desired him to use as much lenity as was possible in him towards the Senators; for that if any mischief should betide them, he should have no other per­sons to command. To the which Counsel of his Claudius gave place, and assembled the Senate in the Palace, causing himself to be carried thorough the City in the com­pany of his Soldiers, who marched before him, keeping back the common people.N But amongst those that killed Caius, Chaereas and Sabinus were come out into the streets, notwithstanding, they were forbidden by Pollio, whom not long before, Claudius had made Captain of his Guard. And as soon as Claudius came into the Palace, whither he assembled his friends, he pronounced sentence against Chaereas. For although his action was accounted both generous and noble, yet he was condemned for this, be­cause he was perfidious; whereupon he was adjudged to die, to give example to o­thers, to the end that Princes and Emperours may hereafter live in safety. He was therefore led to his death with Lupus, Those that murthered Caius are ex­ecuted. and divers other Romans. It is said of Chaereas, that he endured this accident with a great courage, which he expressed, not only in that he changed not his countenance, but also by the reproaches which he gave Lupus, O who wept. For when Lupus was putting off his Cloaths, and complained of the cold that he felt, he taunted him thus, alluding to his name, which was Lupus; That never any cold [Page 519] A did harm to a Wolf. Furthermore, when he came to the place of Execution, where a great number of people were gathered together to behold the spectacle, he asked the Soldier that was appointed to behead him, if he were a cunning heads-man, and whether he had a new Sword; wishing him to use that wherewith he murthered Caius. His death was happy, for he received but one stroke; whereas Lupus was faint-hearted and received divers, because he stretched not out his neck freely. Some few days af­ter, at such time as the Romans solemnized their Expiations, and that every one ho­noured the memory of his dear Friend, they gave Chaereas a part of that honour, and cast his portion into the fire; saying, That was to deface and purge their ingratitude whereof they were guilty towards him. Thus ended Chaereas his Life. But for Sabinus, B although Claudius had not only absolved him, but also suffered him to exercise his Of­fice, as he had done before;Sabinus Kil­leth himself. yet he thought that he should do amiss, and against Ju­stice, if he falsified his Faith to his Associates and Confederates; for which cause he shortned his own days, thrusting his Sword through his own body, to the very hilts.

CHAP. IV.
Claudius the Emperour confirmeth Agrippa in his Kingdom, adding Judaea and Sama­ria C thereunto: He giveth the Kingdom of Chalcis to Herod, Agrippa's Brother; and maketh Edicts in favour of the Jews.

ONe of the first things that Claudius did after his establishment in the Empire,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap 5. was to disband those Soldiers whom he suspected; and published an Edict, by which he confirmed the Kingdom to Agrippa, Alias, 4. that Caius had given him, accompanying his bounty with many Praises;Claudius giv­eth Agrippa, Judaea, Sama­ria, and Lysa­nias's Coun­trey. adding moreover unto his Government all that which his Grandfather had possessed; towit, Judaea and Samaria, which in that they were as one Lawful Inheritance, appertained unto him. He gave him also out of his own Dominions, Abela, and all the Countrey about Libanus, that in times past appertained to Lysanias. And D he caused the Alliance that was past betwixt them, to be engraven and registred in an open place of the City of Rome. Antiochus King of Coma­gena. He took from Antiochus the Kingdom that he had, and gave him in exchange a portion of Cilicia and Comagena. He set Alexander Lysimachus Alebarcha at liberty,Alexander Lysimachus Alebarcha. who had been his old Friend, and sometimes Governour in Ara­bia, and once his Mother Antonia's Steward; who had been committed Prisoner through Caius's displeasure, and espoused Bernice, Agrippa's Daughter, to his Son Marcus; which after the death of Marcus, who died before he was maried, was after­wards married with her Father Agrippa's allowance,Herod, A­grippa's Bro­ther created King of Chal­cis. to Herod his Brother, for whom A­grippa begg'd of Claudius the Kingdom of Chalcis. At that very time, the Jews that were in the City of Alexandria, mutined against the Greeks: For after Caius's death, E the Nation of the Jews which had been oppressed during his Reign, and injuriously dealt withal by the Alexandrines,Sedition in Alexandria, betwixt the Greeks and Jews. recovered their former courage. For which cause Claudius gave Commission to the Governour of Egypt, to pacifie and appease that Up­roar. He sent also his Letters Patents into Alexandria and Syria, at the request of the two Kings, Agrippa and Herod, to this effect:

Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, Claudius's E­dict in favour of the Jews in Alexandria. Father of the people, signifieth this that followeth: Ʋnderstanding that the Jews Inhabitants in Alexandria, and for that cause called Alexandrines, have at all times enjoyed the self same Privileges of the City, which the ancient and first Alexandrines have had: Which Favours they have obtained by the Leave of those Princes that were our Predecessors, as it hath been plainly made known F unto us, as well by Letters which have been written unto us, as by confirmed Decrees: And that since Alexandria hath been united to our Empire by Caesar Augustus, their Privileges have continued in force during the several Successions of many of our Governours; which Rights of theirs have never been called in question, no not in that time when Aquila was Governour in Alexandria: Since in like sort Caesar Augustus hath not letted them, but when the Governour of their Nation was dead, they might establish other Substitutes and Governours in his place; commanding that all of them should yield him obedience in obser­vation of their Laws and Customs, without constraint or impulsion to do any thing contra­ry to their Religion. Yet notwithstanding, the Alexandrines have mutined against the Jews, being in the City of Alexandria, in the time of the Emperour Caius, by reason of the G folly and frenzy of Caius, who disgraced and oppressed the Nation of the Jews, because they would not violate their Religion, nor acknowledge the said Caius for a God. Our Will and Pleasure is, that no one of the Privileges of the Nation of the Jews be abolished by [Page 520] reason of Caius's frenzy; but my mind is to maintain those which heretofore have been H given them, to the end they may continue and live according to their ancient Laws and Customs: Commanding you and every one of you very carefully to provide, that after the publication of this our Ordinance, they be in no ways troubled. This was the Tenour of that Ordinance which was made in favour of the Jews in Alexandria.

But that which was generally made in favour of those, Claudius's E­dict in the be­half of the Jews scatter­ed thorough the whole Em­pire. who were dispersed thorough the whole World, was to this effect: Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, High Priest, Father of the people, elected Consul the second time, signifieth that which en­sueth. Our well-beloved Friends, the Kings, Agrippa and Herod, have required us, that we will permit all those Jews that live under the Roman Empire, to use the same Laws and Privileges which they have used heretofore, as we have granted to the Jews that dwell in A­lexandria. I Which Suit of theirs we have willingly granted; not only in favour of those that require the same, but also for that I think them worthy of such a favour; for whom I have been entreated, in regard of the fidelity and friendship they have always expressed to­wards the Romans. My pleasure therefore is, that no City, either Grecian or otherwise, shall deny any privilege, from whence they shall be excluded; for that since the Emperour Augustus, they have never been exempted from them. It standeth with reason therefore, that henceforth the Jews that live under our Empire, of what place soever they be, may ob­serve their ancient Customs without any contradiction: Giving them to understand, that hereafter they use our Clemency so much the more moderately, without neglecting the Re­ligion of other Nations, in retaining their own. And our will is, that this present Or­dinance K be published by the Magistrates of Cities, Colonies and Countreys of Italy, and be sent unto Kings and Foreign Princes, by sit Ambassadours, within thirty days at the least to the end that they should be in such sort set up, that they may be seen and read by all those that pass by.

CHAP. V.
King Agrippa goeth to his Kingdom, and putteth his Chain, being a token of his Im­prisonment, into the Sacred Treasury of the Temple of Jerusalem. He provideth for L the Dignity of the High Priesthood: He is highly displeased at the Dorites insolence, who had caused Caesar's Statue to be erected in the Jews Synagogue.

BY these Edicts of Claudius Caesar, Claudius send­eth Agrippa into his King­dom. which he sent both to Alexandria, and other parts of the World, it plainly appeareth how well affected he was towards the Nation of the Jews. And presently after this, after he had dignified Agrippa with all kinds of Honour, he sent him back into his Kingdom, to govern the same; command­ing all his Presidents and Lieutenants in his Provinces, thorough which he was to pass, to give him a friendly and honourable Convoy. But he, having wisely and happily dispatched his Affairs, returned in all haste. As soon as he came to Jerusalem, he of­fered M his Sacrifices of Thanksgiving which he had vowed, without omitting any thing that was commanded by the Law. He caused also divers Nazarites to cut off their hair,Agrippa hangeth up his Golden Chain over the Trea­sury Chamber in the Temple. and offered in Gift that Chain of Gold that Caius had given him; which was of the same weight the Iron Chain was of, wherewith his Royal hands were manacled, in memory of the Adversity he had past, and the Testimony of the exchange thereof into better Fortune; commanding that it should be hanged up in the Temple, and over the Chamber of the Treasury, to testifie unto those that should behold it, that the highest Estates are subject to alterations; and that God can raise men again, from Ob­scurity, to happy Fortune. For this Chain that hanged in the Temple, being conse­crated to God, manifestly expressed unto all men, that King Agrippa was upon a very N small occasion, deprived of his former Dignity, and made Prisoner; and then a little while after that, he being delivered from his Bonds, was raised and exalted to a fa­mous Kingdom; to signifie thereby, that Humane Affairs are of that nature, that that which is the greatest, may be easily overthrown; and that which is declining, may recover again its ancient Honour and Dignity. When therefore Agrippa had duely and devoutly acknowledged God's mercies,Simon the Son of Boethus placed in Theo­philus's room. he deposed the High Priest Theophilus the Son of Ananus; and bestowed that Honour on Simon surnamed Canthara, the Son of Boethus. This Simon had two Brothers, and Boethus was their Father, whose Daugh­ter had been married to King Herod, Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap 6. as heretofore it hath been mentioned. Simon held the Priesthood with his Brethren and his Father, as the three Sons of Simon, O High Priest, Son of Onias had done, during the Empire of the Macedonians, as we have declared in our former Books. After the King had given order for the Priesthood, [Page 521] A he thought good to recompence the good affection that they of Jerusalem had born un­to him; for which cause, he acquitted them of those Tributes that every Family paid, knowing that it became him to shew kindness unto them, who had been faithful and well affected towards him. He created Silas, who had been his Companion in many dangers,Agrippa re­leaseth the Tributes to those of Jeru­salem. General of all his Army. Not long after, certain young men that were Dorites, under the colour of constancy in case of Religion; who also had daily expressed the same in their actions and unbridled rashness, brought the Image of Caesar into the Temple of the Jews, and erected it in that place; which insolence of theirs highly offended A­grippa, Silas. who construed it as an Act that tended to the abolition of the Religion of their Countrey:The Dorites place Caesar's Statue in the Synagogue of the Jews, and thereby vehe­mently offend both Agrippa and Petronius. For which cause, with all expedition he repaired to Petronius, who was Go­vernour B of Syria; and complained against those Dorites, who was no less displeased with the action, than he himself. For he supposed that such breach of Religion, was the means to further Impiety, and for that cause he wrote to those which had attempted this Innovation, somewhat sharply to this effect following.

CHAP. VI.
Petronius, Governour of Syria's Letter to the Dorites, concerning the Emperour's C Statue, which they caused to be erected in the Jews Synagogue. King Agrippa bestoweth the High Priesthood on Matthias. Marsius is made Governour of Syria.

PUblius Petronius, Alias, cap. 5. Lieutenant to Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, P. Petronius writeth to the Dorites to send them to him, who have bro­ken Caesar's Edict. to the Magistrates of the Countrey of Doria, health: Whereas Caesar hath published an Edict, by which he permitteth the Jews to live according to their Laws and Customs, some one amongst you have been so presumptuous as to contradict the same in effect (although in words you protest that you obey him) and do all that which you can, to hinder the Jews from enjoying their Synagogue, in so much as in the same you have set up Caesar's Image; not only thereby opposing your selves against the Jews, but also against the Emperour himself; whose D Image might have been better placed in his own Temple, than in a Foreign Temple: And you have placed it in their Synagogue, whereas by right, every one ought to be master of his place, according to Caesar's Judgment: For it should be very ridiculous in me to alledge mine own judgment after that of Caesar's, who hath granted the Jews the liberty to live ac­cording to their own Laws and Customs, and hath commanded that they should converse in equal freedom among the Greeks. For these causes I command you, that they who have been so bold as to contemn Augustus's Decree (against whom their own Magistrates have been displeased; excusing themselves that this accident happened not by their motion, but by the fury of the common people) be brought before me by the Captain Proculus Vitellius, to yield a reason of that which they have done; exhorting the Magistrates, that if they E will not be accounted Parties in this Contempt, they endeavour to discover those that are guilty to Proculus, and give order that no Sedition or Violence be offered thereupon. Which notwithstanding it seemeth that they effect, although we and the most honoured King A­grippa, whom I take for my good and special Friend, endeavour nothing more, than that the Nation of the Jews should not assemble, and take Arms, under colour of their defence. And to the end, that whatsoever Augustus hath ordained concerning this matter, may be the better known unto all men, I have added his Edict which he published in Alexandria: And although they are sufficiently known unto all men, yet hath the most honoured King A­grippa read them unto me, when I sate in my Tribunal Seat; concluding, according to right, that the Jews ought not to be excluded nor hindred from enjoying those benefits, F which are granted unto them by Caesar: I therefore charge all men, that henceforward they take heed lest they seek any occasion of Mutiny or Sedition, and that every one live accord­ing to his Religion. See here how Petronius proceeded in this matter, both to amend that which was past, and also to prevent that which was to come, that none should be so bold to attempt the like. Jonathan the Son of Ana­nus is restored to the Priest­hood, and re­fuseth it, and prayeth that his Brother Matthias may minister there­in. After this, Agrippa took the Priesthood from Simon Can­thara, and gave it again to Jonathan the Son of Ananus, whom he esteemed to be more worthy than the other. But Jonathan declared that he was not desirous of this Dig­nity, for in effect he refused it; saying, O King, I most willingly acknowledge the honour which it pleaseth you to bestow upon me; and know well that it is a Dignity, which of your own free will you bestow upon me; notwithstanding that, God judgeth me unworthy. It G sufficeth me, that I have once been invested with the Sacred Habit: For at that time I wore it with more holiness, than I can now receive it at this present; yet notwithstand­ing, if it please you to know one that is more worthy of this honour than my self, [Page 522] I will inform you of one. My Liege, I have a Brother, who towards God and you, is H pure and innocent, whom I dare commend unto you for a most fit man for that Dignity. The King took great pleasure in these his words, and leaving Jonathan, he bestowed the Priesthood on Matthias his Brother, according as Jonathan advised him: And not long after this, Marsus Pre­fect of Syria. Marsus succeeded in Petronius's room, and took upon him the Govern­ment of Syria.

CHAP. VII.
Silas (General of Agrippa's Forces) his great Imprudence, obligeth this Prince to put I him in Prison. Agrippa fortifieth Jerusalem, but the Emperour Claudius com­mands him to forbear: His excellent Qualities; his stately Buildings: The cause of his falling out with Marsus, Governour of Syria: He bestoweth the Great Priest­hood on Aelioneus: dieth after a terrible manner: Leaveth for his Successor his Son Agrippa, and three Daughters: The Inhabitants of Caesarea and Sebaste prove extreme ungrateful to his Memory. Claudius the Emperour sends Fadus to be Governour of Judaea, because of Agrippa's Minority.

SIlas being made General over the King's Army,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 7. and for that he had always been faithful unto him,Silas, by too much reviving the King's mi­series and misfortunes, and ripping up his own deserts, groweth into the Kings ha­tred, and is sent Prisoner into his Coun­trey. and had never forsaken him in any danger that was offered,K without partaking the utmost extremity; but had always adventured on the greatest dangers, in respect of his entire and constant resolution; he made this account, that being so firm a friend to the King, he should also be partaker and Companion with him in the Honour: Therefore he submitted not himself to the King, but challenged to himself a liberty to speak what he pleased. For this cause he grew hateful in the King's sight, for that in particular he boasted of himself beyond measure, and oftentimes re­freshed the memory of those Adversities the King had past, the rather to express how affectionate he had been towards him; and his continual talk was nothing else, but of the hardships he had endured. Now, for that he observed no measure in this his dis­course, the King took it as an injury done to his Honour, and was offended with the L unbridled Licence of this man's prattle: For nothing soundeth more harsh in a man's ear, than the memory of his fore-passed misery; and it is but the part of a fool to rip up the courtesies he hath employed on another man. At length, Silas grievously pro­voked the King's displeasure against himself, that rather subscribing to his wrath, than his wit, he not only dispossessed Silas of his General's place, but also sent him bound into his Countrey, there to be held Prisoner. Yet notwithstanding, time asswaged this displeasure; and the King taking it into better consideration, and remembring what Silas had endured in his behalf,Agrippa sendeth for Si­las out of Prison▪ who, dis­sembling not his displea­sure, is left still in Prison. he revoked the Sentence that he pronounced. And as he was ready to celebrate the Festival day of his Birth, and all his Subjects were to take their pleasure; he speedily sent for Silas, to the end he might be partaker there­of,M and feast with them. But Silas, who was of a free nature, supposing that he had just cause to be displeased, concealed it not from those who were sent unto him, but spake unto them after this manner: ‘To what honour doth the King invite me at this present, purposely to deprive me of it again? For he hath not only deprived me of those Honours which he bestowed upon me, in acknowledgment of the affection I have always shewed unto him: but he hath altogether abused me, if he thinks that he can restrain me from speaking freely, he deceiveth himself. For my Conscience knoweth how many hazards I have delivered him from, and as long as I breath, I will ring in all men's ears, how much I have endured for his Conservation and Ho­nour, in recompence whereof I am this day in Bond [...], and shut up in an obscure Pri­son,N which I will never forget. Yea, and when my soul shall depart out of this bo­dy, she shall bear with her the remembrance of those benefits I have employed on him.’ These words spake he with a loud voice, desiring them to relate the same un­to King Agrippa; who seeing that he was grounded in an incurable folly, left him in Prison.

After this,Agrippa for­tifieth the Walls of Je­rusalem. the King began to fortifie the Walls of Jerusalem, on the side of the new Town, upon the common charge; encreasing them both in length and breadth: which if he might have thoroughly finished, it had been an invincible Fort. But Marsus the Governour of Syria, Claudius com­mandeth. A­grippa to desist from building the Walls acquainted Caesar what the work was; and Claudius suspecting some Commotion, wrote expresly to Agrippa, commanding him thence-forward to desist from O further building of the Walls, according to that form wherein he began; whereunto he would not disobey. This King Agrippa was of nature so ready to exercise Liberality, [Page 523] A and took so great pleasure to use his magnificence towards all sorts of Nations, that the great expences he was at, obtained him great reputation. So that his whole plea­sure and delight was, to shew courtesie unto all men, and to purchase good esteem, being every way different in nature and disposition from King Herod his Predecessor. For Herod was naturally malicious,Agrippa fa­voured the Jews more than Herod extream in punishing, and irreconcileable to those with whom he was displeased, manifestly expressing that he loved the Grecians better than the Jews. For he beautified those Cities that belonged to strangers, and gave them money, and erected them Baths, and sumptuous Theatres, and Temples, and in some of them Galleries: but as for the Cities of the Jews, he bestowed not this bounty on any of them, no not the least reparation or gift that was worthy the speaking B of. Contrariwise King Agripga was very courteous and affable, and equally imparted his bounty unto all men. He was courteous unto strangers, any testified no less by the bounty he bestowed on them. To his Countrey-men he behaved himself affably, and especially he was merciful to all those that were in misery. For which cause his ordi­nary Court, and the place he took most pleasure in, was Jerusalem. He was a dili­gent observer of the Laws of his Countrey, and lived religiously, and with as great piety as was possible:Simon the Lawyer back­biteth the King; who craving par­don, is recon­ciled unto him Neither passed there one day, wherein he offered not Sacrifice. It happened at one time, that a certain cunning Lawyer, who was called Simon, and dwelt in Jerusalem; had assembled the people by reason of the King's absence, who for the present was in Caesarea: In which Assembly he alledged many things against C him, that he was a prophane man, and that upon just cause he was forbidden to enter the Temple, in that it was not lawful nor decent for those that were unclean to enter thereinto. These words of Simon's, thus wrongfully spoke against him, were signified to the King by Letters sent by the Governour of the City: When therefore, he sate him down in the Theatre, he commanded that very Simon to sit next him; and in peaceable and kind manner, he spake thus unto him: Tell me, I pray thee, what seest thou worthy of reprehension, or done contrary to Law, in that which is done here? Simon having not any thing to reply, besought him to pardon him. The King grew friends with him far sooner than it could be imagined; resolving with himself, that mercy doth far better become a King than wrath; and that moderation is more requisite, D than cruelty; so that after he had bestowed certain Presents on Simon, he dismissed him.alias, cap. 20. Now, although he had many reparations in divers places, yet he honoured those of Berith above all the rest,Agrippa ho­noureth Be­rith with good Ornaments. and builded them a Theatre surpassing all other in sum­ptuousness and beauty: And besides that, he made them a sumptuous Amphitheatre, and Baths, and Porches no ways inferiour. The Dedication also, of these things were celebrated with great pomp and magnificence; he also made great Shews and Plays in the Theatre, in which there were all sorts of Musick and Recreations; expressing in all things the greatness of his Magnificence; and being desirous to delight the people with a Combat, he gathered all the Malefactors that he could get, and made two seve­ral Companies of seven hundred a piece, and brought them together to fight, to the end E that in skirmishing they might receive their punishment; and besides, that by this Warlike Exercise, he might present the people with a Past-time, concluded with the punishment of wicked men; for they fought so desperately, that not one of them came off alive.

After that he had finished these above-named Buildings in Berith, Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 8. he resorted to Ti­berian, a City of Galilee, and was admired of all the other Kings, so that Antiochus King of Comagena came to visit him: The like did Samsigeran, King of the Emesenians, Co­tys King of Armenia the less, and Polemon Lord of Pontus: And besides all these, Herod Prince of Chalcis, and his Brother: All whom he received and entertained most mag­nificently and amiably, to shew his greatness; to the end, that all men might perceive F that he was deservedly honoured with the presence of so many Kings. And whilst these Princes were with him, Marsus the Governour of Syria visited him likewise, whom, to the end he might express the reverence he bare to the Romans, he met with, seven fur­longs off from the City.Agrippa is displeased with Marsus, for sending a­way the Kings This interview of so many Kings, was the original of that dis­content that grew betwixt him and Marsus; who seeing all those Kings that came▪ to see Agrippa, sitting in the same Charriot with him, suspected such Concord and so great Amity; supposing that this agreement of so many Kings, would be no ways profitable or beneficial to the Romans. For which cause he presently sent unto them, charging them with all expedition,alias, chap. 7. to return each of them into their own Countreys: Which strict Commission,Aelionaeus the Son of Cithaeus made High Priest. Agrippa took so ill, that he never had any kindness for Marsus after­wards. G He took the Priesthood from Matthias, and gave it to Aelionaeus the Son of Cithaeus. After he had reigned three whole years over Judaea, he came to Caesarea, which in times past, was called the Tower of Straton; and there he made Sports in ho­nour [Page 524] of Caesar, where all the Nobility of the Countrey was present. On the second day H of this Solemnity, he being apparelled in a Robe of Silver, made with admirable Work­manship; came into the Theatre in the morning: Where at the first reflex of the rising Sun beating upon his Robe, he shined so bright, that all those that beheld him were seized with reverence and fear.Agrippa is saluted in the Theatre for a God, and spi­eth the Owl which the German fore­told him of that five days after he should die. Whereupon, a company of base Sycophants (whose flatteries do usually poyson the hearts of Princes) cried out thus: Be merciful unto us; hitherto we have feared thee as a man, but hence-forward we will confess and acknowledge thee to be of a Nature more excellent than Mortal Frailty can attain unto. Agrippa reprov­ed them not for using these words; neither rejected he their palpable and detestable Flattery, as he ought to have done. But not long after, he looking upwards, perceiv­ed an Owl over his head, pearched upon a cord, and knew presently, that he was but I a messenger of his misfortune; whereas formerly he had denounced unto him his felicity, and conceived thereupon a most hearty and inward grief: And suddenly he was seized with a terrible griping in his belly, which began with very great vehemency: For which cause, turning his eyes towards his friends, he spake unto them after this man­ner: Behold him (said he) whom you esteem for a God, condemned to die; and destiny shall apparently convince you of those flattering and false speeches, which you have lately used in my behalf: For I, who by you have been adored as one immortal, am under the hands of death. But I must willingly entertain that which God pleaseth to send me: For I have [...] lived in obscurity, but in so great and wonderful felicity, that each one of you have held me happy. K

Whilst he spake thus, his griefs augmented in such sort, that he was brought almost to his last; for which cause, he was with all expedition conveyed into his Royal Pa­lace, and the rumour was spread in every place, that very shortly he would be dead. For which cause the people, with their Wives and Children, put on Sack-cloth, accor­ding to the custom of the Countrey, to the end they might solicit God's Mercy on the King's behalf; and all the City was filled with tears and lamentations. The King that lay in an upper Chamber, and looking down into the Court, saw them lying thus on the earth, could not refrain from tears. And after he had, for the space of five days without ceasing, been tormented with griping in his belly, he gave up the Ghost, in the fifty fourth year of his Age, and the seventh year of his Reign: for he had reign­ed four years under the Empire of Caius Caesar (having first of all governed Philip's Te­trarchy I three years, to which was added the Segniory of Herod in the fourth year) and three years under the Empire of Claudius Caesar; during which time he governed over the above-named Countreys; and moreover, over Judaea, Samaria and Caesarea. His Revenue amounted to twelve hundred Myriades;The year of the World, 4009. after Christ's Nativity, 47. besides which, he made many Loans. For in regard he was very liberal in giving, he spent far more than his Revenue; and spared not any thing to shew himself magnificent. Before the people knew of his death, Herod his Brother Prince of Chalcis, and Chelcias the King's Lieutenant and Friend, a­greed between themselves to send Aristo, 1200 Myri­ades amount to 15 Tuns of Gold. one of their trustiest Servants, to kill Silas, who was their enemy, as if they had been commanded by the King.M

Thus died King Agrippa, leaving behind him a Son called Agrippa, seventeen years old;Herod the Prince of Chal­cis, and Chelci­as kill Silas. and three Daughters, one of which, that was called Bernice, was married to He­rod, his Father's Brother, when she was sixteen years old: The two other were Mari­amne and Drusilla; this Mariamne being of the age of ten years, was promised in mar­riage by her Father,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 8. alias, chap. 9. to Julius Archelaus, Chelcias's Son; and Drusilla, which was six years old, was promised also to Epiphanes, Son to the King of Comagena.

After Agrippa's death,Agrippa's Children a­live. they of Caesarea and Sebaste forgot those benefits they had re­ceived from him; and used him no less despightfully, than as if he had been their utter enemy:The Caesare­ans and Seba­stians revile Agrippa be­ing dead. For they reproachfully abused him after his death, and reviled him in such sort, that it is unseemly to report the same. Moreover, all the Soldiers, who were at N that time many in number; went into the King's Lodging, and with one accord seized the Statues of the King's Daughters, and carried them to the Brothel-house; where, after they had placed them, they uttered all the indignities they could possibly; pra­ctising such shameful matters, as they may not be expressed. Besides this, resting them­selves in the publick places, they banquetted in the open Street, wearing Chaplets of Flowers on their heads, and perfuming themselves with Odours, to sacrifice to Charon, drinking to one another for joy that the King was dead. Thus they expressed their in­gratitude, not only towards their King Agrippa, who had bestowed so many Liberali­ties on them; but also towards Herod, his Grand-father, who had builded their Cities, and to his extream charge,Agrippa, A­grippa's Son erected their Ports and Temples. At that time Agrippa, the deceased Agrippa's Son, was at Rome, and was brought up under the Emperour Claudius. O When Caesar understood how those of Caesarea and Sebaste had injuriously dealt with [Page 525] A Agrippa, he was highly displeased, and moved with their ingratitude: And his pur­pose was, to send the younger Agrippa with all expedition, to take Possession of the Kingdom of his Father, and therewithal to discharge him of his Oath; but divers of his Free-men and Friends, who were in great credit with him, disswaded him from it; alledging that it would be a dangerous thing to commit the greatness of such a King­dom to a young man,Claudius in­tendeth to send young Agrippa into his Father's Kingdom, but is disswaded; and sendeth Caspius Fadus for President, into Judaea and those parts. who scarcely had as yet attained to the age of eighteen years; and for whom it was impossible to support the care of so great a Kingdom, considering that if he were at man's estate, he should find himself over-burthened with the charge of a Kingdom. This advice of theirs was approved by Caesar, and for this cause he sent Cuspius Fadus to govern Judaea, and the whole Realm; honouring his dead Friend in B this, in that he would not suffer Marsus, who had been his Enemy, to enter into his Kingdom. He gave especial Commission also, that Fadus should sharply punish those of Caesarea and Sebaste, for the injuries they offered to his deceased Friend, and the ex­cess that was committed against his Daughters who were yet living; commanding him to transport the Companies of the Caesarians and Sebastens, and the five Roman Legions into the Countrey of Pontus to serve in that place, and to take those Roman Soldiers that bare Arms in Syria, to serve there: Yet, notwithstanding this Command, they were not displaced; for they sent Ambassadours to Claudius to appease him, and by this means they obtained the favour to remain in Judaea. The Jews themselves▪ were the cause of those Wars which began under Florus. After this, they gave be­ginning to those most grievous mischiefs and calamities that befell the Jews; for they C spred the Seed of the War which was awakened under Florus's Government. And for that cause, after that Vespasian had obtained the Victory, as it shall be hereafter declar­ed, he caused them to depart out of that Province, and made them seek their Habita­tion elsewhere.

H

THE TWENTIETH BOOK Of the ANTIQUITIES of the JEWS:I

The Contents of the Chapters of the Twentieth Book.K
  • 1. The Emperour Claudius taketh the Government of Syria from Marsus, and giveth it to Longinus. Fadus, Governour of Judaea, punisheth some seditious People, and Robbers who disturbed the Province: He commands the Jews to carry back the High Priest's Vestment, to the Fort Antonia; but the Emperour giveth them leave to keep them at young Agrippa's request: He was King Agrippa the Great's Son, and was then at Rome.
  • 2. Izates, King of Andiabena, and Queen Helena his Mother, embrace the Religion of the Jews: Their singular Piety; and the great Actions of this Prince, whom God L protects visibly. Fadus, Governour of Judaea, punisheth a man and his followers, who deceived the Jews.
  • 3. Tiberius Alexander succeeds Fadus in the Government of Judaea; and Cumanus succeeds Alexander. Herod King of Chalcis's death, his Children: Claudius the Emperour giveth his Dominions to Agrippa.
  • 4. The horrid Insolence of a Roman Soldier, causeth the death of twenty thousand Jews: Another Soldier's Insolence.
  • 5. A great Quarrel between the Jews of Galilee, and the Samaritans, who bribe Cuma­nus, Governour of Judaea: Quadratus, Governour of Syria, sends him to Rome M with Ananias the High Priest, and several others, to clear themselves before the Emperour; who put some of them to death. The Emperour condemns the Samari­tans, and banisheth Cumanus; maketh Foelix Governour of Judaea; giveth A­grippa the Tetrarchy that Philip had, viz. Bathanaea, Trachonit and Abila; and taketh Chalcis from him. The Marriage of Agrippa's Sisters. The death of the Emperour Claudius. Nero succeeds after him: He giveth the Lesser Armenia to Aristobulus, Herod's Son, King of Chalcis; and to Agrippa, some part of Galilee, viz. Tiberiades, Tarichee and Juliad.
  • 6. Foelix, Governour of Judaea, causeth Eleazar the High Priest to be murthered; and his Murtherers commit other Murthers, even in the Temple. Robbers and False N Prophets are punished. A great debate betwixt the Jews, and the other Inhabitants of Caesarea. King Agrippa establisheth Ishmael High Priest. Violences committed by the High Priests.
  • 7. Foestus succeeds Foelix in the Government of Judaea. The Inhabitants of Caesarea obtain of Nero to have the Jews Freedom recalled. King Agrippa causeth an A­partment to be built, from whence all that was done about the Temple might be seen; the people of Jerusalem cause a high Wall to be built to hinder it, by the Emperour's Authority.
  • 8. Albinus succeeds Foestus in the Government of Judaea; and King Agrippa giveth O and taketh away often the High Priesthood. Ananus the High Priest causeth Saint James to be put to death. Agrippa enlargeth the City of Caesarea, and calleth it Neronias.
  • [Page 527] A 9. How Florus, Albinus's Successor, offered many injuries to the Jews, which constrain­ed them to take Arms against the Romans.

CHAP. I.
The Emperour Claudius taketh the Government of Syria from Marsus, and giveth it B to Longinus. Fadus, Governour of Judaea, punisheth some seditious People, and Robbers who disturbed the Province: He commands the Jews to carry back the High Priest's Vestment, to the Fort Antonia; but the Emperour giveth them leave to keep them at young Agrippa's request: He was King Agrippa the Great's Son, and was then at Rome.

AFter King Agrippa's decease (as we have heretofore declared in our former Book) the Emperour Claudius sent Cassius Longinus to succeed Marsus in the Government of Syria, whom he de­prived of that Honour in memory of Agrippa; who, during his C life time,Hedio & Ruf­finus cap 1. had oftentimes required by Letters, that he should not suffer Marsus to govern the State of Syria. As soon as Cuspius Fadus came into Jewry, Cassius Longi­nus Prefect of Syria. to take charge of that Countrey, which he was to govern under Caesar; he found the Jews that dwelt on the other side of Jordan in an uproar, who had taken Arms against the Philadelphians, about the limits of a certain Village, called Mia, which was stored with valiant men. Those who inhabit beyond Jordan, had armed themselves in this manner, without the consent of their Governours; and had killed a great num­per of the Philadelphians:Fadus punish­eth the Jews for their Insur­rection against the Philadel­phians. Which when Fadus understood, he was much displeased, for that they had not reserved the cause to his hearing, and complained to him of the D Philadelphians; but were so bold of their own Authority, and without fear, as to take up Arms. Having therefore apprehended some three of them, who had been Au­thors of the Sedition, he commanded them to Prison, and executed one of them called Annibas; Annibas exe­cuted, Ama­ramus and E­leazar banish­ed. and banished the other two, whose names were Amram and Eleazar.

Not long after this, Tholomaeus the Captain of the Thieves was also taken, and brought unto him, who commanded him to be executed, for having committed many Robberies in Idumaea and Arabia; Tholomaeus the Arch-thief. and by this means all the Countrey of Judaea was cleared of all Thieves, by the care and providence of Fadus. After this, he sent for the High Priests,Fadus requir­eth that the High Priest's Garment should be de­livered into the power of the Romans, and kept in the Castle of Antonia. aliàs chap 2. and the Governours of Jerusalem, commanding them, according to the Emperour's direction, to deliver up into the Castle of Antonia the Sacred Robe, E which the High Priest only was accustomed to wear; to the end, that it might be at the Romans disposal, as in times past it had been. They durst not contradict his Com­mand, yet notwithstanding, they required Fadus and Longinus (who at that time was come to Jerusalem with a great power, for fear the Jews, by reason of this Injunction, should raise a Rebellion) first, that it may be lawful for them to send their Ambassa­dours unto Caesar, to beseech him that the Sacred Robe might remain in their custody. Secondly, that it might please them to expect the answer which Caesar would return to their request.The Jews de­liver Pledges, to the intent they might be permitted to send Letters to Caesar. Fadus gave them this answer, that he permitted them to send their Am­bassadours to Rome, provided, that before-hand they delivered him their Children for Hostages; which when they had readily performed, the Ambassadours were sent a­way. F Now, when they came to Rome, the younger Agrippa (who was his Son that lately died) knowing the cause of their coming, and being ordinarily accustomed to attend upon Caesar (according as we have heretofore declared) besought Caesar that he would grant the Jews their request, concerning the Sacred Robe; and that it might please him to signifie no less unto Fadus. On this his Petition Clau­dius gave the Ambassadours Audience, and told them that he favoured their suit; desiring them to be thankful to Agrippa, upon whose suit he respected them, and granted their Demands: And besides this Answer, he delivered them a Letter to this effect.

Claudius Caesar Germanicus, Conserver of the people, Consul created the fifth time, G Emperour the fourth time, Father of the Countrey the tenth time; to the Magistrates of Jerusalem, the Senate, People, and all the Nation of the Jews.

Being required by our well beloved Agrippa, whom I both have, and at this present do bring [Page 528] up with me;I have heard your Ambassadors, who were admitted to my Presence by his H means; and have received their thanks for the benefits I have bestowed on your Nation: I have also willingly inclined to that instant and express request you have made unto me, and it is my pleasure, that the Sacred Robe of the High Priest, and the Holy Miter remain in your custody,Claudius upon the younger Agrippa's motion, grant­eth the Jews liberty to have the custody of the High Priest's Vest­ments. in such manner, as our most dear and right honoured Friend Vitellius here­tofore ordained: To which demand of yours, I vouchsafe my allowance; first in regard of mine own Piety, and that I desire that every one should serve God according to his own Re­ligion. Moreover, in so doing, I shall gratifie King Herod and young Aristobulus, whose affection towards me I am privy to, and whose good inclination towards you I can witness; for whom I have a particular kindness, by reason of their singular Virtue. I have also writ­ten to this effect to Cuspius Fadus mine Agent: the names of those who have received my I Letters, are Cornelius the Son of Ceron, Tryphon the Son of Theudeon, Dorotheus the Son of Nathanael, alias, chap. 3. and John the Son of John. Given the eight and twentieth of June, in the year wherein Rufus and Pompeius Silvanus were Consuls.Claudius's E­pistle to the Jews. At the same time Herod, who was Agrippa's Brother that had lately deceased, to whose hands in times past the Government of Chalcis had been committed; Alias, cap. 9. required the Emperour Claudius to grant him the power over the Temple, Herod Prince of Chalcis hath Authority granted him to create the High Priest. and the Sacred Vestments, and the Authority of chusing the High Priest; all which he obtained: And from that time forward, un­til the end of the War of the Jews, this power remained in all his Successors. Accord­ing to this Authority, Herod deposed Canthara from the Priesthood, and gave the Suc­cession thereof to Joseph the Son of Caneus.K

CHAP. II.
Izates, King of Adiabena, and Queen Helena his Mother, embrace the Religion of the Jews: Their singular Piety; and the great Actions of this Prince, whom God protects visibly▪ Fadus, Governour of Judaea, punisheth a man and his followers, who deceived the Jews.

L

AT that time Helena Queen of Adiabena, Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 2. and her Son Izates conformed themselves to the Religion of the Jews,Alias, 5. upon this occasion that ensueth: Monobazus King of Adiabena, Monobazus the King of Adiabena begetteth two Sons on Hele­na his Sister, Monobazus and Izates. who was also called Bazeos, having fallen deeply in love with his Sister Helena, married her, and got her with Child. Upon a time it happened, that sleep­ing with her, he laid his hand on her belly, whilst she lay asleep; and he thought that he heard a voice that commanded him to take away his hand from off her belly, lest he should crush the Fruit that was therein, which by God's Providence should have a happy beginning, and no less fortunate ending. Monobazus was much troubl­ed at this voice, and as soon as he awoke, he told it to his Wife; and afterwards, when the Child was born, he called him Izates. Besides, he had another elder Son M by the same Wife, who was called Monobazus, according to his own name. And he had also other Sons by his other Wives; yet notwithstanding, Izates was most mani­festly his best beloved, and so cherished by him, as if he had been his only begotten Son; for which cause, his other Brothers envied him. The Father manifestly per­ceived all this, yet he pardoned them; knowing that they did it not for malice, but for the desire that every one of them had to be best esteemed by his Father. Not­withstanding, being afraid lest some mis-hap should betide Izates, by reason of the ha­tred his Brethren bare unto him,Izates sent to Abemerigus, marrieth his Daughter Sa­macha. he gave him many great Gifts, and sent him to Abe­merigus, who reigned at that time in a Fort called Spasinus; committing his Son's life into his hands. Abemerigus also, entertained him very kindly; and loved him so,N that in process of time he gave him Samacha his Daughter to Wife; and for her Dow­ry, he gave him a Countrey of great Revenue.

Monobazus being old,Caron very fruitful in [...], in which the Re­likes of Noahs Ark are to be seen. and seeing he had not long time to live, desired before his death, that his Son might come and visit him; he therefore sent for him, and receiv­ed him very lovingly, giving him a Countrey which he called Caeron, which bringeth forth great abundance of Odoriferous Plants. In this place was the remainder of the Ark, in which Noah was saved, during the Deluge; which remnants are to be seen at this day, if any man have a desire to behold the same. Izates remained in that place, until his Father's decease. But on the very day of his death, Helena sent for all the Lords and Governours of the Kingdom, and Captains of all the Army, and upon their O assembly, she spake unto them after this manner:

I suppose (said she) that you are not ignorant of my Husband's mind, who hath desired that [Page 529] A Izates might be King in his stead, and hath esteemed him most worthy of such an honour: yet I expect your judgment in this point. For he that receiveth the Sovereignty, not from one mans hand, but from many, and hath the same confirmed unto him by their con­sent, is happy. She used this discourse unto them to try what their intent was, who were there assembled.Izates was made King by his Mother Helena and the Nobility, and Monoba­zus governeth the Kingdom till his com­ing. They understanding her mind, prostrated themselves first of all upon the earth before the Queen, according to the custom of their Country, and afterwards an­swered her, that they approved the Kings election, and took pleasure to obey Izates, whom his Father deservedly, and to all their contents and the desire of the common people had preferred above the rest of his Brethren: alledging moreover, that they would put his Bre­thren and Kinsmen to death before his coming, to the end that he might enjoy the King­dom B with all security: for by their deaths all the fear that might grow by their hatred and envie might be extinguished. Hereunto the Queen answered; that she gave them thanks, for the favour they bare unto her and her Son Izates: notwithstanding she required them to suspend their judgments touching the death of his Brethren, until such time as Izates himself should give his consent thereunto.

They seeing they might not obtain the liberty to put them to death, were of opi­nion that they should be kept prisoners until his coming, to the end that they might do him no harm in his absence; and that moreover, until his coming there might one be appointed to govern the State, whom she should esteem most trusty and faithful unto him. Whereunto Helena condescended, and made his elder Brother Monobazus C King, and set the Diadem on his head, and gave him his Fathers Seal-ring, with that Robe which they call Sampsera; exhorting him to govern the Kingdom until his Bro­thers arrival. Izates having certain notice of his Fathers death, resorted thither spee­dily, and receiving his Brother Monobazus willing surrender, took upon him the Government of the Kingdom.

Whilest Izates was in the Fortress of Spasinus, Izates and his mother Helena learn the true service of God according to the manner of the Jews. a certain Merchant who was a Jew, called Ananias, having access to the Kings wives, taught them the manner how to serve God according to the Religion of the Jews: and Ananias by their means growing acquainted with Izates, taught him the like, and accompanied him into Adiabena; being drawn thereunto by his earnest intreaties, when Izates resorted thither upon his D Fathers sending for. It chanced also that Helena was in like manner instructed by an­other Jew, and retained the Rites and Religion of the Jews.

After that Izates came into his Kingdom, and knew that his Brethren and Kinsfolk were imprisoned; he was much grieved, Conceiving therefore with himself that it would be a great impiety in him to suffer them to be put to death, or kept in prison; and that on the other side, it were a dangerous matter for him, if being at liberty they should remember the evil they had endured:Izates sendeth his Brothers to Claudius Caesar and Artabanus. for this cause he sent some of them to Rome for Hostages with their Children unto the Emperour Claudius, and the rest unto Artabanus King of Parthia. Afterwards when he was thoroughly assured that his Mo­ther was wholly addicted to the Religion of the Jews,Izates is dis­swaded by He­lena his Mo­ther and A­nanias from circumcision. he endeavoured the more to E shew himself zealous therein: and supposing that he could not be a perfect Jew, ex­cept he were circumcised, he prepared himself to be circumcised. Which when his Mother understood, she endeavoured to her uttermost to hinder his resolution, assuring him that in so doing he should bring himself in great danger; for that in being King, he would draw himself into the dislike of his Subjects, if they should have notice that he was addicted to a new Religion, and to strange Ceremonies, and that they would not endure, that being a Jew, he should be their King: so she for a while by her dis­swasion restrained him from his desire. But the King required of Ananias, who, ac­cording with Helena in the course of her dislike, threatned Izates, that if he would not obey his Mother, he would forsake him, and depart from him, for that he fear­ed, F lest if the matter should be publickly known, he should suffer some punishment, as being the only Author and Instructer of the King in undecent matters; that otherwise he might serve God, although he were not circumcised; since he had resolved to live according to the institution and Laws of the Jews, and that God would pardon him: for in this, true Religion consisteth more, than in circumcision of the body, though he were not actually circumcised, since the necessity and fear of his Subjects over-ruled him. By which words the King for that time was perswaded to proceed no further. But a little after (for he was not wholly altered in that affection which he had) another Jew called Eleazar, Eleazar per­swadeth [...] to be cir­cumcised. coming from Galilee, and accounted a Learned man in the Doctrine of our Religion, perswaded him to be circumcised. For coming G one day unto him, to salute him, he found him reading of the Books of Moses, and said unto him; O King, contrary to your knowledge you offend the Law, and God likewise; for it sufficeth you not, that you understand the same, but the [Page 530] chiefest matter you are tied unto, is to do that which the Law commandeth; how long there­fore H will you remain uncircumcised? And if as yet you have not perused the Law as touch­ing this point, read it now, to the end you may know what great impiety it is to omit it.

After the King had heard this, he would no longer defer his Circumcision: for which cause withdrawing himself into another chamber, he called a Surgeon unto him, who acted that which he required, and afterwards calling his Mother and Master Ananias unto him, he told them what had past: whereupon they grew strangely a­mazed, fearing the King should be in danger to lose his Kingdom, if this action of his should come to light; for that his Subjects would not endure, that such a man that followed a contrary Religion should be their King: They feared also, lest they them­selves should be in danger,They that re­ly on God, and put their confidence in him▪ do al­ways reap the reward of their Piety. forasmuch as the cause of all this matter would be impu­ted I to them. But God by his Providence prevented lest any of those things which they feared should come to pass: for he delivered Izates himself and his Children like­wise out of many dangers, yielding them his assistance in their doubtful and desperate conditions, declaring in effect that those that only put their trust in him, and de­pend upon his Providence, are never deprived of the fruit of their Piety. But of these things we will speak hereafter.

When Helena the Kings Mother perceived that the state of the Kingdom was in peace,Helena the Queen of A­diabena re­sorteth to Je­rusalem. and that by all mens opinion, both home-bred and strangers, her Son was re­puted happy by the good will of God, she was seized with a desire to go and visit the City of Jerusalem, and adore God in the Temple, which was so much renowned K through the whole world,Aliàs cap. 6. and offer Sacrifice of Thanksgiving therein; for which cause she besought her Son that he would suffer her to perform her Vows; who will­ingly condescended to her desire, and furnished her royally with all things that were necessary for such a Voyage; giving her a great Sum of Money with her, and bring­ing her on her way many days journey: so that at length she arrived in Jerusalem, to the great advantage of the Inhabitants of that City. For at that time the City was oppressed with a grievous famine, so that many died for want of food; for which cause Queen Helena sent her servants, some into Alexandria to buy a great quantity of Corn, the rest into Cyprus to buy dried Figs, who returned with all expedition they might; whereupon Helena distributed the Victuals amongst the L poor, leaving a singular memory of her Liberality to the whole Nation. Her Son Izates also understanding of this Famine, sent a great sum of Money to the Governour of Jerusalem. But hereafter I will declare what other benefits the King and Queen have bestowed upon our Nation.

Now Artabanus King of Parthia, perceiving that the Princes of the Kingdom had conspired against him,Artabanus retireth him­self to Izates and requireth his assistance. resolved with himself to go unto Izates, for the security of his person, hoping by that means, if it were possible to recover his Kingdom. He there­fore retired thither, and brought with him about one thousand men of his Kinsfolk and domestick servants. And by the way he met with Izates, whom he knew very well by his Royal Train, notwithstanding he was unknown unto him by countenance.M Drawing therefore near unto him, he first of all humbled himself on his knees, according to the custom of the Country, and afterwards spake unto him after this manner:

Dread King, forsake me not who am thy servant, neither reject thou my prayers. For be­ing dejected by means of my misfortunes, and of a King become a private man, I have need of thy succour. Consider therefore the inconstancy of fortune, and think with thy self, that by providing for me, thou shalt provide for thy self. For if thou makest no reckoning of the wrong that is done unto me, divers men will grow audacious to enterprize upon other Kings.

These words he pronounced with tears, and with looks fixed upon the ground. When Izates had heard Artabanus's name, and saw his humble and submissive condi­tion,N Izates com­forteth Ar­tabanus, and promiseth him his assistance. he leapt immediatly from his Horse, and said unto him, King, be of good courage, and let not thy present and perplexed condition dishearten thee, as if thy misfortunes were irrecoverable. For this sorrow of thine shall be suddenly changed, and thou shalt find a better friend and ally, than thou hopest for at this time: For either I will re­possess thee of thy Kingdom of Parthia, or I will lose mine own. This said, he caused Artabanus to get on Horsback, and walked by him on foot, yielding him this honour, as to a greater King than himself. Which when Artabanus saw, he was discontented, and sware by his Honour and Fortune to come, that he would set foot on ground, if he would not get up on horsback and ride before him: whereunto he obeyed, and mounting upon his Horse again, he conducted him to his Palace; yielding him all the O honor that was possible, both in his Banquets and in his Assemblies, not regarding his present condition, but his former Dignity: considering with himself, that such casual [Page 531] A misfortunes and changes are incident to all men. Moreover he wrote unto the Parthians, perswading them to receive their King Artabanus, assuring them on his Faith and Oath, that he would obtain a free pardon for all that which was past, and to that intent he offered himself to be an Arbitrator between them. The Parthians gave him this answer,Izates writeth to the Parthi­ans and per­swadeth them to receive their King. that they would not refuse to entertain him, but that they could not: for that one who was called Cinnamus was advanced in his place and Dignity, and that they feared lest a Sedition should happen amongst them. Ginna­mus who was a noble and honourable minded man, knowing that their intent was such, wrote himself unto Artabanus, who had nourished and brought him up, exhort­ing him to return upon his Faith,Cinnamus re­storeth the Kingdom to Artabanus. and to receive again his own Kingdom. Artabanus B upon this Motion gave credit to his words, and returned back again. Whereupon Cinnamus came forth and met him, and prostrating himself before his feet, called him King; and afterwards taking the Diadem from off his own head, he set it upon Artabanus head; who by this means was restored to his former estate by Izates me­diation, after he had been driven out of his Kingdom by his chiefest Nobility. And he did not forget the favours which he had received at Izates hands, but did him all the honour that possibly he could imagine:Izates receiv­eth great ho­nours and gifts at Arta­banus hands. for he permitted him to wear the straight Tiara, and to sleep upon a gilded Bed, which is a Privilege which belongeth only to the Kings of Parthia. He gave him also a plentiful and great Country which he had ta­ken from the King of Armenia. This Country was called Nisibis, where in times past C the Macedonians had builded the City of Antioch, Antiochia and Mygdonia builded by the Macedonians. by them called Mygdonia.

Presently after Izates was thus honoured, Artabanus died, leaving his Kingdom to his Son Vardanes; Vardanes, af­ter his fathers death, labour­eth to per­swade Izates to make War against the Romans, but he prevaileth not. who repaired to Izates, praying him to joyn with him in that War which he intended to make against the Romans; but he prevailed not with him. For Izates knowing the Romans force and good fortune, imagined that he undertook a matter beyond his power. Besides, he had sent five of his young Sons to Jerusalem to learn our tongue and discipline, and his Mother likewise to adore in the Temple, for which cause he the rather held back and disswaded Vardanes from going against the Romans, whose power and conquests he ordinarily reckoned up unto him, to the end he might discourage him, and by these assertions cause him to give over his pur­posed D intent of war against them. But the Parthian was displeased with his perswasi­on, and for that cause denounced a present War against Izates. But his enterprize had but a fruitless issue; for God cut off all his hopes. For the Parthians understanding what Vardanes intent was,After Varda­nes was slain, the Kingdom is committed to Gotarza. and how he was resolved to make a War against the Ro­mans killed him, and gave the Kingdom to his Brother Gotarza, whom not long after this, his Brother Vologesus killed by treason, restoring to his two Brothers by the Mo­thers side these Provinces, that is to say, the Kingdom of Media to Pacorus who was the eldest,Vologesus King of Parthia. and Armenia to Tiridates who was the younger.

When Monobazus King Izates's Brother and the rest of his Kinsfolk saw how happily all things succeeded to Izates, Monobazus and his Kin­dred think to receive the Jews Religi­on. and how in respect of his Piety towards God, he was E honoured and reverenced by all men, they also resolved themselves to forsake their Religion, and to serve God after the manner of the Jews. But this intent of theirs was discovered. Whereupon the chiefest among them grew displeased; yet they did not manifest their despight, but kept it hidden in their hearts, expecting some fit oc­casion to revenge themselves as soon as they might. They wrote also to Abias King of Arabia, and promised him great sums of money, if he would take Arms against their King,The Adiabe­nians conspire with the King of Arabia a­gainst Izates. promising him upon the first charge, they would forsake him, for that they desired to be revenged on him, for having forsaken their Religion. Having therefore confirmed their promise with an Oath, they incited him to make haste. The King of A­rabia performed that which they required, and marched forth against Izates with a F great power. And when the first charge was ready to be given, and before they came to blows, all Izates Soldiers forsook him; and turning their backs to their ene­mies, fled in great disorder, as if they had been surprized with a Panick fear; yet was Izates no ways daunted; but having discovered that it was trea­son and conspiracy of his greatest Peers, he retired also into his Camp, where he en­quired of the Cause that they pretended. After he knew that they had plotted with the Arabian, he caused the Conspirators to be put to death: and the next day after went out to fight, and killed a great number of his enemies, and constrained the rest to betake them to flight. He pursued their King also into a Fort called Arsam, which he battered and assaulted with such vigour and diligence, that he took the same with G a great quantity of booty that was therein, and returned to Adiabena with great tri­umph: but he took not Abias alive, for he himself had prevented his captivity with his death. The Lords of Adiabena seeing themselves frustrated of their former hopes, in [Page 532] that by God's hand they were delivered into the hands of their King, could not con­tain H their displeasure, but practised further mischief: for they wrote their Letters to Vologesus King of Parthia, desiring him to kill Izates, and to bestow another King up­on them who was a Parthian, for that they hated their King who had abolished their Religion,The Lords of Adiabena perswade Vo­logesus to kill Izates. and had embraced a strange Law. The Parthian understanding hereof, pre­pared himself for War; and having no just colour or pretext to authorize it, he sent a messenger unto him to redemand those honours which his father had given him, which if he refused, he denounced War against him. Izates was not a little troubled in his mind, when he understood this message: For he thought that if he should re­store the gifts, he should do himself great prejudice, for that it would be imagined that he did it for fear; knowing on the other side that if the Parthian should recover I that which he redemanded, yet he would not be quiet, he therefore commended his cause to God, trusting that he would take care of him. And building upon this, that the greatest good he might have was to have God to help, he shut his wives and chil­dren in a strong Castle, and his corn in his strongest Tower: and afterwards burned all the hay and forrage: and having after this manner provided for all things, he ex­pected the approach of his enemy. The Parthian came forward sooner than he was expected, with a great power of Horse and Foot. For he marched forward in all haste, and encamped near unto the river that separateth Adiabena from Media. Izates like­wise encamped not far from thence, having with him about six thousand Horse. To whom the Parthian sent a messenger to give him to understand how great his power K was, which extended from the River Euphrates as far as Bactria, shewing him what Kings he had under his subjection, threatning him to punish him very severely, in that he behaved himself so ungratefully towards his Benefactors; yea, that the God whom he adored, could not deliver him out of the Kings hands. Hereunto Izates answer­ed, that he knew well that the Parthian far exceeded him in power, but that he was far better assured that God's power extended beyond all mens contradiction.Izates calleth upon God, who sendeth the Dahans and Sacans in­to Parthia, up­on whose ar­rival Vologesus returneth. And having returned them this answer, he betook himself to his prayers, and prostrating himself upon the earth, and casting ashes on his head, and fasting himself his wives and children, he called upon God and prayed after this manner: O Lord Almighty, if I have not vainly submitted my self to thy protection, but have intirely chosen thee L for my only and true God, be thou my help and assistance, and not only deliver me from mine enemies, but also abate and controul their pride, who have not been a­fraid in their blasphemous language, to prophane thy holy and sacred Name, and utter blasphemous speeches against thy power. Thus prayed he with sighs and tears, and God heard him: For the very same night, Vologesus received Letters by which he was certified that a great number of Dahans and Sacans, taking opportunity by his ab­sence, were entred into the Kingdom of Parthia, and spoiled the whole Country. For which cause he returned back into his Country without any further trouble. And thus Izates by Gods Providence was delivered from the Parthian threats.

Not long after this,Izates deliver­eth up the Kingdom to his Brother Monobazus and dieth. after he had lived fifty five years and reigned four and twenty,M and left behind him four and twenty sons, he died, and appointed his Brother Mono­bazus to succeed him in the Kingdom, requiting hereby his faith and Loyalty, in that during the time of his absence, and after the death of his Father, he had faithfully ruled and governed the Kingdom to his use. His Mother Helena hearing news of his death, lamented very grievously that she being his Mother was deprived of a Son that so zealously honoured and feared God, yet notwithstanding she was comforted, when she understood that her eldest Son was to succeed him in the Kingdom, and hasted with all diligence to go and meet him. As soon as she arrived in Adiabena, she lived not long time after her Son Izates. Whereupon Monobazus took both her body and his Brothers bones, and sent them to Jerusalem, commanding that they should be bu­ried N in three Pyramids which Helena had builded,Hedio & Ruf­finus cap. 5. aliàs 8. some three stades or furlongs from Jerusalem. But hereafter we will recite the acts and gests of Monobazus during his reign.

But during Fadus Government in Judaea, Theudas per­swadeth the people, that with a word he will cause Jordan to di­vide it self, & yield them passage: he with his fol­lowers are slain. a certain Magician called Theudas per­swaded a great number of the people to take all their goods and substance, and to follow him to the River of Jordan; for he said he was a Prophet, and told them that the River should divide it self into two parts upon his commandment, and yield them free passage. By these words of his, he deceived divers of them. But Fa­dus sent some troops of Horse, who charged them on the sudden, and killed a great number of them, and took divers of them Prisoners alive; amongst whom was Theudas, O whose head was stricken off, and was afterwards carried to Jerusalem. This is that which befel the Jews under Fadus's Government.

A CHAP. III.The year of the World, 4010. after Christ's Nativity, 48.
Tiberius Alexander succeeds Fadus in the Government of Judaea; and Cumanus succeeds Alexander. Herod King of Chalcis's death, his Children: Claudius the Emperour giveth his Dominions to Agrippa.

AFter Fadus, Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 5. alias, chap. 8. succeeded Tiberius Alexander, the Son of that Alexander who had been Governour of Alexandria; a man of as great Riches as any one of his time and place,Tiberius A­lexander Go­vernour of Judaea. who surpassed likewise his Son Alexander in piety, who forsook the Reli­gion B of his Forefathers. At that time there hapned a great Famine in Jewry, during which, Queen Helena sent huge summs of money into Egypt, and bought Corn, and di­stributed the same to those that were in want,James and Si­mon, the Sons of Judas of Galilee cruci­fied. according as I have said before. At the same time James and Simon, the Sons of Judas of Galilee, who had busied themselves to incite the people to resist the Government of the Romans, were put to death at such time as Cyrenius valued each man's Goods, as we have heretofore declared. These did Alexander command to be crucified.The year of the World, 4011. after Christ's Nativity, 49. Herod, King of Chalcis, took away the Sovereign Priesthood from Joseph the Son of Camydas, and transferred it to Ananias the Son of Ne­bedaeus. After Tiberius Alexander, succeeded Cumanus. The died Herod, who was Brother to King Agrippa the Great, in the eighth year of Claudius Caesar. He left behind C him three Sons; Aristobulus, whom he had by his first Wife, Bernicianus and Hircanus by Bernice, his Brother's Daughter. Claudius Caesar gave this Kingdom to Agrippa the younger. During the time that Cumanus governed, there happened a Sedition in Ju­daea, whereby divers Jews miscarried. The cause of all which accidents I will rip up from the Original.

CHAP. IV.
The horrid Insolence of a Roman Soldier, causeth the death of twenty thousand Jews: D Another Soldier's Insolence.

AT the time of the Feast of Pascha (during which time the Jews are accustomed to feed on unleavened bread) a great number of people assembled themselves from all parts,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 9. to the City of Jerusalem. Alias, 10. Whereupon Cumanus fearing lest, by this occasion, there should arise some Commotion, he gave order that a Company of his Souldiers should be armed, and should keep their Guard in the Porches of the Temple, to the end, if any trouble should happen, they might repress it. Those Governours, who had been his Predecessors, had done the like in such manner of Assemblies. It came to pass,In the Feast of Pascha, a cer­tain Soldier shewing his Privy Mem­bers, moveth a Sedition a­mong the peo­ple, whereby twenty thou­sand Jews lost their lives. on the fourth day of the Feast, that a certain Soldier discovering those Privi­ties E which were undecent to be seen, shewed them before the people; wherewith they that beheld the same were much displeased, and provoked, saying, that the dis­honour was not done to them, but to God. And some of the boldest of them uttered certain speeches against Cumanus, saying, that the Soldier was set on by him; which when Cumanus understood, he was in like manner grievously offended, in regard of those injuries; yet exhorted those, whom he saw too forward, to keep the Peace, for fear lest a Sedition should arise during the time of the Feast: And seeing they would no ways obey him, but contrariwise, they ceased not to injure and revile him, he commanded that all the Forces he had should be in Arms, and retire themselves into the Fort of Antonia that was near unto the Temple, as we have heretofore declared. F The people seeing the armed Soldiers, were afraid, and began to fly; and because the places thorough which they issued, were but narrow, they imagined that they were pursued by their enemies; so that they thrust on one another in their flight, and divers of them were thronged to death.Stephen, Cae­sar's Servant robbed in his Journey; for which cause, Cumanus spoileth the Villages near to the place where the Robbery was done. In this mutiny there died twenty thousand men: and after this, instead of a Feast, there was nothing but mourning; and without be­thinking themselves of their Prayers and Sacrifices, all of them began to weep and la­ment. So great a mischief sprung from the insolence of one Soldier. This first lamen­tation was scarcely finished, before a second succeeded the same. For some of those who had a part in this Mutiny, being about a hundred stades from the City, robbed one Stephen, that was Caesar's Servant, in the High way, and took from him all that G which he had. Which when Cumanus understood, he presently sent some of his Sol­diers to spoil those Villages, which were nearest to the place where the Fact was com­mitted, and to bring the chiefest Inhabitants thereof in Bonds unto him. In this pillage [Page 534] a certain Soldier found a Book of the Law of Moses in one of those Villages, which he H took and brought, and before them all, tore it in pieces, with horrid Blasphemies, and vile speeches against the Law and whole Nation. The Jews understanding hereof, sud­denly assembled themselves in great numbers, and ran to Caesarea, where Cumanus kept for that present,A certain Soldier teareth the Books of Moses's Law, and therefore is beheaded by Cumanus's commandment requiring him that he would revenge, not their cause, but God's, whose Law was on that sort dishonoured; signifying unto him, that it was impossible for them to live, so long as their Law was thus contemned. Cumanus fearing lest a se­cond mutiny and uproar should be raised among the people, by counsel of his Friends, cut off the Soldier's head, who had committed that Crime against the Law; and by this means appeased the Sedition that was ready to take head.

I

CHAP. V.
A great Quarrel between the Jews of Galilee, and the Samaritans, who bribe Cuma­nus Governour of Judaea: Quadratus, Governour of Syria, sends him to Rome with Ananias the High Priest, and several others, to clear themselves before the Emperour; who put some of them to death. The Emperour condemns the Samari­tans, and banisheth Cumanus; maketh Foelix Governour of Judaea; giveth A­grippa the Tetrarchy that Philip had, viz. Bathanaea, Trachonit and Abila; and K taketh Chalcis from him. The Marriage of Agrippa's Sisters. The death of the Emperour Claudius. Nero succeeds after him: He giveth the Lesser Armenia to Aristobulus, Herod's Son, King of Chalcis; and to Agrippa, some part of Galilee, viz. Tiberiades, Tarichee and Juliad.

THere happened also a quarrel betwixt the Samaritans and the Jews,Hedio & Ruf­finus cap. 10. upon this occasion:Alias. 12. They of Galilee, who resorted to the City of Jerusalem at the times of our solemn Feasts,Certain Samaritans kill di­vers Galile­ans in their way to Jeru­salem. were accustomed to pass thorough the Contrey of the Samaritans And at that time it happened, that their way lay thorough a Burrough called Nais, sci­tuate in a great Champain Field: where a Quarrel arising betwixt divers Inhabitants L of that place, and some Passengers, a great number of the Galileans were murthered. Which when the Magistrates of Galilee understood, they resorted to Cumanus, requir­ing him to execute Justice on those that had murthered their Countrey-men; but he being corrupted with money by the Samaritans,The year of the World, 4014. after Christ's Nativity, 52. made no account of their complaint. The Galileans being provoked by this Contempt of his, perswaded the common peo­ple of the Jews to betake them to their Weapons, and maintain their Liberty; tel­ling them, that slavery is of it self very harsh; but that when it is accompanied with injuries, it is intolerable. But their Magistrates endeavoured to pacifie them, promis­ing them to deal so effectually with Cumanus, that he should punish the Murtherers; but they gave them no Audience, but fell to Arms, requiring Eleazar the Son of Di­naeus M to be their Leader. This Eleazar was a Thief, who for many years made his a­bode in the Mountains;The Galile­ [...] in revenge [...] of the Samari­tans and spoil the same. they therefore spoiled and burnt certain Villages of the Sa­maritans. After that the report of all that which had passed, came to Cumanus's ears, he took some Troops out of Sebaste, with four Companies of Foot, and armed the Sa­maritans likewise, to go and fight against the Jews; whereof they killed many, and led more of them away Prisoners. When the chiefest Magistrates of Jerusalem saw in­to what a number of miseries they were fallen, they clothed themselves in Sack-cloth, and cast ashes on their heads, exhorting those that were mutinous, to consider, that if they did not lay down Arms, and return peaceably to their own homes, they would be the cause of their Countrey's utter ruine; that they should see the Temple burnt N before their eyes, and themselves, their Wives and Children, made Slaves. By which words, in the end, they being perswaded, returned home, and betook them to their business. The Thieves also retired again into their strong Holds, and from that time,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 8. all Judaea was full of Robberies. The Governours of Samaria resorted to Numidius Quadratus, Alias. 12. Governour of Syria, who dwelt at that time in Tyre; to accuse the Jews,The Samari­tans accuse the Jews before Numidius Quadratus: for that they had fired their Villages, and plundered them; telling him, that their loss did not so much trouble them, as for that they saw the Romans were contemned by the Jews; who notwithstanding, ought to appear before them as their competent Judges; yet, nevertheless, that they assembled themselves, as if the Ro­mans were not their Superiors. For which cause they addressed themselves to him,O to the end, they might have redress of those wrongs which they had received by them. This is that wherewith the Samaritans charged the Jews, who answered to the con­trary, [Page 535] A alledging that the Samaritans themselves had been the Authors of that mu­tiny and uproar; and that Cumanus being wholly corrupted by their money had smothered the matter, and done no justice on the Murtherers. When Quadratus heard this, he reserved the judgment till another time, telling them that he would give sentence in the matter when he came into Judea, The Jews say the burthen of the Wars on the Samari­tans and Cu­manus. and had examined the truth on both sides; so that they returned without doing any thing.

Shortly after, Quadratus came into Samaria, where he heard that the Samaritans had been the Authors of the trouble, and on the other side knowing that some Jews likewise intended some insurrection, he caused them to be crucified, whom Cumaenus had left in prison. From thence he transported himself to Lydda, which is a Burrough of B no less bigness than a City: in which place he sitting on his Tribunal Seat, heard the Samaritans the second time, and discovered by the report of a certain Samaritan, that one Dortus one of the chiefest among the Jews,Dortus with four other are crucified▪ and four other his Confederates in­duced the people to rebel against the Romans. Quadratus caused them to be execu­ted. As for Ananias, Ananias, A­nanus, Cuma­nus, Celer, and some other are sent to Rome. who was the High Priest, and the Captain Ananus, he sent them bound to Rome, to render an account to the Emperor Claudius of that which they had done. Moreover, he commanded the chief Governours both of the Samaritans and Jews, that they should speedily repair to Rome; whither Cumanus and Captain Celer should conduct them, to the end they might be judged by Caesar himself, upon the information taken on both sides. And fearing lest the common people of the Jews C should break out into some Rebellion, he repaired to the City of Jerusalem, to give order that the Jews should attempt to raise no new stirs; but when he came thither, he found all in peace, and busied in the celebration of the Feast, and offering Sa­crifices to God, according to their accustomed Ceremonies. Being therefore assured that no man would rebel in that place, he left them to their solemnites, and repair­ed to Antioch.

But the Jews that were sent to Rome with Cumanus and the principal Samaritans had a day assigned them by the Emperor to decide the differences that were between them.Aliàs cap. 13. Cumanus and the Samaritans endeavoured all that they might by the media­tion of Caesar's friends and freemen, to have the upper hand of the Jews; and indeed D the day had been theirs if young Agrippa had not been at Rome. Agrippa mo­veth Agrip­pina to intreat Caesar to hear the cause of the Jews. For he seeing that the matter was handled to the disadvantage of the Jews, besought Agrippina the Emperors Wife, that she would prevail so with her Husband, that he would be pleas­ed to take full knowledge of that which was done; and that afterwards he should execute due justice on those whom he found guilty of that sedition. Claudius favour­ably gave ear to this request: and hearing the whole matter, he found that the Sa­maritans were the first Authors of all those mischiefs, and caused them to be put to death who came before him to plead, and banished Cumanus: he gave order also that Captain Celer should be sent back to Jerusalem, and that there in sight of all the people he should be dragged about the City, until he died. He sent Claudius E Foelix, Pallas Brother, to govern Judaea.

In the twelfth year of his Reign,Hedio & Ruf­finus cap. 2. aliàs 13. he gave Agrippa, Philip's Tetrarchy, with Batanea; and besides that, added thereunto Trachonitis and Abila, which in time past appertain­ed to Lysanias Tetrarchy,Claudius Felix Governour of Judea. taking from this the Province of Chalcis, which he had go­verned for the space of four years. After that Agrippa had obtained this gift at Caesar's hands, he married his sister Drusilla to Azizus King of the Emessenians, who consent­ed to be circumcised,Drusilla. because Epiphanes, King Antiochus Son would not give ear unto the marriage, for that he refused to entertain the Religion of the Jews, although in times past he had promised his Father no less.Mariamne. He gave Mariamne to Archelaus, Chelcias Son, who by her Fathers consent was formerly promised him, on whom he begat a F Daughter called Bernice. A little after this, the Marriage of Azizus and Drusilla was broken off on this occasion following:Felix getteth Drusilla from her husband. When Felix governed Jewry, he saw Drusilla and fell in love with her, she surpassing all other women in Beauty. He therefore sent a certain Magician called Simon, who was born in Cyprus, and one of his great­est friends among the Jews, who perswaded her to forsake her first Husband, and to marry Felix, giving her to understand that she should be happy, if she refused not this match. She unadvised, and resolved to rid her self from the hatred which her Sister Bernice bare towards her (who hated her in regard of her beauty, and for this cause ceased not to injure her) condescended to forsake the Religion of the Jews, and to marry Felix, by whom she had a Son called Agrippa; whose death hereafter I will G declare, and how in the Emperour Titus's his time he died, and was burned in the fire of the Mountain Vesuvius with his Wife. Bernice remained a Widow, very long after Herod's death, who was both her Uncle and her Husband, and the report [Page 532] [...] [Page 533] [...] [Page 534] [...] [Page 535] [...] [Page 536] was that she had the company of her Brother. At length she wrought so much, that H Polemon King of Cilicia caused himself to be circumcised, to the end he might marry her, purposing by that means to make it known how falsly she had been accused. Whereunto Polemon gave ear because she was rich. But this Marriage continued not any long time:Polemon King of Cilicia mar­rieth Bernice. For Bernice through her impudency, as it is reported, abandoned Polemon, who giving over that Marriage forsook also the Religion of the Jews. At the same time Mariamne having forsaken Archelaus her Husband, married Demetrius, one of the chiefest Jews that were in Alexandria, Mariamne scorning Ar­chelaus marri­eth Demetri­us, both in regard of his descent, as al­so his riches; who at that time also exercised the office of Alubarcha, that is to say, the Governour of Arabia. She caused the Son she had by him to be called Agrippinus. But of all this I will speak more exactly hereafter.I

The Emperor Claudius died after he had reigned thirteen years,Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 10. aliàs 15. eight moneths, and twenty days. Some say that he was poysoned by Agrippina his wife the daughter of Germanicus, Claudius's Brother. She was first married to Domitius Aenobarbus, one of the greatest men of Rome; after whose death and long Widowhood, she was at length married to Claudius, Agrippina, Messalina, and Paetina Claudius's Wives. into whose house she brought her Son called Domitius, by his own Fathers name. Claudius had put Messalina his wife to death, for the jealousie he had of her; although he had had children by her, namely Britannicus and Octa­via: And for his daughter Antonia, who was eldest of all his children and begot­ten on Paetina one of his former Wives, she was married to Nero, whom Claudius so named, and adopted for his Son. Agrippina, fearing lest Britanicus, growing to mans K estate, should succeed his Father in the Empire, and desirous to make her own Son Emperour, as is reported; she left nothing unattempted that might bring her Hus­band to his death; an presently sent Burrus. who was General of the Army, with some other Captains,Nero Empe­ror. and those of the greatest power among his free-men, to bring Nero into the field, and to proclaim him Emperour. He being thus established in the Empire, caused Britannicus to be secretly poysoned; and not long after this, he open­ly caused his Mother to be put to death, yielding her this recompence, not only for that she had born him in her womb, but also because by her means he had obtained the Empire.The year of the World, 4019. after Christ's Nativity, 57. He likewise murthered Octavia his wife, the Emperor Claudius's daugh­ter, and divers other Noble men, under colour of some Conspiracy intended against L him. But I will not prosecute this matter, for that there are divers who have writ Ne­ro's History;Nero a tyrant. of whom some have no regard of the truth, but have spoken at their pleasure,Nero's tyran­ny. for that he had been their Benefactor: others transported with hatred and despite against him, having not been ashamed to punish such impudent lies against his renown, that they deserve to be condemned. Neither do I wonder that they have invented so many lyes against Nero, considering that in those Histories which they wrote of the former Emperours, they have not studied to speak truth, although they had not any occasion to hate them, considering that they lived a long time after their death. For my own part I am resolved never to deviate from the truth, contenting my self to touch only by the way those things that concern my M purpose; neither will I treat in particular but of what relateth to my Country, without dissembling our own faults any more than the afflictions that they brought upon us. I will therefore return to the discovery of our affairs. Azi­zus King of Emesene being dead the first year of the Emperour Nero's reign, his Bro­ther obtained the Kingdom: Aristobulus the son of Herod King of Chalcis, had the Government of the lesser Armenia from Nero, who gave Agrippa a certain portion of Galilee, commanding those of Tiberias and Tarichaea to live under him. Besides this, he gave him Julias situate beyond Jordan, with fourteen Burroughs near adjoyn­ing thereunto.

N

CHAP. VI.
Foelix, Governour of Judaea, causeth Eleazar the High Priest to be murthered; and his Murtherers commit other Murthers, even in the Temple. Robbers and False Prophets are punished.Aliàs cap. 16. A great debate betwixt the Jews, and the other Inhabitants of Caesarea.Felix punish­eth the thieves and Magici­ans, and other seducers of the people. King Agrippa establisheth Ishmael High Priest. Violences committed by the High Priests.

BUt the affairs of Judea grew daily worse and worse: For the Country was stored again with Thieves and inchanters, who deceived the common People. Felix ap­prehended O many of them daily,Eleazar the son of Dinaeus sent to Rome. and caused them to be executed. He took Eleazar also the Son of Dinaeus, who was Captain of those Outlaws and Thieves that ranged [Page 537] A in the Countrey. Foelix had given him his word, that he should no ways be endan­gered; whereupon he came and submitted himself, and was presently fettered and sent to Rome. Whereas the Governour hated extreamly Jonathan the High Priest, because he used to find fault with him for his mis-behaviours, lest he should be blamed for him, because it was through his means, that the Emperour had made him Governnour; Foelix conspi­reth against Jonathan. he resolved to make an end of him; there being nothing more unsufferable to the wicked, than to be rebuked. To compass his design, he bribed a man called Do­ra, who was born in Jerusalem, and was one of those in whom Jonathan reposed his greatest trust; to bring in certain Thieves to murther Jonathan; who willingly listen­ed to his demands: and desirous to gratifie the Governour, by this means that ensu­eth, B brought that to effect which he had intended. There were certain Thieves that came up to Jerusalem, under colour of Devotion; who carrying their Swords close hidden under their Garments, accosted Jonathan, and killed him. Now, for that this Murther was let slip, and not punished; from that day forward, the Thieves resorted boldly to solemn Feasts, having their weapons hidden under their garments, and thronging in among the people, killed some of those who were their Adversaries and others, to pleasure those who had hired them with ready money to rid them of those they mis-liked. And they did so, not only up and down the City, but in the Temple likewise; where they killed some who little suspected that any impiety should be com­mitted in that place. For my own part, I think that God hath destroyed our City, in C detestation of that Impiety: and for that he accounted the Temple impure, he hath sent us the Romans, who have set it on fire to purge the City, and make us slaves, with our Wives and Children; intending thereby to teach us Wisdom by our own miseries. Thus was the City filled with these Thefts and Murthers. And as for the Enchanters and Deceivers,The deceitful Magician. they perswaded the common people to follow them into the Desart, promising them to shew them signs and miracles done by the Power of God; where­unto divers gave ear, and at last suffered the penalty of their folly: For Foelix recal­ling them back again, punished them.

At the same time there came a certain man from Egypt, Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 12. to Jerusalem, who termed himself a Prophet; who incited the common people to follow him to the Mount called D Olivet, alias, cap. 17. scituate not far off from Jerusalem, A false Pro­phet draweth the Jews to the Mount O­livet. and only distant some five furlongs from thence; telling them, that from thence he would make them see the Walls of the City fall unto the ground, by which way he promised to give them entry: Which being reported to Foelix, he caused the Soldiers to arm themselves; and departing out of Jerusalem with great store of Horse and Foot, he set upon them, and killed four hun­dred of them, and took too hundred alive; as for the Egyptian, he escaped out of the skirmish, and no man knew what became of him. The Thieves also, incited the people anew to make War against the Romans, telling them that they ought not to yield them obedience; and they burned and spoiled divers of those Burroughs, which opposed themselves against them. It chanced also, that the Jews that inhabited Caesa­rea, E Hedio & Ruf­finus, cap. 13. mutined against the Syrians that were in the same City, in that they strove to have an equal Authority in the Government of the State as well as they.Alias, 18. The Jews pretended the Title of Superiority,A broil in Cae­sarea between the Syrians and the Jews. because that Herod, who was a Jew, had builded the City of Caesarea; on the other side, the Syrians owned the Jews sayings to be true; but they replied also, that Caesarea was formerly called the Tower of Straton, and that at that time there was not one Jew that inhabited the same. Which when the Gover­nours of that Countrey heard,The year of the world, 4020. after Christs Nativity, 58. they laid hands on the Authors of this Sedition, as well of the one, as of the other party, and gave them the Bastindo; pacifying by this means, the trouble for a little space. For the Jews once more being puffed up with their Riches, and contemning the Syrians, injuriously reviled and provoked them: On F the other side, the Syrians being weaker in substance, but as great in heart (by reason the greatest number of those that bare Arms with the Romans, were Caesareans and Seba­stens) at some times brake out into opprobrious speeches against the Jews; and at length the quarrel grew to that heat, that they cast stones at one another, so that on both sides divers of them were both killed and hurt; yet the Jews had the upper hand. Foelix perceiving that this debate might breed a War, came in between them, requir­ing the Jews to desist from further violence, and commanding his Soldiers to beat down those who would refuse to obey him; by which means a great number were kil­led, and divers taken Prisoners. Moreover, he gave his Soldiers liberty to spoil, and rob divers very rich houses. The other Jews, who, besides their Authority, were re­nowned G for their moderation, fearing lest the like misery should befall them, besought Foelix to sound a retreat, and to call in his Soldiers, and to spare that which as yet re­mained, being sore grieved at that which had happened; to which Foelix conde­scended, [Page 538] At the same time King Agrippa gave the Priesthood to Ishmael, the Son of H Phabeus. There arose also a dissention betwixt the High Priests, and the other Priests and Governours of Jerusalem; and each Faction walked forth, accompanied with a Troop of proud and mutinous persons, who decided their debates with bitter words, and flinging of stones,Ismael the son of Phabeus High Priest. so that no man might pacifie them: For all things were so out of order, as if there had been no Magistrates in the City; and the impudency and auda­ciousness of the High Priests permitted so much, that they sent their Servants to the Barns,The strife be­tween the High Priests and the Priests. to seize the Tenths that were due unto the Priests; whereby it came to pass, that some poor Priests died for want; so much did the violence of the Seditious at that time prevail ahove all right.

CHAP. VII.I
Festus succeeds Foelix in the Government of Judaea. The Inhabitants of Caesarea obtain of Nero to have the Jews Freedom recalled. King Agrippa causeth an A­partment to be built, from whence all that was done about the Temple might be seen; the people of Jerusalem cause a high Wall to be built to hinder it, by the Emperour's Authority.

AFter that Portius Festus had been sent by Nero to succeed Foelix in the Govern­ment K of Judaea, Alias, 19. the chiefest of those Jews that inhabited Caesarea, Foelix accused repaired to Rome to accuse Foelix; and without all doubt he had been punished for the injuries he had committed against the Jews, if Nero had not pardoned him upon his Brother Palas's submission and entreaty, who importuned him, and was at that time in great reputation with him.Hedio & Ruf­ffinus, cap. 14. Furthermore, two of the chiefest amongst the Syrians wrought Berillus, who had sometimes been Nero's Master, and at that time was Secretary of Estate in the Greek Tongue, by mighty Bribes, to beg of Nero the revocation of the Right and Title which the Jews enjoyed in the Government and Administration of the Commonweal. For which cause Berillus solicited the Emperour, and obtained a Letter from him, which was the cause of those mischiefs that afterwards happened in our Nation; for the Jews of Caesarea, understanding what Commission the Syrians had got­ten,L were so much the more encouraged to make War.

Therefore,The Cut-throats among the Jews. as soon as Festus was arrived in Judaea, he found the Countrey griev­ously afflicted with Robberies, and the whole Countrey was ruined with Fire and Sword. The Thieves likewise at that time encreased mightily; they used short Swords, after the manner of a Persian Cymetre, and crooked like the Roman Faul­chion; with which they killed divers: For, thrusting themselves into the press of the people that came in great multitudes on the Festival days, to celebrate God's ser­vice, they killed those very easily whom they pleased; and oftentimes repairing to their enemies Villages,Festus discom­fiteth a great deceiver, with all his followers. they spoiled and burnt them. But Festus sent divers Forces,M both of Horse and Foot, against certain Jews that were seduced by an Enchanter, who had promised them to free them from all their troubles, if they would follow him into the Desart; they killed both the deceiver and the deceived that followed him. At that time King Agrippa erected a stately Building within the Palace at Jerusalem, Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 15. near unto the Porch.alias, chap. 10. This Palace in times past appertained to the Asmoneans, and was scituate in a high place, with a fine Prospect, from whence they might with pleasure behold the City of Jerusalem, wherein the King took great delight, and beheld from thence that which was done in the Temple.The chiefest men of Jeru­salem stop up the Prospect of Agrippa's house. The chiefest men of Jerusalem, seeing this Building, were very much displeased; for neither doth our Custom or Law permit that any one should look on that which is done in the Temple, and espe­cially N forbiddeth that any man should behold the Sacrifices and Oblations: They therefore builded a high Wall upon the Gallery, which was within the Temple on the West side, which did not only hinder the sight of the Royal Chamber, but also that of the Gallery without the Temple on the West side, where the Romans kept Guard near unto the Temple, on the Festival days. Herewith was King Agrippa high­ly displeased, and the Governour Festus far more than he, who commanded them to pull down the Wall: But they besought him that he would give them Licence to send their Ambassadours to Nero, to this intent; alledging that it was impossible for them to live, if any part of their Temple should be beaten down. Which being granted them, they sent ten of their chiefest Nobility, and with them Ismael the High O Priest, and Chelcias, the Treasurer of the Temple unto Nero; who no sooner heard their suit, but he pardoned them, not only for that they had done, but he commanded [Page 539] A that the building should remain as it was. All which he did in favour of his Wife Pop­pea, who was entreated by the Jews, she being a devout Princess, to sue for them. She therefore commanded the ten Ambassadours to return, and kept Chelcias and Ismael for Pledges with her. The King understanding how all things had past, gave the High Priesthood to Joseph, Joseph Cabi the Son of Si­mon made High Priest. surnamed Cabi, which was the Son of Simon, who in times past, had been High Priest.

CHAP. VIII.
B Albinus succeeds Festus in the Government of Judaea; and King Agrippa giveth and taketh away often the High Priesthood. Ananus the High Priest causeth Saint James to be put to death. Agrippa enlargeth the City of Caesarea, and calleth it Neronias. The Favours he granted to the Levites. The List of the High Priests since Aaron.

CAesar being advertised of Festus's death,Albinus Go­vernour of Judaea. sent Albinus to govern Judaea. But King Agrippa commanded Joseph to lead a private life, and advanced in his stead a certain man called Ananus, Ananus, the Son of Ana­nus High Priest. the Son of Ananus, who was reported to have been most happy; for he had five Sons, all which supplied the place of the High Priest, after him­self C had long time before them enjoyed it; the like whereof hath never happened to any of our Priests.Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap 16. The younger Ananus, who, as we said, was advanced to this place, was a rash and head-strong man, that followed the Sect of the Saducees, who (as we have already declared) were amongst all other the Jews,Alias, 21. the most severe in executing Justice:Ananus had five Sons that succeeded him in the Priest­hood. Whereas therefore, Ananus was of this disposition, he thought that he had a fit occasion offered him to do what he pleased after Festus's death, and whilst Albinus was as yet upon his way. He therefore ascended and sat down in the Tribunal, as­sisted by the Judges; and caused James, the Brother of JESUS, who was called CHRIST,The year of the World, 4025. after Christ's Nativity, 63. to appear before him, with certain others, and accused them for transgres­sing the Law, and Blasphemy against God, and caused him to be stoned to death. They D that were men of upright Conscience within the City, and diligent observers of the Law, were very much displeased with this Act; and sent secretly to the King, beseech­ing him to prohibit Ananus, James the Brother of our Lord stoned. that hereafter he should commit no such like offence: For that his first action was not allowable. Some of them also went to meet Albinus, be­ing on his way to Alexandria, Ananus ac­cused before Albinus. to inform him that it was unlawful for Ananus to assem­ble the Council without his Licence. Albinus perswaded by these words, wrote a cho­lerick Letter to Ananus, Jesus the Son of Damnaeus possesseth A­nanus's place. wherein he threatned to punish him. And for the same cause, King Agrippa dispossessed him of the Priesthood, after he had held the same for the space of three months; and in his stead he established Jesus the Son of Damnaeus. After that Albinus was arrived in Jerusalem, he employed all his care and study to pacifie the E Countrey, by executing divers of the Thieves.

But the High Priest Ananias daily encreased in honour and credit, and purchased the good will of the Citizens,Some forcibly gather the Tenths of the Priests. by his liberality and great gifts. But he had some mischiev­ous Servants about him, who conversed with those that were most intemperate and au­d [...]cious; who repaired from Barn to Barn, and took up many Tithes that belonged to the Priests, and beat those that refused to render them. The Priests used no less violence than their servants, having no man that might restrain them; whereby it came to pass, that the Priests; who were formerly maintained by the tenth, died at that time for want of Victuals. And the Thieves renewing their entrance into the City by night, during the Feast that was celebrated at that time,The Thieves apprehend Ananias's Kindred and Servants. took, the Secretary of Captain Elea­zar F alive, who was Ananias's Son, who was the High Priest: And having bound him, led him out of the City; sending Ananias word, that they would deliver his Secreta­ry, if he would prevail so much with Albinus, as to deliver them their ten Companions then Prisoners, who were taken by him. To the performance whereof, Ananias per­swaded Albinus by manifest reasons:Caesarea Phi­lippi new builded by Agrippa, and called Neroni­as. And by obtaining his demand, encreased and be­gat a number of miseries. For the Thieves used all the cunning means they could de­vise, in apprehending some one of Ananias's house; and when they had taken any one of them alive, they would not deliver him, except before, they might have one of their own delivered. So that encreasing both in courage and number, they became more and more insolent to afflict the Countrey.

G At that time King Agrippa enlarged the City of Caesarea, The Berithi­ans receive much kindness at Agrippa's hands. surnamed Philippi; and in honour of Nero, called it Neronias. He builded also to his great charge, a Theatre in favour of the Berytians: He distributed Oyl and Corn for every one of the people, and [Page 540] adorned all the City with most antick and fine Portraitures upon the Porches.The year of the world, 4026. after Christs Nativity, 64. In H short, he transported into that City almost all the Ornaments of the rest of the King­dom: For which cause his Subjects began to hate him, seeing he deprived them of their rare Ornaments, to adorn one strange City. Jesus the Son of Gamaliel succeeded in the Priesthood, which the King had given him, and taken away from Jesus the Son of Dam­naeus; who resigned him his place against his will. Whereupon, there arose a discord between them;Ananias, Co­stobarus, and Saul prepared to spoil the weaker. for having assembled their resolutest followers, they came from bitter words, to blows and stones. But amongst all the rest, Ananias was the richest in wealth, and by his bounty reconciled the more unto him. Costobarus also, and Saul, gathered each of them a Band of Rascals, and desperate men. These two were of the Blood-Royal; and by reason of their affinity and alliance with Agrippa, they were well be­loved:I For which cause they were insolent and violent, oppressing always the weaker sort. From this time forward the estate of our City grew desperate, encreasing daily more and more in wickedness.

When Albinus understood that Gessius Florus came to succeed him,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 17. alias, cap. 22. desiring that they of Jerusalem should acknowledge some of his good deeds, he called before him all those Prisoners that were notoriously guilty of Murther,Albinus exe­cuteth the hai­nous Male­factors. and caused them to be executed. As for those that were imprisoned upon any small or slight cause, upon payment of their Fines, he delivered them; and in so doing, the Prison was cleansed of Malefactors; and from that time, the Countrey remained full of Thieves and Robbers.

The Levites,Agrippa giv­eth them of the Tribe of Levi leave to wear the Lin­nen Garments. who were ordained to sing Hymns to God, solicited the King to assem­ble K the Council, and thereby to permit them to wear the Linnen Robe, which the Priests were accustomed to use; telling him that such an Ordinance would dignifie his Estate very much, in that he would be always famous in memory of this new Establish­ment. Agrippa per­mitteth the Ministers of the Temple to sing the Sa­cred Hymns. This Suit of theirs was easily granted; for the King, after he had consulted with those who were his Assistants, suffered the Levites that sung the Hymns, to lay aside their ordinary Robe, and to apparel themselves in Linnen, as best liked them. He per­mitted also, that another part of the Levites, who intended the service of the Temple, should learn to sing the Hymns and Psalms, as they had required: All which he did, contrary to the Ordinances of the Countrey; which being broken, there was nothing else to be expected but Punishment.L

At that time the building of the Temple was finished.The people of the Jews be­seech the King that it may be lawful for them to repair the Porch. And the people perceiving that more than eighteen thousand Work-men should be idle, and deprived of Wages, whereupon they were accustomed to live by the building of the Temple: on the o­ther side, being loath to reserve their money through the fear they had of the Romans; to provide for those Workmen (in the entertainment of whom they resolved to em­ploy their Treasure, for if any one of them wrought but one hour of the day, he was suddenly paid his wages) they requested the King, that it would please him to re­pair the Eastern Gate, on the outward part of the Temple, scituate in a Descent, the Walls whereof were in height four hundred Cubits; made of square Stones of white Marble, from the top to the bottom; and every stone twenty foot long, and six M foot thick.

This Work was first builded by King Solomon, who was the first that builded our Temple. But Agrippa, to whom Claudius Caesar had given the Commission of build­ing of the Temple; thinking with himself, that it was very easie to break it down, but very hard to build it up; and that to re-edifie the Porch, it would cost much time and expence, he denied their request; permitting them nevertheless, to pave their Ci­ty with broad Stone.Matthias, the Son of Theo­philus, High Priest. He took the Priesthood from Jesus the Son of Gamaliel, and gave it to Matthias, the Son of Theophilus; in whose time, the Wars betwixt the Romans and the Jews began.

But I think it not amiss,Hedio & Ruf­finus, chap. 18. but very answerable to the course of this present History,N to speak of the High Priests,The Successi­on and num­ber of the High Priests among the Jews. and to shew how they had their beginning, and to whom this honour may be lawfully communicated, and how many they were in number un­til the end of the War. The first of them was Aaron, Moses's Brother, after whose death, his Children succeeded him; and from that time forward, the honour hath con­tinued with their Successors. For it is a Law observed by our Ancestors, that no man should be admitted to the Priesthood,There were eighty three High Priests in all. except he be of Aaron's Posterity: for albeit he were a King, if so be that he were of another Line, it was impossible for him to ob­tain the Priesthood. All the Priests after Aaron, who (as we have said) was the first, until Phanasus, whom the Seditious created Priest in the time of the War, have been in number eighty three, whereof thirteen have executed the Office, from the time that O Moses erected God's Tabernacle in the Desart, until such time as arriving in Judaea, King Solomon builded a Temple to God. For in the beginning, the High Priesthood continued [Page 541] A with the Possessors for term of life; but afterwards, although the Priests were yet a­live, yet were there other Successors put in their rooms. These thirteen were of Aa­ron's Posterity, and obtained this degree in succession, the one after the other. Their first Government was Aristocracy, which is the Government of the Nobility; after­wards a Monarchy; and at last a Royal Government. The number of years wherein these thirteen flourished, were six hundred and twelve years, from the day that our Fa­thers departed out of Egypt, under the conduct of Moses, until the building of the Tem­ple in Jerusalem by King Solomon.

After these thirteen High Priests, there were eighteen others; who after Solomon's time succeeded one after another, until the time that Nabuchodonozor King of Babylon, B having encamped before the City, took it, and burned the Temple, and transported our Nation into Babylon, and led away the High Priest Josedech Prisoner. The time of the Priesthood and continuance of these eighteen, was four hundred sixty years, six months and ten days; so long as the Jews have had the Royal Government. After the surprizal of Jerusalem by the Babylonians, until such time as Cyrus, King of Persia, dismissed the Jews, and gave them leave to return from Babylon, into their own Coun­trey, with permission to re-edifie their Temple, there are seventy two years; and at that time the Captives being returned, Jesus, the Son of Josedech, took upon him the High Priesthood; who, with those of his Posterity, to the number of fifteen, have governed in a Democracy, or Popular Government, until the time of Antiochus, sur­named C Eupator, for the space of four hundred and fourteen years. This Antiochus was the first, who, with his General Lysias, displaced Onias, surnamed Menelaus, of his Priesthood, commanding him to be killed at Berith; and after he had driven his Son out of the Succession, he established Jacim High Priest; who notwithstanding, was of Aaron's Race, but not of his Family. For this cause Onias, the Son of Onias, and Ne­phew to the deceased Onias, retired himself into Egypt: Where growing familiar with Ptolomey, Philometor and Cleopatra his Wife, he perswaded them to build a Temple in the Confines of Heliopolis, not unlike to that of Jerusalem, and to create a High Priest in the same; of which Temple in Egypt, we have made very oftentimes mention. Af­ter that Jacim had held the Priestood for the space of three years, he died without D Successor; so the City remained seven years without a High Priest. Again, the As­moneans recovered the Government of their Nation, and after they had made War a­gainst the Macedonians, they established Jonathan High Priest, who exercised the Of­fice seven years; but afterwards he was killed in an Ambush, and Treason conspired against him by Tryphon, as we have declared elsewhere. After him, Simon his Bro­ther undertook the Priesthood, who was, not long after, killed treacherously by his Son-in-Law at a Banquet. After him succeeded his Son Hircanus; who enjoying this Dignity for the space of thirty one years, died when he was very old, leaving behind him Judas, surnamed Aristobulus; who dying, left his Brother Alexander his Heir, both of the Kingdom and High Priesthood. After that Aristobulus had obtained the E Royal Government, he enjoyed both Dignities one whole year. For this Judas sur­named Aristobulus, was the first that set the Diadem on his head, causing himself to be called a King; the which Alexander did continue; for he also joyned the Kingdom with the High Priesthood, and reigned twenty seven years: And feeling himself draw near to his death, he left in Alexandras his Wife's hands, to dispose of the Priesthood as she pleased: She therefore bestowed it on Hircanus; and as for the Kingdom, she kept it in her own hands nine years, and afterwards died. Her Son Hircanus was High Priest for so long time: For after Alexandra's death, his Brother Aristobulus made War against him; and having overcome him, he took the Kingdom from him; and not only seized on the Crown, but the Priesthood. After he had reigned three F years, and as many months, Pompey repaired to Jerusalem, and took it perforce; and laying hold of Aristobulus, sent him bound unto Rome with his Children. After which, he restored the Priesthood once more to Hircanus; committing the Govern­ment of the Nation unto his hands, forbidding him in the mean space to wear the Dia­dem. Besides the first nine years, Hircanus governed twenty and four: But Barza­pharnes and Pacorus, Princes of the Parthians, passed Euphrates, and made war against Hircanus, and took him alive Prisoner, and made Antigonus, Aristobulus's Son, King. But after he had governed three years and three months, Sosius and Herod took him a­live perforce, and Antonius sent him to Antioch, where he was beheaded. After that Herod was created King by the Romans, there was never any High Priest created of G the Posterity of the Asmoneans (for he gave the High Priesthood to certain men of ob­scure and base extraction, who were of the Order of Priests) Aristobulus only except­ed. This Aristobulus was Hircanus's Nephew, who was a Prisoner among the Parthians; [Page 542] and having given him the Priesthood, he married Mariamne his Sister, to the intent H to continue himself in the good liking of the people, in remembrance of Hircanus: But afterwards fearing, lest all of them should turn to Aristobulus's side, he caused him to be killed, by finding out a means to cause him to be stifled, at such time as he bath­ed himself in a Fish-pond near to Jericho, Aristobulus slain by Herod. as we have declared before this. After him, he bestowed the Priesthood no more on any of the Line of the Asmoneans. Archelaus his Son,supra l 15. c. 3. followed his Father's steps in respect of the Priesthood; and from that time forward, the Romans have enjoyed the Sovereignty over Jewry. All they then, that have exercised the Priesthood from Herod's time, until the day that Titus took the City and the Temple, have been in all, twenty and eight: All the continuance of their Go­vernment was one hundred and seven years. Some of these governed during Herod's I life, and in the days of Archelaus his Son: But after these two were dead, the Govern­ment was Aristocratical, or of the Nobility, wherein the Priests had the Government over the whole Nation. Thus much have we thought fit to speak at this time concern­ing the High Priests.

CHAP. IX.
How Florus, Albinus's Successor, offered many injuries to the Jews, which constrained them to take Arms against the Romans.K

GEssius Florus being sent by Nero, to succeed Albinus, filled all Judaea with many mischiefs and miseries.The year of the World, 4028. after Christ's Nativity. 66. He was a Clazomenian born, and was married to a cer­tain Woman called Cleopatra, no less mischievous than himself; who, being beloved by Poppea, Nero's Wife, obtained this Dignity for him. He behaved himself so inso­lently and violently in all his Government,Gessius Florus Governour of Judaea. that through the great injustice he com­mitted, the Jews praised Albinus, as if he had been their Benefactor. For he con­cealed his mischief, taking care lest it should be discovered: But Gessius Florus behav­ed himself so,Gessius Florus worse than Albinus. as if he had been sent to make open shew and sale of his Villanies, pub­lished his injustice in the ears of our Nation, without omitting any injustice in execut­ing L and inflicting punishment on the innocent. For he was pitiless and covetous, and made no difference between Noble and Ignoble, and was not ashamed to be partak­er with Thieves; of whom there were divers, who made it their profession to steal, without any fear, in that they were assured of their safety, because he was partaker with them.The year of the World, 4030. after Christs Nativity. 68. And, in a word, there was no moderation in him; so that the poor Jews being unable to endure such insolence, were constrained to abandon their own houses, and to fly their Countrey, and remain in some more commodious place of security; yea, though it were among strangers. What need I speak any more? he that con­strained us to draw our Swords against the Romans,Florus the ori­ginal cause of the Wars of the Jews. was Florus; we made this ac­count, that it was better for us to die all at once, than to perish by little and little.M In short, the War began the second year of Florus's Government in that Province, which was the twelfth year of Nero's Empire.The beginning of the Wars. but they that desire to know exactly all that which we have been constrained both to do and suffer, may persue may Books of the Wars of the Jews. For which cause, in this place I will end this ancient Hi­story.

This ancient History containeth all that which hath been reported to be done since the first Creation of man,The Epilogue of the Anti­quities of the Jews. until the twelfth year of Nero's Empire, omitting nothing that hath befallen the Jews, as well in Egypt, as in Syria and Palestine: All that like­wise, which we have been enforced to suffer under the Assyrians and Babylonians; as also our Estate under the Persians and Macedonians, and finally under the Romans.N All this, as I suppose, I have compiled and gathered together with careful diligence; and I have enforced my self to recite the number of those, who have been High Priests for the space of two thousand years. I have also collected the Succession of Kings, their Actions and Government, with the power of their Monarchies, according as it is amply described in Holy Scriptures, as also I have promised in the beginning of my History. Moreover, I dare boldly say, that whatsoever I set down, is so true, that there is no man, either Jew, or of what Nation soever, yea, although he should have employed the uttermost of his power, could more exactly commu­nicate the same unto the Greeks, than I have done. For in their Confessions and O­pinions who are of our Nation,Joseph expert in the Greek and Hebrew Tongue. I have such knowledge in that which concerneth our O Doctrine, as I surpass them all: And as for the Grecian Disciplines, I have studied and learned the Tongue, although I cannot boast of the familiar and fit Pronunciation [Page 543] A of the same, for that I have lived in the Countrey. For amongst us we make but slen­der reckoning of those, who are exercised in divers Tongues; for that this Study is accounted Prophane by us, and common, not only to free persons but also unto slaves; and they only are esteemed to have profited in Wisdom, who fully know the Contents of the Law, and who can expound the Holy Scriptures. For this cause, although di­vers have busied themselves in this exercise of writing Histories, yet there are scarcely two or three of them that have written successfully, and have received the Fruits of their Labours. And it may be that it will not be thought amiss, if I freely speak some­what of my Progeny and Life; considering that there are men at this day living, who can approve or reprove me in that I set down.This Volume was written. And in this place I will make an end of B my Antient History, which I have reduced into twenty Books, containing sixty thou­sand Verses.The year of the World, 4057. after Christ's Nativity▪ 95. And if God grant me life, I will shortly treat of our Wars, and the events of the same that have happened hitherto, which is the thirteenth year of Domitianus Caesar's Empire, and the fifty sixth year of my Age. Moreover, I am resolved to disco­ver in four Books, the divers Opinions of the Sects of the Jews, as touching God and his Essence, and our Laws; according to which certain things are permitted us, and others are forbidden.

The End of the Antiquities of the Jews.
THE Lamentable & Tra …

THE Lamentable & Tragical HISTORY OF THE WARS AND UTTER RUINE OF THE JEWS.

Comprised in Seven BOOKS BY FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS, The Son of MATTHIAS.

Formerly Translated into English, By Tho. Lodge, D. M. P. And now Revised, the Translation refined, according to the late French Copy of it, Published by Monsieur Arnauld, D'Andilly.

LONDON, Printed for Abel Roper, Nathanael Ranew, Jonathan Robinson, and Obadiah Tomlins. 1675.

A THE B PREFACE, C In which the Author taxeth divers Historiographers of un­truth; and declareth his intent, and specifieth the principal points of this History.

THe War of the Jews against the Romans,The duty of an Historio­grapher, and how things that are past should be written. was of all other the greatest that ever was attempted in our Age, or heard of in D any other, either between City and City, or Nation against Na­tion: Yet there have been some persons, who (rather building their discourse on the vain and false reports of others, than their own knowledge) have written the History of it by hear­say; and filled their discourse not only with Vanity, but also with Contradiction. Others there are, who, though Witnesses or Actors in the same; nevertheless, have according to their own fancy, related many falshoods, either out of flat­tery to the Romans, or hatred against the Jews: Whose Writings are full of nothing but Accusations of the one, and Praises of the other, without observation of Historical E Verity.Joseph himself had a hand in the Wars of the Jews. For this cause, I Joseph the Son of Matthias, by Birth an Hebrew, a Citizen and Priest of Jerusalem; who, in the beginning of those Wars, bore Arms against the Romans, and afterwards (being thereunto forced by necessity) was present at all those things, which were attempted and prosecuted in those Wars; have thought good to write in the Greek Tongue (in favour of all those who acknowledge the Sovereignty of the Roman Empire) all that which heretofore in my own Language I have written, to inform other Nations. When these great Wars began, the Romans were at Civil Wars among themselves: And the younger and more turbulent sort of Jews, trusting to their Riches and Courage, excited so great troubles in the East, to make use of this opportu­nity, that whole Nations were in apprehension to be brought into subjection to them, be­cause F they had confederated with those of their Nation, that inhabited the parts beyond Euphrates, to revolt all together. Moreover, at that time the Gauls, who bordered upon the Romans, suffered them not to live in peace: And the Germans also began to take Arms.After Nero's time all things full of trouble▪ In a word, after the death of Nero, Seditions reigned every where: so that by reason of the opportunity of these times, many went about to make themselves Kings: And the Soldiers, lead with the hope of gain, desired nothing more than trou­ble and alteration. Now, because these matters were important, the trouble I had to see the truth disguised, made me take care to inform exactly the Parthians, Babyloni­ans, Joseph had written this History in the Hebrew Tongue be­fore. and the farthest distant Arabians, and those of our Nation, inhabiting beyond Euphrates, together with the Adiabenites, of the true cause of this War, of all that G passed in it, and how it was ended, lest those who were not present in it, should be ignorant thereof, and deceived by flattering and fabulous Historians. Yet some of these there be, [Page] who (besides their false informations) stick not to write Histories, not only void of all H truth, but also no ways answerable to the Subject which they undertake. For whereas they labour to extol the Romans,The Glory of the Romans is diminished, if you derogate from their la­bours at the Siege of Jeru­salem. and debase the Jews; I cannot understand how they can be held great, who triumph in the Conquest of men so obscure and abject. Nay, whilst they thus extol the Romans valour in conquering the Jews, they consider not the continuance of the War, nor the multitude of the Roman Forces, nor the honour of their Captains; whose Glory is much impaired, if they lessen that of the ressistance, by which the valour of the Jews render'd the execution of the Enterprise so difficult. For my own part, I am not resolved to contradict those, who shall enhance the Glory and Noble Actions of the Romans, nor to extol and cry up the Deserts of my own Na­tion; but my resolution is, in all truth and sincerity to set down each Occurrent, with­out I respect or partiality towards either part. In performance whereof, I will order my discourse according to the matter I treat of, and as my grief and sorrow shall invite me to lament the miseries of my Countrey. For the Civil Dissension, that dismem­ber'd the same, was the cause that brought it to confusion: And those Tyrants that reigned amongst us, were such, who forcibly drew the Romans, with Sword and Fire, to effect the Desolation of our Holy Temple.Titus his Piety towards the Jews. The truth whereof Titus Caesar himself can justifie, who destroyed the same; who, during all those Wars, still pitied the peo­ple, for that they (as he well perceived) were kept in awe by the Seditious: And oftentimes, of his own accord, he deferred the taking of the City, and purposely pro­tracted the Siege, to the intent, that in the mean time the Authors of the Seditions,K might have leisure to repent and submit themselves. Now, if any man think that I write this, as one that exclaimeth against the Tyrants, and their Depredations; or that in bewailing the miseries of my lost Countrey, I accuse their Villanies too passio­nately, and thereby transgress the limits of a History; let it be imputed to my grief, and so pardoned. For amongst all the Cities that ever were conquered by the Ro­mans, our City only attained to the top of felicity; but now, alas, 'tis brought in­to extreme Misery,All Calami­ties that hap­ned since the beginning of the World, being com­pared with those the Jews suffered are of no moment. Captivity and Desolation. Nay, if all the Misfortunes and Ca­lamities which the World from the beginning hath seen, be compared with the infelici­ty and fall of the Jews, they are slight and inconsiderable.

And to encrease our sorrow, 'tis not to Foreigners, but to our own Countrey-men,L that we are to attribute the cause of our miseries. Wherefore, if any man too severe and Stoical, reprehend this my Lamentation, let him consider only the deeds I re­count in the History which I write, and pass over the Lamentations and sorrows of me,The Grecian Historiogra­phers overpass the Wars of the Jews with silence. who am the Historiographer. I confess I have often blamed, and perhaps with reason, the most eloquent Grecians; that (although these our most miserable and me­morable Wars hapned in their days, in respect whereof, all other former troubles are obscure and of no reckoning) they have restrained their Tongues and Pens, to the end they might carp at those with greater liberty, who undertake the publishing thereof; whom, though in Learning and Eloquence, they exceed, yet they have the advantage M of having managed Publick Affairs. These Censurers of others, write the Histories of the Assyrians and Medes, as if the ancient Writers had ill reported the same; though indeed they come as far behind those ancient Authors, in their manner of writing, as they do in the design they had in writing. For such as, in times past, published any worthy History, endeavoured to write that which they themselves had seen; and they were Eye-witnesses of those Affairs they committed to writing; they more effectu­ally performed all that they promised, because they accounted it an act of dishonesty, to report and publish Lyes in stead of History. And truly, in my opinion, that man is worthy commendation, who striveth by his studious endeavours, to Register, not only the Occurrences of times past, but also those memorable events that have happened in N his own days: And he only and truly, is to be accounted industrious, not that al­tereth and pruneth at his pleasure another man's Works, but he that of himself com­pileth an History whereof no man hath before written. For my own part (being a stranger) I have spared no labour and expence, to declare the truth of these events in the ears of the Greeks and Romans. For, as touching their own learned men, their mouths are always open where their own interest, publick or private, is concerned; but if they come to a History,Who may rightly be called a Histo­riographer. wherein they should both tell truth, and with great labour enquire of those things that are past; here the travel is too tedious, the bit is in their teeth, so that they leave the matter to their performance, who are unca­pable and unapt both in stile and study to register the Actions of Princes and great O Captains; whereby it appears, that the Grecians make as little account of the truth of History, as we esteem and seek it.

[Page] A Now to discover unto you the Original of the Jews, what their Estate hath been in times past, and after what manner they departed out of Egypt; to shew what Countreys they conquered, and what Colonies they planted; were in my judgment, both impertinent, and to little purpose; considering that divers of mine own Nati­on have before my time written an exact History of the actions of our Ancestors: yea, many Greeks also have translated these men's Writings into their own Tongue, without much deviating from the truth. I will therefore begin my History in that time where these Writers, and our own Prophets have ended theirs, and set down at large all those Wars that happened in my time. As for those things that precede B my particular knowledge, I will only touch them briefly, and in a word or two. First, I will relate how Antiochus, Antiochus E­piphanes, the first Author and Fountain of the Wars of the Jews. surnamed Epiphanes, took the City of Jerusalem, and possessed the same for the space of three years and six months; and how he was dri­ven out of that Countrey at last, by the Asmoneans. After this I will set down the Dissentions that happened amongst Antiochus's Successors for the Kingdom; and how by this means they drew Pompey and the Romans into their Affairs.The Epitome of the Wars of the Jews. How Herod likewise, the Son of Antipater, being assisted by Sosius, put an end to the Rule of the Asmonean Princes: And how, in Augustus Caesar's time, after the death of Herod, and during the Government of Quintilius Varus, a Sedition was raised among the people: And how in the twelfth year of Nero's Reign, the War began. What C likewise happened in Cestius's time; and what Warlike Exploits the Jews perform­ed in their first Attempts and Revolts; how they strengthened the Cities and Forts about them; and how Nero (hearing of the great Overthrow, which his Army re­ceived under Cestius their General, and fearing lest he should lose all) made Titus Vespasian General of his Army; who being attended by his eldest Son, came into Judaea, accompanied with as great a number of Romans as he could possibly gather; how a great number of his Allies were defeated in Galilee; what Cities they took in that Province, either by Assault, or by Composition. Besides all these things, I will express what Order and Discipline the Romans observe in their Wars, and how they are accustomed to exercise their Soldiers. I will describe also the places and nature D of the Countrey of Galilee and Judaea, together with the Mountains, Lakes and Fountains thereof, with all the Properties of the same; not forgetting those miseries which the Captive Cities suffered; and how they were surprized. All which (toge­ther with all those evils and miseries which during those troubles befell my self) I will discourse with all truth and diligence, the rather because I publish them to ma­ny who are no ways ignorant of them.

After this,The signs and changes after Nero's death. I will set down how (upon the declining and downfall of the Jews) Nero died; and how at such time as Vespasian had undertaken the Expedition to Jerusalem, he was recalled from it, to receive the Imperial Dignity; and how when E he returned into Egypt to establish that Province, the Jews began to mutiny among themselves; how many Tyrants arose among them, who hatched much civil discord and debate in their Government. Moreover, how Titus departing out of Egypt, came the second time into Judaea, and ranged over the Countrey; and how and where he levied and encamped his Armies. How, and how often, the City was vex­ed by Seditions, especially at such time as he himself was present. What Onsets he gave,Titus besieg­eth Jerusalem. and how many Mounts he raised, in begirting the City with a triple Wall: The strength and Provision of the City:The manners and Sacrifices of the Jews. The Scituation and Plat-form of the Temple, and the Altars therein: The Rites and Ceremonies used on Festival days: The se­ven Purifications, and the Offices of the Priests: The Garments also, of the High F Priest, and the Holy Sanctuary of the Temple. All which I will recount without any dissimulation, or swerving from the truth of History. After this, I will relate what cruelty the Tyrants used towards their own Countrey-men,The Humani­ty of the Ro­mans towards the Jews. what Humanity the Ro­mans shewed to strangers, and how often Titus (who desired to save both the City and Temple) exhorted the Seditious to mutual Amity. Furthermore, I will report how the people of the Jews (after the many and grievous Calamities which they suf­fered in the Siege, by War, Sedition, and Hunger) were at length reduced into servi­tude after the taking of that great and potent City. Neither will I omit the slaugh­ter of such as deserted their Nation, neither the punishment inflicted on those that were Captive:The burning of the Tem­ple, and the o­verthrow of the City. I will set down how the Temple was burnt against Caesar's Will, and G what an infinite Mass of Sacred Treasure was consumed by the Fire, and what signs and wonders happened before the same: The Captivity also of the Tyrants themselves, [Page] and the number of those that were led away into Captivity, and what miseries they H endured: How the Romans continuing their Wars, utterly ruined the Fortresses of their Captives:The Romans triumph over the Jews. Finally, how Titus travelling thorough the whole Countrey, establish­ed a Form of Government; and afterward returning into Italy, triumphed with much honour. All these things I have comprehended in seven Books, endeavouring as much as in me lieth,The cause why he wrote this History. to avoid all occasion of reproof, from those men who know these Affairs, and were Actors in the War. Which I have done for their sakes, who love truth. And according to that Order and Form I promised, I will begin my History.

A THE FIRST BOOK Of the B WARS of the JEWS.

The Contents of the Chapters of the First Book.
  • 1. The Destruction of Jerusalem by Antiochus King of Syria. The overthrow of the Syrians by Matthias Maccabaeus and his Sons.
  • C 2. The Succession of Princes, from Jonathan, to Aristobulus.
  • 3. Of Aristobulus, Antigonus, Judas, Essaeus, Alexander, Theodore, and Demetrius.
  • 4. Of the War of Alexander, King of the Jews, with Antiochus and Aretas; and of A­ristobulus and Hircanus.
  • 5. Of the War between Hircanus and the Arabians; and of the taking of Jerusalem.
  • 6. Of the War of Alexander with Hircanus, and also of Aristobulus.
  • 7. Of the death of Aristobulus, and the War undertaken by Antipater and Mithridates.
  • 8. How Antipater was accused before Caesar; of the Priesthood of Hircanus, and how He­rod made War.
  • 9. Caesar's death. Cassius comes into Syria; Herod ingratiates with him. Malichus poy­sons D Antipater, who had sav'd his life: For which Herod causes him to be slain.
  • 10. How Herod was accused, and set free.
  • 11. Of the War of the Parthians against the Jews; and of Herod's Flight and Fortune.
  • 12. Of Herod's War for the recovering of Jerusalem, after his return from Rome; and how he warred against the Thieves.
  • 13. Of the death of Joseph. How Herod besieged Jerusalem; and how Antigonus was slain.
  • 14. Of the treacherous practices of Cleopatra against Herod. Herod's War against the A­rabians, and of a very great Earth-quake.
  • 15. How Herod was confirmed in the peaceable Possession of the Kingdom of Judaea, by Au­gustus E Caesar.
  • 16. Of the Cities and Monuments repaired and builded by Herod, and of his felicity and liberality towards strangers.
  • 17. Of the disagreement between Herod and his Sons, Alexander and Aristobulus.
  • 18. Of Antipater's Conspiracy against his Father Herod.
  • 19. How Herod should have been poysoned, and how the Treason was discovered.
  • 20. How Antipater's malicious practices against Herod were discovered and punished.
  • 21. Of the Golden Eagle, and of Antipater's and Herod's death.

F CHAP. I.
The Destruction of Jerusalem by Antiochus King of Syria. The Overthrow of the Syrians by Matthias Maccabaeus and his Sons.

AT such time as Antiochus, surnamed Epiphanes, made War against Ptolo­mey the Sixth King of Egypt, The year of the World, 3800. before Christ's Nativity, 162. for the whole Dominion of Syria, those of the chiefest Authority and Nobility among the Jews, were divided into two Parties: And that of Onias the High Priest being become the G strongest, expelled the Sons of Tobias out of the City; who fleeing to Antiochus for refuge, besought him in all humility, that he would lead his Forces into Judaea; offering themselves to be his Guides in the Expedition. An­tiochus [Page 558] (who had long desired such an occasion) easily condescended to their request; H and levying a great Army, he entred their Countrey, took Jerusalem, and slew most part of them who favoured Ptolomey. He gave his Soldiers liberty to sack the City, spoiled the Temple of the great Riches which were in it; and for the space of three years and six months forbad the Sacrifices,Ant. l. 12. c. 6. which before time were accustomed to be offered every day to God in that place.Antiochus be­ing stirred up by Tubias's Sons, invadeth Judaea, and surpriseth Je­rusalem. Whereupon Onias the High Priest fled to Pto­lomey; of whom having obtained the grant of a piece of Land, within the Liberties and Precincts of Heliopolis; he built a Town and Temple there, resembling the City and Sanctuary of Jerusalem; of which we shall speak in due place.

But Antiochus not satisfied with the unexpected surprize of the City, nor with the pillage and slaughter of the Citizens,Ant. l. 15. c. 4. was so far transported by his passions, and incens­sed I with the remembrance of those toyls which he had sustained during this War,The High-Priest Onias flieth to Ptolo­mey. that he compelled the Jews to renounce their Religion, to forbear the Circumcision of their Children, and to immolate Swine upon the Altar. The abhorrence, which the chiefest and honestest amongst them,Ant. l. 12. c. 7. could not refrain to declare against these Abomi­nations, Antiochus al­tereth the Cu­stoms of the Jews. cost them their lives. For Bacchides, who was Governour of all the Garisons of Judaea, by the appointment of Antiochus, being naturally very cruel, omitted no occasion to execute his wicked Orders; insomuch that he particularly tormented such as were of Noble Birth and Quality;Bacchides's cruelty to­wards the Jews. and every day represented to them the fresh face and memory of the desolation of their City. But, at length, a Tyranny so insup­portable animated those that suffered it, to attempt the means of freeing themselves K from it;Ant. l. 1. c. 8. and of executing revenge upon the Authors. Matthias (or Mathathias Mac­cabaeus) the Son of Asmoneus, Matthias con­federated with others, maketh War against Antiochus▪ one of the Priests, who dwelt in a Village called Modin; accompanied with his five Sons and his own houshold, armed with Swords, slew Bac­chides; and fearing the power and multitude of the enemy's Garrisons, presently re­tired himself into the Mountains. Thither resorted divers of the people unto him; by which conflux, growing more confident and couragious, he descended from the Moun­tains; and overcoming the Captains of Antiochus, drave them out of the Borders of Judaea. By many instances of such happy success, he became so renown'd, that he was by common consent of the people (whom he had delivered from the subjection of strangers) made their Ruler: And when he died, he left his eldest Son who was called L Judas, to succeed him in the Government. This brave Son of so brave a Father, could not doubt of the endeavours which Antiochus would use, to revenge the losses he had received; and therefore he gathered together an Army of his own Countrey-men, and was the first among the Jews that made a League with the Romans. Antiochus failed not (as he had foreseen) to enter into Judaea with a powerful Army; and this great Captain repell'd him with a great Overthrow. And whilst the remembrance of this Victory was yet fresh in men's minds, he assaulted the Garrison of Jerusalem, which as yet was entire; in which Conflict he forced them to forsake the high Town, which is called Holy, and betake themselves to the lower part: And having recovered the Temple, he purified it, and compassed it with a Wall, and made new Vessels for the M Service of God, and placed them there; (because those that had been formerly con­secrated there, were prophaned:) He built likewise another Altar, and began to re­new the accustomed Sacrifice, and observe the Rites of Religion.

Scarce was the City brought to its former Estate,Antiochus di­eth, and leav­eth the King­dom to his Son Antiochus; who gathereth a huge power and invadeth Jewry. but Antiochus died; leaving be­hind him Antiochus Eupator, his Son and Heir; not only of his Kingdom, but also of his hatred against the Jews: Who having gathered together fifty thousand Foot, and almost five thousand Horse, and fourscore Elephants, entred by the Mountains, into Judaea, and took a Town called Bethsara; near which Judas met him, in a place cal­led Bethzacary, where the passage was something strait: And before they joyned Battel, Eleazar, Judas's Brother, seeing one Elephant higher than the rest, bearing a N great Tower on his Back,Ant. lib. 12. c. 14, 15. and adorned with Golden Furniture, thought Antiochus had been there; [...]leazar dieth being slain by an Elephant. and ran from his Company, breaking the Ranks of the Enemies, till he came to the Elephant: but he could not reach him whom he deemed to be the King, he was so highly mounted; all he could do, was to wound the Elephant in the belly with his Sword, till the Beast fell upon him, and pressed him to death; which act of his had no other success but this, that by attempting so great a matter, he gave testimony that he preferred Glory before his life.Eleazar pre­ferreth honour before life. For he that rid on this Elephant, was but a private person; and although Antiochus had been there, Eleazar had atchieved no­thing more in this valiant attempt; but yet he adventured his life, in hope to perform some great exploit. This act of his was a presage unto his Brother Judas, of the event O of that days Battel; for the Jews fought stoutly, and a long time; but yet Antiochus's Army (being both more in number, and more fortunate) obtained the Victory; and [Page 559] A Judas after the loss of many of his company, fled to the Gophonites, with those of his side who escaped. Antiochus advanced afterwards to Jerusalem, from whence after some stay he departed for want of Provisions, leaving a sufficient Garrison there; as for the rest of his Army, he led them for their Winter-quarters into Syria. But not­withstanding the King's departure,Antiochus de­parting from Jerusalem, leaveth a suf­ficient Garri­son there. Judas rested not; but encouraged by many of his Nation, who daily came to him, and gathering also together those who escaped out of the former Battel, he fought with the Forces of Antiochus at a village named Adasa, where after many proofs of his valour in assaulting and slaughtering a great num­ber of his enemies, he himself at length was slain; and within a few days after, his Brother John also was betrayed,Ant. l. 12. c▪ 18▪ and slain by their treacheries who favoured B Antiochus. Judas sighteth with Antio­chus Captains, and is slain. Ant. l▪ 13▪ c. 1.

CHAP. II.
The Succession of Princes, from Jonathan to Aristobulus.

AFter Judas succeeded his Brother Jonathan in the dignity of Prince of the Jews.The year of the World, 3805. before Christ's Nativity, 157. He carefully studied the peace and security of his people, and fortified himself by the friendship of the Romans, and was reconciled to Antiochus his Son; yet did C not all these things procure his safety. For Tryphon (who was tutor to the young Antiochus) laying wait for him,Jonathan ta­ken by Try­phon's subtilty is slain. and seeking to spoil him of his friends, took Jona­than at such a time as he came with a small company to Antiochus who was at Ptole­mais, and binding him, led an Army against Judaea: from whence being repulsed by Simon Jonathan's,Ant. l. 15. c. [...]. Brother, in displeasure and revenge thereof, he slew Jonathan.

But Simon valiantly bestirring himself in the Conduct of the affairs of the Com­mon-wealth, The year of the World, 3813. before Christ's Nativity, 149. took Zara, Joppe and Jamnia (which were bordering Towns;) and over­coming the Garrison of Accaron, he destroyed the City, and assisted Antiochus a­gainst Tryphon, who besieged Dora, before that expedition which he made against the Medes.Simon encoun­treth with Cendebeus, and overcometh him. Yet would not the greedy mind of the King be satisfied, notwithstand­ing D Simon had thus faithfully served and assisted him to the ruine and death of Tryphon: but in a short time after, he sent Cendebeus (the General of the Army) to harass and spoil Judea, and to take Simon Prisoner. But Simon though very aged, acted both youthfully and valiantly,Ant. l▪ 13▪ c. 14. and sent his Sons before with the most resolute men he had against Antiochus, Simon by the t [...]eachery of his Son-in-law Ptol [...]maeus, is taken and slain. and himself with the residue of his Army, assaulted another quarter of the enemies Camp; and having laid many ambushes in the mountains, he obtained a great victory. After which he was made High Priest, and delivered the Jews from the subjection of the Macedonians, under which they had been two hun­dred and seventy years.John other­wise called Hircanus, the Son of Simon. Finally, by the treachery of Ptolemy his Son-in-law, he was murthered at a Banquet; who imprisoning his Wife and two Sons, sent certain men E to kill his third Son John, otherwise called Hircanus. But the young man under­standing the design, fled to Jerusalem, accompanied with a great multitude; for he greatly hoped that the people would remember his Father's prowess, especially be­cause Ptolemy's iniquity was hated of all men. Ptolemy also hasted to enter the City at another gate: but he was speedily repulsed by the people, who had already re­ceived Hircanus. For which cause he presently retired himself into a Castle named Dagon, situate beyond Jericho.

After that Hircanus had obtained the office of High Priest,The year of the World, 3831. before Christ's Nativity, 131. which was left him by his Father, and had offered Sacrifices to God, he led forth his forces with all speed to besiege Ptolemy, hoping to deliver his mother and brethren that were detained F Prisoners there by him. His tenderness of nature was the only obstacle that hinder'd him from forcing the Castle.Hircanus ob­taineth the honour of the High-Priest­ [...]ood which his father had [...] cruelty a­g [...]t Hirca­nus's Mother. For when Ptolemy perceived himself to be in danger, he brought Hircanus's Mother and Brethren upon the walls, and beat them where he might behold them in their torments, threatning to cast them down from the wall, ex­cept Hircanus would presently depart. How great soever the indignation of Hirca­nus was, it was forc'd to give place to the affection he had for persons so dear to him, and to his compassion of seeing them suffer. But his Mother being no way dismayed with the stripes which she endured, nor with the death wherewith she was threat­ned, lifted up her hands to her Son, beseeching him that he would not in regard of her miseries be moved to spare so impious a person; for she should esteem her death G happy, if so be Ptolemy might receive just punishment for the villany which he had impiously committed against their house. Hircanus seeing the resolute mind of his Mother and hearing her entreaty, was moved to assault the Castle; but straightway [Page 560] seeing her beaten and torn, he relented with compassion, and his mind agitated with H different Sentiments, was full of confusion and trouble. By which means the Siege continued long, and the Jubilee year was come, which falleth out every seventh year. Ptolomey was no sooner delivered from the Siege by this occasion, but he put Hircanus's Mother and his Brethren to death,Ptol [...]maeus murthereth Hircanus's Mother and Brethren. and afterwards fled to Zeno, the Tyrant of Philadel­phia, who was also surnamed Cotylas.

In the mean while, Antiochus, to be revenged for the Victory which Simon had got over his Generals, entred with an Army into Judaea, and besieged Hircanus in Jerusa­lem; who opening the Sepulchre of David (who had been one of the richest of all the Kings of Judaea) took more than three thousand Talents from thence;The year of the world, 3839. before Christ's Nativity, 123. of which he gave three hundred to Antiochus, and so obliged him to depart the Countrey. This I Hircanus was the first Prince that entertained Forreign Soldiers. But so soon as Antio­chus had bent his Power and Forces against the Medes, he took that opportunity to revenge himself,Antiochus, upon the pay­ment of three hundred Ta­lents, raiseth his Siege. and presently assaulted the Towers of Syria; assuring himself he should find them (as indeed they were) void of Soldiers to defend them. He made himself Master of Medaba, Samea, Sichem and Garizim, and subdued the Cuthaeans, who in­habit the places adjoyning to the Temple, that was built in imitation of that which is at Jerusalem. Ant. lib. 13. cap. 15. Moreover he took many Cities of Idumaea, and amongst the rest, Dote­on and Marisa; and coming into Samaria (which Herod afterwards rebuilt, and called Sebaste) he besieged it on every side,Ari [...]obulus and Antigo­nus besiege S [...]bas [...]. and left his two Sons, Aristobulus and Antigonus, to continue the Siege: They omitted nothing to the purpose; and there came such a Fa­mine K in the City, that the Inhabitants were constrained to eat very unaccustomed Meats. In this extremity, they desired aid of Antiochus, surnamed Spondius, who speedily came to relieve them; but he was overcome by Aristobulus and Antigonus, and was pursued by them to Scythopolis, whither he retired himself. But they, returning again to Samaria, Sebas [...] over­thrown and spoiled. straitned the City; and at last, taking it by force, destroyed the same, and led away their Inhabitants Captives. Whilst thus Fortune favoured them, they ceased not to pursue their good success, but led their Army beyond Scythopolis; and shared between them all the Land of Mount Carmel.

L

CHAP. III.
Of Aristobulus, Antigonus, Judas, Essaeus, Alexander, Theodorus and Demetrius.

THis Felicity and good hap of Hircanus and his Sons, was accompanied with the envy of many of his Countrey-men; and their discontent was the cause of an o­pen Rebellion:The Seditious overcome in War. For divers of the Jews rising up in Arms against them, were so much over-ruled by their ambitious passion, that they could not contain themselves from the prosecution of an open and bloody War;Hircanus, after he had happi­ly governed the Countrey for thirty three years space dieth▪ wherein, notwithstanding, they were put to the worst. From that day forward, Hircanus passed the remainder of his life in all M tranquillity and happiness; and after he had governed the Commonwealth for the space of thirty and three years, he departed this life, leaving behind him five valiant Sons. He was a man of more than ordinary felicity, being possessed of three excellent endowments together; for he was the Prince of his Countrey, High Priest, and a Pro­phet, The year of the world, 3861. before Christ's Nativity, 101. to whom God spake, and gave him the knowledge of future accidents. He foresaw, and foretold, that his two eldest Sons should not continue long in the Government, (whose ends are worth rehearsal, being very different from their Father's felicity;) for the eldest Son Aristobulus, after his Father's death, changed the Principality into a Kingdom; and was the first that put a Crown on his head; four hundred twenty one years,Ant. lib. 13. cap. 19. and three months, after the deliverance of the people from the Captivity of Ba­bylon. N As for Antigonus (who was his second Brother, and whom in appearance he seemed to love most entirely) he made him partaker of his Dignity, and committed the rest of them to Prison: He imprisoned his Mother also, for that she had contended with him for the Government of which Hircanus had made her Regent.Aristobulus famisheth his Mother. And he was so giv­en over to all kind of cruelty, that he not only kept her Prisoner in Bonds, but also put her to death by Famine:Aristobulus loved Anti­gonus very dearly. To which Impiety he added that of killing his own Bro­ther Antigonus, whom he had entirely loved, and made Partner with him in the King­dom. For by reason of certain scandalous slanders, which his envious and malignant Courtiers contrived and invented against him, he commanded him to be put to death. Upon their first information, Aristobulus (swayed by Brotherly affection) gave them no O credit; conceiving those Accusations to proceed from envy, rather than any good ground. But when Antigonus returned from the War, at that Festival time, wherein, [Page 561] A according to the custom of our Countrey, we celebrate the Feast of Tabernacles; it happened that Aristobulus fell sick; Antigonus therefore, about the end of those Festi­val days, attended with a great Equipage and Train of armed men, ascended up into the Temple, to offer Sacrifice, and to pray God for the health of the King his Brother. Hereupon, certain cursed and wicked detractors repaired to the King, and told him, that this great Guard of Soldiers which accompanied Antigonus, Antigonus in honour of his Brother, as­cended up into the Temple. and his magnificent Pomp, shew'd that he was not contented with the honour he had done him, in associ­ating him in the Royalty, but was minded to possess it wholly to himself; in which resolution they said he was come accompanied with so many Soldiers,Antigonus falsly accused to his Brother. that it could not be doubted, but that it was to murther him. Aristobulus, though unwillingly, yet at B last being won to believe them, desirous to hide his suspicion, commanded his Guard to hide themselves in a certain place under ground;Aristobulus commandeth his Guard, that if Anti­gonus came armed, they should kill him. (himself then lodging in a cer­tain Castle, which in times past was called Bari, and afterwards Antonia, by Herod, in honour of Antonius) with this Commission, that if Antigonus came unarmed, they should let him pass; if otherwise, they should kill him. He sent certain Messengers also, to Antigonus, requiring him to repair unto him dis-armed: But the wicked Queen prevented this good intent of his by a subtil stratagem complotted by those, that with her conspired against him;The Queen's cunning Stra­tagem against Antigonus. for she perswaded those that were to carry this message, to discover nothing of what the King had commanded them; but to tell Antigonus, that his Brother having intelligence that he had brought very goodly Armour, with other C fair Furniture for War, from Galilee, desired him to come to him, arm'd as he was, that he might have the pleasure to see him in his Warlike Ornaments.Antigonus suspecteth not his Brother. Which when Anti­gonus understood (who, by reason of his Brother's affection, suspected no mischief) he armed himself, and resorted to him, intending to content him with his appearance. But no sooner arrived he in the strait, which is called the Tower of Straton, but the Guard of Aristobulus set upon him, and slaughtered him; yielding by this means a de­monstrative testimony, that Detraction is able to destroy all good nature and friend­ship; and that there is no union of affection so great, as it can always resist the attempts of envy, to ruine it.

In this Occurrence there happened a thing which cannot be too much admired:Judas the Prophet fore­telleth Anti­gonus's death. D One Judas, who was of the Sect of the Esseans, had so certain a knowledge of the Fu­ture, that his Predictions were never found false. This man beholding Antigonus pass thorough the Temple, cried out to his familiars, who attended him in no small num­ber (as ordinarily, divers of his Disciples did:) Ah, how happy were it for me at this present, if I were dead, since truth is dead before me, and one of my Predictions is found faulty! For behold Antigonus yet liveth, who should this day have died in the Tower of Straton, which is distant from this place six hundred furlongs, and 'tis now the fourth hour of the day; now therefore is the time, wherein my Divination shall be falsified. Having spoken to this effect, the old man sat down, being altogether disconsolate and pensive; within a while after, it was told him that Antigonus was slain in a place un­der E ground, called the Tower of Straton, being of the same name with that at Caesarea, which is scituate upon the Sea-coast; which conformity of names, was the cause that Judas staggered in his Divination.

The sorrow which incontinently seized Aristobulus, Aristobulus through the grief he con­ceived at his Brother's death, falleth sick. for committing this hainous Murther, augmented his sickness in such sort, that his Soul was continually troubled with the thought of his sin; and his body, through extream heat of passion, became dri­ed up; and the grief that he felt was so vehement, that his Entrails became exulcerat­ed, so that he voided blood in great abundance. And it so fell out, by God's Provi­dence, that one of his Servants, who was deputed to that Office, bearing out that blood which came from him,A Servant spilleth blood in the same place where Antigonus was slain. missed his way, and came to that place where Antigonus had F been slain, where still there appeared some signs and stains of the blood of Antigonus; on which he poured out the blood of the Murtherer, Aristobulus: Which, when they perceived who stood hard by, imagining that the Servant had purposely spilled the blood in that place, as it were in Sacrifice to the Ghost of that Prince; they cryed out so loud, that Aristobulus hearing their cry, demanded the cause thereof; and the more that each man feared to discover the same to him, the more instantly he desired to un­derstand the truth; so that at length, after he had used threats, he was certified of what had passed. Whereupon, his eyes were suddenly filled with tears; and in vehement agony of mind,The eye of God discover­eth every sin. he cryed out, and said; How could I hope, but that the great eye of the Divine Majesty should see my wicked acts, and the sudden vengeance of my Brother's blood G pursue and overtake me? Aristobulus dieth misera­bly. How long, O thou miserable Body, wilt thou detain my Soul from being sacrificed to the vengeance of my Mother and Brother's death? Why do I thus linger­ingly languish, in offering a part of my blood unto them? Let them take it all at once; and [Page 562] let not the Divine Vengeance laugh any longer to see the effusion of mine Entrails.The year of the World, 3862. before Christ's Nativity. 100 H This said he died, after he had only reigned one year.

His Wife after his death delivered his Brother Alexander from Prison, and establish­ed him King, who was both the eldest, and seemed to be the most moderate among the rest of his Brethren.Ant. l. 13. c. 9 But growing by this means both proud and potent, he put one of his Brethren to death,Alexander advanced to the Kingdom, useth much cruelty. for aspiring after the Kingdom; but spared the other alive, for that he contented himself with a private and contemplative life. He made War also against Ptolomey, that was called Lathyrus, who had surprized the City of Asoth, and put a great number of his enemies to the Sword; nevertheless, Ptolomey's side ob­tained the Victory: But retiring himself into the Countrey of Egypt, by reason that his Mother Cleopatra pursued him with open War; Alexander forcibly entred the City I of Gadara, Alexander is overthrown by Theodore. and the Fort of Amath (one of the greatest of all those that were beyond Jordan) in which place Theodore, Zeno's Son, had hoarded up his chiefest and most precious moveables, which he took, but enjoyed not long; for Theodore, sud­denly setting upon him, recovered all that which was his; and furthermore, laid hands on the King's Carriage; in seizing which, he slaughtered many Jews, to the number of ten thousand. But Alexander, after he had recovered this loss, invaded the Frontire Towns upon the Sea-coast, and won Rapha, Gaza and Anthedon, which af­terwards by King Herod was called Agrippias. The Sedition of the Jews a­gainst Alex­ander upon a Festival day. But after he had conquered these places, the common sort of the Jews raised a mutiny against him, during a certain solemn and holy Feast; (as Mutinies and Seditions are commonly raised at Banquets) and it is K thought that he could not have prevailed against those Rebels, had he not been assist­ed by the Pisidians and Cilicians, whom he hired to help him; for the Syrians he re­fused to hire, by reason of their natural hatred they bare against the Jews. Having therefore slain eight thousand of the Rebels,Alexander assaileth the Castle of A­math, and raz­eth it. he warred upon Arabia; and overcom­ing the Galaadites and Moabites (and imposing upon them a Tribute) he returned to besiege Amath. But Theodorus, daunted with his prosperous success, and finding the Castle without any to defend it, razed it to the ground. After this, he assaulted Obo­das King of the Arabians; who having laid Ambushments in the Countrey of Galaad, in a place fit for such a purpose, discomfitted him and his whole Army, being driven in­to a deep Valley, where they were pestered with a multitude of Camels.L

But Alexander escaped to Jerusalem, where the people who had conceived a hatred against him, being encouraged by his great loss and slaughter of men, began again to rebel; but then also he overcame them: and in six years space, in sundry Battels, slew above fifty thousand Jews: Notwithstanding, he never rejoyced in his Victory, be­cause the strength of his Countrey was consumed thereby. For which cause, giving o­ver his Wars, he began to seek the people's favour by sweet and mild courses; but they so much hated his inconstant and variable manners, that when he demanded of them what he should do to win their favours, they answered, that he should die, and that scarcely they could pardon him if so be he were dead, who had done them so much mischief. The Jews sent to Demetrius, surnamed Eucerus, for help; who, in M hope of great rewards,Demetrius cometh to help the Jews. came and joyned his Forces with the Jews about Sichem, being three thousand Horse, and forty thousand Foot: Alexander met them both with a thousand Horse,Ant. lib. 13. cap. 20. and six thousand Foot, that were strangers, besides ten thousand Jews that remain'd faithful to him. Before the fight began, the two Kings sent Messengers to one another's Army,The War be­twixt Deme­trius and A­lexander, wherein De­metrius is Conqueror. perswading one another's men to forsake their Colours and Captains: For Demetrius hoped that Alexander's hired men would have forsak­en his service, and come unto him; and Alexander hoped that the Jews that followed Demetrius, would have left Demetrius, and come to him. But when both parts perceiv­ed that the Jews continued obstinate in their purpose, and the Greeks kept their fideli­ty, the two Armies encountred; in which Encounter, Demetrius had the upper hand N (although Alexander's Hirelings evidently shewed their strength and courage.) But the end of this Victory was such,The Jews re­volt from De­metrius. as neither party expected; for they who sent for Deme­trius, after his Victory, forsook him; and Fortune changing her Colours, six thousand Jews fled to Alexander, into the Mountains, whither for safety he had betaken himself. This revolt much displeased and discouraged Demetrius; so that he now thought, that Alexander uniting his Forces, was able to give him Battel; and he feared that all the Jews would at that present follow Alexander; for which cause, he returned home. Yet the rest of the Jews,Alexander's immoderate wrath, who crucified eight hundred Cap­tives. having thus lost the help of Demetrius would not desist from their Rebellion; but they so long warred with Alexander, till at last (the most of them be­ing slain) he drave the rest into the City of Bemezeli; and when he had surprized and O sack'd the City, he led them Captive to Jerusalem. But immoderate anger turned his cruelty into impiety; for having crucified eight hundred Captives in the midst of the [Page 563] A City, he killed their Wives, and the Children he massacred before their Mother's Fa­ces; and this pitiful spectacle he beheld with pleasure, as he was drinking, and making merry with his Concubines. Whereat the people were so terrified, that the night af­ter, eight thousand of the contrary part fled out of the Countrey of Judaea, and stayed in Banishment,Alexander ceaseth from War. during the life of Alexander. Thus, after he had by such actions sought the tranquility of his Kingdom, which he obtained not, but with long time and great difficulty, he ceased to make War against his Countrey.

CHAP. IV.
B Of the War of Alexander, King of the Jews, with Antiochus and Aretas; and of Ari­stobulus and Hircanus.

AFter this,Alexander feareth An­tiochus, Deme­trius's Bro­ther. Antiochus (who likewise was called Dyonisius, Brother to Demetrius, and the last of all the race of Seleucus) raised up new broils against Alexander; who fearing him because he had overcome the Arabians, drew a deep Trench along that ground which lieth between Antipatris, and the Sea-coast of Joppa: and before the Trench he built a very high Wall, and raised Towers of wood to hinder his ene­mies passage. But all this could not keep out Antiochus; who burning the Towers, C and filling up the Trenches, entred and passed over them with his Forces. But not tarrying at that time to revenge himself of him who had thus forbidden him passage, he presently marched forward against the Arabians.The King of the Arabians invadeth An­tiochus's Sol­diers una­wares. Aretas, King of Arabia, retiring himself into certain places of his Countrey which were fittest for defence, and return­ing suddenly to Battel with his Horse (who were in number ten thousand) rushed sud­denly upon Antiochus's Soldiers, and found them unprovided; so that a hot Skirmish began betwixt them;The King of Arabia puts Antiochus's Forces to flight, and kil­leth a great number of them. in which the Soldiers of Antiochus, whilst he lived, shewed themselves valiant (though they were on every side massacred by the Arabians) but so soon as he was slain (who was always ready to assist those that were in danger) all of them fled; and the greatest part of them were slain in the Battel, and in flight: As for D those that escaped, they fled to the Town of Cana, where all (except very few) died for hunger. After this, the people of Damascus being incited with the hatred they bare to Ptolomey the Son of Menneus, They of Da­mascus and Aretas a­gainst Alex­ander. sent for Aretas, and established him King over Coelosyria; who warring against Judaea, and overcoming Alexander in Battel, retired upon Composition. Alexander having taken Pella, resorted once more to the Town of Gerasa, in that he was desirous to get Theodorus's Riches; and took the place, notwithstanding that it was fortified with three Walls, and that upon every Wall there was planted a Garrison. He took Gaulan and Seleucia, and that Town which is called the Valley of Antiochus. Moreover, having taken Gamala, which was a very strong Castle, and im­prisoned the Governour thereof, who was called Demetrius, because he was a wicked E person; he returned into Judaea after he had spent three years in War; where, for his prosperous success, he was joyfully received of his Nation. But no sooner ceased he from War,Alexander sick of a Quar­tane Fever. but he fell sick of a Quartane Ague; and he thought that he should drive away his sickness, if he employed himself in some business; for which cause, labouring under his disease,Ant. lib. 13. cap. 22. he applied himself to War, and toiling above his strength, amidst those tumults, he yielded up the Ghost in the thirty seventh year of his Reign; leav­ing the Kingdom to Alexandra his Wife,Alexandra, Alexander's Wife, through the opinion of Vertue, ob­taineth the Kingdom. fully accounting that the Jews would in all things obey her, because that she, always misliking and seeking to hinder his cruelty and iniquity, had won the hearts of the people: Neither was he deceived; for she being admired for her piety amongst them, they easily submitted to her; the rather F for that she was well acquainted with the Customs of her Countrey, and even from her Childhood detested them who violated our holy Laws.Hircanus first made High Priest, and af­terwards King She had by Alexander two Sons, the eldest was called Hircanus, whom by reason of his years, she made High Priest; and because of his dull nature, she thought that though he were in Princely Authority, yet he would molest no man: As for the youngest Son Aristobulus, because he was of a hot spirit, she was willing that he should lead a private life.

Now there was a certain Sect among the Jews,The Pharisees getting in fa­vour with the Queen, are made her chief Governours, and enjoy all honours. which were called Pharisees, who joyned themselves with the Queen: These people were thought to be of the godliest sort, and to be more skilful than others, in interpreting the Scriptures; and Alexandra favoured them the more, because she was much given to Religion. These having by G little and little insinuated themselves into her favour, domineer'd at their plea­sure, displacing, disposing, imprisoning, and restoring to liberty whom they pleas­ed, for no other purpose, but that they might enjoy the Profits and Commodities of [Page 564] the Kingdom; leaving to Alexandra, nothing but the Expences and care of the Go­vernment.H This Queen was always desirous of high attempts, and daily studied to encrease her wealth: She levied two Armies, and hired many strangers, whereby she not only strengthened her own Countrey, but also made her self feared by other Nati­ons. Alexandra willingly o­beyeth the Pharisees. She ruled others, but her self was ruled by the Pharisees, who at last killed Dio­genes, a gallant man, and highly in favour with King Alexander; affirming, that through his counsel, the King commanded those eight hundred before-mentioned to be cruci­fied: The Pharisees by their envy and Accusations, are the death of many good men. And further, they perswaded the Queen Alexandra, that she should put to death all others, through whose counsel Alexander her Husband had been incited against those eight hundred. The Queen being blinded with Superstition, thought it unlaw­ful to deny any thing which they requested; so that they put to death whom they I pleased, till such time as the chiefest of those, who were in this danger, in humble wise came to Aristobulus, Aristobulus expostulateth with his Mo­ther. who perswaded his Mother to spare some, and to banish others, who she thought had deserved punishment; which Exiles dispersed themselves through the whole Countrey. Now Alexandra sent an Army to Damascus, and because Ptolo­mey daily vexed the City, she took it without doing any thing worthy of memory. She also solicited Tigranes, King of Armenia, with Gifts and Promises (who with an Army had besieged Ptolemais, wherein Cleopatra was) but he, for fear of troubles in his own Countrey, in that Lucullus had entred into Armenia, withdrew himself from thence.

Shortly after Alexandra falling sick,Aristobulus proclaimeth himself King. her youngest Son Aristobulus, with his Servants K (which were many in number, all trusty, and in the heat of their youth) got all the Castles;Alexandra imprisoneth Aristobulus's Wife and Children. and hiring Soldiers with the money he found in those Castles, he proclaimed himself King. But Alexandra (pitying the complaints of Hircanus) imprisoned the Wife and Children of Aristobulus, in a Castle near the North part of the Temple, which in old time was called Baris (as we said before) afterwards Antonia, from Anto­nius, The year of the World, 3863. before Christ's Nativity▪ [...]. as in like manner Sebaste and Agrippias, other Cities were named of Augustus and Agrippa. But Alexandra died before she could revenge Hircanus of the wrongs which Aristobulus had done him. This Queen reigned nine years, and left Hircanus in pos­session of all, whom during her life time she had advanced to the Kingdom. But Ari­stobulus being both stronger in power,Alexandra dieth, and Hircanus suc­ceedeth her in the Kingdom. and greater in authority, encountred with his L Brother about Jericho; where many of Hircanus's Soldiers forsaking their King, fled to Aristobulus; so that he, and the remnant that followed him, were forced to fly into the Castle called Antonia, where he found Hostages to redeem them, for (as we have already said) Aristobulus his Wife and Children were imprisoned in that place:Ant. l. 14 c. 1. And lest any worse mis-hap should betide him,The Brethren contending for the Kingdom, are accorded upon certain conditions. he concluded a Peace, upon condition that Aristobulus should be King, and that he, as Brother to the King, should enjoy some o­ther Dignities. Upon these conditions they were made friends in the Temple, where in the presence of all the people, they friendly embraced each other; which when they had done,Ant. lib. 14. cap. 2, 3, 4. they changed houses, and Aristobulus went to the King's Palace, and Hircanus to Aristobulus's house.

M

CHAP. V.
Of the War between Hircanus and the Arabians,Antipater perswadeth Hircanus to fly to Aretas, King of Ara­bia, and to crave his as­sistance to re­cover his Kingdom and of the taking of Jerusalem.

NOw a sudden fear invaded all the enemies of Aristobulus, when they saw him (con­trary to all expectation) made King; and especially Antipater, above all others, whom Aristobulus had long hated. This Antipater was an Idumaean born; and for No­bility and Riches, the chief, and best reputed of his Nation. This man perswaded N Hircanus to fly to Aretas King of Arabia, and crave his help to set him in his Kingdom: He exhorted Aretas likewise to receive Hircanus, and to help him to recover his King­dom; Antipater with Hircanus fly from Jeru­salem by night, to Aretas King of Ara­bia. speaking much against the manners of Aristobulus, and praising Hircanus: ad­ding, that he being King of so famous a Nation, ought to assist those who were unjust­ly oppressed; and that Hircanus had manifest injury offered him, being forced to for­sake his Kingdom, which by the right of Succession, was due unto him. After he had thus made his way, he took in the night time Hircanus, and fled with him out of the City; and making all haste possible, they arrived safe at a Town called Petra (a Town where the King's of Arabia are accustomed to keep their Court) there he delivered Hir­canus into the King's hands,Aretas fur­nisheth Hirca­nus with fifty thousand Sol­diers. and by many gifts and entreaties, obtained of him that he O would assist him to recover his Kingdom. And to the effecting of the same, Aretas gave him an Army of fifty thousand Horse and Foot; which power, Aristobulus not [Page 565] A able to resist,The year of the World, 3073. before Christ's Nativity, 89. was overcome at the first onset, and forced to fly to Jerusalem. Aretas besieged him there, and he had been surely taken, if Scaurus, a Captain of the Romans, taking opportunity at those troubles, had not raised the Siege: For Pompey the Great (who warred against Tigranes) sent him out of Armenia, into Syria: And he coming to Damascus, Scaurus Cap­tain of the Ro­mans. found it newly taken by Metellus and Lollius; wherefore, understanding how matters stood in Judaea, he hasted thither in hope of a booty. As soon as he en­tred into the Confines of the Countrey, both the Brethren sent their Ambassadours to him,The year of the World, 3890. before Christ's Nativity, 63. desiring him to take their parts: But Aristobulus having sent him four hundred Talents, these made him neglect Justice; for Scaurus upon receipt of that Summ, sent messengers to the Arabians and Hircanus, threatning the displeasure of the Romans and B Pompey, except they would presently raise their Siege: Whereupon Aretas being much terrified,Scaurus re­ceiveth four hundred Ta­lents from A­ristobulus, and commandeth the Arabians and Hircanus to depart out of the Coun­trey. returned out of Judaea, to Philadelphia, and Scaurus to Damascus. Yet it sufficed not Aristobulus, that he had escaped from being taken; but gathering all his Forces together, he pursued his enemies; and joyning Battel with them about Papy­ron, he slew six thousand of them; in which number was Cephalon, Antipater's Bro­ther. But Hircanus and Antipater being destitute of the Arabians help, thought fit to seek for succour from the Romans, who had hinder'd them from receiving that of the Arabians. For which cause, as soon as Pompey had enter'd Syria, and was come to Da­mascus, they in humble manner addressed him with many gifts, and made the same re­monstrances to him, that they had made before to Aretas; earnestly requesting him, C that he would consider the violence offered by Aristobulus, Antipater and Hircanus seek for Pompey's help. and restore Hircanus to the Kingdom, to whom both by birthright, and for his virtue, it was due.

Aristobulus, who became confident in that he had gained Scaurus by Presents, failed not to repair to Pompey also,Ant. lib. 14. cap. 6, 7. and he went with the Equipage and Pomp of a King; but not abiding to debase himself, and thinking it disparagement longer to pay him respects in more abject manner than beseemed a King,Pompey fur­nished with the Syrians and Roman Army, setteth forth against Aristobulus. he returned to Diospolis: Whereat Pom­pey being angry, at the request of Hircanus and his followers, he went against Aristobu­lus, accompanied both with the Roman Army, and the Syrians, their Auxiliaries. When they had passed Pella and Diospolis, and came to Corea (where the Confines of Judaea begin) as they passed thorough the midst of the Countrey, they understood that D Aristobulus was fled to Alexandrium (a Castle strongly built, and scituate upon a very high hill.)Pompey com­mandeth A­ristobulus. to descend. Pompey arriving there, sent messengers to him, commanding him to des­cend: Which imperious manner of so proceeding, appearing insupportable to Aristo­bulus, he determined rather to hazard himself, than obey. But when he saw that the people began to fear,Aristobulus resorteth to Pompey. and that his friends advised him to consider the power of the Romans, whose strength he was no ways able to resist; he followed their counsel, and came to Pompey; where having alledged many reasons to shew that he had just Title to the Crown, he returned again into the Castle. And afterwards, being urged by his Brother to come and plead his Title, he came, and returned thither again, with­out contradiction from Pompey: As he fluctuated thus betwixt hope and fear, and doubt­ed E how the matter would go with him, he resolv'd to go to Pompey, and tell him that he would do all that he should desire of him; but as he was in the midst of his way, fearing lest he should seem to derogate any thing from the Majesty of a King, he re­turned back again. Pompey willed him to write to the Governours of his Towns and Castles,Aristobulus intends to fight with Pompey. to surrender (because he had commanded them not to do it, except they re­ceived Letters written by his own hand:) In this he fulfilled Pompey's mind; yet be­ing angry and discontented,Hedio. he departed to Jerusalem, and now fully determined to fight with Pompey: Idumaea. But Pompey not thinking it best to give him time to prepare him­self, followed him with all speed;Pompey be­siegeth Jeru­salem. and so much the more willingly, because that near Jericho, he had news of Mithridates his death. This is the fruitfullest place of Judaea, F where there are great store of Palms and Balm.Aristobulus humbly pre­senteth him­self to Pompey. This Balsom is a Shrub, whose Stem being cut with sharp stones, droppeth Balm out of the wounds thereof, which men ga­ther as it droppeth from them. After he had rested there that night, in the morning he hasted to Jerusalem. Ant. lib. 14. cap. 7, 8. At his sudden arrival, Aristobulus being dismayed, in humble manner came to him,Pompey view­eth the City which way it might most easily be bat­tered. and by promising him money, and to yield himself and the City into his hands, he appeased his anger. But he performed no part of his promise; for his As­sociates would not suffer Gabinius (who was sent for the money) to enter into the Ci­ty: For which cause Pompey being moved to displeasure, retain'd Aristobulus in Pri­son; and coming near the City, he took a view at what place it might be easiliest en­tred, Sedition with­in the City be­twixt Hircanus and Aristobu­lus's friends. for he did not lightly perceive how he could batter the Walls, they were so G strong. Moreover, there was a deep Ditch before the Wall; and hard by he beheld the Temple so fortified, that though the City were taken, it might be a second refuge for the enemy. Whilst thus he long deliberated what to do, there arose a Sedition [Page 566] within the City;The year of the world, 3903. before Christ's Nativity, 59. wherein Aristobulus's Confederates thought it best to fight, and de­liver H the King out of Prison: But those that favoured Hircanus, would that the Gates should be opened to Pompey. At last, Aristobulus's Friends not prevailing, fled into the Temple; and to the end that they might fight it out to the last, they cut down the Bridge which leads out of the City into the Temple.Pompey and his enter the City, and search the King's house. When the rest had receiv­ed the Romans into the City, and delivered to them the King's Palace, Pompey sent a Captain called Piso, with Soldiers to seize the same; who leaving a Garrison in the Town (seeing he could perswade none of them that were in the Temple to peace) pre­pared all things necessary to batter it.Aristobulus his friends fly to the Temple All which time Hircanus and his friends shew­ed themselves ready to help them to their power, and to do whatsoever they were commanded. Pompey at the North side filled the Ditch and Valley with earth, which I his Soldiers carried; though by reason of the great depth, and for that the Jews made resistance, it was a hard thing to be done; and it had been left undone, had not Pom­pey (observing the seventh day, wherein the Jews Religion obliged them to abstain from all labour) caused it to be filled up those days; forbidding the Soldiers to fight at that time, to the intent he might fill the Ditch more conveniently (for it was lawful for the Jews only to do what was necessary to sustain and defend their lives upon the Sabbath.) At last, when the Ditch was filled, and the Towers were built upon the Rampire, he batter'd the Walls with those Engines that he brought from Tyre; but they were beaten back by those who resisted from the top of the Walls, who rouled stones at them: Against the violent power whereof, the Towers that were built in K that Quarter, being of a great and goodly building, resisted extreamly well. But the Romans found hard work in this place, and Pompey admired the valour of the Jews; that being amongst the thickest of their enemies Darts, they omitted no Ceremony of their Religion; but (as though they had had firm Peace) they every day observed their Ceremonies, offered Sacrifices, and most diligently performed the Divine Ser­vice; yea, though every day they were killed at the Altar, they ceased not from the Lawful Rites of their Religion. At last, in the third Month of the Siege, during which, scarcely one Tower was beaten down, they brake into the Temple; and the first that attempted to climb over the Wall, was Cornelius Faustus, Sylla's Son; and after him two Centurions, Furius and Fabius, with their Regiments; who compassing the Tem­ple L about (while some sought to hide themselves, and others resisted) they slew them all. There were many Priests also among the rest; who, although they saw the ene­mies with naked Swords rushing upon them, yet being nothing at all dismayed thereat, continued still their Sacrifices, and were slain even whilst they offered and incensed in the Temple; preferring the duty they ow'd to their Religion, even before their own safety. Many also were slain by their own Countrey-men that favoured the adverse part, and many cast themselves down headlong upon the Rocks; others in their fury, having desperately fired all things upon the Walls, burnt themselves for company. So that twelve thousand Jews were slain,Twelve thou­sand Jews slain in the Temple. but very few Romans, though many hurt: And a­mongst all that Massacre, there was nothing so grievous to the Jews, as that the Holy M Sanctuary (which never any one saw before that time) was revealed to strangers. For Pompey, Pompey and his followers enter the San­ctuary. with his followers, came into the Temple, where it is lawful for none but the High Priest to come, and saw the Candlesticks, Lamps, Table, Censers, and all the Golden Vessels, and whatsoever was within the Temple. Moreover, he beheld the great quantity of Odoriferous Drugs,Pompey's Con­tinency. which were kept in store in that place, and two thousand Talents of Holy Money; yet did he not take away these things, nor any thing else belonging to the Temple. But the day after it was taken, he commanded the Sacristans to purge and make clean the Temple, and to offer the usual Sacrifice. He likewise confirmed Hircanus High Priest (who had in all things shewed himself very forward,Hircanus made High Priest. and especially at the time of the Siege; and also hindred a multitude of peo­ple,N from joyning themselves with Aristobulus) and thus, like a good Captain, he got the good will of the people more by love, than by fear.

Amongst others that were Captives, there was Aristobulus's Father-in-law, who was also his Uncle:Pompey caus­eth the chief­est Conspira­tors to be be­headed. as for those that had been the chief cause of these Wars, Pompey caused them to be beheaded. He rewarded Faustus likewise, and those who had fought va­liantly with him, with very rich Gifts, and imposed a Tribute upon Jerusalem, and took from that Nation the Cities which they had gotten in Coelosyria, and appointed them to be governed by him who then was President for the Romans;Pompey deli­vereth many goodly Cities from the sub­jection of the Jews. making them keep within the bounds of their own Countrey. And in favour of Demetrius of Ga­dara (a freed-man of his) he re-edified Gadara, which the Jews had destroyed: He O delivered the Mediterranean Cities from their Government (for they had not as yet destroyed them, because they were suddenly prevented) namely, Hippion, Scythopolis, [Page 567] A Pella, The year of the World, 3903. before Christ's Nativity, 59. Samaria, Marissa, Azotus, Jamnia, and Arethusa. The Towns also upon the Sea-coasts, Gaza, Joppa and Dora, which was called Straton's Tower, and afterward by Herod built sumptuously, and called Caesarea. All these Cities he restored to the Inha­bitants, and joyn'd them to Syria. Of which, and of Judaea, and of all places from the Borders of Egypt to Euphrates, he made Scaurus Governour, leaving him two Le­gions of Soldiers.Aristobulus and his Fami­ly carried to Rome. Which done, he took his journey to Rome by Cilicia, leading Ari­stobulus and his Family Captives, with his two Daughters, and two Sons; the elder whereof, called Alexander, escaped in the way; the younger, whose name was Antigo­nus, was with his Father and Sisters carried to Rome.

B

CHAP. VI.
Of the War of Alexander with Hircanus, and also of Aristobulus.

SCaurus advanced with his Army into Arabia; Ant. lib. 14. cap. 9. but being by the difficulty of the place hindred,The Arabian is reconciled to Scaurus. that he could not come to Petra, he wasted all the Countrey ad­joyning to Pella; although, whilst he stayed to do this, he endured much evil; for there arose a great Famine in his Army, notwithstanding that Hircanus, by Antipater's C means,Ant. lib. 14. cap. 10. sent them Victuals. Scaurus also sent the same Antipater, as his familiar Friend, to Aretas, to perswade him that by disbursing some money, he should work his Peace. To which motion Aretas condescended, and gave him three hundred Talents, and so Scaurus with his Army departed out of Arabia.

In the mean time Alexander the Son of Aristobulus (who,Alexander, Aristobulus's Son, gathers a great power against Hirca­nus. in the way to Rome, esca­ped from Pompey) gathered together a great Army, and straitly beset Hircanus; wasting all Judaea; and hoped quickly to take Jerusalem, because the Wall which was destroyed by Pompey, had not been built up again. But Gabinius, a great Captain, who was sent into Syria to succeed Scaurus; march'd with an Army against him. Whereupon,The year of the World, 3904. before Christ's Nativity, 58. fearing the worst, he assembled all the Forces he could, to make resist­ance; D so that he had ten thousand Foot, and a thousand and five hundred Horse: He fortified also the commodious places of the Countrey; to wit, Al [...]candrium, Hirca­nia and Machaeron, which are near the Mountains of Arabia. Gabinius sent Marcus Antonius before him with part of the Army,Alexander gathereth ten thousand Foot, and fifteen hundred Horse. and followed after with the rest; and certain chosen men out of Antipater's Company, and other Companies of the Jews, whereof Malichus and Pitholaus were made chief, joyned themselves with Marcus An­tonius; and presently after them followed Gabinius with all his Company, to meet Alexander.

Alexander perceiving himself unable to encounter all those united Forces,Antipater with his For­ces goeth out to meet Alex­ander. fled; but drawing near Jerusalem, he was constrained to hazard the fight; where losing to the E number of six thousand (whereof three thousand were taken alive, and other three thousand slain) he escaped with the rest:Alexander fighteth with his Enemies, and loseth six thousand men. Gabi [...]ius pursued him, and as soon as he came to the Castle called Alexandrium, understanding that many Jews had forsaken their Colours, he, by promising them Pardon, sought to unite them to his Party a­gain; but when he perceived that they hammered on no abject resolution, he slew the most of them;Marcus An­tonius a Cap­tain. and for the rest, he drove them into the Castle. In this Battel Marcus Antonius did many things worthy of renown; and although he had always shewed himself valiant, yet there especially his courage appeared. Gabinius leaving some to besiege the Castle, went to the Cities of the Province, and strengthned those that were not yet assaulted, and re-edified those that were destroyed; and by his Com­mandment F Scythopolis, What Cities the Jews re­ceived to in­habit: Samaria, Anthedon, Apollonia, Jamnia, Raphia, Marissa, Dora, Gadara and Azotus, and many more began to be inhabited, so that their Inhabitants joyfully returned and dwelt therein. Which when he had done, he returned to A­lexandrium, Ant. lib. 14. cap. 11. and began a more close Siege; whereat Alexander being terrified and made desperate,Alexander's Mother striv­eth to pacifie Gabinius with rewards. sent Ambassadours to him, beseeching him to pardon him; promising to ren­der unto him the Castles of Machaeron and Hircania, which were in his power, besides Alexandrium: All which, Gabinius, by counsel of Alexander's Mother, destroyed, lest they might be occasion of new Wars: For the apprehension which this Princess had for her Husband,The change of the Govern­ment of the Jews. and for her other Children, Prisoners at Rome, made her omit nothing to endeavour to gain the affection of Gabinius. After this, Gabinius carried G Hircanus to Jerusalem; and committing the Temple to his charge, he committed to o­thers of the Nobility the care of the Commonwealth,Ant. lib. 14. cap. 1 [...]. and divided the whole Nation of the Jews into five parts and Governments, whereof one was established at Jerusalem, [Page 568] another at Doris, the third at Amathon, the fourth at Jericho, and the fifth at Sepho­ris, H a City of Galilee: And the Jews being delivered from the Government of one man only, willingly suffered themselves to be ruled by an Aristocratical Government. But shortly after, Aristobulus escaping from Rome, raised new troubles; and gathering a great Army,Aristobulus escaping from Rome, raiseth new troubles. partly of those that desired a change, and partly of such as loved him before, took Alexandrium, and began to compass it again with a Wall: But hearing that Gabinius had sent Sisenna, Antonius and Servilius against him with an Army, he went to Machaeron; Aristobulus fighteth with the Romans. and dismissing those that were not fit for War, he took with him only eight thousand armed men, amongst whom was Pitholaus, Governour of them that were revolted, who with one thousand men, fled out of Jerusalem: But the Ro­mans pursued them; and joyning Battel with them, Aristobulus with his men fought I valiantly, till being by force overcome, the Romans slew five thousand of them, and almost two thousand men fled into a Mountain; and the other thousand, breaking the Ranks of the Romans with Aristobulus, retreated to Machaeron; where the King hiding himself the first night amongst the Ruines, hoped that having respit, he might gather another Army,The Romans obtain the Vi­ctory, and carry away Aristobulus and his Son to Rome. and fortifie the Castle: But having for two days sustained the Forces of the Romans with extraordinary courage, at last he was taken; and with his Son Antigonus, who had been imprisoned with him at Rome, he was carried to Ga­binius, and from thence to Rome, where the Senate put him in Prison; but his Sons they sent into Judaea, because Gabinius writ that he had so promised Aristobulus's Wife, upon condition the Castles might be yielded.K

Whilst Gabinius prepared to war against the Parthians, Ptolomey hindred him, be­ing returned from Euphrates, into Egypt: Antipater and Hircanus assisted him with all things belonging to the War; as Money, Weapons, Corn, and Men; and Antipater perswaded the Jews who kept the ways that lead to Pelusium, to suffer Gabinius to pass. Now,Alexander, Aristobulus's Son, once more provok­eth the Jews to Rebellion. in the other part of Syria, at the departure of Gabinius there began a Commo­tion; and Alexander, Aristobulus's Son, once more incited the Jews to Rebellion; and having gathered a mighty power, purposed to destroy all the Romans that were in that Countrey: Which Gabinius fearing (who was returned out of Egypt at the be­ginning of these tumults) he sent Antipater before, who perswaded some of the Rebels to be quiet; yet thirty thousand remained with Alexander: For which cause he was L very forward to fight,The Jews o­vercome by the Romans. and went out to Battel; near Itabyrium they fought, the Ro­mans prevailed, and ten thousand were slain, and the rest were put to flight, and Ga­binius returned to Jerusalem by the counsel of Antipater; Gabinius o­vercometh the Nabathaeans in Battel. where having established all things, he marched thence, and overcame the Nabathaeans in Battel; he likewise per­mitted Mithridates and Orsanes, two Parthian Noblemen, who were fled to him from the Parthians,Ant. lib. 14. cap. 13. secretly to depart, saying, that they had escaped from the Soldiers. In the mean time Crassus, who was appointed to be his Successor, had Syria delivered him;Marcus Cras­sus taketh a­way the rest of the Gold of the Temple. and towards the maintenance of the Parthian Wars, he took all the Gold that was in the Temple of Jerusalem, besides the two thousand Talents which Pompey had forborn to touch: But passing over Euphrates, he was both himself and his whole Ar­my M utterly overthrown; of which matter it behoveth us not to speak in this place. After the death of Crassus, the Parthians endeavoured to enter Syria; but Cassius, who succeeded him in the Government, repulsed them; and having gotten the upper hand, he speedily passed into Judaea; and taking Tarichea, carried away about three thou­sand men Captive; and put Pitholaus to death, for gathering a company of seditious people to Aristobulus his part.Antipater's Wife a Noble woman of A­rabia. He that counselled his death was Antipater, who was married to a Noble Woman of Arbia called Cypris, by whom he had four Sons, Pha­saelus, Herod, afterwards King, Joseph and Pheroras; and one daughter called Salome. His wise Conduct and Liberality got him the Friendship of many Princes, and especial­ly that of the King of Arabia, to whose fidelity he committed his Sons, when he un­dertook N the War against Aristobulus. But Cassius made a Truce with Alexander, and in the mean time went to Euphrates, to hinder the passage of the Parthians; as we shall shew in another place.

A CHAP. VII.The year of the World, 3917. before Christ's Nativity. 45.
Of the death of Aristobulus, and the War undertaken by Antipater and Mithridates.

AFter that Caesar had forced the Senate and Pompey to flee beyond the Ionian Sea,Ant lib. 14. cap. 14. and by that means made himself sole master of Rome, Caesar deliver­eth Aristobu­lus from his bonds. he set Aristobulus at li­berty, and with two Legions of men sent him in hast into Syria, hoping through his means speedily to reduce both it, and also all places adjoyning to Judaea: But both the hope of Caesar, Aristobulus and his Son slain by Pom­pey's friends. and the forwardness of Aristobulus were frustrated by ill B Fortune; for Aristobulus was poysoned by Pompey's favourers, and even in his own Countrey his body lay unburied, which notwithstanding was preserved from putre­faction with honey, till such time as Antonius sent it to the Jews, commanding them to bury it in the Sepulchre of the Kings. His Son Alexander also was beheaded at Antioch by Scipio, being first according to the tenour of Pompey's Letters accused be­fore the Tribunal-seat,Ant. l. 14. c. 5. of such things as he had committed against the Romans. Pto­lemy Prince of Chalcis which is upon Mount Libanus, Ptolomaeus Son marrieth Antigonus younger Daughter, and for that cause is slain by his Father. sent his Son Philippio to Ascalon, to the widow of Aristobulus, to counsel her to send her Son Antigonus and her daugh­ters to him. Philippio falling in love with the youngest named Alexandra took her to wife. But sometime after he was put to death by his Father, who himself married C this Alexandra; and for that affinity sake, was more careful of her Brethren. After the death of Pompey, Antipater sought all means to get into Caesar's favour: and when Mithridates of Pergamena was hindred by the Garrison at Pelusium to pass further with an Army into Egypt, Ant. lib. 14. cap. 16. and was by that means stayed at Ascalon, Antipater not only perswaded the Arabians to assist him, but he himself seconded him with almost three thousand armed Jews. Moreover, he incited the Potentates of Syria, and Ptolemy who inhabited Libanus, Mithridates goeth to Pe­lusium, and thereby ob­taineth An­tigonus's help. and Jamblicus, and his Son Ptolemy to assist him; for whose sakes the Cities of that Country did willingly undertake the War. And now Mi­thridates strengthned by Antipater's means came to Pelusium; and because they would not suffer him to pass, he besieged the City. In which siege Antipater shew­ed D his valour; for making a breach on that side of the wall where his Quarter was, he first of all with his company brake into the City, and so Pelusium was taken. After which the Inhabitants of the Province bearing the name of Onias resolved not to suffer him to pass any further: But Antipater handled the matter so discreetly with them,Mithridates victory a­gainst the Egyptians. that they did not only suffer him to pass, but also supplied victuals for his Ar­my. Whereupon the City of Memphis would not fight, but yielded of their own accord to Mithridates: so that passing thorough Delta, he fought with the other Egyptians, in a place called▪ The Camp of the Jews; and being with all his compa­ny in danger, he was rescued by Antipater, who marching along the River side, set upon and discomfited the left wing of the Enemies battel, and rushing upon them that E pressed upon Mithridates, Antipater performeth many noble exploits, and exposeth him­self to all dangers for Caesar's sake. he slew many, and pursued the rest that fled, till he got their Camp, and all this with the loss of fourscore men. But Mithridates lost eight hundred men; and being thus against all hope preserved from being cut in pieces, he was without all envy a true witness before Caesar of all that Antipater had done and deserved. Whereupon Caesar rewarded his courage with praise and promises, and so made him forward to hazard himself for him. In a word, he proved and shewed himself a stout Warriour,Caesar maketh Antipater a free Citizen of Rome. and the many wounds he had in every part of his body, were badges and testimonies of his valour and vertue. Afterward when the estate of Egypt was quiet, Caesar returned into Syria, where he made him a Citizen of Rome, and granted him the immunities thereof; adding so many other F proofs of his esteem and affection, that he render'd him worthy of envy; and for his sake confirmed Hircanus in the High-Priesthood.

CHAP. VIII.
How Antipater was accused before Caesar. Of the Priesthood of Hircanus, and how Herod made war.Antigonus Aristobulus's Son cometh to Caesar to ac­cuse Pompey's friends for his fathers death.

AT the same time Antigonus the Son of Aristobulus repairing to Caesar, was against G his will a cause of Antipater's greater felicity: for coming to complain of his Fa­thers death (who was, as it was thought, poyson'd by Pompey's partisans;) with as great hatred as sorrow he accused Hircanus and Antipater of having been the cause [Page 568] that he and his brethren had been so unjustly driven out of their native soil, and H that their Country had suffer'd so great calamities only to satisfie their Passion: al­ledging that they had sent aid into Egypt to Caesar's forces, not for good will, but for fear, and that hereby they might blot out the memory of the good will they had born to Pompey. Antigonus falsly accuseth Hircanus and Antipater. At these words Antipater (drawing aside his vesture) shewed the number of his wounds, saying, it was not needful to use words to prove what affe­ction he had born to Caesar; for his very body shew'd it, although he himself held his peace:Antipater ca­sting of his garment, shew­eth his many wounds. adding that he admired the impudent boldness of Antigonus, who being Son to an enemy of the Romans, and a fugitive from Rome, and as inclinable as his Father to Rebellion, dar'd to accuse before the Roman Emperour others that had been always faithful to him; and that in stead of accounting himself happy in having his I life preserv'd, hop'd to obtain such favours and assistance as he had no need of, and which he desir'd not but to make use of the same to raise seditions against those to whom he should be beholding for them.

Which when Caesar heard,Caesar createth Hircanus High [...] Priest, and to Antipater he giveth the Go­vernment of Judea. he said that Hircanus was most worthy to be High Priest, and bad Antipater name what Charge he would have: who leaving that to the pleasure of the giver, he was made Governour of all Judaea. And moreover he obtain­ed lieve to re-edifie the razed walls of his Country; and Caesar commanded that this Decree should be engraven in Tables of Brass and in the Capitol, that it might be a memorial in time to come of Antipaters's justice and vertue.Ant. lib. 14. cap. 16. Antipater having attend­ed Caesar out of Syria, first of all repaired the ruined walls of his Country, which Pom­pey K had razed:Antipater re­paireth the walls of his Country. and going throughout all the Country, he threatned the obstinate, and perswaded the seditious to obedience, admonishing them, that if they obeyed Hircanus, they might live in wealth and peace, and enjoy happiness; but if they suffered themselves to be led away with the vain hopes of those,Antipater chargeth his Subjects to o­bey Hircanus. who for their pri­vate commodity sought alteration, then they should find him in stead of a Govern­our, a severe Master, and Hircanus instead of a King, a Tyrant; and the Romans and Caesar, instead of friends, deadly enemies: for that they would not suffer his power to be overthrown, whom they themselves had established King. Antipater in speaking thus considered himself and the need of providing for the safety of the State,Phasaelus and Herod, An­tipater's Sons. because he well knew the sloth an stupidity of Hircanus. He made Phasaelus L his eldest Son Governour of the Army, and of Jerusalem, and of the whole Pro­vince; Herod's for­titude. and sent Herod his youngest Son to govern Galilee (although he was very young) who being by nature valiant and ambitious, sought out occasion to shew his brave mind.Herod banish­eth the thieves out of Syria. He took Ezechias Captain of a troop of Thieves, who, as he under­stood, were wont to prey upon the confines of Syria with a great multitude, and put him to death with many other Thieves: which thing was so grateful to the Sy­rians, that in all Towns and Villages they made songs of Herod, as though he had restored them to peace and to their Possessions. This action also made his merit known to Sextus Caesar, who was Caesar the Emperour's Kinsman and Governour of Syria. Phasaelus ob­tained the fa­vour of the people of J [...]rusalem. Phasaelus also striving to exceed the vertue and gallantry of his Brother, us'd M all his endeavours to win to himself the good will of the Inhabitants of Jerusalem: so that during the time he governed the City, he did nothing insolently or by force. For which cause the people honoured Antipater no less than if he had been their King, yet was his fidelity and affection never the less towards Hircanus. But it is impossible that any man that liveth in prosperity, should not be envied. For Hircanus, al­though before-time he were moved something at the glory of the Father and the young men,Hircanus ani­mated by en­vious men a­gainst Antipater and his Sons. and especially with the prosperous success of Herod; yet in particular he was stirred up by many envious person (who use to haunt the Courts of Princes) who were grieved that Antipater and his Sons ruled without offence. These men told Hircanus that he only enjoyed the bare name of a King, and that Antipater and his Sons ruled N all; and that he would so long permit and wink at them, till at the last, they would make themselves Kings; for they now did no more pretend themselves to be Mini­sters, but leaving that Title, they acted as Lords and Soveraigns, without any re­gard or reverence towards him; as appeared in Herod who had put to death a great multitude of Jews against the Law, whereas neither by word of mouth, nor by wri­ting, the King had given him any such authority: and that Herod, if he were not a King but a private person, was to be brought into judgment, there to answer the matter, and shew the King a reason, and satisfie the laws of his Countrey; which permit no man to be put to death, before by Law he be convicted. By these per­swasions Hircanus grew angry:Herod called to his answer before the Councel. so that not concealing his wrath, he caused Herod O to be sent for to answer the matter: who both for that his Father advertised him thereto, and because he trusted to the equity of his cause, first leaving a Garrison [Page 569] A in Galilee, The year of the World, 3922. before Christ's Nativity, 4 [...]. he repaired to the King, accompanied with a sufficient Guard, not so great as to give jealousie to Hircanus, nor so small as to expose him to the attempts of his Adversaries. Sextus Caesar, who lov'd the young man much, and feared lest any evil should betide him amongst his enemies, sent to Hircanus, warning him to absolve Herod from the crimes of which he was accus'd.Hircanus ab­solveth Herod Hircanus once more incited by the wicked Which Hircanus, who al­so loved Herod, made no difficulty to do. But Herod, supposing he had done it un­willingly, went to Damascus to Sextus, purposing not to appear, if hereafter he were sent for. Hereupon Hircanus was once again incited against Herod by his enemies, who certified him that he was gone away in a rage, with design to enterprize some­thing against him: which Hircanus believing, knew not what to do, seeing his enemy B more potent than himself.

Shortly after Sextus Caesar proclaimed him General of the Army, both in Syria and Samaria; Herod gather­ing a great Army cometh to Jerusalem to depose Hir­canus. so that now he was greatly to be feared by Hircanus, not only for that he was highly in favour with the Commonalty, but also for the forces which he com­manded. Hereupon Hircanus fell into extreme fear, verily perswading himself that Herod with his whole Army would presently come against him. Neither was his suspicion vain:Herod disswa­ded by Anti­pater from at­tempting a­gainst Hirca­nus. for Herod angry at the pretended crime whereof he was accused, came with a great Army to Jerusalem, intending to depose Hircanus; which he had effected, had not his Father and Brother gone forth to meet him, and pacified him, intreating him that he would account that terrour (wherein he had put his enemies) C and his own indignation a sufficient revenge, and that he would spare the King, by whose favour he came to be so potent; adding moreover, that he ought not to take it ill that he was called to answer his accusations, since he was acquitted of them, and consequently ought to shew himself grateful to the King who had saved his life. Moreover, that Prudence obliged him to consider the fortune of war, together with the cause thereof; that the justice of Hircanus side might do more for him than a whole Army; and that he ought not to hope for victory, being to fight against his own King, who had always been gracious unto him, and never had thought of doing him hurt, but only being as it were urged thereunto by some of his Council, who through meer envy, and to satisfie their own passions, had framed a shadow of an D accusation against him. Herod was satisfied herewith, and suppos'd it to be sufficient in order to his great designs, to have shewed his forces and his power unto his Nation.

At this time began Civil war among the Romans near Apamia, Bassus mur­thereth Sextus Caesar by trea­son. in which Caecilius Bassus, for the love he bare to Sextus Pompey, slew Sextus Caesar at unawares, and made himself Governour of his Army; and other Captains of Caesar's to revenge his death, made after Bassus with all their forces; unto whom Antipater by his two Sons sent aid, both for the sake of Caesar that was slain and of him that was yet alive (for he was an entire friend and well-willer unto them both) and these wars continuing long, Marcus came out of Italy to succeed Sextus.

E

CHAP. IX.
Caesar's death. Cassius comes into Syria: Herod ingratiates with him. Malichus poysons Antipater, who had sav'd his life. For which Herod causes him to be slain.

AT this time arose great and bloody Civil Wars amongst the Romans, after Cae­sar was slain by the treason of Cassius and Brutus, Marcus, Sex­tus Successor. having ruled the Empire F three years and seven months.Ant. l. 14. c. 2. By reason of which murther their troubles daily in­creased, Julius Caesar slain by Bru­tus and Cassi­us, and the Nobility being at variance amongst themselves, every one follow­ed that couse, that they thought most expedient for themselves. Whereupon Cassi­us presently marched into Syria, Cassius levieth money in the cities. to take possession of the Government of the Army which was about Apamia; where he made Marcus and Bassus friends, took the con­duct of the Legions which they commanded, and rais'd the siege from Apamia, and leading the Army in his own person,Herod, Cassius friend. he forced every City to be tributa­ry, and exacted without measure. He commanded the Jews to contribute seven hundred Talents:Cassius severe in his exacti­ons. Antipater fearing his displeasure, appointed his Sons and o­thers of his friends presently to gather the money; and especially amongst the G rest, he gave this charge to one Malichus a friend of his. But Herod first of all got Cassius his favour, having brought him an hunndred Talents which he had collected out of Galilee, which was his part or Province. As for the rest, he accused them of [Page 570] negligence, and was angry at the other Cities: So that having pillaged Gophna and H Ammauntes, The year of the world, 3922. before Christ's Nativity. 40. and other two small Cities, he march'd onwards with intent to kill Ma­lichus, for that he had been so careless and negligent in gathering the tribute-money. But Antipater (presently disbursing unto Cassius an hundred Talents) saved both him and all the rest of the Cities.Malichus for­getful of An­tipater's kind­ness. Yet Malichus after Cassius was departed, did no more remember how beneficial Antipater had been unto him, but oftentimes treacherously laid wait to murther him because he hindered and withstood his villanous pretensions; notwithstanding that himself had often confessed that Antipater had saved his life. Antipater, Antipater gathereth an Army against Malichus. fearing both his power and subtilty, passed over the River Jordan to ga­ther an Army, that he might prevent those treacheries. But Malichus being disco­vered, saw nothing left for him to do but to dissemble; and accordingly by many I oaths and excuses he won Phasaelus chief of the Garrison in Jerusalem, and Herod who was master of the Army, that they should be a means to reconcile him unto Antipa­ter. Whereupon Antipater intreating Marcus (who was General of the Army in Sy­ria, and had determined to kill him) he was saved. The reason that Marus would have put him to death, was, because Malichus was of a turbulent and factious spirit.

The young Caesar, Octavius Au­gustus succeed­eth after Cae­sar. surnamed afterwards Augustus, and Antonius warring against Cas­sius and Brutus: Brutus and Cassius, gathered an Army in Syria; and in consideration of the great capacity of Herod, they made him Procurator of all Syria, giving him a band of horse and foot.Cassius promi­seth Herod af­ter the War to make him King of Ju­daea. Moreover Cassius promised him, that if the war had an K happy end, he would make him King of Judea. But it so came to pass, that the me­rit of Herod, which raisd this hope so high, was the cause of Antipater his Fathers death. For Malichus being hereby put in fear, hired one of the Kings officers for a certain sum of money to poyson Antipater; by which means he died, being thus un­justly rewarded for his good will toward wretched Malichus. Antipater poysoned by Malichus. He was a worthy man and fit to govern, and recovered the Kingdom being lost for Hircanus: Malichus (perceiving the people incensed against him, because they suspected that he had poy­soned Antipater) pacified and moderated their displeasure by denying the fact; yet for his better security, he gathered about him a Guard of armed men: for he thought that Herod would not let the matter slip so,Herod intend­eth to revenge his Father's death. but would presently come with an Army to L revenge his fathers death. But by the counsel of his brother Phasaelus (who sent him word not openly to encounter Malichus, lest a sedition might arise among the people) he pa­tiently permitted it so to be, and suffered Malichus to justifie himself, and celebrated a solemn funeral for his Father: which done, he went to Samaria, and appeased the sedition wherewith that City was disquieted. After this he returned to Jerusalem, in­tending to celebrate the Festival, and having sent certain of his armed men before him, he appointed the rest to accompany him. But Malichus, who feared this approach of his, sollicited Hircanus to give order, that no strangers should intermingle them­selves among the people,Malichus joyn­eth with Hir­canus. to disturb their devotion. But Herod contemning this Pro­hibition entered the City by night: whereupon Malichus once more came to him,M and wept for Antipater. Herod, although he could very hardly bridle his displeasure, yet dissembled the same:Cassius charg­eth Herod by letters to re­venge his fa­thers death. and sent letters to Cassius, wherein he complained of his fathers death. Cassius already hated Malichus sufficiently, and so he writ again to Herod, willing him to revenge his father's death; which that he might the better effect, he secretly commanded the Captains of his Regiment to assist him. Now for that after the surprizal of Laodicea, all the best of the City came to Herod, bringing presents and crowns, he appointed this for a fit time of his intended revenge: which Malichus suspecting as he was near Tyre, he purposed secretly to get away his son, who was there a pledge, and to flee into Judaea. But despair of his own safety urged him to greater matters; for he hoped to incite the Jews to take Arms against the Ro­mans,N whilst Cassius was now busie in the War against Antonius; so that he thought he might easily depose Hircanus, and make himself King. But God prevented these vain hopes: For Herod, suspecting he had some great design, invited him and Hircanus to supper, in order to which he made a shew as though he had sent one of his servants to cause a banquet to be prepared, but indeed he sent him to the Roman Captains to tell them to lie in wait for Malichus: who remembring what charge Cassius gave them,The decree of fate laugheth at humane hope. came forth of the City to the shore next adjoyning to the Town, all armed with swords; where compassing Malichus round about, they killed him with many wounds. Hircanus hereat astonished, fell in a swoon, and being scarcely come to him­self, Herod's Tri­bunes kill Malichus. he demanded who killed Malichus; one of the Captains answered, that Cassius O gave the commandment: whereupon he answered, truly Cassius hath preserved me and my Country, in killing him who was a Traitour to us both: but whether herein [Page 571] A he spake as he thought,The year of the World, 3923. before Christ's Nativity, 39. or that for fear he approved the fact, it is uncertain. Thus was Herod revenged upon Malichus.

CHAP. X.Ant. lib. 14. cap. 20.
How Herod was accused, and set free▪ Felix cometh with an army against Pha­saelus.

AFter Cassius was departed from Syria, Phasaelus over­cometh Felix, and reproach­eth Hircanus with ingrati­tude. there arose another sedition in Jerusalem: B for Felix came with an Army against Phasaelus, to be revenged upon Herod for killing Malichus. It chanced that Herod was at that time at Damascus with Fabius a Roman Captain, and would have come to assist Phasaelus, but by the way he fell sick, so that he could not succour him: but it so fell out, that Phasaelus without any help, did of himself overcome Felix, and afterwards reproached Hircanus as ungrateful, in that he had both favoured Felix, and suffered Malichus's brother to seize upon di­vers place (as already he had done, and especially one of greatest strength called Massada:) Yet all these did not protect him from Herod, who was no sooner recover­ed of his sickness, but presently he retook them all, and at Hircanus's request per­mitted him to depart. He also chased Marion, whom Cassius had made Prince of the Ty­rians C out of Galilee, who had got three Castles in that Country. As for the Tyrians that he took, he spared their lives, and sent some away with rewards; whereby he got the good will of the City, and the hatred of the Tyrant. Which Marion had gotten into his hands all Syria; and for the hatred he bore to Herod, took with him Antigonus, Ari­stobulus's Son, and marched against him: and by Fabius's means, whom Antigonus had gained to himself by money:Antigonus Aristobulus's Son put to flight by He­rod. he also got Ptolemy to assist him in this expedition; which Ptolemy was father-in-law to Antigonus, and furnished him with all necessaries. Herod like­wise, having prepar'd himself against them, gave them battel in the entrance into Ju­dea, and got the victory: and having put Antigonus to flight, he returned to Jerusalem, where he was honoured by all men for his courage in that victory; so that even they D that before despised him, now by reason of his affinity newly contracted with Hirca­nus, sought his friendship and familiarity. This Herod long before this time had a wife which was a noble woman of his own Country,Doris, Herod's first wife, of good birth, by whom he had Antipater. named Doris, and had by her a Son named Antipater: but he then married Mariamne, daughter of Alexander (who was Aristobulus his son) and of Alexandra Hircanus his daughter, by reason whereof he came to be in favour with the King. But when Cassius was slain near Philip­pi, Caesar departed into Italy, The chiefest Jews repair to Caesar to accuse Phasae­lus and Herod. and Antonius into Asia; at which time the chief of the Jews came and accused Phasaelus and Herod, alledging that they by force got unto themselves the rule of the Country, and left Hircanus only the bare name of King. But Herod being then present, so wrought himself into Antonius's favour by a great sum of mo­ney, E that he permitted not his enemies to speak one word more;Ant. lib. 14. cap. 21. who thereupon returned home. Afterward an hundred men of the most honourable amongst the Jews, repaired to Daphne near Antioch to Antonius (now doting on the love of Cleo­patra) and offered an accusation against the two brethren, having chosen some of the greatest Quality and Eloquence to speak for them, Messala undertook their defence being assisted by Hircanus. Antonius having heard both parties demanded of Hir­canus, whom he thought the fittest to govern the Common-wealth? who answered, Herod and his brethren. Whereat Antonius was exceeding glad (for he had been most courteously entertained by Antipater, when he came with Gabinius into Judea;) and thereupon he made them Tetrarchs,Antonius ma­keth the two brothers Te­trarchs. committing to them the rule of all Judaea: F which, when the Jews Ambassadors misliked, he put fifteen of them in prison, and was near resolving to put them to death; the rest he sent away after he had treat­ed them very ill:The Jews once more complain a­gainst the two brothers. Whereupon there arose greater tumults in Jerusalem, and the Jews sent another Embassage of a thousand men to Tyre, where Antonius resided with an intent to come against Jerusalem. Antonius displeased with their murmurs and com­plaints, commanded the Magistrates of Tyre to kill all they could catch of the Jews, and to maintain their Authority,Antonius commandeth in Zyre. whom he himself had constituted Tetrarchs. But Herod and Hircanus went to these Deputies, who walk'd on the Sea-shore, admonish­ing them earnestly to be contented, lest by their indiscreet proceeding, they should become not only the cause of their own deaths, but also of War against their own Coun­try; G but because they would not be reclaimed by these admonitions, Antonius sent out certain armed men, who killed many of them, and wounded the rest. Hircanus after this disaster caused the dead to be buried, and the wounded to be cured, notwithstanding [Page 572] all this, they that escaped would not contain themselves in Peace, but so troubled the H City, that Antonius in displeasure, slew those that he had in hold.

CHAP. XI.
Of the War of the Parthians against the Jews. Of the flight of Herod, and his being made King of Judaea.

TWo years after this,Ant. lib. 14. cap. 21. and when Barzapharnes, a great Noble man of the Parthians, governed Syria with Pacorus the King's Son,Lysanias per­swadeth Bar­zapharnes to depose Hirca­nus, and en­state Antigo­nus. Lysanias who had succeeded his Fa­ther I Ptolomaeus, Son of Minaeus, promised them a thousand Talents, and five hundred Women, to put Antigonus in possession of the Kingdom of Judaea, and depose Hirca­nus. Being induced by these promises, Pacorus march'd along the Sea-coast, and Bar­zapharnes past through the midst of the Countrey. But amongst the rest of the places bordering on the Sea, the Tyrians would not receive Pacorus (notwithstanding the Ci­tizens of Ptolemais and Sidon had given him entertainment) wherefore he gave part of his Horse unto one who was the King's Butler, called Pacorus (as himself was;) com­manding him to pass into Judaea, and learn what their enemies meant to do, and to help Antigonus where need required. As they wasted the Countrey about Carmel, many Jews came of their own accord, and joyned with Antigonus, shewing themselves K very prompt to fight; for which cause he sent them before to take a place called Dry­mos; where having fought with his enemies, and put them to flight, he pursued them with all speed as far as Jerusalem: And his number being augmented, he came to the King's Palace.A sore fight in the Market-place, betwixt Antigonus and Hircanus. But Hircanus and Phasaelus met them with a strong Company, and fought with them in the Market-place, where the enemies were forced to fly, and part of them were by Herod shut up in the Temple; and he appointed to keep them sixty men, which he placed in the houses next adjoyning▪ But the people bearing a grudge to the two Brethren,Daily slaugh­ters in Jeru­salem. set the houses on fire: Whereat Herod being angry (for that his men were consumed with fire) set upon the people, and killed a great many of them, and every hour one laid wait for another, so that every day some were murthered.L Now the Feast of Pentecost drawing nigh, all places about the Temple, and the whole City, was filled with people of the Countrey, whereof the most part was armed; and Phasaelus kept the Walls, and Herod with a small Company, kept the King's Palace; and assaulting their enemies upon the suddain, as they were in the Suburbs, they killed a great many of them, and put all the rest to flight; part of them he coup­ed up in the City, others he shut in the Temple, and the rest between that and the uttermost Rampire. Whereupon Antigonus requested that Pacorus might come and treat a Peace betwixt them.Phasaelus en­tertaineth the Parthian, and with him five hundred Horse Pacorus's Treason and subtilty. Phasaelus moved by these prayers received the Parthian into the City, and entertained him into his house, accompanied with five hundred Horse, who came under a pretence to make Peace; but in effect he re­sorted M thither to help Antigonus; for craftily conspiring against Phasaelus, he perswad­ed him to repair to Barzapharnes as an Ambassadour to treat a Peace, notwithstand­ing that Herod altogether disswaded him, willing him to kill the Traitor, and not to trust his subtilty; adding that the Parthians were naturally unfaithful.

Pacorus departing out of the City,The year of the World, 3924. before Christ's Nativity, 38. took Hircanus with him that he might be the less suspected; and leaving some Horse with Herod, namedOr free. Eleutheri, he followed Phasaelus with the rest. When they came near Galilee, they found the Inhabitants at variance, and up in Arms, and met with Barzapharnes (who craftily, with pretence of courtesie and friendship, hid his Treachery) who after he had bestowed Presents upon them, and that they were retired, laid an Ambush for them; whereof they had in­telligence N as they came to a place near the Sea-coast named Edippon. Here they were informed of the thousand Talents that were promised,Herod in Jeru­salem, and Phasaelus in the Camp, are in danger of their lives. and how that Antigonus had given the Parthians more than five hundred women of those that were amongst them; and that oftentimes they had been laid wait for, and had been lately taken, but that delay was made till such time as Herod was surprized in Jerusalem, lest he hearing what was become of them, might provide for himself. Now they perceived that these were not only words, for they beheld some Guards not far off: Yet would not Phasaelus forsake Hircanus, notwithstanding that Oselius (to whom Saramalla, the richest among the Syrians had declared all the Treason) exhorted him to fly; but he chose rather to to go to Barzapharnes, and to upbraid him to his face, that he had treacherously laid O wait for him, and for money had suffered himself to be corrupted; whereas he himself would have given more for his life and liberty, than Antigonus had done for the King­dom. [Page 573] A At these words the Parthian with Oaths and Protestations craftily freed himself from suspition, and repaired to Pacorus. But presently the Parthians, who stayed be­hind, and had charge so to do, laid hands on Phasaelus and Hircanus, who openly ex­claimed against their falshood and perjury.

In the mean time Pacorus was sent out to surprize Herod, and by some stratagem to [...]oul him out of the City:Herod is laid for to be be­trayed. He wrought by all the means he could, according as he was instructed; but Herod who was always wont to mistrust the perfideous practices of the Parthian, and believed that the Letters which Phasaelus had writ to him to discover the Treason, were fallen into the enemies hands, would not go forth, though Pacorus in­cited him to ride out and meet them that brought the Letters, for he had already learnt B the taking of Phasaelus; and Mariamne a very wise woman, Hircanus's Daughter, with many entreaties perswaded Herod not to go forth, but to beware how he trusted him­self to the mercy of that Barbarous people, whose ill designs he could not be ignorant of.Herod in the night time fly­eth into Idu­maea. Whilst Pacorus was consulting with his Complices, how he might privily effect his Treasons (seeing it was not possible openly to circumvent a man of so great Wis­dom) Herod in the night time, whilst his enemies neither knew nor suspected his intent, took his nearest kindred, and fled into Idumaea; which being once known, the Parthi­ans followed him. For which cause▪ he made his Mother, his Brethren and Mariamne, whom he had espoused, and her Mother and youngest Brother to keep on their jour­ney, Herod more hotly pursued by the Jews than the Par­thians. and he with his Servants warily assaulted the Parthians; and having in divers as­saults C killed a great number of them, he hasted towards the Castle of Massada; and in his retreat sustained more harm by the Jews, than by the Parthians; who, as they had been always troublesome, so now within three score furlongs from the Town, they set upon him:Herod's Victo­ry. The Battel was long, but Herod obtained the Victory, killed a great many of them; and in remembrance of the action, built on that place a most stately Palace,Herodion. and a strong Castle, which from his own name he called Herodion. In this retreat many joyned with him: But when he came to Thersa, a Town of Idumaea, his Brother Joseph met him, and perswaded him to lessen the number of his followers, be­cause Massada could not receive such a multitude (for the number amounted to above nine thousand.)Massada. Herod, according to his counsel, dismissed those that were unfit for D his turn, and sent them into Idumaea, giving them necessaries for their journey. As for those that were chosen men, and fit for his purpose, he retained them with him, and so he was received into the Castle; where leaving eight hundred Soldiers to defend the women,Petra a City of Arabia. and Provision sufficient for those that were within, he himself went to Pe­tra, a City of Arabia.

In the mean time the Parthians at Jerusalem began to sack the houses of them that were fled,The year of the World, 3925. before Christ's Nativity, 37. and the King's Palace; they only abstained from Hircanus's money, which amounted to more than three hundred Talents. As for other men's Goods, they found not so much as they expected; for Herod long before, suspecting the infidelity of the Parthians, had sent all his Riches and Jewels into Idumaea, as his followers also had E done. When the Parthians had taken the spoil, they were so impious, that they left no place of the whole Countrey free from Pillage. They destroyed the City of Marsa, and bound Phasaelus and Hircanus, and delivered them in Chains to Antigonus, who pre­sently cut off Hircanus's ears,Antigonus cutteth off Hircanus's ears. to the end, that if by some alteration, he chanced hereaf­ter to get loose, he might be no more High Priest; for by our Law, none may offer Sacri­fice, that wants any member of his body. But Phasaelus his fortitude prevented the cruelty of Antigonus; for having neither Weapon, nor his hands at liberty, he beat out his own brains against a stone, and died; demonstrating himself by that act, to be the true Brother of Herod and not a Poltron like Hircanus: Yet some report that Antigo­nus sent a Chirurgeon under pretence to cure the wound, who filled the same with ve­nomous F Medicines,Phasaelus's words before he died. and so killed him. It is reported likewise, that understanding be­fore his death by means of a certain woman, that Herod was escaped, he spake these words; Now I shall die without regret, since I leave behind me one that will take ven­geance of my enemies; The Parthi­ans established Antigonus King. and so he died. Although the Parthians had not yet received the five hundred women promised them (which was the chief thing they looked for) yet they established Antigonus in Jerusalem, and led Hircanus Prisoner into Parthia. But Herod with all speed hasted into Arabia, as if his Brother had been yet alive, to the intent to borrow money of the King of Arabia, with which alone he hoped that the cruelty of those barbarous Parthians might be mitigated towards Phasaelus: For his o­pinion was, that although the Arabian had now forgot his Father's Friendship, and G were hard-hearted; yet at least he would lend him money, seeing it was to redeem his Brother, whose Son he meant to leave as a Pledge for it. For Herod took with him a Son of his Brother's into Arabia, that was seven years old; and purposed to give 300 [Page 574] Talents for his Ransom, and had made the Tyrians intercessors for him to the Parthi­ans:H But Fortune prevented his endeavours, so that his love and care for his Brother prevailed nothing. He found also that the Arabians renounc'd the League of Amity; for Malichus their King sent to him as he was yet in the way, charging him with all speed to depart out of his Dominions; pretending that the Parthians had sent Am­bassadours to him, to request him to drive him out of his Countrey; but indeed the cause was, that his ingratitude suffered him not to pay that which Antipater had de­served, or requite his Sons, now comfortless, for those good turns that he had received at their Father's hands: And those who counselled him to this, were such as offered to forswear those Summs which Antipater had put them in trust with, who were the chiefest men about him.Herod perceiv­eth the Arabi­ans to be his enemies Herod perceiving the Arabians to be his foes for that which I he thought would procure him friendship, answered the Messenger according as his re­sentment moved him, and took his journey towards Egypt; and the first night he lodg­ed in a Countrey Temple, to the intent that those of his company that were behind him might overtake him. The next day coming to Rhinoslura, his Brother's death was told him; after he had paid what he could not refuse to the first sentiments of so vio­lent a sorrow, he went forward.

In the mean time the King of Arabia (though too late) repented himself of that which he had done to Herod, and sent Messengers after him to desire him to return, but they could not overtake him, he had marched so fast. When Herod was come to Pe­lusium, the Mariners of the City would not receive him into their Vessels; for which K cause, he in person went to the Governours; who reverencing the Fame and Dignity of the man, conducted him to Alexandria; whither he no sooner came, but Cleopatra received him very honourably, intending to make him General of her Army which she was preparing at that time.Herod in great dangers re­paireth to Rome. But he neither regarding the offers of the Queen, nor yet discouraged by the hard Winter Season, nor the dangers of the Seas, took his journey towards Rome; and being in great danger of Shipwrack near Pamphilia, both he and the rest of the Passengers, were forced to cast away the most part of their lading: with much ado he arrived safe at Rhodes, which had been much ruined in the War against Cassius; there he was entertained by two of his friends, Ptolomey and Sapinas; and although his money grew scant, yet there he built a great Galley with three Ranks of L Oars; and in it (being accompanied with his friends) he sailed to Brundusium, and from thence went straight to Rome. Herod repair­ing to Rome, hath confe­rence with Antonius. Where first of all (in regard of the familiarity be­tween his Father and him) he went to Antonius, declaring unto him both his own ca­lamity, and the miserable desolation of the whole Countrey; and how, leaving his dearest friends besieged in a Castle, himself through the stormy Winter Seas was come to him, to implore his assistance. Antonius compassionating his calamity, and re­membring his familiarity with Antipater, and esteeming the merit of Herod which stood before him, determined to make him King of the Jews, whom before, he himself had made Tetrarch: For he loved not Herod so well, but he hated Antigonus as much; holding him both a seditious person,Ant. lib. 14. cap. 13. and an enemy to the Romans. Now, to the ac­complishment M of this,Herod findeth both Caesar and Antonius favourable unto him. he found Caesar far more ready than himself, when he called to mind the service that Antipater did in Egypt under his Father, and his entertainment and friendship in all things: And besides all these, he was much satisfied with Herod's courage and ability. Wherefore he caused the Senate to be assembled, wherein Mes­sala and himself,Herod praised before the Se­nate in the presence of Herod, recounted his Father's deserts and fidelity towards the Romans; declaring Antigonus to be an enemy, not only because he had formerly revolted, but for that now lately, in despight of the Romans, he had by the assistance of the Parthians,Herod made King by the Roman Senate usurped the Kingdom. With which considerations the Se­nate being moved, and Antonius affirming it to be expedient for the Roman Wars a­against the Parthians, that Herod should be created King, the whole Senate consented:N and when it was dismissed, Antonius and Caesar came forth with Herod between them, and the Consuls marched before him accompanied with other Magistrates to offer Sa­crifice, and to Register the Decree of the Senate in the Capitol. After which Antonius feasted Herod the first day of his Reign.

A CHAP. XII.
Of Herod's War for the recovering of Jerusalem after his return from Rome; and how he warred against the Thieves.

AT this time Antigonus besieged those that were left in the Castle of Massada, Ant. lib. 14. cap. 23. who had great store of Victuals,Antigonus getteth Mas­sada. and wanted nothing but Water. Joseph, Herod's Brother, who defended it, purposed to go to the Arabians with two hundred of his dearest friends, for that he had intelligence that Malichus repented that he had given B Herod no better entertainment. And accordingly he had forsaken the Castle, had not great store of rain fallen that very night, wherein he intended to flee; but the Wells and Cisterns being now filled with Water,The Wars be­tween Anti­gonus's Soldi­ers and Joseph, Herod's Bro­ther. there was no cause to flee; so that issuing out of the Castle, he assaulted Antigonus's Soldiers, and killed very many of them; sometimes in open fight, and sometimes by pollicy: Yet, he fought not always with fortunate success, but returned sometimes with loss. In the mean time, Ventidius (who was General of the Roman Army which was sent to expel the Parthians out of Syria) after he had repulsed them,Ventidius the Roman Gene­ral taketh mo­ney from An­tigonus. came into Judaea, under pretence to succour Joseph and the rest that were besieged; out in effect, to get money from Antigonus. When therefore he drew near Jerusalem, and had received the money he looked for, he departed with C the greatest part of his Army,Ant. lib. 14. cap. 24. leaving Silo behind him with a few to colour his pre­tence: And Antigonus hoping for a second Supply from the Parthians, corrupted Silo not to molest him for the present.Herod against Antigonus. By this time Herod having sailed from Italy to Ptolemais, and gathered a great Army of strangers and his own Countreymen to­gether, came into Galilee against Antigonus, being assisted with the Forces of Ven­tidius and Silo, whom Gellius, who was sent from Antonius, perswaded to establish Herod in his Kingdom.Herod intend­eth after he hath taken Massada and Joppa, to be­siege Jerusa­lem. But Ventidius was busie in appeasing the Broils that the Par­thians had made in the Cities, and Silo was corrupted by Antigonus: Yet did not He­rod want aid; for every day, the further he marched into the Countrey, the more his Army encreased, all Galilee (very little excepted) yielding unto him. Whereupon he D purposed first of all to go to Massada, to deliver his friends that were there besieged; but Joppa hindred his purpose; which being an enemy Town, he thought best to take it before he went any further, lest whilst he was going to Jerusalem, his enemies should have a place behind him to flee to. Now Silo joyned Armies with Herod, rejoyc­ing that he had found occasion to retire; but he was pursued by the Jews of Antigo­nus's Party, who Herod with a loose Wing of his Army, and a small Company of men, encountred, and presently put to flight, and saved Silo, who had much ado to make resistance against them. This done, and Joppa taken, he hasted to Massada; and the people of the Countrey (some for his Father's sake, others for his own, and many for both) joyned themselves to him: Many also, came to him for hope, because he was E now King, so that now he had a very puissant Army: But Antigonus hindred his jour­ney, by planting certain Ambushes in places convenient, where Herod was to pass; though by all this they little harmed him.

Herod having raised the Siege of Massada, Herod begirt­eth Jerusalem with a Siege, and proclaim­eth the cause of his coming. and rescued his friends, from thence went to Jerusalem; where both Silo's Soldiers, and many of the City came and joyned with him. Being now terrified with the greatness of his Forces, there pitching their Tents at the west side of the Town, they that guarded that part, assaulted them with Darts and Arrows; and others issuing by Troops forth of the City, assaulted the Front of the Army: Whereupon Herod caused one to go about the Walls of the City, and to proclaim, how that he was come for the good of the whole City; and that he would F not take revenge of any, though his open enemy; but would pardon, even them that had been most seditious. But when Antigonus his followers with loud exclamations hindred the Crier's voice from being heard, lest any man should alter his mind; Herod presently commanded his men to beat the enemies off from the Wall; upon which order, they shot such a flight of Arrows and Darts from the top of the Towers, that they for­ced them to retire. At this time Silo was detected to have been corrupted with mo­ney; Silo's subtilty being corrupt­ed by the Jews. for he solicited many Soldiers to cry out that they wanted Provisions, and to ask money and Victuals, and to crave to be dismissed and sent into some fit place of Quar­ter during the Winter, because Antigonus had laid waste all the Countrey; and even Silo himself offered to be gone, and exhorted others to do the like. But Herod seeing G himself ready to be forsaken, went to the Captains that served under Silo; and calling many of the Soldiers together, requested them not to forsake him at that exigent, whom Caesar, Antonius, and the whole Senate (as they knew) had sent thither; promising [Page 576] them, that within one day he would relieve all their necessities. When he had thus H entreated them, himself went about the Fields, and brought them so much Provision that he cut off all Silo's excuses; and forecasting lest hereafter there should be any want, he sent Letters to Samaria (which City about this time had put it self under his protection) willing them to bring Victuals,Herod g [...]her­eth great store of provision. and Wine, and Oyl, and Cattel to Jericho. Antigonus hearing this, presently sent certain of his men to lie in Ambush in the Fields, and suddenly to set upon those that came for Provision, and kill them, and so hinder them from carrying any Victuals to the Camp: according to his Commandment, there went a great number of Soldiers to Jericho, and placed themselves upon the Moun­tains, with an intent to espy if any body carried Provision to the Army. In the mean time Herod rested not;Herod accom­panied with ten Troops, cometh to Je­richo. for taking with him ten Companies (five of the Romans, and I five of the Jews, with three hundred Mercenaries, and a few Horse,) he came to Jeri­cho, where he found the City without Inhabitants, and five hundred with their Wives and Families had placed themselves upon the tops of the Mountains; whom when he had surprized,The Romans got a great Prey. he permitted to depart. But the Romans brake into the City, and sacked it (where they found the houses stored with all manner of Riches;) and the King leaving a Garrison at Jericho returned. He sent likewise the Roman Soldiers to the Provinces which were on his side; to wit, Idumaea, Galilee and Samaria, that they might abide there till Winter was past. Antigonus also, th [...]ough Silo's means (whom by money he had made his friend) obtained that a part of his Army might (during the Winter time) abide at Lidda, that he might by this means obtain the favour of Anto­nius: K and the Romans, being now discharged from the Wars, lived in great ease and plenty.

All this time Herod was not idle, but accompanied with two thousand Foot, and five hundred Horse, he went about Idumaea, and sent also his Brother Joseph, lest by Anti­gonus's means the people should rebel. And having carried his Mother, and the rest of his Kindred, whom he took from Massada, into Samaria, and placed them where no danger might betide them; himself went into Galilee, to subdue that part of the Coun­trey which as yet was not in his hands, and to expel from thence the Garrisons left by Antigonus. Ant. lib. 14. cap. 24. And when he was come to Sephoris, notwithstanding there was a very great Snow,Herod taketh the City of [...]phoris. he easily took it, for the Garrison fled before he assaulted it; and finding L there great store of Provision, he refreshed his Soldiers, which now with Winter wea­ther were much harassed; and then sent them against the great number of Thieves that infested that Province, and lay lurking in Dens and Caves; and who making of­ten incursions upon the Countrey, molested the Inhabitants no less than if they had been an Army of Enemies.Herod setteth forth against the Thieves. And sending before three Companies of Foot, and one Troop of Horse into a Village called Arbela, himself forty days after came thither with the whole Army. For all this the Thieves feared him not, but arming themselves, came to meet him, trusting to their experience in Warlike affairs, and their own des­perate courage. The Battel being joyned, the Right Wing of their Party put the Left Wing of Herod's to flight; but he with his Right Wing presently succoured them,M and recalled his men that fled; and rushing violently upon his enemies, he a little stopped their career; till at last the Fore-front of their Battel, not able to stand any longer, fled: Herod pursued them even unto Jordan, and killed many of them; those that escaped fled over the River. And thus he freed Galilee from that fear, save that yet there were left some lurking in the Caves, by whom he was constrained to make a longer stay. Wherefore, first of all he gave the Soldiers some fruit of their labours, distributing to every one of them an hundred and fifty Drachmes of Silver, and unto the Captains more, and so he sent them where they should pass the Winter. Also he writ unto his youngest Brother Pheroras, to provide necessaries for them, and to build a Wall about the Castle of Alexandrium; which he performed.N

In the mean while Antonius passed the time about Athens, The year of the World, 3926. before Christ's Nativity, 36. and Ventidius sent for Silo and Herod, to assist him in the War against the Parthians; after they had settled the af­fairs of Judaea, so as no longer to need their presence. Herod willingly sent Silo unto Ventidius; and in the mean time he with his Army went against the Thieves in the Caves.Ant. lib. 14. cap. 25. These Caves were in very steep Mountains, so that there was no way to come to them, save only by crooked and very narrow passages: And these Mountains were all Rocks of Stone,The descrip­tion of the Caves where the Thieves kept▪ hanging over the Valleys; so that the King a great while was doubt­ful what to do, seeing the place so inaccessible. At last, Herod devised a way scarcely heard of before; for he put the valiantest of his men into Chests, and so let them down to the mouths of the Caves, where they killed the Thieves and their Families, and put O fire to them that resisted. And Herod seeking to save some of them, caused a Trumpet to publish to them, that they might come to him with safety; but there was not one [Page 577] A that came; and those that were forced, chose rather to kill themselves than be his Cap­tives: So that an old man having seven Sons and a Wife, who all requested him that they might go forth to the King and save their lives, killed them all after this manner: Himself stood before the door of the Cave, and bad them come forth one by one, and always as one of them came forth, he killed him. And Herod being in a place where he might behold this spectacle, being moved with compassion, stretched forth his hand and requested him to spare his Children: But he being nothing moved to compassion by Herod's words, upbraided Herod's meanness of mind; and having butchered his Sons, he also killed his Wife; and casting the dead bodies down into the Valleys, at last he cast himself likewise down headlong.

B Herod having thus taken the Caves, and slain those that were in them, left such a part of his Army, as he thought might suffice to repress any that should attempt a Re­bellion, under the Command of Ptolomey, and returned to Samaria, carrying with him three thousand Foot,Ptolomey Cap­tain of Herod's Soldiers slain. and six hundred Horse against Antigonus. After his departure, those that were accustomed to trouble Galilee, having now (as they thought) opportu­nity, assaulted Ptolomey at unawares, and killed him; and having wasted the Countrey, retired into Marish Grounds, and Strong Holds. Which when Herod understood, he presently came to succour the Countrey, and killed most part of the enemies; and having taken all the Castles by force, he exacted an hundred Talents for a punishment of that revolt, to be paid by the Cities. In the mean time the Parthians being put to C flight, and Pacorus slain, Ventidius, in obedience to Letters from Antonius, sent Machae­ra to Herod with a thousand Horse, and two Legions of Foot, to assist him against An­tigonus. Antigonus writ Letters to Machaera, desiring him to help him; and complain­ing that Herod had injured him, promised him a great summ of money: But he think­ing it not best to forsake him he was sent to succour, especially seeing that Herod would give more, would not be subborned by him; yet counterfeiting himself to be Antigo­nus his friend, under that pretence to discover what Forces he had, contrary to Herod's counsel, he went to him. But Antigonus distrusting his intent, kept him out of the Ci­ty, Machaera's i­niquity. and like an enemy drave him away from the Walls: Machaera ashamed of what he had done, returned to Emmaus unto Herod; and being in a rage that things fell out a­gainst D his expectation, he killed all the Jews he found, not respecting whether they fa­voured Herod or Antigonus. The year of the World, 3927. before Christ's Nativity. 35. Herod hereat was moved, and purposed to be revenged upon Machaera, as an enemy; yet he bridled himself, and hasted to Antonius, to let him understand Machaera's cruelty: Machaera remembring how he had offended, fol­lowed the King, and with many entreaties besought him to be reconciled, and obtain­ed it. Yet Herod kept on his journey to Antonius; and hearing that he was now with a great Army besieging Samosata (a very strong City near Euphrates) he made the more haste; thinking it now a fit time to shew his affection and his courage, and that there­by he might win Antonius's favour the more. His arrival hastned the taking of the place, which Antiochus was constrained to deliver; for he killed a great number of the E enemies,Antonius ad­mireth He­rod's valour. and had for his reward a great part of the Spoil; and Antonius, though before he admired his vertue, yet now his opinion of him encreased, so that he had a greater addition of his honour, and reason to hope his establishment in the Kingdom.

CHAP. XIII.
Of the death of Joseph.Ant. lib. 14. cap. 25. How Herod besieged Jerusalem; and how Antigonus was slain.

F IN the mean time Herod's Affairs in Judaea went backward. He had left his Brother Joseph Governour of all, and commanded him to attempt nothing against Antigonus till his return; for he little trusted to Machaera's help, because of the part he had play­ed before. But Joseph seeing his Brother to be far off, regarded not what charge was left him, but went to Jericho with his own Troops, and five Companies of Horse which Machaera sent with him, thinking now in Harvest time to have taken away their Corn; but being assaulted by the enemies upon the Mountains, and in difficult places, himself was there slain, after he had shewed himself in the fight a worthy and valiant man; and there was not one left alive of all the Roman Horse, for they had been newly levied in Syria, and they had no old Soldiers amongst them to assist their want of experience. G Antigonus not contented with the Victory,Antigonus's cruelty against Joseph's Car­kass. became such a Tyrant, that having the dead [...] in his power, he cut off Joseph's head, and caused his body to be scourged, al­though Pheroras his Brother offered fifty Talents to redeem the same entire.

[Page 578] After Antigonus had obtained this Victory, there was such a change in Galilee, that H those who favoured him, too the chiefest of Herod's Favourites, and drowned them in a Lake. Also there arose great Commotions in Idumaea, where Machaera was repair­ing the Walls of a certain Castle called Githa. All this while Herod heard nothing of the news;Herod certifi­ed of his Bro­ther's death in a Dream. for after Samosata was taken, Antonius made Sosius Governour of Syria, leaving order with him to help Herod against Antigonus, and so he departed into Egypt. Sosius sent two Legions with Herod into Judaea to help him, and he himself with the rest of the Army followed. When Herod was at Antiochia, near Daphne, his Brother's death was shewed him in a Dream; and being troubled at it, he leaped out of his bed, even at the same instant that the Messengers who brought tidings of his death, entred into the house. He could not forbear some expressions of grief; but he check'd his I sorrow, to hasten to revenge it upon his enemies with incredible speed. When he came to Libanus, he took eight hundred Inhabitants of that Mountain to help him, and joyned unto them one of the Roman Legions; and not expecting the day, with them he entred into Galilee; where meeting with some enemies, he forced them to flee to the place from whence they came, and besieged their Castle; but before he could take it, he was constrained by hard weather, to lead his Army into the next Village. With­in a few days his number being encreased with another Legion which Antonius sent, he put his enemies in such fear, that in the night time they forsook the Castle. Then he hasted to Jericho to be revenged on those that had killed his Brother;Herod's Din­ing-room fell after he had forsaken it, and gone to bed. where there befel him a most strange accident, from which being against all hope delivered, he per­swaded K himself that God bare a particular love to him: For when many Nobles that night had supped with him, and Supper being ended, every one was gone forth, in­continently the house wherein he supped fell down. Herod took this as a Presage, both of the dangers, and prosperous success he was to have in his Wars. And the next morning early he removed from thence, and about six thousand of the enemies de­scending from the Mountains, charged his Vanguard; yet they durst not joyn Battel with the Romans, but molested them with stones and darts, with which they wound­ed many; so that Herod himself passing along, was wounded in the side with a Dart. Antigonus desirous to shew himself the stronger, as well in multitude of men, as in cou­rage, sent Pappus a friend of his, with some Forces to Samaria, with a design to fight L and defeat Machaera. Herod, on the other side, went about the enemies Countrey, and took five Towns, and destroyed two thousand of the Inhabitants; and firing the houses, returned to his Army near a Village called Cana.

Every day there came flocking to him a very great number of Jews, both from Jeri­cho and other parts of the Countrey; some out of hatred to Antigonus, and others out of love of change, and an esteem of Herod. Whilst thus he hasted to fight, Pappus, with his men, neither fearing the multitude nor strength of their enemies, came fiercely upon them, and offered Battel: Which being begun, those that were not engaged a­gainst Herod, resisted a while; but Herod remembring his Brother's death, ventured more than the rest, to the end, to be revenged upon them that were the Authors there­of,M and so he easily overcame the enemies; and still assaulting the fresh men, put them all to flight. There was a mighty slaughter; for many being forced to flee into the Vil­lage from whence they came, he pursued them, and slew an infinite number, though all the houses and house-tops were full of armed men to defend it: After he had slain those that were abroad, he overthrew the houses, and so forced them that were within to come forth. Others he killed in Companies with the ruines of the houses wherein they were; and if any one chanced to escape, the Soldiers without killed them: So that the heaps of dead bodies were so great,The number of the Carca­ses hinder the Soldiers pas­sage. that they who had the Victory, could not pass thorough the streets for them. Those of the Countrey were so dismayed with this overthrow, that the whole multitude of them fled away; and Herod by the benefit of N his good fortune had even then come to Jerusalem, had not a great storm hindred him, which was the only cause that at that time he got not a full Conquest, and Antigonus was not utterly overthrown; who, through fear and desperation, was preparing to leave the City. But Herod, towards night having given his friends leave to depart to refresh themselves, being himself heated with his Armour, after the manner of Soldiers, entred into a Bath, accompanied only with one Page: And as he was there, three of his enemies that had escaped out of the Battel, and came to the Bath to hide them­selves; seeing the King there, were so terrified with the King's Presence, although at that time he was naked and weaponless, that they thought of nothing but flight; and being no body was present there to surprize them, they escaped; and Herod was very O well contented that he had no harm by them.Herod behead­eth Pappus, Antigonus's Captain. The next day he beheaded Pappus, who was the General of Antigonus his Army, and sent his head to his Brother Pheroras, to comfort him for their common loss; for Pappus was he that slew Joseph.

[Page 579] A The Winter being past,The year of the World, 3928. before Christ's Nativity, 34. he with his Army came to Jerusalem, and besieged it, pitch­ing his Tents before the Temple, where it was easiest to take the City, and where for­merly Pompey had entred it. It was now the third year after Herod had been declared King at Rome. Now, when he had quartered his Army as he thought best for his pur­pose, A [...]t. lib. 14. cap. 12. and divided the Suburbs, he caused three Rampiers to be raised for Towers to be built upon them; and leaving there his trusty friends that would not slack their bu­siness, Jerusalem be­sieged. he went to Samaria to visit Mariamne (the Daughter of Alexander, who was Son to Aristobulus) formerly (as we before made mention) espoused to him: And he wedded her even in the time of the Siege, to shew how he contemned his enemies. After his Marriage-rites were performed, he returned to Jerusalem with a far greater B Army: Sosius also seconded him with a great Army of Foot and Horse, whom he sent before him through the midst of the Countrey, and he himself came after by Phoenicia. Now when all his whole Army was joyned together,The year of the world, 3929. before Christ's Nativity, 33. to the number of about eleven Legions of Foot, and six thousand Horse, besides the Syrians that came to help him, which were no small number; he laid his Assault and Battery to the Northermost Wall. He grounded his Right upon the Decree of the Senate, whereby he was de­clared to be King:The Jews va­liantly defend themselves. Sosius also was warranted by Antonius's Letters, whereby he com­manded him to help Herod with all the Forces under his Command. Mean-while the Jews that were within the City were diversly troubled; for the weaker sort, gather­ing themselves together about the Temple, deplored their unhappiness, and envied C the felicity of those that died before they were reduced to these miseries. But those who were hardiest among them, joyning themselves together, robbed and took away what they could, especially Victuals, from those places that were next the City; so that they neither left meat for Horses nor Men: And the valiantest of them all being set to defend the Walls against those that besieged them, hindred the Adversaries from erecting their Batteries by some new device: Neither did they any ways prevail so much as by their Mines. The King sought to repress the Excursions of the Plunderers, by placing an Ambush of men to intercept them; and relieved the want and scarcity of Victuals, by fetching Provision from places far distant. But notwithstanding they in fight failed not to express incredible valour, yet did the military experience of the D Romans surpass them. A wall no sooner began to totter, but they wrought with so great diligence to make another, that this was finished before that was fallen. In a word, they neither spared hands nor Engines, but were all of them determined to fight it out to the last: And although they were besieged by two so potent Armies, yet they defended the Town five months.Herod's Sol­diers after five months Siege, enter the Ci­ty. But at last, certain of Herod's bravest men, by a breach, entered the City, and the Romans the like on another side. Those places nearest the Temple were the first that they seized upon: afterwards, the whole Army entring the City, it was lamentable to see how in every corner the people were massa­cred; Slaughter in Jerusalem. for the Romans being displeased that the Siege continued so long time, became more cruel; and Herod's Army endeavoured to let none of the adverse part escape. E So that many were slain, both in the streets, and in their own houses; yea, even then also when they fled into the Temple, without respect of Age or Sex. For although the King commanded the Soldiers to spare the people; yet, for all that, they never re­strained their cruel hands; but like mad men, raged against all, men, women and children.Sosius taketh Antigonus. Antigonus, not considering his former condition, came and prostrated him­self at Sosius's feet, beseeching him to be merciful unto him; but Sosius nothing com­passionating his calamity, insulted over him, and called him Antigona; yet did he not permit him to depart free as a woman, but put him in Prison.

Now when Herod had conquered his enemies, he endeavoured to the utmost to re­press the insolence of his Auxiliary Strangers, who thronged to see the Temple, and F the Holy Vessels that were therein; but he withheld them, not only by threatnings and entreaties, but also by force; believing himself less unhappy to be conquered, than by obtaining the Victory, to minister a means whereby those things which were not lawful to be revealed, should be exposed to the eyes of prophane Strangers. He also restrained the Soldiers from sacking the City; and told Sosius, that if the Romans would desolate the City both of men and money, they would leave him King of a Desart: Adding further, that he esteemed not the Empire of the whole World, to be a recompence for such a Massacre of his Subjects. Hereunto Sosius answering, that the Soldiers ought to have the sacking of the Town, in recompence of that labour they had spent in the Siege:Herod liberal­ly bestows money upon the Soldiers. Herod replyed, that he had rather recompence them out of his G own Treasury; and by this means he redeemed, as it were, the Relicks of his desolate Countrey; and in the end performed that which he had promised, for he bountifully rewarded every Soldier and Captain, according to his merit; and gave Sosius Pre­sents [Page 580] worthy of a King. This done, Sosius dedicated a Golden Crown unto God, and H so departed, leading Antigonus Captive with him, to the end, to present him to Anto­nius. This man desirous to continue his life, and entertaining himself with this col [...] hope even until the last, received in the end that reward which his faint heart desired, and was beheaded.

Herod being now King,Antigonus beheaded. he made a distinction between the Citizens; and those who had favoured him he used very honourably,Ant. lib. 11. cap. 1. and put those to death who had followed Antigonus: And when money sailed, he distributed all his Kingly Ornaments, and sent them to Antonius and his Company. Yet did he not quie redeem himself from all troubles; for Antonius being passionately enamoured on Cleopatra, in all things yield­ed to her desire:Cleopatra's cruelty a­gainst her Kindred. And Cleopatra having raged so against her own Kindred, that she had I not left one of them alive, now turned her fury upon strangers; and acousing the No­bility of Syria to Antonius, she perswaded him to put them to death, that she might thereby the easier obtain their Possession. Afterwards her covetous mind thought to effect the same against the Arabians, and the Jews also; insomuch that she secretly went about to cause the Kings of those places, Malichus and Herod, to be put to death: An­tonius made a shew as though he would have granted her request; yet he thought it great impiety to kill good men, and so great Kings▪ Notwithstanding, he no more ac­counted them his friends; but took a great quantity of ground from the limits of both their Countreys, and a Vineyard in Jericho where Balm grew; and gave her all the Cities on this side the River Ele [...]therus (Tyre and Sidon only excepted.)Cleopatra's covetousness. Now, when K she had obtained the Dominion of these Cities, she followed Antonius to Euphrates, when he set forward to make War against the Parthians; and afterwards, by Apamia and Damascus, she came into Judaea; where Herod having something pacified her an­gry mind with great gifts, obtained to pay her yearly two hundred Talents for that part of his Countrey which Antonius had given her; and seeking by all means possi­ble to get himself an interest in her favour, he conducted her to Pelusium. Not long after, Antonius returned out of Parthia, and brought Artibazes the Son of Tigranes Captive, and gave him to Cleopatra, with all the money and Prisoners that he had taken.L

CHAP. XIV.
Of the treacherous practices of Cleopatra against Herod. Herod's War against the Arabi­ans, and of a very great Earth-quake.

WHen War was declared between Augustus and Antonius, The year of the World, 3934. before Christ's Nativity, 28. Herod prepared himself to attend Antonius; seeing for the present all troubles were pacified in Judaea, and he had already gotten the Castle of Hircanion, which Antigonus's Sister had in her possession. But Cleopatra craftily prevented him in this his journey, so that he could M not go with Antonius: Ant. lib. 15. cap. 5. For she desiring the ruines of both the Kings (as was before men­tioned) perswaded Antonius to cause Herod to make War against the Arabians; whom if he overcame,Cleopatra's subtil Trea­son against Herod. then she should be made Queen of Arabia; and if himself were over­come, then she should be Queen of Judaea: Intending hereby, that one of these Po­tentates should ruine the other. But this practice of hers succeeded greatly to Herod's advantage; for first of all, making head against those of Syria that were his enemies, with all the power of Cavalry he could, which was very considerable; and meeting them near Diospolis, Ant. lib. 15. cap. 6. he overcame them, though they valiantly resisted. After which overthrow, a mighty Army of the Arabians came to help them; so that an infinite company was gathered together about Coelosyria, expecting the Jews near the City cal­led N Canatha: Where King Herod meeting them, purposed not to fight unadvisedly, but to compass his Camp round about with a Wall; but his Army, puffed up with their former Victory, would not be counselled, but violently assaulted the Arabians, and at the first onset put them to flight. Herod pursuing his enemies, was greatly endan­gered by the Treason of the Inhabitants of Canatha (who were set on by Athenio, one of Cleopatra's Captains, who had always born him ill will) for the Arabians encourag­ed by their help,The Arabians defeat Herod's Army. returned again to Battel; and they two joyned their Forces toge­ther, and set upon Herod in stony and difficult places, and put his Army to flight, and slew many of them; those that escaped fled into a little Village hard by, called Ormi­za; where the Arabians compassing them about, took both the men and their Tents,O with all their Furniture. Not long after this overthrow of Herod's Soldiers, he came and brought help, but too late, and to little purpose. The cause of this defeat was, [Page 581] A for that the Captains of his Army would not obey his Commandment; for if they had been obedient, Athenio had not had opportunity to work him that injury; [...] navity, 28. yet was he revenged upon the Arabians, and daily made incursions upon their Borders, and ceased not to invade and spoil them, till by many defeats, he had cried quittance with them for their one Victory.

While thus he pursued his enemies, Another cala­mity of He­rod's. a great calamity befel him in the seventh year of his Reign, and in the midst of the War between Augustus and Antonius; for about the beginning of the Spring, there chanced a great Earthquake, which killed an infinite multitude of beasts, and thirty thousand people; yet the Army had no harm, for it lay in an open place. With the report hereof, the Arabians were highly encouraged: B For as report always encreases a mischief, the Arabians, making account that all Judaea was destroyed, and that there was no man left alive to resist them, entred into the Countrey, assuring themselves to conquer it; having first slain the Ambassadours of the Jews that were sent to them. Herod seeing his people terrified at the suddain ap­proach of their enemies, and disheartned with the continuance of their calamities, rowzed up their drooping spirits by speaking to them on this wise: Herod's Ora­tion to his dis­mayed Sol­diers. I see no such great reason of your present fear; for though there be cause for you to be troubled at the evils which God's indignation makes us suffer, yet none but cowardly minds are daunted by the coming of their enemies, who are but men, whose violence, if your selves please, ye may repress. For mine own part, I am so far from being discouraged by the approach of mine e­nemies, C that I rather think that God hath, by his Providence, sent this Earthquake as a snare to incite the Arabians to invade us, to the end, that by our means he may punish them: For the cause that moveth them to assault us, is not the trust they repose in their own valour and great Army, but our misery: Yet, who knows not that that hope is deceitful, that is not founded upon our own courage, but upon others mis-fortunes; there is nothing assured in humane affairs, in respect either of prosperous success, or adverse fortune, which a man may perceive to alter upon all Occurrents, as we our selves can witness by our own experience. For in the first Conflict ye were Victors, in the second ye were overcome, and now the third time (so far as I can conjecture) they, thinking themselves sure of the Victory, shall by us be overcome. For they who misdoubt nothing, are rash in their proceedings; whereas they D that are fearful and timorous,Fear giveth Confidence. providently seek to prevent their dangers: so that I am en­couraged to hope for Victory, even by your fear. For when you were too confident, and a­gainst my will and direction ye encountered your enemies, Athenio found opportunity to surprize you: But now, your prudent caution, and discreet moderation, is an evident to­ken to me of assured Victory. It behoveth you therefore, before the Conflict, to keep this mind; but in the Conflict, ye cannot shew too much ardour and courage, to make our impi­ous enemies see, that no calamities, whence soever they come, whether from Heaven or from Earth, can daunt the courage of the Jews, whilst their breath is in their bodies: and that never a one of you will suffer the Arabians to domineer over your Goods and Possessions, whom many times you have almost made your slaves. Be not therefore terrified with this E motion of an inanimate thing; neither yet perswade your selves, that the Earthquake por­tends any mis-fortune, for even tbe Elements themselves by their own nature are subject to such defects; and portend no other mishap, but that which they bring with them. Perhaps the Plague, and Famine, and Earthquake have some tokens demonstrating them before they come; but when they are once come, they signifie nothing else; but at last, end and cease of themselves. But say we should be overcome; can we suffer more harm than we have suffer­ed by the Earthquake?Herod's Per­oration. On the contrary, what fear ought not our enemies to be possessed with for the crime, whereby, contrary to the Law of all Nations, they have butchered our Ambas­sadours, and offered to God such a Sacrifice for the good success of their War? Think you they can hide themselves from the sight of God, and from his mighty arm? or that they shall F not be punished for their offence, if, filled with the couragious spirit of our Nation, we stir up our selves to revenge that impious violating the Law of all Nations; and so every one march on to fight, not for his Wife and Children, or Countrey, but to revenge the murther of our Ambassadours; who will lead our Army, and know better than we that are alive, to direct the same. For my own part (if you will be ruled by me) I will be the first that will lead you, and will hazard my self for you: For you know full well, that if your valour be not prejudiced by some headlong rashness, there is no enemy that can bear your charge.

After he had by these perswasions animated his Soldiers,Herod sacri­ficeth to God before the Battel. and found them in some sort encouraged thereby, he offered Sacrifice to God. And presently after, with all his G Army, he passed over Jordan; and pitching his Tents at Philadelphia, not far from the enemies, he made a shew to assault a Castle that was between them and him, and so skirmished with them afar off, desirous to draw them to the Battel. The Arabians had [Page 582] sent some Troops to seize upon it; but Herod's Forces gave the repulse, and in despight H of them kept the hill. There passed no day, but he put his Army in Battalia, and braved the Arabians; and seeing they would not come to the shock (for they were in great fear, and Elthemus their General more than any) he assaulted them in their Trenches, and cast down their Rampier, so that they were constrained to come forth to Battel without any order; and their Horse and Foot were confusedly mixt toge­ther: And although the Jews were in number inferior to them, yet they were inferior to the Jews in courage; nevertheless, they became now more hardy, because they despaired of the Victory; and so long as they stood to it, they had no great loss; but when they turned their backs, then many were slain by the Jews, and many perished, being trodden on by their fellows. Those that escaped, were forced to retire into I their Camp, where Herod besieged them; and there was such penury of water, that for drink they were all like to perish. For which cause, they sent Ambassadours to the King, offering him fifty Talents to let them go; but he contemned them, and would not hear them.The Arabians through ex­treme thirst, are enforced to [...]ield to the Jews. At length, their want of water was so great, that coming out by companies of their own accord, they offered themselves to the Jews; so that in this sort there came forth four thousand in five days, whom the Jews put in chains; and the sixth day the whole multitude (despairing of their lives) came forth to fight, with whom Herod conflicting slew about seven thousand. So great a Defeat satisfied Herod's revenge, and so abated the pride of the Arabians, that they took him for their Pro­tector.K

CHAP. XV.
How Herod was confirmed in the peaceable Possession of the Kingdom of Judaea, by Au­gustus Caesar.

THe joy of this prosperous success, [...] was soon abated by the news of the Victory of Augustus over Antonius at Actium; and his love for the latter made him appre­hend the worst that could be imagined from the former: Yet was he more afraid than L hurt by this his suspicion; for Caesar counted not Antonius fully conquered, so long as Herod kept to his Party. Wherefore, the King timely foreseeing those dangers that might ensue, went to Rhodes, where at that time Caesar resided; and in the habit of a private man, without a Crown, but with a Kingly Majesty, he presented himself be­fore him, Herod's Ora­tion to Au­gustus Caesar. and with great constancy spake to him in this manner: I was, O Caesar, made King of Judaea by Antonius his means; and I cannot deny, but that (had not the Arabi­ans hindred me) I had, with all the Power I could have made, seconded and assisted Anto­nius against thee: Yea, although personally I could not go, yet did I what I could to help him,Herod speaks freely before Caesar. and sent him many thousand Measures of Corn. Nay, though he had the Overthrow at Actium, yet did not I forsake him, who had deserved well at my hands: and although I M was not able to assist him with force of Arms, yet I gave him the best counsel I could; in­culcating oftentimes unto him, that the only way to redress his affairs was, to put Cleopa­tra to death; which if he would do, I promised him to assist him with money, Strong holds, and an Army, yea, and with mine own person, against thee: But the love of Cleopatra, and God, who had already designed the Empire of the World to thee, stopped his ears. By this means, O Caesar, I find my self conquered with Antonius, and have forsaken my Crown and Dignity with his Fortunes; and I am come unto thee, without grounding the hope of my safety upon any thing but my own Vertue, and the experience which thou mayest make of my fidelity to my Friends.Caesar's An­swer to Herod▪ Herod having spoken in this manner, Caesar answered: Live in safety, and reign now with greater security than before; for thou deservest to rule others,N who with such constancy didst defend and maintain thy friendship. Hence forward endea­vour to continue faithful towards them that are more fortunate than Antonius; for, for my part, I have conceived a great hope and expectation of thy Valour and Prowess. I cannot blame Antonius, in that he rather hearkened to Cleopatra than to thee, since, by his im­prudence, I have obtained thy friendship. That thou hast begun to do well, it hereby ap­peareth, because Ventidius hath signified unto me, that thou hast sent him succours against his enemies. For which cause, by this my present Decree, be thou established in thy King­dom; and I will shortly give thee such proofs of my Amity, that thou shalt have no cause to bewail the loss of Antonius. After this speech, Augustus put the Crown upon Herod's head; and made a Decree and sealed it, testifying how he had remitted all things O done by Herod, and confirmed him in his Kingdom, and rehearsing many things great­ly tending to Herod's praise. After that Herod had made great Presents to Caesar, he [Page 583] A requested him to pardon Alexander, one of Antonius his friends; who earnestly, and in humble manner desired the same: But Caesar being much incensed against him, an­swered, that he for whom he entreated, had greatly and many times offended; and so he repelled Herod with this answer.

When Caesar travelled into Egypt through Syria, Herod's gra­tulation to­ward Caesar. he was entertained by Herod with all Royal Pomp possible: And that was the first time that he shewed himself to take part with Caesar, when near Ptolemais he took a view of the Soldiers with Caesar, and made a Banquet for him and all his friends, and feasted the whole Army. And in as much as he travelled to Pelusium thorough a dry Countrey, when they returned again, he pro­vided water for them, and furnished the Army with all necessaries; so that both Caesar B and the Soldiers thought the Kingdom a small recompence for his deserts.Caesar en­creaseth He­rod's Domi­nion. For which cause, after he came into Egypt, and that Antonius and Cleopatra were now dead, he did not only encrease his honour, but also restored to him that portion of his Countrey which was taken away by Antonius, and given to Cleopatra: And besides that, Gadara, and Hippon, and Samaria, and other Cities about the Sea-coast; to wit, Gaza, and An­thedon, and Joppa, and Straton's Tower; and moreover, gave him four hundred Gala­tians, which before were Cleopatra's Guard. Nor did Caesar's Liberality stop here, but to shew how far his esteem of this Prince's merit proceeded, he added to his Domini­on, Trachonitis, and Batanaea, and Auranitis, upon this occasion: Zenodorus (who for money had hired the Lands of Lysanias) continually sent people out of Trachonitis, to C rob the people of Damascus; who in humble manner went to Varus (who was at that time Governour of Syria) entreating him to inform Caesar of their calamity: Caesar un­derstanding the same, writ back again, commanding him to exterminate those Thieves. Whereupon Varus with an Army,Herod made Governour of Syria. went to those places which were most infested, and rid the Countrey of the Thieves, and confiscated the Territory from Zenodorus: which Caesar (lest it should again be a refuge for Thieves to spoil Damascus) gave to Herod, and made him Ruler over all Syria. Ten years after, Caesar returning to this Countrey, commanded the Governours to do nothing without Herod's counsel: And after Zeno­dorus's death, he gave him all the Countrey between Trachonitis and Galilee. But that which Herod esteemed above all the rest was, that Caesar loved him best of all next to D Agrippa; and that Agrippa loved him most of all men next to Caesar. When he was ar­rived to this pitch of Felicity, he shewed the greatness of his Soul, by the greatest and most holy enterprize that can be imagined.

CHAP. XVI.
Of the Cities and Monuments repaired and builded by Herod, and of his felicity and libe­rality towards strangers.

E IN the fifteenth year of his Reign he repaired the Temple,The year of the world, 3947. before Christ's Nativity, 15. and enclosed twice as much ground as was before about the Temple with a strong Wall, whereon he bestowed great costs and charges to beautifie it; as the great Porches will testifie, which he built about the Temple, and the Castle on the North part thereunto adjoyning, which he built even from the foundation. The Castle was so rich and sumptuous, that it was equal to the King's Palace;Ant. lib. 15. c. 10. 12, 13, 14. and in honour of Antonius, he named it Antonia. He built him­self also a Palace in the upper part of the City,Herod's Buildings. and in it two very great Apartments, so rich and admirable, that no Temple was to be compared to them: He termed one of them Caesarea, and the other Agrippias, in honour of Augustus and Agrippa. But it was not only by Palaces that he would preserve his Name to Posterity, and immortalize F his memory; but in the Countrey of Samaria he built a fair City with a Wall, which was about twenty stades in circuit, and called it Sebaste; and he sent thither six thou­sand Inhabitants, giving them a most fertile Soil and sundry Privileges. There also a­mongst other Buildings, he erected a very fair Temple, and dedicated it to Caesar. A­bout this Temple there was a piece of ground containing three stades and an half. For this Testimony of Herod's affection, Caesar added to his Dominion another Countrey: In gratitude for which, Herod erected another Temple of White Marble to him, near the head of Jordan, in a place called Panium, where there is a Mountain rising very high into the air; at the side whereof is an obscure Valley, where there are high Rocks, that (by spouts of water falling on them) are made hollow; so that the water, standing in G their concavity till they run over,The Foun­tain head of Jordan falleth down with a stream of such a depth as is admi­rable. At the foot of this Valley, on the outside, spring certain Fountains, which many think to be the head of the River Jordan; which, whether it be true or no, we will de­clare hereafter.

[Page 584] At Jericho also (between the Castle of Cyprus, and the other ancient Palaces) he e­rected H other Buildings fairer and more commodious than the former, calling them af­ter the names of Augustus and Agrippa. Finally, there was no convenient place in the whole Kingdom, wherein he erected not something in honour of Caesar: and having in every place of his own Kingdom devised and dedicated Temples unto him, in Syria also where he ruled he did the like; founding in many Cites, Temples, which he cal­led by the name of Caesar. Aud perceiving, that amongst the Cities of the Sea-coast, there was one called Straton's Tower; which being very old and ruinated, and for the scituation thereof deserving reparation and cost, he repaired it with White Stone, and built a very Royal Palace therein; in which work, more than in any other, he shewed how great and high his mind was. For this stands in the midst between Dora I and Joppa, in a Coast where there was no Port or Haven; so that they who sail from Phaenicia into Egypt, are in great danger, by reason of the violent Winds that blow from Africa; whose blasts enforce the water with such violence against the Rocks on the shore, that the waves, rebounding back again a good way within the Sea, make the whole Sea tempestuous.Herod makes a greater Port than that of P [...]rarum.. But the King, by his liberality and cost, overcoming na­ture, built Stations for Ships. And although the nature of the place was altogether contrary to his intent, yet he so overcame all difficulty, that the Sea could do that Building no harm: And it was so goodly and beautiful to behold, that one would have thought there had been no difficulty in this admirable work.An apt descri­ption of a Ha­ven. For having mea­sured out a sit place for the Port, he laid a Foundation twenty ells deep of Stone,K whereof most of them were fifty foot long, nine foot thick, and ten foot broad, and some bigger; and all the bottom of the Haven, where the water came, was laid with these stones. Which done, he raised a Mole of two hundred foot; whereof one hun­dred foot served to break the violence of the waves, the other hundred foot served for a Foundation of the Wall, wherewith the Haven was compassed; and on which were built many goodly Towers, the greatest and fairest whereof he called Drusius, af­ter the name of Drusus, the Son of the Empress Livia, Wife of Augustus. Within the Port there were very many Vaults also, to store such Merchandize as was brought into the Haven; and divers other Vaults for Sea men to lodg in. A very pleasant De­scent, which might serve for a Walk, encompassed the whole Port: The entrance here­unto L was on the North side; for by reason of the scituation of the place, the North Wind there is the calmest.

On either side of the entrance were three great Colosses set on Pilasters; those on the left hand are propped up by a Tower, being a solid Rock of Stone. But at the en­trance on the right hand were two huge stones joyned together, which make a great­er Tower than the other. There is also a house adjoyning to the Haven built of white Stone. The Streets of the City leading to this place, are of one bigness and propor­tion. Upon a Hill opposite to the mouth of the Haven, he built a Temple very beau­tiful, and exceeding great, which he dedicated to Caesar, wherein was placed Caesar's Statue, full as great as that of Jupiter at Olympus (for it was made after that Model) and M another of Rome, like that of Juno at Argos. The City he built for the benefit of the Inhabitants of the Province,Caesarea in times past cal­led the Tower of Straton. and the Port or Haven for Commerce. All this he did in honour of Caesar; after whose name he called it Caesarea. And that nothing might be wanting to render it worthy so glorious a name, he added to so many great works, the fairest Market-place in the World;Ant. lib 15. cap. 10. 12. besides a Theatre, and an Amphitheatre, not inferiour to the rest.Ant. lib. 17. cap. 5. He also appointed Games and Spectacles to be celebrated every fifth year, in honour of Augustus: And himself first began them in the 192 Olympiade; and he proposed great rewards, not only to the Victors, but also to the second and third after them.Agrippium. Moreover, he repaired Anthedon, which was destroyed by the Wars, and called it Agrippina, in honour of Agrippa; whose name he caused to be en­graven N over the Portal he built to the Temple.Antipatris. Nether was he unmindful of his Pa­rents; for in the richest Soil of the whole Kingdom he built a City in memory of his Father, and by his name called it Antipatris, being in a very rich Soil, both for Woods and Rivers.Cyprus▪ At Jericho also, he built a very goodly and strong Castle, and called it Cyprus, Phasaelus's Tower. in honour of his Mother. He likewise built a Tower in memory of his Brother Phasaelus, at Jerusalem, and called it Phasaelus his Tower; of the strength and beauty of which, we shall speak hereafter. He also called another City Phasaelus, which is sci­tuate in a Valley beyond Jericho, towards the North.

Having thus eternized the memory of his Friends and Kindred, he did not forget to do the like for himself; for he built a Castle on a Mountain near Arabia, having on one O side a strong place of defence;Herodium. and this Castle he called Herodium, after his own name. By the same name also he called a Mount, sixty stades from Jerusalem, artificially made [Page 585] A in manner of a woman's Dug, which he adorned on the top with round Turrets; and round about it he built Princely houses, gallantly adorned both within and without. He also brought water from a great distance, with great cost and charges; and made a pair of stairs of pure White Marble, to go up, which had two hundred steps. For the whole Hill was made by Art, and was of an exceeding height. At the foot there­of likewise, he built another Palace, and houses to receive his Friends and their Car­riages; Herodium a Castle re­sembling a City. so that this Castle, for the abundance of all necessary Lodgings, seemed a Ci­ty; and yet was all the King's Palace. Having erected thus many Buildings, he shew­ed his great mind in strange Cities likewise; for at Tripolis, and Damascus, and Ptole­mais, Herod's boun­ty to all men. he built publick Colledges for instructing Youth. He built the Wall of Byblis; B and Seats, Porches, Temples and Markets at Berytus and Tyre: At Sidon and Damas­cus he built a Theatre; and a Water-conduit at Laodicea, a Sea-town. At Ascalon he built Fountains or Lakes very sumptuous; and Baths with Pillars, that for greatness and good work, were miraculous. To other places he gave Forrests and Ports; and to many Cities added Fields, as though they had been Fellow-cities of his Kingdom. And to others, as to Coos, he gave Annual Revenues for ever; to the end, they might never lose the remembrance of the obligation they had to him. Moreover, he gave all poor people Corn; and he often, and in sundry places, lent the Rhodians money to build a Navy of Ships.Herod famous through the World. At his own proper cost he repaired the Temple of Apollo Pythius, which had been burnt. What shall I say of his liberality towards them C of Lycia and Samos, or his magnificent Gifts towards all the people of Jonia? Nay, and the Athenians,The year of the World, 3954. before Christ's Nativity. 8. Lacedemonians, Nicopolites, and the Citizens of Pergamus and My­sia, received very many benefits at his hands. He paved also a large Street in Antioch, of Syria, which was in length twenty stades, and that with fair Marble. This Street be­fore that time was so full of dirt, that no man could go thorough it: And all along it he built Galleries, that people might go dry thorough it in rainy weather.

Some may say, that these benefits thus bestowed, were for the proper use of those people on whom he bestowed them; but no man can deny, but that which he did for the Citizens of Elis, was not only common to those of Achaia, but to all the World, where the Games, called Olympica Certamina, were solemnized. For Herod seeing D them decay only for want of maintenance, and that this was the only remainder of all the ancient Monuments of Greece; he, not only in his person at that time became one of the proposers of rewards in that Olympiade, in which he went to Rome; but also, gave a yearly stipend to maintain the same, lest, for want, they should be left off. It is not to be told what Debts and Tributes he remitted; for he delivered the Phasae­lites and Balaneotes, and other Towns of Cilicia, from the payment of a yearly Tribute: yet was he not so liberal to them as he would have been, fearing lest the envy of some might accuse him of some further meaning, if he should be more bountiful to the Cities than those that were the owners thereof.Herod a great hunter. He exercised his body likewise in exercises fit for so valiant a mind; for he was a very skilful hunter, wherein he had always his E purpose, by reason of his skill in riding; so that in one day he killed forty Wild Beasts. That Countrey hath many Boars, but it hath more store of Harts and Wild Asses. He was such a Warrier, that no man was able to encounter with him; so that many were astonished to see him, with what force and exactness he cast the Dart, and drew the Bow.Herod besides the vertue of mind and bo­dy, had the blessings of Fortune. Besides the Vertue, both of his mind and body, he had also good Fortune; for very seldom the event of War was otherwise than he expected; if it sometimes fell out contrary, it was not through his fault, but through the rashness of his Soldiers, or else through Treason.

F CHAP. XVII.
Of the disagreement between Herod and his Sons, Alexander and Aristobulus.

BUt his private and domestical sorrows troubled his publick felicity;Ant. lib. 1 [...]. cap. 3, 8. & lib. 16. cap. 13. and most ad­verse fortune befel him through the means of a woman, whom he loved as him­self. For being now made King, he put away his Wife which he first married (a Lady born in Jerusalem, Herod expel­leth Antipa­ter out of the City, and kil­leth Hircanus, his Wife's Uncle. whose name was Doris) and married Mariamne, the Daughter of Alexander, the Son of Aristobulus; which caused troubles in his house, both before, but especially after his return from Rome. For he banished his eldest Son Antipater, G whom he had by Doris, out of the City, only for his Children's sake that he had by Mariamne; licencing him only at Festival times to come to the City, in regard of some suspicion of Treason intended against him. And afterwards he slew Hircanus, his [Page 586] wifes Uncle, (notwithstanding that he returned out of Parthia unto him) because he H suspected that he intended some treason against him. Barzapharnes, after he had ta­ken all Syria had carried him away prisoner with him. But his own Countreymen that dwelt beyond Euphrates, in commiseration redeemed him from thraldom; and had he been counselled by them, and not come to Herod, he had not been killed: but the marriage of his Niece caused his death: for, for that cause, and especially for the love of his native soil, he came thither. That which moved Herod to kill him was, not for that he sought the Kingdom, but because he had right to the King­dom. Herod's chil­dren by Mari­amne. Herod had five Children by Mariamne, two Daughters and three Sons. The youngest was sent to Rome to study, where he died. The other two he brought up like Princes, both for their Mothers Nobility, and for that they were born after he I was King. But that which above all was most prevalent in their favour, was the love he bare to Mariamne: which from day to day tormented him more violently, in such sort, that he seem'd insensible of those griefs which this his best beloved caused to him. For Mariamne hated him as much as he loved her: and having a just cause and colour of discontent, and moreover being emboldened by the love which he bare her,Mariamne hatefully up­braideth He­rod with Hir­canus's death. she every day upbraided him, with that which he had done to Hircanus her Uncle, and to her Brother Aristobulus. For Herod spared him not, al­though he was a Child; but after he had made him High Priest in the seventeenth year of his age, he presently put him to death, after he had so honoured him: who, when he came to the Altar clothed in sacred attire upon a Festival day, all the peo­ple K wept for joy; which caused so great a jealousie in Herod, that the same night he sent him to Jericho, to be drowned in a Lake by the Galatians, who had received commission to perform the murther. These things did Mariamne daily cast in Herod's teeth, and upbraided both his Mother and Sister, with very sharp and reproachful words:Herod's Mo­ther and Sister do falsly ac­cuse Mariam­ne to him. yet he so loved her, that notwithstanding all this, he held his peace. But the women were set on fire: and that they might the rather move Herod against her, they accused her of adultery, and of many other things which bare a shew of truth: objecting against her, that she had sent her picture into Egypt to Antonius; and that through immoderate lust she did what she could to make her self known unto him, who doted upon womens love, and was of sufficient power to do what wrong L he pleased.

Hereat Herod was much moved,Herod secretly chargeth Jo­seph to kill his wife. especially for that he was jealous of her whom he loved, bethinking himself upon the cruelty of Cleopatra, for whose sake King Lysanias, and Malichus King of Arabia were put to death; and now he measured not the dan­ger by the loss of his wife, but by his own death which he feared: For which cause being drawn by his affairs into the Country, he gave secret commandment to Joseph, his Sister Salomes husband (whom he knew to be trusty, and one who for affinity was his well-willer) to kill his wife Mariamne, if so be Antonius should have killed him. But Joseph not maliciously, but simply to shew how greatly the King loved her, disclo­sed that secret unto her: and she when Herod was returned, and amongst other talk M with many Oaths sware, that he never loved woman but her; Indeed (said she) it may well be known how greatly you love me by the commandment you gave to Joseph, whom you charged to kill me.Herod's suspi­cion betwixt Joseph and his wife. Herod hearing this which he thought to be secret, was like a mad man, and presently perswaded himself, that Joseph would never have disclosed that commandment of his, except he had abused her; so that hereupon he became furious, and leaping out of his bed, he walked up and down the Palace: whereupon his Sister Salome having fit opportunity, confirmed his suspicion of Joseph. For which cause Herod growing now raging mad with jealousie, commanded both of them to be killed. Which being done, his wrath was seconded by Repentance; and after his anger ceased,Herod com­mandeth both Joseph and Mariamne to be slain. the passion of love was presently renewed: yea, so great was N the power of his affection, that he would not believe she was dead, but spake unto her as though she were alive, until in process of time being ascertained of her fune­ral, he equalled the affection he bare her during her life, by the vehemency of his passion for her death.Mariamnes Sons inheri­tors of her dis­pleasure. Mariamnes Sons succeeded their Mother in her hatred, and re­cogitating what an impious act it was, they accounted their Father as a mortal enemy, both before and after they went to study at Rome, and especially after they return­ed again into Judea. The year of the World, 3956. before Christ's Nativity, 6. For as they grew in years, so did the violence of their revenge increase. And being now marriageable, one of them married the Daughter of their Aunt Salome, who accused their Mother; the other married the Daughter of Arche­laus King of Cappadocia. And now to their hatred was joyned a liberty to speak O more freely against their Father, and by this occasion of their boldness many were animated to calumniate them: so that some did openly tell the King, that both his [Page 587] A Sons sought to work treason against him, and that the one of them prepared an Ar­my to help the other, to revenge the death of their Mother; and that the other (to wit, he that was Son-in-law to Archelaus) purposed to flee and accuse Herod before Caesar. Herod giving ear to those calumniations, sent for Antipater whom he had by Doris, Herod's de­bate with those Sons he had by Ma­riamne. to the end he might defend him against his two Sons, and sought to ad­vance him above them. But they thought this alteration intolerable; seeing one, whose Mother was but a private woman, so preferred: and they, exalted with their own Nobleness of Birth, could not contain their indignation, but upon every occa­sion shewed themselves offended;Ant. lib. 16. cap. 4. by reason of which imprudence they were every day less accounted of. As for Antipater, he wrought himself into favour: for he B knew how to flatter his Father,Antipater by disgracing his Brothers, is declared his Fathers heir. and raised many slanders on his two Brethren, part­ly invented by himself, partly divulged by some of his Favourites, whom he set a­work about the matter, till at last he put his Brethren out of all hope of having the Kingdom. For he was now by the Kings Will and testament declared King, so that he was sent as a King to Caesar, in a Kingly habit and pomp, only he wore no Crown: and in time he so prevailed, that he wrought his Mother into Mariamnes stead;Herod accuseth Alexander before Caesar. and with flatteries and calumniations so moved the King, that he began to deliberate about putting his Sons to death. For which cause, he conducted his Son Ale­xander with him to Rome, and accused him before Caesar, that he had given him poyson. But he with much ado, having obtained lieve to plead his own cause, and that be­fore C a Judge more wise than Herod or Antipater, he modestly held his peace in all things his Father had offended in: and first of all he cleared his Brother Aristobulus from that crime in which he was involved with himself. And afterwards he in­veighed against Antipater's subtilty, and complained of those injuries which had been offered him, having, beside the equity of his cause, sufficient eloquence to ac­quit himself, for he was a vehement Orator, and knew well how to perswade. Last of all he objected, that his Father having a desire to put both him and his Brother to death,A reconcilia­tion between Herod and his Sons. had laid an accusation upon him; whereat the whole Audience wept, and Caesar was so moved, that not regarding the accusations that were laid upon them, he presently made Herod and them friends, upon these conditions, that they in all D things should be obedient to their Father; and that their Father should leave the Kingdom to whom he pleased.

Hereupon Herod returned from Rome, and though he seemed to have forgiven his Sons; yet he laid not his jealousie and suspicion aside. For Antipater still persisted to make Herod hate his other two Sons, though for fear of him that reconciled them, he durst not openly shew himself an enemy to them, Afterward Herod sailed by Ci­licia, Archelaus kindly enter­taineth Herod and his Sons. and arrived at Eleusa, where Archelaus received him very courteously, thank­ing him for the safety of his Son-in-law, and declaring himself very joyful that they were made friends: for he had writ to his friends at Rome with all speed possible, that they should be favourable to Alexander, when he came to plead his cause. And E after this entertainment, he conducted Herod to Zephyria, and made him a present of thirty talents, and so took his leave of him. Herod as soon as he came to Jerusalem, assembled the people together, and in the presence of his three sons, he shewed them the cause of his going to Rome, and blessed God and thanked Caesar, who had ap­peased the discord of his family, and made his Sons friends; which he esteemed more than his Kingdom: Herod's wor­thy Oration to the people, wherein he distributeth honours to his three Sons. And I (saith he) will make their friendship firm. For Cae­sar hath not only given me an absolute power in my State, but lieve also to chuse whom I please of my Sons for my Successor. And now I declare my intention to divide my King­dom amongst my three Sons: which purpose of mine, first I beseech Almighty God, and secondly you to favour: for one of them for his years, the other for their Nobility of Birth, F have right to the Kingdom, which is so large that it may suffice them all. Wherefore honour those whom Caesar hath conjoyned, and I their father ordained my succes­sors: Give them the respects and duty according to their age which they have reason to expect from their Charge not the order establisht by nature. For a man cannot do a greater pleasure to the younger when he honoureth him above his years, than he shall give discontent to the elder. For which cause, I will constitute to every one of them such friends and well-willers, as with whom they may be most conversant; and of them I will require pledges of concord and unity amongst them. For I know that discords and con­tentions arise by malice of those who are conversant with Princes;Herod [...] not the King­dom to his Sons, but the honours of the Kingdom and that if they be well disposed, they will increase friendship. And I require not only these, but also all G such as bear rule in my army, that they regard me only for the present: for I give not my Sons the Kingdom, but only the hope and assurance thereof; and they shall have pleasure as though they were Kings themselves, yet I my self will bear the burden of affairs. Let [Page 588] every one of you consider my age, my course of life, and piety: for I am not so old that any H one may quickly despair of me, nor have I accustomed my self to such kind of pleasure as is wont to shorten mens days; and I have been so religious, that I am in great hope of long life. But if any one despise me, and seek to please my Sons, such a one will I punish. I do not forbid them to be honoured whom my self have begotten, for that I envy them: but because I know well that such applauses nourish pride and arrogance in the fierce minds of young men. Wherefore let all those that apply themselves to their service, consider that I will be ready to reward the good; and that those who are seditious, shall find their ma­lice to have an unprofitable event at their hands whom they so flatter. I easily perswade my self that all men▪ will be of my mind, that are of my Sons mind. For it is good for them that I reign,Herod con­verteth his Speech to his and that I am friends with my Sons. And you my Sons, I exhort you to ac­quit I your selves religiously of all the duties to which Nature obliges you, and which she imprints in the hearts of the most savage beasts: also reverence Caesar who hath reconciled us: And last of all obey me, who request and intreat that at your hands, which I might command, namely, that you remain Brethren. I shall take order that you want no­thing sutable to your royal Dignity, if you continue and remain friends. I pray God with all my heart, that what I have ordain'd may tend to your advantage and to his glory.

After he had thus spoken he embraced them very lovingly and dismissed the peo­ple, Herod by his words did not utterly extin­guish the ha­tred between his Sons. some praying that it might be as he had said: others (who desired alteration) making as though they heard nothing. Yet for all this, the dissention amongst the K Brethren was not appeased, but they were more divided in heart than ever. For Alexander and Aristobulus could not endure that Antipater should succeed to part of the Kingdom, and Antipater was griev'd that his Brethren should have a share with him; yet he so craftily carried himself, that no man could perceive his hatred to­wards them. And they derived of a noble race spake all they thought, and many endeavoured to set them on; and others, friends to Antipater, insinuated themselves into their company, to learn intelligence: so that Alexander could not speak a word, but presently it was carried to Antipater, and from him to Herod with an addition; so that when Alexander spake any thing simply, meaning no harm, it was presently interpreted in the worst sence possible: and if he chanced at any time to speak free­ly L of any matter,Antipater's treason a­gainst his Brother Alexander. presently it was made a great thing. Antipater suborned men to urge him to speak, that so their false reports might be shadowed with a colour of truth; and that if he could prove any one thing true, all lyes and tales else divulged might thereby be justifyed. All Antipater's familiars were either naturally secret, or else he stopped their mouths with bribes, lest they should disclose his intents: so that one might justly have termed his life a mystery of iniquity.By what means Antipater corrupted his Brother A­lexander's friends. All Alexander's friends were either corrupted by money, or flattering speeches, wherewith Antipater overcame all, and made them thieves and proditors of such things as were either done or spoken against him. But of all the means he employed to ruine his Brothers with the King,Antipater whetteth He­rod and his Courtiers a­gainst Ale­xander. the most crafty and powerful was, that instead of declaring himself M openly their enemy, he caus'd his confidents to accuse them, and at first made shew of defending them, but afterwards he clos'd in with the accusers and cunningly per­swaded Herod to credit the accusation, which were, that Alexander was so desirous of his death, as to frame plots against his life: and nothing made so much credit be given to these calumniations, as that Antipater colourably excused his brother. Herod incensed hereat, every day withdrew his affection more and more from the two bre­thren, and daily encreased his love towards Antipater. The Nobility also were in­clined after the same manner; some of their own inclination, and others out of com­pliance: so did Ptolemaeus the chiefest of all the Nobility, and the Kings Brethren and all his kindred; for all mens expectation was upon Antipater. And that which N grieved Alexander the more, was, that all these conspiracies design'd for his overthrow were made by the counsel of Antipater's Mother: for she being Step-mother to him and his Brother, was the more cruel against them, because she could not endure their having the advantage above her Son of being born of so great a Queen. And although many followed Antipater, for the hope they had of him, yet were they also compel­led thereunto by the King's command, who gave special charge to his dearest friends, not to follow Alexander or his Brother. And this Prince was a terrour not only to those of his own Kingdom, but also to foreign Nations, because Caesar had given him so great authority▪ for he gave him license to take any one that was a fugitive from him, out of any City, although it were not under his Dominions. Now the young men be­ing O ignorant of the offences laid to their charge, were in the greater danger; for their Father did not openly tell them of any matter; but they every day perceived [Page 589] A his good will towards them to decay, which so much the more increased their grief. In like manner Antipater by little and little animated Pheroras their Uncle, and Salo­me their Aunt, against them; to whom he spoke with the same liberty as if she had been his Wife.

Moreover, Glaphyra, Glaphyra, A­lexander's wife, encreas­ed his con­ceived suspici­on by her words. Alexander's Wife, contributed to the encreasing of these enmi­ties, by bearing her self above all women that were in the whole Kingdom; (for she derived her Pedigree by the Father's side from Ti [...]enus, by the Mother's side from Da­rius, Son of Histaspes:) and by inveying very much against the baseness of Herod's Wives; who, she said, were chosen for their Beauty, and not for their Nobility of Birth. For Herod (as we have said) had many Wives, as it was lawful for him by the B custom of the Countrey;Aristobulus objecteth to his Wife her base Birth. and all of them hated Alexander, for Glaphyra's Pride, and contumelious speeches. Aristobulus also, made Salome his enemy, although she were his Wife's Mother; because he often upbraided his Wife with her base Birth, still tel­ing her that he had married a private woman, and his Brother Alexander a King's DaughterAnt. lib. 16. cap. 7. Which his Wife often with tears told to her Mother; adding moreover, that Alexander and Aristobulus threatned, that if they got the Kingdom, they would make their Father's other Wives weave with their Maids; and his other Sons Notaries of Villages, because they applyed themselves to Learning. Salome moved hereat, could not contain her self, but told all to Herod; who easily believed her, because she spake against her Son-in-law.Alexander and Aristobu­lus oftentimes bewail their Mother, and by that means provoke their Father. Moreover, another accusation was laid to their C charge, whereat the King was greatly moved; for he was informed that Alexander and Aristobulus did often bewail their Mother, and lament her hard fate, and cursed him: and that often, when he bestowed some of Mariamne's Cloaths upon his latter Wives, they threatned that in a short time, they would make them change them for Mourning. Whereupon, though Herod feared the fierce spirits of the young men, yet be­cause he would not take away all hope of amendment, he called them to him as he was to go to Rome; and as a King, threatned them in few words; and like a Father, gave them many admonitions, and requested them to love their Brethren, promising them forgiveness of their former offences,The two Bro­thers excuse themselves be­fore their Fa­ther Herod. so that hereafter they mended all. But they be­seeching him not to believe Accusations forged against them upon malice, and answer­ing, D that the effect of matters would easily acquit them; requested him, not so easily to believe tales, but to refuse malignant people opportunity and recourse unto him; for that there would always be some, that would malitiously invent tales to tell, whilst there was any one that would give them the hearing and believing. For they knew that Salome was their enemy, and Pheroras their Uncle; and both of them much to be feared, especially Pheroras; who was fellow with his Brother of all, saving the Crown, and had his own Revenues amounting to an hundred Talents a year, and re­ceived all the Profits of the whole Countrey beyond Jordan, which were given him by his Brother. Herod also, had obtained of Caesar to make him Tetrarch, and had be­stowed upon him for his Wife, his own Wife's Sister; after whose decease he offered E him his eldest Daughter, and three hundred Talents with her for a Dowry: But Phe­roras falling in love with a mean person, refused so honourable a Match; whereat He­rod being angry, married his Daughter to his Brother's Son, who was afterwards slain by the Parthians: Yet, after some time, he pardoned Pheroras's offence. Divers for­merly were of opinion that in the life time of the Queen, he would have poysoned Herod; and Herod, although he loved his Brother very well, yet because many who had access unto him, told him so, he began to misdoubt: And therefore, examining by Torture many that were suspected, at last he came to some of Pheroras's Friends; but none of them confessed the Poyson, but only, that he was determined to flee to the Parthians with her whom he was so in love with, and that Costabarus, Salome's Hus­band▪ F was privy thereunto; unto whom the King had married her, after her first Hus­band, for suspicion of Adultery, was put to death. Salome her self was not free from Accusation; for Pheroras accused her, that she had purposed Matrimony with Syllaeus, who was Procutator to Obodas, King of Arabia, a great enemy of the King's: And she being convicted both of this, and all things else, whereof her Brother Pheroras accused her, yet obtained pardon, as likewise Pheroras did; so that the whole Tempest of all the Family was turned against Alexander, and fell upon his head.

The King had three Eunuchs whom he loved extremely,Alexander corrupteth his Father's Eu­nuchs, and tel­leth them he is to succeed in the King­dom. and every one known by their Offices; for one of them was his Butler, the other was his Cook, and the third waited upon him in his Bed-chamber: These three Alexander with great gifts cor­rupted. G Which the King understanding, by torments forced them to confess and de­clare with what promises they were thereto by Alexander induced; and how he had deceived them by affirming that there was no trusting to Herod, who was a morose old [Page 590] man;The year of the World, 3956. before Christ's Nativity. 6. and that he died his hair, to make himself seem young; and that in despight of H him, he would be his Successor; and then he would be revenged upon his enemies, and make his friends happy, and especially them: And that the whole Nobility se­cretly joyned with him, and the Captains of the Army and Governours privily came to him.Herod feareth his Son Alex­ander. Hereat Herod was so terrified, that he durst not presently divulge their con­fessions, but night and day he sent out spies to learn what was said or done; and whom he suspected, them he presently killed; so that his whole Kingdom was full of Blood-shed. For every one, as his malice moved him, feigned Calumniations; and many de­sirous of Blood-shed, abused the King's passion as they pleased against their enemies: Credit was given to every lie; and no man was so soon accused, but presently he was punished; and he who presently before accused others, was now accused himself, and I carried to be punished with him whom he had accused.Ant. lib. 17. cap. 8. For the King's jealousy short­ned the time of Trial for their lives; and he became so tyrannous, that he afforded not a good look,Herod's cruel­ty. even to them that were not accused, but shewed himself most fierce and violent to his dearest friends: So that he banished many out of his Kingdom, and railed against such as he had no power over. Antipater encreased this mischief more and more, by employing all his friends, to accomplish the ruine of Alexander. By whose rumours and tales the King was so possessed, that he fancied always that he saw Alexander before him with a drawn Sword.Herod casteth Alexander into Prison, and tortured his friends. For which cause he suddenly cast him in Prison, and tortured his friends; many of which died in torments, because they would not confess more than in conscience was true: Others, not able to endure the tor­ments,K were forced to confess, that Alexander and his Brother Aristobulus designed Treason against their Father, and that they expected their time till he went a hunt­ing; resolving with themselves, that having killed him, they would presently flee to Rome. Although these and such like Calumniations were no ways probable, yet ex­tremity of pain forced men to invent them; and the King willingly believed them, as it were comforting himself thereby, that he might not be thought to have imprisoned his Son unjustly. Alexander perceiving that it was impossible for him to remove his Father's suspicion,Alexander during his im­prisonment, wrote four Books against his enemies. thought it best to yield himself guilty: and so he made four Writ­ings, wherein he confessed the Treason, and nominated his partakers therein, namely, Pheroras and Salome, who were the chief; which later he said had been so impudent­ly L unchaste, as to come in the night to him without his consent, and lie in his bed. These Writings, which charged the greatest amongst the Nobility with most heinous matters, were in Herod's hands when Archelaus, fearing his Son-in-law and Daughter to be in great danger, speedily came into Judaea, and by his prudence appeased the King's wrath: For so soon as he came to Herod, he cryed, Where is that wicked Son-in-law of mine, or where may I see the face of that wretch that goeth about to murther his Fa­ther, that I may tear him in pieces with mine own hands, and marry my Daughter to a bet­ter Husband? For although she be not privy to his counsel, yet 'tis enough to make her infa­mous, that she is Wife to such a man. Nay, I admire your patience, who are in such dan­ger, Archelaus, King of Cap­padocia. and suffer Alexander yet to live: For I came thus hastily out of Cappadocia, think­ing M he had been put to death, to talk with you concerning my Daughter, whom I married to him for your sake. Wherefore now let us take counsel what to do with them both; and see­ing you are too Father-like, and not able to punish your Son, your treacherous Son; let [...] change rooms, and let me be in your place to revenge you. How great soever Herod's cho­ler was, this discourse of Archelaus disarmed it: And Herod shewed him the Books that Alexander had writ:Archelaus and Herod consult upon Alexander's Book. and upon reading every Chapter with deliberation, Arche­laus took occasion fit for his purpose; and by little and little laid all the fault on Phe­roras, and those that were accused in the Book. And perceiving the King to give ear unto him: Let us (said he) consider whether the young man hath not been circumvented by the treachery of so many malicious persons, and not of himself, formed a design against N you: For there appears no cause why he should fall into such wickedness, who already en­joyed the honours of the Kingdom, and hoped to succeed you therein, had he not been per­swaded thereto by other men; who seeing him a young man, enticed him to such an at­tempt. For we see, that by such persons, not only young men, but also old men, and most Noble Families; Herod is in­censed against his Brother Pheroras. yea, and whole Kingdomes are ruinated. Herod, upon these speeches, began somewhat to relent, and abate his animosity against Alexander, but encreased it towards Pheroras; for he was the Subject of the whole Book. Pheroras perceiving the King so to trust to Archelaus's friendship, that he was led by him to do what he pleas­ed; he in humble manner came to Archelans, seeking humbly for succour at his hands, of whom he had not deserved any favour. Archelaus answered him, that he knew O no ways to obtain his Pardon, who was guilty of so heinous Crimes; and convicted, manifestly to have practised High Treason against the King's own Person; and to be [Page 591] A the cause of all these miseries that had now befallen the young man; except that he would lay aside all subtil dealing, and denying of his Fact, and confess the Crimes whereof he was accused, and so humbly go to his Brother, who loved him dearly, and crave pardon; promising that if he would so do, he would do him what good he could.’ Pheroras attir­ed in a mourn­ing garment, with tears fal­leth before He­rod's feet, and craveth par­don. Hereupon, Pheroras obeyed Archelaus's counsel; and putting on a black Attire, in a pitiful manner, and with tears, he prostrated himself at Herod's feet; and craving pardon, obtained it; confessing himself to be a most wicked and vile person, and to be guilty of all that which was objected against him; and that the cause which moved him to do all these things, was the frantick and mad fits he fell into, for the love of that woman. After Pheroras had thus become his own Accuser, and a Witness B against himself,Pheroras, by Archelaus's means, pacifi­eth Herod. Archelaus endeavoured to mitigate Herod's wrath towards him, and excuse his fault; by alledging for example, that his Brother had attempted greater matters against him whom notwithstanding, for Relation's sake, he had pardoned: Adding that in every Kingdom, as in mighty bodies, frequently some part begins to inflame, which notwithstanding, is not presently to be cut off, but to be cured by ea­sie means.

Archelaus using many speeches to Herod to this purpose, at last quite appeased his wrath towards Pheroras, Archelaus compelleth Herod of his own accord to be entreated for Alexan­der. but still counterfeited himself angry with Alexander, affirm­ing that he would take his Daughter away with him; till, at last, he brought Herod of his own accord to intercede for the young man, not to break the Marriage. Ar­chelaus C after much entreaty answered, that he was willing that the King should be­stow his Daughter upon any, save Alexander, for he greatly esteemed his affinity. He­rod replyed, that if he would not divorce his Daughter from Alexander, he should think that he had bestowed his Son upon him again: For they had no Children, and his Daughter was dearly loved by the young man; so that if he would permit her to stay still there, for her sake he would pardon all Alexander's offences. Hereto Arche­laus with much ado agreed, and so was reconciled to his Son-in-law, and he to his Father. Yet Herod affirmed that he must needs be sent to Rome, to speak with Caesar, for he had written the whole matter to Caesar. Thus Archelaus craftily delivered his Son-in law from danger; and after this reconciliation was made, they spent the time D in Feasting and Mirth.Herod dismis­seth Arche­laus and his friends with great Presents. Upon Archelaus's departure, Herod gave him seventy Talents, and a Throne of pure Gold, adorned with Precious Stones; and Eunuchs, and a Con­cubine named Panichis; and rewarded every one of his Friends according to their deserts. And all the King's Kindred, by his appointment, bestowed rich Gifts upon Archelaus; Ant. lib. 16. cap. 11. and both he, and all his Nobility accompanied him to Antioch.

Not long after,Eurycles the Lacedemoni­an secretly ac­cuseth Alex­ander to his Father, and is the cause of his death. there came one into Judaea far more subtil than Archelaus; who both disannulled the reconciliation made for Alexander, and caused his death also. This man, named Eurycles, was a Lacedemonian born; and brought to Herod rich Gifts, as it were for a bait of that he intended. He had so behaved himself in Greece, that it could no longer tolerate his excess: And Herod again rewarded him with far great­er E Gifts than those were that he gave him: But he esteemed his liberality as nothing, except it were accompanied with the blood of the Princes. For which cause he cir­cumvented the King, partly by flattering him, partly by praising him feignedly, and especially by his own craft and subtilty: And quickly perceiving his inclination, he both in word and deed sought in please him; so that the King accounted him among his chiefest friends. And both the King and all the Court honoured him the more for his Countrey-sake, because he was a Lacedemonian. But he perceiving the distracti­ons of Herod's House, and the hatred between the Brethren, and how the King was affected towards each of them,Eurycles by feigned friend­ship deceiveth Alexander▪ he first of all lodged at Antipater's house; making a shew, in the mean while, of good will towards Alexander; pretending, that in times F past he had been much beloved by King Archelaus, his Father-in-law: And by this means he quickly insinuated into favour with him, and was considered as a friend, and a faithful friend. Alexander presently likewise, brought him into friendship with A­ristobulus; and he having gained their affections, accommodated himself to their hu­mours, in order to compass his design of adhering to Antipater, and betraying Alex­ander. And he often used incensing words to Antipater, as it were chiding him, that being eldest of the Brethren, he so slenderly looked after them, who pretended to put him besides the Crown which was his right. Many times likewise, he used the like words to Alexander; admiring that he who was born of a Queen, and Husband to a Queen, would permit one descended of a private woman, to succeed in the King­dom; G especially, seeing he had such a fair opportunity and means to effect the con­trary; for he might assure himself of Archelaus's help in any thing. Alexander sup­posed he spoke as he thought, because he counterfeited friendship with Archelans; so [Page 592] that misdoubting nothing, he disclosed to him all his mind concerning Antipater, say­ing,H that it was no wonder though Herod dis-inherited them of the Kingdom, since he had slain their Mother formerly.

Eurycles, counterfeiting pity for them, and sorrow for their mis-fortune; enticed Aristobulus to speak to the like effect: And having animated them both to complain in this sort against their Father, he presently went to Antipater, and disclosed to him all their secrets, falsely adding also, a story of some Treachery which those two Bre­thren intended against him; which was to dispatch him with their Swords. Antipa­ter rewarded him with a great Summ of Money for this advice, and commended him to his Father. And thus he, being hired to effect the death of Alexander and Aristobu­lus, became himself their accuser: Whereupon, he came to Herod, and told him, that I in regard of those benefits he had received at his hand, he would now venture his life for him, by giving him notice of a thing which concerned his own; which was, that Alexander and Aristobulus had long since resolved together to kill him, and that he only was the cause that they performed it not, by promising them to assist them in the matter: That Alexander used these speeches, that Herod was not contented to enjoy a Kingdom which was another's right, nor yet to have put Queen Mariamne to death, but he would also leave the Kingdom belonging to their Ancestors, to a pernicious Bastard, Antipater. But for this cause, he would revenge Hircanus and Mariamne's death: And that it was not fit that such a man as Antipater should receive the King­dom without blood: And every day, he had occasion given him to persist in this re­solution,K for he could speak nothing without being calumniated; for if any mention were made at any time of any ones Nobility, presently he was upbraided without cause; for his Father would presently say, There is none Noble but Alexander, whose Father's base Birth is a shame and discredit unto him. And that going a hunting, if he held his peace, his Father was offended; if he praised him then it was said, he mocked: So that in every thing, he found his Father's affection, turned from him, and that he was only favourable to Antipater; so that he would die with all his heart, if he failed of his purpose: If he killed him, his Father-in-law Archelaus would afford him safety, to whom he might easily flee. And after, he would go to Caesar (who, as yet, knew not Herod's manners) and he would not stand before him then, as he did L before, terrified because his Father was present; neither would he only speak of his own wrongs, but of the wrongs of the whole Nation, who were oppressed by exacti­ons, even to the death. And then he would lay open on what pleasures, and after what sort, the money gotten with Blood was consumed; and who, and what kind of men they were, that were thereby enriched: and what was the cause of the affliction of the City: and there he would bewail the death of his Unkle, and his Mo­ther, and unfold all Herod's wickedness; which being once made manifest to the World, no man would account him a Murtherer of his Father. Eurycles having falsly reported this of Alexander, to Herod, fell presently to praise and extol Antipater; af­firming that he only loved his Father, and hindred such practices.M

The King,Another false Accusation of Alexander and his Bro­ther, moves Herod to in­dignation. yet not throughly appeased for that which was past, grew into exceed­ing fury; and Antipater again suborned other false Witnesses against him, who affirm­ed that they were wont to have secret talk with Jucundus and Tyrannus, who some­times were Officers of the King's Cavalry, and now displaced for some offence they had committed. Whereupon, Herod being very angry, presently tortured them: and they affirmed,Diophantus, the King's No­tary, writeth feigned Let­ters in Alex­ander's name▪ that they were ignorant of all that which was laid to their charge. But there was found, and brought to the King a Letter, pretended to be written by A­lexander, to the Governour of the Castle of Alexandrium; requesting him, that he would receive him and his Brother Aristobulus into the Castle, when he had killed his Father; and to assist them both with Arms, and other Necessaries. Alexander affirm­ed N that this Letter was counterfeited by Diophantus, the King's Secretary; who was both malicious, and could counterfeit any one's hand; and who afterwards having counterfeited many, was at last for the same put to death.

Herod caused the Governour of the Castle to be tortured, but he confessed nothing that was laid against him: and although he had no good proof of any thing, yet he commanded his two Sons to be kept in hold. He likewise termed Eurycles (who was the Incendiary of his house, and the breeder of all the mischief) Author of his safety, and one who had well deserved at his hands, and gave him fifty Talents: Who, de­parting from Judaea before matters were well known, went to Archelaus, and feigning that he had reconciled Alexander and Herod, he received there a piece of money.O From thence he went into Achaia, and spent that which he had evilly got, in as bad manner as he had got it. Lastly, he was accused to Caesar, that he had caused dissension [Page 593] A in all Achaia, and spoiled the Cities; for which cause he was banished. And this was the punishment that was inflicted upon him for his treachery to Alexander and Aristo­bulus.

It is not amiss here in this place, to compare Avaratus of Cous, unto this Eurycles: who being a dear friend to Alexander, Cous Evaratus. and arriving about the same time that Eurycles did; being put to his Oath, sware that he heard the young men say nothing; though indeed his Oath nothing prevailed nor profited them, for Herod would only hear and give ear to Accusations, and he highly esteemed them that would believe them with him, and shew themselves moved thereat.

Moreover,Ant. lib. 16. cap. 12. Salome encreased his rage against his Sons; for Aristobulus minding to B engage her to assist him, being his Mother-in-law and his Aunt, sent to her, to look to her self, as though the King was minded to put her to death, because it was report­ed to him, that she purposed to marry with the King's enemy, Syllaeus the Arabian, to whom she privily revealed the King's Secrets: This was the utter ruine of the young men,Herod, by Sa­lome's counsel imprisoneth his Sons. wherewith they were overthrown, as it were with a violent Tempest. For present­ly Salome went to the King, and told him of what Aristobulus had admonished her: And he becoming outrageous, caused both his Sons to be bound, and imprisoned in several places. Then he he sent Volumnius, General of his Army, and Olympus, one of his familiar Friends,The year of the World, 3961. before Christ's Nativity, 1. to Caesar, to carry the Informations against his Sons in writing; who sailing to Rome, after their arrival, delivered the King's Letters. And Caesar was very sorry C for the young men; yet he permitted the Father to do what he would to his Chil­dren; and so writ to him, that he should have license to do what he thought good: Yet he signified to him, that he should do better to call his Nobles together, and let them make enquiry concerning the Treasons; and then, if he found them guilty of those things whereof they were accused, to put them to death.

Hereupon Herod, Ant. lib. 16. cap. 13. according to Caesar's direction, went to to Berytum, and there ga­thered an Assembly to sit in Judgment;Herod gather­eth a Council against Alex­ander and A­ristobulus. the chief in that Judgment were the Govern­nours that Caesar in his Letters appointed. Saturninus and Pedanius presided, and with them Volumnius, Intendant of the Province; next the King's Kindred, and Salo­me and Phe [...]oras; and then the Nobility of Syria, Archelaus only excepted; who, D because he was Father-in-law to his Son, Herod suspected him to be partial. But he suffered not his Sons to come into Judgment, for he knew that the very sight of them would have moved all men to compassion: And moreover, if they were permitted to speak for themselves, that Alexander would easily have acquitted them both: For which cause they were kept in Platan, Herod accus­eth his Sons in open Judg­ment. a Village of Sidonia. The King beginning his Oration, was as vehement, as though they had been present against whom he spake: But he was half afraid to object any Treason against them, because he had no proof thereof; and therefore he aggravated their opprobrious words, injuries and offences, which they had committed against him, which he affirmed to be more unsufferable than death.

E At last (when no man contradicted him) he began to complain of their silence,Herod's sen­tence against his Sons. which seemed to condemn him; and thereupon, requested every one to give their verdict. And first of all, Saturninus condemned his Sons, but not to die; saying, that he had three Sons present, and he could not be so severe, as to judge other men's Sons to death. The two other Delegates also affirmed the same, and some others fol­lowed their advice: But Volumnius was the first that pronounced the sorrowful Sen­tence; after whom all the rest followed; some to flatter Herod, some for hatred they bare him, but none for any indignation against the young men. Then all Judaea and Syria expected an end of this Tragedy; yet no man thought Herod such a Tyrant, as to put his two Sons to death. Herod caused his Sons to be brought to Tyre, and from F thence, by Ship, he conveighed them to Caesarea, bethinking himself what death he should put them to.Tyro, an old Soldier, ex­claimeth a­gainst Herod's cruelty. In the mean time, there was an old Soldier of the King's named Tyro, who had a Son belonging to Alexander, and highly in his favour, and he himself greatly loved the two young men: who being very much grieved in mind at that which had past, went about, crying, that Justice was trodden under foot, Truth op­prest, the Sentiments of Nature extinguished, and the Actions of Men full of iniquity; and whatsoever else, grief could put into the mind of a man, who nothing esteemed his own life. At last, this Tyro came boldly to the King, and said unto him. O King, thou seemest to me most unhappy, who givest credit to wicked and vile persons, against thy dearest Sons; for Pheroras and Salome thou believest before thine own Children, whom, G notwithstanding, thou hast often sound to have deserved death; and thou perceivest not that they do this, to the intent to make thee want lawful Successors, and leave thee none but Antipater, whom in their hearts they would have King, because they can rule him as [Page 594] they list. But bethink thy self (O King) how all thy Soldiers will hate him for the death of H his two Brethren; for there is no man that doth not pity the two young men, and many of the Nobility are displeased hereat. After he had spoken this, he named them who were displeased: Whereupon, the King commanded them, and him, and his Son to be laid hold on:Tyro with his Son, are by the King's Com­mand laid hands on. And presently one of the King's Barbers, named Tryphon, shewing him­self to be in I know not what fury, came forth, and said to Herod: Tyro perswaded me to kill thee with my Razor; promising me, that if I would so do, Alexander would give me a great reward. Herod hearing this, caused Tyro, and his Son, and the Barber, to be tortured;Ant. lib. 16. cap. 13. the two former denied all, and the Barber affirmed nothing more than he had already said. Then he commanded Tyro to be more tormented; where­upon, Another false Accusation a­gainst Tyro. his Son, moved with compassion towards his Father, promised to disclose all I the matter to the King, if he would pardon his Father: and being released of his tor­ments, presently declared that his Father, through Alexander's means and procure­ment, was purposed to have killed him. Many that were present thought it was a device of the young man, to free his Father from torments; but others were per­swaded that it was true. Upon this, Herod made a speech unto the people, wherein he inveighed against the Officers of his Army, and Tyro, and made the people arm themselves,Herod com­mandeth his Sons to be strangled, and to be buried with Alexan­der, their Mo­ther's Uncle. and kill them with staves and stones. After which, he sent his Sons to Sebaste, which was not far from Caesarea, and there he caused them to be strangled; and having quickly dispatched the matter, he ordered them to be brought to the Castle Alexandrium, there to be buried with their Mother's Uncle. And this was the K end of Alexander and Aristobulus.

CHAP. XVIII.
Of Antipater's Conspiracy against his Father Herod.

ANtipater now hoped without all controversie to succeed in the Kingdom,Ant. lib. 17. cap. 21. but he became generally hated of the whole Nation; for it was openly known, that he, by false calumniations, had caused his Brethren's death. And on the other side,L he stood in no little fear of their Children, whom he perceived to begin to grow to years: For Alexander had by Glaphyra two Sons, Tygranes and Alexander: and Ari­stobulus had by Bernice, Daughter to Salome, five Children; to wit, three Sons, He­rod, Agrippa and Aristobulus; and two Daughters, Herodias and Mariamne. Herod, after he had put Alexander to death, sent away Glaphyra with her Dowry into Cappa­docia; and married Bernice, Aristobulus's Wife, to Antipater's Uncle; for Antipater had devised this Match to become friends with Salome, whom before he hated and en­vied. Antipater striveth by Gifts and Bribes, to creep into men's favours. He also, by his great Gifts, sought to get Pheroras's favour, and the Friend­ship of such as were Friends to Caesar, sending to that end great summs of money to Rome. He gave Saturninus, and all the rest, great Riches in Syria. But the more he M gave, the more he was hated of all men; for every one considered his Presents, not as proofs of his Liberality, but as effects of his Fear; so that he got not the love of them, upon whom he bestowed them; and they to whom he gave nothing, were so much the more his enemies. Yet he continued his bounty rather than diminished it, when he saw, against his expectation, Herod made much of these Orphans, whose Pa­rents he had slain. Intending to shew how much he repented their deaths, by the pi­ty and compassion he took of their Children. For assembling together his friends, he caused the Children to be placed by him; and the tears standing in his eyes, he said, Since my ill Fortune hath taken away from me the Fathers of these Children, Herod griev­ously bemon­eth his Sons, expressing the same by his commisserati­on towards their Chil­dren. there is no care so great, which Nature, and my compassion of their present condition, obligeth me not to N take of them. Wherefore I will endeavour, that seeing I have been a most unfortunate Father, I may be a most affectionate Grand-father; and leave them who are most dear un­to me, to reign after me. In order whereunto Brother Pheroras (said he) I betroth your Daughter to Alexander's eldest Son, to the end, that this Alliance may oblige you to serve in stead of a Father to him: and to your Son, Antipater, (said he) I assure the Daughter of Aristobulus,Herod betroth­eth his Ne­phews. that so you may be the same to her; and my Son Herod, Grand-son by his Mother to Simon the High Priest, shall marry her Sisster. This is my will and pleasure, touching this matter, and let no man who loveth me seek to alter it. And I beseech Al­mighty God to prosper these Marriages to the good of my Countrey, and of these my Nephews; and to look upon these Children with a more favourable eye than he did upon their Fathers. O Having thus spoken, he wept, and joyned the Children's hands, and courteously salut­ing every one, dismissed the Council.

[Page 595] A At this action Antipater was so amazed, that all the Orphans well perceived it. For now he thought himself dishonoured by his Father, and that he stood in great danger, seing that Alexander's Son was like to have both Archelaus and Pheroras the Tetrach to protect him. Moreover, he considered how he was hated, and how the people compassionated the children that were fatherless; and look'd upon him as the murtherer of their fathers. Wherefore he resolved by all means possible to break these Marriages. Yet he feared to insinuate any thing to his father cunningly, who was now very suspicious and mistrustful; and therefore went openly unto him to make his humble sute and request to him, that he would not leave him without ho­nour, nor deprive him of that Succession, which before he had judged him worthy B of, by giving him only the bare Title of King, and leaving the authority of the Kingdom in other mens power. For it would be impossible for him to obtain the Kingdom, if Alexander's Son were (besides Archelaus his favour) made Son-in-law to Pheroras. Herod's chil­dren by his seven wives. Wherefore he earnestly pray'd him, that seing he had many daughters, he would change these Mariages: for the King had nine Wives, and by seven of them he had children; Antipater by Doris, Herod by Mariamne daughter of Simon the High Priest, Archelaus by Malthace the Samaritan, and a Daughter call'd Olym­pias, whom his brother Joseph married: and by Cleopatra of Jerusalem, Herod and Philip, and by Pallas, Phaselus; he had two other Daughters also, Roxane and Salome; one of them by Phaedra, and the other by Elpis. He had likewise two wives, by whom C he had no issue, his Cousin and Niece; and beside these he had two Daughters by Mariamne, Sisters to Alexander and Aristobulus. Wherefore Antipater seeing his Fa­ther had such choice of Daughters, requested the marriages to be altered.

The King,Herod is per­swaded by Antipater's flatteries to break off the marriages. well perceiving his mind and purpose towards the Orphans, and call­ing to remembrance the misfortune of his Sons, whom he had put to death, he judg'd that if ever he found occasion, he would be as industrious to destroy the children by calumnies, as he had done their fathers; and so falling into great anger with sharp words he drove him out of his presence; yet afterward, he so flattered Herod, that he got the marriages to be altered. And first of all he joyned Aristobulus's Daughter with Antipater himself, and his Son to Pheroras's Daughter. Here one may see what D Antipater could do by flattering speeches: for Salome in the like matter could not speed, although she was his Sister, and procured many times the Emperours Wife to speak for her, that she might marry with Syllaeus the Arabian, yet was she not per­mitted so to do. But Herod swore that he would account her as an utter enemy, ex­cept she would desist from that purpose; and afterward, against her will, he married her to Alexas, a friend of his; and one of her Daughters to Alexander's son, and the o­ther to Antipater's maternal Uncle.

As for Mariamnes Daughters,Ant. l. [...]7. c. 3. one of them was married to Antipater, his Sisters Son, the other to Phasaelus, Antipater buildeth upon the Kingdom. his Brother's Son. When Antipater had quite overthrown the hope of the Orphans, and joyned affinity as he thought good, he now held himself on E sure ground: and adding confidence to his malice, he became intolerable to all men. And seing he could not avoid their hatred, he now sought by fear to work his own safety; and so much the more, because Pheroras now assisted him, as one that was confirmed and established for King.A debate be­twixt the La­dies in the Court. Also the women in the Court fell at variance, and raised a new broil: for Pheroras's Wife with her Mother and her Sister, and the mother of Antipater did behave themselves very insolently in many things, towards two of the Kings daughters; of which Antipater, who hated them, was very glad, none of the other women except Salome daring to oppose this Cabal. But Sa­lome went to the King, and told him that their meetings were not for his service.

F The women understanding how she had informed the King, and that he was of­fended thereat, they met no more together openly, but abstained from their wont­ed familiarity; and in the Kings hearing feigned to fall out one with another. An­tipater also made the same shew, so that he stuck not openly to affront Pheroras: not­withstanding they had meetings and banquets in the night; and the unity was the more confirmed, the more they perceived themselves to be noted; for Salome knew all this and told it to the King. The King was very angry, and especially against Pheroras's wife, whom chiefly Salome blamed: and having called together all his kin­dred and friends,Ant. lib. 17. cap. 4. he accused her before them amongst other things, that she had be­haved her self contumeliously towards his daughters, and that she assisted the Phari­sees G against him, and that by a poysonous drink she had made his Brother hate him. And turning himself unto Pheroras, he asked him whether he had rather renounce the friendship of him his King and Brother, or abandon his Wife. And he answering, [Page 596] that he had rather die than lose his Wife; Herod doubtful what to do, turned him to H Antipater, and commanded him to have no commerce with Pheroras, or his wife, or any one belonging to them after that time. He obeyed this command openly in shew, but secretly went to their house: and fearing that Salome might perceive it, he by his friends in Italy procured himself to be sent for to Rome, Herod forbids Antipater of his Brothers company, or to have con­ference with his wife. by Letters brought to Herod, wherein it was commanded, that shortly after the receit thereof, Antipater should be sent to Caesar. Wherefore Herod using no delay, sent him presently, fur­nishing him with all things necessary, and a great sum of money; giving him like­wise his last Will and Testament to carry with him to Caesar; wherein was written that Antipater should be King, and after him Herod, the Son of Mariamne, Daugh­ter of the High Priest. But Syllaeus the Arabian, neglecting Caesar's commandment, at I the same time sailed to Rome, there to contend with Antipater, about matters which were before in controversie between him and Nicholaus. He had also a great con­tention with Aretas his King, whose friends he had slain, and amongst others, Sohe­mus, the most wealthy man in all the Country of Petra; and Fabatus, Caesar's Pro­curator, whom he had corrupted, assisted him against Herod. But Herod afterwards giving Fabatus a greater sum of money, alienated him from Syllaeus, and by this means dispatched that which Caesar commanded: and because Fabatus restored nothing, he accused him that he was Procurator,Fabatus Cae­sar's Gover­nour, disco­vereth Syllaeus secrets. not for Caesar but for Herod: wherewith Faba­tus was moved; and being as yet in great estimation with Herod, he disclosed Syllae­us's his secrets, and signified to the King, how that Syllaeus had corrupted Corinthus K one of his Guard, whom he advised to be taken and kept in hold. The King more easily hearkned to his counsel, because Corinthus, though always brought up in the Kings Court, yet was born in Arabia. Wherefore he presently took him, and two other Arabians that were found with him; one of them was Syllaeus's friend, and the other Phylarchus. Upon their examination they confessed, that Corinthus for a great sum of money was hired to kill the King. After this they were sent to Saturnius, Go­vernour of Syria, and by him to Rome.

CHAP. XIX.L
How Herod should have been poysoned, and how the treason was discovered.

HErod still urged Pheroras to forsake his Wife:Herod banish­eth his Bro­ther Pheroras and his wife. for he knew not how else to pu­nish her, having many matters against her: which because he would not yield to, at last he was so moved, that he banish'd them both. Pheroras taking this injury patiently, departed to his Tetrarchy, taking an Oath that his banishment should en­dure as long as Herod lived; and that whilest he lived, he would never come any more to him: And accordingly he would not come to visit him when he was sick, notwithstanding he was often sent for, when (as he thought) he lay on his death-bed,M and would gladly have imparted something to him: but contrary to all hope he recovered, and afterwards Pheroras fell sick. At which time Herod shewed his patient and humble mind; for he went to him, and very kindly sought help for him; but he was too far spent,Pheroras died and was buri­ed in Jerusa▪ and a few days after died: and although Herod loved him until his dying day, yet was it bruted abroad, that he poysoned him. Herod caus­ed his body to be brought to Jerusalem, and commanded all the Nation to mourn and buried him with a sumptuous funeral. Thus one of the Murtherers of Alexander and Aristobulus came to this end: but shortly after, the revenge of that wicked fact fell upon Antipater, Ant. l. 17. c. 7. who was the chief Author thereof. For certain freed men that belonged to Pheroras came in mournful manner to Herod, and complained to him, that N his Brother Pheroras was poysoned, and that his own Wife had given him a drink, which as soon as he had drunk, he presently fell sick; that two days before his sick­ness, A Witch of Arabia. there came a Witch out of Arabia, sent for by his Mother and Sister, to give him a Love-potion; and that shee in stead thereof, through Syllaeus's inducements, had given him poyson; for she was of Syllaeus's acquaintance.

The King moved with this discourse caused divers of Pheroras freed men and freed women to be put to torture;The confession of the women in their tor­tures. and one of them impatient of the pain, ex­claimed in this wise: O God, ruler of heaven and earth, revenge us upon Antipa­ter's Mother, who is the cause of these our evils. When the King understood thus much, he became more eager to search out the truth; and the woman disclosed An­tipater's O Mothers intelligence with Pheroras and the other women, and their secret meetings; and that when Pheroras and Antipater came from the Palace, they used to [Page 597] A spend all the night in feasting, not suffering any servant or domestick to be in the room with them; and one of the Libertines wives reveiled this. And when every one of the women were tortured apart all their examinations agreed; so that now it was evident wherefore Antipater had complotted to go to Rome, and Pheroras be­yond the River Jordan. For they were often wont to say, that Herod having killed Alexander and Aristobulus, would next come to us and our wives: and that it was unlike that he would spare any one, who spared not Mariamne and her Sons; and therefore it was best to flee as far as possible from such a wild beast. They also de­pos'd that Antipater was often wont to complain to his Mother, that now he grew gray-haired, his Father became young and lusty; that himself might die perhaps B before him, and that though his Father died first, yet he should enjoy the pleasure of the Kingdom but a short time. That moreover, the heads of Hydra, that is to say, Alexander and Aristobulus's Sons, began to spring up again: and that he could not reasonably hope to leave the Kingdom to his Sons, since Herod had declar'd that he would have it go after him to Herod the Son of Mariamne: wherein he was perswaded that he doated, if so be he thought his Will should be of force; for he would take such an order, that he would have none of all his Progeny alive; and that Herod was the greatest hater of his Sons of any Father in the World: and was not therewithal contented, but he also hated his own Brethren. A proof whereof was, that he not long ago gave him a hundred talents, that he should have no more C commerce with Pheroras: and that when Pheroras asked wherein he had hurt him, Antipater answered, I would to God that he would take away all from us to our shirts, and leave us only our lives; but said he, it is impossible to escape this dan­gerous Beast, who will not not suffer men openly to shew friendship to one another. Thus we are reduc'd to that pass that we cannot meet but in secret: yet if we bear the hearts and hands of men, the time will be when we may talk and meet openly. The women in torments disclosed these speeches, and that Pheroras was determined to flee with the rest to Petra. Herod believed all these sayings, and the rather because of that which was said concerning the hundred talents: For he said nothing of the same to any one, but to Antipater.

D Now first of all he turn'd his fury upon Doris, Doris, Anti­paters Mother is spoiled of her Jewels, and thrust out of the Palace. Antipater's Mother: and taking from her all the Jewels which he had bestowed upon her, of the value of many talents, he banish'd her. When his wrath was somewhat appeased, he released Pheroras's wo­men from torments; yet he became so prone to suspicion, that he tortured many that were innocent, lest he should let any escape that were guilty. Amongst others Antipater the Samaritan, who was Steward to his Son Antipater, through torments confessed, that his Son Antipater had procured poyson out of Egypt to kill him, by means of a friend of Antiphilus; which poyson Theudion, Antipater's Uncle took of him, and delivered to Pheroras, whom Antipater charged to dispatch Herod whilst he was at Rome, far from suspicion; and that Pheroras gave his Wife the poyson to E keep. Whereupon the King calling for her, commanded her to bring forth the poy­son: and she, making as though she went forth to fetch it, cast her self headlong down from a Gallery, thereby to prevent the torments which, if she were convict­ed, they would inflict upon her. But by the providence of God (as it should seem) it came to pass that she fell not on her head, but on her side, and so escaped death, to the end that God might inflict punishment upon Antipater. And being brought to the King, as soon as she was come to her self (for she was amazed with the fall) the King demanded of her, wherefore she had done so, and swore unto her, if that she would truly disclose all, he would pardon her; but if she told an untruth, her body should be torn in pieces with torment, and not be buried. She a while held her F peace,Pheroras wife freely confess­eth what was become of the Poyson. and at last said, Wherefore should I keep any thing secret, seeing Pheroras is dead, to save Antipater, who hath caused all this mischief? Hear O King, and God, who cannot be deceived, be witness of the truth of what I shall say: When I sate weeping by Pheroras as he lay a dying, he called me to him, and said, See, wife, how much I was deceived concerning my Brothers love towards me; for I hated and sought to kill him, who thus loveth me, and sorroweth so much for me, though I am not yet dead: but truly I am justly rewarded for my iniquity. And now (wife) bring me hither the poyson which was left by Antipater in your keeping for my Bro­ther, and make it away before my face, that I carry not with me to Hell a guilty Conscience for that crime. So I brought it as he desired me, and the most part of G it I cast into the fire, where it was consumed, and kept a litle thereof, for fear of mischances, and of you. And having thus said, she brought forth a box which had in it a very little of the poyson. Hereupon the King tortured the brother and mother [Page 598] of Antiphilus; and they also confessed that Antiphilus had brought a box out of Egypt, H and that he received it from his brother, who practised Physick at Alexandria. Thus it seem'd that the Ghosts of Alexander and Aristobulus went about the whole King­dom, to discover the most hidden things, and to draw testimonies and proofs from the mouths of those that were furthest from all suspicion. For the Brothers of Mariamne, daughter of Simon the High Priest, being put to the rack, confess'd that she was acquainted with this conspiracy.Gods justice leaveth no­thing unpu­nished. Wherefore the King punish'd the mothers fault upon her child: for having writ in his Will, that Herod her son should succeed Anti­pater in the Kingdom, now for her fault, he raz'd him out.

I

CHAP. XX.
How Antipaters malicious practices against Herod, were discover'd and punish'd.

THe arrival of Bathyllus was the last proof of Antipater's Crime, and confirm'd all the rest. This Bathyllus was one of his freed men, and brought from Rome another sort of poyson, compos'd of that of Asps and other Serpents; to the end that if the first proved too weak, and took not effect, then Pheroras and his wife might make an end of the King with this. And for the height of Antipater's wick­edness, he also had given this man Letters, which he had written to Herod against K Archelaus and Philip his Brethren,Antipater's treasons a­gainst Arche­laus and Philip his brothers. who were at that time brought up at Rome to stu­dy, being very hopeful young men: and for that Antipater feared they might be some hindrance to him in that which he expected, he devis'd all means possible to make them away. And the better to effect this purpose, he counterfeited Letters in his friends name that were at Rome, and for money got others to write, that these two young men used in taunting wise to rail against their Father, and openly to complain of the death of Alexander and Aristobulus: and that they took it ill that they were sent for home (for their Father had sent word that they should come a­way) at which also Antipater was much troubled. For before his departure from Judaea to Rome, he procured such like Letters to be forged against them at Rome; L and so delivering them to his Father, to avoid all suspicion, he seemed to excuse his Brethren; affirming somethings that were written to be lyes, other things to be offences whereunto young men were prone.Antipater gi­veth a great sum of money to those that counterfeit letters against his Brothers. At the same time he gave great sums of money to them in whose name he had written the Letters against his Brethren: hereby as it were hiring them to be secret. For the concealment of which suborna­tion from Herod's knowledge, he bought much rich Housholdstuff and Tapistry of curious work, and Plate, and many things more, amounting by his account to the sum of two hundred Talents, which he pretended was to be employed in presents in prosecuting the business against Syllaeus. But the mischief which he provided a­gainst was inconsiderable in comparison of those which he had more reason to fear; M and it cannot be sufficiently admired, that though all those that had been tortured gave evidence against him, how that he practised his Fathers death, and the Letters witnessed how again he went about to make away other two of his Brethren; yet for all this, none of them who went out of Judea to Rome, bare him so much good will as to give him intelligence what troubles were in the Court at home, although it was seven months before he return'd to Judaea from Rome. Peradventure they who were minded to tell him all, were forced to hold their peace, by consideration of the blood of Alexander and Aristobulus which cried for vengeance against him.

At last he sent Letters from Rome to his Father, that now he would shortly return home,Ant. lib. 18. cap. 8. and that Caesar had treated him very honourably. The King desired greatly N to have the Traytor in his power:Antipater is sollicited by Herod with many kind words to ha­sten his return and fearing that if he had inkling of matters he would look to himself, feigned great kindness towards him, and sent back again unto him very loving Letters, willing him to hasten his return: which if he did, possibly he might obtain pardon for his Mothers offence: for Antipater had understood that she was banished.

Antipater received a Letter at Tarentum, whereby he understood the death of Phe­roras, and greatly lamented it; which divers that knew nothing thought well of. Yet as far as one may conjecture, the cause of his grief was, that his treason had not gone forward as he wished, and that he feared lest that which had passed might come to light, and lest the poyson should be found. Yet when he came to Cilicia, O and there received his Fathers Letters before mentioned, he then made great haste homeward. When he came to Celenderis, he began to reflect more upon his Mothers [Page 599] A disgrace, his mind as it were presaging some sinister fortune. And the wiser sort of his friends about him, counselled him not to go to his Father, till such time as he were certain for what cause his Mother was banished and divorced. For it was to be feared, that he would be accused also of the same Crime that was laid to his Mo­thers charge. But the more imprudent being rather desirous to see their Country, than to contrive what was expedient for Antipater, pressed him to make haste, lest his long delay should breed any suspicion in his Father, and lest thereby he should give occasion to malignant people to raise slanders: For, said they, if any thing had passed against you, it was in your absence; and were you in presence no man durst do or speak against you; and it were a very unwise part, for uncertain suspici­ons, B to deprive himself of certain felicity, and not to return speedily to his Father, and receive a Crown from his hands, which he could place upon no other head but his. This counsel (as his ill fortune would have it) Antipater followed, and so ar­rived in the in the Haven of Caesarea, Antipater hated in Cae­sarea. having passed Sebaste; where contrary to his expectation, he was much surpriz'd that all men eschewed his company, and no man came near him. For although he was always hated, yet before they durst not shew their hatred. But now they abstained from coming to him for fear of the King; because the rumour of those things which Antipater had done was known in every City, and to every man, only Antipater himself was ignorant thereof. For there was never a­ny man brought thither with greater pomp than he, when he was to sail to Rome; C and never man more basely entertained at his return. And now apprehending the danger at home, he craftily made himself ignorant thereof; and notwithstanding that he was almost dead for fear, yet in his countenance he counterfeited confidence. For he could not now possibly make any escape, nor rid himself out of the present danger: and yet he heard no certain news of matters at Court, because the King by an Edict had forbidden all men to give him notice thereof: So that many times he comforted himself thus; that either all matters concerning him were yet secret; or if any thing was come to light, that he by policy and impudence could acquit him­self thereof; for those two were his only weapons. Being thus determined, he went to the Kings Palace alone, without any of his friends and followers, who at the very D first gate were most contumeliously repulsed. By chance Varus the Ruler of Syria was there; and then boldly going into his Father's presence, he advanced bold­ly near him,Antipater's entertainment at his Fathers hands. to salute him. But Herod putting him back with his hands, and shaking his head, cried out, What thou that hast attempted to murther thy Father, darest thou yet presume to offer to embrace me, being guilty of so many treasons! Mayest thou perish, wretch, as thy crimes deserve. Come not near me till thou hast cleared thy self of all that is laid to thy charge; for thou shalt have justice, and Varus shall be thy Judge, who is by good fortune now here. Go and premeditate how to acquit thee against to mor­row, which is all the time I will give thee to do it.

Hereat Antipater was so astonished with fear, that he was not able to reply any E thing, but silently went away. Presently his Mother and his Wife came to him and told him all the proofs of treasons against him; then he considered with himself how to answer every point. The next day the King called an assembly of his friends and kindred, Antipater is judged before Varus. and to them admitted Antipater's friends: and he and Varus sitting in judg­ment, commanded all proofs to brought, and the witnesses to appear: amongst whom were certain of Antipater's Mothers servants lately apprehended, who had Letters from her to carry to him, to this effect: Forasmuch as all things are known to thy Fa­ther, beware that thou return not unto him, before thou hast obtained some warrant of thy safety from Caesar. These and others being brought in, Antipater also came in after them, and prostrating himself before his Fathers feet, he said, I beseech you, F Sir, bear no prejudicate opinion against me, and lend me an open ear, whilest I purge my self: for if you please to give me lieve, I will prove my self guiltless. Herod command­ing him to hold his tongue, spake thus unto Varus: I know well, Varus, that you, or any other just and indifferent Judge,Herod's accu­sation against Antipater. will find Antipater to have deserved death: But I fear lest you conceive an aversion against me, and think me worthy so great afflictions for having been so unfortunate as to have brought such children into the world. And yet this should move you to pity me,Herod's kind­ness towards his children. who have been so merciful to, and careful for such wicked caitifs. For I had already appointed those young men that are dead to be Kings, and brought them up at Rome, and gotten them Caesar's favour: but they whom I had so much honoured, and exalted to the Crown, became traytors against my life. Their death G was very advantageous to Antipater, whose security I sought thereby, because he was a young man and the next that should succeed me: but this cruel beast hath discharged his rage upon my self, and thinks my life too long, and is grieved that I live to be old, and [Page 600] hath attempted to make himself King,The year of the World, 3961. before Christ's Nativity. 1. no other way but by murthering his Father. For H which I know no other reason, but that I called him out of the Country, where he lived abscurely; and casting off those Sons whom I had begotten of a great Queen, appointed this to be heir of my Kingdom. I confess my error, that I incited them against me, by having for Antipater's sake deprived them of their right.Herod loved Antipater a­bove the rest, and bestowed many benefits on him. For wherein had I so well deserved of them, as of Antipater? unto whom, during my life-time, I committed the sway and rule of my Kingdom, and openly in my Will and Testament declared him my successor: Besides other gratifications, I bestowed upon him the yearly revenue of fifty Talents. And lately when he was to sail to Rome, I gave him three hundred Talents, and commended him to Caesar, as the only Son of all my house, who had regard to his Fathers life. And what was the offence of the others compared with Antipaters? what proofs were produced I against them, equal to those that have shewed me more clearly than the day the conspiracy framed against me by this most wicked and ingrateful of all men? and is it now to be endu­red that he is so impudent as to dare to open his mouth, in hope to colour all again with craft and deceit. Beware, Varus, that he deceive you not: for I know this beast, and I even now see by his feigned tears, how probable a tale he will tell. This fellow once warned me, that whilst Alexander lived, I should beware of him, and not put every one in trust with my person: This is he who was wont to go before me into my bed-chamber, and look about in every corner, lest any should have lien in wait to have attempted any treason a­gainst me: This is he who watched by me in my sleep, and in whom I thought my self secure; who comforted me when I mourned for them that were put to death. This is he K who gave me good or ill characters of his Brethren when they were alive. This was my defender and champion. O Varus, when I remember his crafts and subtilties, and all his counterfeitings, I wonder that I am yet alive, and how I escaped the hand of such a trai­tor. And seeing that fortune stirs up those of mine own house against me, and that those that I most esteem are my greatest enemies, I will bewail my hard fortune alone; and not one that hath thirsted after my blood shall escape, although proof be brought against every one of my children. [...] Thus, his heart being surcharged with sorrow, he was for­ced to break off his speech: and presently he commanded Nicolas, one of his friends, to report all the proofs and evidences.

All this while Antipater lay prostrate at his Fathers feet; Antipater's answer, and excuse. but now lifting up his L head, he address'd to him and said: You Sir your self made my Apology: For how can he pass for a Parricide, who as your self confess, always watcht to preserve you from all dangers? Which if you say I did feignedly, is it probable that I would be so circumspect in other affairs and at other times, and now in so weighty a matter play the part of a sens­less man? How could I think that such a design, though kept secret from men, could be hidden from God, who seeth all things? Was I ignorant what befel my Brethren, whom God so punish'd for their wicked conspiracy against you? Or what should cause me to aim at their life? The hope of the Kingdom? I possess'd it already: Or a suspicion of your hatred towards me? I knew you loved me passionately: Or any fear which I had of you? On the contrary, I rendred you formidable to others by the care I took of your preservation.M Was it want of money? Nothing less; for who might spend more than I? Truly if I had been the wickedest person in the World, or the cruellest beast upon earth, yet I should have relented, being overcome by the benefits of so loving a Father; seing, as your self said, you recall'd and prefer'd me before so many Sons, and being yet alive you proclaim'd me King, and made me a spectacle to all men to envie, through the benefits you bestowed upon me. O wretch that I am!. O unhappy time of my absence out of my Countrie! what an opportunity hath it given to malicious and calumniating people! Yet, O Father, it was for your sake, and about your affairs that I went to Rome, to the end that Syllaeus might not triumph over your old age.Antipater calleth Rome and Caesar to witness. Rome can witness my piety, and Caesar the Prince of the whole world, who often called me a lover of my Father. Receive here, O Father, his Letters, far more N credible than those feigned calumniations against me: let these plead my cause, let these testi­fie my affection towards you: remember how unwilling I was to go to Rome, knowing I had here in this Country many secret enemies. Thus you unwarily have been the cause of my ruine, by forcing me to that voyage which has afforded envy time to frame accusations against me: but now I will come to the proof of these matters. Behold here I am, who, notwithstanding a Parricide, yet never suffered any misfortune by sea or land: is not this a sufficient argument of my innocency? But I will not insist upon this proof of my inno­cence, since I know that God hath permitted you to condem me already in your heart. Only I conjure you, give not credit to depositions extorted by torments: let me be burned, inflict all torments upon me, spare not my body: For if I am a Parricide I ought not to die with­out O all sort of torment. Antipater accompanied these words with so many tears, that he moved all that were present, and Varus also, to compassion; but Herod only ab­stained [Page 601] A from weeping, for his anger against his unnatural Son fix'd his mind upon the proof of his Crime. And presently Nicolaus at the King's commandment made a long speech concerning Antipater's malice and artifices, which he laid so open, that he extinguish'd all pity in the minds of the hearers. He ascrib'd all the mis­chief which had befallen that Kingdom unto him, Nicolaus at the King's command be­ginneth a most heinous an bitter ac­cusation a­gainst Anti­pater. and especially the death of his two Brethren, who through his calumniations were made away; affirming also that he used treacherous practices against those yet alive, fearing lest they should succeed in the Kingdom: for he who had prepared poyson for his Father would much less spare his Brethren. And then coming to the proof of his intent to poyson his Fa­ther, he declared in order all the evidences thereof, aggravating his offence by the B corrupting of Pheroras, who by Antipater was drawn in to purpose the murther of his Brother and King, Nicolaus's peroration. and how he had also corrupted the King's dearest friends: and so filled the whole Court with wickedness. When he had accused him of many o­ther things, and brought proof thereof he ended his speech.

Then Varus commanded Antipater to make answer to these things,The poyson: tried upon a condemned man. and seeing that he continued lying on the ground, and said nothing more, but God was witness of his innocency; he called for the poyson, and gave it one who was condemned to die, who having drunk thereof, presently died. Then Varus talked apart with Herod; and what was done there in that Council he writ unto Caesar, and the next day he departed. And when Herod had put Antipater in prison, he sent messengers C unto Caesar, to inform him of his hard fortune and calamity. After this it was dis­coverd that Antipater design'd the death of Salome. For one of Antiphilus servants came from Rome, and brought Letters from Acme, who was one of Julia's maids, which she writ to the King, telling him that she found a Letter of Salomes among Ju­lia's; which for good will she had sent him. These Letters which she affirmed to be Salomes, Another proof against Antipater. contained many invectives against Herod, and many accusations. But these Letters were feigned by Antipater, who for money had perswaded Acme to write them in her own name; as the Letter that she writ to Antipater evidently shewed; for she writ as followeth.

I have writ to your Father as you requested me, and sent also other Letters; and I assure D my self he will not spare his sister, if he do but read the Letters. You may do well, seeing I have performed all your requests, to be mindful of your promise. This Letter against Salome and others, being found to be counterfeited, the King began to doubt that Alexan­der was made away by such counterfeited Letters; and he remember'd that he had almost put his Sister to death, through Antipater's device. Wherefore he resolved no longer to delay to punish him for all, yet was he hindred by a great sickness from accomplishing his purpose.Herod intend­eth Antipa­ter's punish­ment, and therefore blotteth his name out of his Testament. He only sent Letters to Caesar concerning Acme's treache­ry and false accusation of Salome; and changed his Testament, and blotted out the name of Antipater, and in his room writ Antipas, leaving out Archelaus and Philippus, who were the elder Brethren, because Antipater had render'd them odious to him. E He bequeathed to Augustus a thousand Talents, beside many other rich gifts: and to his Wife the Empress, and Children, and Kindred, and Freed men, about five hun­dred; he also gave great gifts to others, either in land or money, and left to his Sister Salome great riches.

CHAP. XXI.
Of the Golden Eagle, and of Antipater's and Herod's death.

F HErod's disease increased, partly through age, and especially by his grief and sor­row; Ant. lib. 17. cap. 8. for he was now threescore and ten years old; and his mind was so troubled for the death of his Children, that though he were in health, yet he took no plea­sure in any thing; and his sickness was so much the more grievous to him, because that Antipater was yet alive; but he purposed to put him to death as soon as he was recovered of his sickness. To increase his calamity there arose a tumult among the people. There were in the City two Doctors reputed very skilful in our Country-laws: One of them was named Judas, the Son of Sariphaeus; the other was called Mat­thias, the Son of Margalote. These two were followed by a great number of young men; so that when they expounded the Law, they had an assemby like a great Ar­my. G And hearing that the King, partly by grief, and partly by his disease, was very like to die, they told their acquaintance, that now it was a fit time to re­venge the injury which God received by those profane works, which were made [Page 602] against his express Commandment;The year of the World, 3963. after Christ's Nativity, 1. which forbids to place the Images, or likeness of H any living thing in the Temple. This they said, because the King had set a Golden Eagle upon the chief Porch of the Temple, which they exhorted the young men to take away; saying, that it was meritorious, although danger might ensue thereon; yea,Judas and Matthias per­swade the people to pull down the Golden Eagle. even to die for their Countrey-laws. For they that died for such a cause, should enjoy everlasting life and glory: And that many unwise men, ignorant of that Do­ctrine, so loved their lives, that they chose rather to die by sickness, than to spend their lives in so glorious an enterprize. Whilst they spoke thus, there was a rumour spread, that the King was now at the last gasp; whereby the young men being encouraged, about Noon, when many were walking in the Temple, they let themselves down from the top of the Temple with great ropes, and so with hatchets cut down the Eagle.I Whereof the Captain of the Soldiers being advertised,The young men that pul­led down the Eagle, are brought be­fore Herod, and are exa­mined. he went with a great many Sol­diers speedily to the Temple, and took almost forty of the young men, and carried them to the King: Who asked them if that were true, that they were so bold as to cut down the Golden Eagle: They confessed they had done it. Then he demanded by whose Commandment? They answered, by the Commandment of the Law. After this, it was asked them, why they, who were presently to die, were so joyful? They answered, Because after death, they hoped to enjoy Eternal Bliss. The King hereat was so greatly moved with anger, that for all his disease, he went forth and made a Speech to the people wherein he inveighed against these persons, as Sacrilegious; who, under pretence and colour of their Countrey-laws and Religion, attempted some great mat­ter; K and he adjudged them as impious people, worthy of death. The people fear­ing that he would torture many to learn who had favoured the act, requested him that only the Authors and Actors of that Crime, might receive punishment; and that he would remit the offence to all the people besides.The young men with the Ring leaders, condemned to die. The King, with much ado entreat­ed, caused the young men that let themselves down with Cords, and the two Doctors, to be burned; and the rest which were taken in the act, to be beheaded. After this, the King's sickness spread over his whole body, and he was afflicted with most griev­ous pains:The King troubled with many diseases. For he had a great Fever, and an Itch over all his body, which was into­lerable, and a dayly Collick; and his feet were swelled, as though he had the Drop­sie: Ant. l. 17. c. 9. His belly also, was swelled, and his privy members putrified, so that the worms L bred in the putrified places. He was also grievously tormented with difficulty of breath, and a Convulsion of the whole body; so that some said, that this was a punish­ment laid upon him,Herod seeketh remedy in his sickness at the hot Baths. for the death of the two Doctors. Herod, notwithstanding he was afflicted with so many and grievous sicknesses, yet he was desirous to live, and sought remedy, in hope of health. At last, he passed over Jordan, where he used the warm Waters of Calliroe, which run into the Lake of Asphaltites; and are so sweet, that men use to drink of them. There the Physicians caused his body to be bathed in hot Oyl, and he was therewith so weakened, that his sense failed, and he was as though he were dead; whereat those that were about him being troubled, with their cries they caused him to look up; and now despairing of life, he caused fifty Drachmes M to be distributed to every Soldier, and great Summs of money to the Captains and his friends.

As he returned,Herod full of melancholy When he came to Jericho, he was in a very great likelihood to die; and his melancholly put into his head a wicked resolution: For he caused the chief men of every Town and Village in all Judaea to be assembled together, and then he shut them up in a place called the Hippodrome: And calling unto him his Sister Salome, and Alexas her Husband; I know (said he) that the Jews will make Feasts for joy of my death; yet if you will do what I desire, it shall be mourned for, and I shall have a remark­able Funeral. As soon as I have given up the Ghost, cause my Soldiers to encompass these men whom I have here in hold, and kill them all: By this means all Judaea, and every N Hous-hold thereof shall have cause to lament. The Ambassa­dors signifie [...] death, and bring Let­ters that au­thorize Herod to punish An­tipater. After he had commanded this to be done, those whom he had sent to Rome, brought him Letters, wherein was shewed how Ac­me, Julia's Servant, was by Caesar's Command put to death, and Antipater adjudged worthy to die: yet Caesar writ, that if his Father had rather banish him, he permitted it. Herod with this news was something pleased, yet presently his pains and a vehe­ment Cough seized him with that violence, so that he thought to hasten his own death;Herod over­come with pain, would have [...] himself. and taking an Apple in his hand, he called for a Knife (for he was accustomed to cut the meat which he did eat) and then looking about him, lest any standing by should hinder him, he lift up his arm to strike himself. But Achab his Nephew run hasti­ly to him, and stayed his hand; and presently there was made great lamentation O throughout all the King's Palace,Ant. lib. 1 [...]. cap. 16. as though the King had been dead. Antipater hav­ing speedy news hereof, took courage, and promised the Keepers a piece of money to [Page 603] A let him go. But the chiefest of them did not only deny to do it, but also went pre­sently to the King, and told him what Antipater requested. Herod hearing this, lifted up his voice with more strength than was meet for a sick man, and commanded his Guard to go and kill Antipater, and bury him in the Castle called Hircanion. And now a­gain he altered his Testament,Antipater's death. and appointed Archelaus his eldest Son King, and An­tipas his younger Brother Tetrarch. Five days after the death of his Son Antipater, Herod died;Ant. lib. 17. cap. 12. having reigned thirty and four years after he slew Antigonus, and thirty seven years after the Romans had declared him King. In many things he was as for­tunate as any man; for being born but a private person, he got the Crown, and kept it, and left it to his Posterity: But in his Domestick Affairs, he was most unfortunate. B Salome, before it was known to the Soldiers that the King was dead, went forth with her Husband, and released all those that were in Hold, whom the King had command­ed to be slain; saying, that the King's mind was altered, and therefore he gave them all Licence to depart:Herod's death signified to the Soldiers. And after their departure, the King's death was published to the King's Soldiers, who, together with the other multitude, were assembled in the Amphitheatre at Jericho, by Ptolomey, Keeper of the King's Seal; who made a Speech to them, and told them that Herod was now happy; and he comforted the multitude, and read unto them a Letter which the King left, wherein he earnestly requested the Soldiers to favour and love his Successor. After the Epistle read, he recited the King's Testament, wherein Philip was appointed Heir of Trachonitis, and the places thereun­to C adjoyning; Antipas Tetrarch, and Archelaus King. He commanded his Ring to be carried to Caesar, to whom he referred the cognizance and disposal of all with full Authority; requiring, that as to any thing else, his said Testament should be per­formed.

This was no sooner read,Archelaus proclaimed King after his Father's de­cease. but presently the Skies were filled with the voices and cries of the people, who congratulated Archelaus; and the Soldiers and the People promis­ed to serve him faithfully, and wished him a happy Reign. This done, the next care was about the King's Funeral, on which Archelaus spared no cost, but buried the King with all Royal Pomp possible.Herod's pom­pous Funeral. The Herse whereon he was carried, was adorned with Gold and Precious Stones; upon it lay a Bed wrought with Purple, whereupon was D laid the dead Corps of the King, covered also with Purple, a Crown and Diadem of pure Gold on his head, and a Scepter in his Right hand. About the Herse were his Sons and Kinsfolk; and the Guard, and Bands of Thracians, Germans and Gauls, all went before in order, as though they had gone to Wars. The rest of the Soldiers, in Warlike order, followed their Captains and Leaders; and five hundred of his Ser­vants and Freed-men carried Perfumes. And thus the Corps was carried the space of two hundred furlongs from Jericho, to the Castle of Herodion; where, as himself had appointed, it was interred.

H

THE SECOND BOOK OF THE WARS of the JEWS,I

The Contents of the Chapters of the Second Book.
  • 1. Of Herod's Successor Archelaus, how he entred into the Temple, and the Mutiny that arose for the revenge of those that were executed for taking away the Golden Eagle.
  • 2. Of the Fight and Massacre in Jerusalem, between the Jews and the Sabinians.K
  • 3. Varus, Governour of Syria for the Romans, represseth the Insurrections in Judea.
  • 4. How the Jews had an Ethnarch constituted over them.
  • 5. Of the Impostor Alexander, Herod's pretended Son; and how he was taken.
  • 6. Of the Banishment and Death of Archelaus.
  • 7. Of Judas the Galilean, who established a fourth Sect; and of the three Sects amongst the Jews,
  • 8. Of the Cities which Philip and Herod built: and of Pilat's Government.L
  • 9. The Emperour Caius orders Petronius, Governour of Syria, to constrain the Jews by Arms, to receive his Statue into the Temple: Petronius forbears to do it. The death of Caius saves him from Punishment.
  • 10. The Roman Army declares Claudius Emperour. Of the Reign and Death of A­grippa.
  • 11. Of divers Tumults in Judea and Samaria.
  • 12. Of the Tumults in Judea under Foelix.
  • 13. Of Albinus and Florus, Presidents of Judea. M
  • 14. Of Florus his cruelty against the Jews of Caesarea and Jerusalem.
  • 15. Of another Oppression of the Citizens of Jerusalem by Florus.
  • 16. Of Politianus the Tribune. King Agrippa's Speech to the Jews, exhorting them to o­bey the Romans.
  • 17. Of the Rebellion which the Jews begun against the Romans.
  • 18. Of the death of Ananias the High Priest, Manahem and the Roman Soldiers.
  • 19. Of the great Massacre of the Jews at Caesarea, and in all Syria. N
  • 20. Cruelties exercised against the Jews in divers other Cities, and particularly by Va­rus.
  • 21. Fifty thousand Jews slain at Alexandria.
  • 22. Of the Massacre of the Jews by Cestius Gallus.
  • 23. Of Cestius his Battel against Jerusalem.
  • 24. Of the Siege of Jerusalem by Cestius, and of the Massacre.
  • 25. Of the cruelty of those of Damascus against the Jews, and of Joseph's Affairs in Ga­lilee. O
  • 26. Of Joseph's danger and escape; and of the malice of John of Giscala.
  • [Page 605] A 27. The Cities of Tiberias and Sephoris are recovered by Joseph.
  • 28. How the people of Jerusalem prepared themselves for War; and of the Robberies of Si­mon, Son of Gioras.

CHAP. I.
Of Herod's Successor Archelaus, and how he entred into the Temple; and the Mutiny that arose for the revenge of those that were executed, for taking down the Golden B Eagle.

ARchelaus being acknowledged Successor in the Kingdom to He­rod, The year of the World, 3964. after Christ's Nativity, [...]2. lately dead, necessity constrained him to go to Rome, to the end he might be confirmed by Augustus; which Journey gave occasion of new broils. For after that for seven days he had celebrated his Father's Funeral, and largely feasted the people (for this is a custom amongst the Jews,Ant. lib. 17. cap. 11. which bringeth many of them to poverty; and yet he that doth not so, is re­puted impious) he went to the Temple,The Lamen­tations and Banquets Ar­chelaus made. attired in a white Gar­ment, C where he was, with great joy, received of the people; and he himself sitting in a Tribunal, upon a Throne of Gold, very courteously admit­ted the people to his Presence, and thanked them for their diligent care used in his Father's Funeral, and for the Honours they had rendered to himself, as to their King. Yet he said, he would not take upon him either the Authority or Name of King, till such time as his Succession was approved of by Caesar, who by his Father's Testament▪ was Lord and Master of all; and for that cause, he had refused the Diadem offered him by the Soldiers at Jericho, when they would have Crowned him. But he promised,Archelaus promiseth [...]his Subjects all favour. that if he were confirmed King by the hands of the Emperour, he would largely recompence both the Soldiers and the people for their good will; D and that he fully purposed to be more favourable unto them, than his Father had been. The multitude hereat greatly rejoyced, and made present tryal of his mind and purpose; for some cried out, requesting that the Tributes might be lessened; Others desired that the new Imposts might cease; others requested him to set all Prisoners at liberty. Archelaus, in favour of the people, granted all these requests; and then offering Sacrifices,A Sedition a­bout the pul­ling down of the Eagle, and the Agents thereof. he banquetted with his Friends. But suddenly, a little after Noon, a great multitude desirous of alteration (the common lamentation for the King's death being ceased) began a private mourning, bewailing their mis-fortune, whom Herod had put to death for pulling down the Golden Eagle from the Porch of the Temple.Ant. lib. 17. cap. 12. This sorrow was not secret; but the whole City resounded with la­mentations E for them, that were thought to have lost their lives for the Temple, and their Countrey Laws. They also cried, that revenge was to be taken upon them, whom Herod for that fact, had rewarded with money. And that first of all, he who by Herod was constituted High Priest, was to be rejected, and another more honest and devout was to be put in his place.Archelaus's bounty to­wards the Se­ditious. Archelaus, although he was herewith offended, yet, because he was presently to take such a journey, he abstained from violence, fearing lest he should render the multitude his enemies. Wherefore he sought rather by admonition, than by force, to reclaim those that were seditious; and he sent the Governour of the Soldiers to request them to be pacified. But the Authors of the Se­dition, so soon as he came to the Temple, and before he spake one word, threw stones F at him; and in like manner they used others, sent afterwards by him, to appease them; for Archelaus dispatched many messengers unto them, whom they contumeliously treated; so that if they had been more in number, their fury would have proceeded further.The Feast of Easter solemn­ly kept, and much Sacri­fice offered. Wherefore, when the Feast of Unleavened Bread drew nigh, which the Jews call Easter, wherein an infinite number of Sacrifices were appointed; an innumerable multitude of people came out of all Villages thereabout, for devotion sake, to the Solemnity: And they who so lamented the death of the Doctors, remained in the Temple, seeking by all means to promote the Sedition. Which Archelaus fearing, sent a Band of Soldiers, and a Tribune with them, to take the chief of the Seditous, before such time as they had drawn unto them the multitude of the people; against whom the G whole people being stirred up, slew a great man [...] of them with stones; and the Tri­bune himself being sore hurt, had much ao to escape. And when they had so done, they presently went and offered Sacrifice, as though no hurt had been done. But [Page 606] Archelaus perswaded himself, that the multitude would not be appeased without H slaughter: wherefore he sent against them the whole Army, the Foot into the City, and the Horse into the Field; who assaulting the seditious people as they were sacri­ficing, slew of them almost three thousand, and scattered the residue into the Moun­tains adjoyning.Three thou­sand of the Jews slain at the Feast of [...]as [...]er. There were also some who followed Archelaus, and proclaimed by vertue of his Command, that every one should depart home to his house; as ac­cordingly, notwithstanding the holiness of the day, they did. But he, accompanied with his Mother, Poplas, Ptolomey and Nicholaus his Friends, went to the Sea-coast, leaving Philip Governour of the Kingdom, and of his Houshold: With them depart­ed Salome and her Children, and the Kings Brethren and Kindred, under pretence to assist Archelaus to the Crown; but indeed, it was to inform Caesar of the Murther com­mitted I in the Temple against the Law.

When they came to Caesarea, Sabinus com­eth into Judaea to seize the Fortresses and keep the Trea­sure. they met with Sabinus Governour of Syria, who was coming towards Judea, to take into his custody Herod's Treasure. Varus, to whom Archelaus had sent Ptolomey about this matter, forbad him to proceed further. And so Sabinus, in obedience to Varus, neither entred the Castles, not took Herod's Trea­sure from Archelaus; Ant. lib. 17. cap 13. but promised, that he would let all alone, till Caesar's pleasure were understood. But so soon as one of them that hindred him was gone to Antioch, and the other, to wit, Archelaus, to Rome; he still remaining at Caesarea, now hasted to Jerusalem, and took the King's Palace: Where, calling for the chief of the Guard, and the Purveyors, he exacted of them an account, and sought to take into his custo­dy K the Castles and Strong Holds. But the Captains of the Garrisons, mindful of the charge which Archelaus had given them, refused him entrance; affirming that they kept them more for Caesar than Archelaus. Antipas e­lected King by Herod's for­mer Testa­ment, striveth with Arche­laus for the Kingdom. At this time also, Antipas, one of Herod's Sons, went to Rome with a design to obtain the Crown; alledging that Herod's first Testament was of more force than the last, and that he in the first was declared King; and both Salome, and divers others of his Kindred, who sailed with Archelaus, promis­ed him their aid. He took with him his Mother and Ptolomey, Brother to Nicholaus; in whom he had great confidence, because he had been always faithful to Herod, and was held by him in great credit. But none had so much encouraged him, as Irenaeus the Orator, who had an excellent faculty of speaking. Trusting to these, he refused L the counsel of them who sought to perswade him to yield to Archelaus, both as the elder, and appointed by the last Testament of his Father. Now, when they were all arrived at Rome, those of the Kindred that hated Archelaus; and especially those that looked upon it as a sort of Liberty to be governed by the Romans, favoured Antipas; in hope, that if their design of being freed from the Rule of Kings did not succeed, they should, at least, have the comfort to be commanded by him, and not by Arche­laus. Antipas ac­cuseth Arche­laus by Let­ters to Caesar. And to further him the more, he obtained Sabinus's Letters to Caesar; wherein Archelaus was accused, and Antipas commended. Salome, and the rest of the Com­plices, presented Accusations against Archelaus, to Caesar; who, after them, deliver­ed also his Justification in writing; and withal, his Father's Ring, and an Inventory M of his Treasure,Caesar calleth a Council of Roman Nobi­lity. by Ptolomey. Caesar pondering with himself what both Parties alledg­ed, and the greatness, and large Revenues of the Kingdom, and the number of He­rod's Children; and having also read the Letters of Varus and Sabinus, he called the chief of the Romans to Council; where Caius, the Son of Agrippa, and his Daughter Julia, whom he had adopted by his assignment, sate in the first place, and so he licenced the Parties to plead their Rights.Antipaters's vehement Ac­cusation a­gainst Arche­laus. Antipater, Salome's Son, being the greatest of all Arche­laus's Adversaries, spake first, and said, that Archelaus now only for form disputed for the Kingdom, of which he had already possessed himself without waiting to know Cae­sar's Pleasure; and that he did now strive in vain, to render Caesar favourable to him, whom he would not attend to judge of his Lawful Succession. That after Herod's N death, he suborned some to offer him the Diadem: And that sitting on a Throne of Gold in Kingly manner, he had changed all Orders of the Soldiers, disposed of Offi­ces, and granted unto the people their Requests; which could not be effected but by a King. That he had also set at liberty many men, who for great Crimes were impri­soned by his Father. And having done all this he came now to Caesar, to crave the sha­dow of the Kingdom, the substance and body whereof he already possessed; so that herein he left nothing to Caesar to dispose of, but the bare Title. Moreover, he al­ledged that Archelaus did but counterfeit sorrow for his Father's death, feigning him­self to mourn in the day time,Antipater [...] to ve­hemency in accusing Ar­chelaus▪ and in the night he would be drunk and Riotous. By which carriage, he said, that he had caused the Sedition of the people, and incurred O their hatred. After these Accusations, he insisted upon the horrid slaughter of the multi­tude about the Temple: for he said, that they only came against the Festival Day, to [Page 607] A offer Sacrifice; and that they themselves were sacrificed, as they were offering the Sacrifices which they brought: And that there were such heaps of dead bodies in the Temple, as never in any Foreign War, the like had been seen. That Herod, foreseeing his cruelty, never judged him worthy of the Kingdom, till such time as his Understanding failed him;The Will changed dur­ing Herod's Sickness. when being more sick in mind than body, he knew not whom he named his Successor in his last Will; whereas, he had nothing where­of he could blame him, whom in his former Will, he had appointed his Successor, when he was in health,Antipater a­gainst Arche­laus. both of mind and body. Yet (said he) put the case, Herod in his extremity, knew what he did, yet Archelaus hath rendred himself unworthy of the Kingdom, by having committed many things against the Laws. For (said B he) what will he be after he hath received Authority from Caesar, who before he received any, hath murthered so many? Antipater having spoken more to this ef­fect, and at every Accusation taking Witness of his Kindred that stood by, ended his Speech.

Then Nicolaus stood up,Nicolaus de­fendeth Ar­chelaus. and first of all shewed, that the slaughter of them in the Temple was necessary and unavoidable; for they, for whose death Archelaus was now accused, were not only enemies of the Kingdom, but also of Caesar: And for o­ther Crimes objected, he shewed how that they were done, even by the counsel and perswasion of the Accusers. He also urged, that the second Testament might be of force, for that therein Herod had referred it to Caesar, to confirm his Successor. And C he who had such remembrance, as to leave the Arbitriment of his Will to him who is Lord of all; could not be thought to mistake himself in appointing his Heir, nor yet deprived of his Senses,Archelaus humbleth him­self at Caesar's feet. seeing he knew by whom he should be established. When Nicolaus had ended his Speech, and declared all that he thought might make for Ar­chelaus, Archelaus coming into the midst of the Council, prostrated himself at Caesar's feet.Caesar's Boun­ty and Huma­nity towards him. Augustus courteously raised him from the ground, and declared him worthy to succeed his Father. Yet did he not pronounce a definitive Sentence; but the same day, the Council being dismissed, that he might deliberate with himself at more lea­sure, whether any one single person of those nominated in the two Wills, should suc­ceed their Father in the Kingdom, or that the Kingdom should be divided amongst the D whole Family; because they were many in number, and had all need of Estate to sup­port themselves with honour.

CHAP. II.
Of the Fight and Massacre at Jerusalem, between the Jews and the Sabinians.

BEfore Caesar determined any thing concerning this matter,Ant. lib. 17. cap. 14. Malthace, the Mother of Archelaus, Sedition in Je­rusalem. fell sick and died; and many Letters came out of Syria, signifying E that the Jews had rebelled. Which Varus foreseeing after the departure of Archelaus from thence, had gone to Jerusalem to repress the Authors of that Sedition: And be­cause the multitude would not be quiet, he left one Legion of the three which he brought out of Syria, Sabinus seiz­eth the King's Treasure, and laboureth to get possession of his Fortres­ses. in the City, and so returned to Antioch. But Sabinus coming afterwards to Jerusalem, was the cause that the Jews began a new Broil: For he forc­ed the Garrisons to render to him the Castles, and rigorously made search for the King's Treasure: And he was not only assisted by those that Varus left there, but also he had a great multitude of his own Servants all armed, to further his Avarice. And in the Feast of Pentecost (so called, because it happens at the end of seven times seven days) the People gathered themselves together, not for Religion's sake, but for anger F and hatred; so that there was an infinite multitude of people which came out of Ga­lilee, Three Camps of the Jews. and Idumaea, and Jericho, and the Countreys beyond Jordan. Yet the Jews which were Inhabitants of the City, surpassed the rest both in number and courage: and they therefore parted themselves into three Bands, and made three Camps; one on the North side of the Temple, another on the South towards the Hippodrome, the third on the West, near the Palace; and so they besieged the Romans on every side. Sabinus greatly fearing them, both for their multitude, and for their courage, sent many Letters to Varus, earnestly requesting him with all speed to bring succour; for if he did not,Sabinus get­teth into the highest Tower of the strong­est Castle. the whole Legion would be destroyed. He himself got into the high­est Tower of the Castle of Phasaelus, so called from the name of Herod's Brother, whom G the Parthians killed; and from thence he gave a sign to the Roman Soldiers to issue out suddenly upon their enemies; for himself was in such a fear, that he durst not come down to the Soldiers of whom he was Commander. The Soldiers obeying his [Page 608] Command, attacked the Temple, and there fought a fierce Battel with the Jews; who H having none to assist them, and being unexperienced in Warlike Affairs, were soon conquered by them that were skilful. At last, many Jews got upon the Porches, and cast Darts at them from the Pinacles, so that they killed many: But the other could not revenge themselves of them,A Skirmish between the Jews and Ro­mans. who fought against them from so high a place; nei­ther could they sustain the force of them who joyned Battel with them; till at last the Romans fired the Porches, which for greatness, and curious work, were admira­ble. The Romans fire the Porches. By this means many Jews were either destroyed with the suddain fire, or else, leaping down amidst their enemies, were by them slain; others going backward, were cast headlong from the Wall; others despairing of life, killed themselves with their own Swords; and they who privily came down the Walls, being assaulted by the Ro­mans,I and astonished with fear, were easily overcome: Till at last, all being either put to the Sword, or fled through fear, the Treasure dedicated to God, was left destitute of Keepers; so that the Soldiers took away thereof about four hundred Talents; and that which they left, Sabinus got.

But this loss of men and money stirred up many more Jews, and those more brave than the first, against the Romans; whom they besieged in the King's Place, and threatned all their destructions, unless they would presently depart from thence: Yet promising Sabinus and the Legion lieve to depart, if he so liked. Part of the King's Soldiers, who of their own accord fled to them, assisted them. But the most Warlike and valiant amongst them, were three thousand men of Herod's Army, whose Lead­ers K were Ru [...]us and Gratus; one of the Foot, and the other of the Horse; both which, although they had had no Soldiers with them, might yet for their Valour and Coun­sel, have been considerable to the Party of the Romans. The Jews earnestly conti­nued the Siege, and assaulted the Castle-Walls, crying upon Sabinus to depart, and not to hinder them now, after so long time, to recover their Countrey's Liberty. Sabinus, though with all his heart he wished himself away, yet he durst not trust them; but he suspected, that their courtesie was but a plot to entrap him. And on the other side, hoping that Varus would come and help him, he still endured the danger of the Siege. At the same time there were tumults in many place of Judaea; Ant lib. 17. cap. 15. and many, through op­portunity of the time, aspired to the Kingdom. For in Idumaea two thousand old Sol­diers,L who had born Arms under Herod, gathering together, and having armed them­selves, went to attack the King's Forces commanded by Achiab, Herod's Nephew; who, because they were old Soldiers, and very well armed, durst not meet them in the Field, but withdrew into some Fortresses. At Sephoris also, a Town of Galilee, Judas the Son of Ezechias, Captain of the Thieves which formerly were defeated by King Herod, and had wasted the Countrey; gathered together a great multitude, and brake into the King's Armory, and armed all his Company, and fought against them who affected the Royal Dignity.Simon, one of the King's Servants tak­eth the King­dom upon him. Also, beyond the River, one Simon, who had been Herod's Servant; being a goodly man, and of a huge stature, put a Crown upon his own head; and gathering together a company of Vagrants, went about with them to M Jericho, and burnt the King's Palace, and many fair and sumptuous houses there, and so got a great Booty there; and he had surely fired all other Buildings of Note, had not Gratus, Captain of the King's Footmen, made haste to fight him with the Bow-men of Trachon, and the most Warlike men of Sebaste. Simon lost many men in this En­counter; and when he fled into a strait Valley, Gratus overtook him, and cut him overthwart the neck, so that he fell to the ground. In like manner, other of the King's Palaces near Jordan, by Bethara, were burnt by a multitude of other Rebels, gathered together in Bands from beyond the River.Athrongaeus a Shepherd, usurpeth the Kingdom. At this time a Shepherd, named Athron­gaeus, pretended to make himself King: His Birth was so low, that formerly he had been but a simple Shepherd; and he had no other merit, but that he was very large,N and strong of body, and despised death. With this resolution he armed his four Bre­thren, each of which had a Company armed, and they were as his Lieutenants, to make Incursions; whilst he, like a King, meddled only with great Affairs, and wore a Crown upon his head: And thus he continued a long time wasting the Countrey, and killing, not only the Romans, and King's Soldiers; but also the Jews, if there was hope to gain any thing by them. One day he met a Company of the Romans at Em­maus, who carried Corn and Armour unto the Legion; he fought with them, and kil­led one Arius a Centurion, and forty of the most valiant amongst them upon the place; the rest being in like danger, through the help of Gratus with the Soldiers of Sebaste, escaped.The End and [...] of the War. After they had done many things in this manner against their own Coun­trey-men O as well as strangers, at last, three of them were taken; the eldest by Arche­laus, and the two other, who were eldest after him, fell into the hands of Gratus and [Page 609] A Ptolomey; and the fourth yielded himself to Archelaus upon Composition. Such was the success of the bold Enterprize of these five men. But at that time a War of Thieves filled all Judaea with Troubles and Robberies.

CHAP. [...].
Varus, Governour of Syria for the Romans, represses the Insurrections in Judea.

WHen Varus had,Ant. lib. 17. cap. 16. by the Letters of Sabinus, understood the danger wherein the B whole Legion was,Varus assisteth the Romans a­gainst the Jews. being besieged in Jerusalem; he hasted to succour them: But first he went to Ptolemais with two other Legions, and four Cornets of Horse; where he had appointed the King's Forces, and the other Auxiliary Troops to meet him. As he passed by Beritus, the Inhabitants gave him fifteen hundred men. Also Aretas the King of Arabia, for the hatred he bare to Herod, sent him a great number, both of Horse and Foot. As soon as the Host was assembled, Varus incontinently di­rected part of his Army into Galilee, adjoyning to Ptolemais; and appointed a friend of his, the Son of Caius their Governour, who presently put all to flight against whom he was sent; and having taken the Castle of Sephoris, he fired it, and made all the In­habitants thereof Slaves.Varus taketh divers Cities and Castles of Judaea. Varus, with the rest of the Army, went to Samaria, and C took it; yet he did the City no harm, because he found, that amidst all these Tumults, they had been quiet. When he had pitched his Tents at a Village called Arus, which belonged to Ptolomey, the Arabians sacked it, for they hated those that loved Herod. From thence they went to Sampho, another strong Burrough; which they in like man­ner sacked and destroyed, without sparing any thing. All was filled with the slaugh­ter and fires which the Arabians made,Emmaus burnt. there was no end nor hindrance of their Ava­rice. Also Varus commanded Emmaus to be burnt, being angry for the death of Ari­us, and the rest that were slain there; and the Inhabitants thereof abandoned it, eve­ry one by flight seeking to save himself.Varus cometh to Jerusalem with his Ar­my, and with his only▪ Pre­sence dismay­eth the Jews. From thence he went to Jerusalem; and at his approach, the Jews that besieged the Roman Legion fled and scattered themselves, D some here, some there, all about the Countrey: They that remained in the City ex­cused themselves, that they were not consenting to the Tumult; but that for the Ce­lebration of the Feast, they permitted those Seditious to come into the City; affirming that they had rather have been besieged together with the Romans, than have joyn­ed with those of the Sedition; and so they laid the cause of that Tumult upon others. But first Josephus, The year of the World, 3966. after Christ's Nativity, 4. Archelaus's Cousin, with Gratus and Rufus, went to meet him; lead­ing the King's Army, and the Sibastians, and the Roman Soldiers, adorned in their accustomed Apparel. Sabinus durst not be seen by Varus, and therefore got him out of the Town before, and went to the Sea-coast. Varus divided his Army, and sent some Parties into the Countrey,Varus crucifi­ed two thou­sand of the Se­ditious. to seek the Authors of the Tumult: And those that E were brought to him who were in less fault, he committed to Prison; those who were the chiefest, he crucified, to the number of two thousand.

And understanding that in Idumaea there yet remained ten thousand men in Arms, he presently sent the Arabians home, because he perceived that they did not serve as they that came to help him, but as they themselves pleased, wasting the Coun­trey against his Orders; and so, accompanied with his own Army, he hastned a­gainst the Enemies: But they without any fight, through Achiab's Counsel, yielded themselves to Varus. And he pardoned the Common Soldiers, and sent the Captains to Caesar to answer the matter:Varus's mercy and bounty to the Idumeans. Who, pardoning most of them, yet punished some that were of Herod's Kindred, because they had rebelled against their own King. Varus hav­ing F thus quieted the Estate of Judea and Jerusalem, left in the Fortress of Jerusalem, the same Legion that was there before, and departed to Antioch.

CHAP. IV.H
How the Jews had an Ethnarch constituted over them.The year of the world, 3966. after Christ's Nativity, 4.

NOw Archelaus met a new obs [...]acle at Rome; Ant. lib. 17. cap. 17. for the Jews, who before the Sedi­tion, with the lieve of Varus, were gone to Rome, to crave the liberty of their Countrey.Ethnarcha, Ruler, or Go­vernour. Those who went as Ambassadours in their Countrey's behalf, were fifty in number; and they were assisted by more than eight thousand Jews, that lived at Rome. The Jews call Archelaus in question. Whereupon, Caesar called a Council of the Nobility of Rome in the stately Temple of Apollo, which he had built on Mount Palatine. The whole Body of the I Jews appeared with the Legats against Archelaus and his friends. Archelaus's Kindred neither came with him, nor with the rest of the Jews: with him they would not joyn, for envy; and with the Jews they durst not, for shame. Amongst them also was Phi­lip, the Brother of Archelaus, whom Varus sent in courteous manner to assist his Bro­ther; or to the end, that if it should please Caesar to divide Herod's Kingdom among his Children, he might have a part. The Ambassadours spoke first, and began to declaim against Herod's Memory: First of all they said, that they found him not a King, but the most cruel Tyrant that ever was; and that he had murthered many; and those whom he left alive, endured such misery, as they thought themselves far more unhappy than those that were so butchered.A bitter Ac­cusation of the Jews against Herod and his Sons. For (said they) he was not only con­tented K to tear his Subject's bodies with torments, but also defaced and ruined the Cities of his own Countrey, to adorn and beautifie the Cities of Strangers: And he permitted For­reigners to massacre the Jews without revenge. And instead of their ancient and wonted happiness which Judea enjoyed by a Religious observation of the Laws, the Countrey was by him made so poor, and so wasted with Injustice, that within these few years that Herod reigned, they have suffered more Murthers and Massacres, than all their Ancestors had, from the time of their departure out of Babylon, in the Reign of Xerxes, to the days of He­rod. That being, by enduring such misery, now accustomed to the Yoke, they had willingly subjected themselves to his Son Archelaus after that Herod his Father was dead, Herod's Ty­ranny and cruelty. notwith­standing he was the Son of such a Tyrant; and had publickly mourned for the death of He­rod,L and offered Sacrifice for the prosperity of his Successor. But he, to shew himself He­rod's true Son, began his Reign with the slaughter of three thousand Citizens; and because he had so well deserved the Kingdom, he offered so many men to God for Sacrifice; and on a Festival Day, The Jews be­seech the Ro­mans to have compassion on the remainder of the Jews. filled the Temple with so many dead bodies. Wherefore, 'tis not strange that they who escaped that Massacre, consider their own calamity; and as in Battel, turn their faces against those who wounded them, and beseech the Romans, that they would think the remnant of the Jews worthy of compassion; and not abandon and expose the residue of their Nation as a Prey to them, by whom they are like to be most cruelly butchered; but that it may please them to adjoyn their Countrey to Syria, and to let them be ruled by the Romans; that so they may find that the Jews, though now counted seditious and rebellious, M are under peaceable and quiet Governours, a peaceable Nation. With this Petition the Jews ended their Accusation.Nicolaus de­fends Arche­laus before Caesar, and the rest. After this, Nicolaus stood up against them; and first of all acquit­ted the King's of the Crimes laid to their charge, and then reproved his Countrey-men, as people not to be easily Governed, and of their own nature averse, except forced, to obey their King: And by the way he also blamed the Kindred of Archelaus, who joyned with his Accusers. Caesar having heard what both parts could say, dismissed the Assembly.Caesar maketh Archelaus Ethnarch of Jewry. And within few days after he gave Archelaus half the Kingdom, with the Title of Ethnarch; promising moreover, to make him King, if he behaved him­self well: the other half he divided into two Tetrarchies, and gave the same to the rest of Herod's Sons;The distribu­tion of the Kingdom to Herod's Chil­dren. one to Philip, the other to Antipas, who contended with Ar­chelaus N for the Crown. Antipas his Part lay from Galilee, beyond the River Jordan; the Revenues whereof amounted to two hundred Talents a year. Philip had Batanaea, and Trachonitis, and Auranitis, and part of what belonged to Zenodorus near Jamnia; the Revenues whereof amounted to one hundred Talents a year. Archelaus had in his Ethnarchy Idumaea, and all Judaea and Samaria, which was freed from the fourth part of the Tribute,Those Cities that were un­der Archela­us's subjecti­on. because they had not rebelled with the rest. These Cities also, were given him, Straton's Tower, Sebaste, Joppa and Jerusalem. But Gaza, and Ga­dara, and Hippon, Caesar took from the Kingdom, and joyned them to Syria. Arche­laus's yearly Revenues amounted to four hundred Talents a year. Caesar also, besides that which Herod had left Salome, Salome Prin­cess of Jam­nia, Azotus and Phasaelis as Jamnia, Azotus and Phasaelis, gave her the Pa­lace O at Ascalon; all which amounted to threescore Talents a year. But Caesar oblig­ed her to live in the Countrey subject to Archelaus. And having confirmed the rest [Page 611] A of Herod's Kindred the Legacies which in his Testament he had left them, he gave his two Daughters that were Virgins, over and above, a hundred and fifty thousand Drachmes of Silver, and married them to Pheroras's two Sons. Lastly, he divided that which Herod had bequeathed unto himself, amounting unto a thousand Talents, amongst his Sons; leaving himself only some Jewels of small value, which he reserved in honour and remembrance of the dead.

CHAP. V.
B Of the Impostor Alexander, Herod's pretended Son, and how he was taken.

AT the same time,Ant. lib. 17. cap. 18. a certain young man, a Jew born, brought up by a Freed-man of Rome in the Town of Sidon, A certain young man feigning him­self to be that Alexander, whom Herod slew, deceiv­eth many. being very like Alexander whom Herod had put to death, went to Rome, having one of his Countrey-men for his companion, who knew very well the Estate of the Kingdom; and by whose instructions he affirmed, that they who should have put him and Aristobulus to death, being moved to com­passion, let them go, and put two others in their room like them. With this tale he deceived many Jews living in Creet, where he was honourably received: From thence he sailed to Melos, where he was entertained with greater pomp; and enriching C himself, he used such means, that he got his Hosts (which gave him entertainment) to accompany him to Rome. At his landing at Puteoli, he received great Presents from the Jews who dwelt there, especially those that were well affected to his Father, ho­noured him as a King. For he was so like Alexander, that they that had seen Alexan­der, and knew him well, would have sworn he had been the same. Wherefore, when he arrived at Rome, all the Jews desired to see him, and an infinite multitude followed him whithersoever he went in the streets; and they so doted upon him, that they carried him in a Horse-litter, and at their own proper cost and charges, prepared for him a Royal Train.

But Augustus well remembred Alexander's visage (for Herod had accused him be­fore D him) and although,Caesar desir­eth to see the young man. before he saw him, he judged that he was some Impostor, yet he made as though he believed all; and sent one Celadus, who knew Alexander well, to bring this young man to him. Celadus no sooner beheld him, but forthwith he perceived the difference betwixt them; and especially, when he took notice of his hard flesh and servile shape, he presently understood the whole matter. But he could not but be greatly surprized at his bold speeches; for when they demanded of him what was become of Aristobulus, he answered, that he was alive; but on purpose tarried behind, and lived in Cyprus, because, being asunder, they could not both so easily be entrapped. Celadus taking him apart from the rest of the Company, told him, that Caesar would save his life, if he would truly confess, by whose counsel he E feigned himself to be Alexander. He, accepting this proffer, followed him to Caesar, and declared to him the Jew, who, for lucre sake, had made use of his likeness to A­lexander; confessing that he had received as great Gifts of the Cities by which he pas­sed, Caesar maketh the counterfeit Alexander a Galley-slave, and executeth his Counsellor as they would have given Alexander, if he had been alive. Caesar laught at the Cheat, and condemned this false Alexander to the Galleys, but put the other Jew to death, who had induced him to this Imposture. And as for the Jews at Milo, he thought that they had punishment sufficient, in losing all that which they had laid out, and bestowed upon him.

F CHAP. VI.
Of the Banishment and Death of Archelaus.

ARchelaus being now made Prince,Ant. lib. 17. cap. 19. remembred the contests past; and in revenge thereof,Archelaus ba­nished for his Tyranny, and his goods con­fiscated. he ill treated, not only the Jews, but also the Samaritans. But in the ninth year of his Reign, the Jews and Samaritans sent Ambassadours against him, to Caesar; by whom he was banished to Vienna, a City of Gallia, and all his Goods con­fiscated. 'Tis reported, that before he was summoned to appear before Caesar, he had a strange Dream,Archelaus's Dream of the Oxen and ears of Corn. in which he saw nine great Ears of Corn devoured by Oxen; and G presently sending for some Chaldeans, he demanded what that Dream betokened. Some interpreted it one way, and some another; but one Simon an Essean told him, that the nine Ears of Corn betokened the number of years he had reigned, and the [Page 612] Oxen signified the change of his Fortune; for as much as these creatures in labouring H the Land, turned up and altered the face of it: And therefore, nine years being past since he had been established Prince, he was to prepare himself for death. Five days after this Interpretation, Archelaus was sent for to Rome, to answer before Augustus the things whereof he was accused. I have also thought it worth rehearsing, to set down the Dream of his Wife Glaphyra, Daughter to Archelaus King of Cappadocia, who was first married to Alexander, Brother to this man, and Son to King Herod, by whom he was put to death, as we have said before: After whose death, she was married to Juba, King of Lybia; and he being dead, she returned home to her Father; where living in her Widowhood,Archelaus re­fusing Mari­amne, marri­eth Glaphyra. Archelaus the Ethnarch beholding her, was so inflamed with her love, that presently he divorced his Wife Mariamne, and married her. Soon I after she came into Judaea, she dreamed that she saw Alexander her first Husband, stand­ing before her, and saying unto her;Glaphyra saw Alexander in her sleep. It had been enough for thee to have married the King of Lybia; but thou, not contented therewith, comest again to my house, greedy of a third Husband; and which is worst of all, art now married to mine own Brother. I will not conceal nor dissemble this injury which thou dost me, but I will recover thee against thy will. And she scarcely lived two days after she had related this Dream to her friends.

CHAP. VII.K
Of Judas the Galilean, who established a fourth Sect; and of the three Sects amongst the Jews.

AFter that Archelaus's Dominions were reduced into a Province,Ant. lib. 18. cap. 12. a certain Roman Knight called Coponius, was made Governour thereof. During his Administra­tion, The year of the World, 3973. after Christ's Nativity, 11. a certain Galilean named Judas, incited his Countrey-men to revolt; reproach­ing them for paying Tribute to the Romans, and for being subject to any but to God. This Judas was Author of a new Sect of his own devising, nothing like other Sects. For there are three Sects of Philosophers amongst the Jews; one is that of the Phari­sees,L Three Sects among the Jews, of which the Es­seans were the best. another of the Sadducees, and the third of the Esseans, which is the most fa­mous of all the three. The Esseans are Jews born, but live in the greatest union to­gether imaginable: They consider all Pleasures, as Vices that are to be avoided; and esteem Continence and Victory over the Passions, as the greatest Vertues. They reject Marriage, and account other men's Children, put to them to be taught whilst young,The Esseans Doctrine of Marriage. as their own Kins-men, whom they diligently instruct in their Manners and Opinions; not for that they condemn Marriage and Propagation of Mankind, but to avoid women's incontinence; for they think that none of them keep themselves true to one man.Among the Esseans goods are common. Also, they contemn Riches, and all things with them are common, and no man amongst them is richer than other. And they have a Law amongst them­selves,M that whosoever will embrace their Sect, he must make his Goods common; for so, neither any amongst them seems abject for Poverty, nor any great for Riches; but they have, as it were, all equal Patrimonies like Brethren. They account it a shame to anoint the body with Oyl; and if any man, though against his Will, be a­nointed therewith, they use all diligence to wipe it away: And they account them­selves fine enough, if their Cloaths be white. They have amongst them Stewards, to oversee all things for their common benefit; who are chosen from amongst them, by a common consent. Their Revenue is distributed according to the need that eve­ry one ha [...]h.The Esseans Hospitality They have not one certain City, but are dispersed in many Cities; and if any of their Sect, though a stranger, come to them from another place, they give N him any thing they have, as if he were their ancient Acquaintance. In like manner, they go boldly to those, whom they never in their lives saw before, as though they were familiarly acquainted with them: And therefore, when they take a journey, they only arm themselves against Thieves, and carry nothing with them else. In e­very City there is one appointed, whose Office is to receive and lodge those of their Sect that come thither; and to see that they neither want Cloaths, nor any thing else necessary for them.The Esseans App [...]el. All Children under Government, brought up by them, go apparelled alike; and they never change their Apparel nor Shooes, except they have worn out their first Apparel. Among themselves they neither buy nor sell; but eve­ry man that hath any thing which another wanteth, giveth him it, and taketh that of O him which himself needeth; yea, every one of them may take any thing he hath need of from whom he pleaseth, without any change. Above all, towards God they [Page 613] A are very Religious; for before the Son rise, they speak of nothing but holy things, and then they make certain Vows and Prayers after the custom of their Countrey, as it were praying that God would please to make it rise upon the earth. After this, eve­ry one is dismissed to practice the Art he knoweth: And when every one hath dili­gently laboured till eleven a clock,Their Religi­on and labour. they all meet together again, and being covered with linen cloaths, they wash their bodies with cold water: and having thus purged themselves, they go to their Cells, into which no man that is not of their Sect is ad­mitted: And then they come to the Refectory, as into a holy Temple; where all sit­ting down with silence, there is set before every man in order, a loaf, and a little mess of pottage, all of one sort. Before they eat a Priest giveth thanks, and no man may eat B any meat till this Prayer be made to God. Likewise, when dinner is ended they pray again; for both before and after, they give thanks to God, the Giver of all: And then putting off that Apparel as Sacred, they apply themselves to their work till eve­ning. At supper they do as before, causing their Guests to sup with them, if by for­tune any come. Their house is never troubled with cries or tumults, for every one is appointed to speak in his turn; so that their silence produces respect in strangers The cause of this moderation is their continual sobriety, and that every one is limited how much to eat or drink.The Esseans in compassion and helping others have free choice in other things they are ruled by their Go­vernour. And although, that in all other matters they are ruled by their Superior, yet in these two, to wit, compassionating and helping, they may do as they think good: for every one may when he pleaseth, help those whom he thinketh de­serve C help; and when he pleaseth, give meat to them that are in need. Yet may not they give any thing to their Kindred, without the lieve of their Superior. They take great care to suppress their anger; they keep their promise, and maintain peace; and people account every word they speak of as much force,The Esseans swear not. as if they had bound it with an oath: and they shun oaths worse than perjury; for they esteem him a liar, who is not to be believed, without he call God to witness. They study diligently ancient Writers, chiefly gathering out of their Writings, what is most convenient for the soul and the body. Out of them they learn Remedies for Diseases, and the Vertues of Herbs, Stones and Mettals. Those who are desirous to be of their Order, do not straight way converse with them; but for a year before, live out of the Colledge, and D have the same diet, a little hatchet, and such a girdle as is before spoken of, and a white garment. But at the years end, if they perceive such a person to be continent, they give him a diet more agreeing with their own, and he is permitted to wash himself in cold water, to the end, to purifie himself; yet is he not admitted in common amongst them,The Esseans Vows and Co­venants. till for two years more, they have observed his life and manners: And at last, when he is thought worthy, he is admitted to their common company. But before he is received to the common Table, first he is to protest solemnly to honour and serve God with all his heart, to observe Justice and Fidelity towards all men; never wil­lingly to hurt any man, nor injure any for another man's command; but always to hate the wicked, and assist the good; to keep his faith to all, but especially to his Su­periors; E The Esseans circumspect in Justice. because they hold their power from God. To which they add, that if he be put in Authority over others, he never will abuse it to the prejudice of those that are under him; and neither exceed the rest in apparel, nor any other ambitious pomp: that he will always love the truth, and severely reprove liars: and that he will keep his hands and soul pure from all theft and unjust gain: and that he will not conceal a­ny mysteries, or secrets of their Religion from his companions, nor reveal them to any strangers, although he should be thereto threatned by death. Adding moreover, that he will never deliver any Doctrine, save that which he hath received; and dili­gently preserve the Books, as well as the Names, of those from whom they received it. These Protestations they oblige those to take solemnly, who enter into their Order, to F the end, to fortifie them against Vices. Those of the Society who transgress notorious­ly, they thrust out of their company: and whosoever is so punished, for the most part dieth a miserable death; for, it being not lawful for him to eat with any stranger, he is reduced to feed on grass like beasts, and so he perisheth through Famine. For which cause oftentimes they are moved with compassion, to receive many into their Order again, when ready by Famine, to yield up the ghost; judging them to have endured pennance enough for their offences, who with famine were almost brought to death's door. They are very severe and just in their Judgments; and to decide any matter, there is never fewer of them than an hundred; and that which is by them agreed up­on, is irrevocable. Next after God, they reverence their Law-giver, insomuch that if a­ny G one revile him, they forthwith condemn him to death. They take it for a great duty to obey their Elders, and what is appointed by many; so that if ten of them sit toge­ther, no man of them must speak, without he be licenced thereto by nine of the com­pany. [Page 614] They account it a great incivility to be in the midst of the Assembly, or on H their right hand. And they are more severe than any other Jews in observing the Sab­bath; for they do not only abstain from dressing meat (which they dress the Evening before) that day, but also, they may not remove any vessel out of its place, nor satisfie the necessities of Nature.The Esseans reverence the Sabbaths. Upon other days they dig a pit a foot deep in the ground with the hatchet, which (as we before said) every one, at his entrance into their Order, hath given him; and then covering themselves diligently with their garment, as if they feared to be irreverent to the light of Heaven, in that pit they ease themselves; and then cover their ordure with the earth they took out of the pit: And this they do in most secret places. And although this purging of their bodies be natural, yet do they by washing purifie themselves after it, as after great uncleanness. Furthermore,I amongst themselves they are divided into four Orders, according to the time which they have continued this exercise of life; and they that are Juniors bear such respect to the Seniors, that if they do but touch one of them, they are obliged to purifie them­selves, The Esseans live a long time. as though they had touched a stranger. They are long-liv'd, so that most of them live an hundred years, which I judge is by reason of their well ordered diet, and their temperance. They contemn adversity, and by constancy and fortitude triumph over torments.The Esseans constancy in the War with the Romans. They prefer an honourable death before life. The Wars which the Jews made against the Romans, shewed what invincible courage and hardiness they have in all things; for they suffered the breaking of the members of their bodies, fire and Sword, and all kind of Tortures, rather than be brought to speak the least word a­gainst K their Lawgiver,The year of the World, 3979. after Christ's Nativity. 17. or to eat meats forbidden: They could not be forced to any of these, neither would they entreat the Torturers, nor shew any sorrow amidst their torments: Yea, in the midst of their pains they scoffed at their Tormentors; and joy­fully yielded up their souls, as though they hoped to pass to a better life. For it is an Opinion amongst them,The Esseans esteem the soul immor­tal, but they believe not the Resurrection of the dead. that the body is mortal and corruptible, but the souls remain ever immortal; and being of a most Pure and Etherial Substance, wrap themselves in bodies as in prisons, being drawn thereunto by some natural inclination: But when they are delivered out of these Carnal Bonds, then presently, as freed from a long Bondage, they joyfully mount into the Air. And of the good souls they say, as did the Grecians,The Grecians opinion of the soul of man. that they live beyond the Ocean in a place of Pleasure, where they are L never molested with rain, nor snow, nor heat, but have always a sweet and pleasant Air. But the wicked souls (as they say) go into a place very tempestuous, where there is al­ways Winter weather, always lamentations of those who for ever are to be punished. For I judge that the Greeks are of this opinion, when they say there is an Isle for the ver­tuous, whom they call Heroes and half-gods; and that the souls of the wicked go to a place in Hell, where it is feigned, that some are tormented, as Sysiphus, Tantalus, Ixion and Titius. These Esseans also believe that they are created immortal, that they may be induced to Virtue, and averted from Vice; that the good are rendred better in this life, by the hope of being happy after death; and that the wicked, who imagine they can hide their evil actions in this world, are punished for them in the other with M eternal torments. This is the Esseans Opinion, touching the excellency of the soul; from which we see very few of those depart,The Esseans prophesie. who have once embraced it. There are also some among them, who promise to foretel things to come; which faculty is obtained as well by the studying of Holy Books and Ancient Prophecies, as by the care they take of sanctifying themselves: And their predictions seldom fail.

There is another sort of Esseans,There is a Colledge of the Esseans, that differeth from the for­mer in the point of Mar­riage. agreeing with the former, both in apparel, diet and kind of life, and observance of the same Laws and Ordinances; only they differ in the matter of Marriage: Affirming, that to abstain from Marriage, tends to abolish mankind. For (say they) if all men should follow this opinion, presently all mankind would perish. Notwithstanding, these people use such moderation, that for three N years space they observe the women they intend to marry; and then, if they appear sound enough to bear Children, they marry them. None of them lie with their Wives when they are with child; to shew that they do not marry to satisfie Lust, but to have Children. When their Wives wash themselves, they are covered with a Gar­ment, as the men are, and this is the manner and custom of this Sect. Of the two for­mer Sects,The second Sect of the Pharisees. the Pharisees are said to be most skilful in Interpreting the Laws. The chief Article of their belief is, that all things are to be attributed to God, and Fate; yet so, that every man may in many things, of his own power, do good or ill; though destiny may help much therein: And that the souls of men are all incorruptible; but only the souls of good men go into other bodies, and the souls of wicked men are sent O into everlasting pain.The third of the Sadducees But the Sadduces deny Fate, and affirm, that as God is the Au­thor of no evil, so he takes no heed to what men do; that a man hath power to do [Page 615] A well or ill, and every man may chuse whether he will be good or bad; and they ge­nerally deny both pains and rewards for souls after this life. The Pharisees are as sociable and loving one to another, as the Sadduces are at discord among themselves, living like savage beasts, and as uncourteous to their own Sect, as to strangers. This is all which I have to speak concerning the Philosophers among the Jews. Now I will return to my purpose.

CHAP. VIII.
B Of the Cities which Philip and Herod built; and of Pilates Government.

ARchelaus his Ethnarchy being now made a Province,Ant. l. 18. c. 7. the rest of his Brethren, to wit,The year of the World, 3997. after Christ's Nativity, 35. Philip and Herod, who was surnamed Antipas, continued to govern their Tetrarchies. And Salome dying, left Julia by her Testament the Toparchy which she ruled, as also Jamnia, and a ground set with Palm-trees in Phasaelis. When Ti­berius the Son of Livia, upon the death of Augustus, (after he had reigned seven and fifty years, six months, and two days) was made Emperour of Rome, Philip built a City near the head of Jordan in the Country of Paneade, and called it Caesarea; and an­other he built in the lower part of Gaulanitis, and named it Tiberias, and another in C Paerea on this side Jordan, which he named Julias. Pilate being sent by Tiberius to be Governour over the Jews, caused in the night some Ensign on which was the Image of Caesar to be brought into Jerusalem; which thing, within three days after, caused a great tumult among the Jews: for they who beheld this action were astonished, and consider'd it as a violation of the Law of their Country, which forbids expresly, any Picture or Image of men or other creatures to be brought into the City. At their lamentation who were in the City,The people would not con­descend to Pi­late to alter their Coun­try-laws. there was gathered together a great multitude out of the villages adjoyning, and they went presently to Pilate then at Caesarea, beseech­ing him earnestly that the Images might be taken away out of Jerusalem, and that the Laws of their Countrey might remain inviolated. When Pilate denied their suit, D they prostrated themselves before his house, and there remained lying upon their faces, for five days and nights, without moving. On the sixth day Pilate sitting in his Tri­bunal-seat, call'd all the Jews together before him, as though there he would have given them an answer: but on the sudden a company of armed Soldiers (for so it was provided) compassed the Jews about on all sides: The Jews were hereat ama­zed, Pilate admir­ing the con­stancy of the Jews in their Religion, sent the Statues from Jerusa­lem. seeing that which they expected not. Then Pilate told them, that except they would receive the Images of Caesar he would kill them all; and to that end made a sign unto the Soldiers to draw their swords. The Jews, as if they had agreed together, fell all down at once, and offered their naked necks to the stroke of the sword, cry­ing out that they would rather lose their lives, than suffer their Religion to be pro­phaned. E Then Pilate admiring the constancy of the people in their Religion, presently commanded the said Ensigns to be taken out of the City of Jerusalem.

After this, he caused another tumult among them; for they have a sacred Trea­sure called Corban, The year of the World, 3998. after Christ's Nativity, 39. which Pilate resolv'd to make use of to bring water into the Ci­ty, four hundred furlongs off: for this cause the people murmured; so that when Pilate came to Jerusalem, they flocked about his Tribunal to make their complaint. Pilate foreseeing a tumult, caused Soldiers secretly armed to mingle themselves among the people in private apparrel,Pilate beateth the seditious with clubs. and commanded them not to use their swords, but to beat those with clubs whom they saw make such clamours. And when he had thus plot­ted F the matter, sitting in his Tribunal, he gave a sign unto the Soldiers; and present­ly the Jews were beaten; and many of them, partly with blows, and partly trod­den upon by the multitude,The year of the World, 4001. after Christ's Nativity, 36. died miserably. The multitude amazed at the calamity of those that were slain, held their tongues. For this cause Agrippa Son of Aristobu­lus, whom Herod the King his Father put to death,Agrippa A­ristobulus's Son hateth Ti­berius, and in­sinuateth him­self into Caius Caligula's friendship. went to Rome, and accused him to Caesar. Tiberius not admitting his accusation, he remained still at Rome, and sought the favour of other great men there, and especially he courted Caius the Son of Ger­manicus, he being yet a private person: and upon a certain day, having invited him to a banquet, he stretched forth his hands, and openly pray'd Almighty God in stead of Tiberius Caesar he might see him Lord of all the world. Tiberius having no­tice hereof by one of his familiar friends, caused Agrippa to be imprisoned; where G he endured hard and strait imprisonment till the death of Tiberius, which was six months after.Tiberius reign­ed 22 years six months, and 3 days. After he was dead (having reigned two and twenty years, six months, and three days) Caius Caesar, who succeeded him in the Empire, freed him from pri­son, [Page 616] The year of the World, 4001. after Christ's Nativity, 39. and gave him the Tetrarchy of Philip, who was newly deceased, and the title H of King. When Agrippa came into his Kingdom, Herod the Tetrarch began to envy his estate; and Herodias his wife still urged him forward, in hope that he should be made a King also: for (said she) thou wantest that dignity only through slothfulness, because thou wouldest not go to Caesar: Caius Caesar giveth the Tetrarchy to Agrippa, [...]'s Son, and maketh him a King. for if Agrippa be made a King, being be­fore but a private man, how canst thou doubt to be made a King, who art alrea­dy a Tetrarch? Herod herewith perswaded, went to Caius Caesar, who greatly re­proached his ambition, insomuch as he fled into Spain: for Agrippa had followed him to Rome to accuse him before Caesar; and Caius gave him Herod's Tetrarchy. And so Herod remained in Spain with his wife till his death.Ant. l. 18. [...]. Herod and his wife remain in Spain.

I

CHAP. IX.
The Emperour Caius orders Petronius Governour of Syria to constrain the Jews by arms to receive his Statue into the Temple.The year of the World, 4002. after Christ's Nativity, 40. Petronius forbears to do it. The death of Caius saves him from punishment.

CAius Caesar so abused his Authority,Ant. lib. 18. c▪ 15. that he would be thought to be a god, and so called.Caius Caesar calleth and re­puteth himself a God. Also he put many Noble men of his Country to death by his cruelty; which he likewise extended even to Judaea: for he sent Petronius with an K army to Jerusalem, commanding him to set his Statues in the Temple; and if the Jews refused to receive them,The fear the Jews had of Petronius's Army. that those who withstood him should be put to the sword, and the rest led away captive. Almighty God did otherwise dispose this proud commandment. But Petronius accompanied with three Legions, and many assistants out of Syria, came with all speed from Antioch to Judaea: many of the Jews would not believe any war towards, notwithstanding that they heard a general report thereof: and they that believed it, could not bethink themselves of any means to resist. Suddenly all were in a great fear; for the Army was now come to Ptolemais, The descripti­on of Ptole­mais. which City is situate by the Sea-shoar in Galilee, in a fair Field; and on the East-side it is compassed with Mountains, distant from it threescore fur­longs,L which belong to Galilee; on the South-side it is invested with Mount Carmel, which is distant an hundred and twenty furlongs: on the North-side it is environed with an exceeding high Mountain, which the Inhabitants call the Tyrians Ladder: this Mountain is an hundred paces distant from the City. Two miles from this City, there is a River running by, called Pelus, a very little one, near which is the admirable Sepulchre of Memnon, Sand like Glass near Memnon's Sepulchre. which is a hundred cubits high and of a concave form. In this place is seen a sort of Sand as transparent as Glass, which many ships carry away for Balast; but though they empty the place of it, yet that place is pre­sently after covered with the like sand again. For there are winds which as it were on purpose, carry this sand from the higher places round about it thither; and this M sand being put into the furnace is presently changed into Chrystal or Glass. And that which in my opinion is more to be wondred at, is, that the sand being so turned into Glass, if afterward any part thereof be cast upon the brink of this place, it is again turned into ordinary sand. And this is the nature of that place.

Now the Jews with their wives and children gathered themselves together in the field where the City Ptolemais is situate, and humbly besought Petronius not to vio­late their Country-laws, but to have compassion on them. Petronius seeing the mul­titude that humbly sued to him, and how earnestly they sought his favour, left Cae­sar's statues at Ptolemais, and himself went from thence to Galilee, and at Tiberias called all the Jews and Nobility together,Petronius cer­tifieth the Jews of the Romans power and Caesar's threats. he represents to them the power of the N Romans, and how dreadful Caesar's threatnings ought to be to them; adding more­over, that the Jews supplication was indeed a contumely, seeing all Nations under the dominion of the Romans (the Jews only excepted) had already placed Cae­sar's Statues in their Temples among those of their gods: and herein they did as it were revolt from the Emperour, and affront him their Governour who represented his person. They answered, it was against the Laws and Customs of their Country: for it was not lawful for them to have the Image of God, much less of a man; and that they were not only forbidden by the Law to have an Image in the Temple, but also to have it in any prophane place. Petronius replied, if you observe your Laws so religiously, I must also observe my Lord's command; for if I do not, but spare you,O I shall be justly punished: and 'tis not to me, but to him you must make your ad­dresses; for I my self, as well as you, am subject to him. At these words the whole [Page 617] A multitude cried out together, that before they would see their Religion violated, they would willingly expose themselves to any danger. When the noise of the peo­ple was ceased, Petronius said; Are ye then prepared and minded to fight against Caesar? The Jews answered, No, we every day offer sacrifices for Caesar and the Romans. But if Caesar must needs place his Image in the Temple, he must first kill us all with our wives and children.The constancy of the Jews. Hereat Petronius greatly marvelled, and was moved to compassion when he beheld the constancy of the Jews in their Religion, and so great a multitude prepared to die for it. And for that time they departed, nothing being done. The next day following he assembled only the Nobility of the Jews,Petronius once more assembl­eth the Jews, and threatens them. and spoke to them both generally and one by one, exhorting them to obey B Caesar's command, and sometime admonishing them, otherwhile threatning them, and putting them in mind of the power of the Romans, and Caesar's indignation, and that he must of necessity do as he was commanded. But they were moved by none of these. Whereupon Petronius, fearing the ground would be left untilled, (for it was now seed-time, and all the people had remained idle in the City for fifty days space) calling them together, he said, that he would go about a thing which might greatly endanger him self.Petronius sen­deth to Caesar and signifieth the Jews sup­plication. For (said he) I will either (God assisting me) appease Cae­sar's wrath, or else I will lose mine own life to save such a multitude as you are. And dismissing the people, who made daily prayers to God for him, he led his Army from Ptolemais to Antioch, from whence he presently sent to Caesar in all haste, re­counting C to him with how great an Army he went into Judea, and that all the whole Nation made supplication to him; whose request and humble suit if he de­nied, he must utterly destroy the men and their Country; for they remain­ed resolute in their Countrey-religion, and vehemently resisted any new Law. Caius writ an answer of these Letters to Petronius, threatning him, that it should cost him his life, because he made no more haste to execute his command. The messengers that brought these Letters, were tossed in a tempest upon the Sea three whole months together;Petronius re­ceives letters of Caesar's death. but others coming after them to bring news of Caius's death, had a pro­sperous wind: so Petronius received the Letters of Caius Caesar's death twenty seven days before the other threatning Letters came.

D

CHAP. V.
The Roman Army declares Claudius Emperour. Of the Reign and Death of Agrippa.

CAius Caesar being assassinated,The year of the World, 4005. after Christ's Nativity, 43. after he had reigned three years and six months, Claudius was made Emperour by the Army which was at Rome. The Senate by the instigation of the Consuls Sentius Saturninus, and Pomponius Secundus, command­ed three Legions of Soldiers to keep the City, during the Council holden in the E Capitol:Ant. lib. 19. cap. 3. and abhorring Caius Caesar's cruelty they determined to fight against Claudius, and to reduce the Empire to the ancient Government; that as before-time, so for ever after,Caius reigned three years and six months. those should rule that the Senate judged worthy. It chanced that at this time Agrippa came to Rome, and the Senate sent to him, requesting him to come and take place in their Council. Claudius also desired him to take part with the Army, in­tending to use his help where need required.Agrippa is chosen both betwixt the Senate and Claudius for an arbiter. Agrippa perceiving that Claudius was in a manner already Emperour for his power, he took part with him; who present­ly sent him as Ambassadour to the Senate, to tell them his purpose; how that first of all, the Soldiers, whether he would or no, set him in that dignity; and it had been in him an undiscreet part, to have forsaken such an offer from the Soldiers, who F did it for good will; that if he had refused it his life had been in danger; and it was sufficient danger, that he had been elected Emperour. Moreover, he purposed to rule, not as a Tyrant, but as a good Prince: for he would be contented only with the Title of Emperour, and do nothing without the common consent of them all. And although he was not naturally inclined to modest and courteous behaviour, yet he had a sufficient example to beware, that he abused not his authority, by Caius Caesar's death.The Senates answer to Agrippa. Agrippa carried this message to the Senate, who answered, (as though they trust­ed to their Soldiers and the Justice of their Cause) that they would not thrust them­selves into voluntary bondage, Claudius receiving this answer, sent Agrippa again to tell them, that nothing could cause him to abandon them by whom he was made Em­perour: G and that he was forced to make war against them, with whom he was very loath to contest; and therefore willed them to chuse a place out of the City for the battel to be fought in: for it stood with no reason to deface the City with civil wars [Page 618] and Massacres, for the obstinacy of some few. Agrippa did this message also to the Se­nate; H and one of the Soldiers that were for the Senate drew his Sword, and said, Fel­low Soldiers, what should move us to massacre our Friends, and Kindred, and Parents, who follow Claudius? especially, seeing we have an Emperour with whom we can find no fault; unto whom we should rather go forth with Congratulations, than with Arms. When he had said this, he passed thorough the midst of the Court, and all the Soldiers follow­ed him.

The Senate,The Senate follow the Soldiers to Claudius. being thus left desolate, and abandoned by their Forces, began to be in great fear; and seeing it was no standing out for them, they followed the Soldiers, and went to Claudius. Before the City Walls, there met them some that endeavour-to shew themselves dutiful to Claudius for his Fortunes sake; who, having their Swords I drawn, had killed the formost before Caesar understood any thing of their coming, had not Agrippa hastened to advertise him of the matter. He told him, that if he did not presently appease the Soldiers fury, now raging against the Citizens, all the Nobility would presently be destroyed, and he should be left Emperour of a desolate place. When Claudius heard this,Claudius ho­nourably en­tertains the Senate. he repressed the Soldier's fury, and very honourably re­ceived the Senate into his Camp; and went forth presently with them, and offered Sacrifice to God (as the manner is) for the good Estate of the Empire, and to give him thanks for that Sovereignty which he held of him.Agrippa's Kingdom. Also, he presently made Agrippa King of all his Father's Dominions; giving him likewise, all that Augustus had given He­rod, The year of the World, 4008. after Christ's Nativity, 46. to wit, Trachonitis and Auranitis, and besides them, another Countrey, called K the Kingdom of Lysania; and published this his Gift by Edict to the people, and com­manded the Senate to engrave that Donation in Brazen Tables, and to place it in the Capitol. Moreover, he gave the Kingdom of Chalcis to his Brother Herod, who was become also his Son-in-law by the marriage of Bernice, his Daughter. Agrippa now received greater Revenues of his Kingdom than he could desire; which he spent not vainly, but in building such a Wall about Jerusalem, as, had he finished it, the Romans could never have taken it:Ant. lib. 19. cap. 5. But before he could end that work, he died in Caesarea; having reigned three years with the Title of King,Agrippa af­ter he had reigned three years in Caesa­rea dies. and other three years before with that of Tetrarch. He left behind him three Daughters, which he had by Cypris; Ber­nice, Mariamne and Drusilla; and one Son by the same Wife named Agrippa; who,L because he was very young Claudius reduced the Kingdom into a Province, and made Cuspius Fadus Governour thereof. After whom succeeded Tiberius Alexander; who nothing violating the Laws of the Nation,Herod after he had reigned in Chalcis, di­eth. ruled them in Peace. After this, Herod, King of Chalcis, died; leaving behind him two Sons, which he had by his Brother's Daughter Bernice; to wit, Bernicianus and Hircanus; and by his first Wife Mariam­ne, Ant. lib. 19. cap. 7, 8. Aristobulus. His other Brother also, Aristobulus, died a private person, leaving one Daughter, Jotapa. And these were the Posterity of Aristobulus, Son of King Herod by Mariamne, Alexander and Aristobu­lus,'s Genea­logy. whom he put to death: But his elder Brother Alexander's Posterity reigned in the greater Armenia. M

CHAP. XI.
Of divers Tumults in Judaea and Samaria.

AFter the death of Herod, who reigned in Chalcis, Claudius created Agrippa, the Son of the former Agrippa, The year of the World, 4011. after Christ's Nativity, 49. King of Chalcis, his Unkle's Kingdom: And Cumanus was made Ruler of the other Province after Tiberius Alexander; under whom many new tumults and calamities befel the Jews. For when they were assembled together at the Feast of Unleavened bread in Jerusalem, the Roman Soldiers standing in the Porch of N the Temple (for always armed men kept that place upon Festival days,A filthy fact and speech of a Soldier a­gainst the Jews on a Festival day. lest the people gathered together should make any tumult) one of the Soldiers taking up his coat, turned his bare buttocks against the Jews faces, speaking words as unseemly as was his gesture. At which insolence the whole multitude began to murmur; and they flock­ed about Cumanus, requesting him to punish the Soldier for his misdemeanour: And some of them, rash young men, and prone to Sedition, began to revile the Soldiers, and threw stones at them.Cumanus fear­eth the peo­ple's [...]. Cumanus, fearing that the whole multitude of the Jews would violently move against him, called to him many armed Soldiers, and sent them to seize the Gates of the Temple.Some ten thousand men thronged to death. The Jews being in great fear, fled, and left the Temple; and there was such a throng, that as they hasted to flee, above ten thousand people O were prest and trodden to death: So that this Festival day was turned into woful la­mentations and mournings in every place. This calamity was followed soon after by [Page 619] A another;The year of the World, 4014. after Christ's Nativity, 52. for near Bethoron, one Stephanus, Servant to Caesar, carrying some rich hous­hold-stuff, was robbed of it in the High-way. But Cumanus sending for those in the Villages next adjoyning, in order to discover the Thieves, commanded them to be bound and brought to him, because they had not taken the Thieves: In one of which Villages a certain Soldier finding the Book of the Holy Scripture,A Soldier cuts the Book of the Holy Scri­pture in pieces and burneth it cut it in pieces, and burnt it. Hereupon all the Jews of this Countrey gathered themselves together from all places, being no less incensed, than if they had seen their Countrey set on fire; and carried by zeal for their Religion, they forthwith went to Caesarea, to Cumanus, there beseeching him, that the Soldier, who had affronted God and their Law, might not e­scape unpunished.The Soldier executed, that burned the Bible. Cumanus perceiving that the Jews would not be appeased without B some satisfaction, condemned the Soldier to death, and sent him to Execution in their presence; which done, they all departed.

At the same time there arose a great difference between the Galileans and Samari­tans; A Galilean slain in Sama­ria. for at a Village called Geman, scituate in the great Plain of Samaria, a certain Galilean, of the number of the Jews that came to the Feast, was slain: For which fact many Galileans joyned together, to be revenged of the Samaritans: And the Princi­pal of the Countrey went to Cumanus, requesting him, before any more harm were done, to go into Galilee, and punish the Authors of this Murther. But Cumanus being busied in greater Affairs, sent them away without granting their request. When this murther was known in Jerusalem, all the multitude left the solemnity of the Festival, C and went to Samaria, Eleazar and Alexander, two Princes of the Jews, exercise much cruelty. refusing to be restrained by the Magistrates. Of this their Tu­mult and Sedition, the Son of Dinaeus, called Eleazar, and one Alexander, were Cap­tains; who, with violence entring the Borders of the Countrey of Lacrabatana, killed man, woman and child, and burnt the Towns. When Cumanus heard this, he took the Cavalry of Sebaste, and went to help them that were thus oppressed; and he killed and made Prisoners many of them who took part with Eleazar. Now the Magistrates of Jerusalem went out to the rest of the Jews which so wasted Samaria, clothed in sack-cloth, and ashes upon their heads, and beseeched them not to seek revenge upon the Samaritans, lest thereby they moved the Romans to destroy Jerusalem; but to be mer­ciful to their Countrey, the Temple, their Wives and Children, and not at once ha­zard D all,Conspiracy in Robbery. and overthrow their whole Countrey and Nation in revenging the death of one Galilean. The Jews hereby were pacified, and departed. At the same time there were many that made it their Trade to rob and steal (as most commonly people by long peace grow insolent) so that they robbed in every part of the Countrey, and the strongest and most audacious oppressed those that were weaker. Hereupon the Sama­ritans went to Tyre, to pray Numidius Quadratus, Governour of Syria, to revenge them of those that so robbed and spoiled their Countrey. The chief men of the Jews went thither also; and Jonathas, the Son of Ananus, who was High Priest, defended the Jews against the Samaritans Accusation; affirming, the Samaritans to have been cause of that tumult by killing the Galilean; and that Cumanus was cause of the rest of their E calamities, who refused to punish the murtherers. Quadratus for that time sent away both Parties, promising them that when he came into their Countrey, he would dili­gently enquire of the matter: And coming from thence to Caesarea, he crucified all those whom Cumanus had made Prisoners.Quadratus Governour of Syria, heareth the Samari­tans and Jews. And departing from thence to Lydda, he heard the Samaritans complaints, and sent for eighteen men, whom he understood for certain to have been in that broil, and beheaded them, and sent the two High-Priests, Jonathas and Ananias, Quadratus giveth Sen­tence betwixt the Jews and Samaritans. and his Son Ananus, with some of the most considerable Jews, to Caesar; and also, the chief of the Samaritans. He likewise commanded Cumanus and Celer the Tribune, to go to Rome, and justifie themselves to Claudius, for that which they had done in that Countrey.

F This done, he went from Lydda to Jerusalem; and finding there the multitude ce­lebrating the Feast of Unleavened Bread, without any tumult or disorder, he returned to Antioch. Claudius's Sentence a­gainst some Samaritans, Cumanus and Celer. Caesar at Rome hearing the Allegations of Cumanus, and the Samaritans (Agrippa was also there, earnestly defending the Cause of the Jews; as also Cumanus was assisted by many Potentates) he pronounced sentence against the Samaritans, and commanded three of their chief Nobility to be put to death, and banished Cumanus, and sent Celer the Tribune bound to Jerusalem, that the Jews might draw him about the City, and then cut off his head. This done, he sent Faelix, Brother to Pallas, to go­vern Judaea, Samaria and Galilee. And he preferred Agrippa from Chalcis, to a greater Kingdom; making him King of that Province, whereof Philip had been Tetrarch; to G wit,Claudius dies, and Nero suc­ceeds him. Trachonitis, Batanaea and Gaulanitis; adding thereunto the Kingdom of Lysania, and the Tetrarchy whereof Varus had been Governour. Claudius having reigned thir­teen years, eight months, and thirty days, departed this life, leaving Nero to succeed [Page 620] him,The year of the world, 4014. after Christ's Nativity▪ 52. whom by the perswasions of his Wife Agrippina he adopted to the Empire, though H he had a lawful Son of his own named Britannicus, by his former Wife Messalina; and a Daughter called Octavia, whom he married to Nero: He had also another Daughter by Agrippina, named Antonia. How Nero abused his Wealth and Felicity; and how he slew his Brother,Nero killeth his Brother, his Mother and Wife. Mother and his Wife, and afterwards raged against all his Kind­dred; and how in a mad vein he became a Player on a Stage; because it requireth a long Narration, I will speak nothing thereof.

CHAP. XII.I
Of the Tumult in Judaea under Felix.

BUt I think my self to relate particularly the Actions of this Emperour towards the Jews.The year of the World, 4018. after Christ's Nativity, 56. He made Aristobulus, Herod's Son, King of the lesser Armenia; and added to Agrippa's Kingdom, four Cities, and the Territories belonging unto them: Two of them, Abila and Julias, were in the Countrey of Peraea; the other, Tarichaea and Tibe­rias, Ant lib. 20. cap. 11. were in Galilee: And he made Felix Governour over the rest of Judaea. This Fe­lix took Eleazar, Captain of the Thieves, after he had robbed and spoiled the Coun­trey twenty years,Foelix surpris­eth Eleazar the Captain of the Thieves, and many o­thers, and sends them bound to Rome. and many more with him, and sent them bound to Caesar; and he crucified a great number of them, who either were Thieves and his Confederates, or K else had assisted him. The Countrey was no sooner cleansed from these, but presently another sort of Thieves arose in Jerusalem, called Sicarii, from their short Swords, who at high Noon in the midst of the City▪ killed many in every place; and especially at the celebrating of Holy Feasts, they mixed themselves with the multitude, having short Swords under their coats, and therewith killed those to whom they bare any grudge;Another sort of Thieves, who at noon days went a­bout the City to murther men. and when men fell down dead, they amongst the rest, cried out of the mur­ther. By this deceitful means they were a long time unsuspected and unknown. And first of all, they killed Jonathan the High Priest, and after him, every day some were slain; and the City was put in no less fear, than if it had been in a time of War, for each man every moment expected death, and cast a diligent eye upon those that came L near him,Jonathan the High Priest with many o­thers slain. and no man trusted his familiar friends; and yet were they murthered, whilst they were looking about them to escape danger. So cunningly did these Thieves cover and conceal their actions. Moreover, there arose another sort of mischievous people,Ant. lib. 20. cap. 12. who did not so much harm with their hands as the first, but with their impi­ous counsel more; and did no less trouble the quiet Estate of the City, than did the Thieves. These people being Vagabonds and Juglers, desiring alteration under pre­tence of Religion, made the people frantick; for they led them into the Wilderness, affirming, that there God would shew them tokens of his purpose to set them at liberty. Foelix, perceiving that these Assemblies tended to Rebellion, sent an Army of Horse and Foot against these people, and killed many of them.M

But a certain Egyptian,An Egyptian Prophet ga­thereth well nigh thirty thousand men. a false Prophet, occasioned a far greater Massacre among the Jews than this: for being a Magician, he came into the Countrey; and calling him­self a Prophet, he gathered unto him almost thirty thousand Jews, who were by his Magick Arts seduced: and leading them from the Wilderness to Mount Olivet, he de­termined from thence to go to Jerusalem, and to drive thence the Forces of the Romans, and there to fix the seat of his Dominion over the people. He chose for his Guard a good number of his followers.Foelix over­throweth the Egyptian. Foelix foreseeing his intent, met him with his Legions of Romans, and a great number of other Jews; and fighting against him, the Egypti­an being defeated, fled, and many that were with him were taken and committed to Prison, and the rest of the multitude dispersed themselves into their Countrey. These N being thus repressed,The Thieves and Magicians work much mischief to many men. another part (as it happeneth in a sick body) began to rise: For some Magicians and Thieves being gathered together, exhorted the people to shake off the Roman Yoke, and threatned present death to those that continued to suffer so shameful a Servitude; so that they forced them who were contented with their sub­jection to the Romans,The year of the World, 4020. after Christ's Nativity, 58. to disobey them. These people being dispersed all over the Countrey robbed and sacked rich men's houses; killed them, and fired the Vil­lages; so that all Judaea was in extream fear of them, and every day their cruelty en­creased.

At this time arose another tumult at Caesarea, Ant lib. 10. cap. 13. between the Jews that dwelt there, and the Syrians. The Jews challenged the City to be theirs, because it was founded by O Herod, who was a Jew. But the Syrians denying not that the builder of the City was a Jew; yet affirmed, that it ought to pass for a Greek City; for (said they) the [Page 621] A Founder would not have placed in it Shrines and Statues, if he had meant that it should have belonged to the Jews. Hereupon there arose a great controversie among the Jews and Syrians, so that the matter came to blows; and every day, those that were the hardiest of both parts, fought together. For the wiser sort of the Jews could not restrain those of their Nation from being seditious;A Fight be­tween the Jews and Sy­rians about Caesarea. and the Greeks scorned to give place to the Jews. The Jews surpassed them in Riches and strength of body, and the Grecians trusted to the help of the Roman Soldiers; for a great many of the Roman Army being levied in Syria, were ready to assist the Syrians, because of Kindred and Consanguinity.Sedition and Slaughter a­mong the Jews. The Officers that commanded them endeavoured to appease the Tu­mult, and took those that were most seditious, and beat them, and cast them into Pri­son. B But the punishment of those that were apprehended, terrified not the rest; on the contrary, they were hereby more tumultuous. Foelix finding them at blows as he passed into the great Market-place, commanded the Jews, who had the advantage, to retire; and because they obeyed not, he sent for Soldiers, who slew them, and plun­dered their Goods. The Sedition being still on foot, he sent some of the Nobility on either Part,The year of the World, 4024. after Christ's Nativity, 62. to Nero, to plead their Cause before him. Festus succeeded Foelix, who vigorously persecuted them that troubled the Countrey, and destroyed many Thieves.

C CHAP. XIII.
Of Albinus and Florus, Presidents of Judaea.

ALbinus, Ant. lib. 20. cap 15. who succeeded Festus, followed not his steps; for there was no mischief so great,Albinus Pre­sident of Judaea, full of all wickedness. which he was not guilty of: For, he, not only took away by force men's Goods from them under colour of Justice, and at his own pleasure exacted a greater Tribute; but also freed and let loose any one, whom, either the Magistrates of the City took, or his Predecessors had left in Prison, so that their Friends would give a piece of money; and they only, who were not able to give money, were imprison­ed D as most hainous Offenders.The Seditious bribe Albi­nus to wink at their Robbe­ries. At this time, they in Jerusalem that desired alteration, began to take courage; and those that were rich among them feed Albinus with mo­ney, to have his Protection: and the common people that loved not to be in quiet, were much pleased with Albinus's Government; and each of the most wicked, had a Troop of Thieves after him: But Albinus himself was over them all, as chief of the Thieves; whom he used as his Guard to rob the meaner sort. They, whose houses were sacked and spoiled, were glad to hold their peace; and they, who yet had es­scaped, were glad to be very officious towards those who deserved death, for fear they should suffer it. In general, no men could trust one another. Every one trembled under the Rule of so many Tyrants: And all these mischiefs were the Seeds of the Ser­vitude, E which after befel this miserable City.

Notwithstanding that Albinus was of such behaviour,The year of the World, 4028. after Christ's Nativity, 66. yet Gessius Florus, who suc­ceeded him, so behaved himself, that in comparison of him, Albinus might have been thought a good Governour. For Albinus did all things secretly and craftily, but Ges­sius committed any iniquity, how great soever, so openly, as though he gloried in mis­chief; Ant. lib 20. cap. 16. and behaved himself, not as a Ruler of the Countrey, but as a hangman sent to execute Malefactors; omitting no manner of Theft, nor any means whereby he might afflict the people.Gessius Florus succeeded Albinus, and proved worse than Albinus. Where he ought to have shewed pity, there he was a Tyrant; and where he ought to have been ashamed, there he shewed himself shameless. No man ever could invent more means to betray the truth, and devise more subtil ways to do F harm, than he; for it sufficed him not, for his own gain to abuse men one by one at his pleasure,The Cove­tousness of Florus spoil­eth whole Ci­ties. but he wasted and spoiled whole Cities at once, and destroyed the people in great multitudes. He was not ashamed, by the publick voice of a Cryer, to proclaim it thorough the whole Countrey, lawful for any one that would, to rob and steal, so that they would bring him a part of their Booty. In brief, his Avarice was such, that the Countrey was almost left desolate; people forsaking their own native home, and fleeing into strange Lands. And all the time that Cestius Gallus was Governour of Sy­ria, no man durst go to him, to make any complaint against Florus. But when, at the Feast of Unleavened Bread, Gallus came to Jerusalem, there met him a multitude of the Jews above three hundred thousand; all beseeching him to help and succour their G afflicted Countrey, and banish Florus, who was the very Pest of their Nation. Yet Florus was so impudent, that being with Gallus, and hearing these Out-cries against him, he was no whit moved, but laughed at it. Cestius for that time appeased the [Page 622] people, promising that hereafter he would make Florus more gentle unto them, and H so returned to Antioch. Florus conducted him to Caesarea, and justified himself to him with lyes, devising with himself how to make the Jews rebel, which he thought was the safest means to cloak his villanies: for if they continued in peace and obe­dience, Cestius Gallus appeaseth the people, & pro­miseth a miti­gation of Flo­rus's severity. he feared that some of them would accuse him before Caesar; but if he could make them revolt, then he hoped that their great fault would shadow his in­justices. Wherefore to bring about his purpose, he every day oppressed them with new calamities, in order to force them to rebel against the Romans. At this time the Gentiles of Caesarea got their Cause against the Jews, before Nero, and brought Letters to testifie the Decree in their favour.The beginning of the war of the Jews, the 12. year of Nero's Reign. Which was the beginning of the War of the Jews, in the twelfth year of Nero his Empire, and the seventeenth of Agrippa's reign,I in the month of May.

CHAP. XIV.
Of Florus his cruelty against the Jews of Caesarea and Jerusalem.

HOw great soever the Evils were which Florus perpetrated tyrannically,Ant. lib. 20. cap. 15. our Na­tion suffer'd them without revolting.The causes of the War of the Jews. But that which hapned at Caesarea was as a spark that kindled the fire of War. The Jews dwelling at Caesarea, had a Synagogue near unto a piece of ground that belonged unto a Gentile dwelling there. The Jews of­ten K sought to purchase it of him,The year of the World, 4030. after Christ's Nativity, 68. offering him far more than it was worth: but the man not only contemn'd their request, but also, to their great grief, he resolv'd in that place to build Taverns; and so to leave them a very strait and narrow passage to go to their Synagogue. Some young men among the Jews, led with zeal, resist­ed the workmen,Florus's perju­ry and deceit toward the Jews. and would not suffer them to build. Florus hearing this, com­manded the Jews to let the workmen go forward in their work. The Jews not knowing what to do, one John, a Publican, offered Florus eight talents to hinder the building; whom he promised for that money to fulfil their request: and now having it, he presently departed from Caesarea, and went to Sebaste without perform­ing any thing, giving as it were occasion of sedition, as though he had received mo­ney L of the Nobility of the Jews to permit them to fight a certain time. The next day, which was the Jews Sabbath, when they were all assembled to go to the Syna­gogue, one of Caesarea, a seditious person, took a great earthen vessel, and set it at the entrance into the Synagogue, and upon it offer'd Birds. This fact so moved the Jews, that they would not be pacified, because it was done in contempt of their Religion and thereby the place was profaned. One part of the Jews that was more modest and wise, counselled the Jews to complain to them that were in Authority: but those who by heat of youth were prone to sedition, began contumeliously to revile their adversaries. On the other side, the authors of this action and the more seditious of the people of Caesarea were also prepared to fight with them, having M caused it to be done before the Synagogue,The conflict of the Jews with the Cae­sareans. only to pick a quarrel; and so they fought together. Jucundus, General of the Horse, that was left to keep all in quiet, presently came with Soldiers, and commanded the Vessel to be taken away, and so endeavoured to appease the tumult: but not being able to do it through the vio­lence of them of Caesarea; the Jews took the Books of their Law, and retired them­selves to a place called Narbata, belonging to them, which was distant from Caesarea threescore furlongs: from whence twelve of the chief of them, together with John the Publican, went to Florus being at Sebaste, to complain of the injury done to them, and to request him to assist them, and modestly put him in mind of the eight Talents they gave him. But he presently commanded them to be bound and im­prisoned,N Florus impri­soneth twelve of the chiefest Jews in Caesa­rea. because they had presumed to take and carry their Law from Caesarea. Hereat those of Jerusalem were greatly moved; but they shewed it not. Whereup­on Florus, as upon set purpose to give occasion of rebellion, sent for seventeen Ta­lents out of the Sacred Treasury, pretending that it was to be employed in Caesar's affairs. At this time the people were much troubled, and ran to the Temple calling upon the name of Caesar, that he would deliver them from Florus his tyranny. Some of them being seditious, began to curse Florus bitterly, and took a Box, and carried it about and begged an alms for Florus; Another cause of war raised by Florus. which they did in derision, as who should say, he was as miserable as beggars that have nothing. Florus for all this a­bated not his avarice, but was more eager to rob the inhabitants of their goods.O So that when he should have gone to Caesarea, to have quieted the sedition and re­moved the cause of tumults, as also he had received money to that end; taking an [Page 623] A army of horse and foot, he march'd to Jerusalem, that with the help of the Roman Soldiers he might effect his pleasure, and terrifie the whole City.

The people to pacifie him, went out in courteous sort to meet the Army, shewing themselves ready to give them the best entertainment they could, and to receive Flo­rus with all honour and reverence.Another occa­sion of the War. But he sent before him one Capito a Centurion, with fifty horsemen; commanding them to depart, and not to mock him with a pre­tence of honour, whom they had so heynously affronted. That if they had any courage,Florus scorn­eth the gratu­lation of the Jews. they should flout and reproach him to his face; and not only in words, but in deeds shew, that they desired liberty. Herewithal the multitude was terri­fied; and the horsemen that came with Capito assaulting them with violence, every B one fled before they saluted Florus, or did any honour to his troops: and going eve­ry one unto his house, they past the watchful night in fear and sorrow. Florus for that night lodged in the King's Palace. The next day he caused a Tribunal openly to be placed, and the high Priest and all the chief of the Jews resorted thither and stood before the Tribunal.Florus in his tribunal re­quireth them to be yielded unto him, who had spoken ill of him. Then Florus sitting in the Tribunal-seat, commanded them to bring forth presently all those, that had used any opprobrious words against him, and threatned to be revenged on them except they did it. The Jews made an­swer, that the people intended nothing but peace and quietness, and requested that they that had offended in words, might obtain pardon. For it was no marvel in so great a multitude, if there were some rash and foolish young men: and that it was C impossible to discern all that offended, seeing every one was now penitent for that which was done, and at least for fear would deny it; and that if he intended to main­tain the quietness of the Nation, and preserve the City still to the Romans, he then must rather pardon a few seditious for so many good mens sake, than revenge him­self of a few wicked persons, by the hurt and molestation of so many that thought no harm. [...] of [...] Soldiers. Hereat Florus's Choler was increased, and presently he commanded the Soldiers to plunder the Market-place (which was the higher part of the City) where things were sold, and put all they met or found to the sword. The Soldiers who were desirous of gain, having now authority from their Ruler, did not only sack the place they were sent to, but also all the houses, and murthered the Inhabitants. D All streets and gates were filled with them that sought to flee, and the dead bodies of them that fell into the Soldiers hands: no sort of spoyling was omitted. They also apprehended many of the Nobility, and brought them to Florus: and he causing them to be whipt,Florus's Sol­diers kill 630 Jews in one day. afterward hanged them. There were slain on that day, of men, women and Children (for they spared not the infants) six hundred and thirty. So horried an action appeared so much the more insupportable to the Jews, in regard it was a new sort of cruelty which the Romans had never exercised. Florus then doing that which none before durst ever presume to do: for he caused Knights before the Tribunal-seat to be whipped, and after hanged; who though they were Jews born, yet had received that dignity from the Romans.

E

CHAP. XV.
Of another oppression of the Citizens of Jerusalem by Florus.

AT this time King Agrippa was gone to Alexandria, Bernice requi­reth Florus to pacifie his dis­pleasure a­gainst the Jews. to see Alexander, whom Nero had sent to be ruler over Egypt. His Sister Bernice in the mean while remained in Jerusalem; and seeing the cruelty of the Soldiers, she was much grieved and of­ten F sent the Lieutenant of her horsemen and her own guard to Florus, requesting him to abstain from the slaughter of the Citizens. But he, neither regarding the multi­tude of them that were slain, nor the dignity of her that entreated, but only his private gain, and what he could gather by oppression and rapine, denied her request: so that the rage of the Soldiers extended it self also against the Queen.The fury of [...] Soldiers a­gainst Bernice. For they did not only before her face beat and kill all that came in their way, but they had also killed her, had she not fled into the Palace, where she watcht all night, keep­ing a guard about her, in fear that the Soldiers would break in upon her. She came to Jerusalem to fulfil her vow to God: for it is the custom, that if any be afflicted with grievous sickness, or be in any other distress, they must abide in prayer thirty days before they offer sacrifice, and abstain from wine, and shave their hair; which G custom Queen Bernice then observing, went also barefoot to Florus his Tribunal-seat, to entreat him: but he not only contemned, but also put her in danger of her life. This was done the sixteenth day of May. The day after, the multitude gathered to­gether [Page 624] in the upper part of the City in the Market-place, and with great cries complain H that so many were slain, and especially used contumelious words against Florus: which the Nobility and high Priests (fearing death) apprehending, beseeched them to ab­stain from such words as had already caused that calamity in the City, and not to pro­voke Florus to greater indignation.The people exclaim a­gainst Florus. And so the multitude was pacified for their sakes who entreated, and hoped that hereafter Florus would desist from such cruelty. Flo­rus, when he saw the multitude quieted, was sorry: and that he might again provoke them, he assembled together the Nobility and high Priests, telling them that it would be an argument that the people did not seek alteration any more,Florus renew­eth the dis­contents of the people. if they would go in courteous manner and meet the Soldiers which were coming from Caesa­rea, Florus's sub­tilty and trea­son. whereof there were two Legions. Having thus assembled the Jews together to I go meet the Soldiers; he also sent and commanded the Centurions not to salute the Jews who came to meet them: and if therefore the Jews were offended, and gave any hard speeches, they should fall upon them with their weapons. The high Priests assembling themselves together in the Temple, desired them to go, and solemnly meet and entertain the Soldiers, for fear of a greater inconvenience. Notwithstanding this counsel, those that were seditious refused to do as they were requested: and o­thers for grief of them that were slain, took part with the seditious.

Then all the Priests and Levites brought forth the holy vessels and ornaments of the Temple,The exhorta­tion of the Priests and Princes to the people. and with Harps, songs, and musical instruments came before the mul­titude, and on their knees conjur'd them by the care, that they ought to have of K the honour and preservation of the Temple, not to provoke the Romans through contumelious words, lest they should sack the Temple. There might you have seen the chief of the Priests with ashes upon their heads, and their cloaths rent, so that their naked breasts were perceived; calling every Nobleman by his name, and speak­ing to all the multitude, requesting them not for a small offence, to betray their whole Country to them, who still gaped after the destruction thereof. For what thanks shall ye have from the Romans for your former salutations, if now in hope of amendment of your miseries you go not forth to meet them? contrariwise, if you would go to them in solemn manner, then you take from Florus all occasion of vio­lence, and save your Country from ruine, and your selves from further calamities.L Adding that it was a great shame that such a multitude should be led away with a few seditious persons; and that it was more fit that so many should force those few sedi­tious people to obey them, and joyn with them in opinion.

With these perswasions they mollified the obstinacy of the Jews, and also perswa­ded many of the seditious people, some with threats, and some with reverence of themselves to be pacified. And so they going before, all the people followed, and went out to meet the Roman Soldiers. At their coming near them they saluted them; who answering nothing again, those of the Jews that were seditious, began to rail against Florus, The event sheweth Flo­rus's intent and counsel. by whose order this was done: whom presently the Soldiers appre­hending, beat them with clubs; and the rest flying, the Roman horsemen pursued M them, and trode upon them with their horses. Many were slain, by the Romans, and more were killed in the throng,The slaughter of the Jews. one tumbling upon another. There was a great throng in the gates of the City; for every one hasting and striving to get in, hin­dred themselves and others. Many died most miserably in the throng, and some were stifled, and some prest to death and trodden upon; so that their neighbours coming to bury them, could not know them. The Soldiers also cruelly assaulted them, killing all that they could come to, and hindred the people from going in by the gate called Bezetha, The seditious for fear lest Florus should seize their spoils, flee to the Temple because they desired first to recover the Temple and the Castle called Antonia.

At the same time Florus coming with a party of Soldiers out of the Palace pursu­ed N them thither, striving to get the Castle; yet he did not prevail: for the people made resistance, and threw down stones from the houses tops, and killed many of the Romans;Florus taketh the spoils, and entreth the Temple. who being pester'd with stones and darts cast from aloft, could not resist the people, who on every side came against them, but retired themselves to the rest of the army at the King's Palace. Those that were seditious, fearing that Florus would again assault them,Florus seeing the Jews in expugn [...]ble in the Temple, [...] his violence, and [...] a band behind him, goeth to Cae­sarea. and by the Castle Antonia get entrance into the Temple got upon the Galleries that reached from the Porch of the Temple to Antonia, and beat them down, hereby to defeat the covetousness of Florus, who greedily gaped after the sacred Treasure, and strived to enter by Antonia into the Temple to take it: but seeing the Porches beaten down, he offered no more violence. And calling O together the high Priests and Nobility, he said that he was content to depart out of the City, but he would leave them as great a garrison as they would request. Where­unto [Page 625] A they answered, that nothing should be alter'd, if he would leave one company to keep all quiet; provided he left not that, which lately so ill treated the people, because the people would not easily brook them, for that which they had suffered at their hands. Florus, as he was requested, changing the garrison, with the rest of the army went to Caesarea.

CHAP. XVI.
Of Politianus the Tribune: King Agrippa's speech to the Jews, exhorting them to B obey the Romans.

FLorus yet devised another way to stir the Jews to rebellion: for he sent word to Cestius that the Jews were revolted, impudently belying them to have commit­ted that which indeed they endured at his hands. The Nobles of Jerusalem and Bernice certified Cestius of all that Florus had done.Cestius [...], President of [...] consult­eth with the Princes what were [...]est to be done. He receiving Letters from both parties, deliberated with his Officers what to do. Some counselled Cestius to go into Judea with an army, and punish the Jews, if they were revolted; and if they were not, then to confirm them in their obedience. Yet it pleased him better to send some about him thither before, to bring him true news of their estate, and what had C hapned.Politianus is sent to Jerusa­lem and meets with Agrippa So he sent Politianus the Tribune, who in his way met with Agrippa in Jamnia as he was returning from Alexandria, and told him all, for what, and from whom he was sent. Here also were present the Priests and the chief of the Jews, to welcome Agrippa; and having saluted him as courteously as they could, they pre­sently bewayled the misery which had befaln their Nation, and the cruelty of Flo­rus. Which although Agrippa compassionated, yet he made as if he were angry with the Jews whom he greatly pitied; purposing hereby to allay their passions in stead of further irritating them by testifying the same sentiments to revenge. All the better sort, who for the sake of their lands and estates desired quietness, well perceiv­ed that the Kings reprehension was not of malice, but for their good.

D Also the people of Jerusalem went out to meet the King threescore furlongs off, The multitude of the people go out to meet Agrippa and Politianus. and received him and Politianus very courteously; yet the women lamented the death of their husbands slain, and with tears moved the whole multiude to sorrow, who besought Agrippa to have compassion on their Nation, and entreated also Politianus to go into the City, and behold what Florus had done. There they shewed him the Market-place desart, and the houses destroyed; and by means of Agrippa they per­swaded him to go round about the City as far as Siloa, only with one man, and be­hold with his eyes what Florus had done, and that they were obedient to the Ro­mans in all things, Politianus as­sembleth the people, and inciteth them to peace, and after returns to Cestius. and only were enemies to Florus who had used them so cruelly. Politianus having gone about the whole City, ascended into the Temple E where he well perceived many arguments of the Jews fidelity towards the Romans: and calling the people there together, he praised their loyalty, and exhorted them still to continue in like obedience, and worshipped God and the holy places, as far as the Law permitted him: The Jews require the King, that [...] be some Am­bassadours sent to Rome to complain of Florus to Nero. and so he returned to Cestius. After his de­parture, the multitude of the Jews came to Agrippa and the high Priests, re­questing them to send Ambassadours against Florus to Nero, because otherwise they should give occasion to think it a voluntary rebellion, by not complaining of such murthers: For Florus would make him believe that they had rebelled, except they went to him to shew that Florus gave first occasion; and it was certain that the mul­titude would not be quieted, if any one hindred that Embassage. Agrippa thought F it would be an hateful matter to send Ambassadours to Rome to accuse Florus; and on the other side he perceived, that it was to no purpose to contradict the Jews, who were ready now to rebel: wherefore calling the people together he made a speech to them, having seated his sister Bernice in an eminent place in the house of the As­moneans. The porch wherein he called them together, was in such a place that it over­look'd all the higher part of the City, for there was only a bridge between it and the Temple, which joyned this and that together; and there he spake to the Jews in manner following: Agrippa's [...] to the Jews. If I saw that you were resolved to make war against the Romans, and that the better part of the the people were not inclined to peace, I would not have come unto you, nor have presumed to have counselled you in any thing. For it is in vain to give G counsel of such things as are expedient, where all the Auditors are already determined to follow that which is contrary to the counsel given them. But for that some are ignorant what misery War produces, because by reason of their young years they have not known it, [Page 626] others are moved with a rash and unadvised desire of liberty, and others are drawn by H avarice and hope of gain in combustions, I thought good to assemble you all together, and declare unto you what means are to be used to restrain such people, that the good may the better know how to resist and overcome the practices of the wicked. But let no man murmur,Agrippa stri­veth to make the common sort flexible and attentive. if he hear that which displeaseth him, and I will tell you nothing but that which seemeth expedient for you. For they that are so bent to rebellion, that they will not be re­called, may for all my words continue in the same mind still. And I will speak nothing at all, except you will all keep silence. I know many seek to aggravate the injuries that are done by the Rulers of this Country, and highly commend and extol liberty: yet be­fore I begin to declare unto you the difference between you and those against whom ye pur­pose to make war, I must first divide and separate two things which you think inseparable.I For if you seek only to get satisfaction upon those that have injur'd you, why do ye so ex­tol liberty? or if you think it not tolerable to obey any other, these complaints against your Rulers are superfluous: for although they were never so mild, still would subjection be intolerable. Call all things to mind, and consider what a small cause of war is given you. And first of all weigh with your selves the crimes and offences of your Rulers;It behoveth to honour the Magistrate, and not to provoke him by injury. for you ought to shew your selves humble and dutiful to those that are in authority, and not ex­asperate and provoke them to wrath by reproachful speeches. For in reviling them for small offences, you incite against you those whom you so revile: and whereas before they only did you a little injury, and with some shame, now being moved by your resist­ance, they will openly set upon you and destroy you. There is nothing that so restraineth K cruelty as patience; so that oft-times the patience of them who have suffered injury, makes them that did the injury ashamed thereof. Be it so that they, which are sent into the Provinces and appointed by the Romans for your Governours,Agrippa ex­cuseth Caesar and the Ro­mans. are grievous to you: yet all the Romans do not oppress you, nor Caesar, against whom you must take arms. For they command no cruel Governours to come to you; nor can they who are in the furthest part of the West, easily know what is done in the East, or indeed be exactly informed thereof. And truly it is a thing most against reason to take arms for so small a cause; especially, when they against whom you take arms know nothing of the matter. But there is reason to hope,Depulsion of the Jews li­berty, which they so vehe­mently seek that these matters you now complain of will not be always so: For there will not be always the same Governour; and it is credible, that they who succeed this, will L be more gentle and courteous. But if once you begin to make war, it is not easie to end or sustain it without great calamities. And let them who so thirst after liberty, diligently ad­vise with themselves, that they do not bring upon their necks a greater bondage. Slave­ry is a cruel thing; and it seemeth a lawful cause to make War to avoid being brought in­to it; yet he that is already in bondage and revolteth, is rather a rebellious slave, than one who loveth liberty. You should therefore have endeavoured to resist the Romans, when first Pompey entred this Land: but then our ancestors and their Kings far exceeding you in riches, strength of body and courage, were not able to withstand a small part of the Roman forces; and do you who are their successors, and far weaker than they, having suc­ceeded them in subjection, think that you are able to resist all the whole power of the M Romans?

The Athenians,The example of the Atheni­ans, and others who obey the Roman Em­pire. who sometime to preserve the liberty of Greece, feared not to set their own City on fire, and with a small fleet defeated that proud Xerxes, whom they forced to flee with one ship (though he had such a navy that the seas had scarce room for one ship to sail by another, and all Europe was not able to receive his army) and got that famous victory over Asia, The Lacede­monians. near the little Isle of Salamina, yet now are subject to the Ro­mans, and that City, the Queen of all Greece, is now ruled by the commands it receives from Italy. The Macedo­nians. The Lacedemonians also, after they had gotten such a victory at the Ther­mopyles, and under their General Agesilaus sacked Asia, acknowledge now the Romans for their Lords. The Macedonians also, who had before their eyes the valour of Philip, N and Alexander, The compari­son of the Ro­mans force with the Jews weakness. and promised themselves the Empire of the whole world, now patiently bear this change, and obey them whom fortune hath made their masters. Many other Nations, who for their power and strength have far more cause than you to seek their li­berty, yet patiently endure to serve the Romans: But you only think it a disgrace to obey them,The Romans have brought the whole world under their govern­ment and have sought ano­ther world be­yond the Oce­an sea. who are Lords of the whole World. And where are the armies that you trust in or your navy to make you masters of the Romans Seas? Where are your treasures to effect what you intend? Think you that you are to war against the Egyptians or Arabians? and do you not consider the bounds of the Romans Empire? Do you not consider your own inability? Know you not that your neighbour-nations have often by force taken your City? and that the forces of the Romans have passed thorow the whole world unconquered, and O as it were searching for something geater than the world? Their dominion towards the East is extended beyond Euphrates, and towards the North beyond Ister, and towards [Page 627] A East is extended beyond Euphrates and towards the North beyond Ister, and towards the South beyond the Wilderness of Libya, and towards the West beyond Gades; they have found another World beyond the Ocean, and with an army entred Britain, where never any came before. Are you richer than the Gauls, stronger than the Germans, wiser than the Greeks; are you more in number than the whole world beside? What hope can you have to encourage you against the Romans? But some of you will say, that bondage is a grievous thing. But how much more should the Greeks think so, that were thought to be the noblest Nation under heaven, and had such large dominions; yet now o­bey the Roman Governours? as also the Macedonians do, who have greater cause than you to seek their liberty?500 Cities of Asia obey the Romans. What shall I say of the five hundred Cities of Asia? do they B not all obey one ruler, and the authority of one Consul, without any garrison? What shall I speak of the Enochians, Colchians, the people of Taurus, the inhabitants of Helle­spont, and Pontus, and about Maeotis, who in times past had no masters, no, not of their own Nation, yet now three thousand Soldiers keep them in awe; and forty long Gallies keep peaceably those seas that were never sailed on before? What think you, the Bythini­ans, Cappadocians, and those of Pamphilia, Lydia and Cilicia, could say for their liber­ty, who notwithstanding peaceably pay tribute to the Romans? What of the Thracians, whose country is five days journey in breadth, and seven in length, far more inaccessible and stronger than yours, by reason of the mountains of Snow and Ice? yet do they o­bey two thousand Romans, who are in garrison? Beside them the Illyrians, whose country C reacheth to Dalmatia and Ister, are kept in obedience only by two Legions, with help of whom they also resist the Dacians. The Dalmatians themselves, who have so often at­tempted their own liberty, and still as their wealth increased rebelled, are now in peace under one Legion of the Romans.The defence of France. Nay, if any have reason to rebel, 'tis the Gauls, whose country is by nature strong, being on the East-side compassed with the Alpes, on the North with the River of Rhene, on the South with the Pyrenaean mountains, on the West with the Ocean. Notwithstanding, having amongst them three hundred and five Nations, and as it were the very fountain of plenty of all sort of goods and commodities wherewith they inrich the whole World; yet do they pay tribute to the Romans, and ac­count that their happiness depends upon that of the Romans; and that neither for want of D courage in them or their ancestors, who fourscore years long fought for their liberty. They could not see without astonishment, that the valour of the Romans was attended with such success that they gained more by fortune, than they did by courage in all their wars. Yet now they obey a thousand and two hundred Soldiers, having almost against every Sol­dier a City.

Neither could the Spaniards,The Spaniards subject to the Romans. though Gold grew in their Countrey, keep themselves from being subject to the Romans. Nor the Portugals and the Warlike Cantabrians, for all the distance of Sea and Land between them and Rome. The Ocean, whose waves beating a­gainst the shoar, terrifie the Inhabitants adjoyning, could not stay them, but they passed it; and carried an Army beyond the Pillars of Hercules, and passed the tops of the Pyrenaean E Mountains, which reach to the Clouds, and so made all those people subject to them: And for all that they were so Warlike a Nation, and so far from Rome, the Romans have left only one Legion for Garrison amongst them.The Germans multitude, vertue and huge stature. Which of you hath not heard of the multitude of the Germans; whose Vertue, and mighty bodies, I think you have often seen, for in eve­ry Country the Romans have them for Captives: Yet they, whose Countrey is so large, hav­ing hearts far bigger than their bodies, and souls that contemn death, and are more cruel than brute beasts; yet are they now limited by the River Rhine, and kept in subjection by eight Legions of Romans; and those that were taken were made slaves, and the rest chose rather to save themselves by flight than fight. Moreover, you who have such confidence in the Walls of Jerusalem consider the Walls of Britain; The Britains subject to the Romans. which Countrey, though compassed F with the Ocean, and almost as great as our whole World; the Romans sailing to it, have conquered;The Par­thians. and four Legions keep that so populous an Island. What shall I say more, when the Parthians, a most Warlike people; who lately reigned over so many Nations, and a­bound in so much Wealth, are now compelled to send Hostages to Rome; Nay, you may see all the Nobility of the East at Rome; where, with the Pretext of Peace, they shadow their Captivity.The Carthagi­nians made subject by Sci­pio's hands. Almost all the Nations under the Sun tremble and dread the Roman Puissance; and will you only War against them? Do you not consider what befell the Carthaginians, who boasted themselves of that great Hannibal, and were sprung from the Noble Race of the Phenicians; yet, at last, were destroyed by Scipio? Neither the Syrenaeans, who descend­ed from the Lacedemonians,The Romans, govern the Moors. nor all the Race of the Marmaridans, extending as far as G the Desarts (which are very scarce of Waters,) nor the Syrtes, nor the Nazomonians, nor the Moors, nor the innumerable multitude of the Numidians, have been able to resist the power of the Romans; who by force of Arms, have conquered that third part of the World [Page 628] (the Nations whereof can hardly be numbred) which from the Sea Atlantick, and Hercu­les's H Pillars, unto the Red Sea, containeth all Ethiopia, and innumerable Cities: Who, besides that, they pay so much Fruits and Corn to the Romans, as for eight months in every year, will keep and sustain all the people of Rome, do also pay Tribute; and moreover, as­sist them any way they can, and never murmur at it, as you do: And there is only one Le­gion left to keep them in obedience. But what should I need to tell you of Forreign Exam­ples, to convince you of the Power of the Romans, seeing you may well understand it by what they have done in Egypt, your neighbour Countrey; which reaching to Aethiopia and A­rabia the Happy, and bordering upon India, and having in it an infinite number of people, besides the Inhabitants of Alexandria (which is easie to be counted,Alexandria acknowledg­eth the power of the Romans by the Tribute paid of every person by the Poll) yet they disdain not to live under the Dominion of the Romans.I Alexandria is both populous and very rich, in length thirty Furlongs, in breadth ten, and pays more Tribute in a month, than you do in a whole year; and, besides their money, finds all Rome with Corn four months in the year: And is on every side compassed about, either with a vast Wilderness, by which none can pass; or the fierce Sea, which is boundless; or with great and strong Rivers; or muddy and durty Quagmires, and Marish-grounds: Yet all this little avails them to withstand the force of the Romans. For two Legions only placed in the City, keep all the great Countrey of Egypt, and the Nobility of Macedon in awe. Now, since all the inhabited World is subject to the Romans, what Associates will you have from some Countrey not inhabited, to aid you against the Romans? Except peradventure some of you hope for help from beyond Euphrates, and that your Countrey-men of Adiabena K will help you: But they will not entangle themselves in these dangerous Wars, without rea­sonable cause; and if they would consent to so bad counsel, the Parthians will not suffer them: For they are careful to maintain their League with the Romans; and would think it violated,God's favour towards the Romans. if any under their Dominions should war against them. It remaineth then, that you must only trust that God will help you; but you see God doth assist the Romans: For it is impossible that such an Empire should have been without the help of God. Besides, consi­der that although you were to war against far weaker than yrur selves, yet you could not pro­mise to your selves favourable success; and it may so come to pass, that if you Religiously ob­serve the custom of Sabbaths, and in them do nothing, it will not be hard to conquer you. For so your Ancestors found by experience with Pompey; who designed all his Enterprizes L for that day, wherein his enemies were idle, and made no resistance. But if in War ye transgress your Countrey laws, I know not then for what you should rebel. For truly, all of you, at this time, are of that mind, that you take Arms to maintain your Countrey Laws. And I pray you,The last Ar­gument that proveth the Jews destitute of God's and man's help, and un­apt to make War. how will you request help at God's hands, if wilfully you break his Laws? All that begin War, either trust in Humane Riches, or Divine Succour: and they that war, having no probability to hope for any of those, wilfully lead themselves into open destructi­on. But if you cannot resist the passion which transports you, let every man with his own hands butcher his Wife and Children, and consume this goodly Countrey with fire; for so you shall gain this, not to abide the shame of a Conquest. It is good, O Friends, it is good, whilst yet the Ship is in the Haven, to fore-see and provide for future Tempests; and not M then begin to fear,Whilst the Ship is yet in the Port, it is good to pre­vent the future Tempest. when you are amidst the Waves and Surges of the Sea. They who fall into misery not fore-seen, are worthy to receive compassion; but they that run into wilful calamity, deserve no pity, but reproach. Ʋnless perhaps ye think that the Romans will fight with you, on certain conditions; and that if they overcome you, they will not use you hardly, nor fire and destroy this Sacred City, and all the whole Nation, as they have done others. If ye be overcome, whoso escapeth unkilled, can have no place of refuge; for all Nations either are already subject to the Romans,Agrippa's Prophecy of the Jews fu­ture misery. or fear that they shall be shortly. So that not only you shall be in danger, but also all Cities wherein any Jews remain. For there is no Nation nor people in the whole World, among whom some of your Countrey-men are not, who all shall be most cruelly put to death, if you rebel: And for the wicked counsel of a N few men, all Cities shall flow with the blood of the Jews; and no man shall be punished for killing Jews, because of your offence. But if you think the Romans will not execute all this Outrage after your Rebellion, then consider how impious a thing it is, to rebel against so mild Governours. Take compassion, if not of your Children and Wives, yet, at the least, of this City, which is the Mother-city of all your Nation. Have some regard to these Holy Walls, and the Sanctuary, and your Holy Laws: Assure your selves, that if the Romans again overcome you,Agrippa pro­testeth that he had omitted no counsel that he thought expe­dient for the Jews. they will not spare these things, seeing you were no more grateful unto them, for preserving them before. I protest before God, your Holy Temple, and all the Angels of Heaven, and our whole Countrey, that I have kept back no counsel which I think profitable for you. Now, if you consider those things which are profitable for you, ye shall live with me O in peace: But if you follow your private passions, I will not be partaker of the miseries and dangers you thrust your selves into. King Agrippa thus ended his discourse, which his [Page 629] A Sister Bernice, standing by him, accompanied with her tears: And these reasons and testimonies of affection touched the hearts of the people; so that their fury being somewhat allayed, they cryed out, that they meant not to take Arms against the Ro­mans and Caesar; but against Florus, for the injuries he had done them. To this, A­grippa answered; But your deeds shew that you mean War against the Romans; for you have not paid your Tribute to Caesar, and you have beat down the Gallery which joyns the Temple to the Castle of Antonia: But if you would stop your Rebellion, repair with speed the Gallery, and pay your Tribute; for this Fort belongeth not to Florus, nor the Money. Herewith the people were content; and ascending into the Temple with Agrippa and Bernice, they began to re-edifie the Gallery; and the Officers went about and gather­ed B the Tribute in every Village, and quickly brought forty Talents (for so much mo­ney was behind.) And thus Agrippae stifled the beginning of the War. After this, he began to perswade the people to obey Florus,Agrippa the King is by the people driven out of the City with stones. till such time as another were sent to supply his place. Herewith the multitude was so moved, that they contumeliously reviled the King, and threw stones at him, and drave him out of the City. The King seeing that their Sedition would not be quieted, complaining of the injury done to him, he sent some persons of the best rank to Florus, who was at Caesarea; that he might chuse whom he would amongst them, to gather the Tribute thorough the whole Countrey. And so he departed into his own Kingdom.

C

CHAP. XVII.
Of the Rebellion which the Jews begun against the Romans.

AT this time, some of the chief Incendiaries, assembled together, suddenly assaulted a Castle called Massada, The Jews re­fuse Caesar's Sacrifices for the prosperity of the Romans which they took by surprise, and killed all the Romans and in their places put a Guard of their own Company. In the Temple also, Eleazar, Son of the High Priest Ananias, a bold and desperate young man, Captain of the Sol­diers; perswaded them who offered Sacrifices, not to offer any, but those that were D given by Jews. And this was the ground and cause of the War that ensued: For they rejected those Sacrifices that were wont to be offered in the name of the Emperour. And although the High Priests, and People of Account, requested them not to omit that Custom of sacrificing for their Kings and Governours; yet they refused so to do, trusting greatly to their Faction: All those of the City that desired alteration, were of this mind, and especially Eleazar, who at that time was General, as is before said. Wherefore all the chief men, High Priests, and Principal of the Pharisees, assembled themselves; and perceiving into how great danger those Rebels brought the City, they determined to make tryal of the courage of the seditious people: Wherefore, they assembled them together before the Brazen Gate, which was in the inner part of E the Temple, towards the East. ‘And first of all, they greatly complained of their rash and unadvised Rebellion, and that they sought to stir up so great a War against their Countrey; inveighing against the cause that moved them thereto, as being without reason: Telling them, that their Ancestors, for the most part, adorned the Temple with the Gifts of Gentiles, never refusing the Offerings of Strangers; and not only not refused their Offerings (for that were an impious fact,) but also placed in the Temple the Gifts that they sent, which were yet to be seen. And that it was strange, that now only they thought to provoke the Romans to War, by making new Laws: And besides other danger also, to make the City guilty of a great Crime in matter of Religion, as though it were such, wherein none might offer Sacrifice but F Jews,Against those who refuse Forreign Sa­crifices. nor any but they adore God. If we should make such a Law against any pri­vate person, he had just cause to accuse us of Inhumanity. But now the Romans are despised, and Caesar himself accounted prophane; and it was to be feared, that if the Jews disdained to accept of Caesar's Offerings, Caesar would hinder them from offer­ing any: And the City of Jerusalem would presently be accounted as an enemy to the Empire,None of the Seditious gave ear to those that were in Authority. unless they presently accepted Caesar's Sacrifice; and before such time as they heard these news, against whom this outrage was attempted.’ Having thus spo­ken, they brought forth the most learned amongst the Priests, to recount from time to time how their Ancestors had always accepted of the Sacrifices of Strangers.

But none of the Mutineers gave ear to any thing that was said,Ambassadors sent to Florus and Agrippa, against the Se­ditious. and the Levites came G not to serve at the Altar, as now preparing for War. When the Nobility saw that they could not appease this Sedition, and that they themselves should first feel the Ro­mans power, they devised all means to pacifie the Tumult, and sent some Deputies to [Page 630] Florus; the chief whereof was Simon, the Son of Ananias; others also, were sent to H Agrippa, of which the chief were Saul, Antipas and Costobarus (who were all a kinn to the King) requesting them both to come with an Army to the City, and suppress the Sedition which was raised, before it went further. Florus was glad of these tidings; and desiring nothing more than War,War in Jeru­salem between the Seditious and those that favoured Peace. gave no answer to the Deputies. But Agrippa, willing to spare both parts, as well the Good as the Rebels; and to preserve Judaea to the Romans, and the Temple to the Jews; thought it not meet for him to busie him­self in such affairs, but sent three thousand Horse to aid the people against the Rebels; Which Horse were of Auranitis, Batanaea and Trachonitis; and he made Darius their Captain, and Philip, Son of Joakim, General of all the Army. These coming into the City, the Nobility, with the High Priests, and the rest of the people that desired Peace,I received this succour in good part, and quartered them in the higher part of the City; for the Rebels kept the lower part, and the Temple. The War began instantly with Darts and Slings, and shooting of Arrows; and sometimes they encounter'd one ano­ther hand to hand. The Seditious were more valiant, but the King's Soldiers were more skilful in War, and chiefly endeavoured to get the Temple, and expel out of it those who thus prophaned it. The Rebels, with Eleazar, endeavoured, besides that which they had already, to get also into their hands the higher part of the City. Wherefore, during the space of seven days, there continued a great Conflict betwixt them, and either part kept what they had. When the Celebration of the Feast cal­led Xylophoria was come,Xylophoria a Feast. wherein every one carrieth Wood to the Temple, to keep a K fire continually upon the Altar; the Rebels would not suffer their enemies to do their Devotion.

Now many of the Sicarii or Thieves, who carried short Poyniards under their Coats, went amongst the weaker multitude, and boldly followed their old practice. By which,The King's Soldiers are overcome. those of the King's side were forced to leave the higher part of the City; which the Rebels presently entring, set the Palaces of Ananias, Agrippa and Bernice, on fire; and forthwith went to the place where all Charters were kept, purposing there to burn all Bounds and Obligations of Debtors, thereby to defraud the Creditors; and so to joyn all the Debtors to their Faction, and stir up all the poor people against the rich. The Keepers of these publick Writings fleeing, the seditious persons set all on L fire: And so having destroyed those Records, which were in a manner the publick E­state of the City, they addressed themselves against such as refused their Proceedings. Some of the High Priests and Nobles hid themselves in Vaults; others fleeing with the King's Soldiers into the higher Palace, locked up the doors after them; amongst whom was Ananias the High Priest, and Ezechias his Brother, and they who (as is before spo­ken) were sent Deputies to Agrippa: And so the Seditious were satisfied that day with the Victory, and firing of the houses aforesaid.

The next day,The Jews take Antonia, and burn it. which was the fifteenth of August, they assaulted the Castle Antonia; having besieged it two days, they took all that guarded it and killed them, and placed in it a Garrison of their own company. This done, they went to the King's Palace, whi­ther M Agrippa's Soldiers were fled; and dividing their Company into four parts, they began to pull down the Walls; none of them that were within durst come out for fear of the multitude, but went up to the Turrets of the Palace, and killed all those that offered to come up, and many of the Thieves under the Walls, with things that they cast down. This Conflict continued day and night, for the Rebels thought that those within could not hold out long for want of Victuals; and they within thought that the Seditious being wearied, would soon give over. In the mean season, one Mana­hem, the Son of Judas of Galilee (that most crafty subtil Sophister, who reproached the Jews in Cyrenius's time for paying Tribute, and for being subject to any but to God) taking with him certain Nobles, went to Massada, where King Herod's Armory was; N and breaking into it, he armed the common people, and the other Thieves; and hav­ing them for his Guard, he returned again to Jerusalem as King: And being thus made Head of the Rebellion, he prepared the Battery against the King's Palace. But they wanted Engines, and could not openly undermine the Walls, by reason of the enemies, who continually cast down Darts upon them. Wherefore they began a Mine a great way off, till it came under one of the Towers, which then they supported with Posts of wood; and they set fire on the Wood supporting it, and went their way; so the Supporters being consumed with fire, the Tower presently fell down. But those with­in, foreseeing their Adversaries intent, perhaps by the shaking of the Tower; had built a Wall behind it, to keep out the Rebels, between them and it. The Seditious O verily thinking that with the fall of the Tower they should be Victors, when they saw another Wall, were amazed. Yet the besieged sent to Manahem and others, that were [Page 631] A chief of the Rebels, requesting them to give them licence to depart; which Manahem only granted to the King's Soldiers, and to the Jews; who, presently accepting there­of, departed, and so left the Romans in great fear; for they were not able to resist so great a multitude, and they thought it a shame to entreat that they might depart; be­sides, Manahem the chief of the Rebels gives the King's Facti­on and Friends licence to de­part. that it was dangerous for them, although it were granted. Wherefore, leaving the lower place which was called Stratopedon, because it might easily be taken, they retired into the King's Towers, whereof one was called Hippicos, the other Pha­saelus, the third Mariamne. The Rebels that were with Manahem brake presently in to the lower part that the Romans had forsaken, and killed all that they found there; and when they had sacked it, they set it on fire: And this was done the sixth day of B September. The Romans forsaking the Stratopedon, flee into the King's [...]orts.

CHAP. XVIII.
Of the death of Ananias the High Priest, Manahem and the Roman Soldiers.

THe next day following, Ananias the High Priest was taken in one of the Water­conduits of the King's Palace,The death of Ananias the high Priest, of Ezechias his Brother. where he had hid himself, and was there killed with his Brother Ezechias, by the Seditious: And the Rebels besieged all the Towers round about, and kept diligent watch, lest any of the Romans should escape. But Manahem, both C upon his good success in destroying the strong Holds, and upon the death of Ananias, the High Priest, became so proud and insolent, that he thought none so capable as himself for Government; and became an intolerable Tyrant. Now Eleazar and some of his Com­panions assembled together, said, that it would be shameful for them that had revolted from the Romans, only to recover their liberty, to receive for master one of their own Nation, who, although he were not so violent as Manahem, yet was so inferiour to them. And if it were so, that it were expedient to have one Ruler over all the rest, Manahem ought to be the last that should be chosen to command them. Being thus agreed, they set upon him in the Temple, where he was praying with great pomp, apparrelled like a King, and having about him a guard of his friends in ar­mour, D Now when Eleazar his followers set upon Manahem, the people all took up stones to stone him,Eleazar his followers as­sault Mana­hem in the Temple. hoping that by his death the sedition would be extinguished. The guard of Manahem at first made some resistance; but when they perceived the whole multitude against them, every one shifted for himself as he could; and those that were taken were put to death, and they that esscaped were afterwards sought for: only a few of them fled to Massada, amongst whom was Eleazar, the son of Jairus, Manahem's kinsman, who afterward became a Tyrant there. But Manahem fled into a place called Ophias, where he hid himself: and being taken, he was drawn out from thence,Manahem with the Princes slain. and after many torments put to death, and with him all the chief ministers of his Tyranny, and particularly Absalomon, who was his chief Officer. E And in this matter (as I have said) the people greatly helped, hoping hereby to have some end of that sedition. But the Rebels did not kill Manahem, to the end to extin­guish sedition, but to the intent to rob and plunder more freely.

The people indeed with many intreaties besought them to let the Romans a­lone, The Romans unable any longer to re­sist, yield themselves. whom they besieged; but they were so much the more earnest against them: till being no longer able to make resistance, with the consent of Metilius their Captain, and some other of more Authority, they sent to Eleazar, requesting him to give them licence to depart with their lives, and leave their baggage to the Jews. He accepting their offer, sent to them Gorion, the son of Nicodemus, and Ananias the Sadducee, and Judas the Son of Jonathas, to confirm the promise of F their lives. Which done, Metilius led away the Soldiers: and whilst the Romans had their weapons, none of the Rebels durst attempt any of their treachery against them: but so soon as, according to covenant, they had laid down their shields and Swords, and so departed mistrusting nothing, Eleazar's Guard set upon them, and kill'd them; they neither made resistance, nor any entreaty for their lives; only put them in mind of their Promise and Oath.The Romans, against all Covenant and Law, are all slain, save Me­tilius. So they were all slain, save only Metilius; who, greatly entreating for his life, and promising that he would become a Jew in Religion, and be circumcised, they spared him. Though this was a small loss to the Romans, because there were but a very few slain of their great, and almost infinite Army; yet it was easie to judge, that it would cause the Ruine and Captivity of the Jews.

G When they saw themselves to have given sufficient cause of a War, and that the Ci­ty was now so filled with iniquity, that the wrath of God hung over it; though there had been no fear of any harm to them by the Romans, yet the whole City mourned, [Page 632] and was sorrowful and desolate, lamenting as though they themselves should answer for H the Seditious, for that murther which was committed on the Sabbath, when it is not lawful for the Jews to do even any good work.

CHAP. XIX.
Of the great Massacre of the Jews at Caesarea, and in all Syria.

AT the same hour, on the self-same day, it happened, as it were, by God's Provi­dence, that the Inhabitants of Caesarea massacred the Jews that dwelt among I them; so that at one time above twenty thousand were slain, and not one Jew left a­live in all Caesarea: For those that escaped, Florus took, and brought them forth bound to the people.The Jews spoil the Vil­lages, and burn the Ci­ties of Syria. After this Massacre done at Caesarea, the whole Nation of the Jews was enraged: And dividing themselves into Companies, they wasted and destroyed in short time all the borders of Syria, and the Cities thereabout; to wit, Philadelphia and Gebonitis, Gerasa, Pella and Scythopolis: Also, they took by force Gadara, Hippon and Gaulanitis; pulling down some places, and firing others. From thence they marched towards Cedasa, a City of the Tyrians, and Ptolemais, Gaza and Caesarea; and neither Sebaste nor Ascalon could resist them, but they also were consumed with fire. Likewise they destroyed Anthedon, with Gaza: And most places belonging to K these Cities were sacked, to wit, the Fields and Villages; and a mighty slaughter was made of them that were taken in these Towns. The Syrians made as great a Massacre of the Jews as this, among them; for all the Jews inhabiting among them were mur­thered, not only for an old grudge, but also, to render their own danger less, by di­minishing the number of their enemies. By this means all Syria was in a most deplora­ble condition, and every City was exposed to the disorders and violences of two se­veral Armies, each of which placed their safety in making a great Effusion of Blood: The days were spent in blood-shed, and the nights in fear, worse than death it self. For though they only pretended to destroy the Jews, yet were they drawn to suspect other Nations, that followed the Jews Religion; and because they were, as it were,L Neuters, the Syrians thought it not good to destroy them; but, on the other side, for their agreeing in Religion with the Jews, they were constrained to hold them as ene­mies. Many of the contrary part, who before seemed modest, were now through A­varice incited to meddle in this Murther; so that every one took the Goods of them that were slain,All Syria full of miserable calamities. and carried them to other places, as Conquerors. He was most re­nowned that had stolen most, or killed most. There might you see in several Cities, the dead bodies of all Ages unburied; old men, and children, and women, lying in most shameful manner, their secret parts being uncovered. Briefly, all the Countrey was filled with exceeding great calamity; and the fear of yet greater misery to come, was unspeakable.M

These were the Conflicts between the Jews and Strangers.Jews against Jews. But afterwards, mak­ing incursions upon the Borders of Scythopolis, the Jews there dwelling, became their enemies. For they conspiring with the Citizens of Sythopolis, and preferring their own Commodity and Security before Kindred and Consanguinity, joyned with the Gen­tiles against the Jews; and yet, for all that, they were suspected for their forwardness. For the Scythopolitans fearing that they would assault the City by night, and excuse their revolting by their great misery, commanded all the Jews, that if they would shew themselves trusty to the Gentiles, they, with all their Children, should go into a Wood hard by. The Jews forthwith did as they were required, suspecting nothing; and the Scythopolitans were quiet for two days after, and did nothing: But the third N night they sent forth Scouts to see what they were doing;The Scytho­politans kill thirteen thou­sand Jews. who finding most of them asleep, they surprized them in a moment, and killed them all, who were in number thirteen thousand; and afterwards, took their Goods. Here I think it not amiss to speak of the death of Simon, who was the Son of Saul, whose Race was very Noble: He was a man of great courage, and strength of body, both which he used to the great hurt of his own Nation;Simon daily killeth many of his Coun­trey-men in Scythopolis. for he daily killed many Jews who dwelt near Scythopolis, and often scattered divers Companies, and put whole Armies to flight; but at length he had an end worthy of his deeds, and the murther of his Countrey-men. For when the Scythopolitans had compassed the Wood about, so that none could escape their hands, they killed the Jews in every part thereof. Simon not drawing his Sword, made O no resistance to any of his enemies; for he saw that it was bootless to strive against such a multitude. But pitifully crying out, I receive, O Scythopolitans, a worthy reward for [Page 633] A that which I have done; who, to shew my fidelity towards you, have killed so many of mine own Countrey-men: And it is a just Plague, that a strange Nation should be false to us, who impiously forsook our own Brethren. I am not worthy to receive death from the hands of my enemies, and therefore I will kill my self with my own; and this death will be a sufficient Punishment for my Offences, and a full Argument of my magnanimity, that none of my ene­mies may boast of my death, nor insult over me. When he had thus said, he beheld all his Family with compassion and rage mixt together, as his Wife and Children, and aged Parents.Simon kills his Parents, his Wife and Children, and at last himself. And first, taking his Father by the hair of the head, he stood upon him, and thrust him thorough; after him he killed his Mother, who was willing to die; after them his Wife and Children, every one of them as it were offering their bodies to the B Sword, and desirous to prevent the enemies. When he had slain all his Kindred, him­self remaining alive, he stretched forth his arm, that they might see what he would do; and thrust his Sword into his own body, up to the Hilts. A young man, who, for his magnanimity, and strength of body, was worthy to be pitied; yet he had a just and deserved end for uniting himself to Strangers against his own Countrey.

CHAP. XX.
Cruelties exercised against the Jews in divers other Cities, and particularly by Varus.

C

AFter this so great A Massacre of the Jews at Scythopolis, Another Slaughter of the Jews. other Cities also, where they inhabited, rose against them; and two thousand five hundred were slain at Ascalon, The Cities in Arms against the Jews. and two thousand at Ptolemais; and the Tyrians killed divers, and put more in Prison: Likewise, they of Gadara and Hippon slew the most valiant, and those of least courage they cast into Prison. Also all other Cities, who either feared or hated the Jews, rose up against them. Only they of Antioch, Sidon and Apamea, spared those that dwelt with them, and neither killed nor imprisoned any of them; perhaps they stood in no fear of them if they should have risen, because their City was so po­pulous; yet I think they spared them only for pity sake, because they saw they were D quiet, and not seditious. The Inhabitants, also, of Gerasa did no harm to the Jews a­mongst them; but when they desired to depart, they conducted them safely to the end of their Borders. In the Kingdom, also, of Agrippa much cruelty was shewed a­gainst the Jews; for he being gone to Cestius Gallus at Antioch, left the Rule of his Countrey to one of his Friends named Varus, Kinsman to King Sohemus; to whom there came seventy of the chief Nobility of the Countrey of Batanaea, requesting a Gar­rison to repress those that should attempt Rebellion amongst them.Varus kills se­venty Jews in their journey. Varus, instead of receiving them well, sent certain of the King's Soldiers by night, and killed them all as they were coming to him. He committed this Murther without Agrippa his consent, only for Avarice. But being emboldened by this Fact, he ruined the whole Realm; E still continuing such Cruelties and Violences against his Nation, till such time as Agrip­pa understood thereof; who, for Sohemus's sake, durst not put him to death; but dis­possessed him of his place. In the mean while the Revolters took the Castle of Cypros, which is situate above Jericho; The Romans yield up their Castle in Ma­cheron to the Jews. and after they had killed the Garrison, they destroy­ed the Fortress. At the same time a multitude of Jews laid Siege before the Castle of Macheron, and perswaded the Soldiers left in Garrison, to yield the Castle; who, fear­ing that if they denyed, they should be compelled thereto, delivered it to them, upon condition, that they might quietly depart: Which done, the Jews place a strong Garrison in it.

F

CHAP. XXI.
Fifty thousand Jews slain at Alexandria.

THe Citizens of Alexandria had always a quarrel against the Jews that lived with them, since the time that Alexander the Great, for their help against the Egyp­tians, permitted them to inhabit Alexandria, and to have the same Privileges with the Grecians. This Honour and Privilege was also continued to them by the Successors of Alexander; who also gave them a certain place in the City to dwell in, that they G might live more commodiously, and not be mingled with the Gentiles: And permit­ted them also to call themselves Macedonians. Afterwards, when Egypt was brought under the rule of the Romans, neither Caesar, nor the following Emperors, diminished [Page 634] the Jews Privileges which Alexander had given them. But there were daily contests H between them and the Greeks; and although the Judges on both parts still punished those that were in fault, yet the Sedition more and more encreased; and though all Cities else were filled with Troubles, yet here the Tumult was most vehement. For when the Alexandrians had called together the people,Sedition in Alexandria between the Greeks and Jews. to determine of an Embassage to Nero, certain Jews mingled themselves amongst the Greeks, and so went into the Amphitheatre: Who being espyed by their Adversaries, the Greeks cryed out, that the Jews were enemies, and came as Spies; and so they laid violent hands upon them. Some of them fled, only three of them were taken by the Greeks, whom they drew to a place to burn them alive. All the Jews of the City came to succour them; and I first they threw stones at them, and then taking fire-brands, they ran in a rage into the Amphitheatre, and threatned to burn all the people there assembled; which they had done,Tiberius A­lexander exhorteth the se­ditious Jews to keep peace. if Tiberius Alexander, Governour of the City, had not appeased their fury; who did not at first use Force of Arms against them, but sent some of their chief men to perswade them to cease, and not to incite the Roman Army against them. But the seditious Jews refused this advice, and mocked Tiberius: Who seeing that they would not otherwise be appeased, sent two Legions of Romans, and five thousand other Sol­diers, who by chance came out of Lybia; and gave them charge, not only to kill them, but also to fire their houses, and take their Goods. The Soldiers presently went into the place called Delta (where the Jews were gathered together) and did as they were commanded, though not without a bloody Victory. For the Jews gathering them­selves K together, placed those amongst them that were best armed, in the Front, who held out for a long time: But when they began to flee, they were massacred like Beasts; some of them were killed in the field, some were burnt in their houses; the Romans first taking what they found, and sparing neither Infants nor Old men, but killing all Ages and Sexes.A cruel victo­ry, wherein fifty thousand Jews were slain. So that all that place flowed with blood, for there were slain fifty thousand Jews; and all the rest had been extinguished, had not Alexander (moved to compassion by their entreaties) commanded the Soldiers to leave off; who being obedient to him, presently departed: But the people of Alexandria were hard­ly withdrawn from the Massacre, because of the hatred which they had conceived a­gainst the Jews; and with much ado, they were withheld from tyrannizing over the L dead bodies. And this befel the Jews of Alexandria.

CHAP. XXII.
Of the Massacre of the Jews by Cestius Gallus.

CEstius Gallus now thought it time to bestir himself,Huge compa­nies of the Romans. for as much as the Jews were now hated every where; and taking with him the twelfth Legion out of Antioch, two thousand chosen Foot, and four Companies of Horse, out of the other Legions,M and with them the King's Forces that came to help him, to wit, two thousand Horse­men of Antioch, three thousand Foot all Bow-men, and three thousand Foot, sent by Agrippa, a thousand Horse, and four thousand which Sohemus brought, whereof the third part were Horse, the rest Foot, and for the most part Bow-men; he went to­wards Ptolemais. Many joyned themselves to them out of every City, who, though they were not so skilful in War as the Romans, yet their hatred was more than theirs. Agrippa himself was there with Cestius, Zabulon, a strong City of Galilee spoil­ed and burnt. commanding those he brought. There Cestius taking a part of the Army, went to Zabulon (which is the strongest City of Galilee, called also Andron, and parts the Borders of the Jews from Ptolemais) and when he found it desolate of Inhabitants (who were fled into the Mountains) but full of Riches; N giving licence to the Soldiers to sack it, he afterwards set it on fire, although he ad­mired the beauty thereof (for it was not inferior to Tyre, or Sidon, or Beritum) and after spoiled all the Territories about it. When he had burnt all the Villages there­about, he returned to Ptolemais. The Syrians, and especially those of Berith, stayed still behind to get Booties:The Jews kill two thousand Syrians. Which when the Jews understood, and that Cestius was departed, they took courage, and came and set upon them, and killed of them two thousand. Cestius departing from Ptolemais, went to Caesarea, and sent part of his Ar­my before to Joppa; The Romans take Joppa, and burn it, and kill eight thousand four hundred Jews. commanding them to keep the Town, if they could get it; and if the Townsmen made any resistance, that then they should stay till he came with the rest of the Army. Some of them attacked it by Sea, some by Land; by which O means they easily took it. The people thereof had neither time to flee, nor to pre­pare themselves to fight; but they were all killed with their Families. After the sack­ing [Page 635] A of the Town, they set it on fire. The slain were 8400. In like manner he sent part of his horsemen to Narbatena in the Toparchy near Samaria, who spoiled the Country, killed a great number of the inhabitants, rob'd and burnt the villages, and carried away much booty with them.

CHAP. XXIII.
Of Cestius his Battel against Jerusalem.

B HE sent also Cesennius Gallus, Sephoris and other Cities of Galilee do friendly en­tertain the Romans. General of the twelfth Legion, into Galilee, and gave him as many other Troops as he thought sufficient to conquer that nation. The strongest City of Galilee called Sephoris open'd the gates to them, and other Cities fol­lowed their example. They that were seditious and gave themselves to robbing, retir'd to the Mountain of Azamon which is situate in the midst of Galilee over against Sepho­ris: These Gallus went to attacque with his Army; and so long as they kept the higher part of the Mountain, they easily repelled the Romans, and killed above 200 of them: but when they saw the Romans had gain'd a higher place than that wherein they kept, they resisted no longer: for not being armed, they could not stand out, and if they should have fled, they could not have escaped the Horsemen; so that C only a few who hid themselves in difficult places escaped,Two thousand seditious slain in Galilee by the Romans. and above 2000 of them were slain. Gallus finding he had no more to do in Galilee, returned with his troops to Caesarea, and Cestius with his whole Army went to Antipatris: were under­standing that a great company of Jews were gathered together in the Tower called Aphec, Antipatris spoiled and burned. he sent some before to attacque them: but the Jews would not abide battel, and the Romans burnt their Tents and the Villages adjoyning. Cestius going from thence to Lydda found the City desolate;Lydda burnt. for all the people were gone to Jerusalem, because of the Feast of Tabernacles:C [...]stius plant­eth his Army fifty furlongs from Jerusa­lem. and when he had killed fifty persons whom he found there, he fired the Town, and went by Bethoron to Gabaon, which is but fifty furlongs distant from Jerusalem. When the Jews saw the War draw near their D capital City, they left their solemnity, and run to their arms: and having got to­gether a great multitude,The assault and victory of the Jews a­gainst the Romans. they went to fight with the Romans, observing no order, nor regarding the Sabbath, which formerly they held in so great estimation: and the same fury that made them leave their devotion, made them also victorious in the battel; for they assaulted the Romans with such courage, that they brake their body, and killing all that resisted, pressed into the midst thereof: and if a fresh supply both of Horse and Foot had not come in in time, all Cestius's Army had been in danger. There were slain five hundred and fifteen Romans, whereof four hun­dred were Foot, and the rest Horse; but of the Jews only two and twenty. The most valiant in this combat were Monobazus and Cenelaeus, Kinsmen to Monobazus King E of Adiabena; and next to them Paraides Niger, and Silas a Babylonian, who had fled to the Jews from King Agrippa, whom he had lately served. But at length the Jews being repulsed,The courage of the Jews against the Romans. returned to Jerusalem; and Simon the Son of Gioras attacqued the Romans, as they were returning towards Bethoron, and slew many of the Rere­ward, and took many Carts and much Baggage, which he brought into the City. Cestius staied three days in the Field, and the Jews kept the high places, observing which way he would go, with a purpose to set upon the Romans if they stirr'd.

F CHAP. XXIV.
Of the Siege of Jerusalem by Cestius, and of the Massacre.

AGrippa perceiving the Romans to be in great danger, because all the Mountains were covered with infinite numbers of Jews, he purposed to try, if with gentle words he could perswade them to desist from war; or if some refused, to receive those that were willing. Wherefore he sent unto them Borcaeus and Phoebus, two of his Captains, whom they well knew, with charge to promise them pardon in the name of Cestius, The Rebels kill one of the Kings Ambas­sadors▪ ano­ther of them escaped being wounded and of the Romans, for all that they had already done, if they would lay down their Arms and return to their duty. But the Revolters fearing that all G the multitude, in hope of safety would joyn with Agrippa, determined to kill these Deputies; and they slew Phoebus before he spake a word; Borcaeus, being wounded, escaped. But the people were angry hereat, and with stones and clubs drave them [Page 636] into the Town that were the authors of this fact. Cestius perceiving them divided H among themselves, thought that he had now a fit opportunity to assault them, and so came upon them with his whole Army: and putting them to flight, he pursu­ed them to Jerusalem. And when he had pitched his Tents in the place called Sco­pus, Cestius draw­eth forth his whole Army against the Jews. seven furlongs from the City, he did nothing against it for three days space; perhaps hoping that they within would relent; and in the mean time he sent a great many Soldiers into the Vilages adjoyning to fetch Corn. The fourth day, which was the thirteenth of October, he came against the City with his Army in battel ar­ray. The Jews were so surpriz'd and terrified to behold the Roman Discipline, that they forsook the outmost parts of the City, and retir'd into the Temple. Cestius passing Betheza, burnt Scenopolis, and the place called the new Market; and coming I to the higher part of the City, he took up his quarters near the King's Palace: and if at any time he had violently given the assault, he had taken the City, and ended the War. But Tyrannus Priscus General of the Foot, and many other Rulers and Captains of the Horse, being corrupted with money by Florus, hindred that his pur­pose; whereby the War was prolonged, and a thousand Calamities befel the Jews. In the mean time many of the chiefest among the Jews,Divers Jews call for Cestius as if they [...] to open [...] and Ananus the Son of Jona­thas made an offer to Cestius to open the Gates to him: but either through anger or diffidence, he contemned the offer. The Rebels understanding this Treason, with stones constrained Ananus and his complies to throw themselves over the wall for their safety. Which done, they retired thmselves to the Towers, from whence K [...] beat back those that scaled the walls. The Romans for five days space assaulted [...] [...]alls on every side, but all invain; and the sixth day, Cestius with many chosen Sol­ [...] and Bowmen assaulted the Temple on the North-side. [...] burn the Tem­ple-gates The Jews valiantly made re­ [...]ance out of the Porches, and often repulsed the Romans, as they approach'd the Walls: yet at last by the multitude of their adversaries darts, they were forced to give back. Then the formost of the Romans holding their shields over their heads, and leaning against the wall, they in the second rank also held their Shields against those in the first, and so in order until the last, thereby making a Tortoise, as the Romans call it, or defence, that all their shot and darts could do them no harm; so that the Soldiers safely undermined the walls, and attempted to fire the Gates of the Temple.L

The seditious were hereat greatly amazed, and many fled out of the City as if it would presently be taken. But the people were as glad of it as the Rebels were dis­maied, and came to the Gates to open them to Cestius, as one who had well deserv­ed at their hands. And truly if he had but a little longer continued the siege, he had taken the City. But I think that God being angry with these wicked persons, would not suffer the War to be ended at that time. For Cestius neither regarding the good will of the people, nor the desperation of the Rebels, removed his Army from thence; and having received no loss, very unadvisedly departed from the Ci­ty: Cestius's sud­den departure maketh the Thieves more confident. at whose unlooked for flight, the Rebels took heart; and making after him, they killed some Horse and foot of his Rear. Cestius quarter'd that day in the Camp M which he had fortified near Scopion. The next day he went further into the Coun­try, whereby he more encouraged the Rebels; who following, killed many of his Rere, because the place thorough which the Romans march'd was narrow, the Jews assaulted them on the flank, and the last durst not cast any darts against them who wounded them on their backs, thinking that an infinite multitude had followed them; and they were not able to resist them that assaulted them on each side, being heavy arm'd and not daring to break their order; whilst on the contrary the Jews were active and light: so that the Romans endured much harm at the hands of their Enemies, and did them none. And thus were they beaten all the way long, and ma­ny of them killed; amongst whom was Priscus Captain of the sixth Legion, and N Longinus the Tribune, and Aemilius Jucundus Campmaster of a Regiment of Horse. And so with much ado, they came to Gabio; where they first pitch'd their Tents, casting away much of their baggage, which might any way hinder them. Cestius staied there two days, doubtful what to do. The third day he perceived his ene­mies increased, and all places about filled with Jews: whereby he saw that his slow­ness was to his disadvantage, and the number of his enemies would still increase, if he made any longer abode there. Wherefore that he might flee speedily, he caused the Soldiers to cast away all those things that might be a hindrance to them, and to kill their Mules Asses, and Cattel, saving only those that carried munition; fearing that if he should not destroy them, the Jews might make use of them against O him; and so he led his Army toward Bethoron. The Jews in large passages little molested his Army: but when they were to pass a strait, then they set upon those of [Page 637] A the Rere, and drove others down precipices, and all the army of the Jews were spread upon the eminent places, where the Romans were to pass, expecting to wel­come them with their Arrows. While the Roman Foot were in this extremity, the Horse were in greater danger; for they could not keep their ranks for the multitude of darts and arrows;The Jews pur­sue their Ene­mies, and bring them into a despe­rate Estate neither could they get up to their enemies, the ascent to the top of the Mountains was so steep: and they were compassed on each side with Rocks and deep Valleys, so that if any went out of the way he fell down and was killed; and thus there was no way either to flee or to resist. In this desperation they fell to lamenta­tions and outcries, which the Jews answered with shouts of joy, encouraging one ano­ther to play the men, being glad of their enemies adversity:The mourning and lamenta­tion of the Romans, and the Jews ex­hortation. and all the Army of Ce­stius B had there perished, had not the night come on and helped them, which by the darkness gave leisure to the Romans to flee into Bethoron. In the mean while, the Jews kept all the places thereabouts besieged, and guarded the passages. Cestius see­ing it not possible to march openly,Cestius's stra­tagem. thought best to flee, and chose almost 400 of his strongest Soldiers, and set them in very eminent places, commanding them that when they were aloft, they should cry as they did before, that the Jews might think that the whole Army was there, and so he with the rest of his Army marched quietly 30 Furlongs. In the morning, the Jews perceiving the Romans to be fled, assaulted the 400, by whom they were deceived, and presently killing them with Darts, they C pursued Cestius: who having fled away in the night, made more haste the next day; so that the Soldiers for fear, left their Arms and Instruments to beat down Walls, and Slings, and much other munition; which the Jews taking, after used against them. Thus they followed the Romans to Antipatris: and seeing they could not overtake them they returned, bringing with them the warlike Instruments, and rifling those that were slain, and taking whatsoever the Romans had left behind; and so singing Songs of Victory, they returned to Jerusalem, having lost very few of their company, and slain 5380 of the Roman Foot and their Auxiliaries; and 980 Horse. And this was done upon the eighth day of October, and in the twelfth year of the Reign of Nero.

D CHAP. XXV.
Of the Cruelty of those of Damascus against the Jews, and of Joseph's affairs in Galilee.

AFter this ill success of Cestius, The year of the World, 4031. after Christ's Nativity, 69. many of the chiefest among the Jews daily fled and forsook the City, as a ship presently ready to sink. Costobarus and Saul two Brethren, and Philip the Son of Joachim General of Agrippa's Army, retir'd themselves to Cestius. As for Antipas, who was also besieged by them in the Kings Palace, he would not flee with the rest, and so was killed by the Rebels.Divers of the noblest Jews forsake the City, as if they had been in a ship ready to sink. But Cestius sent Saul and the rest of his Company into Achaia unto Nero, to inform him of the cause of E his retreat, and to shew how Florus had caused all these wars: for so he hoped that Nero would turn his anger against Florus, and free him from danger. Then the peo­ple of Damascus understanding the defeat of the Romans, devised how to destroy the Jews which inhabited amongst them: and they thought it was easie to be accom­plished, for that the Jews were already assembled in the common places of exercise, for fear of some such matter: yet they mistrusted their own Wives, who all, except a few,The Dama­scenes kill 10000 Jews in one hour. were Jews in Religion. Wherefore they took great heed to conceal their in­tent from them; and so assaulting the Jews in a narrow place and unarm'd, they put them all to the sword, to the number of ten thousand. After the Rebels that had pursued Cestius were returned to Jerusalem, Joseph the Son of Corion, and Ananus the high Priest, appointed to Govern the City. they laboured to joyn all to them that F favoured the Romans, either by force or by flattery; and assembling themselves in the Temple, they determined to chuse a great number of Captains to carry on the War. Joseph the Son of Corion, and Ananus the high Priest, were appointed Rulers of the City, and especially to see the Walls thereof repaired. Eleazar the Son of Simon was put into no authority, notwithstanding that he had in his custody great prey and spoil taken from the Romans, and Cestius his money, and a great part of the publick treasure; because they perceived he aspired to a Tyranny, and had his great­est Confidents about him as his Guards: yet in time Eleazar by money and craft per­swaded the people to obey him in all things. They also chose other Captains, to be sent into Idumea, who were Jesus the Son of Sapphas, and Eleazar the Son of the new G high Priest: and they commanded Niger who was born beyond Jordan to obey these Captains, who was therefore called Peraites, and was then Governour of Idumea. they neglected not to do the like by other Regions: for Joseph the Son of Simon was [Page 638] sent to Jericho, and Manasses beyond the River, and John the Essean to Tamna, eve­ry H one to assume the Government of his Country as a Toparchy. Lydda, Joppe and Amaus were annexed to John the Essean, and John the Son of Ananias was appoint­ed Governour of Gophnitis and Acrabatena. Joseph the Son of Matthias was made Ruler over both Galilees, Joseph the Hi­storiographer Governour of both Galilees. unto which was joyned Gamala the strongest City in all that Country.

Each of these Governours discharged his place according to his wisdom and dexte­rity. When Joseph came to Galilee, which was committed to his protection, his first care was to get the good will of the Inhabitants; knowing that it might much profit him, although in other matters he should offend: considering that he should have I the most considerable persons his friends, if he made them pertakers of his Authority. He chose seventy of the most ancient wise men amongst them,Joseph maketh 70 Elders Ru­lers in Galilee, and appoint­eth seven in every City to determine the causes of less weight. and made them Ru­lers over all Galilee, and elected seven Judges over the lesser Towns to judge inferi­our matters: but he reserved all great affairs and Criminal Causes to his own hear­ing. Moreover, having ordained a form of Justice that those seventy should follow, he took counsel how to provide for his security abroad. And being assured that the Romans would come into Galilee, he compassed those places with strong Walls that were fit for his purpose, to wit, Jotapata, Bersabea, Selamis, Perecho, Japha and Sigoph, Ta­richea and Tiberias: Joseph fortifi­eth the convenient Cities with Walls. Moreover he fortified the Hill Itaburin, and the Caves near the Lake of Genesareth, which is in lower Galilee; and in high Galilee Petra, which is also called Acheberon, and Seph, Jamnith, and Mero; in Gaulanitis also, Seleucia, and Soganes, K and Gamala; he only permitted them of Sephoris to build their own Walls, because he perceived them to be rich and prone to War of themselves. Likewise John the Son of Levias, at Joseph's command, built the Walls of Giscala himself alone; but in all other places that were fortified. Joseph put to his helping hand, and directed how they should be done. He listed an hundred thousand men, who were all young per­sons and fit for the War, and he armed them with old Armour, which he had ga­thered from all parts of the Country. And considering that that which made the Roman Army invincible, was that they were all obedient to their Officers and well disciplin'd, and that he could not exercise them in martial discipline, by reason of his other occasions, he thought good at least to teach them to be obedient. And L calling to mind that the multitude of Rulers made obedience, he ordained many Captains, and constituted divers sorts of Soldiers, as the Romans used to do; making some Governours of ten, others over a hundred, and others over a thousand; and ap­pointed likewise Rulers over them. He taught them also how to give the sign of War,Joseph instru­cteth the Ga­lileans in War. and how to sound the trumpet, both to call to combat, and to retire; how to march in length, and cast in a ring, and how to succour those that were most in dan­ger: and in short, he taught them whatsoever might either encourage them, or make them active:Joseph teach­eth the Gali­leans how they should obey in the Wars. but especially he exercised them in good Discipline, imitating in par­ticular the order of the Romans, and often telling them that they were to fight with men, who for strength of body and courage surpassed all nations of the World. Al­so M he told them that hereby he should perceive whether they would be obedient in War, if now they abstained from such things as were usual to Soldiers, to wit, robbing and spoiling their Country-men, crafty and deceitful dealing, and spoiling those with whom they conversed, for their own gain; for those Wars had always best success, where the Soldiers carried good Consciences; and those that were bad should not only have men,Every one of the Cities of Galilee send the half of their multi­tude to war­fare, the rest they keep to provide them Victuals. but God also for their enemy. After this manner he daily exhorted them: and now he had got together as many men as he desired; for their number was 60000 Foot, and 250 Horse, besides 4500 strangers whom he hired, and to whom he chiefly trusted, and 600 chosen men to guard his own person. And the hirelings only excepted, the rest of the Soldiers were provided for by the Cities: for every N City before mentioned, sent one half of their men for Soldiers, and the other half they kept to provide Victuals for them; that one part being employed in War, the other might do such business as the City required.

O

A CHAP. XXVI.
Of Joseph's danger and escape; and of the malice of John of Giscala.

WHilst Joseph thus ordered the Estate of Galilee, John a notable dissembler, and a thirsty murtherer un­der hope of gain. there arose a Traytor born in Giscala, John the Son of Levias, a most subtil and deceitful man, who by vile means was now become the richest person in that Countrey, having before been very poor, and unable to put his Villanies in practice. He could lie at his pleasure, and thought deceit a Virtue, which he used even towards his dearest friends; he was also a B great Counterfeiter of Humanity; and yet for the hope of gain became a cruel Mur­therer. He always aimed at high matters, with an aspiring mind, and at first nourish­ed his hope with small Villanies. For first he was a Thief alone, and lived in Woods and solitary places; at last he got to him a company of audacious people like himself, at first small, but afterwards he greatly encreased it. He also had a great care to chuse no weak persons; but such as were strong of body, valiant of mind, and skilful in Martial Affairs: Of these he gathered four hundred, most of them out of Tyre, and the Villages thereabout; and with them he wasted all Galilee, and killed many of those whom the fear of War had driven thither. This man, long time before, had de­sired to be General of a formed Army, and aspired to greater matters, only the want C of money hindred him: And perceiving that Joseph considered him as a serviceable man, he perswaded him to suffer him to build the Walls of that place where he was born, and which was now desolate; and to accomplish this, he gathered great summs of money of the richer sort. After which, having perswaded Joseph to give order to all the Jews that were dispersed over all Syria, that they should send no Oyl to the neighbouring places, save only that which was made by their own Nation, he caused great quantities of Oyl to be brought to the Confines of Galilee, and buying four Bar­rels for a piece of Tyrian money (which amounted to four Attick Groats) he sold them again to the Syrian Jews; the half of one Barrel for as much as all four cost him. And for that Galilee abounded with Oyls, and especially at that time, he conveyed it to D such places where there was great want,John employ­eth the money he got, against him by whose means he gained it. and none was brought but by himself. By this means he gathered an infinite mass of Money, which presently he turned to the preju­dice of him who had given him licence to get it. And thinking that if he could depose Joseph, he might come to be Ruler over Galilee, he commanded his followers to rob and spoil more than they did before; and so to trouble the Countrey, that he might either kill the Governour treacherously, if he sought to redress it; or if he neglected it, to accuse him of slothfulness, and so make him odious to the people. Moreover, he had already given out speeches, that Joseph went about to betray Galilee to the Romans; and he devised many things to this effect, to work Joseph's Overthrow. It happened that at that time,Agrippa's President rob­bed. some of the Village of Dabarita, who watched in the E field, set upon Ptolomey, who was Steward to King Agrippa, and his Sister Bernice, and plundered all his Carriages, wherein was much costly Apparel, and many Silver Ves­sels, and six hundred pieces of Gold. And for that they could not carry this secret­ly, they brought all the whole Booty to Joseph, at Tarichea: who, reproving them for offering violence to the King's Servants, commanded the things to be kept at the house of Aeneas, who was one of the richest men in the Town, and should restore them to the owner when time served; wherein, thinking to do himself great good, he brought himself into much danger. For the Thieves being offended that they receiv­ed no part thereof, and seeing that Joseph would restore to Agrippa and his Sister Ber­nice that which they had laboured for, they went round about the Villages in the F night,Ten thousand Armed men come out a­gainst Joseph. and spred this false report in every place, that Joseph was a Traytor to his Coun­trey; and with the same rumour also, they filled the Cities thereabout. So that ear­ly in the next morning, ten thousand men armed assembled themselves together in the Theatre at Tarichea; the greatest part of them cryed out in their fury, that the Tray­tor Joseph ought to be stoned, others that he ought to be burned? and John himself, with one Jesus the Son of Sapphias, All Joseph's Friends and Guard, save four, flee from him. who at that time was a Magistrate in Tiberias, omit­ted nothing to animate the people yet more against him. All the Friends of Joseph, and his Guards, being terrified with such a multitude, fled, four only excepted. Jo­seph in the mean while was asleep; and had he slept a little longer, they had set his house on fire. The Tumult awakened him, and the four that remained with him, G counselled him to flee: But he not dismayed for that he was left alone, nor that so great a multitude came against him, went boldly towards them with his Garment all torn, and Ashes upon his head, holding his hands behind him, and his Sword upon his [Page 640] neck. At this sight they that bare him good will, especially the people of Tarichea, H were moved to compassion; but the Countrey people, who thought he overlaid them with Taxes and Tributes, cursed him; and bad him bring forth the publick Treasure, and confess his Treason; for seeing him in this plight, they thought he would not deny any thing whereof he was accused; and that he came so only to move them to compassion, in order to obtain pardon for his offence. This his humility stood him in good stead; for hereby those that before were enraged against him, now be­gan one to fall out with another in his behalf, when he promised to confess the whole matter:Joseph's Ora­tion in the Se­ditious. And having obtained licence to speak, he said: I was never minded to send back that money to Agrippa, nor to keep it to my private use. For (God forbid) that I should ever hold him for my friend, who is your open Enemy; or that I should so seek my I own profit, as thereby to damnifie you all. But (O ye men of Tarichea) for as much as I perceived that your City especially had great need to be fortified, and that you were not able to build the Walls, and for that I feared the people of Tiberias, and others adjoyning, who still gaped after this Prey and Wealth that was taken from Agrippa; I determined to get those Spoils for you, to re-edifie your Walls. If ye mislike this, I will bring out the Trea­sure, and give it to be divided amongst you: But if you like thereof, then you are obliged to defend me.

This Speech of his well pleased the people of Tarichea, who gave him great Praises, and displeased them of Tiberias, so that they breathed out threatnings against him. Thus they both left Joseph, and contested one against another. Joseph now having ma­ny K partakers (for the people of Tarichea were almost forty thousand) spake more bold­ly to the multitude, and rebuked their temerity; telling them, that it was necessary to strengthen Tarichea with that present money, and that he would also provide to strengthen other Cities; and that they should not want money, if they would agree and conspire together against those from whom they might get it, and not offer vio­lence to him, who could procure it for them. The multitude being thus deceived, though they were angry, yet departed: Yet two thousand of those that were anima­ted against him, offered to set upon him: but he being already retired into his house, they there besieged him.Another stra­tagem of Jo­seph against the Jews. Wherefore Joseph used another device likewise to repress these: and getting to the top of the house, he beckned unto them with his hand, to L keep silence; and then said, that he was ignorant what they requested at his hands; for he could not hear one for another, because their voices were confounded with their number; but if they would send some into the house to talk friendly with him, he would do whatsoever they requested. The Nobles and Magistrates hearing this, presently entred into the house; whom, when he had led into the innermost part of the house, and shut the doors, he caused to be beaten so long, till that their ribs ap­peared. The doors in the mean time being fast, the people stayed before the house, thinking that the cause of their long tarrying was to debate reasons to and fro: But presently Joseph opening the doors, put them forth amongst the people all bloody as they were; whereat they were so daunted, that leaving their Weapons behind them,M they ran away.John's Envy and Treason against Joseph. Hereat John took occasion to encrease his hatred and jealousie against Joseph; and having ill success in this policy, he still attempted other plots to bring Jo­seph in danger. First he counterfeited himself sick, and requested Joseph to permit him to go to Tiberias, and use the hot Baths, in order to recover his health. Joseph, not having yet perceived his Treason, writ Letters in his behalf to the Governour of the Town, to provide John with good accommodation, and to let him want nothing that he needed.John perswad­eth the Tibe­rians to revolt from Joseph. Two days after his arrival there, he went about the business which he designed; and enticed some with money, others with flatteries, to revolt from Joseph. Silas, whom Joseph had made Governour of the City, understanding this, presently by Letters gave notice thereof to Joseph; who receiving the same in the night, went to N Tiberias very early in the morning. All the people, except those that John had cor­rupted, went out to meet him: but John, notwithstanding he judged that he came a­gainst him, still counterfeited himself sick in bed, and sent a man of his acquaintance to excuse his absence for not coming to meet Joseph. John sendeth certain Arm­ed men to kill Joseph. Then Joseph assembled the Tibe­rians together in a place to speak to them, concerning that which was written to him: And John sent armed men thither with Commandment to kill Joseph. The people per­ceiving them to draw their Swords, cryed out; and Joseph at their cry looking about him, and perceiving their Swords even almost at his throat, he leaped down a little Hill upon the Shore, which was six cubits high, upon which he stood to speak to the people:Joseph flees in a little Boat by the Lake. And going into a boat with two of his Guard which he found there, he went O into the midst of the Lake; and presently his Guard taking their Weapons, assaulted the Traytors. Joseph fearing that a great conflict would ensue, and so the whole City, [Page 641] A for a few men's fault be destroyed, sent to his Soldiers, charging them only to take care for their own safety, and no more; and to kill none, nor reprove any, for that wicked fact: and they forthwith obeying his Command, ceased from fight.

But those that inhabited about the City, and heard of the Treason, and by whom it was attempted,John fleeth in to his Coun­trey Giscala. armed themselves and came against John; but he, before their com­ing, fled to Giscala, where he was born. In the mean while, all Galilee came and joyned with Joseph; The Galileans flock to Joseph against John. and there were many thousands of Armed men gathered toge­ther, affirming that they came against John, and to fire that City which had received him. Joseph thanked them for their good will, saying, that he had rather conquer his enemies by moderation, than by fire and Sword; and therefore requested them to B be content. He also published an Edict, wherein he declared, that all those that had rebelled with John, and did not forsake him within five days next following, should lose all their Estates, and their houses should be sacked and set on fire. Hereupon, three thousand presently forsook John, and came and laid down their weapons at Jo­seph's feet,John's Trea­son against Jo­seph. prostrating themselves before him; so that there remained with John but two thousand fugitive Syrians. By whom being assisted, he again went secretly to work, having had so ill success by open dealing; and so he privily sent messengers to Jerusalem, to accuse Joseph that he had gathered a great Army, and that except he were quickly prevented, he would come and usurp Dominion over the Mother-city. But the people understanding before of John's hatred, did not regard it; yet divers C rich men and Magistrates who envied Joseph, secretly sent money to John, to hire For­reign Soldiers, that he might make War against Joseph; whom they determined a­mongst themselves to displace: And thinking that their order was not sufficient to ef­fect it, they sent moreover two thousand five hundred men, and four of their Princi­pal Nobility with them, to wit, Joazar the Lawyer, and Ananias the Saducee, and Simon and Judas, the Sons of Jonathas; all very eloquent men, and learned in our Laws, to withdraw the people's minds from Joseph; giving them charge, that if he of his own accord came to them, then they should permit him to speak for himself; but if he refused so to do, then they should hold him as an enemy. Joseph's Friends at Je­rusalem gave him intelligence that an Army was coming against him, but for what cause D they knew not, because it was kept secret. And hereupon, before he could prevent it, four Cities revolted from him,Four Cities of Galilee submit themselves to Joseph's Ene­mies. to wit, Sephoris, Gamala, Giscala and Tiberias, which ne­vertheless he soon after easily recovered, without Force of Arms: And having taken the four Captains and Counsellors of his enemies, he sent them to Jerusalem; against whom the people being incensed, would have killed them, and those that sent them, had they not fled in good time.

CHAP. XXVII.
E The Cities of Tiberias and Sephoris are recovered by Joseph.

NOw John, Tiberias is re­covered by Joseph, and saved by a Stratagem. for fear of Joseph, kept himself within the Walls of Giscala; and a few days after Tiberias revolting again from Joseph, the Inhabitants called in Agrippa, who came not at the day appointed, only a few Roman Horse shewed themselves. Joseph understanding this at Tarichea; and having sent his Soldiers to fetch Corn, he thought not good to go alone against the Rebels; nor yet did he think it best to delay the time any longer, fearing that whilst he delayed, King Agrippa would come and possess the Town; besides that, the next day being the Sabbath, he could do no­thing. F At length he resolved to overcome the Rebels by policy; and so he command­ed the Gates of Tarichea to be kept shut, that his intent might not be revealed to them, of Tiberias. Then taking all the Boats that were in the Lake, in number two hun­dred and thirty, and in every one of them four Sailers, he speedily sailed to Tiberias: And when he came near the City, yet so far off, that the Inhabitants thereof could not easily descry him, he commanded all the Boats to stop, and the rowers to beat the wa­ter still as if they were rowing;Joseph with seven Soldiers cometh to Ti­berias, and ter­rifieth his E­nemies. and taking only seven of his Guard with him, unarm­ed, he went near enough the City, that they might see him. When the Rebels per­ceived him, and thought that the Boats were full of Armed men, they threw down their Weapons, and held up their hands to him, beseeching him to spare the City. Joseph, with many threatning and bitter Speeches, reproached them first, that having under­taken G War against the Romans, they with Civil Dissentions consumed their own Forces: Secondly, that they had sought his life, from whom they ought to expect their safety; and that they were not ashamed to shut the Gates against him, who had [Page 642] built the Walls; yet if any would come and talk with him, and give him assurance of H their fidelity, he would not refuse them. So ten of the chiefest among them came to him, whom he carried away in a Fisher-boat far from the City, and he demanded fifty Senatours, as though he required their promise also. And devising new Causes, he still under pretence of agreement sent first for one,Joseph by a subtil policy touleth out the chiefest of Tiberias, and carrieth them away in Boats to Tarichea. and then for another, as he thought good, till he had loaded all the Boats: which done, he commnded all the Boatmen with all speed possible to go to Tarichea, and put them in Prison; so he carri­ed away all the Council, which were in number six hundred, and 2000 more, all whom he brought to Tarichea. But they which remained in the City, cried with one voice that one Clitus was cause of the revolt, and therefore besought Joseph to punish him for all.Clitus the Au­thor of the se­dition, draw­ing his Sword with his right hand, cut of his left. Joseph told them that he would put none of them to death, but commanded I one of his Guard, called Levias, to come and cut off Clitus his hands: but he fearing to trust himself amongst so many enemies, refused to do execution. Clitus perceiv­ing that Joseph was angry, and ready to come out of his Boat to do it himself, besought him to grant him one of his hands; which Joseph did upon condition that he should cut off the other himself. So Clitus drawing out his Sword with his right hand, cut off his left. After this manner Joseph brought Tiberias again under his subjection. And within a few days after, he took Giscala and Sephoris, which had revolted, having given the spoils thereof to his Soldiers; yet afterward he restored most that was taken away to the people; and the like he did to the inhabitants of Tiberias: by which means he got the good will of them all.K

CHAP. XXVIII.
How the people of Jerusalem prepared themselves for War, and of the Robberies of Simon Son of Gioras.

AFter that these broils,The troubled Estate of Je­rusalem. which hitherto hapned only in Galilee, were ceased, they prepared themselves against the Romans. And the chief men of Jerusalem, and L Ananus the high Priest, with all speed renewed and repaired the Walls, and made all sorts of Instruments for war, Arrows and other weapons; so that all the City was busied herein, and trained their men in warlike discipline. All places were filled with agitation and tumult; but the graver sort were very pensive, and many as it were foreseeing the calamity that after ensued, could not refrain from tears: they that desired peace, received no comfort in any thing: all things were done at their beck who were cause of all this War. And the Estate of the City, even then before the Romans came, was like a City to be destroyed, But Ananus neglected that which was necessary for War, and laboured to reconcile the seditious faction of those that were called Zelous:Simon the Son of Gioras com­mitteth great rapines, and murthers in Acrabatena and Idumea. but how he was overcome, and what his end was, we M will declare hereafter. In the mean time one Simon the Son of Gioras in the To­parchy of Acrabatena, having gathered together a multitude of seditious people, robbed and spoled every where; and he not only broke into rich mens houses, but also beat them grievously, openly exercising his Tyranny. But when Ananus and the rest sent an army against him, he fled to his fellow-thieves of Massada, and there staid till Ananus and the rest of his Enemies were slain: and then he wasted Idumea with the rest; so that the Governours of that place were fain to put a Garrison in every Village: so great was the number of them that were slain by these Thieves. And thus stood the affairs of the Jews.

A THE THIRD BOOK Of the WARS of the JEVVS,

B The Contents of the Chapters of the Third Book.
  • 1. OF the coming of Vespasian General of the Romans into Judea; and of two Mas­sacres of the Jews; and how the Sephorites yielded themselves to Vespasian.
  • 2. The Description of Galilee, Samaria, and Judea.
  • 3. Of the Aid sent to them of Sephoris, and of the military discipline amongst the Romans.
  • 4. How Placidus Assaulted Jotapata.
  • 5. How Vespasian invaded Galilee; and how at his presence the Galileans fled.
  • C6. How Gabara was taken.
  • 7. How Jotapata was besieged; and of the situation and battery thereof.
  • 8. Of the Siege of Jotapata by Vespasian; and of Joseph's diligence, and of the excur­sions of the Jews against the Romans.
  • 9. How Vespasian battered the Walls of Jotapata with a Ram, and other warlike En­gines.
  • 10. How Jotapata was again assaulted.
  • 11. How Trajan and Titus took Japha.
  • 12. How Cerealis overcame the Samaritans.
  • 13. How Jotapata was taken.
  • D14. How Joseph being taken, saved his own life.
  • 15. How Joppe was taken again.
  • 16. How Tiberias was yielded.
  • 17. How Tarichea was besieged.
  • 18. Of the Lake called Genesareth, and the Fountains of Jordan.
  • 19. How Tarichea was delivered.

CHAP. I.
E Of Vespasian's coming into Judea, and of the Massacre of the Jews.

VVHen the Emperor Nero understood the ill success of his Armies against the Jews,Nero is ama­zed and afraid at the valiant acts of the Jews. he was seized with fear and astonishment; yet he dissembled it as much as necessity would permit him. In the mean-while he set a good face on the matter, and made as though he were of more courage, saying, That that which hapned, was rather by the fault of his General Cestius, than the valour of their Adversaries: thinking that it behoved him, who was Emperor, not to shew himself moved with a little bad news; and that the greatness of his Empire ought to secure his mind from the apprehension of considerable misfortunes. Yet it appeared by the vexation of his F spirit that he was much moved, and in great care to whom he should commit the charge of the East, which had rebelled; who might both reduce the Jews, and hinder the In­habitants of other Countries from the like attempts.Nero sendeth Vespasian to govern in Sy­ria, and direct his War. At last, he pitcht upon Vespasian, whom he thought only meet for that purpose; a man who from his Infancy had been trained up in War, even until he was gray-headed; who had appeased the people of the West, and helped them being troubled by the Germans, and recovered it for the Romans: as also he did Britain, which was unknown before; and for that cause made his Father Claudius triumph, without taking any pains for it. Nero considered all these things, and his prudence grounded on old Age and Experience; and that also he had Sons in the flower of their Age, to be pledges for his fidelity, who might assist their G Father by their Courage. Wherefore God, as it should seem, even then disposing it so for the good of the whole Common-wealth, Nero sent him to govern the Armies in [Page 658] Syria, greatly encouraging him with fair speeches and promises, as at that time need H required.

Accordingly Vespasian departed out of Achaia, where he was with Nero: and he com­manded Titus his Son to lead the fifth and tenth Legions from Alexandria; and he him­self crossing over the Hellespont, Vespasian and Titus gather great Forces against the Jews. followed after by land into Syria, where he assembled all the Roman forces, and all Auxiliaries of the Kings adjoyning that were confederates. The Jews after Cestius unfortunate success, became proud of their Victory, and could not contain themselves; but like men uncapable of moderation, they still gave more occasion of War: and gathering all their Forces together, they went to Ascalon, which is an old City seven hundred and twenty furlongs distant from Jerusalem, which the Jews had always hated, for which cause they also first assaulted it. The Commanders I in this expedition, were three men excellent above the rest for Conduct and Valour, to wit,The Jews be­siege Ascalon. Niger of Paerea, Silas the Babylonian, and John the Essean. Now the City of Asca­lon had very strong Walls, but few men to defend it; for it had only one Company of Foot, and one Band of Horse, whom Antonius commanded. The Jews made such haste, as though they had dwelt hard by.Anthony fight­eth with the [...]words. Antonius perswading himself that they would assault him, caused his Horse to issue forth of the City: and neither fearing the mul­titude, nor the malice of his adversaries, he valiantly received the first assault of the Enemies, and beat them back that attempted to assault the Wall. So the Jews who were unskilful, having to do with them that were expert; and fighting on foot against Horsemen; without order, against those that were in good order; lightly armed, a­gainst K their adversaries who were well provided; they were easily defeated. Indeed, they were more led by rage and fury than good Counsel; and they against whom they fought were obedient, and would do nothing without the commandment of their Lead­er. Wherefore their first ranks being broken, they were forced by the Horse to turn their backs; and retiring themselves to their own Company who turned toward the Wall, they became as it were Enemies to themselves. So that seeking to avoid the Horsemen, they were all dispersed about the field, which was in every place for the ad­vantage of the Horse.The Romans overcome the Jews, and make a great slaughter of them. This greatly helped the Romans to kill so many Jews: for they that fled were easily overtaken by the Romans, and killed; and others compas­sing divers of the Jews about, slew them with Darts; so that the Jews were in a great L desperation for all their great multitude, as if they had been alone. The Jews willing to overcome their misfortunes, were ashamed to flie, and so fled not hastily, in hope that Fortune would change. But the Romans not wearied with that which they did with great dexterity, continued the fight the most part of the day; so that there were slain of the Jews ten thousand, [...]. and two of their Leaders, John and Silas. The rest, where­of many were wounded, followed their General Niger, who fled into a little Town of Idumaea, named Salis: Of the Romans only some were wounded in that fight. Yet the Jews were not daunted with this misfortune; but the grief thereof much increased their Courage: neither were they dismayed with the former loss of so many men within so short time; but rather calling to mind the great Victory they had got before, they M drew upon themselves another defeat. For before their mens wounds were healed, they gathered together all their Forces, and went again to Aschalon in great number and fury, but with the same success and disadvantages in warlike affairs which they had before. For Antonius having notice which way they meant to come, placed an ambush in the way;Eight thou­sand Jews slain at [...]. and the Horse setting upon them at unawares, killed above eight thousand of them, before they could prepare themselves to fight: whereupon all the rest fled, and Niger with them, after he had given all the proofs that could be expected from a valiant man: and for that the Enemies pursued them, they fled into the Tower of a Town called Bezedel. Antonius knowing it to be in vain to stay about the Tower that was invincible, and yet loth to let the General of the Enemies escape, set fire on the N Walls; and so departed triumphing with the thought that Niger had been burnt. But he leapt into a deep Vault in the Castle, and so escaped, and three dayes after he shew­ed himself unto his Souldiers, who sought for him weeping, that they might have his body, for they thought him dead: whom against all expectation seeing alive, they were very glad, as though by Gods providence he had escaped to be still their Leader.

Vespasian being arrived with his Army at Antioch, [...]. which is the mother-City of Syria, for greatness and other advantages, doubtless the third in the whole World; and find­ing that King Agrippa there expected his coming, he hasted with all his Forces from thence to Ptolemais. [...] the Romans. At this place there came to him the Citizens of Sephoris a City of Galilee, who had no thought at all of Rebellion: these both provident for their own O safety, and well-knowing the Forces of the Romans, before Vespasian came, submitted [Page 659] A themselves to Cestius Gallus, and received from him a Garrison of Souldiers; and now also courteously entertaining Vespasian, offered their help against their Country-men. Ve­spasian at their request gave them a Guard of Horse and Foot, so great as he thought was able to resist the force of their Enemies, if the Jews should attempt any thing against them. For he thought it would be a great help to him in the future War to have Se­phoris on his side, the greatest City of Galilee, scituate in a strong place, and which otherwise might be a safeguard to the whole Country.

CHAP. II.
B The Description of Galilee, Samaria, and Judaea.

THere are two places named Galilee, The Descrip­tion and Sci­tuation of the higher Galilee. one called high Galilaea, and the other low Ga­lilee: and they are both compassed with Phoenicia and Syria. On the West Pto­lemais, with the limits of its Territory borders them, as also does Mount Carmel, which in time past belonged to Galilee, but now to the Tyrians. Unto which adjoyneth Ga­baa, which signifieth the Horsmens City: so called, because King Herods Horsmen were sent thither to inhabit.The length and breadth of the lower Galilee. On the South part it joyneth to the Samaritanes and Scy­thopolitanes, as far as Jordan. On the East part it bordereth upon Hippene, Gadaris, and Gaulanitis, which are the Borders of King Agrippa's Country. On the North it C bordereth upon Tyria. The length of lower Galilee reacheth from Tiberias to Zabulon; near which is Ptolemais by the Sea-Coast. In breadth it reacheth from the Village Xa­loth, scituate in a great Plain, to Bersabe, where also begins the breadth of high Galilee, and reacheth to the Village called Baca, bordering upon the Tyrians; and the length thereof is from a Village near Jordan named Thella, to Meroth. And though of such bigness, and environed with so many Nations, yet they alwayes resisted Forreign For­ces. For the Galileans are from their Child-hood Warlike, and never daunted by fear or penury; For their Country is most fruitful, and abounding with all manner of Trees, notwithstanding the Inhabitants take small pains in tilling the ground; and there is no waste ground.

D The Cities are many, and in every place there are Villages populous and rich; so that the least Village there, hath in it above 15000 inhabitants. And although Galilee be less in compass than the Region beyond the River,The Descrip­tion of the Country be­yond the Flood. yet it is more populous, fertile and rich than that: For it is all tilled, and all beareth fruit. But that beyond the water, though it be bigger, yet it is not all inhabited; for there are many Desarts, and barren Places, unfit to bear fruits for the nourishment of Men. Peraea hath a good soil and large plain beset with divers trees, especially Olives, Vines, and Palm-trees: and it is abundantly water'd with Brooks running from the Mountains and Springs that conti­nually stream forth during the greatest heats of Summer.

The Length of this place is from Macheran to Pella; The Descrip­tion of the Re­gion of Sama­ria. the Breadth from Philadelphia E to Jordan. This Town Pella lieth on the North part, and Jordan on the West, and the Countrey of the Moabites bordereth on the South; and on the East Arabia, Silbonitis, Philadelphia and Gerasis. Samaria is seated between Judaea and Galilee, beginning at a Town called Ginea, and endeth in the Toparchy of Acrabatena, nothing differing in nature from Judea. For both of them are full of Mountains and have rich plains and good for Tillage;The Descripti­on of Jury, whose middle part is Jeru­salem. full of Trees abounding with wild Apples and others: Though they are of their nature dry yet they have rain enough, and have many sweet waters, and abundance of goods grass, and great store of milch-Beasts; and which is a great argument of wealth, both places are very populous. On the confines of these Coun­tries stand Anauth, a Village otherwise called Borceos, which lieth on the North part of F Judaea. The South part of Judaea, if you measure the length, extends to the Village of the Arabians, called Jordan: the breadth reacheth from Jordan to Joppe: in the midst thereof is situate Jerusalem; so that some call that City the navel of the Countrey. Judaea also bordereth on the Sea-Coast,The division of Judaea. even unto Ptolemais. It is divided into eleven portions: the first is Jerusalem, Head and chief of all, and above all the rest, as the Head is above the Body: and the rest are Toparchies. Gophua is the second, after that Acrabatena, then Thamna, afterward Lydda; also Emmaus, Pella, Idumea, Engadda, He­rodium and Jericho; besides these, Jamnia and Joppa command the places adjoyning. Moreover, there is Gamala, Gaulanitis, Batanea and Trachonitis, which are portions belonging to King Agrippa's Kingdom. This Country beginneth at Mount Libanus, G and the Fountains of Jordan, and reacheth in breadth to the Lake near Tiberias. And in length it reacheth from Julias to Arphas; and the Inhabitants are partly Jews, and partly Syrians.

H CHAP. III.
How Aid was sent to the people of Sephoris; and of the military Disci­pline of the Romans.

I Have spoken of Judaea as briefly as might be,Vespasian send­eth help to the Sephorites, but filleth Galilee with sword and fire and with what Countries it is envi­roned. Now Vespasian sent help to the Inhabitants of Sephoris, to wit, one thou­sand Horse, and six thousand foot, Placidus the Tribune being their Leader. The Horsemen divided themselves into two Companies, and lodged in a great Plain; and the Footmen were in Garrison in the City to defend it, as the Horsemen did without. These I Horsemen made excursions one every side, and greatly molested Joseph although he committed no act of hostility; and also spoiled all that was without the Cities, and always repulsed the Inhabitants, if at any time they took courage to revenge them­selves. Joseph seeing things in this posture assaulted the City Sephoris, in hope to take it; but before such time as it revolted unto the Romans, he had compassed it with so strong Walls, that the Romans themselves could not have taken it, and so his hope was frustrate: for neither by force nor fair means would the Sephorites yield to him. Hereat the Romans being angry, troubled the Country more than before: they now neither night nor day ceased from destroying it, but robbed and spoiled all they found; and all men able to bear Arms they slew, and made the rest their slaves. Thus all Ga­lilee K was filled with fire and sword, and no man escaped that calamity; only those sav­ed themselves, that fled into the Cities that Joseph had walled.

In the mean time Titus came to Alexandria during Winter, sooner than he was ex­pected; Titus bring­eth a mighty Army into Judaea. and so received there the Souldiers that he was sent for: and having a pros­perous journey, he quickly came to Ptolemais; and finding his Father there, to two of the chiefest Legions, to wit, the fifth and tenth, he also adjoyned that fifteenth Legi­on that he brought with him, and there followed them eighteen Companies; five out of Caesarea, one Troop of Horse, and five Companies of Horse out of Syria: ten of these Companies of Foot had in every one of them a thousand Men, the rest only six hundred and thirteen, and in every Troop of Horse, were an hundred and twenty.L The Princes that were Allies also brought great Aid: for Antiochus, Agrippa, and Sohemus, brought each of them two thousand Bowmen, and a thousand Horse: and Malchus King of Arabia, brought five thousand Foot, and one thousand Horse; the most of his Foot were Archers, so that the whole Army, together with the Kings Aid, amounted to the number of threescore thousand, Horse and Foot together; be­sides them that followed the camp, who were a great multitude, and inferiour to none but their Masters in warlike discipline: for one cannot too much admire the Romans, who so train up their servants in time of Peace, that they are very fit for War. So that whosoever well beholdeth their Military Disciplin, he shall perceive that they gained not this their goodly Empire by chance and fortune, but by their valour: for they do M not only then begin to use weapons when they come to fight, but they practise milita­ry discipline before they need: and they are not idle in time of peace, but always practise themselves therein without ceasing. Their exercises are like War it self, and every Souldier is every day inur'd to some sort of Weapon,The diligence and labour of the Romans, in providing things necessa­ry for the Wars. even as though they were fighting against the enemy; so that hereby they easily indure the burthen and travel of War. For no disorder makes them forget what to do; neither doth fear dismay them, nor continuance of Fight and War weary and tire them. So that whosoever they fight against, who are not so well expert in these affairs as they, they always overcome them: and one may well call their exercises amongst themselves, conflicts without blood-shed; and their wars, conflicts with blood-shed. They are not easily overcome N at unawares: for in what Enemy-country soever they come, they fight not before they have fortified their Camp about;The industry of the Ro­mans. which they do not rashly, nor pitch their Tents in marish or high places after a disordered manner; for if the place be unequal, they make it plain. And they proportion their Camp four-square: for they have many Smiths,The order of the Romans in their Camp. and all kind of Workmen needful, which still follow the Army, to perform such business. And in the innermost part of the Camp they make Quarters, whose outside resembleth a Wall, with Towers equally distant one from another, and be­tween them Engines of War to cast Stones, and such-like, that all kind of shot may be in readiness. They also build four Gates large and wide, both for their Horse easi­ly to come in at, and also for themselves if need require, to enter in or issue out spee­dily.O Within the camp, there are streets divided by certain spaces: in the midst lodge [Page 661] A their Officers, and the Pretorium, or Generals Tent, is like a Temple; so that it seem­eth a City, and a Market full of shops made in an instant. There are also seats built for the Chief Officers to judg of controversies, if any arise between the Souldiers and others. All this place, and all things belonging thereto, are made in an instant, partly by reason of the multitude, partly by the industry of such as work: and if need require, they compass it with a Trench four Cubits deep, and as many broad. Thus the Soul­diers enclosed with their Arms, live quietly in their Tents, without disorder; and all things are done with good advice and prudence, whether they need Water, or Corn, or Wood, they all go to dinner at the time appointed, and all sleep at once; and a Trum­pet giveth notice when to watch and guard,The reverence and obedience of the Roman Souldiers to their Cap-Captains. and nothing is done that is not command­ed. B In the morning all the Souldiers come to their Captains to salute them, the Captains go to the Tribunes, and they all to the General, who gives them a Watch-word; and tells them what he thinks good, and how they shall behave themselves towards those that are under them; how in fight to demean themselves, and when to assault, and when to retire.How the Ro­mans forsake their Camp. When they go forth of the Camp, a Trumpet sounds and no man is idle, but at the first notice takes away his Tent, and makes all ready for departure. Then the Trumpet soundeth again, warning them to be ready; and having loden their Beasts with their baggage, they expect the sound again, as though they were to run a race; and at their departure they burn their Camp, because it is easie to build the like again; and also least afterwards it should advantage their Enemies. When the C Trumpet hath sounded the third time, which is a sign to set forward, then they hasten those that are slow, lest they break their ranks. And a Herald standeth on the right hand of the General, asking thrice if they be prepared to fight, and they as often answer that they are, holding up their right hands with courage: and so they march on orderly, every man keeping his rank,The Armour of the Roman Footmen. as though they were ready to give Battel. The Foot­men have a Head-piece, a Breast-plate, and a Sword on the left side, and on the right side a Dagger. The Footmen guarding the General, have a Javelin and a Shield: the rest are armed with Bucklers and Pikes. Moreover, they carry a Saw, a Basket, a Fardle, a Hatchet, a Cord, a Sythe, a Chain, and Victuals for three days: so that the Footmen are as much loaden as the Cattel.The furniture of the Romans Horsmen. The Horsmen carry at their D right side a long Sword, in the left hand a Dart, and a long Shield hanging against the horse side, and a Quiver with three Darts, with broad edges, which are as big as a Spear; they have also Helmets and Breast-plates like the Footmen. The Generals Horse­men that guard his body, nothing differ from the rest. That company always lead­eth, that the lot falleth unto. And these are the fashions of the Romans concerning their warlike discipline.The Romans attempt no­thing unadvi­sedly or rash­ly. They never do any thing unadvisedly in Battle, but manage all things according to counsel; so that they either do not err, or if they do, their fault is easily amended. For they think that bad success after deliberation, is better then good fortune without it; and they think that therein fortune did but flatter them, to work them some despight, by reason they did not deliberate: but that which is premeditated, E although it have ill success, yet it maketh them wary against another time. And none of them account that good success, which comes by chance; and every one is comforted in their misfortune, if then they took good advice. By their military exercises they do not only make the Bodies of their Souldiers strong,The Romans grow more di­ligent by fear. but their minds also more couragi­ous: and their diligence is the greater by their fear of punishment. For their Laws are ca­pital, not only for them that forsake their order, but also for them that commit the least negligences; and their Generals are more severe then their Laws. Yet their Rewards of merit are so great, that they seem not cruel in punishing the faulty. Moreover, they are so obedient to their Rulers,The obedience of the Roman Souldier is no small occasion of his victory. that in Peace they honour them, and in War the whole Army seemeth one body united together: they keep such good order, and are so rea­dy F to turn here or there, and so attentive to any command, so diligent to note signs made unto them, and so quick to labour with their hands, that they are always apt to execute any thing, and patient to suffer labour. Insomuch that no number of Enemies, no Rivers, Mountains, Forests, or difficult place, can hinder them from Victory; no not even the crossness of Fortune: for they think themselves unworthy the name of Romans, if they triumph not over her too. Therefore seeing their deeds are ruled by Advice and Counsel, and their Commandments so well executed by the Army, what marvel is it if their Empire in the East reach to Euphrates, How far the Roman Go­vernment ex­tendeth. in the West to the Ocean, in the South to Africk, in the North to Rhine and Danubius? seeing that one may justly affirm the possession less than the possessors. This I have spo­ken, G not so much to praise the Romans, but to comfort the conquered, and to ter­rifie those that desire alteration: and perhaps it may instruct them who want good [Page 642] [...] [Page 657] [...] [Page 642] [...] [Page 657] [...] [Page 658] [...] [Page 659] [...] [Page 660] [...] [Page 661] [...] [Page 662] Discipline, and are ignorant of the Manners and Customs of the Romans in their Mi­litary H affairs.

CHAP. IV.
How Placidus assaulted Jotapata, and was repell'd by the Jews.

IN the mean time Vespatian being at Ptolemais with his Son Titus, prepared all things necessary for his Army.Placidus draweth his forces against Jotapata, and being repulsed, flyes. But Placidus was already entred into Galilee and run through it, where he slew almost all he had found, who were of the weaker sort of people incapable of resisting. And seeing that those of courage always fled into the Cities I that Joseph had fortified, he turned his forces against Jotapata, which was the strongest of them, thinking it might easily be taken by a sudden assault, and that he thereby should get great glory and advantage; because the people seeing the strongest Cities surprized, would not fly to any again. But it fell not out as he expected; for the peo­ple of Jotapata understanding his coming, met him near the Town, and suddenly en­countering the Romans, being a great multitude and well disposed to fight, as those that bare Arms for the general safety of the Country, and the lives of their Wives and Children, they put the Romans to flight, and wounded many, though only seven were slain; because the Romans in flying kept their ranks, and were well armed: but the Jews being unarmed, rather trusted to their Darts and Arrows, than come to handy K blows. There were three Jews slain, and a few wounded. And so Placidus when he saw himself repulsed from the Town, abandon'd the Enterprize.

CHAP. V.
How Vespatian invaded Galilee, and how at the very sight of him the Seditious fled.

VEspasian desirous to master Galilee himself, departed from Ptolemais, making such journies as the Romans are wont to. And he commanded his Auxiliary L Troops,Vespatian di­recteth the Romans march because they were lighter armed, to go before and repress the enemies incur­sions, and search the Woods and Forrests fit for Ambushes, whereby they were to pass. After them followed part of the Romans Foot and Horse: and ten commanded out of every Company, with their Arms and all things necessary to make a Camp. After them followed the Pioneers, whose office it was to mend the Ways, where they were bad, and to cut down the Woods that were in the way, lest by bad way the Army should be retarded. After them he sent his baggage, and the baggage of the Officers under him, with Horsemen to guard it. And after them he himself followed, leading an Army of choice Foot and Horse: And accompanied with his own Guard of Horse. For he had out of every Legion six score men for his guard. Next followed those M that carried the Engines to batter the Walls of Cities, and other Instruments, with the Prefects and Tribunes, Guarded with Choice Souldiers. After them the Emperial Eagle, which the Romans have chosen for their Standard, because it is the King of all Birds,The Eagle by the Romans is held the En­sign of the Em­pire, and a sign of Victory. and is most valiant and strong; wherefore they think it a sign of Dominion and Victory over all them against whom they bear it. After these sa­cred Ensigns followed the Trumpets sounding in warlike manner; and after them the Body of the Army, marching six in a rank; and, as the custom is, with Centurions, by them to keep order. The Servants of each Legion accompanied the baggage. The last Company were Victuallers, Handicrafts-men, and other mercenary people, guard­ed by Foot and Horse in great number. Thus Vespatian with his whole Army N came to the borders of Galilee, and there pitched his Camp. He might have passed on, but he thought fit by the sight of his Army to terrifie his enemies, and give them time to repent, if any one would alter his mind before the War began. Yet in the mean time, he prepared all things necessary for a siege. The only Rumor of his coming made many Rebels faint-hearted. For Josephs Souldiers, who had pitched his Tents a little from Sephoris, when they knew that the enemy approch'd, and that they were presently to fight with the Romans, they fled not only before they fought, but also before they saw them. Joseph being left with a very few, and knowing that he was not able to abide his enemies, and that the Jews were dismayed, and that if he put any trust in them, [...] they would for the most part revolt to the enemies; for that time abstain­ed O from battel, and thought to get himself out of Danger: and so accompanied with those that remained with him, he went to Tiberias.

A

CHAP. VI.
How Gadara was besieged and taken.

VEspatian went first to Gadara, and took it easily at the first assault: for all the able men and fit for War were fled out of the City. The Romans entring the place put all to death without mercy, partly for the hatred they had conceived against the Jews, and partly in revenge of that which had befaln Cestius. And they burnt the B City, and all Towns and Villages adjoining: some of which were already desolate, and the inhabitants of the rest were made slaves. Joseph's presence in the City, which he had made choice of for his safeguard, filled it with fear. For the People of Tiberias thought he would never have fled if there had been any hope of withstanding the Romans: where­in they judged not amiss: for he foresaw what event the War would have, and that their safety consisted only in changing their rebellious minds. He himself, though he hoped to obtain pardon of the Romans, yet had much rather have died, then lived pleasantly with them against whom he was sent, and so become a Traytor to the Country comitted to his charge. Wherefore he determined faithfully to write a true state of the Country to the Nobility at Jerusalem, Joseph is a­fraid of the Romans and writeth to Je­rusalem. and not to extol the enemies forces too much, lest they should say he was a Coward; nor yet put them in any comfort, lest C perhaps now penitent for what they had done, they should by his Letters be incited to go foreward in their rebellious course. He desir'd them presently to write an answer, whether they thought good to enter into League with the Romans; or, if they would make War, then they should send a sufficient Army against them: And having written to this effect, he presently sent men away to Jerusalem to carry the Letters.

CHAP. VII.
D Of the Seige of Jotapata.

VEspatian was very desirous to take Jotapata, because he knew many of his enemies were fled thither, and this was the strongest Refuge they had. So he sent be­fore some Foot and Horse, with Pioneers to plain the ways, which were full of ragged stones, so that it was hard for Footmen to pass, and altogether unpossible for Horse­men. Within four dayes they effected that which they were commanded, and made a large way for the Army to pass. On the fifth day, which was the one and twentieth of March, Joseph comes to Jotapata from Tiberias Joseph before they came, entred into the City, coming thither from Tibe­rias to encourage the Jews who were dismayed. A certain run-away told Vespatian E that Joseph was come thither, and advised him to hasten thither; for if he could take Joseph, he might easily take all Judea. Hereat Vespatian was very glad, and took it as a good fortune that the most prudent and potent of his enemies, should (God so disposing) put himself as it were in hold. And so presently he sent Placidus before with a thousand Horsemen, and with him Ebutius, a man both valiant and prudent; and commanded them to invest the City on all sides, lest Joseph should privily escape from thence. The day after he himself followed with the whole Army, and about noon came to Jotapata; Jotapata besieged. and leading his Army to the North side of the Town, he pitched his Tents upon a Hill seven stades distant from the City: purposely placing himself within the view of his Enemies, that the very sight of his Army might terrifie them: F as it also did; for presently all were in such a fear, that none durst go out of the City. The Romans being wearied that day, would not assault the City: but they beset the Gates with two Squadrons of Horse; and a third, that consisted of Foot, was placed without to intercept all passages, that none of the Jews could pass any-whither. Here­upon the Jews now in desperation took heart; for in War nothing is more forcible then necessity.Nothing is more effectual in War, or more desperate than necessity. The next day began the Battery, and the Jews kept themselves in order, and resisted the Romans before their Walls. But when Vespasian sent all the Bowmen, and Slingers, and other Engineers to beat them off from the Walls, and he himself with Foot assaulted the Wall in another place where it might easily be entred: then Joseph, accompanied with all his Forces, issued out the Town, and assaulted the G Romans fiercely, and drove them from the Walls with great courage: though they themselves suffered as much harm as they did to their Enemies. For as the Jews [Page 664] were animated by desperation, so were the Romans with shame; these latter had Mili­tary A knowledge and strength, and the Jews had despair and rage to encourage them. The fight continued all day even till night; wherein many Romans were wounded, and only thirteen slain: and of the Jews there were six hundred wounded, and seven­teen slain.A fight be­tween the Ro­mans and the Jews continu­ed a whole day and broken off by night. The next day also they encountred the Romans, and resisted them more stoutly than before, taking courage that they the day before had resisted them contrary to their expectation. The Romans also fought more valiantly, ashamed as it were of themselves, in suffering the Jews to resist them; thinking withal that they themselves were overcome, if they did not quickly suppress their Enemies. Wherefore the Ro­mans for five dayes together ceased not to assult the Town, and the Jews strongly re­pelled them; and neither the Jews feared their Enemies, nor the Romans were dis­mayed B with the difficulty of taking the Town.The situation of Jotapata. Jotapata is almost all situate upon a Rock, and compassed about with deep Valleys, which descend strait down like a Wall, so that one can scarcely see the bottom without dazling. There is only one access to it on the North, where it is seated upon a declining Mountain; which Joseph enclosed with a Wall, to the end it might be no passage for the Enemies: all the rest of the City is environed with high Mountains, so that it cannot be discerned by any before they be hard by it, such was the strength of Jotapata.

Vespatian determined both to combate the nature of the place,Vespatian in­tends to begin a sharp Siege. and the hardiness of the Jews; and therefore called all his Captains together, and consulted with them to begin a hot siege: at last they resolved to rear a Mount in that place where the City was C easiest to be entred. He sent his whole Army to provide wood to do it, who cut much on the Mountains near the Town: and great store of wood and stone being brought, and having set hurdles before them to bear off the Darts and Arrows, he began to raise a Mount; so that they received little or no harm by Darts cast from off the Walls; whilst others brought earth from places thereabouts, and no man was idle. The Jews cast continually great stones, and all kind of Darts upon that which defended them; which though they pierced not thorow, yet they made a great noise and terrified the Workmen. Which Vespatian seeing, caused all Engines that cast stones and darts, which were in number an hundred and threescore, to be placed against the Walls to beat the Jews from thence. And so they cast Stones, Darts, Fire and Arrows in great D abundance: so that they not only beat the Jews from off the Walls, but also out of the reach of their shot; for the Arabian Archers, and those that used Slings and Darts,The Jews break out and beat down the Bulwark. and all the Engines continually played upon them. For all this the Jews rest­ed not, but running out in Companies, they pull'd down the Sheds which defended the Workmen, and then assaulted them having no defence: and when they had beaten them away, destroyed and fired all that the Romans had wrought for their own defence and safeguard. At last Vespatian perceived that these damages hapned, for that there was some space left between all these works, whereby the Enemies had access to do them such harms: Wherefore he united them together, and so hindred the excursions of the Jews. Joseph [...] stakes in the ground, and fasteneth unto them raw Oxe Hides, to raise the Wall, and beat off the Shot. When the Mount was almost made, and the Towers upon it finished,E Joseph shun'd to do nothing for the safeguard of the Town, called all workmen necessary together, and commanded them to build a Wall there higher than the Romans Work; but they said, it was impossible for them to work, for the number of Darts in that place. Then Joseph made this device to defend them: he fixed stakes in the ground, and fastened to them hides of Kine and Oxen new slain, by which they were defended from shot and fire; so that labouring night and day they raised the Wall twenty cubits high, erecting also upon it many Towers: and by this means they made it a strong de­fence. The Romans, who before thought themselves sure of the Town, were now great­ly dismayed, both by this device of Joseph, and also by the hardiness of the Jews.

F

CHAP. VIII.
Of the Siege of Jotapata by Vespatian, and the diligence that Joseph used; and how the Jews made Sallies against the Romans.

THis Stratagem, and the Courage of the Jews, greatly moved Vespatian: for now they receiving courage from that defence, made assaults upon the Romans of their own accord, and every day skirmished, running out in Companies, and like Thieves G taking away whatsoever they lighted upon; and what they could not carry away, they [Page 665] A set on fire. At last, Vespasian would not permit his Souldiers to fight any longer, but determined to take it by Famine, and either to make them come and yield themselves for lack of Food, or if they held out, to famish them: conceiving that it would be more easie to take it by force, if ceasing a while from assaulting it, he afterwards set upon it when their Case was more desperate.Vespasian re­straineth his Souldiers from fight, and be­siegeth the City. Wherefore he commanded all passages to be kept, that none could go out of the City; but they had great store of Corn, and of all other things else, except Salt and Water, whereof they stood in great want: for there is never a Fountain in the City, and they have little rain in Summer, so that the Inha­bitants were in great distress;Joseph deliver­eth his Souldi­ers water by measure. for there was hardly any Water left in the City. Jo­seph perceiving there was abundance of all things else, and that the Citizens were va­liant, B as also the Siege like to continue long, he gave to every one water in measure, with which they were not contented, thinking it as good to want altogether, as to have it in that manner; and now they began to faint, and refuse to labour. The Romans per­ceiving this, being upon a high hill, over against the place whither all the Jews came together to receive Water, they with their shot killed many that came thither, inso­much that Vespasian hoped that within short time their Water would be spent, and they constrained to yield.Josephs Stra­tagem. But Joseph to frustrate this hope, commanded a great many Garments to be laid in water and hanged upon the Walls, so that the Water might run down on every side. When the Romans saw this they were much surprised, imagi­ning that they would not waste so much Water in mockery, if they wanted Water to C drink; wherefore Vespasian no longer hoping to win the City by Famine, purposed to assault it again by force. The Jews were very glad of this; and being in manifest danger,Another Poli­cy of Joseph. rather wish't to be slain, than perish through hunger or thirst. Joseph devised also another way to get Water out of the Country. There was a little Valley out of the way, and therefore not regarded by the Romans; by this way Joseph sent men into the Country to his Friends, for such things as the City wanted, commanding them when they came near the Watchmen, to hide and cover themselves with hairy Skins, that the Watchmen might think them to be Dogs: and this he used a good while, till at last the Watchmen perceived it, and so set a guard there to stop the passage. When Joseph perceived the City could not hold out long, and fearing his own Life if D he still continued there,The people be­seech Joseph that he would not forsake them. he consulted with the chief of his Officers, how he might flie. But the People discovering his intent, flocked about him, and besought him to take pity upon them, and not forsake them, who had no hope but in him; af­firming, that for his sake they were all couragious and bold to fight; and if they were taken, yet he would be a comfort to them, and that it did not become him to flie from his Enemies, nor forsake his Friends, nor, as it were, leap out of a Ship shaken with a Tempest, into which he came when the Seas were calm; for so by this means the City would soon be lost, and he once gone, no man afterward could or durst resist their Enemies, for in him was all their hope.

Joseph kept it to himself,Joseph's Pru­dence. that his purpose was to work his own safety: and told E them, the thing which he intended was for their good, and that though he stayed still in the City, he could do them little good: and if the City should chance to be taken, then he and they were like to perish; but if he were abroad and not besieged, he could do them great service, for he would presently assemble all the People of Galilee, and come against the Romans, and so raise the Siege: whereas now staying with them, he saw not wherein he did them any good, but rather incited the Romans against them, making them more earnest to take the Town than they would be, only because he was there, that they might take him; but if they knew once that he were fled, they would not then be so earnest in the Siege. Joseph herewith could not perswade the people, but they flocked faster about him, and both young and old of all sorts came and prostrated F themselves at his feet, weeping, and beseeching him to take such hap as should befal them, whether it were good or bad; not for that they envied his escape, but for that they hoped they should receive no harm if he remained with them.

Joseph considering with himself that if he stayed with them voluntarily,Joseph stayes in Jotapata. he granted their request,Where there is no hope of help there war is the last remedy. and if he denyed, he feared they would force him; therefore being part­ly moved with compassion, he determined to stay: and being now, as all the City was, desperate, he told them that now it was time to fight; seeing there was no hope of safe­ty; and that it was a glorious thing to spend their lives honourably, and by some no­ble act to leave a remembrance unto their posterity of their Valour.The great courage of the Jews in their extream de [...]pa­ration. And so issuing out of the City, with the most valiant among them, when he had killed the Watchmen, G at the first encounter he came even to the Romans Tents, and tore the Skins that their Tents were made of, and fired others, and their Engines: and so he did the second [Page 666] and third day,The year of the World, 4031. after the Nativity of Christ, 69. and for certain days and nights afterward never ceased. When Vespa­sian H perceived the Romans greatly endamaged by such Sallies, and very loth to fly for shame, and not able to follow them, being so loaden with their Armour, and that the Jews always did some exploit before they retired themselves into the City, he gave command to his Souldiers to leave the assault,The audacious courage of the Jews in their extream desperation. and not to fight against men who desired to dy, because no men were more couragious than the desperate; and that if they found none to assail, their courage would soon be laid, like a flame of fire, when the matter that nourisheth it is consumed. That the Romans must seek victory more warily, for that they fought not for necessity,The Jews with their slings are repulsed by the Arabian Archers. but only to increase their Dominions. After this, oftentimes they beat the Jews by the Arabian Archers, and with Slings and Darts, and others shot which never ceased. But so soon as they were without the danger of shot,I they more furiously assailed the Romans, sparing neither Life nor Limb, but conti­nually fought by turns, and every one of the City assisted them that so laboured.

CHAP. IX.
How Vespasian battered the Walls of Jotapata with a Ram, and other Warlike Engines.

VEspasian thinking himself as it were besieged, both in regard of the long time K which he had continued the Siege, and also of the divers sallies and excursions of the Jews; and having now almost raised the Rampiers as high as the Walls of the City, determined to batter them with a Ram. A Ram is a huge Beam like the Mast of a Ship,A Ram. whose end is armed with strong massie Iron, and made in the form of a Rams-head; whence it takes its name, because it butteth Walls as a Ram butteth with his head. It hangeth on another Beam with Ropes, like the Beam of a pair of Ballances: the Beam it hangeth on lying across, is held up with two props, which being drawn back by force o [...] many men, and then jointly with all their Forces shov'd forward, it striketh the Wall with the head of Iron: And there is no Wall nor Tower so strong, but though it abide the first stroke of the Engine, yet can it not hold out long. The L General of the Romans thought good to use this means to take the City by force, for that the Siege was dangerous, by reason that the Jews never rested, to which end the Ro­mans with all kind of shot endeavoured to beat the Jews from off the Walls that made any resistance; and the Archers and they who used slings, were hard by: and when they saw that none of the Jews durst come upon the Walls, they applied the Ram to them; and covered it above with Hurdles and Skins, both for to defend themselves and the Engine. At the first stroke the Walls were shaken, so that the Citizens cried as though the Town had been already taken. Joseph seeing them still beat one place, and that presently the Wall would fall,Joseph's de­vice how to break the Force of the Ram. devised a way to resist the force of the Ram, he filled sacks with chaff, and let them down off the Wall just against that place M where the Ram struck ordinarily, and so brake the force of the blows, the loosness of the chaff making no resistance, but drowning or abating the violence of the stroke. By this invention the Romans were retarded: for whithersoever they brought the Ram, thither did they upon the walls also remove the Sacks of Chaff, and brake the force there­of; till at last the Romans also devised a way to cut the Sacks, by taking long Poles, and binding Sithes to the end of them, and so they cut these Sacks of Chaff. And the Ram shook the Wall, which being newly built was not strong enough to resist. Then Joseph and his Souldiers sought to help themselves by fire, and so they fired all that was made of dry wood in three several places; and withal the Engines, and Mounts of the Romans, who now had enough to defend themselves, because they were astonisht N at the valour of the Jews:Joseph burnt the Engines, and turneth off the Ro­mans every one having work enough to secure himself against the fire, which seizing upon dry matter with Brimstone and Pitch wonderfully increased, so that in one hours space, it consumed all the works that the Romans had made with so great labour. There was an action of a Jew one Samson of Eleazar, which deserves eternal memory: the man was born at Saab in Galilee. He took up a great stone, and cast it down with such force upon the Ram,Eleazar's strength and courage. that he brake off the head thereof; and no­thing fearing leapt down amongst the midst of his Enemies, and brought the head away to the foot of the Wall, where being unarmed, and as it were a mark for his enemies to shoot at, he received in his body five Arrows; and as though he had not felt them, he got up the Wall again, where, that all might see him, he boldly stood still, till through grief of his O wounds, having the head of the Ram in his arms, he fel down. Next to him two brethren of [Page 667] A Ramath in Galilee shewed themselves valiant, named Netiras; and Philip, who assault­ed the tenth Legion of the Romans with such violence, that they broke their ranks, and put all to flight that endeavour'd to withstand them. At the same time Joseph and a good number with him, took fire and burnt the Engins, Works and Huts of the fifth and tenth Legions,Netiras and Philips valour against the Romans. and those that followed him destroyed all Engines, and other mat­ter that was left. In the evening the Romans again erected the Ram against that part of the City which before they had beaten: and one of the Jews shot an Arrow from the Wall, and wounded Vespasian in the sole of the foot; yet the wound was not great, for that the force of the Arrow was spent before it came to him, having come a great way off.

B This fact greatly troubled the Romans,Vespasian wounded in the sole of the Foot by an Arrow. who seeing Vespasian bleed, presently spread the news through the whole Army, and almost all of them came running to see their Ge­neral, and especially Titus, who feared his fathers danger. But Vespasian presently freed the Army from all perturbation, and his Son Titus from fear. For the dissembling grief of the wound, he shewed himself to all that were sorrowful for him, and incited them to fight against the Jews more earnestly than before. Whereupon every one as it were to revenge their General, despised all danger, and assaulted the Walls, exhort­ing one another.The War re­newed against the Jews. Joseph and his associates, notwithstanding many of them were kil­led with Shot, Darts and Arrows; yet forsook not the Walls, but with Fire and Sword, and Stones fiercely assaulted them, that being defended with Hurdles batter­ed C the Walls with the Ram: but to little purpose; for they were continually killed by their Enemies, because they could not see them: But their Fire made such a light, as though it had been day, so that the Romans easily perceived whither to direct their shot. And for that their Engines were not perceived afar off, the Jews could not defend themselves from the Arrows and Stones that were shot against them, by which means many of them were slain, and the tops and corners of the Towers bea­ten down. And many that were behind were slain by force of those stones; so that any man may know of what force that Engine is, by that which hapned that night. For one that stood neer Joseph upon the Wall, was struck with a Stone, and his head carried from his body by violence of the blow three furlongs off, as though it had been D cast out of a sling: and the next day a Woman great with Child was struck on the bel­ly with one of those stones, and the Child carried forth of her from the place where she was struck three furlongs; so great was the force of this Engine. Thus the vio­lence of the Engines was most terrible,The force of the Roman Darts. and likewise the noise of Darts, Arrows and other shot. Many were slain on every side, and the bodies of those that were killed, being dasht against the Wall made a great noise: and within the City was heard a pi­tiful lamentation and weeping amongst the Women; and without a heavy mourning and cry of them that were wounded to death; and all that part of the Wall where the fight was, flowed with Blood: so that now the multitude of dead bodies had so filled the ditch before the Wall, that the Romans might easily pass over into the City; and E the Mountains about Eccho'd with the cries of the Citizens: and all that night long nothing wanted, that either might by the Eye or Ear move terrour. Thus many stoutly fighting for Jotapata died most valiantly; many also were sore wounded: and notwithstanding the Wall was continually battered, yet it was almost Morning be­fore it fell, being all night long beaten with the Ram. And then they of Jotapata repaired the breach with in defatigable labour, before the Romans could set up a Bridge to enter it.

F CHAP. X.
How Jotapata was again assaulted.

THe next day in the Morning Vespasian brought his Army to enter the breach,Vespasian leadeth on his Army to enter the City. having given them but little rest after their whole nights labour: and desirous to make the Jews that defended the breach, forsake their Station, before such time as he entred, he took the most valiant of his Horsemen, and unhorsed them, being armed from Head to Foot, and placed them in three ranks; that they being so armed, might be­siege round that part of the Wall that was battered, having long Pikes in their hands, G so that as soon as the Bridges were set, they might first enter the breach. After them he placed the strongest of his Foot: the rest of his Horse he set round about the City [Page 668] upon the Mountain, to the end that none might escape. After the Footmen he com­manded H Archers to follow with their Arrows ready in their hands, and them that used slings also and other Engines for shot. And he caused others to scale the Walls, where they were not battered, to the intent that the Townsmen, busied in resisting them, might leave the breach unmanned; and the rest being wearied and opprest with the thickness of the shot, might be forc'd to forsake their standing. But Joseph, per­ceiving his intent,Joseph's subtil Policie. placed the old Men and Children, and those that were already wearied, upon those parts of the Walls that were not battered: and himself with the stoutest of the City went to defend the breach; and he placed six men before them whom he chose out, himself being one of them to sustain the first brunt of the enemies assault: commanding them likewise to stop their Ears to the end that they might not I be terrified with the cries of the Army, and to cover themselves with their shields a­gainst the Darts and Arrows; and give back a little, till such time as the Archers Quivers were emptied; and if so be that the Romans should offer to make bridges, then they employ all their courage to repel them: and now fight, not to defend but as it were to revenge their Country, being in a manner already lost; and make those feel the effects of their just fury,The cries of Women and Children in the Battle. whose cruelty would doubtless after the taking of the place shed the blood of their Fathers, Children, and Wives: such were the orders which Joseph gave. In the mean time, the weaker multitude, Women and Children, see­ing the City compassed about with three ranks of Horsemen, and the Romans with their Swords drawn pressing against the breach, and all the Mountains about shining K with their enemies weapons, and the Arabians ready to let fly a Shower of Arrows: they cried out as though the City were already taken; so that a man would have judg­ed them already under their Enemies Swords, and not only in danger to fall into their hands. Wherefore Joseph commanded the Women to their houses, lest their cries should dismay his Souldiers; willing them likewise to keep silence, and threatned them if they did not: and so he marched to the breach, which place fell to his lot: He gave not much heed to them that sought to scale the Walls, but only minded what effect the terrible Storme of the Enemies Arrows would produce.

As soon as the Trumpets began to sound, the Air became obscured with the multitude of Arrows. Josephs Companions remembring the charge given them, stopped their L Ears,The War of the Romans with the Jews upon the Bridge. and cover'd their bodies against the shot of arrows. And as soon as the bridg­es were set against the Wall, presently they fell on; and before the Romans could enter upon them, they repell'd them back with great prowess and courage which the greatness of the danger did not abate but increase, so that they did not give one foot back, till either they kill'd or were killed. But the Jews had not any fresh men to second those that were tired; and the Romans, still as they were wearied sent fresh supplies and joyning together their long shields, exhorting one another, they became as it were a wall of defence invincible; and the whole Army like one body, beat back the Jews,The Jews pour sc [...]lding Oyle upon the Ro­mans. and so set foot on the Walls. Joseph, in this desperate case devised a new way to repel this present danger: he commanded the Jews to fetch scalding Oyl, which M they had ready, and pour it upon the Romans, and also cast the Pans upon them. This device broke the body of the Romans so that through great pains they fell from the Wall: for the Scalding Oyl easily got between their flesh and Armour, and scorched them like fire, being easily heated, and long continuing hot by reason of the fatness. The Romans being loaden with Helmets and Breast-plates, could not retire so nimbly as was requisite: so that some leapt down off the bridg, and others died of the pain; others would fain have retired themselves, but could not, because their Enemies fol­lowed them so hard. But neither the Romans wanted vertue and valour in adverse for­tune, nor the Jews prudence. For the Romans, notwithstanding they were in intolera­ble pain, being Scalded with hot Oyl, yet they freshly assaulted them that hurt them,N desirous to shew their courage. Then the Jews used another device to make them re­tire: for they poured boyled Fenigreek upon the bridge, so that they slid down: and neither they that would have fled, nor they who strove to assault the Jews, could stand upon their feet, it was so slippery; and many falling down upon the bridge, were by their own Company trodden to death; others slid down upon the Rampier; and al­ways as they fell, the Jews struck them: and when the Romans were retired from the place,The Romans retire [...] hout obtaining th [...]ir purpose so that now they were not forced to handy blowes, they had leisure to shoot Ar­rows and Darts against them. When Vespasian saw that his men in the fight endured much misery, towards evening he caused them to retire, many being slain, and more wounded, only six men of Jotapata were slain, but above 300 wounded: this fight O was upon the 20. day of June. But after Vespasian had comforted his Souldiers for [Page 669] A that which had hapned, perceiving that they were enrag'd, and desired to fight to re­venge themselves, so that they needed no exhortation; he raised the Rampier higher, and erected three Towers 50 foot high, covering them aloft with Iron, that so by rea­son of their weight they might stand stedfast, and not be consumed by fire; these he placed upon the Rampier,Vespasian ere­cteth higher Platforms and Towers. and in them Archers, and men that cast Darts and such like: who not being perceived of them that were upon the Walls by reason of the highness of the Towers, and the covering thereof, easily wounded them who stood thereon. So the Jews when they could not avoid the Arrows, nor be revenged upon them whom they could not see,The Citizens of Jotapata valiantly su­stain the siege. nor yet fire the Towers being covered with plates of Iron, forsook the Walls; yet they always encountred with them who sought to enter. Thus the B people of Jotapata resisted, notwithstanding that many every day were slain, and that they did their Enemies no harm without great danger to themselves.

CHAP. XI.
How Japha was taken by Trajan and Titus.

AT this time Vespasian understood that Japha a City neer Jotapata, minded to re­bel, C encouraged thereunto for that they heard how they of Jotapata had held out contrary to all expectation:The taking in of Japha by Trajan. wherefore he sent thither Trajan, Governour of the tenth Legion, and with him two thousand Foot, and a thousand Horse: who finding the Town able to resist, and the Inhabitants prepared for fight, and marched out to meet him, (for the Town being by situation strong enough, was also compassed with a dou­ble Wall) he fought with them, and after a while put them to flight, and in the pur­sute entred with them at the first Gate: which the Citizens perceiving, shut the second Gate, not suffering their own Citizens to enter in, lest the Enemies also should rush in with them, as they had done into the first Gate. Truly, God gave this Victory un­to the Romans; and his will it was, that most of the Valiant men of the City should D have their own Gates shut upon them, and so fall into their Enemies hands, who were most greedy to destroy them.The Jews shut up by the Ro­mans, between two Walls are slain. Many of them came to the gates, and called those that kept them by their names, pitifully intreating that they might come in: which whilest they were kept out, were butchered like Sheep, being inclosed between two Walls; their own Citizens having shut one Gate upon them, and the Romans the other: and many thus enclosed perished by their fellows Swords; and an infinite number by the rage of the Romans,12000 Jews slain. having no courage to resist and revenge themselves. For the Inhumanity of their own Citizens, and terrour of their Enemies together, utterly discouraged them; and so they died all, in number 12000; cursing not the Romans, but the Jews their own Country-men. Trajan, thinking that the City was now de­stitute E of fighting men; or if any were within, that they durst not resist being thus terrified,Titus with his Forces co [...]mes to Japha. reserved the taking of the City for the General, and sent Messengers to him, requesting him to send his Son Titus to accomplish the Victory. Vespasian fearing that yet there would be some resistance, sent Titus with 500 Horse and 1000 Foot, who hastening thither, placed Trajan on the left side of the Town, and himself on the right: so the Romans on every side scaled the Walls; and the Galileans, having a while resisted,A sharp Skir­mish within the Town, be­tween the Ga­lileans and the Romans. at length left them. Then Titus and his followers leaping down, got into the City, and began a vehement fight with them that were assembled therein, some valiantly issuing out of the Narrow streets, and assaulting them, and the Wo­men casting such things as they could get, upon the Romans, from the tops of their F houses; and thus they held battel six hours. When their fighting men were all slain, then the Old Men and Children, and all the other Company both in the streets and in their houses were soon dispatcht, that none of them were left alive, save only Infants, who with the Women were led Captives. The number of them that were slain, both in the City and in the first conflict, amounted to 15000, and the number of those that were led into Captivity, were 1130. This Massacre of the Galileans hapned the 25th day of June.

G

A CHAP. XII.
How Cerealis Conquered the Samaritans.

THe Samaritans also were partakers of the sad Effects of this bloody War.The Assembly of the Samari­tans on the Mountain Ga­rizin. They assembled themselves together upon Mount Garizin, which they accounted a sacred place. But this Assembly gave cause to believe, that not warned by their neigh­bours harms, not with any advice or judgement, considering their own infirmity, and the Romans power, they began to be tumultuous. Vespasian foreseeing this, thought B good to prevent them: and although all the Region of Samaria had Roman Garisons in it, yet the great multitude assembled, made it reasonable to fear them. Wherefore he sent thither Cerealis, the Tribune of the fifth Legion, with six hundred Horse, and three thousand Foot. Cerealis thought it not the best way to go unto the Mountain, and attaque the whole multitude there, who were so numerous, but he commanded his Souldiers to beleagure the Mountain about, at the Foot thereof, and to keep there all the day. There hapned at that time a vehement heat, and the Samaritans wanted Water.Want of wa­ter in the Mountain Garizin. It was then Summer, and the People had not provided themselves with Victu­als, so that many, in one day only, for want of drink died of thirst: others preferring death before the misery they endured, fled to the Romans: of whom Cerealis learned C that those that yet remained on the Mount, were even dis-heartned by the misery they endured. Wherefore he ascended the Mountain, and compassing about the Enemies with his Army, he first exhorted them to yield, and promised them all their lives if they would cast down their weapons: but nothing prevailing with them, he set upon them,11600 Sama­ritans slain. and killed them all, in number 11600. This was done the 27th, day of June. These were the miseries that befel the Samaritans.

CHAP. XIII.D
How Jotapata was Taken.

THe Citizens of Jotapata having endured this hard Siege, beyond all expectation, seven and fourty dayes; the Romans Mounts were now raised higher than their Walls.A fugitive cer­tifieth the weak estate of the Citizens of Jotapata, and how few they were. On the same day one of the City fled to Vespasian, and told him in what case the City stood, and how few Citizens were left, and that with daily watchings and fight­ing they were far spent, so that they were not able to resist any more, and that they might be taken by policy if they were followed: for in the last part of the night, being weary, they ceased from their labour, and slept till the Morning: wherefore he per­swaded E Vespasian to assanlt them at that time. But Vespasian knowing how faithful the Jews were one unto another, and how they contemned all punishment, gave little credit to this Run-away: For a little before, one of Jotapata being taken, could not by any torments be compelled to confess or disclose the Estate of the City; the fire nothing moved him, and so at last he was crucified, laughing and scorning death. Yet a probable conjecture which he had, perswaded him to give some credit to this Traitors words: and for that he knew no great harm could befall him, if he so assaulted the Ci­ty as the Traitor advised, he commanded the man to be kept, and put all his army in readiness to assault the Town. At the hour appointed, he made towards the Wall with silence: Titus marcht first, accompanied with one Domitius Sabinus, a Tribune,F and some choice men of the fifteenth Legion: who killing the Sentinels, entred into the City; and after them entered Sextus Cerealis and Placidus, with their Companies; so the Castle was taken,The Romans [...] the City whilest the Jews sleep. and the Enemies were in the midst of the Town; and it was fair day-light, and yet the Townsmen knew nothing, being now fast asleep after their great labours and watchings: and they that watcht could see nothing, there was so thick a mist by chance that Morning, and the rest never wakened till Death was at their door, and that they perceived their Calamity and Destruction. The Romans mind­ful of all that had befallen them in the time of the siege,The Romans have [...] compassion. neither spared nor pitied any one: but driving the people out of the higher part of the City into the lower, they massacred them all. They that would have fought could not for the narrowness of the G place; and so being cumbred for want of room, and sliding down the banks for haste, [Page 671] H their Enemies still pursuing them, they were easily slain. Many of Josephs Guard see­ing that they could not fight, gathered themselves together in a corner of the City, and slew themselves that the Romans might not kill them. But some of the Watchmen, who first perceived the City to be taken, fled into a Tower, and resisted a while (this Tower was situate in the North-side of the City) and at last being invironed with their Enemies towards Evening yielded,The fight of the Jews with the Romans in the Tower. and offered themselves to be slain. The Ro­mans might have boasted that this Victory had been without blood-shed on their part, had not Antonius a Centurion been slain treacherously.Antonius slain by a Jew treacherously For one of them who fled in­to the Caves (as many did) requested Antonius to give him his hand, in token that he might come out safe and without danger: which he doing unadvisedly, the Jew with I a spear struck him in the flank, whereof he presently died. The Romans that day slew all the people that they found; and the days following they searcht all the secret pla­ces, and drew those out of the Caves and Dens that had fled thither, and slew all but Women and Infants:40000 Jews perish during the Siege, and in the former battel. so that they took away a thousand and two hundred Captives; and the number of them who were slain during the siege, and at such time as the City was taken, amounted to fourty thousand. Vespasian commanded the City to be destroyed, and the Castles to be burnt. Thus Jotapata was taken the thirteenth year of Nero's Reign, on the first of July.

K

CHAP. XIV.
How Joseph was taken, and how he redeem'd his Life with Deeds and Words.

BUT especially, above all others, the Romans made diligent search for Joseph, both for the animosity they had against him, and also because Vespasian greatly de­sired to get him into his hands, conceiving he being taken, the greatest part of the War would then be ended; so they sought him among the dead, and amongst those that were L hid;Joseph leaps into a deep trench, and lieth hidden in a Cave. but he (fortune favouring him) when the City was taken, escaped from the midst of his Enemies, and leapt into a deep Well, which had a large Cave on the one side, which they above could not perceive) where he found fourty of the bravest of his men, who had provision there for many days. There in the day-time he lay hid, and in the night he went forth to see if he could escape; but perceiving that all places about were diligently watcht for to take him, he returned again into the Cave, and lay there two days;Vespasian by Tribunes send Joseph assurance. the third day, a certain woman that had been with them in the Cave, discovered him. Then Vespasian sent two Tribunes to him, to promise him safety, and bring him before him; the Tribunes names were Paulinus and Gallicanethus. But Joseph would not accept the offer, fearing that because he had been the Author of all M the Evils that the Romans had endured,Nicanor the Tribune known to Joseph. they sought him out to punish him; till Ves­pasian sent Joseph Nicanor, the third Tribune, one of Josephs acquaintance. Nicanor recounted to him how mild the Romans were towards them whom they had conquered, and that the Roman Generals rather admired him for his Virtue, than hated him. Moreover, that his General intended not to punish him, which if he pleased he might do, (whether he yielded himself or no) but to save him, being so valiant a man: ad­ding also, that if Vespasian meant ill, he would never have imployed his Friend in such a message, to use friendship (so noble a Virtue) to so evil a purpose as to work Trea­son; and that he, though Vespasian had been so minded, would never have consented to have betrayed his friend Joseph. For all Nicanors words, he still hesitated, as un­resolved N what to do. Whereat the Roman Souldiers being angry, began to cast fire into the Cave: but Vespasian hindred them, being desirous to take Joseph alive. Nica­nor ceased not to intreat him; and he perceiving how his Enemies began to be enraged, and calling to mind the dreams he had had,Josephs dream of the slaugh­ter of the Jews. wherein God had fore-shew'd him all the Jews calamities, and what happy success should befal the Romans (for he could in­terpret dreams, and whatsoever God obscurely shewed, being instructed in the Holy Books of the Prophets, and himself a Priest, as his Parents were) being as it were now filled with the Spirit of God, and the Dreams and Visions coming into his mind, he prayed secretly to God after this manner:Joseph filled with the Spirit of God, secret­ly prayeth. O great Creator of the Universe, Seeing it pleaseth thee to ruin the Nation of the Jews, and to send all good Fortune to the Romans, and O that thou hast chosen me to foretell future events, I submit to thy will, and render my self to the Romans to save my life, protesting, that I mean not to go them to play the Traitor to my [Page 672] Country, but as thy Minister. And having thus spoken, he yeilded himself to Nicanor. H But they who were in the Cave with Joseph, perceiving that he yeelded himself to the Romans, flocked about him, and cryed out, What is become of all our love for our Laws? Where are those generous Souls and true Jews, to whom God when he created them, inspired so great a contempt of Death? Joseph con­sents to Ni­canor. Art thou, O Joseph, so desirous to live, as to become a vile Bond-slave? How soon hast thou forgotten thy self? How many hast thou perswaded to em­brace death for the sake of their liberty? The Jews vio­lence and ex­postulation a­gainst Joseph. Truly, thou hast but a shadow of valour and pru­dence in thee, if thou dost hope that they will save thy life, against whom thou hast so behav'd thy self; or if they would save thee, to desire life at their hands. But seeing the Romans offer hath made thee forget thy self; yet we, to preserve the honour and credit of our Country, will lend thee our Arms and Swords, and so if thou be willing to die, die like the General of the I Jews: which if thou refuse to do, thou shalt whether thou wilt or no, die like a Traitor to thy Country. When they had thus said, they all threatned to kill him with their Swords, if he yeilded to the Romans.

Joseph fearing their violence, and being perswaded that if he died before he had re­vealed to his Nation the things which God had declared to him, [...] should fail in his du­ty to God, he had recourse to the reasons which he thought most likely to prevail, and spoke to this effect.

Wherefore,Josephs Ora­tion to his Countrymen. O my Friends (said he) are you become murtherers of your selves? Where­fore are ye so eager to divide things so united as the Soul and the Body are? If any man imagine that my mind is changed, the Romans know whether that be true or no. I confess K it is a thing most honourable to dye in War; not any way, but according to the Law of Arms, to wit, by the Conquerours hand. If I entreat the Romans to spare my life, then I am worthy to perish with mine own sword and hand: But if they think good to spare their Enemies, should we not think it good likewise to spare our selves? Truly, it is meer folly to do that to our selves, to avoid which we fight against them. I confess it is a commendable thing to die for liberty, but that is to die in fight, and by their hands only who took away that liberty: But now, neither do they war against us nor kill us.It is a goodly matter to die for liberty, but yet to die fighting. He is not only to be judg'd a Coward, who refuseth to die when need requireth, but he also who will die when no need urgeth. Moreover, what with-holdeth us from offering our selves to the Romans? Truly, fear of death. Shall we there­fore make that certain our selves, which we fear at the Romans hands? But some will say, if L they spare us, we are made Captives. I pray consider, what liberty we have now.

If it be said, that it is a pa [...] of courage to kill ones self; I maintain on the contrary, it is the part of a very Coward.The similitude of a Sailer. For I think him to be a very timerous Sea-man who perceiving a Tempest coming,It is against the common course of Na­ture for a man to kill himself, yea, and a hei­nous sin a­gainst God. sinketh the Ship wherein he is before it comes. Moreover, it is against the Law of Nature, and the Sentiments of all Creatures to kill our selves, and thereby we also commit a heinous crime against God. There is no living creature that of his own seeking would willingly dye: For every one feeleth in himself the strong and forceable Law of Nature, whereby they desire to live: and for this cause we judge them our Enemies, that seek to take life from us, and punish them that take it indeed: And do you not think it a great contempt for a man to despise life which is Gods gift? For we of him receive our first being, and from M him let us expect our ending. The Body is mortal, framed of corruptible matter; but our Souls are immortal,The soul is immortal, and a portion of God placed in our bodie [...]. and in some sort partake of the Nature of God: If any one abuse that which another putteth him in trust with, we think him a perfidious and wicked man: and shall we think that if we remove out of our Bodies that which God hath placed in the same, that he shall not know of it whom we have so abused? We hold those slaves worthy to be punished that run away from bad Masters: and shall not we then be held for impious, who flee from so good a Master as God is? Do ye not know that they, who according to the Law of Nature de­part out of this Life, and render that to God which they received of him when he who gave it requires it, shall leave behind them a perpetual Name to their Posterity and Family? And that unto those souls who are obedient to their Creator when he calls them, he gives a holy N and sacred mansion in Heaven, from whence, after a revolution of the Heavens, they are again remanded to animate Bodies pure as themselves.God revengeth him on the au­thor of injuries And that on the contrary, they who cause their own death, go into dark hell? and that God punisheth this their offence upon all their posterity?The custom of the antient Jews, and how they dealt with those that slew themselves. Hence it is that our wise Law-maker forbiddeth it, who knew how God abhor­reth this crime. For if any amongst us kill themselves, it is decreed that till the Sun go down they shall be unburied, though we hold it lawful to bury before those that have been killed in War.

Other Nations cause their right-hand to be cut off, who have killed themselves: judging, that as the soul thereby was separated from the body, so the hand deserves to be separated from it.Joseph, Per­ [...]ation. Wherefore, O Companions, think on that which is reasonable, and add not to your misery,O impiety against God who created us. If we desire to be saved, let us save our selves: for [Page 673] A it is no disgrace to receive our lives at their hands, who are witnesses of so many valiant deeds of ours. If we desire to die, let us die by their hands who have overcome us. I will not go into my Enemies Camp to be a Traytor against my self. For I bear not their mind who forsake their own company to fly to their Enemies: for they fly to them to save their lives, but I go to them to cause mine own death. And I would to God that the Romans would break promise with me: for if they kill me after they have promised to save my life, I shall willingly die, and with great courage, seeing their breach of promise and perjury as a blemish to their late victory.

Joseph spoke more to this effect,Joseph is in great danger to be slain. to disswade his Companions from killing them­selves: But they stopping their ears with desperation, wherewith they had armed them­selves to die, came furiously towards him with their swords drawn, upbraiding him that B he was a Coward, and every one was ready to strike him. Then Joseph calling one by his Name, and looking upon another with a countenance like a Governour, holding anothers hand, and intreating the rest distracted in such danger, by this means diverted the blows they intended him, for still as one came near to strike him, he turned his face upon him, like some wild beast encompassed with the hunters. Some of them who remembred he had been their Captain in their extremity, with reverence of his person­age trembled, so that their swords fell out of their hands: and many lifting up their arms to strike him, of their own accord let their weapons fall. Joseph, notwithstand­ing his desperate estate,Another policy of Joseph. yet was not void of judgement, but trusting in Gods assistance, he hazarded his life, and spake unto them as followeth: Seeing ye are all determined to C die, let us cast lots who shall kill one another; and he to whom the lot falleth, shall be killed by him who shall next follow, and so the lot shall be cast upon every one of us, and none of us shall be forced to kill our selves. For it were injustice, that when some of us are slain; the rest should repent themselves, Joseph fellows dye by lots, and Joseph and a­nother are re­served. and so escape. They all liked well of this, and always he upon whom the lot fell, was slain by him that followed, for death was more acceptabe, because they thought Joseph should die with them. Now it hapned, by the providence of God, that Joseph remained alive only with one other; and he perswaded him who was left alive to live, and not to seek death, lest either the lot should fall upon himself, and so he be slain, or upon the other, and so he should be polluted with the murder and slaughter of one of his Friends. Joseph being thus delivered from extream danger both from the D Romans,Joseph resort­eth to Vespasi­an with Nica­nor. and from those of his own Nation, went with Nicanor to Vespasian.

All the Romans came about him to see him; and pressing about their General, they made a great noise, some rejoycing that he was taken, others crying out to punish him, others striving to come near to behold him better: and they who were afar off cryed out to kill that Enemy of the Romans Fame. But those who were near and beheld him, re­membring his great Actions,An example of Titus grace and mercy to­wards Joseph. were astonished at his change of Fortune: No Captain or Ruler, but although before they were all moved against him, yet now beholding him, they begin to pity him: especially Titus, who being of a gentle disposition, admired Josephs valour, his constancy in adversity, and considered his Age, and thereby was mo­ved to take compassion upon him, remembring what a manner of man he had been during E the Wars, and what he now was, being fallen into his Enemies hands: calling also to mind the power and force of Fortune, and how uncertain the chance of War is, and that humane affairs have no stedfastness. His Example drew many minds to pity him, so that Titus was the chief author of Josephs life: Yet Vespasian caused him to be care­fully kept, as though he meant to send him to Caesar. Which Joseph hearing, request­ed that he might speak a word or two with him alone. Whereupon, all but his Son Titus departing,Joseph hath private confe­rence with Vespasian. and two of his Friends, Joseph spoke to him in these terms.

You think only, that you have Joseph for your Captive, but I am a Messenger to you of greater matters from God. Joseph foretel­leth Vespasian of his future honours. Otherwise, I knew my Country Laws, and how it behoved the Generals of our Nation to die, and not to be taken alive by their Enemies. You will send me F to Nero; Wherefore? since Nero and those that are to succeed him before you, have so little time to live, you, O Vespasian, shall be Caesar, and Emperor of Rome, and Titus your Son after you: keep me therefore in bonds with you, for you are not only my Lord, but Lord of all the World, Sea and Land, and all Man-kind. And if I now fain these things in this state of mine own mind against God, let me be reserved to greater punishment. After he had thus spoken, Vespasian gave small credit to his words, thinking that Joseph fained these things of himself to save his Life: yet by little and little he began to give credit to him, because God put it in his mind to hope for the Empire, and fore-told him of his Reign by many signs and tokens, and he also found Joseph to tell the truth in other mat­ters. For one of Vespasians friends saying, that it was strange that he knowing this, G could not prophesie of the event of the War against Jotapata, Josephs truth in all things. and what was like to befal himself, that so he might avoid those evils. Joseph answered, that he had foretold the Citizens of Jotapata, that after seven and fourty dayes they should be destroyed, and [Page 674] that the Romans should keep him alive in hold. Vespasian secretly enquired of these H matters, and finding by the relation of the Captives that it was true, he began to give more credit to that which Joseph had told him concerning himself. So he commanded Joseph to be kept Prisoner, yet he gave him apparel and divers other things in most courteous manner:Joseph is kept bound, yet re­warded by Vespasian. and Titus greatly honoured him. The fourth day of July, Vespa­sian returned to Ptolemais, and from thence he came to the Sea-coast to Caesarea, which is the greatest City of Judaea, whose Inhabitants are for the most part Greeks. The Inhabitants received the Army and the General with all friendship possible,Ca [...]sarea a great City by the Sea-side, inhabited for the most part by Greeks. both for that they loved the Romans, and especially also for that they hated the Jews; so that many intreated Vespasian to put Joseph to death. But Vespasian, judging this a rash Pe­tition, would make no answer to it: and he left two Legions to Winter at Caesarea; I because he saw it was a fit place; and he sent the tenth and fifth to Scythopolis, because he would not over-charge Cesarea with the whole Army.Scythopolis. This place is warm in Win­ter, and exceeding hot in Summer, by reason it is situate on a Plain by the Sea-coast.

CHAP. XV.
How Joppa was taken by the Romans.K

IN the mean time a great multitude being gathered together,Joppa the re­treat of the Seditious and Thieves. who either were se­ditious persons, or thieves, or such as had escaped out of the taken-Cities, re-edi­fied Joppa for their refuge, which Cestius formerly had destroyed: and seeing they could not find provision in the Countrey, which was already wasted and left desolate by the War, they purposed to become Pirates; and so building Ships for that purpose, they robbed the Phoenicians, Syrians, and Aegyptians, not suffering any to pass those Seas without danger. Vespasian understanding their practices, sent Horse and Foot a­gainst Joppa, who finding the City not guarded, got into it in the night: which the Inhabitants perceiving, were so terrifi'd that they durst not make any resistance to expel L the Romans; but they all fled to their Ships, and there stayed all night, a flight-shot from the shore. Joppa is naturally no road for Ships (for it is situated upon a tur­bulent Shore) and on every side hath very high and eminent Rocks, which trouble the Seas, and make huge Waves. In this place (if we may believe the fable) one may see the signs of Andromeda's Chains.Of Androme­da, read lib. 4. Ovid Meta­morph. When the North Wind blows, it striketh the Waves against the Rocks, and so causeth a dangerous Sea, that it were far more safe to be in the midst of the Seas than at that Shore when the said Wind bloweth. The Inhabitants of Joppa rode there all night,A huge tem­pest drowneth those of Joppa in the Sea. and by break of day the North Wind began to blow fiercely, and drove some of the Ships one against another, and others against the Rocks: and many striving against Wind and Weather, and seeking to get into the midst of the Sea for fear of the Rocky Shore, and their Enemies there, were drowned.M They that escaped, neither had any place of refuge, nor hope of safety; for the tem­pest drove them from the Sea, and the Romans from the City, so that the air was fil­led with cities of the people expecting to be drowned, and with the noise and sound of the Ships beating one against another. By this means some of the Inhabitants of Jop­pa were swallowed up by the Waves, others suffered shipwrack; some killed themselves rather than to be drowned: many with the Waves were stricken against the Rocks, so that the Sea was bloody, and all the shore covered with dead Bodies: and whosoever escaped the Sea, and got to shore, the Roman Souldiers there standing ready, killed them.Four thousand and two hun­dred bodies cast out. Four thousand and two hundred dead Bodies were cast upon the shore. So the N Romans having without any fight taken the City, destroyed it: and thus was Joppa taken, and twice destroyed by the Romans in a short time. Vespasian built there a Ca­stle, Vespasian ta­keth Joppa, and encampeth in the Castle. and placed in it some few Horsemen and Footmen, to the end that none of the Jews might come thither again to play the Pirates; and that the Footmen might keep the Castle, and in the mean time the Horsemen might go forth, and spoil all the Towns and Villages, and Territories belonging to Joppa: which also they did. When the news of the destruction of Jotapata was brought to Jerusalem, many gave small cre­dit to it; partly for the greatness of the Calamity, partly for that no man could say, he had seen the destruction of the City: for none escaped the Massacre to carry the news, [...]ame it self declareth the destruction of Jotapata. but only report thereof was spread abroad. But at the last it was confirmed to O be true by those that dwelt near the place, and then they believed it; Many things also which were false, were reported as true: For it was bruited that Joseph was slain [Page 675] A in the destruction of the City. All Jerusalem was so afflicted his for death, that where­as others were lamented only by their Kindred, all the City bewailed his supposed Death. They mourned for him thirty days, and hired Musicians to sing Funeral Songs for him. At last, truth discovered it self, and the true news of the destruction of Jotapata with the accidents there:Joseph is said to be slain in Jerusalem. also how Joseph was not slain, but was living in the hands of the Romans, and that the Romans honoured him more than a Captive could expect.The hatred, malice and wrath in Jeru­salem against Joseph. Then the Jews began as much to hate him now living, as before they had mourned for him when they supposed him dead. Some said he was a Coward, others that he was a Traitour to his Country, and the whole City vented reproachful speeches against him. These heavy tydings encreased their rage and their adversity (which to wise B men had been a warning to provide lest the like should befal themselves) made them more outragious; so that always the end of one mischief was the beginning of another. To be short, now they were more incensed against the Romans than before, in the thought that by revenging themselves of them, they might also be revenged of Jo­seph. And this was the Estate of the Citizens of Jerusalem.

CHAP. XVI.
C How Tiberias was yielded.

VEspasian was desirous to see the Kingdom of Agrippa (for the King had intreated him to go thither,Vespasian cometh unto Agrippas King­dom, and re­createth him­self there, and feasteth twen­ty days. partly to the intent to feast him and his whole Army, partly that he might repress some troubles arising in his Kingdom in the time of his absence) And so he departed from Cesarea upon the Sea-coast, and went to Caesarea Philippi, where he stayed and refreshed his Souldiers twenty dayes; and himself also feasted, giving God thanks for his prosperous success in the War. This done, he had Intelligence that Tiberias and Tarichea were revolted (both which Cities belonged to Agrippa's Kingdom) whereupon determining utterly to destroy the Jews which inhabited there­abouts, D he thought good to lead his Army against these two places, especially that he might reward Agrippa for his good entertainment, by surrendring these Cities to him. In order whereunto he sent his Son Titus to Caesarea to bring the Souldiers there to Scythopolis, which was the greatest City of all Decapolis, and was near Tiberias; whi­ther himself being come, he expected his Son's coming: and departing from thence with three Legions, he pitched his tent in a place called Enabris, where the seditious people of Tiberias might behold his Army; this place was thirty Furlongs from Tibe­rias. From thence he sent Valerianus a Captain to exhort them to peace,Valerianus peaceably speaks to the Townsmen. and he sent fifty Horsmen to accompany him: for he understood that the people desired peace, and against their will were forced to War, by some of the Seditious amongst E them. Valerianus coming near the City Walls, lighted from his Horse, and commanded all his Company to do the like, that they of Tiberias might not think that they came to fight,The seditious sally out, and put the Ro­mans to flight. but in peaceable manner: before he spoke a word, the boldest of the seditious persons issued out against him, having one Jesus the Son of Tobias, who had been a Captain of Thieves, for their Leader. Valerianus not presuming to fight without Authority from his General, although he had been certain of the Victory; and con­sidering that it was great danger for so few to fight against a whole multitude, and withal terrified with the boldness of the Jews, contrary to his expectation, he fled away on Foot, accompanied only with five other, leaving his Horse and the rest be­hind him, whom Jesus and his followers took, and brought into the City, rejoycing F as though they had taken them in fight, and not by treachery. But the Senators and chief of the City,The Citizens of Tiberias prostratet them­selves before Vespasian, and obtain pardon. fearing what might ensue upon this fact, went to King Agrippa, who presented them to Vespasian; they prostrated themselves at his feet, beseeching him to have compassion on them, and not to think the whole City partakers with those few wicked persons, that so had merited his displeasure; but to spare the people who always had honoured the Romans, and only punish the Authors of that revolt and misdemeanour, who also had with-held the whole City till now from yielding it self to the Romans. Vespasian moved by their entreaties, pardoned the City, (though he was exasperated against them all for taking of Valerianus Horse) and because he perceived Agrippa was Solicitous for fear that the City should be destroyed; and G so Vespasian promised the Citizens pardon. Then Jesus and his associates thinking it not safe for them to abide there, fled to Tarichea. The next day Vespasian sent be­before [Page 676] before him Trajanus with certain Horsemen into the Castle, to see if all the people de­sired H peace: and finding them to be peaceably despos'd, he with his whole Army came to the City. The Inhabitants opening the Gates of the City, went to meet him with great joy, all crying out that he was the Author of their welfare, and Benefactor, and wishing him all prosperity and felicity.The Tiberians entertain Ve­spasian with acclamations. The Gates of the City were narrow, so that the Army could not quickly enter in: wherefore Vespasian commanded a part of the Wall on the Southside to be pull'd down, and so entred; forbidding to spoil the Citizens, or ruine the Walls, for Agrippa's sake, who promised that from thenceforth the Citizens should be quiet: And indeed this King spared no pains to repair the mischiefs which Division had caus'd amongst them.

I

CHAP. XVII.
How Tarichea was besieged.

VEspasian departed from Tiberias,Vespasian be­sieged Tari­chea. and encamped near Tarichea, and fortifi'd his Camp: foreseeing that the Siege of this place would cost much time: for all Re­bels that had desired War were got thither, trusting both to the strength of the City, and the Lake adjoyning to it, called Genesareth. For this City was built like Tiberias, upon a Mountain: and Joseph had inclosed it with a Wall where it was not compassed by the Lake. But the Wall, though strong, yet was not so strong as that of Tiberias:K for Joseph built that in the beginning of the Revolt, having men and money at will; but that of Tarichea was built only by the remainder of his liberality. The Taricheans had great store of Ships in the Lake adjoyning, to the end that if they were over­come by Land, they might flie by Water: to which end they had prepared their Ships for Battel by Water, if need should be. Whilst the Romans entrenched them­selves, Jesus and his followers not dismayed either with the multitude or Military Di­scipline of his Enemies, issued out of the City, and slew the Workmen, and destroyed part of the Work; The Romans drive the Jews to their Ships. till perceiving the Romans assembled together against him, he fled again to his Company without any loss or harm received. But the Romans pursued them so fast, that they forced them to take their Ships: and so being gone so far from the L shore, as that yet they might easily reach them with the shot of an Arrow, they cast Anchor and disposed their Ships in Warlike manner, and fought against the Romans who were on Shore. Vespasian understanding at the same time that a great multitude of them were gathered together in a place neer the City, sent his Son Titus against them with 600 Horse; who finding the number of his Enemies too great to encounter, he cer­tified his Father that he needed more Forces: Yet perceiving many of those Horsemen of good courage, before any more aid came, (though some of them were afraid of the Jews) he got upon a high place where all might hear him, Titus Oration to his terrified Souldiers. and said, O ye Romans, I will first put you in mind who you are, and of what Nation, that so considering what your selves are, you may also consider who they are with whom we are to fight. As for you, was there ever any M Enemy in any part of the World that could escape our hands?Jews are not to be feared. And as for he Jews though they endure and manfully bear out their misery, yet they look upon themselves as vanquisht. If therefore they constantly endure misery, and fight valiantly being in adversity; what should we do who are in prosperity? I rejoyce to see you shew good Countenance; yet I fear lest so great a multitude of our Enemies may discourage some of you. Let every one therefore once again consider, who himself is, and with whom he is to fight: and that although the Jews be bold and valiant enough, yet they observe no warlike order, and are unarmed, and so are rather to be termed a multitude than an Army. I need not speak of your knowledg and skill in War: since for this only cause we are trained up in Warlike discipline in time of Peace, to the end that our courage should answer the number of our enemies when we are to joyn Battel: for what N fruit shall we shew of this our perpetual warlike order and discipline, if we dare only fight with a rude multitude that are no more in number than our selves? consider that you being armed are to fight with men unarmed, and being Horsmen are to fight with Footmen, and being guid­ed by good Officers, with those who have no Head or Ruler. All which things supply in us the want of more men; and the contrary in our Enemies doth much deminish their number. Victo­ry doth not depend on the multitude of men, be they never so warlike; but in a few, if they be valiant: [...]. for as they are few, so are they easi [...]y kept in order, and may easily come to help one another, not being pestered; whereas great multitudes do more hinder one another than do good, and oftentimes do themselves more [...]arm than their Enemies. The Jews indeed are led with Desperation, Rage and Fury, which when good fortune seconds them are of some force, but the O least ill fortune quickly extinguishes that order: But we are led by Vertue, and Obedience, [Page 677] A and fortitude, which are of force in prosperity, and also are good in adversity. Moreover we have greater reason to fight than the Jews have: for they fight only for their Country and Liberty, but we fight for Renown and Empire; that since we have already gained the Empire of the whole World, it might not be thought that our Enemies the Jews are Adversaries able to match us. Consider moreover, that ye need not fear any great danger, for we have ma­ny to help us, and that hard by: let us therefore atchieve the Victory before any more succour come to us; so shall our honour and our Victory be greater. Now there will be a trial made of me, my Father, and you; whether he deserves the reputation he enjoys? whether I am worthy to be his Son? and whether I may esteem my self happy in commanding you? For he is wont to be victorious, and shall I return to him being conquered? and are you not asham'd to be dismayed, B seeing that I your Captain offer my self,It becometh Souldiers to obey their Captain. and will undergo the greatest perils? my self will bear the brunt of the Enemies, and first encounter with them, and let none of you depart from me: perswade your selves that God will assist me in this fight, and boldly presume that we can do much more being in the midst of our Enemies, then if we should only fight with them at distance.

Titus having thus spoken, as it were by Gods providence, all his Souldiers took heart and courage, so that now they were sorry to see Trajan come with 400 Horsmen more before the fight began, as though their Victory would be less renowned, because he came to help them. Vespasian also sent Antonius and Silo with 2000 Archers, to take the Moun­tain that was just opposite to the Town,Vespasian sendeth new supplies to Ti­tus. and to beat them that defended the City off from the Walls: and they did as they were commanded. Then Titus with all force pos­sible C charg'd with his Horse upon the Enemies: and all followed him with an huge cry, spreading themselves in such order that they occupied as much ground as the Jews, and so appeared more than indeed they were. The Jews, though terrified by their fierceness, yet stood the first assault but in the end dismaied, and put out of order with their Lan­ces, The Jews flie into the City. and trampled on by the Horsmen, every one fled as fast as he could into the City. The Romans killed some as they fled, others as they overtook them, many for haste tum­bling one upon another;A bitter dis­sention and sedition in the City. and they prevented all that fled to the Walls and drove them back again into the field, so that of this great multitude a very few were sav'd who got into the City. Now at their return into the City, there fell a great dissention: for the Inhabitants considering their own Estate, and the event of all former Wars, and espe­cially D of this last fight, misliked the War, and desired peace: but the strangers that had fled from other places thither, and were in great number, would needs continue it; and so one part began a contest against the other, which proceeded so far that by their outcries they seem'd ready to take Arms. Titus being not far from the Wall, heard these tumults within the City,Titus Oration to the Roman Souldiers. and cried out to the Romans; This is the hour (follow Soul­diers) wherein God hath given the Jews into our hands: why do we defer the time any longer, why do we not take the Victory offered? do you not hear the cryes within? they who escaped our hands, are at variance amongst themselves: the City is ours, if we make haste, and take courage. Nothing worthy renown can be atchieved without danger. Let us not only prevent our enemies concord, which necessity will soon effect, but also our own Forces before any fresh aid come to us; E that besides the Victory, being so few over so huge a multitude, we may also divide the spoil of the City among us. Jesus with his followers fly­eth into the fields. No sooner had he thus spoken, but presently he mounted upon his Horse, and rode into the Lake, and so passed into the City, and all the Souldiers followed him. They that defended the Walls, were so amazed at his boldness, that none made resistance against him as he came: but Jesus with his followers leaving the quarter which was his to defend, fled into the fields: others flying towards the Lake, fell into their Enemies hands, who came that way against them, and so were slaughter'd as they were getting into their Ships; others were slain as they were swimming to overtake the Ships that were new lanch'd fro [...] the Shore: and there was a great slaughter of men all over the City. For the strangers that fled not, made some resistance, but the Townsmen did F not offer to defend themselvs; for they abstained from fight, hoping for pardon, be­cause they had not approved the War: At last Titus having slain the factious, took com­passion upon the Citizens and saved their lives,Titus certifies his Father of his exploits and Victory. and caused the Slaughter to cease. They who escaped to the Lake, seeing the City taken, remov'd as far as they could from their Enemies. Titus sent Horsemen to let his Father understand what he had done. Vespasian was very glad of his Sons glorious success, whereby a great part of the War was ended. He commanded the City to be Guarded round about, to the intent that none might scape away alive. And the next day he came down to the Lake, and com­manded Ships to be built to pursue those that had escaped by it: and having many workmen, and great store of matter to build them withal, his command soon effected.

G

A CHAP. XVIII.
The Description of the Lake of Genezareth, and the Fountain of Jordan.

THE Lake of Genezareth taketh its name from the Country adjoyning to it; the breadth thereof is fourty furlongs, the length a hundred. The Water of this Lake is sweet and good to drink, and more subtil than ordinarily the Waters of other places are; and it is very clear near the shoar, and more cool to drink, than either that of the River or Fountain; yea it is always more cold than one would judge such a Lake B to be of that largeness: for the Water being set in the Sun, doth not lose its coldness, when the Inhabitants expose it to the Sun in Summer to allay the natural coldness thereof.The Fountain of Jordan. There are in it many sorts of Fishes, nothing like the Fishes of other places, either in shape or taste. The River Jordan passeth through the midst of it. It is thought that Panium is the head and Fountain of it, but in truth it hath its Original from Phiala, from whence it passeth under ground a hundred and thirty Furlongs from Caesarea, towards that way which leads unto Trachonitis on the right-hand. This Source is called Phiala, by reason of its roundness, for it is as round as a Wheel, and the Water still keepeth within the brink of Phiala, never encreasing nor diminishing. No man knew that this was the head of Jordan, till Philip the Tetrarch of Traconitis found C it to be so; for he casting straws into Phiala, found them afterward carried to Panium, which before that time was thought to be the Fountain of Jordan. Panium, though it be naturally beautified, yet by Agrippa's cost and charges it was much more adorned. Jordan beginneth with a deep River out of this Den,The Descrip­tion of Gene­zareth. and passeth along the Marish pla­ces, and dirty Lake of Semechonitis, and from thence 120 Furlongs to the City Julias, and in the way divideth the Lake Genezareth, The fertility of Genezareth and passing a great way further into the Wilderness, at last it falleth into the Lake called Asphaltites. Upon the Lake Geneza­reth there bordereth a Country of the same Name, naturally beautiful and admirable; for there is no kind of Plant which will not grow there, and the Inhabitants have re­plenished it with Plants and Trees of all sorts, and the temperature of the Air well a­greeth D with all sort of Fruit-Trees: for there are an infinite Company of Nut-trees, which of all Trees especially require a cold soil: there are also abundance of Palms, which desire great heat: likewise great store of Figs and Olives, which require a tempe­rate Air: so that one may justly say, that through the bounty of Nature, so differ­ent and opposite qualities are here together united; and at one time, as it were, all dif­ference of seasons of the year conjoyn for good purpose. And it doth not only nourish these Fruits, but also conserveth for ten whole Moneths Figs, Grapes, and all other Fruits all the year long.The length and breadth of Genezareth. Besides the temperature of the Air, it is also watered by a plentiful Fountain called Capernaum: Many think it to be an Arm of Nilus, because it hath Fishes like the Corbe bred only in a Lake near Alexandria. The length of this E Country along the Lake bearing the same Name, is thirty Furlongs, and the breadth twenty.

CHAP. XIX.
A Sea-Fight; in which Vespasian defeats in the Lake of [...]nezareth all those that had saved themselves at Tarichea.

VEspasian having built his Ships,A Sea-Fight against the Taricheans. and furnished them with as many men as he F thought sufficient against those whom he was to pursue, he embarqued upon the Lake, and himself also went against them. The Taricheans could not possibly make any escape by Land, although they would; and they were not able to fight hand to hand with the Romans, for their small Pyrate Boats could not withstand their Enemies great Vessels; and besides they were not sufficiently manned, so that they feared to encounter the Romans, who pressed altogether upon them: yet notwithstanding sometime they came about the Roman Ships, and cast Stones at the Romans afar off, and sometimes also they came near, and skirmished with them: yet they themselves always had more harm than the Romans; for their Stones which they cast did only rattle G against the Romans Armour, but hurt them not, and they were killed by the Romans [Page 679] H Arrows: and if at any time they were so bold as to come near the Romans, they were slain before they could do them any harm, or else sunk with their Boats. And as ma­ny as attempted to assault the Romans, were slain with their Javelins and Swords, the Romans leaping into their Boats; and many were taken with their Boats, the Ships meeting one another.Vespasian's Victory in the Lake of Gene­zareth against the Taricheans They that were in the water and lift up their heads to swim, were kill'd with Arrows, or over-taken with Roman Boats: and if in desperation they came swimming towards their Enemies, their Hands or Heads were presently cut off. Thus some perished one way,The end of the Battel by Sea, wherein died 6500 men. some another, till at last they fled, and arrived upon the shoar, where their Ships were compassed round about. So the Romans kill'd many upon the Lake, and many upon the Land, and one might then have seen all the Lake stained I with blood,Vespasian con­sults with his Chieftains a­bout the Jews. and full of dead Bodies, for not one escaped alive. A few dayes after, these dead Bodies corrupted the Air by their stench, in such sort, that the whole Country was annoyed with it: and this spectacle was so hideous that it caused horror not only in the Jews, but even in the Romans themselves, who had been the cause of it. And the Shores were all full of Boats that had suffered Ship-wrack, and dead Bodies swollen in the water: And this was the end of that War by water. The number of them that perished here and in the City, was 6500. The Fight being ended, Vespasian sate in a Tribunal Seat, and separated the Strangers from the Inhabitants, for that the former seem'd to be the Authors of that War: Yet he deliberated with the Captains and Go­vernours, whether he should likewise pardon them: but they told him that their lives K might endamage him; for, said they, if you send those men away and let them live, they cannot live peaceably, because they want abiding places, and they are able to disturb and disquiet those to whom they shall fly. Vespasian for this cause judged them unworthy to live, presuming that if they were let go, they would fight against them who pardoned their Lives; it remained to consider what death to put them to. But he thought with himself, the Inhabitants would not patiently abide so many to be massa­cred, who had fled to them for succour; wherefore he sought to use no violence to them, because he had promised them security. But at last he was overcome by the perswasion of his Friends, who told him that all things against the Jews were lawful, and that pro­fit was to be preferred before honesty, seeing both could not be had: so Licence being L granted to them to depart, they suspecting nothing, were commanded to take only that way that leadeth to Tiberias. They willingly obeyed as they were commanded, not misdoubting the safety of their goods or money: But the Romans had placed them­selves on every side the way even to Tiberias, to the intent that none might escape, and so shut them all in the City. Presently after came Vespasian and enclosed them all in an Amphitheater, and so killed 1200 persons, who were all old men, or young and un­able for service.The Destructi­on and sale of the Jews. Of the rest, that were all strong young men, he sent 6000 to Nero to work at Istmos, near Corinth. The rest of the multitude he sold, in number 30400, besides others that he gave to Agrippa, whom also he permitted to do what he would with those that were of his Kingdom: But Agrippa sold all those that were given him. M The rest of them were fugitives and seditious persons of Trachonitis, Gaulanitis, and Hippenis, and many of Gadara, whose contempt of Peace procured the War. They were taken the sixth of the Ides of September.

NO

The FOURTH BOOK H Of the WARS of the JEVVS,

The Contents of the Chapters of the Fourth Book.
  • 1 HOw Gamala was besieged.
  • 2 How Placidus took Itaburium.
  • 3 How Gamala was destroyed.
  • 4 How Titus took Gischala.
  • 5 Of the beginning of the Destruction of Jerusalem.
  • 6 Of the coming of the Idumaeans to Jerusalem, and of their deeds.
  • 7 Of the Massacre of the Jews by the Idumeans. K

CHAP. I.
How Gamala was Besieged.

AFter that Tarichea was taken,The Victory of the Romans against the Jews. all those Cities that from the time that Jotapata was surprized till this instant had revolted from the Ro­mans, did now again unite themselves unto them: so that the Ro­mans L had now gotten into their hands all Castles and Towns of Gali­lee, Giscala only excepted, and Itaburium, a Mountain so called. With these two rebelled Gamala, a Town over against Tarichea, and scituate upon the Lake, belonging to the Kingdom of Agrippa; and also Sagane, and Seleucia▪ which two last belong'd to Gaulantis, Sagane to the higher part, called Gau­lana, Semeachonitis a Lake. and Gamala to the lower; Selucia unto the Lake Semechonitis, which is thirty fur­longs in breadth,The Fountain of Jordan. and threescore large, whose Marshes reach even to Daphne, which Country is very pleasant of it self,The scituation of Gamala. and famous for that it entertaineth the stream cal­led little Jordan, and at the foot of the Golden Mountain, drives it into the great Jor­dan. M Agrippa in the beginning of the Revolt had made a Treaty with Sagane and Seleu­cia: but Gamala, trusting to its scituation, would not enter into the Treaty. It is far stronger than Jotapata. It stands on a hill which riseth up in the midst of an exceeding high Mountain, so that it representeth the figure of a Camel, which the Hebrews call Damel, and thereof it took the name, which the Inhabitants have corrupted into Da­mal. Before it, and on either side are deep Vallies, into which a man can hardly de­scend; only it may be assaulted on that side where it joyneth to the Mountain, which also the Inhabitants have made inaccessible, by cutting there a deep Ditch. In that place the City was very well inhabited on the descent of the Hill,The City of Gamala in­expugnable and strong. and towards the South part it stood on so steep a Hill, that it seemed as if it would have fallen every hour,N and there another Hill served the Inhabitants instead of a Castle, being unwalled: for it was exceeding high, and reached down to the bottom of the Valley. In the Town within the Walls thereof there was also a Fountain. Although this City were of its own nature invincible, yet Joseph compassing it with a Wall, and with Ditches and Mines made it stronger. Wherefore the Inhabitants of this place put far more confi­dence in their Walls, than they of Jotapata did; yet they were fewer in number, and not so Warlike people; but on account of the scitutation of the City, they esteemed themselves above their Enemies: for the City was full of men that fled thither by reason of the strength of the place: so that for seven Months they resisted the forces that were sent by Agrippa to besiege them.Vespasian be­sieg [...]h Ga­mal [...]. Vespasian having decamped from Ammaus, pitched his O Tents before Tiberians, and so went to Gamala, (Ammaus signifies Hot-Water, for there is a Fountain of Hot-Water there, which cureth many Diseases.) The City was so [Page 681] A scituate,The year of the World, 4031. after the Na­tivity of Christ 69. that he could not besiege it round about: wherefore he placed men to keep watch in such places as were passable, and possessed the highest Mountain, where his Souldiers pitching their Tents, entrenched themselves. On the East part of the City in the most eminent place there was a Castle, where the fifteenth and fifth Legions lay against the Town, and the tenth Legion filled up the Ditches and Vallies. King Agrip­pa went to the Walls,One with a sling wound­eth Agrippa. and spake to those that defended them, willing them to yield to the Romans; but one of them with a Sling struck him on the right Arm, and hurt him; which much troubled his familiar Fr [...]ends. And the Romans for anger that the King was hurt, and for fear of such mischances to themselves, now became earnest to assault the Town, perswading themselves that they would use strangers and their Enemies hard­ly B if it lay in their power, seeing they had so ill entreated a Prince of their own Nati­on, for perswading them to what was profitable for them.

The Romans having quickly intrenched themselves by reason of the multitude that laboured in business, who were accustomed to such work, began to place their Engines against the Town-Walls. Chares and Joseph who were two of the most potent men in the Town, animated and armed their Citizens, and led them to the Walls to defend them; but they had not much courage to the business. And although they well per­ceived that the City could not long hold out, seeing they wanted Water, and many other things necessary to stand a Siege; yet notwithstanding they exhorted the Towns­men to be valiant,The Romans besiege Gama­la and assault it. where a while they resisted, notwithstanding the shot: but at last, C they were therewith so terrified, that leaving the Walls, they fled into the City. Then the Romans battered the Walls with Rams in three several places, and where the Wall fell, there they issued in with Trumpets and a great shout, and fought with the Towns­men, who in the first conflict so valiantly resisted them, that they permitted them not to enter further into the Town. But at last being overcome both in strength and num­ber, they all fled into the highest part of the City, and from thence they turned again upon the Romans, who pursued them, and drave them down into the Vallies, and killed many; and divers in that strait passage were trodden to death by their fellows. Where­upon, seeing that they neither could flie, nor resist their Enemies above their heads, they fled into the houses, which adjoyned unto the Plain, and so filled them, that being D over-charged,The Romans fall down with the ruines of the Jews houses▪ they fell down upon other houses beneath them, and beat them down also, and they likewise others scituated beneath them. Many of the Romans this way perished; for being amazed, and not knowing what to do, they got into their houses, notwithstanding they saw them shake and totter: and many seeking to escape, were maimed by some part of the Ruines that fell upon their Bodies, and many were choak­ed in the dust.Many Romans slain and spoiled. The Citizens of Gamala rejoyced thereat, thinking that this aid was sent from God: and not regarding their private losses, they ceased not to force the Romans into their houses; and if any were in the narrow streets, them they slew with Darts from the high places. The ruines afforded them Stones enough, and their slain Enemies Swords and Armour, which they took from them, being half dead, and used E against themselves: many died, who cast themselves headlong from off the houses being ready to fall, and those that sought to flie could not easily escape; for being ignorant of the wayes, and there being such a dust that one could not see another, they kill'd one another: till with much ado, finding passage, they got out of the City.

Vespasian, Vespa [...]sian's fortitude and warlike valour. who was alwaies in the midst of these encounters, was greatly moved to see the Buildings fall so upon his Souldiers, and forgetting his own safety, he retired himself with only a few to the higher part of the City, where he was left in great danger, having very few about him (for Titus his Son was not there, being before this time sent to M [...] ­tianus in Syria) and now he could not flie safely, nor yet had it been for his honour, if he could.Vespasian's fight with the Jews. Wherefore remembring all his great Actions from his Child-hood, and his F own Virtue, he encouraged his men, and with them joyned Arms, and covered them­selves with their Shields, and so as it were assisted with some divine Aid, defended them­selves from all Darts, Arrows, and Stones, which were cast from above upon them; and so they remained there, not terrified either with the number or might of their Enemies, till at last, wondring at his Valour and Courage, they abated their fury. And now perceiving his Enemies to assault him but faintly, he retired back, till such time as he got without the City Walls.

Many Romans perished in this Fight, and among the rest Ebutius a Centurion, who not only in this fight shew'd himself valiant, but also in many battles before, and had done the Jews much harm. Gallus with ten Souldiers [...] hid in a certain house. Also in that fight a certain Captain named Gallus, accom­panied G with ten Syrian Souldiers, hid himself in a house, and at supper-time he heard the people of that house talk, what the Citizens of Gamala were purposed to do [Page 682] against the Romans, and in the night time he slew them all, and escaped safe unto the H Romans. Vespasian perceiving his Army dejected at this disadvantage, and so much the more, for that they never yet had so bad success, and especially, for that they had for­saken their General, and left him in danger, thought good to comfort them, speaking nothing concerning himself, Vespasian com­forteth his Souldiers. lest he should seem to find fault with some. In the begining of his speech, he told them, That it behoved them patiently to bear that which was com­mon to all men, because there was no Victory without blood-shed, and that Fortune was muta­ble; that he had already slain many thousand Jews, and now had paid a small Tribute for his happy success to adverse Fortune. That as it did not become any but vain-glorious people to boast in their Prosperity,The inconstan­cy and mutabi­lity of fortune. so none but Cowards feared and trembled in Adversity. For; said he, Fortune is very mutable both to the good and bad; and he is a valiant Man that is I not moved by Adversity: for he, having all his wits about him, can even in the midst of his troubles, see where any fault is and amend it. Yet (said he) this hath not befaln us through want of Courage, or by the Valour and Prowess of the Jews; but the difficulty of the place has been the only obstacle of our Victory. If you are to be blamed, tis only for venturing too far; for when you saw your Enemies flie to the higher places, you should then have held your hands, and not have pursued them with so manifest danger to your selves, as every one might fore-see in this pursuit: so having gain'd the lower part of the City, you might in a little time have drawn them to a more equal conflict: but you, being eager of the Victory, did not respect your own safety.The Roman Souldiers do all things with discretion. It is not the manner of the Romans rashly and unadvisedly to fight; they are wont to do all things orderly and advisedly. Timerity is fit only for barbarous People; K and, as you see, proper to the Jews. Wherefore, let us call out own virtue to mind, and ra­ther be angry for this that hapned (and so incite our selves to revenge) than sorrowful. And let every valiant Souldier with his own sword comfort himself: so shall we both revenge the death of our Friends, and be revenged of them by whom they were slain: and I my self (as also now I did) will expose my self to all dangers with you, and go first to fight, and come last from it. With these and such like speeches he comforted his Souldiers.

The People of Gamala were at first very joyful for their prosperous success; which notwithstanding did not happen through their Valour: but soon after considering, that now all hope of pardon was taken away, and that there was no way to escape, they became very sorrowful, and their hearts relented (for now Victuals failed them) yet L they omitted not to provide for their own safety as well as they could; for the most Valiant among them kept the Breach, and the rest the strong Places about the Walls which were yet unbattered.The Romans once more at­tempt the as­sault of G [...] ­mala. The Romans again built Mounts, and attempted to as­sault the City, and many of the Citizens fled by the Vallies where no guard was, and by secret Vaults underneath the ground; and they who for fear of being taken, re­mained in the City, perished for hunger: for all the Victuals were reserved for them that fought, who, by the extremity whereinto they were reduced, had not lost their Courage.

M CHAP. II.
How Placidus took the Mountain Itaburium.

DUring this Siege,The height of the Mountain Itaburium. Vespasian made another attempt against those that kept the Mountain Itaburium, scituate between the great field and Scythopolis, being thirty Furlongs high, and inaccessable on the North side. In the very top of this Mountain there is a Plain twenty Furlongs over, enclosed with a Wall: which Wall though of N so huge a compass, Joseph had built in fourty dayes. They received all necessary pro­vision from beneath, but they had only rain-water. Unto this place a huge multitude were gathered, and Vespasian sent Placidus against them with six hundred Horse, who could no ways get up the Mountain: wherefore he exhorted many of them to peace, putting them in hope of pardon: Many Jews came down towards him, but with in­tention to entrap him, and surprise him unawares. Placidus purposely gave them fair speeches, hoping to get them down into the Plain: and they, as though they would have obeyed him,Fraud paid with fraud. followed him thither, meaning when they came there, suddenly to assault him: yet Placidus his device took place. For when the Jews assaulted him, he fained flight, and the Jews having pursued him a great way from the Mountain, he turned again upon them,Placidus Victory. and wounded many on the backs as they fled, killed some, and O hindred the rest from ascending the Mountain: so the remainder left Itaburium, and [Page 683] A fled to Jerusalem; and the Inhabitants (now Water failing them) yielded to Placi­dus, and delivered the Mountain unto him.

CHAP. III.
How Gamala was Destroyed.

IN the mean time many of the Gamalians, The Romans undermine a certain Tower and it falleth with a great noise. that had appeared the most hardy, fled B and hid themselves; and the weaker sort perished through Famine: yet a few of the most couragious that were left among them, defended the Wall till the twenty se­venth day of October. Upon which day, three Souldiers of the fifteenth Legion, to­wards the break of day, undermined the highest Tower in their quarter, and entred in­to it, those that kept it, neither perceiving them when they came in, nor when they went out (for it was in the night-time.) These Souldiers being wary lest any noise should be made, removed five of the greatest stones of the Foundation, and presently leapt away; and incontinently the Tower fell with a hideous noise, and with the fall killed those that kept it; whereupon many that kept watch in those quarters fled through fear; and they who sought to escape the Romans, were killed; amongst whom C Joseph was strucken with a Dart from a part of the Wall that was fallen down, and there dyed. They who were within the City were terrified with the noise hereof, and ran up and down as though all the Enemies were already entred into it. And Chares Josephs Companion, being sick, yielded up the Ghost, fear encreasing his Disease, and helping to shorten his life. The Romans remembring the bad success at the last assault, did not enter the City till the twenty-third of the Month aforesaid.

Then Titus animated by resentment of the misfortune of the Romans in his absence,Titus with two hundred Horse besides chosen Foot-men, en­treth Gamala. accompanied with 200 Horsemen, and some chosen Foot-men, entred the City, no man resisting him: the Watch-men then first perceiving it, cryed, To Arms. Those with­in the City fearing that Titus was entred, some took their Children, some their Wives, D and fled into the Castle with pitiful Cries and weeping: others met Titus, and were all put to the Sword; and they that could not get into the Castle, not knowing what to do, fell among the Roman Guards. Then the skies were filled with the cries of men dying, and the lower places of the City flowed with blood. Vespasian led his whole Army against those that fled into the Castle,The top of the Castle of Ga­mala stony and hard to be climbed. which was of a great height, and scarcely accessible, standing in a stony place full of Ditches and deep Dens, and com­passed with steep Rocks. The Jews drove down the Romans that offered to come up to them, partly with Darts, partly with Stones, which they rowled down upon them; and they were so high, that the Romans Arrows could not reach them. But at last, as it were by Gods providence,The Romans Victory by Gods Pro­vidence. who would have it so, a Whirlwind arose which carried E the Roman Arrows amongst them in the Castle, and the Jews Arrows from the Ro­mans; and the Wind was so violent, that it was not possible for them to stand upon those high places: and so not being able to stand, nor to see those that came against them, the Romans ascended and took the Castle; some resisting for their defence, others yielding themselves. The Romans now call to mind their fellows that had pe­rished in the first assault, and so became more cruel. Many despairing of their lives, cast their Wives, their Children, and themselves headlong down those Precipices into the deep Vallies underneath.9000 Jews slain in Gama­la, and only two Women escape. So that the Cruelty the Romans shewed against the peo­ple of Gamala, was not so great as that which they used against themselves; for there were only four thousand that perisht by the Romans Sword, and the number of them F who so cast themselves down, was found to be five thousand; and not one escaped, but two Women that were Sisters, and Daughters to Philip Son of Joachim, a worthy Man, and General of Agrippa's Army; and these two were saved only, because at such time as the City was taken, they hid themselves: for they spared not Infants, but many took them and cast them down from the Castle. And thus was Gamala destroyed the 23 day of October, having begun to Revolt the 21 day of September.

G

CHAP. IV.The year of the World, 4032. after the Nati­vity of Christ, 70. H
How Titus took Giscala.

NOw all the Cities and strong Places of Galilee were taken, Giscala only excepted. Part of the Inhabitants whereof desired Peace, for that they were Husbandmen, and their riches consisted in the Fruits of the Earth;John a Poy­soner and a de­ceitful man, inforceth the Citizens of Giscala to Rebel. but there were many factious Free­booters in the City, and amongst them many of the natural Inhabitants. These peo­ple were incited to Revolt by one John, a very wicked and deceitful person, Son to one I Levias; he was of ill manners, bold to attempt any thing, and making no conscience of any thing he took in hand; and he was known to all men for one that desired War, to make himself mighty. This man was a Ring-leader of the Seditious persons in Gis­cala: and for fear of him, the People, who perhaps otherwise would have sent Legats to the Romans to request peace, were hindred and forced to stay till the Romans came to fight against them. Against these People Vespasian sent Titus, and with him a thou­sand Horsemen; and the tenth Legion towards Scythopolis: Himself with the rest went to Caesarea, to refresh them after their great labour, at the charge of the Towns adjoyn­ing; judging it necessary to fit them to sustain manfully the toyls that were to ensue: for he foresaw that he should have much ado to win Jerusalem, both for that it was very K strong,Vespasian fore­seeth his no small trouble in the Siege of Jerusalem. and was the Chief City of all the Nation. And his care in this point was so much the more, for that he perceived many out of all parts fled thither; and that it was compassed with almost invincible Walls: and besides this, the boldness and despe­rate courage of the Inhabitants, who although that they had had no Walls at all, yet had been scarcely to be Conquered: and therefore he thought it necessary to refresh his Souldiers before this Enterprise, as Champions are prepared for the Combate.

Titus having taken a view of Giscala, Titus his com­passion toward those of Gis­cala. judg'd that it might easily be taken: yet know­ing that if it were taken by force, all the People would be destroyed by the Romans, he being weary of blood-shed, and commiserating the innocent People, which were other­wise like to perish together with the culpable, attempted to take it by surrender.L Wherefore the Walls being full of People,Titus his mer­ciful Oration to those of Giscala. among whom were many of the Seditious, he told them that he marvelled what help they expected, or by whose advice, all other Cities being now taken, they alone would resist the Roman Forces, especially when­as they had already seen many Towns, far stronger than theirs, overthrown at the first assault: and that contrariwise those who had yielded themselves to the Romans, lived in peace, and enjoyed all that was theirs. Which offer (said he) I now also make to you, and am not yet incensed against you, because that which you do is in hope of your liberty: but if you still persevere in your rebellious course, and refuse this kind offer, you shall presently perceive the Roman Sword drawn out for your destruction, and incontinently find your Walls but a mockery, and no wayes able to resist the Ro­man M Engines: whereas contrariwise if you yield your selves, and trust to the fidelity of the Romans, you shall be the most happy people of all Galilee. None of the Towns­men were admitted to make answer, nor to come to the Walls; for the Seditious were Masters of them:Johns answer to Titus's Ex­hortation. and a Guard was placed at every Gate, lest any should go out to submit themselves, or any Horsemen should be received into the City. John made an­swer for all, That he liked well of the conditions offered, and that he would either perswade or compel the Inhabitants to accept them: but he requested that that day might be granted to the Jews, being the Seventh day, wherein it was not lawful for them to treat of Peace, or make War. For (as the Romans knew) the Jews every seventh day cease from all work: and if they profaned it, they who caused them to do N so, were guilty of impiety. Moreover, so short time could not prejudice the Romans, being but one nights space: for nothing he could effect in that time to endamage them, except only by fleeing out of the City (which Titus might prevent by placing a strong Guard and Watch in every place about it.) That Titus might make advantage of it, since it being his design to offer them Peace and Safety, it was an action no less worthy of him, to have regard to the observation of their Law, than a duty indispensable in them not to violate it.

With these and such like speeches John sought to delude Titus, being not so religious about the keeping of the Sabbath, as careful for his own safety: for he feared that the City would presently be taken, and himself left alone; and so he determined in the O night to flee, as the only way to save his Life. And truly God would have it so, that [Page 685] A John should then escape to be the overthrow of Jerusalem, and that Titus should not on­ly grant him the time he requested to deliberate, but also that night remove his Camp near Cydessa, a great Village, and the strongest of all that Country, belonging to the Ty­rians, which the Galileans alwayes hated.

In the night time John perceiving no Romans to keep watch about the Town,John reserved, by Gods pro­vidence, to be at the Siege of Jerusalem. and having now opportunity, fled not only with the armed men about him, but also with many of the Chief of the City, and whole Families, whom he promised to conduct to Jerusalem. But John fearing either Death or Slavery, and careful for his own safety, carried them twenty Furlongs out of the City, where being so desolate, they began grievously to lament. For every one thought himself as near his Enemies, as he was B far from the City and his friends: and still every step they thought their Enemies at hand, ready to take them; and frequently they lookt back, as though their Enemies heard the noise they made as they went, and were coming against them; insomuch that many crowded forwards in heaps,The fear of those Jews that fled with John and were killed in the way with the press of them that followed: so that the Women and Infants perished miserably: and if they spake any thing, it was only to entreat their Parents or their Kindred to stay for them.

But Johns exhortation took effect, who cried to them to save themselves, and hasten to such a place where they might be safe, and revenge themselves of the Romans, for the out-rages which they that remained behind were like to endure: and so the multi­tude C that fled, every one as he was able, dispersed themselves.

Titus early in the morning came to the Walls to know whether they accepted of his Offer. Then the people set open the Gates, and with their Wives and Children came to meet him,The Citizens of Giscala en­tertain Titus with all obedi­ence. all crying that he was their Benefactor and Deliverer: Also they told him that John was fled, and besought him to pardon them, and execute Justice upon those Malefactors that remained in the City. Titus, at their request, sent certain Horse­men to pursue John, but they could not take him, for before they came, he had gotten to Jerusalem; yet they slew almost two thousand of them that fled with him, and brought back again 3000 Women and Children. Titus was angry that John by deceit had escaped unpunished: yet his anger was something appeased, when he perceived Johns D purpose prevented,Titus mercy to his Enemies. in that so many of his Company were slain, and so many brought back Captives.It is better to leave an Ene­my in suspence through fear, than with the guilty to con­found the in­nocent. Thus he peaceably entred the City, commanding the Souldiers to break down a little piece of the Wall, as it were to take possession of it, and so punisht the Seditious rather with Threats than Torments. For he thought that many were accused only for private hatred, and so were in danger to suffer being innocent: and he thought it better to let the wicked live in fear, than with them to destroy the guiltless: and that perhaps hereafter they would be more quiet, either for fear of punishment, or for shame of falling again into their former offence, for which they were pardoned: whereas if any man suffered undeservedly, he could not afterwards help it. He placed there a Garrison both to repress the Seditious, and also to confirm them that desired E Peace. And thus was Galilee Conquered after it had cost the Romans much toil.

CHAP. V.
Of the beginning of the Destruction of Jerusalem.

AS soon as John was entred into Jerusalem, all the People flocked about him, and those that came with him, enquiring what new Calamities had befallen their F Nation. Some of them being yet out of breath, and not able to speak, thereby disco­vered their distress. Yet amidst these their miseries some boasted that it was not the Roman power that forced them to flie, but that of their own accord they fled thither to fights against the Romans in a safer place, than that from whence they fled was; for none but unadvised and rash-headed men would fight for such a City as Giscala, and other places that were not able to resist; and that it behoved them all to reserve their Vigour and strength to defend their Metropolitan City.The courage of John and those that fled with him, stirs up the Jews to make War against the Romans. They also told them how Gis­cala was taken by the Romans, and that they departed in good sort away, though some reported that they fled. The People of Jerusalem hearing what these men reported, and how many were Prisoners to the Romans, fell into a great fear, as though that G which had hapned portended their own ruine. But John, nothing ashamed he had so shamefully forsaken them of Giscala who fled with him, went first to one, and then to [Page 686] another, inciting them all to War, with vain hopes, alledging the weakness of the Ro­mans,H and extolling their own Puissance, deceiving the simple; and perswading them, that though the Romans sought revenge, yet could they never enter the Walls of Jerusalem, having had so much ado, and endured such difficulties in entering the little Bourgs and Villages of Galilee, against whose Walls they had broken all their Engines. These discourses of his incited many young men to Sedition; but all the wiser sort foresaw what was like to ensue, and already mourned for the loss of the City. In this case were they of Jerusalem: Intestine dis­cord in Jewry. yet before this Sedition in the City, the Country Peo­ple began to be at discord among themselves. For Titus departed from Giscala to Ca­sarea, and Vespasian went from Caesarea to Jamnia and Azotus, and took them both: and leaving there Garrisons, he returned to Caesarea, bringing with him a great multi­tude I of those that had yielded to him.The Jews t [...]rn their weapons against them­selves. All the Cities had Civil discords among them­selves, so that when the Romans did not set upon them, one part of the Jews in every City fought against another, and there was a great dissention between those that desired peace, and the Seditious People. At fiirst, this Discord began only in private houses; but in the end, those of one mind united, and began in Companies to Rebel openly. Thus every place was troubled with civil discord: and every where rash young men, who desired War, prevailed against grave and wise old men, who fore­seeing the calamity like to ensue, desired Peace. At first, the Inhabitants one by one robb'd and spoil'd what they could;The Thieves trooping toge­ther in Jerusa­lem spoil the Country. but at last in whole Troops they joyned together and robb'd openly, and wasted all the Country about: and in their Robberies they K shewed such cruelty, that the harm and injury they did to their own Country-men, was equal to the miseries which befel them by the Romans; and they who by these miscreants were spoiled, wish'd rather to have fallen into the Romans hands. But the Garisons in these Cities, either because they were loth to trouble themselves, or else for that they cared not for their Country-men, did nothing, or very little, succour them that fell into these Thieves hands. At last the Thieves assembled themselves together from all places, and joyning Companies brake into Jerusalem. This City had no Go­vernour, and according to the ancient Custom of their Ancestors, was open to all that came thither that were their Country-men; and so much more willingly at that time, because they thought they that came thither, came of good will to help them: which L was afterward the only cause that the City was destroyed, and of the more civil dissen­tion. For a great multitude of people unapt to fight being there, consumed the Victu­als that would have sufficed for the fighting men: and besides the War, they brought upon it Famine and Civil dissention. Then other Thieves came out of the fields there­about, and joyning themselves with those that were within the City, omitted no kind of Villany:Rapins and spoils commit­ted by day. for not content to rob and spoil, they also attempted to commit Murders, not only privily, or in the night upon mean men, but even in the day time they pub­lickly set upon those of the chiefest quality. For first of all they took Antipas, who was of the blood Royal,The Nobility of the City are taken and slain by the Thieves. a man so eminent amongst them, that the publick Treasure was committed to his charge, and put him in Prison: and after him they took Sepha a M worthy man Son to Raguel, and Levias, both of them of the Kings Houshold; and af­ter them all that seemed to bear any sway or Authority amongst the People. Great fear fell upon the Inhabitants, and every one provided to save himself, as though the Ci­ty were already surprized by the Enemies. But these people were not content thus to have imprisoned these great men, they thought it not safe for themselves any longer to keep them alive: for many went daily to visit them, who were able to revenge their injuries; and moreover they feared that the People would make head against them, being moved with their Insolencies. Wherefore they determined to kill them: and to effect their purpose they sent one John a cruel Murderer, who was the Son of Dor [...]as: he accompanied with ten more, all having swords went to the Prison, and slew as ma­ny N as they found there. To excuse this cruel fact of theirs, they alledged, That all they who were slain in Prison had conference with the Romans concerning the betray­ing of the City into their hands; and that for this Cause they had slain them as Tray­tors to their Country: They also boasted that this Fact of theirs had preserved the City,The Thieves at their plea­sure make a high Priest. and that therefore they had deserved well by it. The People were brought to such slavery and terrour, that the choosing the High Priest was in their hands, to elect whom they pleased; so much was their Insolence increased. Thus they not respect­ing the Families,A high Priest chosen by them contrary to the ancient Custom. out of which it was only lawful to choose the high Priest, they elected Strangers and base persons to that sacred Dignity, and such as would be partakers of their Villanies and Impieties, for they, who not deserving it, attained to such digni­ty,O were b [...]und in all things to the Will of those by whom they were so exalted. They [Page 687] A also devised many lies to set those that were in Authority at variance one with another, thereby as it were to hold them occupied, who were able to resist their Enterprizes, till from shedding the blood of the Citizens, they proceeded to commit impiety against God himself, and with profane and impure feet to enter into the Sanctuary. Then the Peo­ple were incited against them by the perswasion of Ananus, who was one of the Priests, and the most ancient and wisest of them all, who perhaps had saved the City, had he escaped the hands of these Miscreants. But they used the Temple as a Castle and de­fence for themselves against the People, and made the Sanctuary a place for them to exercise Tyranny in. And that which increased the sorrow of the Citizens, was, that amidst these Calamities, their Religion was also contumeliously abused: for these B Thieves, to try of what strength and courage the People were, and their own Forces, elected by Lot a high Priest contrary to their Law: which, as we have already said, requireth that the Office of high Priest be by Succession. This deed of theirs they co­loured with an ancient Custom, alledging that in time past the high Priest was chosen by Lot; but indeed this their fact was a violation of the most firm Custom that was amongst the People; and was only a device to get all Government into their hands, by establishing Magistrates at their pleasure.

Then calling one of the holy Tribes,Phanes a Country Clown made a high Priest. named Eniachin, they cast Lots, and the Lot fell upon one, whereby their iniquity was discovered. This man whose Lot it was to C be high Priest was named Phanias, who was the Son of Samuel; a man not only un­worthy of that Dignity, but who had been so ill brought up, that he never knew what the high Priest meant. This Phanias was born in a Village called Apthasis. Him, against his will, they fetcht out of the field, and as it had been in a Stage-Play, they graced him with the Sacerdotal habit, and gave him instructions how he should behave himself, as though so great impiety had been but a sport. The rest of the Priests, be­holding a far off the holy Laws thus scorned, scarcely contained themselves from tears, and groaned for sorrow, that their sacred Dignities were so abused. The People could no longer endure this their Tyranny, but every one bethought himself how to suppress these Tyrants.The best Citi­zens exhort the people to revenge. And those that were most earnest herein, were Gorion, Josephs Son, D and Simeon the Son of Gamaliel; who first went about the City in private, and after­wards in a publick Assembly exhorted the People to be revenged upon those Tyrants, who took from them their Liberty; and to address themselves to purge the holy Tem­ple from such vile and unclean Persons. Likewise the best disposed among the Priests, to wit, Jesus the Son of Gamala, and Ananus, the Son of Ananus, often in publick Ser­mons reprehended and upbraided the People with their sloth, that they made no more haste to destroy those Zealous; for so those wretches termed themselves, as though they had been devout promoters of God's Glory, and not impious malefactors.

The people being all assembled together, grieved to see the holy place so made a Den of Thieves, and such Robberies and Murthers committed openly; yet did they E not go about revenge, thinking themselves too weak to deal with these Zealots, as indeed they were. Whereupon the high Priest Ananus stood up among them: and having often turned his Eyes to the Temple, The Zealous the most wretched occa­sion of these violences. and beheld it with tears in his Eyes; Oh, said he, How far better were it for me to die, than live to see the House of God thus filled with Impie­ty, and the Sanctuary wherein none should come but the high Priest, prophaned with the wick­ed feet of impious persons, clothed in Priests apparel, and bearing the greatest Authority? Why do I yet live,Ananus sharp invective a­gainst the Zealous. and to be gray-headed, abstain from dying a glorious death? Nay, rather I alone will go against these Murderers, and as though I were in a Wilderness where there were no man besides my self, I alone will go and offer my soul in the presence of God. For what doth it avail me to live amongst a People that have no feeling of their own calamity, and which F seeketh not to redress their own present miseries? For you being robbed and spoiled bear all patiently, and being beaten you hold your peace, and there is none amongst you that dare openly mourn for them that are most cruelly murthered.Ananus twit­teth the Jews with their fear. O tyrannous Government! But why should I exclaim against the Tyrants? Do not you your selves make them great, and nourish their power and authority by your patience? Do not you, by despising those who were before in authority, being but a few, make all these, who are many in number, Tyrants over your selves? Have not you by keeping your selves quiet whilst they are armed, drawn their swords upon your own heads? and whereas it behoved you to resist their enterprises, when first they inju­red your Kindred;The cruelty of the Thieves. you by suffering, have made them Thieves, because at first you made no ac­count, when they destroyed Houses and whole Families. And this was the cause, that at last G the Rulers and chief Men themselv [...]s were set upon, and none would succour them when they were drawn thorow the midst of the City, and these Murtherers butchered them in Prison whom you thus betrayed. I will not recount what men they were, and of what birth: but I [Page 688] say, they being neither accused nor condemned, nor having any man to hear them, they were H most cruelly murthered, as we have seen: for they were before our faces led to be slain, and yet no man opened his mouth, nor lift up his hand. And will you also endure? will you suffer the holy Sanctuary to be prophaned before your Eyes? will you, having so emboldened these mis­creants as ye see now, your selves stand in fear of them? assure your selves, they would, if they could devise how, commit greater impiety than this is. They keep against you the strong­est place in the whole City,The Temple the strongest Fortress of that City. called indeed a Temple, but now a Fortress or Castle of de­fence. What do you now think, such a Tyranny being established over you, and your Ene­mies being even upon you; what do you deliberate to do? Do you expect the Romans to come and help you to save the Temple and sacred places, as if our City were at that pass that our very Enemies could not but pity us? Will you not rise, and as the very brute Beasts do,I revenge your selves upon them that have thus wounded you? Why doth not every one of you call to mind the Massacre of his friends, and what Calamity he himself hath suffered, and so en­courage your selves to be revenged? For ought I can see, you have all lost that sacred and sweet, and natural desire of Liberty; and now we imbrace Bondage, as though we had learned to be Bondmen even from our Ancestors. But they endured many and hard Wars to live in Liberty, and yielded not to the Power of the Egyptians, or Medes, because they would not be at their command. What need is there to recount to you the Wars of your Predecessors? to what end do we enterprise this War against the Romans (be it commodious for us,Wars are in­tended for li­berty. to our dis­advantage) if not to obtain our Liberty? And we, who cannot indure to be subject to the Lords of the whole World, suffer those of our own Nation to tyrannize over us. It may be K adverse Fortune to be once overcome by strangers; but to be slaves to the basest of our own Nation, argueth that we have no spark of Generosity in us, and that we bear base and servile minds. And seeing I have made mention of the Romans, I will not stick to declare to you that which now cometh to my mind, to wit, that if we be taken by them (which God forbid) yet shall we suffer no greater misery at their hands, than now we do under these base Tyrants. And how can you abstain from tears, beholding this Temple, enriched by the gifts of the Romans, robbed and spoyled by them of our own Nation, this being our Mother-City? and to see those men murthered whom the Romans (although they had conquered us) would not have touched?The compari­son of the Ro­mans and Jews and their pro­perties. The Romans never durst pass beyond the limits of prophane places, nor ever violated our sacred Laws and Customs, but always reverenced the Sanctuary, be­holding L it only afar off: yet now some born and brought up amongst us who are called Jews, tremble not to walk in the Sanctuary, having their hands bathed in the blood of their Country-men and brethren. Who will now fear forreign Wars, seeing these civil broils are such? Much better were it for us to fall into our Enemies hands; yea, if you will call every thing by such a name as it deserveth, we shall find that the Romans have not vi­olated our Laws, but have been the Protectors thereof; and they within our Walls are the Violators of them.An answer to their contrary opinion, who object the number and boldness of the Enemy. What punishment is there that those that have thus tyrannized over us deserve not? yea, what punishment can be devised great enough for their offence? I know that all of you were so perswaded before I spoke, and you were incited against them by that which you have endured at their hands: but yet some fear their multitude and their courage,M and moreover that they are in a higher place than you: yet as all this came by your negligence and suffering, so by your delaying they will grow stronger. For their number daily increases, and every wicked person flyeth to his like; and they are so much the more emboldened, for that as yet no man hath once offered to resist their enterprizes: and be sure that if they have time, they will make use of the higher place, and that to your dammage. But (believe me) if you would but once offer to go against them, their very consciences would a­bate their haughty minds, and the remembrance of their misdeeds would put them so far out of heart that they will not make any benefit of that higher place. Perhaps God in his vengeance will turn their own darts against them for their impiety,The Epilogue of Ananus O­ration to the people. and consume them therewith. Let us but only shew our selves, and we shall dismay them. Yet it is an N honour for us, if need be to sacrifice our lives for the defence of the holy Temple. My self will assist you with the best advice I can; and you shall see that I shall not only assist you with words, but expose my self to the greatest dangers, and endeavour to animate you by my own example.

Ananus thus exhorted the people against the Zealots; yet he knew well that it was great difficulty to overcome them, being lusty young men, many in number, of great courage, and the more desperate by the remorse of Conscience for the horrible crimes and execrable deeds which they had committed; for they despaired of all hope of pardon for their misdeeds. Yet Ananus thought it altogether intolerable that the Common-wealth should be so over-ruled. After this exhortation the people cryed out, that they were ready to go against the Thieves, and to do as they were exhorted.O Whilst that Ananus selected out the most able men for War, and set them in order, [Page 689] A the Zealots issued out upon him, (having intelligence of all his intents and proceed­ings by certain Spies which they had appointed on purpose) and they sallied out sometimes in companies, sometimes all at once, other times in Ambushes; sparing none that they met with. Ananus quickly gathered together the people, who were more in number than the Thieves,Ananus dispo­seth hi [...] Souldi­ers against Zealots. but not so armed as they; but what they wanted in arms, their courage supply'd. For the Citizens were armed with fury, stronger then Arms; and they which were gone out of the Temple, with a more desperate boldness than all the multitude how great soever. For the Citizens thought it no abiding for them in the City, except they could drive away the Zealots: and the Zealots thought they could not escape torments and death it self, except they were Victors. B So at last they joyned battel, each party under their Captains and Leaders; and first of all both parties cast stones one against another: and if any fled, the Conquerours pursued them with swords, and many were wounded and slain on both sides. Those Townsmen that were wounded, were by their friends carried into their houses; but the Zealots that were hurt, went into the Temple, and polluted the sacred pavements with their bloud: so that their Religion was prophaned by bloudshed. Alwayes the Thieves in making excursions got the upper hand. Whereat the Citizens being angry, seeing their number every day decreased, reproved the cowards: so that if any of their company offered to flie from the Zealots, they made him stand and resist whether he would or no, not permiting him to pass away: and thus they bent all their forces C against their Enemies.The fight of the Citizens and Zealots in the Temple. At last, the Thieves not able to make any longer resistance, by little and little retired themselves into the Temple, and Ananus with his Company entred the Temple by force with them, and brake the body of his Enemies. Then they in the outer Temple were in great fear, and fled into the inner Temple, and shut the Gates with all speed. Ananus would not offer violence to the sacred Gates; and besides the Enemies cast Darts from above: for he thought it a great offence against God, although he might have got the victory, to introduce the people not being purified. Wherefore he elected six thousand of the chief of all his men well armed, and appoint­ed them to keep the Porches, and others to succeed in their places while they took rest. And many of the better sort of the Citizens being placed to keep watch there, hired D other poor people to watch in their steads.John full of deceit, and a betrayer of the Citizens▪ But John, who as before we declar'd, fled from Giscala, wrought the ruine of them all. This man being full of deceit, and above all measure desirous of rule, long ago intended to overthrow the Common­wealth. To which end, from that time he counterfeited himself to be against the Thieves, and so day and night accompanied Ananus and the rest, both in their Consul­tations, and when they went to visit the Watch; and he disclosed all their Counsels to the Zealots: and there was nothing decreed by the people, but he gave the Thieves intelligence thereof before it was put in practice; yet he seemed to be very respectful to Ananus, and the rest of the Nobility, hereby hoping to conceal his Treachery. But it fell out contrary to his expectation; for this his too much reverence caused him E to be suspected, because they noted him to play the Parasite: and for that uncalled, he daily intruded himself into their Consultations, he was misdoubted to betray their secrets. For Ananus perceived that the Enemies knew all their designs; and though Johns deeds carried suspicion of Treason, yet could they not easily remove him, his craft was such: besides this, he was upheld by many noble-men who were imployed in these affairs.John sweareth to be faithful to the people. Wherefore they thought good to request of him an oath of friendship; which he denied not, but added moreover that he would be true to the people, and neither disclose any deed or secret Counsel of theirs to the Enemies, but with heart and hand would truly endeavour to suppress the Rebels. So Ananus did no more mistrust him because of his oath, and admitted him afterward to all their Counsels, F nothing suspecting him. Nay, they now trusted him so far, that they sent him as Agent to the Zealots, to perswade them to peace: for they were very careful lest the Temple through their deeds should be defiled and prophaned, or that any of the Jews should there be slain. But he, as though he had sworn to the Zealots and not to the Citizens, entred boldly amongst them: and standing in the midst of them he recount­ed to them that he had often for their sakes undergone great danger,John contrary to his Oath re­vealeth their secrets to the Zealots. by suffering none of the Townsmens secrets to be concealed from them, but declared unto them all that ever Ananus and his Confederates determined against them; and that even now he was like together with them to fall into extream Danger, except it pleased God as it were miraculously to assist them. For, said he, now Ananus without delay will G send to Vespasian, who will come with his Army in all haste and take the City: and that he had appointed the day following for Purification, to purifie the people, that so under [Page 690] pretence of piety he might let them into the City, or else they might enter in by H force: and that he could not see how either they were able to endure a long siege, or encounter with so huge an Army: adding moreover, that it was Gods providence that he should be sent to them to make a peace, when Ananus purposed so soon as they were unarmed to set upon them.John stirreth up the Zealots against the Citizens. Wherefore if they had any care of themselves, they should either entreat the Watchmen that besieged them to be favourable to them, or else get some succour from some place without the Temple. For (said he) he that amongst you hopeth for pardon if you be overcome, doth not remember what hath past, and what he hath done; but let them perswade themselves as they please, they that have been injured, will not forget and forgive so soon, as he that injured them is sorry for his fact. Nay, many times the repentance of malefactors maketh them I more hated than before, and the wrath of men that are injured, is increased by Autho­rity, and licence to do what they please. And they might be sure that the friends and kindred of them that were slain, would always lay wait to requite the injuries; and that all the people were incensed against them for breaking the Laws: so that al­though some few would take pity upon them, yet the greater number would prevail. With these and such like speeches John terrified the Zealots; yet durst he not open­ly tell them what he meant by forreign help, notwithstanding he meant the Idumeans. And that he might more enflame the Thieves, he went to the chiefest of them, and secretly told them that Ananus was cruelly bent against them, and breathed out ma­ny threatnings against some in particular.K

CHAP. VI.
How the Idumeans came to Jerusalem, and what they did there.

AMongst the Zealots there were two principal,Eleazer one of the Zealots causeth the I­dumeans to be sent for Eleazer the Son of Simon, who above all the rest was thought most fit both to give counsel, and to execute that which was consulted upon▪ and Zacharias the Son of Amphicalus; who both L were descended from the Line of the Priests. These two, understanding, that be­side the general threatnings, their death was especially resolved, and that the faction of Ananus, to get him into Authority, had sent to call the Romans (for this John had fained) deliberated with themselves what to do, having so short time to provide. For they supposed that presently the people would assault them; and they bethought themselves that now it was too late to seek forreign help: for they might endure all calamity, before they could give notice hereof unto any that would help them. Yet at last they determined to call the Idumaeans to aid them,The Zealots require help from the Idu­means. and so they write a short E­pistle to them, letting them understand how Ananus, having seduced the people, meant to betray the Mother-City of their Nation to the Romans: and that they fighting for M their liberty, were by him besieged in the Temple; that the time wherein they expect­ed safety was very short; and that if they were not presently succour'd, they were like to fall into Ananus and their enemies hands, and the City to be brought in subjection to the Romans: they also order'd many things to be spoken by word of mouth to the Rulers of Idumea. For which purpose were chosen two principal men, eloquent, and apt to perswade;The nature and manners of the Idumeans. and that, which was in this case required, swift of foot. It was certain that the Idumeans would presently aid them, being a bruitish rude Nation, and prone to sedition and alteration, much rejoycing therein, and by flattery easily entreated to War, and would make as much haste to them, as if they went to some festival so­lemnity: so that there only was requisite two speedy messengers. Which two were N ready and quick men for such an exploit, and were both called by the name of Ana­nias. These presently went to the Governours of Idumea, who reading the Epistle, and hearing that which the messengers were to say to them, like Mad-Men assembled all the people together in great haste, and proclaim'd War: so the people in an instant gathered themselves together, and were all armed to fight for the liberty of their Mother-City; and twenty thousand being assembled together under the Government of four Captains,Twenty thou­sand Idume­ans come to Jerusalem. came with all speed to Jerusalem: the names of them were John and James, the Sons of Sosa, and Simon the Son of Cathlas, and Phineas the Son of Closoth. Ananus and his Watch knew not of the going of those two Messengers, nor of the Watches in the City, but they understood of the Idumeans coming, and so shut O the Gates, and placed watchmen upon the Walls: yet they thought not good to go out [Page 691] A and fight with them, but first with peaceable words to perswade them to concord and peace. Wherefore Jesus the eldest of the Priests next after Ananus▪ stood in a Tow­er opposite against them, and spake in this manner.

Though many and divers tumults and troubles have molested this City, yet I never so much wondred at any of them,Jesus Oration and exhortati­on to the Idu­means. as that you are come with such fury and readiness to help these wicked people, against all expectation: for (said he) you are come against us to help most vile persons: and so rashly, as it behoved not you to have done, if your Metropolitan City had requested your help against barbarous people. If I judged your manners like theirs that have re­quested your help, I should then think you had some reason to come: for nothing causeth firmer friendship than agreement or sympathy in manners. But they, if their actions be considered, B have every one deserved a thousand deaths. For they are the outcast and basest of all the Country people; who having spent their patrimonies riotously, and played the thieves in all places and Cities about them, now at last have got into this holy City, most religious of all Cities, and have profaned the holy-Place by their impiety: they tremble not to be drunk even in the holy Temple, and there they consume in banqueting the spoils they had gotten from them whom they massacred. And you come to help these men with as great an Army and Provision, as though that this your Mother-City had by publick consent requested your help against forreign Enemies. Is not this a great injustice of Fortune, that your whole Nation hath conspired and bent all their forces against us, to help these miscreants? Till now I knew not what moved you so quickly and so suddenly to arm your selves to assist Thieves a­gainst C your native Countrymen. What? Have you been informed of the Romans com­ing, and of the betraying of the City? For even now I heard some of you mutter, that you came to deliver your Mother-City.The disproof of the Zealots faction, who intended the overthrow of the City and betraying-thereof. Is it not a wonder to see this device and invention of these malefactors? But they could devise no other way to incite others against us (who even naturally desire liberty, and are ready for the same to spend our dearest blood in conflict with the enemy) but to fain us to be enemies of Liberty. But it behoves you to consider who are these Calumniators, and against whom these Calumnies are devised; and then to gather the verity of the matter, not from forged tales, fained at mens pleasures, but from the thing it self. What should move us now to yield to the Romans, having endured us yet nothing to constrain us thereunto? when if we had liked to live under their obedience, we needed not at D first to have revolted; and beside that, if we had repented our selves, [...] might have again submitted our selves, and obtained their favour before this time that all the Country round a­bout us is destroyed. Nay, if we now would yield, it is not easie for us: for the spoils of Galilee, which they have already conquered, hath made them proud; and by humbling our selves to them being now near us, should we not incur an infamy worse than death it self. True it is,Peace is bet­ter than War. I think peace better than War; yet being once provoked to War, and the War once begun, I had rather die a glorious death, than live in Captivity. Do they inform you that we have secretly sent the chief of our City to the Romans, or that by common con­sent of all the people we have done it? If they say we did it secretly, let them then tell what Friends of ours were sent, or what Servants of ours were Ministers to effect this Trea­son. E Did they take any Messenger of ours and find Letters about him? How can that be hid from all our Citizens, with whom we do every hour converse? And is it possible that a few, shut up in the Temple, who could not come into the City, should know our secrets, and all the whole City know nothing? or do they now first know it when they are like to be punish­ed for their impiety? never suspecting any of us to be Traytors, so long as they were in no fear. If they say that it was done by common consent of all the people; then all men were there when the speech was made to the people, to exhort them thereunto; and request their consent▪ and so the news thereof would quickly have come to your ears. But what need had we to send, Ambassadors if we had been now already certain to come to composition with the Romans? Let them tell you who was appointed for that Embassage. These are but devices and contrivances F of them, who fear to have a death according to their desert, and seek shifts to escape punishment.

If Fate had so decreed that our City should be betrayed to the Enemy,Jesus exhorteth the Idumeans that since they are come, they should oppose themselves a­gainst the Zea­lots. assure your selves they who thus accuse us, would have betrayed it themselves; having commited already all sort of impieties, Treason only excepted. It is your part, seeing you are come hither in Arms first (as Reason and Justice requireth) to assist your Mother-City against them who tyran­ni [...]e over us, and violate our Laws, make all that Justice, which they can effect with their Sword. First of all they took Noble-men and cast them into prison, having drawn them from amidst the publick assembly; and never being accused nor condemned, nothing respect­ing their entreaties, they put them to death. If it please you to come in peaceably and not in hostile manner into our City, your selves shall plainly behold evident tokens of this that I G say to you; to wit, Houses ruinated and made desolate by their Robberies, the Wives and Fa­milies of them that are slain in mourning apparrel, and weeping in every part of the City: [Page 692] for there is none amongst us,that hath tasted the persecution of these wretched men, who are H gone so far, that not content to make this City their refuge (which is the chief, and a Specta­cle to all others for Sanctity) and to have robbed and spoiled all the Country and Villages, and Cities hereabout; now lastly they have made the sacred Temple a refuge and place to car­ry all their spoils unto, which they have impiously gotten it this City. This Temple they make their Fortress, to issue out and to retire unto: from thence they make incur­sions upon the Citizens: and this is the place where they practise their villanies against us. This sacred Place, which all the World, even the most barbarous and savage people reverence, is now defiled by the horrible Robberies which those born amongst us have committed. And now being in desperation, they rejoyce to see Nation against Nation, and City against City, and People against People, and our own Countrymen to turn themselves against their own I bowels: when contrariwise, (as I have aleady said) it had been your parts and duties to joyn with us, and help us to exterminate these malefactors; and be revenged of them for this lie by which they presumed to call you to help them, whom they had just reason to fear at revengers of their impieties. Wherefore if you make any account of these mens prayers, vouch­safe (laying your Weapons aside) to come into our City like Friends, and be your selves Judges between us and them whom you come to help..Jesus requir­eth the Idume­ans to judge the discrences between the Zealots and them. And consider what favour we shew them, who permit them to plead their own causes before you, they being guilty of so hainous crimes, and having put to death persons of such account, never accused nor permitted to speak for themselves: yet this favour we will grant them for your sake. But if you continue your indignation against us, and refuse this offer to be our Judges, then let us entreat you, that L leaving both parts, you would neither imbrue your hands in our blood, nor lend your aid to those miscreants against your Mother-City. And if you suspect any of us to be Confederates with the Romans, you may keep all the passages; and then seek to defend your Metropolis, when you have proof of any such matter as is alledged against us; and punish the Authors of that Treason, when you have convicted them. The enemies cannot prevent you, because you are already planted so near the City.The end of Jesus Oration to the Idume­ans. If you like none of these, marvel not that we shut our gates against you, coming in an armed and hostile manner. But the Idumeans being angry, were not moved hereby, and so much the more for that entrance into the City was denied them, and their Generals were exceedingly displeased, thinking it shameful to lay down their Arms at the command of others who had no Authority over them. K

Then one of the Captains named Simon,Simons an­swer to Jesus. the Son of Cathla, having with much ado gotten his Souldiers to be silent, stood up in a place where the High Priests might hear him, and said, That he now did not wonder that those who maintained Liberty, were besieged in the Temple, since they of the City now shut their Gates against them, the City being common and free for all the Nation; and that perhaps they were ready to open the City Gates to receive the Romans. That they spake to the Idumeans from a Tower, and commanded them to cast down their Arms,The Idumaeans are displeased because the City gates were lockt a­gainst them. which they had taken only for the Liberty of the City, when they durst not trust their own Nation to keep the same, and yet would have them Judges of the discord: and that accusing others for killing some not convicted, they themselves would con­demn M all our whole Nation by the ignominy they did to their Country-men, against whom they had now shut the City gates, which were open to all strangers to enter into for Religion-sake. Did we make haste (saith he) towards you, to fight against our own Nation, when we came only to preserve your Liberty?The reproach­es the Idumae­ans object a­gainst the high Priest and Ci­tizens But this is as true, as that they whom you thus be­siege have wronged you, and as the accusation you forge against them. But your keeping in hold those that are the defenders of the Common-wealth, shutting the City gates against Men of your own Blood, you impose upon us contumelious commands. Who can any longer endure this your mockery, that perceiveth how contradictory your allegations are? For who can justly accuse those that ye keep shut up in the Temple, because they presumed to punish Traytors whom you grace with the title of Noble and Innocent, because they were your Confederates? Only in N this they are blame-worthy, that they did not begin with you first, but left alive such mem­bers of that Conspiracy. Except also you will say, that the Id [...]means shut you out of your City, you your selves not permitting us to come and offer Sacrifice. But though they were too merciful, yet we the Idumeans will preserve the House of God, and will fight for the com­mon good of our Country, and will be revenged both of the Enemies that are without the Ci­ty, and the Traytors within. And here will we remain before the City till either the Romans come and deliver you, or till you change your minds, and bethink your selves what advantage it is to have Liberty.

O

A CHAP. VII.
Of the Massacre of the Jews by the Idumeans.

ALL the Idumeans assented with a loud cry to these speeches of Simon. And Jesus departed sorrowful, seeing that the Idumeans would agree to no reason, and that thereby their City should suffer a double War. For the Idumeans were no less disqui­eted, who took the matter in great disdain that they were not permitted to enter into B the City, and also because they thought the Zealots so strong as they had believed, and they themselves were ashamed that they could not help them; so that many re­pented that they were come thither.The Idumeans pitch their Ta­bernacles near the Walls. Yet would they not for shame return, nothing be­ing done by them: and so rashly placing their Tabernacles near the City walls, they determined to stay there. But that night there arose a most furious Tempest; for there was a great stormy Wind,A huge Storm. and an exceeding great Rain, mixt with fearful Thunder and horrible Lightning, and an Earthquake, with strange Noises; so that all men thought this motion of the Earth would overturn the whole order of Nature, or at least portend some great Calamity. The Idumeans and Townsmen were both of one mind: For they thought that God was angry with them for bearing Arms against their Metropolis, C and perswaded themselves that they could not escape death if they continued in their purpose. Ananus and his followers perswaded themselves that they had now overcome them without War, and that God had fought for them against the Idumeans. But they were false Prophets, and what they judged would befall their Enemies, fell upon themselves. In the mean while the Idumeans lay as close together as they could, and covered their heads with their Shields, by which means the Rain did them not so much harm.The Zealots consult to break open the Gates, to assail the Watch and let in the Idumeans. The Zealots were concern'd for the Idumeans more than for themselves, and devised which way they might succour them. The boldest amongst them advised the rest, by force to set upon the Guard, and so to get into the City, and open the Gates to the Idumeans that were come to help them: for it was easie to surprize the Watch, by D reason that many of them were unarmed, and unfit for War; and the Citizens could not easily be assembled together, seeing every man, because of the Tempest kept his house. And though there were danger in the attempt, yet were it better to endure all mischiefs that might ensue, than to permit such an Army shamefully to perish, who came at their request to help them. But the wiser sort disswaded the rest from this, seeing both a stronger Watch placed to keep them in, and the City Walls diligently guarded because of the Idumeans: and moreover they could not think that Ananus was careless, but went up and down, first from one Watch, and then to another; yet this night he did not so,The watchmen are oppressed with sleep. not for slothfulness, but because that the Destinies had so decreed that thereby both he and the Watchmen should perish. For about midnight the storm E increasing, the Watchmen fell into a deep sleep.

Then the Zealots determined to file the Bars and Bolts of the Gates asunder; to effect which, they took the Instruments which were consecrated to the Temple; and this attempt was much furthered by the great Wind and Thunder, which made such a noise that they could not be heard: So issuing out of the Temple, they went privily to the Walls,The Idumeans by the means of the Zealots enter by night. and opened that Gate near which the Idumeans lay: and suspecting that Ana­nus would make some resistance, they first of all drew their Swords, and then together with the Idumeans came in: and if at that time they had assaulted the City, they had without any let or hindrance destroyed all the People therein; so great was their rage at that time. But first of all they hastened to assist their fellows, whom they left be­sieged, F and requested the Idumeans not to leave them in danger, for whose succour they were come, nor permit them to incur greater damage: for having first surprised the Watchmen, it would be more easie for them to assault the City; which if they did not, but first set upon the Citizens,The Idumeans joy [...] thems [...]l [...]es with the Zea­lots in the Temple. they would presently assemble together, and oppose themselves against them, and not permit them to ascend up into the Temple. The Idumeans consented to this; and so they passed thorow the City into the Temple: and the Zealots remaining in the Temple impatiently expected their coming; at whose arrival they took Courage, and joyning with the Idumeans, came out of the inner Temple, and set upon the Watch: and some being slain who were fast asleep, the rest were awak'd by the cries of others, and so betook themselves to their Arms to defend G themselves, being yet amazed. And at first, thinking that they were only the Zealots that gave the Alarm, they hoped only by their multitude to suppress them; but seeing [Page 694] others without the Temple also assailing them, they judg'd that the Idumeans were bro­ken H in: so the greater part of them being dismayd laid down their Weapons, and cryed out: and only a few of them, young men, well armed, and of good courage, en­countred with the Idumeans, and for a good space defended their idle fellows; others went and advertised the Inhabitants what was done, yet none durst come to help them, because they now knew that the Idumeans were got in, but every one lamented their hard fortune, and the Women made great lamentation when the Watchmen were slain. The Zealots also answered their cries with the like,The immanity of the Idume­ans and Zea­lots against the Citizens of Jerusalem. and the Tempest and Thunder made all more dreadful. The Idumeans spared none, because they were naturally cru­el and fierce to shed blood, and angry that they were so beaten with the Tempest, they used them most cruelly, by whose means they were shut out of the City, sparing neither I those who requested favour, nor those who made resistance, for they slew many as they were intreating them to remember that they were of their own blood, and requesting them to spare them for reverence of the Temple. There was no way to flie, nor any hope of escape: and being driven up in a narrow room, they hurt themselves more than the Enemies did, by crouding and treading one upon another; for there was no place to flie, and their Enemies ceased not to kill them. Being in this desperate estate, not knowing what to do, they cast themselves headlong into the City, and so died a more miserable death than those that died by the Enemies sword. The next day there was found slain eight thousand and five hundred; and all the outer Temple flowed with blood. Yet this Massacre sufficed not the Idumeans rage; but turning themselves K against the City, they robbed and spoiled all Houses, and kill'd all they met, making no account of the lives of the multitude.Ananus and Jesus the high Priest execu­ted. They made diligent search for the Priests, and many laid violent hands upon them, and killed them: and standing upon their dead bodies, sometime they upbraided Ananus with the Peoples favour towards him, sometime Jesus with the words he spake upon the Wall to them; and they were so im­pious, that they cast away their dead Bodies unburied; notwithstanding the Jews in this point are so religious, that after Sun-set they take down the dead bodies of Male­factors, who by sentence have been adjudged to the Cross, and bury them.

I think I shall not greatly miss the mark if I affirm Ananus his death to have been the beginning of the destruction of the City,Ananus death the first cause of the destru­ction of the City. that the Walls of Jerusalem were over­thrown,L and the Common-wealth of the Jews perished in that day, when this their High Priest and Governour was so cruelly massacred in the midst of the City.The praise of Ananus the high Priest. He was of a laudable and just Life: and though Great in Dignity, Birth and Reputation, yet would he not exalt himself above any one, were he never so base. He was a man who thirsted to preserve Liberty to his Country, and Authority to the Common-wealth. He continually preferred the Publick Interest before his own Private Gain, and was al­wayes desirous of Peace, because he foresaw that the Romans could not be withstood, and that if the Jews did not quickly accord with them, their Ruine was inevitable: and I doubt not but if Ananus had lived, he had succeeded in his design. For he was an eloquent Orator, and could perswade admirably: and he had already reduced to ex­tremity M those false Zelots who caused the War: and if the Jews had had him for their Captain against the Romans, it had not been so easie for the Romans to have Conquered them. He was seconded by Jesus, who next him excelled all the rest. But I think Almighty God having decreed the total ruine of the City, which was now pol­lu [...]ed and filled with Iniquity, and meaning by fire as it were, to purifie the holy Tem­ple, which was prophaned, he first took up the Defenders thereof, and those that loved it most dearly. So they who a little before were cloathed with the sacred apparel, and reverenced of all that from the furthest parts of the World came to Jerusalem, now lay murthered and naked in the open streets, left as it were a prey to be torn in pieces by Doggs and wild Beasts. Was Virtue ever more insolently outraged! And could she N without shedding Tears, behold Vice thus triumph over her?

A The FIFTH BOOK Of the WARS of the JEVVS,

The Contents of the Chapters of the Fifth Book.
  • 1 OF another Massacre; and of the Return of the Idumeans, and the Cruelty of the Zealots.
  • 2 Of the Civil Discord amongst the Jews.
  • 3 Of the Yielding of Gadara, and the Massacre there.
  • C 4 How certain Towns were Taken; and the Description of Jericho.
  • 5 Of the Lake called Asphaltites.
  • 6 How Gerasa was Destroyed; the Death of Nero, Galba, and Otho.
  • 7 Of Simon of Gerasa, Author of a new Conspircy.
  • 8 Of Galba, Otho, Vitellius, and Vespasian.
  • 9 Of Simon's Acts against the Zealots.
  • 10 How Vespasian was chosen Emperour.
  • 11 The Description of Aegypt and Pharus.
  • 12 How Vespasian Redeemed Joseph from Captivity.
  • 13 Of Vitellus his Death and Manners.
  • D 14 How Titus was sent against the Jews by his Father.

CHAP. I.
Of another Massacre; and of the Return of the Idumeans, and the Cruelty of the Zealots.

SUch was the end of Ananus and Jesus: After whose death the Idumeans and E the Zealots massacred the People, as though they had been a flock of per­nitious Beasts, and very few escaped the Butchery. The Nobility and chief sort of men were put in Prison,The cruelty of the Idumeans and the Zea­lots. in hope that by deferring their death, some of them would become partakers with them; Yet none was hereby moved, but every one desired to die, rather than impiously to joyn with these Wretches against their own Country: Whereupon they were most cruelly whip­ped before they were put to Death, their Bodies being made as it were one sore place by Whipping and Stripes: and when they could not endure these Torments any lon­ger, they were killed. Who so was taken in the day time, was in the night carried to Prison; and those that died in Prison and Torments, they cast their dead Bodies out, F that they might have place to imprison others in their room. The People were so ter­rified, that none durst weep openly for his Friend, nor bury the dead Body of his Kins­man; yea those that were in Prison durst not openly weep, but secretly; looking about them, lest any of their Enemies should see them. For whosoever mourned for any that was afflicted, was presently himself used in the same manner, as he had been for whom he lamented. Yet sometimes some in the night scraped up a little earth with their hands, and therewithal covered the dead body of their Friend; and some bolder than the rest did the like in the day-time.12000 of the Nobility exe­cuted. And in this general slaughter were twelve thousand young Noblemen slain in this manner. After which, being hated for these Massacres, they mocked and flouted the Magistrates, and made no account of their Judgments. So that when they determined to put to death Zachary the Son of Baruch, one of the chief of G the City, because he was an Enemy to their wickedness, and loved the virtuous, and one that was rich, by whose death they hoped not only to have the spoil of his goods, but [Page 696] also to be rid of one who might be able to resist their bad purposes) they called seventy of H the best amongst the common People together, as it were in Judgment, with a pretend­ed Authority; and before them they accused Zacharie, that he had betrayed the Com­mon-wealth to the Romans, and for that intent had sent to Vespasian: but they neither shewed any evidence or proof thereof, but only affirmed it to be so; and therefore would have credit given to their words.

When Zacharie perceived that under pretence of being called to Judgement,Zacharie con­demned to death by the Zealots. he was unjustly cast into Prison; though he had no hope of Life, yet he spared not to speak freely his mind, and began to scorn the rage and pretence of his Enemies, and purged himself of the crimes whereof he was accused; and converting his speech against his Accusers, he laid open all their Iniquities, and much lamented the miseries and trou­bles I of the City.

In the mean-while the Zealots gnashed their teeth, and could scarcely contain them­selves from drawing their Swords, and were desirous that their pretended Accusation and Judgment might be ended. He also requested them, who by these Miscreants were appointed his Judges,Seventy Judges absolve & ac­quit Zacharie. to remember Justice, notwithstanding the danger they might incur by it. The seventy Judges all pronounced that he was to be absolved and freed as guiltless, and rather chose to die, than to cause his death who was Inno­cent.

This Sentence being pronounced, the Zealots began to shout and cry with a loud voice; and they all were angry at the Judges,Zacharie slain in the midst of the Temple. who did not understand to what end that counter­feit K Authority was given them. Then two of the boldest amongst them set upon Zacharie and killed him in the midst of the Temple, and insulted over him saying, Thou hast now our Sentence and Absolution, far more certain than the other was: And presently they cast him down from the Temple into the Valley below: and then contumeliously with the Hilts of their Swords they beat the Judges out of the Temple; yet they did not kill them, to the end that being dispersed thorow the whole City, they might tell the People, as Messengers from them, of their miserable condition.

The Idumeans were now sorrowful for their coming,One of the Zealots disco­vereth their cruelty and barbarous dealing to the Idumeans. for they misliked these proceed­ings: and being assembled together, one of the Zealots secretly told them all that their Faction had done from the beginning; that it was true the Idumeans had taken Arms,L because they were informed that the Metropolitan City was by the Priests betray'd to the Romans: but they might perceive, there was no proof nor sign of any such matter; and that indeed the Zealots who pretended themselves Defenders of the Liberty of the City, were indeed Enemies, and had exercised Tyranny over the Citi­zens even from the beginning. And though they had associated themselves with such wicked persons, and made themselves partakers of so many Murthers, yet they ought now to cease from such wickedness, and not assist men so impious to destroy their Coun­try and Religion. For though they took it in bad part, that the City Gates were shut upon them, yet now they were sufficiently revenged of those that were the cause there­of. That Ananus himself was slain, and almost all the People in one night (whereof M many of them ere long would repent) and that they might now themselves perceive the cruelty of those who requested their aid, to be more than barbarous, had not blusht to commit such Villanies openly, in the sight of them who had saved their lives: and that their misdemeanours and impieties would be imputed to the Idumeans, because they neither hindred their mischievous Practices, nor forsook their Society. That there­fore it was their part (seeing it was now evident that the report of Treason was only Calumny, and that no assault by the Romans was to be feared; and that the City was impregnable, provided there were no domestick divisions) to depart home, and by for­saking the Society of the Impious, to acquit themselves of their Impiety, as being by N them deceived, and so against their Wills made partakers thereof.

The Idumeans were hereby perswaded,The Idumeans depart out of Jerusalem. and first of all they freed those that were in Prison, in number two thousand of the Vulgar; and presently leaving the City, they went to Simon, (of whom we will speak hereafter) and so they departed home.

Their sudden departure was against the expectation of both parts: for the People not knowing the Idmmeans were sorry for what they had done, rejoyced as now delivered from their Enemies: and the Zealots grew more insolent and proud, as though they never had needed help, and now were delivered from those, in considerati­on of whom they abstained from some Villanies. Whereupon they used no delay to effect all their Villany: for they spent not much time in taking advice; but whatso­ever seemed best to them, presently without any delay they put it in practice. But O especially they murthered those men that were wise and valiant; for they envied the [Page 697] A Nobility for their Virtue: they thought it a principal point first to be effected, not to leave any one man of account alive. Wherefore they slew amongst the rest Gorion, a Noble-man of great Birth and Dignity, who loved his Country, was very bountiful, and a lover of Liberty; so that there was none amongst the Jews like him; but for his desire of Liberty,Gorion's Death and Niger Pe­raita. and his other Virtues he was put to death. Neither could Niger Peraita escape their hands, a man who in War against the Romans had shewed himself valiant: and although he often cried out and shewed the scars of his Wounds received in defence of his Country; yet they ceased not for all this most shamefully to drag him thorow the City: and being led out of the City, despairing of life, he entreated that B he might be buried.Niger's Pray­ers took effect as the end testifieth. But the barbarous People denied his request and slew him. At his death he besought God that the Romans might come and revenge it upon them, and that Plague, Famine and Civil Discord might light upon their City.

God heard his Prayers, and sent upon them all which he imprecated; and first of all, they were plagued with Civil Wars amongst themselves. Niger being thus slain, they were freed from the fear they had of him, that he would resist their wickedness. Many of the Common People were by some forged tale or other put to death. Some were slain, because they had formerly born Arms against them; and they who were innocent in all points, were put to death for some occasion devised in the time of peace: and they who did not converse with them, were murdered as those that contemned them; and they C that freely and friendly conversed with them, were slain as those that sought to betray them. In short, the greatest offenders and the least were all punished alike, to wit, with death: for no man escaped, except he were either poor, or of very base condition.

CHAP. II.
The Civil Discords amongst the Jews.

D IN the mean while the Roman Officers had their Eyes open upon what passed in the City of Jerusalem;The Souldiers incite Vespasi­an to resort to Jerusalem. and seeing the Citizens at great variance among themselves, they thought this to be for their great advantage. Wherefore they pressed Vespasian their General not to lose this opportunity, affirming that it was Gods providence (who fought for them) that the Jews should be at Civil Discord among themselves; and that therefore he should not overslip so good an occasion, lest the Jews should quickly be friends again one with another, either by the weariness of Civil War, or else re­penting themselves of that which they had done. To whom Vespasian answered, That they were ignorant what was to be done,Vespasian ex­pecteth Victo­ry by the civil dissention of his Enemies. and desirous rather as it were in a Theater to shew their forces and strength, than with him to consider what was profitable and expedient. For E (said he) if we presently assault them, our coming will make concord amongst our Enemies, and so we shall bring upon our selves their forces yet firm and strong; but by expecting a little while, we shall have less ado to conquer them, their chiefest forces being destroyed by their own Civil War. God is more our friend than you are aware of, who without our labour and pain will deliver the Jews into our hands, and will give us the Victory without endangering our Army. Wherefore it is rather our part to be beholders of the Tragedy, than to fight against men desirous of death, and troubled with the greatest evil possible, to wit, domestical Sedition, and Civil War. And if any think that the Victory is not glorious, because gotten without fight, let him know and consider the uncertain events of War: and that it is better, if it be possible, to get a Victory without bloodshed, then therewith to hazard a Defeat. For they who by F Counsel and Advice do any worthy Act, deserve no less praise than they who by force of Arms atchieve a Victory. Moreover, in the mean time that the Enemies destroy one another, our Souldiers may take rest, and so be stronger and better able to fight when need shall require. Be­sides, it seems not that there is much haste required to get the Victory: for the Jews neither prepare Arms nor Engines of War, nor levie any Forces, nor seek for Aid; and so by delay no damage can ensue; but they will Plague one another more by Civil War, than our Army can by attacquing their City. And therefore whether we consider Prudence or Glory, we have no­thing to do but let them ruine themselves; for in case we should even at this present make our selves Masters of that great City; so it would be justly said, that the Victory was not to be im­puted to us, but to their discord.

G The Captains all consented,Many Citizens to fly the Zea­lous, resorted to Vespasian. and thought this advice of Vespasian best: and presently it appeared how profitable this Counsel was. For every day many Jews fled to him to escape the hands of the Zealots; though it was dangerous to flie, because all the ways [Page 698] were guarded with Watch-men. And if any man upon any occasion whatsoever were H taken upon the way, he was presently killed, as one who intended to have fled to the Ro­mans: Yet if any one fee'd the Watch-men with money, he escaped away safely; and he that did not, was counted as a Traitor: so that only rich men could escape, and the poor were left to the slaughter. The multitude of the dead bodies that lay on heaps together was innumerable, and through the horror of which sight, many of those who had fled to the Romans,The Zealots tyrannize both over the living and the dead. returned again into the City, choosing rather to die there: for the hope they had to be buried in their native soil, made death there seem more to­lerable. But the Zealots became so cruel, that they neither permitted them who were slain within, nor them without the City to be buried. But like men that had now de­termined together, with their County-Laws to abolish the Law of Nature, yea and by I their impiety to defy God himself, let the dead Bodies rot above ground; and who­soever attempted to bury any of them that were slain, whether Friend or Kinsman, he was presently put to death, and left unburied; and to give Sepulchre to another, was crime enough to deserve it.

To be brief, nothing so much increased their indignation as Mercy: for the wicked People were herewith provoked to wrath; their displeasure and cruelty was extended from the living to the dead, and from the dead to the living. And such fear fell upon the whole City, that those that were left alive, deemed them happy, that being dead, were at rest, and free from those miseries: and they that were in Prison, in respect of the torments they endured, thought themselves more unhappy than they who lay unburi­ed.K All humane Justice was perverted, and they scorned and mocked at all divine and holy things, and proudly derided the Oracles of the Prophets, esteeming them as Fables and Jests. But having now contemned all Laws, established by their fore-fathers for the punishment of Vice and increasing of Virtue, at last they found that true which was fore-told, concerning the Destruction of themselves and their Country: For there was an old Prophesie, that when Sedition reigned amongst them, and their own hands had violated the Temple of God and holy things; then their City should be destroyed by War, and their holy Places burned with fire, according to the manner and custom of War.L

CHAP. III.
How Gadara was yielded: and of the Massacre there.

BUt John who long ago aspired to be Tyrant over all the rest, could not endure that others should partake in Authority with him;Johns Pride and Ambition wherefore by little and little he divided himself from their union and fellowship, after he had drawn to himself such as by their impious life were capable of the greatest crimes, so that now every M one perceived (in that he always neglected what others commanded, and imperiously commanded what himself thought good) that he affected Principality. Many joyn­ed to him for fear, some for favour (for he had a smooth tongue, able to perswade to what he would); many also followed him, thinking it better that all the impiety before committed were laid to one mans charge in particular, than upon them all. Moreover, being a valiant man of his hands, and one able to give politick counsel, he wanted not followers, not withstanding that many of the contrary, faction left him, envying that he, who before was their equal, should now be their Master and Command­er. The greater part of the contrary facti­on fall from John. Fear also terrified them from living under the Government of one man; for they thought that if he once prevailed, he could not easily be overcome: and again, if he N were deposed, that he would pick quarrels against them in the end, because that they resisted him in the beginning. So every man determined rather to suffer all misery in War, then to submit himself, and become a Slave. Thus the parties were divided, and John was chief of one Faction: so between them they appointed Guards in every place; and if by chance they combated together, they did little or no hurt to one another: but the chief contention was, who should bear most sway amongst the Peo­ple, and who should have the greatest part of the Spoil. Thus the City at one time was vexed with three intolerable mischiefs and evils,The tempest of of three misa­ries assailed Jerusalem at once. to wit, War, Tyranny, and Se­dition: and yet the War seemed a less evil than the rest to the Commonalty. Where­fore many leaving their native soil, fled to strangers for succour, and found among the O Romans safety, who with their own Nation lived in continual danger. There was [Page 699] A also added a fourth evil, which wrought the ruine of the whole Nation. Not far from the City there was a Castle called Massada, built by the ancient Kings of Jerusalem, very strong, to lay up their treasure and munition for War, and to retire themselves there­unto in time of need, for the safety of their persons. This Castle was taken and kept by that sort of Thieves that were called Sicarii, by reason of their smal number durst Rob no more openly. These Thieves seeing the Roman Army now idle, and the people in Jerusalem at civil War and Sedition among themselves, took courage, and again fell to their Villanies.Of those de­sperate Rebels that kept [...]he Castle of Mas­sada. And so on that day, which is the Feast of unleavened Bread (which the Jews keep holy, in memory of their deliverance from the Ae­gyptian Captivity) deceiving the Watchmen, they seized upon a Fort, called Engad­di: B and before the Townsmen could arm and unite themselves together, they were by these persons driven out of the Town; who also killed them that could not flie, to wit, Women and Children, to the number of more than seven hundred; and so sack­ing the Houses, and taking the Fruits that were now ripe, they carried all to Massa­da: and so they wasted all the Villages and whole Country round about them, many wicked persons daily flocking unto them, and joining with them: and by their example, other Thieves that a while had been quiet, now robbed again, and spoiled in every part of Judea. Slaughter and desolation thorow Jurie. And as in a body, if the principal member thereof be sick, all other parts of it are afflicted; so Jerusalem being filled with tumults and discord, those that were without the City found licence to rob and spoil: and all those that had C their Towns destroyed where they were wont to inhabit, went into the Wilderness; where assembling and uniting themselves together, not so many as an Army, yet more than a Company of Thieves,A similitude. they broke into the Towns and Temples; and, as in War it cometh to pass, the Country people purposed to assault them, by whom they had suffered such injury: but they were prevented; for the Thieves understand­ing their coming, fled with the spoil they had gotten. And there was no part of Judea, that did not suffer together with Jerusalem their Mother-City. Those that fled to the Romans, certified Vespasian hereof: for although the seditious persons kept and observ'd all passages, and kill'd them that offered to fly, yet many secretly stole away from them,The Fugitives beseech Vespasi­an to assist the City, and pre­serve the rest of the people. and besought Vespasian, both to help the oppressed City, and D to take compassion upon the reliques of their Nation: affirming, that many had been butchered for wishing well to the Romans; and many being yet alive, were yet in great danger. Vespasian moved to compassionate their calamities, came with his Ar­my nearer Jerusalem, as though he would have besieged, it (but indeed his intent was to deliver it from the oppression of these wicked persons, who in a manner kept it continually besieg'd,) hoping in the mean time to conquer that part of the Country that was yet untoucht, and so to leave nothing to hinder him when he should begin the siege. Wherefore coming to Gadara, the strongest of all the Cities beyond the River, he entred into it the fourth day of March: for the Chiefest of the City, unknown to the seditious people, had sent Embassadors to him to desire Peace; and to save E their goods and lives, they promised him to yield the Town into his hands: for there were many rich men dwelling in Gadara: but their Enemies knew not of their Em­bassage, till they saw Vespasian at the City Gates. And so despairing that they were able to keep the City, by reason they had in the Town many Enemies more in num­ber and stronger than themselves; and moreover, seeing Vespasian even now almost at the City: and thinking shame to flie, and not to be revenged of their Enemies, they took Dolesus (a Noble-man and chief of the City,The Gadaren­sians entertain Vespasian with joy and acclamation. and also the Author of that Embassage) and killed him; and for anger beating him after he was dead, they fled out of the City. Now the Romans Army approaching near the City, the people of Gadara went forth and received Vespasian joyfully, who also confirmed a League betwixt F them and him, and left them a Company of Horse and Foot to defend them against the incursions of the Fugitives their Enemies: for they themselves, before the Romans requested it, destroyed the City Walls, that so they might shew their desire of Peace; because having destroyed their Walls, if after they desired to rebel, they could not.

Vespasian then sent Placidus with five hundred Horsemen,Placidus con­flict with the Fugitives. and three thousand Footmen to pursue those that were fled out of Gadara; and he with the rest of his Army returned to Caesarea. But the Fugitives perceiving themselves to be pursued by Placidus, before he could overtake them, got into a Town called Bethenabris: and finding there many young men, partly for that they were willing, partly by force they compelled them to arm themselves, and so rashly they came against Placidus. G Placidus and his Army seemed a little to give back, to the intent to draw them fur­ther from the Wall; and then having compassed them about in a fit place, they [Page 700] wounded them afar off with Darts and Arrows. The Jews seeking to flie, were H prevented by the Horsemen: and they who offered to fight, were by the Romans Footmen all put to the Sword, never shewing any sign of valour. For the Jews as­saulted the Romans, who were all covered with their Shields as with a Wall; and not being able to break into their battle, they were slain by the Romans Darts: but their Darts could do the Romans no harm: and so like fierce and Savage Beasts they wilfully ran upon their Enemies Swords, and all were either slain, or dispers'd by the Horsemen.Placidus ta­keth and burn­eth Bethena­bris. For Placidus was careful to intercept their passage to the Town; and to hinder their recourse unto it, and forc'd those back again that fled towards it, using his Darts, and killing those that were next him; till at last the strongest amongst them broke away, and got to the Town Walls. Those that were within the City knew I not what to do, for they would not shut the Fugitives of Gadara out of the City, be­cause they desired to let their own Citizens in; and again they perceived that if they let these in, the other thereby would work the overthrow of the City, as it fell out indeed they did. For the Gates being set open for them to come in, the Roman Horsemen almost broke into the Town with them; yet the Gates were shut before they could get in. Then Placidus with all his Souldiers assaulted the Town, and after a sore fight which continued till the Evening, at last he got the Walls, and the Town, and slew the weaker sort, for the stronger fled: so the Souldiers first sacked the Houses, and then fired the Town. They who escaped thence, incited the whole Country to fly with them, reporting their Calamities with the most, and K affirming that all the Roman Army was at hand: and so they put all the Inhabitants there in great fear, and having assembled a great multitude, they fled to Jericho, in which place they put their confidence, for that it was strong and populous. Placidus having Horsemen, and incouraged with his former Victory, pursued them to Jordan, and whomsoever he overtook he slew, and at the River he fought with all the multitude there gathered together; because that the River being grown deep­er by abundance of Rain that had lately faln, they could not pass over it.

Wherefore necessity forced them to fight, because they could not flie: and placing themselves along the Banks of the River,Placidus Vi­ctory over the Fugitives. they there received the Horsemen, and warded their Darts. Many for fear fell into the River; and the Romans slew L there 13000; and the rest not able to resist, cast themselves into the River; which were an infinite number: also the Romans took 2200 men alive, and a great boo­ty of Sheep, Asses, Camels, and Oxen. This Slaughter though it was no greater than the former, yet it seemed to the Jews far greater, because that many all over the Country flying were killed, and Jordan was so filled with dead Carkasses, that none could pass over it: and also the Lake Asphaltites, was full of dead bodies, brought thither out of divers Rivers.Placidus ma­keth use of his good fortune against the Jews. Placidus having so good success, went to the Towns and Villages adjoyned, and took Abila, Julias, Besemoth, and all the Towns even to the Lake Asphaltites, and placed in them Garisons of the Jews that had fled to him: and afterward preparing Ships and furnishing them with Souldiers, he pursu­ed M them that were fled by Water, and overcome them. So all the Country beyond Jordan as far as Machaeron, was reduc'd under the Power of the Romans.

CHAP. IV
How certain Towns were taken; the Description of Jericho.

AT this time came news of the troubles in Gallia; Troubles in France. and how that Vindex, together N with the Nobility of that Country had revolted from Nero; whereof we have made mention in another place. This news caused Vespasian to be more earnest to end the Wars of the Jews: for even then he foresaw the Civil War that ensued, and the dan­ger of the whole Empire: and he thought that if he could before the beginning of those troubles end the Wars in the East part of the World, that then Italy was not in so much danger. But Winter hindring him, he in the mean time placed Gari­sons in all Towns and Villages about the whole Country, and appointed Officers in every City, and repaired many places, which he had before destroyed. And first of all, he with his whole Army that was at Caesarea marcht to Antipatris; and hav­ing setled the Estate of that City, after his abode there two dayes, the third day O he departed, spoiling and burning all the Country: as also all the Country about [Page 701] A of Thamnia the Toparchy, and so went to Lydda and Jamnia. But seeing that those two places submitted themselves unto him, he left there such Inhabitants as he thought good, and went thence to Ammaus; and placing himself in the way to Jerusalem, he there entrenched his Camp, and leaving the fifth Legion there, with the rest he went into the Toparchy of Bethlepton, Vespasian visit­eth all Judea firing it and all places thereabout, as also the Borders of Idumea: but he reserved certain Castles in fit places and fortified them. And having taken two Towns in the midst of Idumea, to wit, Begabri, and Caphartopha, he slew there above ten thousand men, and took almost a thousand; and driving out the rest of the Inhabitants, he left a great part of his Army there, who made Incursions, and wasted all the High Places thereabout: with the rest he returned to Jamnia; and B from thence by Samaria and Neapolis, called by the Inhabitants Nabortha. The second day of June, he came to Corea; and pitching his Tent there, the next day he came to Jericho, where one of his Captains, named Trajan, met him with the Souldiers he brought from beyond Jordan, which place he had conquered. But before the Romans came,Vespasian cometh to Je­richo. many fled from Jericho into the high Country over against Jerusalem; and many that stayed behind were there slain. So he found the City desolate, being scituate in a Plain, under a great barren Mountain, which is of a huge length: for it reacheth on the North side, to the Borders of Sythopolis, and on the South to the Borders of Sodom and the Lake of Asphaltites. It is Rocky, and not inhabited, because it beareth no fruit. Over against this, near Jordan, is situate another Mountain, beginning on the C North-side at Julias, and reaching to Bacra on the South, which is the Limits of Pe­tra, a City of Arabia. In this place is that Mountain which is called the Moun­tain of Iron, reaching to the Country of the Moabites.

The Country between these two Mountains is called the Great Field, reaching from the Village Gennabara to the Lake of Asphaltites, The great Field. being in length two hundred and thirty Furlongs, and in breadth a hundred and twenty; in the midst it is divided by the River Jordan. These are also two Lakes of contrary natures, Asphaltites, and Tiberias; for one of them is Salt and hath no Fish, but that of Tiberias sweet and abounds with Fish.Two Lakes, Asphaltites and the Tiberi­an Lake. This Plain in Summer time is burnt with the heat of the Sun, and the Air is infected in all places thereabouts, save only about Jordan: and this D is the cause that the Palm-trees that grow about the River side do flourish most, and are more fertil than the rest. Near Jericho there is a large great Fountain, which plentifully watereth the fields thereabout, and riseth with a great stream out of the ground near the old City: which Joshua the Son of N [...], General of the Hebrews, took by War, the first of all that he took in the Land of Canaan. It is reported that in the beginning, the Waters of this Fountain destroy'd all Fruits of the Earth, and also made Women be delivered before their time,A large Foun­tain neer Jeri­cho. and infected all places with diseases, and the plague; but afterward by Elisha, the successour of Elias, was made sweet and good for conception; which happened in this manner: That admirable person being once courteously entertained by the Inhabitants of Jericho, did thus reward them, and E all the Country for that their kindness; and going unto the Fountain, he cast a Pitcher full of Salt into the Water; and lifting up his hands to Heaven, and tempering with this Fountain-Water certain sweet Waters, he prayed God to a­mend the ill qualities thereof,A miracle wrought by E­lias and to make it slow with more sweet Streams: which both might cause plenty of Fruits, and also of Children, to the Inhabitants: and that the Water might have the vertue to make Women Fruitful, so long as they persisted in piety. These prayers had the Power to alter the Fountain: and from that time, this Fountain which before was the cause of Famine and Sterility, became the cause of Plenty and Fertility. And so it watereth the ground, that where a lit­tle of it cometh, it doth more good than all other waters which lie long upon it: F and so they that water their grounds but a little with it, receive much Fruit; and they that water their Grounds with it much, do not receive them in that mea­sure; yet it watereth a greater compass of ground than other Fountains: and in length it runneth through a Plain seventy Furlongs long,Fruitful and pleasant Gar­dens about Je­richo. and twenty broad. Here are most pleasant and goodly Orchards, and many sorts of Palm-trees growing by brooks sides, which are divers in the taste of their Fruits; the fattest whereof being pressed, yield a juice like Honey, nothing inferiour to other Honey: yet there is great store of Honey in the Country, and the juice of Balm, which is more precious than all other Fruits whatsoever. Here grow also Cypress-Trees and Myrabolans: so that one may justly say that this part of the Earth hath something Divine, where G what Fruit soever is most dear and precious, is in most abundance. Also in all o­ther Fruits it surpasseth all Countries in the World: for all things multiply and in­crease [Page 702] sooner there. The cause hereof I judge to be these pleasant Waters, and the H warm nourishing Air, which gently inviteth all things to spring up, and then encreas­eth them: as the moisture causeth all things to take firm root, and also defendeth them from drought in Summer time, when the Country is vexed with such intollera­ble heats, that all things are scorched, so that nothing then will grow; yet if they be watered with Water drawn before Sun-rise,The cause why the ground a­bout Jericho is fruitful. by the blowing of a mild and tempe­rate wind, it is refreshed, and it receives a contrary nature: In Winter-time it is almost luke-warm and temperate to them that go into it. The Air here is so tem­perate, The Air tem­perate and Warm. that when it snoweth in other parts of Judea, and is extreme cold, the In­habitants in this place only wear a linen Garment. This Country is distant from I Jerusalem a hundred and fifty Furlongs, and threescore from Jordan; and all the ground betwixt it and Jerusalem is desart and stony, and so likewise between it and Jordan and Asphaltites, though it be lower ground than the other. Thus we have sufficiently declared the fertility of Jericho.

CHAP. V.
The Description of the Lake Asphaltites.

IT is worth the labour to describe the Lake Asphaltites, An admirable property of the Asphaltite Lake. which is Salt and uncapa­ble K of feeding Fish, yet what ever is cast into it, how weighty soever it be, it swimmeth above the Water: so that one, though he would on purpose, cannot sink to the bot­tom. Vespasian coming thither to see it, took men who could not swim, and caus'd their hands to be bound behind them, and cast them into the midst thereof, and all of them came up to the Top of the Water, as if some Wind had forc'd them from the bottom. Moreover, it is admirable, how this Lake thrice in every day changeth colour, and shineth diversly, according as the beams of the Sun sundry ways fall upon it. And in many places it casteth up pieces of black Bitumen, in greatness and shape like a Bull without a head; and these float above the Water. They that get L their living upon this Water by gathering this Bitumen, draw it to their Boats, and it is so tough and clammy, that having filled their Boats herewith, it is not easie for them to get them away, but their Boat is as it were fastened, and hangeth upon the rest of that mass of bituminous matter, till it be separated from it by the terms or urine of a Woman. This bitumenous matter is good to close the rifts of Ships, and also to cure many diseases.The Land of Sodom is near unto the Lake Asphaltites. This Lake is five hundred and eighty Furlongs long, extending to Zoar which is in Arabia; and it is a hundred and fifty Furlongs broad. Near this Lake is the Land of Sodom and Gomorrah, sometime both fertil and rich: now all burnt, having been for the impiety of the Inhabitants consumed with light­ning and thunder. To be short, one may here behold as it were the reliques of that M fire that by Gods appointment destroyed the place: for one may yet see some re­mainders of those five Cities, and Trees and Fruits springing up in the ashes: which fruit to the Eye seemeth like other fruits; but if you handle them, they fall into ash­es and smoak.Te [...]tul. Apo­log. c. 39. And so the History of the destruction of Sodom is verifi'd to the Eye of them that behold it.

CHAP. VI.
How Gerasa was destroyed: of Nero's Death, and of Galba and Otho.N

VEspasian desirous to besiege Jerusalem on every side, built Castles at Jericho and Adida, and left there Garisons of the Souldiers that came to assist him, and also Romans with them.L. Annius ta­keth Gerasa. And he sent L. Annius, to Gerasa with a Body of Foot and Horse; who at the first assault took the City, and slew a thousand young men, who had not time to flie, and made whole Families Slaves, giving the Souldiers the spoil of their goods: and so firing their Houses, he went to other places adjoyning. They who were able, fled; and the weaker sort who could not flie, were slain: and whatsoever came in their way they consumed with fire. Thus all places both Mountains and Plains O being wasted and ruined with War, the Inhabitants of Jerusalem had no whither to go, [Page 703] A when they desired to flie from the Zelots by whom they were kept in.The year of the World, 4033. after the Nati­vity of Christ, 71. And they them­selves who were against the Romans, were also kept in; the City being on every side enclosed and encompassed with the Roman Army.

After Vespasian was returned to Cesarea, and with all his Army purposed to go to Je­rusalem, Vespasian hath tydings of Ne­r [...]es death. news was brought him that Nero was slain, having reigned thirteen years and eight dayes. Touching whom I will not recount how he dishonour'd the Empire, com­mitting the whole sway of all the Common-wealth to two most wicked men, to wit, Nim­phidius and Tigillinus, who were of least worth amongst all his Freed-men: and how be­ing betrayed by these two men, he was forsaken of all his Guards; and so fled only with four trusty Freed-men into the Suburbs, and there kill'd himself: And how that B sometime after, they that deposed him were punished for that offence: And how the Wars ended in Gallia; Galba. and that Galba being created Emperour, returned to Rome out Spain: and how he was accused of Cowardize by the Souldiers, and by them killed in the Market-place,Otho. as one of base condition:Vitellius. and how Otho was declared Emperour, and led his Souldiers against Vitellius: also Vitellius his troubles and his fight before the Capitol: and how Antonius Primus, and Mutianus slew Vitellius, and so appeased the German Troops and the Civil War. Of all these I have forborn to speak, because I presume both the Greeks and Romans have written these things at large; yet I have briefly recapitulated this to continue my History.

After Vespasian heard this news,Vespasian de­ferreth his siege at Jeru­salem. he deferred the Siege of Jerusalem, expecting who C should be created Emperour after Nero. And when he was certified that Galba reign­ed, he determined to do nothing, but lie quiet till such time as he should write to him his mind, whether he would have him proceed in the War against the Jews. And he sent to him his Son Titus, both to salute him, and also to know his pleasure concerning the Jews. Likewise, King Agrippa went with Titus for the same cause to Galba. But as they were passing by Achaia with long Ships in Winter time, as the Custome is, news was brought that Galba was slain, having reigned seven Months and seven dayes: Af­ter whom succeeded Otho, who governed the Empire three Months. Agrippa not dis­mayed with this alteration, still kept on his Journey to Rome. But Titus (as God would have it) returned from Achaia to Syria, Galba is slain, and Otho go­verneth. and so to Caesarea to his Father. They D both were in suspence what would ensue, and who should be be Emperour, the Empire being so full of trouble: and so they neglected the War against the Jews, fearing for their own Country, and therefore thinking it an unfit time to invade Strangers.

CHAP. VII.
Of Simon of Gerasa, Author of a new Conspiracy.

E IN the mean time a new War broke out at Jerusalem among the Jews; For there was one Simon the Son of Giora born in Gerasa, young in years, and inferiour to John in subtilty,Simon of Ge­rasa resorteth to the Thieves. who now already had gotten the dominion over the City; yet in Vi­gor and Boldness exceeded John. This Simon having been for this cause also driven out of the Country of Acrabatena, where he was Governour, by the means of Ananus the high Priest,Simon assem­bleth all rob­bers in the mountanous places. came to the Thieves that seized upon Massada. At his first coming he was so suspected by the Thieves, that they only permitted him, and the Women that came with him, to dwell in the lower part of the Castle, and they themselves kept the higher part: yet afterwards, his manners and behaviour was such that they put confidence in him, and he became their Captain always when they went to spoil and rob any part of F of the Country about Massada. After which he did all that he could to persweade them to attempt greater matters: for being desirous of rule, after he heard that Ananus was dead, he departed into the high Places of the Country, and with the voice as of a Crier proclaimed, that all Bond-slaves that would follow him should have their Liberty, and all others should be richly rewarded; by which means he gathered together all the wick­ed and desperate People in the Country. And having now a considerable Army, he robbed and spoiled all the Towns and Villages thereabout; and his number daily en­creasing, he also presumed to come into the plain Countries: so that now Cities stood in awe of him, and many considerable persons fearing him for his strength and prospe­rous success, joyned with him. So that his Army did not only consist of Thieves and G Slaves, but many People of the Country came to him, reverencing him as their Prince and King; and they made Excursions into the Toparchy of Acrabatena, and into the [Page 704] greater Idumea. For he had fortified a Town called Nain, wall'd about, which he used H for his Retreat. And in the Valley called Pharan, he made many Caves, and found many already made, and in these Caves he kept his Treasure, and the Booties he got: also all Fruits of the Earth that he robbed and stole, there he laid up in store; as al­so Ammunition for many Companies.The Fight be­tween Simon and the Zea­lots. And now no man doubted, but that being thus furnished with Men and Ammunition he would go to Jerusalem. The Zealots fearing this, and desirous to prevent him who they saw every day encreased his number, and grew more potent against them; they armed many of their Company, and went out to meet him. Simon was not daunted at this, but boldly encountred them, and gave them so sharp a Battle, that he slew many of them in fight; and forced the rest to retire themselves into the Town; yet not having men sufficient, he would not besiege the I Town; but first of all he purposed to subdue Idumea; and so accompanied with 20000 armed men, he hasted towards the borders thereof.

The Princes of Idumea understanding this, presently assembled five and twenty thou­sand armed men: and leaving at home sufficient Garisons to defend their Country against the Sicarii, who held the Fortress of Massada, they accompanied with these Forces, went out and expected Simons coming into the borders of their Country, where having met him they joyned battle, and fought a whole day; yet it appeared not which part got the Victory. Then Simon returned to Nain, and the Idumeans home. Not long after Simon with a greater Army than before, assaulted the borders of their Coun­try, and pitching his Tents in a Village called Thecue, he sent one of his Companions,L named Eleazar, to them that kept the Castle Herodium, not far from that place, to sol­licite them to yield it to him. The Garison there presently received him into the Castle, not knowing the cause of his coming. But so soon as he began to perswade them to Treason, they drew their Swords to kill him: and he not having any place to flie to, cast himself from off the Castle Wall into the Valley underneath, and so died.

The Idumeans something fearing Simons Forces,Eleazar Si­mon's fellow casteth himself headlong into the trench, and presently dieth James of Idu­mea the Be­trayer of his Country. before they would offer him Battle, thought best to espie what number of men he had: to effect which business, one Jacob a Captain among them offered himself, meaning indeed to betray his Country to Simon. So departing from Olurus, where the Idumean Forces were assembled, he went to Simon, and promised him to betray his Country to him, receiving of him an Oath, that for re­ward K of this deed he should be alwayes next in dignity to Simon himself, and so he pre­sently promised to help subdue all Idumea. For this cause he was welcome to Simon, and feasted liberally, and had great Promises if he performed that which he offered; and then returned to the Idumeans; and fained that Simons Army was far greater than in­deed it was. And so terrifying the Governours of his Country, and the People, he by little and little perswaded them to receive Simon, and without any more fight to yield to him the Sovereign Authority over them.

Jacob studying to bring this his purpose to pass, privily sent Messengers to Simon, willing him to come with his Forces, and promising him to dissipate the Idumeans for M him, which he also did. For when Simons Army drew near, he first of all got upon his Horse, and together with his Associates that were partakers of his Treason, fled to the Enemy. Then fear fell on the Idumeans; and every one without any more ado fled home.

Thus Simon against his own expectation entred Idumea without blood-shed:Simon beyond all expectation enters Idumea without blood-shed. and first of all assaulting a little Village called Chebron, he took it, and in it an exceeding great Booty, a great quantity of Corn, and many Fruits; all which he carried away. The Inhabitants report that this Chebron is not only more ancient than all Cities of that Land,Hebron an an­cient City where Abra­hams house was. but also than Memphis in Aegypt; for they affirm it to have been built two thou­sand three hundred years since. They also say, that this was the place where Abraham N the Father of the Jews dwelt, after he forsook Mesopotamia; and that his Posterity de­parted from hence to Aegypt. Indeed there are yet seen Monuments in the City, rich­ly wrought in fine Marble.

Six Furlongs from the Town there is an exceeding great Turpentine Tree,A Turpentine Tree, that hath continued ever since the Cre­ation of the World. which they affirm to have endured ever since the Creation of the World, until this day.

Simon having obtained this place, from hence invaded all Idumea, and not only rob­bed and spoiled all the Towns and Cities thereof, but also wasted and destroyed much of the Country: for besides his Army, there followed him fourty thousand men, so that he could not find Victuals for such a Multitude. Moreover, besides this Calamity that he brought upon Idumea, he exercised great Cruelty and Out-rage upon the Country, and caused great spoil therein. And as after great swarms of Locusts, the Trees and O Woods are dispoiled, so wheresoever Simon had been, all the Country was left desolate. [Page 705] A And either by fire, or by ruinating places where he came, or else by treading upon the Corn-Fields with the feet of his Army, or by destroying such as they found, they left nothing standing or growing either in Field or Town: and only by passing thorow fer­tile places, he made the fields harder than barren ground; and left no sign, in places which he had destroyed, that ever they had been tilled.

Hereat the Zealots were again animated against him;Simon spoiled all Idumea. yet durst they not fight with him in open field:The Zealots take Simons Wife. but placing Ambushes in the way he was to pass, they took Si­mons Wife, and many of her Servants, and so came again into the City, rejoycing as though they had taken Simon himself. For they perswaded themselves, that Simon would presently lay down Arms, and come in humble manner to entreat them to re­store B him his Wife. But Simon was not moved with compassion for the loss of his Wife, but with fury: and coming to the Walls of Jerusalem, like a cruel Beast that had been wounded, and could not come to them that hurt him, he killed all he met. And taking them that went out of the City to gather Herbs and Wood, he caused them to be whipt to death, whether they were young or old: This cruelty seemed only want­ing in him, that he did not eat the flesh of the dead Bodies. Also he took many and cut off their hands, and so sent them into the City, thereby to terrifie his Enemies, and to cause the People to abandon the Zealots: and he bad them tell the Citizens, that except they presently restored his Wife to him, he swore by God who governed all, that he would break down their Walls, and use all he found in the City after that fashion, and that he would spare no age, nor respect the innocent more than the guilty. C These his threats did not only terrifie the People,The Zealots send back Si­mons Wife. but also the Zealots, insomuch that they sent him his Wife again; and so his anger being somewhat asswaged, he ceased a while from his Murders.

CHAP. VIII.
Of Galba, Otho, Vitellius and Vespasian.

D NOT only in Judea, Sedition thorow the whole Roman Empire. but also in Italy at this time was Civil War: for Galba was slain in the midst of Rome; after whom Otho was created Emperour, and fought against Vitellius, who affected the Empire, being chosen Emperour by the German Legi­ons. The Battel was fought near Bebrias, a Town in Gallia Cisalpina; the first day, Otho got the Victory against Valens and Cecinna, the Generals of Vitellius his Army. But the day following they overcame Otho: and so many being slain on both parts, and news being brought that Vitellius his Army had gotten the Victory, Otho being at Brix­els slew himself, when he had held the Empire three Months and two days. Otho's Souldiers turned to Vitellius his Captains, and joyned with them, and so Vitellius came E to Rome with his Army.Vespasian once more invades Judea. In the mean time Vespasian the fifth day of June departed from Cesarea, and went to those parts of Judea, which were yet unconquered: and first of all he went into the high Countrys, and subdued the two Toparchies of Acrabatena and Gophnitis, and after them two Towns called Bethel and Ephrem, and placed Ga­risons in them, and so went to Jerusalem, killing many that he found in the way, and taking many Captives.

One of his Captains, called Cerealis, with a party of Horse and Foot, wasted all the higher Idumea: Gaph [...]mitts [...]. and in the way as he went, he took Caphetra a Castle, and burnt it, and besieged another called Capharis, enclosed with a strong Wall: by reason of which he deemed he should have made long abode there: but contrary to his expectation, the F Inhabitants opened the Gates to him, and yielded themselves,Cerealis bu [...]eth the anci [...] City of Hebron beseeching him to be good to them. When he had overcome them he went to Hebron, an antient City, and set it on fire; this Hebron, as I have already said, was scituated upon the Mountains, and near Jerusalem: and breaking into it by force, he slew all them that he found there, and fired the City. And having subdued all places, save only three Castles, to wit, Herodium, Massada and Macheron, which were kept by the Thieves, now only Je­rusalem remained to be Conquered.

G

CHAP. IX.H
Of Simons Acts against the Zealots.

AFter Simon had recovered his Wife from the Zealots, he went into Idumea, to rob and spoil that which was left: and chasing the Inhabitans up and down, at last he forced them to flie to Jerusalem, and he himself pursued them thither; and at the foot of the Walls,The Zealots fill the whole City with ini­quity. he killed all the People he took, that returned out of the fields from their labour. Thus Simon without the City, was more terrible to the People I than the Romans, and the Zealots within the City crueller than them both, being in­couraged and incited thereto by the counsel of the Galileans. For they had put John in Authority: and John in reward thereof permitted all things to be done as they re­quested. There was no end of robbing and spoiling rich mens Houses, and of slaugh­tering both of Men and Women, and to kill Men and Women was but a Pastime. And having with blood bedew'd their prey, and without all fear gotten what they liked, they now began to lust after Women: yea they became effeminate and lascivious, they curl their Hair, and clothed themselves in Womens Apparel, and anointed themselves with sweet Ointments, that their beauty might be pleasing and alluring; they now not only imitate the Attire of Prostitutes, but also their impudency, and became so shameless,K that they thirsted after unnatural pleasures, as though Jerusalem were become a Stews, and so profaned the whole City with their execrable impurities. Yet though they ef­feminated their Faces, their Hands were prone to blood-shed; and though they lived in ignominious manner, as People given over to pleasure, yet could they quickly become Warriors, and in the habits of Women, drawing their Swords they killed whomsoever they met. Whosoever escaped Johns hands, Simon the more cruel murthered; and whosover escaped the Tyrant within the City,The way of flight was quite cut off. was slain by the Tyrant without; and there was no way to flie to the Romans.

Furthermore,The discord between the Zealots and the Idumeans. the Army of John began to be divided, for all the Idumeans separated themselves from the other People, and there rose a mutiny against the Tyrant, partly L through envy of his Power, partly through hatred of his Cruelty. And so assaulting him, they slew many of the Zealots, and compelled the rest to fly into the Kings house, built by Grapta, The flight of the Zealots with the Idu­means into the Temple. Father of Izat, King of Adiabena. The Idumeans also broke in thither with them, and drave them from thence into the Temple, and seized upon Johns Trea­sure: for John lived in the Palace, and had carried thither all his Spoils. Then those Zealots that were dispersed in the City, came to those that were in the Temple, and John purposed to send them against the Townsmen and the Idumeans. But they feared not so much their Forces (although they knew them to be the better Warriors,) as they did, lest now being desperate, they should steal out of the Temple in the night, and so slay them, and fire the City. Wherefore assembling themselves, they deliberated with M the Priests how to avoid their assaults: but it pleased God to turn their own Counsel to their destruction, and that they should provide a Remedy of safety, far worse than Death it self. For to depose John, they devised to introduce Simon, and as it were to intreat another to Tyrannize over them. This counsel was thought best; and Matthi­as the Priest was sent to Simon (of whom before they stood in great fear) to request him to come into the City. With him also came such as had fled from Jerusalem for fear of the Zealots, intreating him in like manner, because they desired to return to their Wives and Families. So he entred into the City proudly, promising them to be their Deliverer;Simon enters the City with a great Army. and all the People made Acclamations as he entered into the City, that he was their Preserver. Simon being now within the City, presently deliberated N with those about him, to establish his Dominion, thinking as well those that called him into the City, as those against whom he was called, his Enemies. John and the Zea­lots with him finding no way to come out of the Temple, and having lost all that he had in the City (for Simon and his Followers, at their entrance, took all that belonged to him) began now to despair of his safety. And Simon, being assisted by the Citizens, assaulted the Temple,Simon assaults the Temple, wherein the Zealots kept. and the Zealots placing themselves upon the Porches, and in Towers of Defence, made resistance, and hurt many of Simons followers. For the Zealots were upon the higher ground on the right hand, and so had the advantage against Simon. And although by reason of the place wherein they were, they prevail­ed against Simon, yet they raised four high Towers, that from hence they might shoot O Darts and Arrows against Simons Men. One of these Towers they built upon the East [Page 707] A side of the Temple, another on the North, the third upon a place opposite to the lower part of the Town; and a fourth Tower they built on the top of the place called Pasto­phorium, where one of the Priests used to stand before Sun-set, to signifie to the People with the sound of the Trumpet the beginning of the Sabbath, and to declare to them the other holy dayes,The Office of the Priests to signifie the beginning of the seventh day by the sound of a Trumpet. and in what dayes they might go about their business. In these Tow­ers they placed all kind of Engines to cast Stones, and Men with Slings. Then Simon perceiving many of his Souldiers languish, was more remiss in his business; yet when his number increased, he came nearer; for a-far off many of his men were slain with the Shot of those Engines.B

CHAP. X.
How Vespasian was Elected Emperor.

AT this time Rome also suffered the Evils of Civil War;Vitellius En­camps his Ar­my in Rome. for Vitellius was now arri­ved out of Germany with his Army, bringing besides them an infinite multitude with him; so that his Army was so great, that the places appointed for quartering his Souldiers could not contain it: insomuch that his Army occupied all the whole City, C and every House was filled with Souldiers. And they beholding the Romans wealth greater than ever they saw any, and admiring their abundance of Gold and Silver, not able to contain themselves, began to rob and kill every one that sought to hinder them. And this was the estate of the affairs in Italy. Vespasian having wasted all about Jer [...] ­salem, returned to Caesarea, where he understood the troubles at Rome, and how Vitellius was Emperour.Vespasian knew both how to govern and how to obey. Hereat, though he knew as well to obey, as to be obeyed; yet he was moved with indignation, and disdained to call him Lord, who had invaded the Empire being destitute of a Ruler. And much grieved hereat, he could not conceal his grief, nor follow the Wars against Strangers whilst his own Country was so endangered. But the distance between him and Rome did as much repress him, as anger incited him to D seek revenge: for he considered that Fortune might cause many alterations before he could get to Rome, The Captains consult with the Souldiers openly of a change. especially, it being Winter: and so he sought to bridle his wrath, which yet daily increased. But his Officers and Souldiers began openly to consult of a Change, and with Indignation exclaimed against the Souldiers at Rome, who lived in pleasure, and never heard so much as the report of War; and notwithstanding took up­on them to create whom they pleased Emperour, and in hope of gain disposed of the Common-wealth at their own pleasure: whereas they on the contrary after so many labours and dangers, still continued in Arms till they became old and gray-headed, and suffered the Authority due to themselves, to be enjoyed by others; when notwithstand­ing they had amongst them one who deserved the Empire more than any other; and E what recompence could they ever after make him? Or what occasion could they find hereafter to shew themselves grateful to him for the benefits from him received, if they now omitted this occasion?Vespasian's shamefastness and modesty. And they thought that Vespasian was so much more worthy of the Empire than Vitellius, by how much they who created Vitellius Emperor, were in very many respects much inferiour to themselves. For (said they) we have endured no less toyl than those that came out of Germany: neither are we less Valiant than [...]ey, who bring a Tyrant with them out of Germany. And that no body would resist Vespasian: For the Senate, and the People of Rome would not rather endure Vitellius his unsatiable Lust, than Vespasian's Chastity and Temperance; nor a cruel Tyrant rather than a good and courteous Emperour, whose Son also was of extraordinary Merit, and d [...]served the Empire. For true F Valour in [...] Emperour is a great defence of Peace. Therefore if the Empire were due to aged Experience, they had Vespasian; if to Valiant Youth, they had amongst them Titus: that they might [...] commodity by both their Ages: and that they would not only assist him with the Forces of the Empire, having there three Legions, besides the Auxiliary Troops of the King; but also all the East part of Europe was out of fear of Vitellius.The causes that moved the People to elect Vespasian Emperour. Moreover, they had in Italy some that would assist Vespasian, to wit, his Brothor and his Son, whereof the one (they hoped) would get many young men to follow him, and the other was Prefect of the City, an Office very considerable, especially in the beginning of such an Enterprise. Lastly, it might so fall out that the Senate would declare him Emperour, whom now the Souldiers, being as it were their Preserver, had Elected.

G This was first talked amongst the Companies of Souldiers; at last, exhorting one another thereto, they went and saluted Vespasian Emperour, and requested him to ac­cept [Page 708] this Dignity for preservation of the Empire, being in great danger to be lost. Al­beit H Vespasian had alwayes been careful of the Publick-Good, yet he refused to be Em­perour: deeming himself indeed to have deserved it, but he rather chose to live a Pri­vate Life, wherein was security, than in the height of Fortune and Honour with perpe­tual danger.The Souldiers elect Vespasian Emperor. The Captains were the more earnest because he refused it; and the Souldiers flocked about him with drawn Swords, threatning his death, except he would consent to live as he deserved: but after long time striving to avert this their determi­nation to make him Emperour, at last, seeing he could not avoid it, he accepted their offer.I

CHAP. XI.
The Description of Aegypt.

MUtianus and the rest of the Captains that had elected him to the Empire, together with the whole Army, with great Acclamations desir'd Vespasian to lead them against their common Enemy. But Vespasian thought it best, first to make sure of Alexandria, knowing that Aegypt for the supply of Corn was the greatest and best part of the Empire: which if he once were sure of, he hoped that although Vitellius were K stronger than he, yet he could bring him under, because the People would not endure that for his sake the City should be famish'd: which would have come to pass, except they had supply of Corn out of Aegypt.

Moreover, he desired to joyn to himself those two Legions that were at Alexandria; and he considered that that Country might be a defence and refuge for him, if any ad­verse Fortune should betide him: for it is not easie to be entred by an Army, and the Sea-coasts have no Havens,The bounds of Aegypt. nor Harbours to receive Ships. On the West it bordereth upon the dry and barren part of Lybia; on the South upon the Frontiers which sepa­rate Syene from Aethiopia, and the Cataracts of Nilus hinder the entering of it by Ships.L On the East it bordereth upon the Red-Sea,The length and breadth of Aegypt. which defends it as far as the City Copton; on the North it reaches to Syria, and is defended by the Aegyptian Sea, wherein there is no Haven. Thus Aegypt is strong on every side, and reacheth in length 2000 Furlongs from Pelusium to Syene: and from Plinthia to Pelusium, they sayl 3600 Furlongs. And Nilus is navigable even unto the City Elephantine. Moreover the Haven of Alexandria is dangerous to enter into even in a Calm, for the entrance into it is very strait; and beside that, the way goes not directly on, but is made crooked by great stony Rocks, and the left side is compassed artificially with a strong Dike, but on the right side is the Isle Pharus, A most high Tower in the Island Pharus, giving light to those that sail 300. stands off. having a Tower upon it exceeding great: so that a Light in it is seen by Mariners 300 Furlongs off, to the end that before they come near it, they may pro­vide to bring their Ships in with safety.M

This Isle is inclosed with high Walls made by Art, against which the Sea beating, and so returning back again, maketh the entrance into the Haven more dangerous. Yet this Haven within is very safe, and 30 Furlongs long: so that whatsoever this Country wants, it is brought them into that Haven; and whatsoever aboundeth amongst them, and which other Nations need, is carried from thence all over the whole World. So that Vespasian did not unadvisedly seek to make himself Master of Alexandria, and to dispose thereof for his own profit, being to begin his Empire. Wherefore he sent Letters to Tiberius Alexander, Tiberius Alex­ander governs Alexandria and Egypt. who was Governour of Alexandria and Aegypt, and told him of the Souldiers Resolution: and how that seeing he could not avoid it, but was forced to N take upon him the Empire, he now requested him to help him what he could. Alexan­der receiving Vespasians Letters, agreed willingly thereto, and presently caused his Army and the People also to swear to Vespasian: which they all did willingly, having understood Vespasians Virtue, by reason that he Governed so near them. And so Alex­ander having now engaged himself, prepared all things necessary for the reception of this Prince.O

A CHAP. XII.
How Vespasian delivered Joseph out of Captivity.

IT is incredible how quickly the news was carried into all parts of the World,Vespasian by Common voice is crea­ted Emperour, and Crowned. that Vespasian was declared Emperor in the East; and how all the Cities rejoyced and made Triumphs, and offered Sacrifices for his fortunate success. Moreover, the Legions in Moesia and Pannonia, who not long before revolted from Vitellius, by rea­son of his cruelty, now willingly swore obedience to Vespasian. Vespasian returned by Berytum to Caesarea; where many Embassadours came to him, offering him Crowns, B and applauding and rejoycing at his good fortune; they came out of Syria, and all other places thereabout. Thither came also Mutianus, Governour of Syria, who brought tidings how joyfully all the People received him for their Emperour, and had sworn obedience to him. So all things falling out prosperously on Vespasians side, and Fortune seconding what he desired, he began to think with himself, it was God's providence that he was made Emperour, and brought to that estate. And so he cal­led to mind all tokens and signs (as there had hapned many, which foretold that he should be Emperor) and among the rest, he remembred that which Joseph had told him; and though Nero was yet alive, presumed to call him Emperour; and he ad­mired the man,Vespasian con­sults with his Captains a­bout Josephs liberty. who was yet in hold. But calling Mutianus and the rest of his friends C together, first of all he told them how Valiant Joseph had been, and what difficulty he had to win Jotapata, only because of his Valour; and then his Prophecies, which at that time he esteemed only Fables, fained for fear; but now time and event had proved them true. Wherefore it seemed an unreasonable thing, that he, who had been the foreteller of his Exaltation, and a Messenger to him from God, should still continue in bonds like a Captive, and be left in adversity. So calling for Joseph, he commanded him to be set at liberty. This fact of his made the Captains under him hope for great reward at his hands, seeing he had been so kind to a stranger. Titus being there present, said; It is meet, O Father, that as you acquit Joseph from Cap­tivity, so you also take away the shame of that which he hath already endured. For if we D not only unty his Chains, but also break them in sunder, he shall be as though he had ne­ver been in bondage: for this is the manner used for redress, when any one being guiltless is commited to bonds. Vespasian hereto agreed: and so one came with an Axe, and hew­ed his Chains in pieces. Thus was Joseph rewarded for his Prophecy; and thencefor­ward he was esteemed worthy to be believed.

CHAP. XIII.
Of Vetellius his Death and Manners.

E WHen Vespasian had answered the Embassadors, and disposed of all the Commands of his Army according to every ones merit, he went to Antioch, and there de­liberated whither to go first;Vespasian be­thinks himself to return to Rome. and it seemed best to him to go to Rome, rather than to A­lexandria: for he knew that Alexandria was quiet & firm, but Rome was held by Vitellius. Wherefore he sent Mutianus into Italy, with many Troops of Foot and Horse: who fearing to go by Sea, went thorow Cappadocia and Phrygia; for it was Winter-time. Antonius Primus, who was Governour of Moesia, brought from thence the third Legion remaining there, and march'd against Vitellius. Vitellius sent Caecinna to meet him with a great Army: who departing from Rome, met with Antonius at Cremona, a Town of Lombar­dy, F situate upon the confines of Italy; but beholding the discipline & order of his Forces, he durst not fight with them: and thinking it very dangerous to flie, design'd to revolt; and so calling to him the Centurions and Tribunes of his Army, he perswaded them to go and joyn with Antonius, after he had extenuated Vitellius his Power, and extolled that of Vespasian: Cecinna per­swades the Souldiers to forsake Vitel­lius, and ho­nour Vespasi­an. affirming the first to have only the bare name of the Emperour; and the last to have also all Vertues meet for an Emperour. Moreover, that it would be better for them to do that of their own accord, which otherwise they should be compelled to; and seeing themselves already surpassed in number, it was Prudence to prevent all danger. For Vespasian was able without their assistance to subdue all the rest: but Vitellius was not able with their help to keep that he had. And speaking to this effect, he perswad­ed G them to all that he would have done. And so with his whole Army joyn'd with Antonius.

The same night, the Souldiers repenting themselves of what they had done, and al­so [Page 710] lest fearing Vitellius should get the upper hand, who sent them against Antonius, drew H their Swords, and would have slain Cecinna; And they had done it, had not the Tribunes come and entreated them to the contrary: wherefore they did not kill him, but kept him bound, meaning to send him to Vitellius as a Traitor. Primus Antonius hearing this, went with his Army and assaulted them who revolted from him,Caecinna is ap­prel ended for Treason. and they a while resisted; yet at last forced to retire, they fled to Cremona; and Primus accompanied with Horsemen, prevented their escape, and so slew most of them before they got into the City; and af­terward setting upon it, he gave his Souldiers the spoil of it. Many Merchants of other Countries, & many Townsmen were slain, & all Vitellius Army, consisting of 30200 men. Antonius lost in this battel 4500 of those whom he brought out of Moesia: And deliver­ing Cecinna from Prison,Vespasian ho­nours Caecinna with unexpe­cted honours, and is acquit­ted of Treason. he sent him to carry the news hereof to Vespasian: who praised I him for his fact, and honoured him above his expectation, in reward of his Treason.

Sabinus, who was at Rome, hearing that Antonius was at hand, greatly rejoyced, and took courage: and gathering together the Companies of the City-watch, in the night-time he seiz'd on the Capitol;Sabinus takes the Capitol, and leaves Vi­tellius. and in the morning, many of the Nobles joyned with him, amongst others Domitian, his Brothers Son, who was a great cause and help to ob­tain the Victory. Vitellius little esteeming Primus, turned his anger against Sabinus, and those that had revolted with him: as it were naturally thirsting after the blood of the Nobility, he sent all the Army he brought out of Germany with him, to assault the Ca­pitol, where many valiant deeds were shewed on both parts: and at last the Germans, being most in number, got the Capitol Hill. Domitian with many brave Noblemen, as it K were by Gods providence, escaped safe; the rest of the multitude were there slain. Sa­binus was carried to Vitellius, and by his commandment instantly put to death: and the Souldiers taking away all the gifts and treasure in the Temple, set it one fire. The day after Antonius arrived,Vitellius slain. and Vitellius his Souldiers met him; there was fighting in three several places of the City, the forces of Vitellius were all defeated: whereupon Vitellius came out of his Palace drunk and full gorged with delicate meat; he was imediately seiz'd upon, and drawn thorow the midst of the streets, and after many contumelies, slain; having reigned Eight months, and five days: if he had lived longer, the whole Em­pire had scarce been sufficient to have maintained his Gluttony. There were slain above 50000 of other people. And this was done the third day of October. The day after,L Mutianus with his Army entred Rome, and repressed the Souldiers of Antonius, who still sought about in every place for Vitellius's Souldiers,The people of Rome pro­claim Vespasi­an Emperour. and many of his favourites, and slew whom they thought good, not examining any matter, by reason of their fury: and bring­ing out Domitian, he declared to the people that he was to govern the City till his Father came. The people being delivered from fear, proclaimed Vespasian Emperour, and made Feasts and Triumphs both under one, for his establishing in the Empire, and for joy that Vitellius was deposed.

CHAP. XIV.M
How Titus was sent by his Father against the Jews.

WHen Vespasian came to Alexandria, Titus repairs to Jerusalem. news was brought to him of what was done at Rome. And Embassadors came to him from all parts of the World to congratu­late him. And although next after Rome, this City was the greatest in the World, yet was it scarcely able to receive the people that came thither to him. Vespasian being now established Emperour of all the World, and the Common-wealth of the Romans being contrary to his expectation freed from troubles, he now began to think upon the re­liques of Judea. Titus comes to Cesaeea, and gathers his [...]orces there. And he himself, winter being ended, prepared to go to Rome, and in the mean time he hasted to dispose of all things at Alexandria. Moreover he sent his Son Ti­tus N with his best Troops to destroy Jerusalem. Titus departed by land from Alexandria to Nicopolis, which is distant from it 20 furlongs, and there he ship'd his men, and sailed a­long the River Nilus by Medensia to Thumin; here landing his men, he came to the City called Tanis. The second place he rested in was the City Heraclea, and the third Pelu­sium; where having refresh'd his Souldiers two days space, the third day he past the bor­ders of Pelusium, and having gone one days journey through the wilderness, he pitcht his Camp at the Temple of Jupiter Cassian, and the next day at Ostracine, where there is no water, but all that the Inhabitants use, they have from other places. After this, he rest­ed at Rhinocolura, and from thence in four dayes he went to Raphia, where begin the borders of Syria; and the fifth day he lodged at Gaza; and from thence going to Ascalon O and so to Jamnia and Joppa, he arrived at Caesarea; purposing to gather some other For­ces there.

A The SIXTH BOOK Of the WARS of the JEVVS,The year of the World, 4034. after the Nati­vity of Christ, 72.

The Contents of the Chapters of the Sixth Book.
  • 1 OF Three Seditions in Jerusalem.
  • 2 How Titus went to Jerusalem to see their strength, and how he was in danger.
  • 3 How the Jews did issue out upon the Romans pitching their Tents.
  • C 4 Of the fight within the City upon the Feast of Unleavened-Bread.
  • 5 Of the deceit of the Jews used against the Romans.
  • 6 The Description of Jerusalem.
  • 7 The Jews refuse to yield, and assault the Romans.
  • 8 Of the fall of the Tower: and how two of the Walls were won.
  • 9 How Castor the Jew did flout the Romans.
  • 10 How the Romans did twice get the second Wall.
  • 11 Of the Mounts raised against the third Wall, and a long Oration of Joseph, perswading the Jews to yield, and of the Famine within the City.
  • 12 Of the Jews that were Crucified, and how the Towers were burnt.
  • 13 How the Romans in three dayes space built a Wall about Jerusalem.
  • D 14 Of the Famine in Jerusalem: and how they built another Tower or Mount.
  • 15 Of the Massacre of the Jews both within and without the City.
  • 16 Of the Sacriledge about the Temple: and the dead Bodies that were cast out of the City: and of the Famine.

CHAP. I.
E Of the three sorts of Sedition in Jerusalem.

TItus being thus come out of Aegypt by the Desart into Syria, he de­parted for Caesarea, purposing there to set his Army in order. And whilst he was with his Father Vespasian at Alexandria, disposing of the Empires that God had given him, it happened that the Sedition at Jerusalem divided into three parts, and fought one against another: and well it was they were so equally divided.

We have already sufficiently declared who were the Authors of the Faction of the Zealots,A threefold Sedition in Jerusalem. whose tyranny over the City was the ruine thereof: and this may be said to F be a Sedition out of a Sedition; which, like a hungry wild Beast, wanting his prey, turned his cruelty against his own bowels. So Eleazar the Son of Simon, who was the first that in the Temple divided the Zealots from the People, faining himself to be dis­pleased with that which John every day did; yet in Truth, for that he envied that a greater Tyrant than himself should be Ruler, desirous to be Chief, and make himself Mighty, he revolted from the rest: and with him Judas the Son of Chelcias, and Simon the Son of Ezron, two of the most potent amongst them. Besides them, was also Eze­chias the Son of Chobarus, a Nobleman, all of which had many of the Zealots following them: and possessing themselves of the inner part of the Temple, they set a Guard in the entrance, and in the sacred Gates, presuming upon the fulness of their Stores: for there was great quantity of sacred Provision, which they thought it no impiety to make G use of; yet fearing their small number, they permitted many of the Company that were killed, to remain in the places where they were slain. John was superiour in number, [Page 712] but inferiour in the quality of the place: for having his Enemies above his head, he H could not without danger make incursions; yet his Rage would not suffer him to for­bear infesting his Enemies, though thereby his party had more harm than those of Ele­azars, and he still assaulted them to his own cost: Thus many Assaults were continu­ally made, and many Darts cast, and the Temple was prophaned with murders. Simon the Son of Giora (incited by the People to be their Leader, in hope he would have assist­ed them, having in his hands both the higher part of the City, and greater part of the lower) did now more boldly than before assault John and his followers, because they were assailed by those above: yet he being as it were beneath John and his party, sustained as much loss at their hands,The fight be­tween John and Eleazar. as John himself did from them who were above him. Thus John was doubly engaged with Eleazar, who infested him from above, and I Simon from below: But Simons assaults from below were easily repulsed, and it was not a little mischief he did those who gaul'd him with their Darts from above,Simon and John skirmish in the Temple. by cer­tain Engines that he invented, by which he cast Stones and Darts among them, and slew several both of their Souldiers and Priests, as they were offering Sacrifice to their God. For though they were generally too prone to all manner of wickedness, yet those that would were permitted to offer Sacrifice, watching and diligently guarding those of their Nation. For Strangers which came thither for devotion, were not mistrusted: But after these wicked People had permitted them to Sacrifice, when they had finished their devotions,Great slaugh­ter in the Temple. they were made a prey, and consumed by this Sedition. For Darts and other shot with force of the Engines came into the Temple and Altar, and slew the K Priests at the Altar. And many who came from the uttermost parts of the World unto that holy place, were slain as they offered sacrifice, and imbrued the Altar with their blood, which all the Greeks and barbarous People did reverence: The strangers and Priests were forced to remain promiscuously among the dead Bodies, and the place about the Altar was full of Blood. O miserable City! What didst thou suffer at the Ro­mans hands, to be compared to this, although they set thee on fire to purge thee from Iniquity? Now thou wert separate from the service of God, and couldst not subsist long, being made a Se­pulchre of thine own Inhabitants, and thy Temple by thy Civil Wars become a Grave of dead Bodies. Nevertheless, It is not impossible but thou mayst be restored to thy former Estate, if first thou appease Gods wrath that hath made thee desolate. But I must not give place unto sor­row, L and write a Lamentation of my miserable Country, seeing I have undertaken to write a History of all things that past there. Wherefore I will recount the rest of the Impieties of these Seditious.

The seditious People being divided into three Companies;John assaulted on both sides. Eleazar and his followers who had the keeping of the holy first-fruits, and all the sacred Oblations, came against John when they were drunk. And they who followed John spoiling the People, assault­ed Simon, who was succoured by the City. Wherefore when John was assaulted on both sides, he turned some of his Souldiers against Simon, and the rest against Eleazar: against Simon he used Darts to cast from the Porches of the Temple; and against Ele­azar he used Engines for shot. And alwayes, so often as they above his head ceased (as M often they did,They of Jeru­salem had wel-nigh burnt all their Corn. being either weary or drunken) he fiercely assaulted Simon and his men. Also as far as he drave them into the City, so far did he fire all, and burnt Houses full of Corn and other Necessaries; and that which he left unburned, Simon at his return (when John was gone into the Temple) set on fire: as if on purpose to give the Ro­mans an advantage, they had consumed all their Provisions for the Siege.

To be short, all was consumed with fire about the Temple, and the City was levelled and made plain ground to fight in, and the Corn burnt that might have sufficed for ma­ny years;A wretched calamity in Jerusalem. by which means they were reduced by a Famine of their own making, which could not have been brought upon them had they not caused it themselves. The Citi­zens were in every place a prey to those that were Seditious on one side, and to them N that besieged them on the other; and like a great Body torn in pieces betwen these two. The old Men and Women astonished with these Calamities, prayed for the good suc­cess of the Romans, and desired their forreign Enemy might deliver them from their Civil Dissentions.

This was the occasion of great fear and terrour among them all; and the more, be­cause it was no time now to consult, and no hope left of accommodation, or flight to them that desired it. For all places were kept, and the Rebels within kill'd whoever they perceived well-wishers to the Romans, or did endeavour to fly to them, as common Enemies. However these wicked persons agreed in this, to put the just Men to death, who best deserved to live. Day and night nothing could be heard but the noise of them O that fought one against another; yet the condition of them that lived in perpetual [Page 711] A fear was far more [...]able, who every day had new causes and occasions of sorrow given them; yet durst they not publickly lament, for fear; and so not daring to shew their grief, they secretly sorrowed: no man observed any reverence to them that were alive amongst them, nor took any care to bury the dead. The cause of both which was,Lamentation and mourning in Jerusalem that every man despaired of himself. For whosoever were not joyn­ed with the Seditious, grew to be careless of all things, as making account presently to die a thousand deaths. But the Seditious gathering the dead bodies upon heaps, continued their fighting, and trod upon them; and as it were encouraging themselves by the dead under their feet,The cruelty of the Seditious in Jerusalem. they became more cruel, still devising new stratagems one against another, and immediately executing whatsoever they devised without any B commiseration; omitting no kind of Murther, and leaving no cruelty unpractised: so that John prophan'd the holy things of the Temple, and made them Engins of War. For formerly the Priests and People had determined to underprop the Temple, and build it twenty Cubits higher, and King Agrippa, with great labour and expence, had sent them in Timber for that purpose from Mount Libanus. Which being put off by the Wars,John made use of the Wood, that was kept for holy uses, to make En­gines of. John took the Timber and made use of it: for that design he erected a Tower to fight against those that assaulted him from off the Temple; and this Tower he built along the Wall over against the Chapter-house that standeth on the West side of the Temple; for he could build it in no other place so conveniently. And having thus impiously furnished himself with Engines, he hoped hereby to have de­stroyd C his Enemies. But God made his labour in vain, and before he could pre­vail against them, brought the Romans against the City.

For after that Titus had gathered together part of his Army,The order of Titus Army. and ordered the rest to meet him at Jerusalem, he departed from Caesarea, having three Legions that lately under the conduct of his Father Vespasian had wasted all Judea, and the twelfth Legion that sometime under Cestius were overcome, and put to flight by the Jews: who being valiant enough of themselves, were impatient to be imploy'd again against the Jews, to revenge themselves of their former disgrace. Titus commanded the fifth Legion to meet him at Jerusalem, and to march by Emmaus, and the tenth Legion by Jericho: the rest he took with himself, accompanied with the Kings forces that came D to help him, having been reinforced with considerable Supplys out of Syria. Titus also brought forces with him to supply the number that was wanting, which forces were sent by Vespasian under Mutianus into Italy: for he brought two thousand select men from the Legions at Alexandria, and three thousand followed him from Euphrates, together with Tiberius Alexander his cheifest friend, and one next him in Authority, who before was Governour of Egypt, and thought a fit man to be Governour of the Army; for that he was the first that entertain'd the Emperour being new elected, and joyn'd faithfully with him before he knew what success he should have: he was present with him in all his affairs as his chiefest Counsellor, and was renowned both for his Wisdom and Experience.E

CHAP. II.
How Titus went to Jerusalem to see their strength, and how he was in great danger.

TItus being now to go into the Enemies Country,Titus com [...] to Judea▪ caused all his Auxiliaries to march in the Van: after whom followed the Pioneers and those appointed to F pitch the Tents: after them the baggage of the Rulers and Governours of his Army, & with them the armed Souldiers. Next these came Titus himself accompanied with his choice men, and many that bare his Colours: next, the Horsemen march'd immedi­ately before the Engines. And the Prefects and Tribunes with certain chosen men, and their Companies followed. After them the Eagle, with many other Ensignes: and the Trumpets went before them. And after them followed the Army march­ing six in a rank: then the multitude of Servants that followed every Legion did drive their baggage before them: lastly came the Hirelings, and those that were ap­pointed to guard them. Marching in such comely and warlike manner, as the Ro­mans are wont, he came by Samaria into Gophna, which place was already conquered G by his Father, and then also was under the custody of the Roman Garisons. Stay­ing there one night, he departed from thence the next day: and after a days journey [Page 712] pitched his Tents in a place, which in the Jews language [...]lled Acanthonaulona, H that is, the Valley of Thorns, neer unto a Village named Gabah Saul, which signifieth the Valley of Saul, which is almost thirty Furlongs from Jerusalem. From thence accompanied with 600 chosen Horsemen, he went to Jerusalem, to view how strong it was,Titus repairs to Jerusalem to [...]ound the dispositions of the people. and of what courage the Jews were, to see if peradventure at sight of him they would yield without any further adoe. For Titus understood (and it was true) that the people desired Peace, but were overpowerd by the Seditious, and so durst not attempt any thing. Titus riding along the high-way that went to the Walls, saw no man: but turning aside towards the Tower Psephinos with his Horsemen, an infi­nite number presently issued out by the Towers of Women, at a Gate opposite to Helens Tomb; brake his Guard of Horsemen into two parts, and advanc'd to hinder I those Horsemen that were yet in the high way,Titus in dan­ger. from joyning with the rest that had crost the way, by which means they had divided Titus from the rest of his com­pany, in so much as he could proceed no further for the Ditch of the Town-Wall on one side, and for the Garden Pales on the other side: and there was no way for him to return unto his Souldiers, the Enemies being between him and home. Many of his Souldiers not knowing their General was in any danger, but supposing him amongst them still, fled away. Titus seeing that he had only his own valour to trust to, turn­ed his Horse against his Enemies, and with a loud voice exhorted his followers to do the like,Titus fighteth valiantly with his Enemies and so he brake violently into the midst of them, hasting to get unto his Company. It was evident at that time that God giveth the Victory, and hath a K particular care of Kings, Princes and Emperours. For notwithstanding that an infinite number of Darts and Arrows were shot at Titus, and he had no Armour at all (for as we have already said, he came to view, not to fight) yet had he not one wound, but all past him; as though purposely every one had striven to miss him. But Titus with his Sword made way, cut down many that opposed themselves against him,Titus putteth his Enemies to flight, and re­turns in safety to his Camp. and with his Horse past over them. The Jews seeing Titus his valour, cried out and exhorted one another to set upon him; but whithersoever he turned, the Jews fled, and would not abide by it: likewise those Souldiers that were with him, encompassed him round. For every mans hope lay in charging through with Titus, before they were closed in and oppressed. Two of the most valiant amongst them L were slain, the Horse of the one was killed with his master, but the others Horse was taken by the Jews. But Titus and the rest came safe into the Cam [...] ▪ And thus the Jews being succesful at first, were mightily encouraged, and that encouragement being of moment, made them confident, or rather rash, a long time after.

CHAP. III.
How the Jews sallied out upon the Romans as they were M pitching their Tents.

THe Legion that was to pass by Emmaus, being joyned to the rest of the Army over night, Cesar the next morning removed, and came to Scopos, where he had a full view of the City and Temple on the North part, the ground adjoyning unto the City being very low, and not improperly called Scopos, being distant seven Furlongs from the City:Titus Camp was 7. stades o [...] the City. in that quarter Titus commanded two Legions to encamp themselves, and the fifth Legion to retire three Furlongs off, to the intent that the Souldiers who were wearied with travelling all night, might entrench themselves without fear or danger; no sooner had they begun their work, but presently the tenth Legion came,N who were to pass by Jericho; which Vespasian had already subdued, and placed a Garison there. This Legion was commanded to encamp six Furlongs from Jeru­salem, near Mount Olivet, on the East part of the City, and is enclosed with a deep Valley called Cedron. This great Army so suddenly arriving reconciled the dissentions within the City for some time: and the three Factions beholding with admiration the Roman Camp, became friends, and all differences were composed. They began to examine and consider what madness had caused them to suffer themselves to be en­closed with three Walls,The Seditious agree among themselves. to their prejudice, and loss of their lives: and that they should stand still, and be spectators as it were of such dangerous preparations, without making the least Countermine or provision to defeit them; whilst some cri­ed,O We are only valiant against our selves, by our sedition massacring and murder­ing [Page 713] A one another, till at last we shall betray our City into the hands of the Ro­mans.

Thus being assembled they exhorted one another: and betaking themselves to their Arms they issued out of the City, first upon the tenth Legion, and with a great shout set upon the Romans that were entrenched in the Valley.The Citizens assail the Ro­mans. The Romans being all at work in the Trenches, and most of them having laid down their Weapons (pre­suming the Jews durst not have made any salley by reason of the variance amongst themselves) were so much surprized, that great part of them immediately fled; some of them stood to their Arms, but were slain before they could get into a posture of defence. The number of the Jews was daily increased by their first success, and B though yet their number was but small, they thought themselves many, and so did the Romans think them too, because of their good Fortune. The Romans, who always observe Military discipline, were that time by their sudden assaulting, so troubled, they observed no order, and fled: yet whensoever they turned again upon them that followed them,The Jews drive the Ro­mans from their Camp. they easily wounded the Jews, partly because their eagerness was such that they did not much seek to defend themselves, insomuch that they easily stay­ed the Jews from pursuing them. Yet the number of them that pursued them still increasing, they were much disordered and at last forced to forsake the field, and leave their tents: and the whole Legion had been in great danger, had not Titus upon the news thereof speedily reliev'd them, and upbraiding their cowardliness recalled C them from flight; who with them, and the chosen men he brought, encountring the Jews on one side, slew many of them, wounded divers, put the rest to flight, and forced them into the Valley. The Jews being now in the lower ground, and having endured much at the Romans hands,The fight of the Jews with the Romans. since fortune frowned upon them, turned a­gain, and having the Valley between them, they fought with the Romans; And the fight continued till noon.

A little after mid-day, Titus guarding the the rest with those that he brought to suc­cour them, and placing others to prevent the excursions of the Jews, commanded the rest to entrench themselves in the top of the Mountain. The Jews thought the Romans had fled, and their Sentinel upon the Walls, making a sign to them by sha­king D his Garment up and down, a great multitude of them ran violently upon the Ro­mans, as though they had been Savage Beasts, so that none of their enemies were a­ble to withstand them;The Romans are dispersed by the Jews, and driven to the Mountain. but as though they had been stricken with some Engine; so all of them were diversly scattered and forced to fly into the Mountain. But Titus on the side of the Mountain remained with but few with him; notwithstanding his friends, who for their love to their Emperour stayed with him, and abode the danger, did earnestly perswade him to fly from the Jews, who desperately charged them, and not to endanger himself for them, who ought rather to abide it than he: That he should think upon his quality and condition, who was not a private Souldier, but Ge­neral of them all, and Lord of the whole World, and not abide where there was such E danger. But he pretended he heard them not, opposed himself against them that assaulted him, striking them upon the faces, killed those that made resistance, and pur­sued the rest down the Hill,Titus Valour against the Jews. and forced them to retire. The Jews were amazed at his Valour, yet did not flie into the City, but avoided him both sides, and fled into the Valley: and he pursuing them hindred their flight. In the mean time those that were encamping above, seeing their Comrades beneath put to flight, fled likewise, thinking themselves not able to resist the Jews, and imagining that Titus was likewise fled: for had they thought he had made head, they never would have forsaken their quarters; but now in disorder,Fear and trouble among the Romans. they knew not wherefore, some fled one way, and some another, till perceiving the Emperour ingaged, and fearing what might befal him, they with F loud cries signified it unto the whole Legion. Whereupon the Romans turning a­gain, and upbraiding one another for deserting their Emperor in such danger, they ral­lyed and came with all the violence they could upon the Jews, and driving them down the Mountain, forced them to retire; yet the Jews fought in their retreat, and see­ing the Romans too hard,The Jews fight in their retreat, and are driven unto the Val­ley. because they were upon the higher ground, they drew down into the Valley. Titus assaulted them that were drawn up against him, and command­ed the rest to go and finish their Trences. And he with those that were with him to defend the workmen, kept the Jews from molesting them. So, if I may speak with­out flattery or envy, Caesar himself did twice preserve the whole Legion from destructi­on, and gave the Souldiers opportunity to entrench themselves.G

[...]
[...]
[...]
[...]
[...]
[...]

CHAP. IV.H
Of the fight within the City upon the feast of unleavened Bread.

DUring the intermission of the Foreign Wars,John entreth and seizeth the inward Temple and all the furni­ture thereof, putteth the Zealots to flight, and rai­seth a mighty sedition. they fell to their former sedition again, which caused Civil Wars among them. And against the feast of Unleavened bread, which is the fourteenth day of April (for upon this day the Jews say that they were delivered out of the Bondage of Egypt) Eleazer and his Companions opened the Gates, to the intent that all that would might come in to adore and do their devoti­on.I But John used this Festival-day as a means to effect his deceit; and caused ma­ny of his Company that were unknown, to enter in among the people with Weapons under their Garments, giving them charge when they were entring to possess them­selves of the Temple: and so soon as they were within, they cast off their Garments, and shewed themselves in Armour. Presently a great tumult arose within the Tem­ple; for all the people that were not of the Sedition, thought themselves betray­ed: and the Zealots thought this Treason only practised to prejudice them; so that leaving the Gate which they kept before, and leaping down from the Towers without offering to fight, they fled into the Vaults of the Temple. The people flock about the Altar, and others were driven with them into the Temple, and killed with Clubs K and Swords, and trodden under-foot. Many were slain upon private hatred, under pre­tence of siding with the Enemy. And whosoever formerly had offended any of those Traitors,A threefold Sedition divi­ded into two parts. he was put to death, as though he had been one of the Zealots. But they who had cruelly raged against the Innocent, gave the wicked leisure to escape out of those Caves whereby they had no harm: and having gotten the inner part of the Temple,Whatsoever about Jerusa­lem is hollow or troubled with Valleys, is filled up. and all belonging thereunto, they did now more confidently than before fight against Simon: Thus the Sedition that was before divided into three parts, was now reduced into two. Titus being desirous to bring his Army nearer the City, sent out a commanded party of Horse and Foot, which he thought sufficient to hinder the excursions of the Jews from Scopos, and another Company he sent to plain all the L grounds betwixt him and Jerusalem, who cut down all Hedges, and Pales, and Fences, and Wood (though they were fruit-trees) filled the Valleys, and made it plain ground; levelling the Rocks and Mountains that made the Country unequal; by doing of which all the way was plain'd from Scopos to Herods Monument, which is not far from the Lake of Serpents, called formerly Bethora.

CHAP. V.
The Jews stratagem against the Roman Souldiers.M

ABout this time the Jews devised this stratagem against the Romans. The most couragious among the Seditious people went out unto the places called the Wo­mens Towers, and pretended to be driven thither by that party in the City that desi­red peace; and that fearing the Romans, they were come thither for shelter; others got up on the Walls, and pretended themselves Citizens, they called out for Peace and desi­red their friendship; promising to throw open their Gates that the Romans might en­ter: and whilst they were so doing they threw stones at their Companions aforesaid, pretending to drive them from the Gates.The alacrity of the Souldi­ers among the Romans, con­trary to Titus ordinance. They pretend likewise great earnestness N and importunity to the people for their consent, and as if that had fail'd they seemed to endeavour to force their passage to the Gates, sometimes advancing as if they would have gone off to the Romans, and then again retreating as men in great trouble and confusion. The Romans perceived not their designe but seeing the Seditious ready to fall into their hands, and the people (as they thought) ready to open the Gates, pre­par'd in post-haste to have entred into the City. But Titus suspected their Kindness, as seeing no reason for it. For the day before, having by Joseph offered them peace, he perceived their minds far from any such thoughts: wherefore he commanded the Souldiers to keep their quarters and not remove; yet some of them, appointed to work in the Trenches, taking their weapons ran unto the Gates, and the Jews who O seemed to be driven out of the City fled in appearance, but at last when they came unto [Page 717] A the Gates of the Towers, faced about and encompassed the Romans, and assaulted them upon their backs: and they that were upon the Walls cast all kind of Darts and Stones upon them, so that they slew many and wounded more; for it was not easie to escape being assaulted both behind and before. Moreover, they were conscious that they had offended,The Victory of the Jews and in fear of being punished, caused them to resist the more stout­ly; so that after a long conflict, and many wounds given and received, at last the Romans were worsted, and the Jews pursued them to Herods Monument. And having done them much mischief, the Jews returned with great joy, deriding the Romans for being so easily deceived, lifting up their Shields and Bucklers, by way of exultation.

The Roman Souldiers were highly threatned by their Captains, and Caesar accosted B them with this speech:Caesar's sharp oration to his Souldiers. The Jews led only with desperation, do all things with advice and counsel, devising deceits: and fortune favoureth their practices because they are orderly, and true one to another. But the Romans (whom for their Obedience and Discipline fortune was wont formerly to favour) do contrariwise offend herein, and for their rash and unadvi­sed fighting, are overcome: and which is worst of all, in Caesars presence offering to fight without Orders, contrary to military Law and Discipline; which I am sure my Father will be unsatisfied to hear. For he who from his infancy, hath been trained up in Arms, never offended in this sort; and what shall we say to our Law that punisheth the least disobedience with death, when our whole Army disobey the Emperours command? But (saith he) they who so arrogantly have disobeyed our command, shall presently understand, that among the Ro­mans, C Victory against the Generals command, is but infamy. Titus having spoken in an­ger, declared what he would do, and how he purposed to punish them. Which strook them so deeply,The Romans Souldiers be­seech Titus for their fel­lows in Arms. they looked upon themselves as desperate, and people appointed to die. But all the other Legions flocking about Titus, besought him to pardon their fellow-Souldiers, and to remit the rashness of some few, for the obedience of the rest, assuring him that their future valour should be a recompence for this their offence. Whereupon Caesar was pacified, partly thinking it most profitable, partly to gratifie the rest; for he purposed to punish one man only, but to rebuke all, and signifie his displeasue, and so he was reconciled to his Souldiers; strictly charging them to be wiser for the future: after which he devised how he might be revenged on the Jews. D When all the ground between the Walls of Jerusalem and his Army was in four days made plain; Titus being desirous to conduct the baggage, and the rest of the multitude in safety, placed the best of his men in good order, and caused them to march from the North part of the City unto the West, along by the Walls of the City, placing his Foot in the Front, his Horse in the Rear, and between them both the Archers, whereby the Jews were disabled to make any Salley. Titus Souldiers be­ing thus disposed, the baggage of the three Legions and the multitude passed along without any interruption.How and in what places Titus besieged Jerusalem. And Titus himself being advanced within two Furlongs of the City Walls, pitched his Tent against that Angle that is called Psephynos, where the compass of the Wall from the North bends into the West: the other part of the E Army entrenched itself against that part of the Wall that is called Hippicos, distant in like manner two Furlongs from the City. But the tenth Legion remained upon Mount Olivet where it was before.

CHAP. VI.
The description of Jerusalem.

F JErusalem was compassed round with a treble Wall,The treble Walls of Jeru­salem. only on one side it was inclosed with Valleys inaccessible: and on that side it had only one Wall. It was built upon two little Hills, opposit to one another, and separated with a Valley, wonderfully thick built with houses. One of these Hills is far higher and steeper than the other, insomuch that because of the strength of it,The Castle of David. King David in times past called it a Ca­stle (this David was the Father of King Solomon, who first builded the Temple in that place) but we at this day call it the high Market-place. The other Hill called Acra, Acra sustains the lower part of the City. is the place where the lower part of the City stands. Opposite against this Hill, there was also another lower than this Acra, and divided from it formerly with a large Valley, but afterward when the Asmoneans reigned, they fill'd up this G Valley, to joyn the City unto the Temple, taking down the top of Acra, and making it lower, that it might not hide the Temple. The Valley, by which the two higher [Page 718] Hills are separated is called Tyropoeon, and reacheth unto Siloa (which is a Fountain H of sweet Water.) Without the City were two Hills compassed with deep Vallies: which Hills being rocky and steep, were every way inaccessible. The oldest of the three Walls, (by reason of the Valley about it, and the Hill whereon it stood) could not easily be taken;The Fountain of Silo. for beside the difficulty of the situation, it was very strongly built, and repaired by David, Solomon, and other Kings. This Wall, beginning at the Tower called Hippicos, The oldest Wall. passeth on to that called Xystus, and so to the Palace, and at last endeth in the West porch of the Temple: on the other side towards the West it begins at the same Tower; and passing by the place that is called Betiso, it descends to the Gate of the Esseans, and so into the South, and from thence again it bendeth into the East, where is also Solomons Pond, and reacheth unto the place called Oph­lan, I The Second Wall. where it is joyned unto the East Porch of the Temple. The second Wall begin­ning at the Gate that is called Genath (which is a Gate of the former Wall) and encompassing the North part of the City, it reacheth to Antonia, a Castle so called. The third Wall beginneth at the Tower Hippicos, The third Wall. from whence it goeth to the North-part, and from thence to the Tower Psephina, over against the Sepulchre of Helena, that was Queen of Adiabena, & Mother of King Izates: and passing along by the Kings Caves, it turneth towards the Tower near the Monument of Fullo, and in the Valley called Ce­dron it joyneth with the old Wall. Agrippa encompassed that part of the City that he built, with this Wall; it being before all open and without defence. The City grew afterwards so populous, that by little and little they were forced to inhabit with­out L the Walls: and this Wall reacheth a great way, being joyned unto the Hill next the City on the North side of the Temple. There was also a fourth Hill inha­bited, Bezetha the fourth Hill. named Bezetha, situate against Antonia, but separated from it with very deep Ditches, made on purpose to render the approaches to the Fort Antonia more dange­rous and difficult; the deepness of which ditches, made the Fort seem higher than it was. This place being added unto the City, is called in that Country-language Bezetha, which signifieth the new City. And the Inhabitants desired it might be for­tified, Agrippa's cost in building the Wall. Agrippa, Father to this Agrippa that finisht the Wall, begun the Wall aforemen­tioned: But fearing Claudius Caesar, hearing how sumptuous a Wall he built, should suspect him for designing to revolt, he only laid the Foundation of it, and left it K unfinished.

The City could never have been taken by force, had he finished that Wall as he be­gan; it being built twenty Cubits long, and ten Cubits broad with hard Stone, which could neither easily be undermined, nor battered with Engines: and this Wall was built ten Cubits high, and no doubt had been raised higher, had not the libera­lity of the founder been checked. Yet afterwards by the Jews industry the same Wall was raised twenty Cubits high; the Battlements hereof were two Cubits high, and the Tower three Cubits, and in all it was twenty four Cubits high, as before. Upon the Wall were three Towers, twenty Cubits broad, and twenty Cubits high,M built four-square very strong, and of as firm a foundation as the Wall it self, which for the building and fair stone was not inferiour to the Temple above. Within this strong Tower, which reacheth twenty Cubits high, were Rooms for men to lodg in, and Cisterns to receive Rain-Water, and large turning stairs to every Room in it: and this third Wall had four-score and ten of these Towers,The third Wall had 90. Towers. and between every Tow­er were two hundred Cubits space. The middle Wall had fourteen Towers, and the old Wall had threescore, and the compass of the whole City was three and thirty Furlongs. And although the third Wall was admirable, yet the Tower of Psephina, which was built upon a Corner of the Wall,Psephina was 70. Cubits high. between the North and the West part of the City, was more admirable, (against which part Titus had encamped himself) for N it was seventy Cubits high, had eight Angles, and was so fair a Prospect, that from thence upon a clear Sun-shine day, one might perceive Arabia, and see the uttermost parts of all the dominions of the Hebrews unto the Sea. Just opposite to this was the Tower Hippicos, and near unto it were other two, that King Herod builded upon the old Wall, which in bigness, beauty and strength, surpassed all the rest in the World.

For King Herod, Herod called three Towers by the names of three his most dearest Friend [...]. besides his natural liberality and desire to adorn this City, pleased himself so much in beautifying these Towers, that they excell'd all other; and then he dedicated them to three most renowned persons, whose names they also did bear, to wit, to his Brother, his Friend, and his Wife: she (as is aforesaid) having been put to death for jealousie; and the other two been slain in the Wars, after they had fought O and performed valiantly. The Tower Hippicos, called by the name of his Friend, had [Page 719] A four Corners, and every one of them was five and twenty Cubits broad, as many in length, and thirty Cubits in height, being no place hollow; and above the high places and stone-work, there was a Well to receive Rain-water, twenty Cubits deep: above it were houses with double roofs twenty five Cubits high, and divided into many rooms:Hippicos 85 Cubits high. and above them were Battlements two Cubits high: and Turrets three Cubits high: so that the whole height was accounted to be eighty five Cubits. The second Tower that by his Brothers name he called Phaselus, Phaselus 90 Cubits high. was in breadth and length fourty Cubits, and so many Cubits high, in figure of a square Pillar, all which height was solid, and not hollow within: and above this a Porch ten Cubits high, decked with Turrets and Pinacles. Over the midst of this Porch he built a­nother B Tower, distinguished into goodly Rooms and sumptuous Baths, that it should not want any thing necessary for a Prince: on the Top it was beautified with Tur­rets and Pinacles, so that all its height was almost fourscore and ten Cubits: And it resembled the Tower Pharus at Alexandria, wherein continual light is kept to guide the Seamen that sail thither, but this was of greater circumference. In this house at that time Simon lodged, and tyrannized over the people. The third Tower was, ac­cording to the Queens Name,Mariamme a goodly Tower 55 Cubits high. called Mariamme, the Wife of Herod, twenty Cu­bits high, all solid, and other twenty Cubits broad, having more magnificent and beautiful Houses and Lodgings than the rest. For the King thought it meet, that the Tower called by his Wives name, should be more beautiful than the other who only C bare the names of men, but they were stronger than this that bare the name of a Wo­man. This Tower was in all fifty five Cubits high.

These three Towers were of great height, yet by reason of their situation they seemed far higher: for the old Wall whereupon they were built was placed upon high ground, and the top of the Hill whereupon they stood was above thirty Cubits high, whereby their height was much increased. The richness also was admirable; for it was not ordinary stone, but all White Marble, every stone being twenty Cubits long, ten Cubits broad, five Cubits thick, and all so ingeniously contrived, that every stone by it self seemed a Tower; and every Tower seemed to be but one Stone. These were placed on the North side of the City; and adjoyning to them within the City D was the Kings Palace, surpassing all that can be spoken of it: being for greatness and excellent work to be compared to the richest buildings in the World. It was compassed about with a Wall thirty Cubits high, adorned with goodly Towers round about,The Kings Pa­lace. every one of like distance from other, beautified with dwelling Houses and Lodgings for a hundred of the Nobility. The variety of the Marble it was built with­al was admirable, for there was no sort, how rare or costly soever, but was there. The Ceiling of the Rooms for the length of the Beams and the beauty thereof, passed all cre­dit; and then their number; and richness of their furniture was extraordinary. In every room there were many Vessels of gold and silver, and many Porches round about, one an­swerable unto another, and Pillars in every one. There were many pleasant Walks with E divers Trees, and many Allies with Fountains and Waters-works, and Cisterns adorn­ed with Brazen Images, from which ran out Water, and about the Water many Dove-houses full of tame Pigeons. But it is impossible sufficiently to declare the riches and beauty of the Kings Palace, and a grief to think what goodly things, and how rich,The Kings Palace burnt by the Theives and Rebels. the Theives did there set on fire: for these things were not burnt by the Ro­mans, but by the Seditious Thieves (as is before said,) at the beginning of this Re­bellion, who consumed all with fire, even from the Castle Antonia from whence the fire came, and destroyed the Kings Palace, and the Covers and Tops of the three Towers. The Temple was, as is before said, built upon a hard Mountain, and at the first,The Temple built upon a most strong Hill. the Plain upon the top thereof was scarcely big enough to contain it and the F Temple-yard, the Hill being very steep. But when King Solomon, who also built the Temple, had compassed the East part thereof with a Wall, he also placed a Porch upon the Rampire, and so for many ages after, it lay unfenced on other parts: where­fore the People every day bringing earth thither, at last made it plain and large e­nough: and breaking down the North Wall, they took in all that space which the Temple had formerly taken up: and the Hill being now inclosed with a threefold Wall, it was a work beyond all imagination. In the finishing whereof many Ages were spent,All the sacred Treasures spent in the building of the Temple. and all the holy Treasure offered to God, even from all parts of the World, was employed therein, as well in the Buildings of the higher, as of the low­er part of the Temple; the foundations whereof were laid three hundred Cubits deep, G and in many places more: yet could not all the Foundations be seen, being buried in Valleys, that were filled up to make them equal with the strait streets of the City. [Page 720] The stones of this building were of fourty Cubits: for the abundance of treasure and H liberality of the people did effect that which was scarcely possible; and that which all men thought could never have come to pass, in time and by industry came to per­fection.

The building was answerable unto these Foundations.The Porches were built of white Marble­stone, sustained by Pillars. For all the Porches were double, and every one was supported by Pillars, each of them being five and twenty Cubits high, and all of one piece, and of white Marble: the top whereof was all of Ce­dar, whose natural beauty, for the good joyning of the wood and polishing thereof, did astonish all that beheld it, being adorned neither with painting nor carved works. These Porches were thirty Cubits broad; and the compass of them altogether, with the Fort of Antonia, was six Furlongs. The Court was curiously wrought and paved I with all sorts of stones. The way to the Second Temple was inclosed with stones of Lattice-work, which were three Cubits high, and most beautifully wrought: in which were placed certain Pillars equally distant one from another, to shew the Law of purifi­cation; some being written upon in Latine letters, others in Greek, forbidding all stran­gers to enter into the Holy-place: for the second Temple is called the Holy-place. To go unto the second from the first, we must pass fourteen stairs, and it was foursquare a­loft, and enclosed with a Wall by itself; whose outside being forty Cubits high, was all covered with stairs to ascend up into it; and within it was five and twenty Cu­bits high: for all the part of the inner side was unseen, because it was built on the descent of a Hill. After the fourteen Stairs, there was a Plain made level with the K Wall of three hundred Cubits: from thence passed on five other Stairs which lead to the Gates, whereof on the North-side and the South there were eight, four on each side,A peculiar place destina­ted for Women for Religion sake. and two on the East. For it was necessary that there should be a peculiar place for Women to exercise their devotion in, which also was enclosed with a Wall. And so it was necessary there should be two doors: and against the first Gate there was opposite unto it, one Gate on the North-side, and another on the South, both separa­ted from the rest, whereby we entred the Womens appartment, for it was not law­ful for any to pass by any other Gate unto the Women, neither could they go beyond their own door, because of the Wall: for that place was common both to the Women of that Nation, and all strange Women that came for Religion sake. There was no L Gate on the West part, but a Wall that reacheth along in that place. Between the Gates were Porches opposite one against another, reaching from the Wall unto the Treasure-house, supported with great and goodly Pillars, being as plain, and as big as they below.Some of the Gates were of Gold, some of Silver, and one of Corin­thian Brass. The Gates were covered with Gold and Silver, as also the posts and foreparts thereof were, one only excepted that was covered with Corinthian Brass, far surpassing in beauty the other that were covered with Silver and Gold. In every Gate there were two doors, each one thirty Cubits high, and fifteen Cu­bits broad: and after the entrance where they were made larger, every one had on each side Seats thirty Cubits long, and large like a Tower, and fourty Cubits high, each one supported with two Pillars twelve Cubits thick. All the other Gates were M of the like greatness, but that which was covered with Corinthian Brass, which was the entrance into the place allotted for the Women, and opened into the East Gate of the Temple, doubtless was bigger than the rest: for it was fifty Cubits high (the Gates whereof were fourty Cubits) and was more richly adorned than the rest: for the cover of Gold and Silver was thicker than it was in the rest, which Alexander Tiberius his Father had melted, to cover all the nine Gates. And there were fifteen Stairs, that went from the Wall that separated the Women, unto the great Gate of the Temple: for these Stairs were shorter by five steps than those that went to the other Gates. The Temple it self was situated in the midst of all, to wit, the holy Sanctuary,The Sacred Sanctuary. and had twelve Stairs to go unto it. The Front whereof was in N height and breadth a hundred Cubits: and behind, it was fourty Cubits: and be­fore it, was as it were two shoulders on each side rising up in height twenty Cubits. The first Gate hereof was seventy Cubits high, and twenty five wide, and had no door: for it signified that Heaven was spread over all, and might be seen in every place: and all the foreparts were guilded with Gold, and all the first building did ap­pear and might be seen without, and all that was within and about the Gate glistered with Gold. The inner part thereof was divided into two Rooms, whereof only the first Room might be seen; which was in height fourscore and ten Cubits, and in length fourty, and in breadth twenty. The inner Gate was (as is already said) all guild­ed with Gold, and all the Wall about it, and above it: it had a Golden Vine, where­on O were hanging Clusters of Grapes of Gold, every Cluster being as long as a man is [Page 721] A high. And because it was ceeled above, the inner Temple did seem to be lower than it was without: and it had Golden Gates, fifty five Cubits high, and sixteen Cubits broad.

The Hangings were also of the same length, being a Babylonian Vail, wrought with Violet, and Purple Silk and Scarlet, admirable to behold: the permixtion of which co­lours had a mystical meaning,The Babyloni­ans Vail of ad­mirable work­manship. bearing as it were the signification of the whole World. For the Scarlet seemed to express the Fire, the Silk the Earth, the Violet the Air, and the Purple the Sea; partly in their colours resembling them, partly also as hav­ing their beginning from them:The significati­on of the Vail. for the Purple is ingendred in the Sea, and the Silk is produced by the Earth. In this Tapestry work was curiously wrought, and deci­phered all the Speculations of the Heavens, only the Celestial Signs excepted. Being B entred within, you come into a lower place of the Temple, which was sixty Cubits high, and as many in length, and 20 in breadth. Which place was divided into two parts, whereof first contained fourty Cubits,Three admira­ble works: The Candle­stick, the Table and Censer. having in it three most admirable things, famous throughout the World, to wit, a Candlestick, a Table, and the Altar of In­cense. Upon the Candelstick seven Lamps were placed, signifying the seven Planets, (for so many did there come all out of one stem of the Candelstick). Upon the Ta­ble were standing twelve loaves of Bread, signifying the twelve Celestial Signs, and Revolution of the Year. By the Altar of Incense (out of which proceedeth thirteen Odours, coming partly from the Sea which is unhabitable, and partly from the Earth which is inhabited) is signified that all things are in the hands of God, and owe him C obedience. The inner part of the Temple contained 20 Cubits, which also was separated from the other part by a Vail, and nothing was within it: this place was the Holy of Holies, and no man might enter, look into it, nor violate the same. On each side of the lower Temple there were many Lodgings and Doors to pass into, every one of them having three roofs one above another; and there was a Gate which led unto both sides of the Temple, and unto these Rooms: but the higher part of the Temple had not the like Rooms on each side, and therefore it was made so much narrower than the other,The outward Court of the Temple cove­ed with massy Plates of Gold. yet was it higher than it by 40 Cubits, neither was it so sumptuous as the lower. For the whole height was 100 Cubits, and the ground thereof 60. The outermost part was so curious and richly wrought, it was impossible to imagine any D workmanship that it wanted: for it was all covered with a Massie Plate of pure Gold, which shined far brighter than the Morning Sun, so that it dazled the Eyes of the be­holders, as doth the Sun when it is gazed upon. And afar off it seemed to strangers that came thither, like a white Mountain: for where the Temple was not guilded with Gold, there was it Milk-white. The top hereof was all set full of Rods of Gold, very sharp at the uper end like Pikes, lest the Birds should come and sit thereon, and so defile it: several of the Stones wherewith it was Built, were fourty-five Cubits large, five Cubits in length, and six Cubits broad. Before the Temple there stood an Altar fifteen Cubits high, being fourty Cubits broad, and as many long, and four­square, having Corners made like Horns. The way to this Altar was on the South E side, where by little and little it ascended from below to the Altar. This Altar was built without any Iron, and never Iron did touch it. The Temple and the Altar were enclosed with Stone-work very beautiful, which was a Cubit high, and separated the People from the Priests. Those that were troubled with flux of Seed, or Leprosy, were expulsed the City, Women also having their monthly courses; but those that were not unclean, might pass this foresaid limit. Likewise men that were not pu­rified, were not permitted to come within the inner Temple; and those that were, might not come among the Priests: those also that descended from the line of the Priests, and for blindness did not administer their function, were notwithstanding admit­ted into the place appointed for the rest of the Priests that were sound, and had share as F they had yet did they go attired as Lay-men, for only he that did Sacrifice, might wear Priestly attire.

The Priests that were admitted to the Altar and Temple had no infirmity,The Priests in the old Testa­ment, abstain­ed from wine, and were so­ber. they were cloathed in fine Linen, abstained from Wine, and lived in abstinence for reverence of Religion, lest they should sin whilst they offered Sacrifice. The High-Priest also ascended with the Priests into the Temple; yet not always, but every seventh day, and in the Calends of every month, or on a Festival, celebrated according to the custom of their Country,The high Priests Gar­ment. wherein all the people were present. When he sacrificed he was girded with a Vail, which covered his Thighs to his Privities, under which he wore a Linen Garment hanging down to his feet, and above it a round Violet Garment fring­ed G at the Skirts, and adorned with Bells of Gold, and Pomgranats of the same; the Bells signified Thunder, and the Pomgranats Lightning. Upon his breast he wore a Vest [Page 722] of five colours; Gold, Purple, Scarlet, Silk and Violet, wherewith (as we have H said) the Vails of the Temple were wrought. He had likewise a Rochet of the same enriched with pure Gold, and in shape like the Garment he wore on his Body to the Thighs: it was also buttoned with two Golden Buttons; made in the form of Asps, wherein was inclosed the greatest and most precious Sardonyx Stone that could be found,The precious stones in the high Priests Garment. bearing the names of the 12 Tribes of Israel engraven. On the other side did hang 12 precious Stones, three and three in a rank, divided into four rows. In the first was the Ruby,, the Topaz, and the Emerauld: in the second the Carbuncle, the Jasper, and the Saphire: in the third the Agate, the Amethyst, and the Diamond: in the last the Onyx, the Beryl, and Chrysolite: in every one of which one name of the twelve Tribes was written. Upon his head he wore a Miter of Silk, which was I crowned with Hyacinth: and aloft of it was another Crown of Gold, wherein was engraven sacred Letters, to wit, the four Vowels. The Garment that he commonly wore was not altogether so glorious; this he used only when he entred into the Sanctu­ary, which was but once a year, and that alone, the whole Nation observing a Solemn Fast that day. But we will hereafter speak more at large of the City and Temple, the Laws, Customs, Ordinances and Observations, for these things cannot be briefly declared.The descripti­on of Antonia. The Castle Antonia was situate between the two Porches of the first Temple, which looked unto the West, and the North: and was built upon a Rock of Stone of fifty Cubits high, on every side was inaccessible: it was built by King Herod, to shew the greatness and magnificence of his mind. For first of all the Rock K at the foot thereof was covered with thin and slender Stones like Slates. Which was both an ornament to it, and a security. Before the Battlements of the Fort there was a Wall three Cubits high, within which the Castle Antonia was built fourty Cubits high, being within richly furnished, and contrived like the Palace of a King, with all kind of Offices and other necessary Rooms. For there were Porches, Baths, and large Halls to place Tents in: so that in respect of the number and convenience of the Rooms it seemed to be a City,Antonia not much unlike a City. and for the magnificence thereof a Kings Palace. The Model of it was like a Tower invironed with four other Towers, at every Corner one, whereof they that were on the South and East-side were seventy Cubits high, the o­ther two were but fifty. So that out of the two highest, there was a perfect view of L the whole Temple. Where it joyned to the Porches of the Temple, there was on either side a pair of Stairs for the Souldiers to come down out of it into the Temple. For always the Roman Souldiers lodged there, and guarded the Temple in their Arms up­on festival days, lest the people should attempt any Rebellion. For the Temple was as a Check upon the Town, and the Castle Antonia commanded the Temple: and had its Guards likewise, as there were also in Herods Palace, which commanded the higher part of the City. The Hill Bezetha was divided from the City, as is before mention­ed; and being the highest part of all, was joyned to part of the new City, which hindred the prospect of the Temple on the North-side. And thus I have spoken suffi­ciently of the City, and the Wall in this place, because we mean hereafter to describe M them more at large.

CHAP. VII.
How the Jews refused to yeild, and sallyed out upon the Romans.

THe most warlike of the people joyned with Simon, 15000 follow Simon. being in number ten thousand, beside the Idumeans: and those ten thousand had fifty Captains, all subject unto N Simon. The Idumeans that took his part were five thousand, and had ten Captains, the Chief of whom were Jacob the Son of Sosas, and Simon the Son of Cathla. John, who kept the Temple, had six thousand Armed men, over whom were twenty Captains: to these there joyned two thousand of the Zealots; and four hundred, who before had followed Eleazar, and Simon the Son of Jairus. So that warring one a­gainst another, the people was their booty, and the multitude that was not so Sediti­ous as they,Simons Camp against John. was their prey. Simon kept the upper part of the City, and the great­er Wall as far as Cedron; and all that part of the old Wall which is between Siloa, and the Palace of Monobazus, who was King of Adiabena, that lieth beyond the River Euphrates: he also kept all the Hill Acra (which is the lower part of the City) un­to O Helenas Palace, who was Monobazus his Mother. But John kept all the Tem­ple [Page 723] A and the space about it, Ophla, and the valley of Cedron: and that which was be­tween these two places which Simon and John kept, was consumed with fire, and made a place to fight in. For although the Romans Tents were pitched near unto the Walls of the City, yet did not this Sedition cease; for being flesh'd with their success at the Romans first coming, they returned presently to their former animosity. And dividing themselves again, every man fought for his own interest, doing all the Ro­mans could have wish'd to be done. The Romans did them less harm than they did themselves: for by them the City suffered no new calamity, but indured far more mise­ry before it was taken and destroyed by the Romans than it did at that time. The Romans by destroying it,The Seditious took the [...] and the Ro­mans over­came and took the Seditious. did rather end than increase their misery. For the Seditious B did take the City, and the Romans did overcome and take the Seditious, and the City was far stronger than the Walls: so that all their miseries may be ascribed to their own Nation, and nothing but Equity and Justice imputed to the Romans, as every one shall clearly see by that which ensued.

The City being in this estate,Titus circuit­ing the Wall, seeketh which way he should attempt his battery. Titus with a select body of Horse went up and down without it, to espie where he might most easily assault the Walls. And being in doubt a long time what to do, for that by the Valley his Foot could not possible get up; and the Walls were not possible to be battered with Engines: at last he determined to assault it on that part where was the Monument of John the High Priest, for there the first Wall was lower than in other places; and not fortified with a second C Wall, because that those parts of the new City were but little inhabited; so that from this place the Wall might easily be assaulted: whereby Titus was perswaded that the higher City, and the Temple, and Antonia, might easily be taken. As he was thus viewing the place,Nicanor is wounded with an Arrow in the left shoul­der. one of his friends, called Nicanor, came unto him; being shot in the left shoulder with an Arrow, as he attempted to come near Joseph, who went thither of purpose to perswade the Jews which were upon the Wall to yield: for Nicanor was very eloquent. Caesar perceiving their minds, by their violence to him who perswaded them to that which was most expedient for them, was moved, and began with more eagerness to besiege them: wherefore he permitted his Souldiers to demolish the Sub­urbs, and to gather all the Rubbish, Stones, and Wood, and other matter toge­ther, D and make therewith a Mount. Then dividing his Army into three parts, he or­dered what each of them should do, and in the midst upon the Mounts he disposed his Archers, and before them Engines for shot, wherewith he hindred the Salleys of his Enemies, lest they should annoy the Work, and beat those off from the Wall, who made any resistance from thence. After which all the Trees being cut down, the Suburbs appeared naked. The Romans having gathered the Wood together, were busied in the Work, and the Jews were not idle: For the people being tired with Murthers and Robberies, did hope to have an end of their misery, the Seditious people being busied against their Enemies: and they now hoped that if the Romans did overcome, they might berevenged upon them. John still kept where he was, fearing Si­mon, E yet were his followers very earnest to assault the Romans. But Simon being next unto the siege, did not rest, but placed all along that part of the Wall, men with Darts, which before were taken from Sesteis Governour of the Romans, and found in the Ca­stle of Antonia. The darts did the Jews little good, because they were not expert in using them. But the Darts did the Jews small pleasure, by reason that few of them knew how to use them; only some who were taught by some of the Fugitive Romans used them a little. Nevertheless they assaulted the Roman Souldiers that were build­ing the Mounts with Arrows and Stones, made Salleys upon them by companies, and gave them disturbance: But the Roman Pioneers were defended by Hurdles, that were of purpose set before them: and every Legion had strange and admirable Engines against the excursions of their Enemy, and especially the Engines that the tenth F Legion had to cast Darts, and others that cast Stones; which did not only repulse them by whom they were assaulted, but also those that stood upon the Wall: for every Stone though a Talent weight, was shot more than a Furlong, and slew not only those that were first struck, but also many that were striken with the rebound. But the Jews always saw the Stones before they fell (for they were white) and avoided them: and they were not only descryed by the noise they made in flying, but they might easily be perceived: by which means the watchmen in the Towers gave war­ning always when these Engines were shot off, and when the Stones came, crying in their Country language, The Stone cometh: so the Jews upon the Walls knowing what they meant, avoided the Stones, and received no harm. Then the Romans de­vised G to black the Stones with Ink, that they might not be seen as they flew, and do the more Execution. Yet the Jews were not so terrified, as to permit the Romans [Page 722] [...] [Page 723] [...] [Page 724] peaceably to build the Mount, but Night and Day they hindred them with Stratagemss H and Salleys. When the Romans had finished their Work, the Carpenter measured the space between the Mounts and the Walls, with a Plummet fastned to a line, which they cast from one place to another (for they could not measure it otherwise, because of the Darts from the Walls) and finding that they had Rams long enough;Titus com­manded the Wall to be bat­tered in three places. they set them up, and Titus commanded the Wall to be battered in three places; to the end that the Battery might not be hindred. The noise that these Rams made was heard round about the City, which was a great terror to the Citizens, and the Sediti­ous were no less afraid. And seeing themselves all in the same danger, they deter­mined to joyn unanimously together against the Romans: the Seditious upbraiding one another that they rather assisted the Enemy, than resisted them: and therefore I exhorted one another mutually, at least for that time, to unite and make resistance a­gainst the Romans.The Seditious forgetting their hatred and discords joyn in one. And Simon sent an Officer unto the Temple, to proclaim leave for all such as would, to come unto the Walls: which also John did permit, not­withstanding he mistrusted Simon: so forgetting their old quarrel, they joyned all to­gether against the Romans, and placeing themselves upon the Walls, they cast fire up­on the Engines of the Romans, and those who manag'd them; throwing Darts against them without intermission, whilst the bravest amongst them in great companies leapt down, and destroyed that wherewith the Engines were covered, and assaulted those that stood to defend them; by which means they did the Romans much harm, and more by their desperate boldness than their skill.K

But Titus was still at hand to succor them that stood in need:The Ram shaketh a cor­ner of a Tow­er. and placing Horsemen and Archers about the Engines, he repulsed the Jews who come to cast Fire, beat off them that cast Darts and shot Arrows from the Towers, and so gave the Rams time and opportunity to play; yet these Rams did not great execution, only a corner of a Tower was shattered by the Ram of the fift Legion. But without any detriment to the Wall: for the Tower being much higher than the Wall, when the Tower tumbled, it fell over the Wall, and carried nothing along with it. The Jews being repulsed, and for some time discontinuing their Sallys, perceived the Romans were grown secure, and dispersed carlesly over their Camp, as presuming their late ill fortune would dis­courage the Jews from any new attack, but they were mistaken in their account: for the L Jews Sallied privately at the Gate by the Tower of Hippicos, threw fire into their Tren­ches among their Engines, and assaulted them bravely when they had done. But the Romans being quickly sensible of their danger, got immediately together, and with the excellence of their Discipline, repelled not only the first insult and fury of the Jews, but beat back all their supplys. So there began a grievous Battle about the Engines; the Jews striving to fire, and the Romans to hinder them; great noise and clamour there was, and many in the Front were slain on both sides. At first the Jews had the better;Titus putteth the Jews to flight and driv­eth them into the City. and their fire did some mischief upon the Engines: and all had been quite consumed, had not the Souldiers from Alexandria hindred it, who for the opinion that M they had of themselves, did fight stoutly (being accounted the most valiant of all in this Battle) till such time as the Emperour with certain select Horsemen fell violently upon the Enemies: and himself slew 12 men, for whose deaths the rest fearing, fled, and were forced to retire into the City, and so the Engines were saved. It chanced that one of the Jews was taken alive,John Captain of the Idume­ans, by the shot of an Arrow that wounds him in the breast, dieth. and Titus commanded that he should be crucified before the Wall, what perhaps the rest being terrified, might yield. After Caesar was reti­red, John the Captain of the Idumeans talking upon the Wall with one of his friends, be­ing striken in the breast with an Arrow by an Arabian Souldier, presently died: which caused great lamentation among the Jews, and sorrow amongst the Seditious, for he was very valiant, and wise.N

A CHAP. VIII.
The fall of the Tower, and how the two Walls were taken.

THE night following, there was a great tumult among the Romans: For Titus the Emperour had commanded to build three Towers, 50 Cubits high a piece, each one upon a several Mount, that from thence he might the more easily beat the Enemies from the Walls: But one of these Towers in the midst of the night fell down B without any assault. And making a great noise with the fall, fear fell upon the whole Army; who suspecting it a Stratagem of the Jews, every one ran to his Arms, and so there was a great tumult in the Camp: and because no man could tell what it was a long time, they stood amazed, every one asking his fellow what had hapned. But see­ing no Enemy come, they began to apprehend Treason amongst themselves; till such time as Titus understanding the matter, caused the truth thereof to be presently pro­claimed throughout the Camp; and the Tumult (with much ado) was appeased.

The Jews bore up couragiously against all other dangers, but were much gauled from these Towers which Titus had erected; for they were slain and wounded from thence with small Shot, Darts and Arrows, for they could build nothing to defend themselves C so high, nor, had they any hope to destroy them: for neither could they be thrown down for their weight, nor fired, being covered with Iron: therefore flying from the reach of the shot, they could not hinder the Ram from battering their Walls; which never ceas­ing, Nicon, that is to say, Victor, the Romans great Ram. at last prevailed somewhat. So the great Ram, which the Jews called Nicon, be­cause it overcame all, at last battered the Wall; and the Jews being weary with fight­ing, having watched all night before, out of sleepiness, or because they perswaded them­selves that the Wall was superfluous, they having two more beside it, they all forsook their quarters, and retired to the second Wall; and the Romans entred the first, that the Ram called Nicon had battered.The Romans get the first Wall. Then the Romans that had passed and entered the first Wall, went and opened the Gates, and let in the whole Army. Having thus got­ten D the Wall the seventh day of May, they destroyed the greatest part thereof; and also the North-side of the City which before Cestius had wasted.

Titus removed his Camp from thence, and went unto the place called the Assyrians Camp, and seized upon all between that and Cedron; and being without shot of an Ar­row from the second Wall, he began again to assault it. Then the Jews dividing the Wall betwixt them to defend each others part, resisted most valiantly: John and his par­takers defended all Antonia, and the North part of the Temple from Alexanders Tomb: and Simon defended all from Johns Tomb unto the Gate by the Tower Hippicos. The Jews con­flict with the Romans. And many times issuing out of the Gates, they fought hand to hand with the Enemy, but al­wayes repulsed by the discipline of the Romans, only for want of knowledge in War­like E affairs;The Jews bold­ness. yet in all fights upon the Wall, the Jews had the Best; for though the Romans had the advantage in fortune and knowledge, yet the Jews being desperate, attaqued them without fear; for they are very couragious in Adversity. Moreover, the Jews were necessitated to fight to save their own lives; and the Romans were as hasty to conquer. Neither party was weary, neither party desisted in their assaulting of one another: In the day time the Jews in Commanded-Parties made their Salleys upon the Romans, who omitted no kind of fight from Sun-set, all the night long; which was more terrible to them both, than all the service of the day before: The Jews feared, lest the Romans should get the Wall; and the Romans apprehended lest the Jews should have Sallied out upon their Camp. Thus all night long they stood to their Arms, F and early in the morning they were at it again. The Jews strove one with another who should undergo the most danger, and most deserve his Captains favour. Simons followers were so much at his beck, that if he should have commanded any of them to have killed himself,The custom of the Romans to Conquer. he would presently have done it. The Romans were encouraged to fight, by their discipline and success, as having never been used to be overcome. Again; their frequent Wars, continual Exercises, and large Dominions gave them great Courage, especially Titus their General being present to provoke them; for it was thought a heinous crime to be a Coward in the presence of such a Captain as Caesar was. Caesar himself beholding and looking on, was a witness of their deeds that behaved them­selves valiantly, and rewarded every man as he behaved himself: It was an advantage G to be known unto the Prince for a Valiant man: so that many of them shewed their alacrity was far greater than their strength.

[Page 726] At this time Longinus one of the Horsemen coming out of the Roman Army, pres­sed H into the midst of the Jews Forces, and casting them down that stood in his way, by violence slew two of the strongest of the Enemies, striking one of them over the Face, and slaying another with his own Dart which he took from him; who for this deed was greatly honoured,Longinus breaketh into the midst of the Jews army and disturb­eth it. having broken through a strong Body of the Jews that were placed be­fore the Walls, and cast Darts at him on either side. Many of the Romans by this his Example were inticed to do the like.

The Jews now regarded not what they suffered, but only devised which way to harm their Enemies; not reguarding death, so that they might kill any of the Romans. But Titus had as much care to preserve his Souldiers, as he had to get the Victory, attribute­ing these rash Sallyes to the desperation of the Jews, and accounting that only Virtue I which was done warily and with discretion.

CHAP. IX.
How Castor the Jew derided the Romans.

THen Titus commanded the Ram to be set up against the Tower on the North part of the City, wherein a crafty and politick Jew with ten men had hid himself, all K the rest being fled:Castor a subtle and politick Jew. this Jew was named Castor. These men having lain still a while in their Arms, at last being afraid, and the Tower beginning to shake, they Iept up, and Castor stretching forth his hand, did as it were humbly crave favour at Caesars hands, and with a lamentable voice besought him to spare him. Titus seeing the mans simplicity, as he thought, and perswading himself that the Jews did now repent of their Obstinacy, he caused the Ram to cease from battery, and the Archers to hold their hands; and per­mitted Castor to speak his pleasure. Castor said, That he desired to treat, and make a League of Peace.

And Titus answered, That he would grant it, if all the rest would be concluded, and that he would presently confirm a League of Peace between him and the City. Five L of Castors fellows seemed to be willing, but the other five seemed to oppose it; Cry­ing out aloud, That they would never be sleves to the Romans, whilst they could die in liber­ty. Whilst Castor and his fellows were debating the matter, the battery ceased. In the mean time Castor privily sent word unto Simon, willing him whilst the Battery was stopt, to think of some expedient to be done in this necessity: for, for a while he would undertake to delude the Roman Emperour, and hold him in suspence. In the mean time he seemed to exhort his Companions, to accept the kind offer of Titus: and they as it were angry thereat, drew their Swords and struck upon their Corslets, and fell down, as though they had been slain. Titus and his Souldiers were amazed at their obstinacy, for being on the lower ground, they could not well perceive what was done; M they wondred exceedingly at their desperation, and pittied their calamity. At the same time one struck Castor in the Buttock with a Dart, and Castor pulling it out of his flesh, shewed it unto the Emperour, and complained of it, as a breach of the Truce. Titus with sharp words corrected him that shot it, and forthwith would have sent Joseph to promise Castor pardon and peace. But Joseph denyed to go, affirming that Castor only dissembled, and hindred his friends that would have gone. At last one Aeneas, who had fled unto the Romans, offered himself to go. Castor invited him, as though he would give him something to secure him of his true meaning. Aeneas opened the skirt of his garment, thinking Castor would have cast him down something of worth; and when he came underneath the Tower, Castor took a great stone and threw it down upon N him, yet hurt him not, because he was aware of it, and avoided the stone; but it wound­ed another Souldier standing by. Then Caesar considering this deceit, began to think that Pitty and Mercy in War was hurtful,Mercy in Wars hurtful. and that Cruelty was not so easily deceived; and being very angry at this deceit, he caused the Wall to be beaten with the Ram more than before. Castor and his fellows perceiving the Tower to shake, they set it on fire, and so passed thorow the flame, and conveyed themselves into a mine of the Tower; giving the Romans fresh occasion to admire their Courage, in passing thorow the Flames.

Titus assaulting the Wall on his part,Titus taketh the second Wall. took it five dayes after, and forcing the Jews from thence, He, accompanied with a thousand choice men, entred where the Wool­men,O Copper-Smiths, and Merchant-Taylors dwelt, which place was the new City, [Page 727] A with narrow and strait ways to go to the Wall. And had he presently beaten down a great part of the Wall, or, as he might have done by the Law of Arms, destroyed what he had gotten, he had obtained the Victory without any loss on his side. Yet hoping the Jews would yield, when they were in his power, he gave them more liberty to retire; for he did not think that they whose good he sought, would have been Traitors unto him who came to relieve them.

B CHAP. X.
How the Romans did twice take the second Wall.

TItus having entred the City, suffered none of them that were taken, to be slain, nor the Houses to be burned, but permitted the Seditious (if they were so mind­ed) to fight, and that without prejudice to the People: he also promised the People to restore unto them all their Goods.They interpret warlike Titus's humanity for Cowardize. For many besought him to spare the City for them; and the Temple for the City. The People were glad hereof: and many of the warlike Jews thought the humanity of Titus to proceed from cowardize; and judged that Titus, for that he despaired to win the rest of the City, did now Coward-like propound these C conditions. They likewise threatned the People, that whosoever should speak one word concerning Peace,The Romans are driven out by the Jews. and yielding unto the Romans, should presently die: and some of them did resist the Romans from out of their houses, others in the narrow ways: and others going out at the higher Gates renewed the fight, wherewith the Watchmen be­ing troubled, fled from the Wall, and forsaking the Towers, retired themselves into the Camp. The Roman Souldiers within the City cryed out, because they were inclosed with Enemies, the Gates being shut, and assaulted without, by those who apprehended their Companions to be in great danger. The number of the Jews encreasing, and prevailing, for that they knew the ways and turnings of the Streets, many of the Ro­mans were slain and violently born down, when they offered to resist in that necessity; D for a multitude together could not flie, by reason of the narrowness of the Streets that went unto the Wall: and all that entred into the City had been slain, had not Titus succoured them. For placing at the end of every Street Archers, and himself being where most need was, he repulsed the Jews with Darts and Arrows, with the help of Domitius Sabinus, who in that fight proved himself a stout Warriour, and continued fighting with the Jews till all his fellow-Souldiers were got off.

Thus the Romans having got the second Wall,The Jews cou­rage encreas­eth. were beaten from it again; and the Citizens so encouraged, they were as it were drunk with their good fortune, thinking the Romans durst no more attempt upon the City, and that they themselves were in­vincible, when they were prepared to fight. God, because of their Iniquity, had dark­ned E their understanding, so that they never considered the Roman Forces were far great­er than those they had encountred, and the Famine that hung over their heads; for as yet they lived upon the destruction of the People,The People in want, and ma­ny die for hunger. and drank the blood of a City: but the good People did even suffer Famine already, and many of them perished for want of food; yet the Seditious did rejoyce at the death of the Citizens, as though thereby they were eased of a great burthen, only desiring they might live that bear rebellious minds, and would joyn with them against the Romans, rejoycing at the death of the rest; and this was the affection they bare unto their Citizens. In this manner they armed themselves and resisted the Romans, who now again did attempt to enter the Breach: whilst the Jews threw down Stones and part of the Wall upon them as they came up,Titus once more getteth the second wall F drave them back again, and valiantly sustained them for three dayes. But the fourth day being unable to withstand Titus his assault, they were forced to retire as before: and he having gotten the Wall, destroyed all the North part thereof, and placed a Gar­rison in the Towers and Fortresses of the South part.

CHAP. XI.H
Of the Mounts raised to batter the third Wall. A long Oration of Jesephus to perswade the People to yield: and of the Famine in the City.

TITUS now determined to batter the third Wall, conceiving the Siege would be now but short: He thought it convenient to give the Seditious some time to be­think themselves, to see that if either by the taking of the second Wall, or terrified with Famine, they would repent. For there was little or nothing left in the City to I supply them, and he was posted as he desired. And the time being come, for every Roman Souldier to receive his proportion of Victuals,Titus surceas­ing the Siege, commandeth mony to be distributed to all his Soul­diers. Titus caused them to be led eve­ry one in order into a place, where the Jews in the City might behold them; he caused his Captains to distribute money to every one, and the Souldiers (as their Custom is) all armed, and drawing their Swords out of their sheaths, marched along, the Horse­men leading their Horses in great Pomp, and a great part of the Suburbs glistered with gold and silver. This spectacle was grateful to their own Souldiers, and terrible to the Jews: for all the old Walls, and the North part of the City, and many Houses were filled with the multitude of them who came to view this sight; and there was no part of the City that was not filled with People to behold it. This Spectacle struck a great K fear upon the very boldest among the Jews, and perhaps would have caused the Sedi­tious People to have relented, had they not despaired to have found mercy and pardon at the Romans hands for their offences committed; wherefore they thought it better to be slain fighting, than to be put to death shamefully, if they desisted from fight. That Destiny hindred this resolution,Destiny had decreed that the innocent should perish with the no­cent, and the City with the Seditious. it being decreed that the innocent should perish with the wicked, and the City with the Seditious: hereupon for four dayes space they distri­buted necessaries to the Souldiers; and on the fifth day, Titus perceiving the Jews were still obstinate, divided his Army into two parts, and about Johns Tomb he began to raise Mounts, and against Antonia, hoping by them to take the higher part of the City; and by Antonia to seize the Temple; which except he could effect, he could not safely take L the City; Against either of these places he raised two Mounts, each Legion making one.

The Jews and Simons followers opposed the work that was begun before Johns Tomb,The Romans in their labour are hindred by the Jews. and John likewise with a great number of the Zealots hindred them that made the Mounts over against Antonia: who not only fought with the advantage of the higher ground, but had learned also the use of Engines: for continual use by little and little made them skilful: and they had 300 Engines called Balistaes; and 40 Engines to cast Stones, wherewith they greatly annoyed the Romans, and obstructed them in their work.

Titus foreseeing that Fortune would favour him,Titus bounty towards the Jews. and that the City would be taken,M pressed it what he could, never ceasing to perswade the Jews to yield: adding many Arguments to his importunity, for he knew that many times words prevail more than violence, wherefore he exhorted them to save themselves, and yield the City unto him, referring them to Joseph, who should make a speech to them in their own Language, and he hoped they would hear their own Country-man.

Then Joseph keeping himself out of the danger of their shot, Josephs Orati­on to the Jews called out unto them to com­miserate themselves, the City, the Temple, the People, and not be more hard-hearted unto them than strangers. For the Romans had a reverence for the Holy-places, notwithstand­ing they had no society or portion in them. That till that very day they had abstained from violating of them: whereas they who were brought up among them, and might save them,N did wilfully cause their destruction. He advised them to consider, that their strongest Walls were battered down; and only the weaker remaining unbattered: He willed them to consider how they were not able to withstand the Roman Forces; and that it was no novelty to the Jews to be subject to the Romans. For although it be a good and commendable thing to fight for Liberty, yet that was to have been done in the beginning: for he that was once subject and rebell'd, having a long time lived under the obedience of the Romans, seemed rather to be de­sirous of a shameful Death, than an honourable Liberty. Moreover, he reproached them that they should choose rather to be subject to a base People, than to them whom the whole World obeyed. For (saith he) What habitable place is it that the Romans have not Conquered? They themselves may perceive, how Fortune has still favoured them: and that God had O setled the Universal Monarchy in Italy. That by the Law of Nature, and the Example of [Page 729] A Beasts as well as men we are taught to give place unto them that are stronger than our selves, and be contented to submit to their Victory that are valiantest in Arms. This (said he) was the cause that your Ancestors (who were far more strong aad politick than you, and had better means to resist) did submit themselves unto the Romans: which if God had not been pleased withal, he would never have permitted. And how could they hope to resist, seeing the City was as it were already taken, and the Citizens, whilst their Walls were whole, most of them destroyed? For the Romans well knew the Famine that was among them, how it every day wasted the people,Famine in the City. and would in short time devour their Souldiers. For suppose (said he) the Romans would desist, withdraw their Siege, and offer no violence; there is a Civil War within the City, which you cannot overcome, or avert; unless you B could fight against Hunger, and the adversity of Fortune. He added, That it was best, before intolerable Calamities befell them, to change their opinion, and whilst they had time, to be counselled by good advice. That the Romans would not punish them for what was already past, except they persisted in their obstinacy. For they are (said he) Kind, Courteous, Gentle to their Subjects, and prefer their Commodity before Revenge. They thought it their in­terest to have the City in their Power, and the Country about it; and therefore the Emperour proposed to make a league of Peace with them: but if he took the City by force, he would spare none, seeing they were admonish'd so kindly before, and in their greatest necessity refused to obey him. He told them also, that the third Wall would in a short time be taken, as they might per­ceive by the other two: and though the City were inexpugnable, yet the Famine would force C it to yeild in despite of its Strength.

As Joseph did thus advise them, those upon the Walls rail'd at him, upbraided him, and shot at him. Joseph seeing he could not avert them from their imminent cala­mities, recounted unto them out of their own Histories whatever made for his purpose. O wretches (saith he) and ungrateful to your Friends.The Emperor striveth to be at Peace with the Romans. You resist the Romans, and conti­nue perverse, as though you had conquered others that came, as they now do, against you. When doth God the maker of all things deny help unto us if we be oppressed? Will you not re­member your selves?Joseph rippeth up the ancient Histories, and some foreign. For what cause did you enterprise these Wars? And how great a Friend and Protector do you daily offend? Do ye not remember the miraculous Works of your An­cestors in this Holy place, and how in times past it was by the Enemies destroyed? But I D tremble to recount the works of God to such unworthy hearers:Nechias, a King of Egypt. But consider and you will find, that you do not only resist, the Romans, but God himself. Nechias at that time King of Egypt, who also was called Pharao, came, and with an infinite Army took away Queen Sara, the Mother of our Nation. And what did our first Father Abraham in this case? Did he betake himself to Arms to revenge that injury? though he had under his command three hundred and eighteen Captains, and under them an infinite multitude: Did he not rather desist from War, perceiving God not to accompany him? and lifting up his pure hands to­wards this Holy-place, which now you have defiled and prophaned, implore the assistance of his invincible God? And was not the Queen the second night after sent home again unto him untouched? whilst the Egyptian adoring this Holy-place (which ye have polluted with E Murders of your own Nation) and trembling at the Visions he saw in the night▪ time, fled, rewarding the Hebrews with Gold and Silver, whom he perceived to be so beloved of God. Shall I recount unto you the going of our Ancestors into Egypt? The Hebrews under the Ty­ranny of Egypt four hundred years. who having for four hun­dred years been slaves to the Egyptian Tyrants and Kings, and able to have revenged them­selves by force of Arms, yet did they rather expect and stay Gods leisure. Who knoweth not that then Egypt, in revenge of their tyranny to the Hebrews, was overrun withall kinds of Serpents, and infected with all kind of Diseases, the Earth became barren, Nilus dry, and the ten plagues followed one another; our Ancestors were safely delivered without bloodshed, God Almighty conducting them, as willing to reserve them for his Priests?

When the Assyrians had taken away from us the Holy Ark,The Sacred Ark taken a­way by the Assyrians, and restored to the Jews. did not Palestina and Dagon F repent that fact? Did not the whole Nation that took it, weep and lament therefore? For their privy parts being putrified, their Bowels and meat came from them, and with un­clean hands they were forced to bring it back again, with Cymbals and Trumpets, to make Satisfaction for their offence.Senacherib. King of Assur. It was God that did this for our Ancestors, because that, depositing their Arms, they resigned themselves wholly to his pleasure. Was Senache­rib King of Assyria, with all his Power out of Asia incamping before this City, overcome by humane force? Did not our Ancestours wave their own force and betake themselves to prayer,The Captivity of Babylon. and God by his Angel in one night destroyed an infinite Army? so as that the next day the Assyrian found a hundred fourscore and five thousand of his men dead and, fled with the rest from the unarm'd Hebrews, though they never pursued? You know also, G that in the Captivity of Babylon, where the people lived the space of seventy years, they got not their liberty till such time as God disposed Cyrus to suffer them to depart into their [Page 730] own Country. And continuing his assistance, they again (as the Priests in old time were H wont) did serve and reverence their helper. In brief, our Ancestors did never atchieve any great matter by force of Arms, neither did they leave any thing undone wherein they ex­pected Gods help, but still remaining quiet at home, they overcome their Enemies wholly by his Providence: and when they trusted to their own strength, they always miscarryed. For when Zedechias our King, contrary to the admonition of the Prophet Jeremy, went forth to fight with the King of Babylon at that time besieging the City, both he and his whole Par­ty were taken,The destructi­on of Jerusa­lem by the King of Baby­lon. and this City destroyed. Yet consider how far your Generals are inferiour to that King, and your selves to the people of those times. For Jeremy declaring to the City, that God was offended at their iniquity, and that except they did yield, it should be taken by force; yet did not the King nor any of the people lay hands upon him. And you (that I I may omit your iniquity done within the City, which though I would, I could not sufficient­ly decipher) do revile and attempt to kill me for giving you wholsom Counsel for your good; only for that I put you in mind of your sins, which you have not patience to hear. The same happened also when Antiochus, sirnamed Epiphanes, besieged the City, God was highly dis­pleased at our Ancestors, permited them to be slain, the Town spoiled, and this Holy-place for three years and six months to be made desolate. What should I shew unto you any more examples? Who first incited the Romans against the Jews? Was it not the impiety of our own Countrey-Men that did it? Whence was our bondage at that time? Did it not pro­ceed from the Sedition of our Ancestors,Josephs bitter invective a­gainst them. when the fury of Aristobulus and Hircanus brought Pompey into our City, and God subdued them by the Romans, being grown unworthy of K liberty? and at length after a three months siege, though they were not so great offenders as you are, and better able to abide the siege, yet they yielded themselves. Are we ignorant of the end of Antigonus the Son of Aristobulus, who invaded the Kingdom, and brought our Nation again into subjection; God laying this bondage upon them being provoked by the iniquity of our Nation? Herod the Son of Antipater, brought Sosius and the Roman Army, and besieged the City six months: and at last, for the greatness of our iniquity, it was, taken and punished, and sacked by the Enemies. Thus you evidently see that our Na­tion never prevail'd by force of Arms. And assure your selves that even now the City will be taken. It is meet therefore that you who keep this Holy-place commit your selves wholly to God, and then you need not fear the forces of your Enemies, when your piety assures L you of Gods help and succour.The Jews sins against the Laws. But what one Article of Gods Law have you observed? Nay, what have you not done that he forbad? How far greater is your impiety than theirs? and yet they suddenly perished for their sins. For making small account of secret sins, as Stealing, Deceit, and Adulteries, you violently take away mens Goods by force, you mur­der whom you please, devise new ways to sin; have made the Holy Temple the place of your impieties; and what the Romans themselves did adore, is by your own Nation polluted and defiled, whilst you derogate from the honour of our Religion by the impiety of your actions, and yet hope for his help, whom you have so heinously offended: you are very just people and obedient,The Romans use the same manner of overthrow a­gainst the Jews, as the Assyrians did. and it is with pure hands you beg assistance of God. Did our King pray so unto God, when he obteined, that in one night so many of the Assyrians should be destroyed? Or M do the Romans commit such impiety as the Assyrians did, that you may hope of the like re­venge upon them. The Assyrian received a sum of Money to save the City, and yet not regarding his Oath, indeavoured to destroy it. The Romans do only request the same Tri­bute that was paid by our Ancestors: and if they may have it, will never destroy the City, nor touch our Holy things. They will also permit you to enjoy freely your Familes and Possessions,God knoweth when to re­venge. and suffer your Laws to remain inviolate. It is madness for you to hope that God will punish just men, as he did sinners and impious persons, seeing he can punish as he pleases. To be short, he destroyed the Assyrians the first night they encamped before the City. And if he had purposed to deliver you, and punish the Romans, he would have done it, when Pompey and Sosius came against the City, or when Vespasian wasted Galilee, or now N when Titus made his assault.The Fountains that before-time were dry, now slow to Titus. But neither Pompey nor Sosius suffered any harm, and both of them took the City. Vespasian prospered so well in his Wars against you, that he hath got the whole Empire. And the Fountains which yielded you no Water before, do give it to Titus in abundance. For you know that before his coming, the Fountains without the City and Siloa were so dry that Water was sold by measure, yet now they flow plentifully and do not only serve his Army, but water all the Gardens about. What this wonder foretelleth, you have already experienced, when the King of Babylon came with his Army and destroyed the City, took it, and fired it, and the Temple; notwithstanding that (as I am perswaded) the Jews at that time were not so wicked as now. I think therefore that God hath forsaken this Holy place, and is gone over to your Enemies. Will not a good man fly a wicked house,O and abhor the impiety of the Inhabitants. And do you think that God will abide your im­piety, [Page 731] A who beholdeth all secrets, and knoweth all things that are hid? But what is secret a­mongst you? Or what do you seek to find? Nay what do you that your Enemies do not know? All your iniquities are apparent: and your contention with one another is, who shall be most impious, and with as much labour endeavour to be Vitious as others do to be Vertuous. Yet for all this it is not too late to amend,God is wont to shew mercy to those who confess and be peditent. God's wrath will be appeased, if ye acknowledg your sins, and be penitent for your offences. Throw away your Arms then, and pity your Country now ruined by your own means. Turn your Eyes and behold the beauty of the Place, whose ruine you seek. How brave a City, how magnificent a Temple, how rich with the Gifts of all Nations! Who would fire these? who would desire the ruin of these? Or what is there B in the World that better deserveth to be preserved? O hard-hearted people, more blockish and insensible than Stones! Or if you do not pity your Temple, let your Families move you; look upon your Children your Wives, and your Parents, all ready to be consumed, either with Sword or Famine. I am sensible my Wife, my Children, and Family, must perish with you (and there was a time when they would have been considered) and it may be thought it is to save their lives I give this advice; but kill them, and sacrifice me for your welfare: I am prepared to die, if my death may be a means to preserve you in being.

Whilst Joseph made this speech unto them the Tears trickled down his Cheeks; but the Seditious being nothing moved,Joseph love and constancy towards his Country. replyed, that it was not safe for them to yeild. The C people however were perswaded to fly: and selling their possessions and what they had at small rates, they swallow'd down the Gold which they received, lest the Thievs should take it from them.The people flie with their money. And when they had escaped to the Romans Camp, they emptied their Bellies, and found it again, and had wherewithal to buy them ne­cessaries. Titus also permitted many to go away withersoever they pleased: which caused divers to flie, thereby to be delivered from the calamity which they endured in the City. But John and Simon were as diligent to stop the ways, lest the Citizens should escape, as they were to hinder the Romans from entring into the City: so that upon the least suspition of any mans flight, he was presently put to death. The richer sort, whether they stayed or fled, were slain for their wealth and possessions. The Famine of the City,A wonderful Famine in the City. and the desperation of the Thieves increased alike every day; and when no more Corn was to be found, the Seditious persons brake into the houses, D and searched every Corner to find Corn; if in their search they found any, they beat the owners thereof for denying it at first: if they found none, they tortured them for ha­ving hidden it.The argument of store of meat▪ Whosoever was strong of Body, and in good liking they killed; upon presumption that he had some secret stores, or else he could not have been in so good plight and fat as he was. They that were pined with Famine, were slain; because they thought it no offence to kill them, who in a short time would die of themselves. Many gave all they had for one bushel of Corn, and shutting themselves up privately in their houses, eat their Corn as it was unground: others made bread thereof as ne­cessity and fear required. No man in the whole City sate down to eat his meat at the E Table, but snatch'd it greedily from the fire, and devoured it half raw and half roast.

Most miserable was this manner of living,A miserable kind of living, and a spectacle of great com­passion. and a spectacle which none without Tears was able to behold; the strongest still got the most, and the weakest bewailed their mi­sery: for now Famine was their greatest calamity. And nothing doth arm men more than shame; during this Famine, no reverence was had towards any man: Wives took the meat out of their Husbands mouths, Children from their Parents, and Mothers from their Infants, which was the saddest spectacle of all. No body had now any compassion, neither did they spare their dearest Infants, but suffered them to perish in their Arms, by taking from them the very drops of Life. Yet could they not eat in F such secrecy, but some or other still came to take away from them that whereupon they fed. For if in any place they saw a door shut, they conjectured that they who were in the house were eating meat,The souldie [...]s enter the hou­ses, and take the meat un­chewed out of the Citizens mouths. and forthwith breaking down the Doors, they came in, got them by the throat, and took the meat halfe-chewed out of their mouths as it was ready to be swallowed down. The old men were driven away, and not permitted to keep and defend their food: the Women were drawn up and down by the hair of the head, for that they hid between their hands some part of their meat, and would not forgo it. No pity remained either to old age or infancy; They took the young Babes, their mouths full of meat, and dashed them against the ground. If any had prevented these Thieves, and eaten their meat before they could get at them, they were more cru­elly and more tyrannously handled, as having committed a greater offence against them. G They devised most barbarous and cruel torments to extort food from others: for they thrust sticks or such like into the cavity of mens yards, and sharp thorny rods into their [Page 732] Fundaments: and it is abominable to hear what the people endured to make them con­fess H one loaf of Bread, or one handful of Corn which they had hidden.

These Miscreants did not yet for all this feel either hunger or thirst: for then their impieties had been more tolerable; but they did it only to exercise their cruelty, prepa­ring six days food for themselvs aforehand. Some poor creatures eluding the Roman-Guards had been abroad in the night to gather Wood or Grass in the Field, and return­ing into the City were rejoycing in their felicity, having escaped the danger of the Enemy, but they were seized by these miscreants▪ their Herbs taken from them (though gotten with the hazard of their lives,) denying them a small part of that, for which they had undergone such danger, yea they thought themselves obliged though rob­bed and spoiled, if they escaped the Swords of these Tyrants. These were the Calamities I which the baser sort of people endured at the hands of the common Souldiers: but the Nobles & chief Men of the City were led to their Officers,The Honoura­ble and Rich are drawn before the Tyrants. accused before them of Intel­ligence with the Romans; and for some forged Treason or other put to Death, Many times they suborned people to accuse them of intending to fly to the Romans. Those that Simon robbed were sent to John; and those that John spoiled were sent to Simon: drinking as it were one to another in the Blood of the People, and dividing their dead Carcasses between them;The dissention between John and Si­mon was for Rule, their concord was in wickedness. insomuch that though they disagreed in their desire of rule and domination: they both conspired in mischief and iniquity. For he that did not give the other part of what by his cruelty he had extorted from the miserable Citizens, was accounted ungenerous: and he that received not his share, complained of the injustice,K as beleiving he had a right to the Rapine and Cruelty.

I am not able to recount all their iniquities: but in short, I think never any City endured the like, nor never any People since the memory of men were so cruel and bar­barous: and that their impiety to strangers might seem the less, they spake evil of the Nation of the Hebrews, and cursed them, and openly confessed themselves to be slaves, People of divers Countries, united together in wickedness, bastards and abortives of their Nation. They demolished the City, and forced the Romans (though against their will) to except of a dismal Victory, hasting the Fire into the Temple, as though it stayed from it too long. Neither were they at all affected, when they saw the higher part of the City on fire; though many among the Romans beheld it with sorrow, as we will L shew hereafter, when we describe the event of that business.

CHAP. XII.
Of the Jews that were crucified, and the burning of the Rampires.

THe Mounts and Rampires that Titus built,The poor peo­ples misery. did greatly advantage him: Yet his M Souldiers endured some loss by the Jews from the Wall, to recompence it what he could, upon intelligence that their rapine and plunder in the Town being not suffici­ent to supply their necessities, the Jews were forc'd to seek out into the Valleys for food, he disposed certain parties of Horse, and other select men in Ambush to inter­cept them; for though their exigences were very great, yet being for the most part poor people with Families in the City they durst not run over to the Romans, lest their Wives and Children should be murdered in their absence, wherefore they were for­c'd to make private excursions in the night to conceal themselves from the Enemy, and having fallen unexpectedly into this Ambuscade, they fought it couragiously, as know­ing it too late to expect mercy after such untractable obstinacy, but they were defeat­ed,N many of them taken, and tortur'd, and afterwards crucified before the Walls of the City.Titus crucifi­eth many Jews, before the Walls. Titus looked upon their condition as very deplorable, for scarce a day past in which there were not 500 Jews taken and served in that manner by those partys of Horse, yet he thought it inexpedient to remove them, because they were a great secu­rity to the rest of his Army: But his great design was by the cruelty of that specta­cle to terrifie the City and hasten its surrender. Wherefore the Souldiers in hatred to our Nation, crucified all they took, one after one fashion, and another after another, in derision. And the multitude of the Captives was become so great, there was left no space for the crosses, nor indeed crosses for their bodies to be crucified upon. But the sedi­tious Jews within the City were so far from relenting by this massacre, that rather their hearts were more hardned; so that herewith they terrified the rest of the multitude:O for theyThe Jews carried the kindred of those that were fled out of the City to the Romans▪ and shewed them the tor­tures they suf­fered. carried the relations of those who were taken by the Romans to the Walls, [Page 733] A that they might see how those were used that fled to the Romans: the same sight they also shewed unto them that desired peace; affirming that they whom the Romans had so used, were those that fled unto them for succour, and not captives by them taken. This deterred many who would otherwise have fled to the Romans; till such time as the truth hereof was known. Yet some there were that ventured to the Enemy, as preferring Death and Torment at their hands, before the Miseries and Famine which they endured at home.

Hereupon Titus cut off many of the Captives hands, and sent them into the City to Simon and John, that their Calamity might testifie them to be Captives, and not such as had fled voluntarily to the Romans, willing them to admonish their Friends to yield, B and not compel him to destroy the City: and to assure them that in so doing, they might still save their lives, their Country, and Temple, which had not the like in the whole World: and he continually went about the Rampires hastning the workmen in their business, as though he presently meant to effect that in deeds, which in words he had spoken.The Jews both curse Caesar and is Father. The Jews that stood upon the Walls, reviled both him and his Fa­ther, affirming that they contemned Death; and would chuse rather to die, than be­come slaves: That whilest they lived, they would to their power defend themselves a­gainst the Romans, without any care either of themselves or their Country; which Caesar sent them word were both in imminent danger. Moreover, they said that the whole World was a Temple dedicated to God, far more excellent than theirs, C which notwithstanding should be conserved by him that dwelt in it; whose help they hoped to enjoy, and did therefore deride all his threatnings, as things that could never come to pass without his divine permission. Thus did they opprobriously abuse the clemency of the Romans.

At this time arrived also Antiochus Epiphanes, and with him a considerable supply of Men, among which there was a company called the Macedonians, of equal years, and little older than young men, all trained up in Martial Discipline, and armed after the Macedonian manner, from whence they took their name: yet for the most part they did not answer the expectation that men had of the Macedonians. For the King of Comagne was the most fortunate and happy of all Kings that were subject to the Roman Em­pire, D till such time as he felt the frown of Fortune; who in his old age proved that none ought to be accounted happy before his death: whilest Comagne was in prosperity, his Son said, he marvelled that the Romans did delay to assault the City, and enter the battered Walls (for this young Man was a great Warriour, and of exceeding strength, to the which he trusting too much, did many things rashly.) Titus smiled, and an­swered, The insolence of Antiochus and the Soul­diers. that that was a work too great for the Romans. Upon which young Anti­ochus, accompanied with his Macedonians, assaulted the Wall, and himself with his strength and dexterity avoided the darts of the Jews, and cast his darts at them: but his whole Party (a few excepted) were there slain: for obliged by their extravagant boasting, they continued longer in [...]ight than it was expedient for them: at last many E being wounded retired, perceiving that the Macedonians to win a Victory had need of Alexanders fortune.The Romans iu seventeen days build four huge bul­warks. The Romans the twelfth day of May began to build their Ram­pires: and labouring seventeen whole days, with much ado they ended them the nine and twentieth of the said Month. For they builded four vast Rampires, one of them over against Antonia, which was built by the fifth Legion opposit to the midst of the Struthian Waters: another was built by the twelfth Legion, twenty Cubits distant from the other. But the tenth Legion, which was of more account than the two for­mer, erected a Mount opposit to the Pond called Amygdalon on the North-side: and the fifteenth Legion made the fourth, thirty Cubits distant from the other, over against the Monument of the High Priest John.

F The Mounts being thus finished, John undermined that which was over against An­tonia, and underpropped it with posts of Wood, and filling the Mine with Wood, Bitumen and Pitch, he fired it: so the posts that held it up, being burnt, the Mine fell, and the Mount also with a hideous noise fell into it: and first of all there arose a great smoak and dust, for the Mines covered the flame: at last the fire having consumed the matter that covered it, the flame appeared. The Romans at this sudden and un­expected exploit were much amazed and disordered: so that thereby those who be­fore made account of the victory as certain, began now to dispair. Two days after Simon and his associates set upon the other Rampires: for thereon were plant­ed Rams, wherewith the Romans began to beat the Walls. Amongst the rest, a G man named T [...]ptheus of Garsus a City of Galilee, Megassarus one of Queen Mariammes Servants,Three Valiant Jews. and with them one of Adiabena the Son of Mabateus, who for his fortune [Page 732] [...] [Page 733] [...] [Page 734] was named Agiras, which signified lame: these three taking fire-brands, ran unto H the Engines, and there was none found in all the Roman Army more valiant than these men, nor more terrible: for they ran amidst the throng oftheir Enemies so bodly, as though they had gone amongst their Friends, and never made any stay, but breaking through the midst of their Enemies,The Romans invironed with fire, lose the Mounts they had built▪ they fired their Engines: and notwithstanding that on every side they were assaulted with Darts and Arrows; yet did they not give back, nor seek to avoid the danger, till such time as the fire had taken hold of the Engines. The flame mounting on high, the Romans came running out their Camp to succour their fellows: and the Jews upon the Wall with Darts and Arrows hindred them that sought to quench the flame, exposing their own Bodies. The Romans en­deavoured to draw off the Rams: And the Jews were as earnest to hinder them:I however the Romans preserved their Rams. From thence the fire caught hold of the Rampires, those that opposed themselves were burned: and the fire increased, so that it could not be extinguished; so the Romans invironed with the flame, and despairing to rescue their Works, retired into their Camp, and left them on fire. But the Jews were so much the more earnest, their number still encreasing by new supplies out of the City:A most bitter Law among the Romans against those that forsook their places. and so encouraged by their Victory, they rashly adventured unto the Romans Camp and assaulted the Guard there. Which guard was a Company pla­ced round before the Camp in Armour; with orders not to leave their ground upon pain of death. And these men esteeming it better to die gloriously, than ignominiously to suffer, resisted very valiantly: so that many that had fled retired themselves,K back again to fight, both for shame that they had forsaken their place, and for fear of punishment thereof: and placing new Engines upon the Rampire of their Camp, they stopt the Jews from Sallying any more: for they came out unarmed, without any Arms of defence. For the Jews without any consideration came rashly upon their Enemies Pikes, and assaulted them with their fists. So that the Jews prevailed more by their courage, than their Arms: and the Romans fled more for the Jews boldness than any harm they sustained by them.

Titus repairing with all speed from Antonia, Titus accused his Souldiers of negligence▪ where he had been viewing a place for ano­ther Rampire, blamed the Souldiers exceedingly; who having gotten the Enemies Walls,L did notwithstanding suffer themselves to be repell'd; and were forced to abide that, which first the Jews did suffer being now as it were broken out of Prison; and so he with cer­tain chosen men assaulted the Enemies on one side; who though desperately overpow­ered, yet stoutly resisted him: and so joyning the Battle, the dust was so thick, that none could see one another, nor hear what was said, for the cries and noise were so great, no man could discern his friends from his foes. The Jews persisted still in the Battle, not for that they trusted to their force, or thereby prevailed, but because they were desperate. The Romans on the other part took courage, and fought stoutly for shame,The Jews re­tire within the City. and for that Caesar himself was in danger amongst them. So that I think, that had not the Jews retired into the City, the fury of the Romans had then consumed the M whole multitude. The Romans were now sorrowful for the loss of their Rampires, who in one hours time had lost that, which with such labour they so long had been mak­ing: and many of their Engines being now displaced, they dispaired to take the City.

CHAP. XIII.
Of the Wall which the Roman Army built about Jerusalem in three days space.

TItus deliberated with his Captains what was to be done;Titus confu [...] ­eth with his Captains. and they that were most forward amongst them, thought it best with the whole Army to assault the Walls:N for that as yet the Jews had only fought with a part, and were not able to withstand the force of the whole Army, but would be all consumed with Darts and Arrows. The wiser sort perswaded Titus to repair his Rampires: but others counselled the coutrary, to hold themselves quiet there, and only to keep all places about, that no food should be conveyed into the City, and so famish it without fighting. For that the Jews being now desperate, and desirous to be slain, would not be overcome by force. But Titus, thought it dishonourable to lie idle with so huge an Army, and do nothing; yet he deemed it superfluous to fight with them who would willingly fight to be slain: and he could not make any Mounts, because he wanted Materials, and it was most difficult, of all to guard every place about the City, that none could go forth, for that it could O not be beleaguered round on every side, by reason of the difficult places and great com­pass [Page 735] A thereof, fearing also the dangers that might ensue, the Jews issuing out of the Ci­ty. For the Jews seeing their open ways possessed by the Romans, they would devise some secret ways, both urged thereunto by necessity, and also because they knew all places thereabout very well. And if so be that the Jews should secretly effect any thing to prejudice them, that then their Siege was like to continue so much the longer: so that he feared that the continuance of time would diminish the Glory of his Victory. For though all those ways might be taken, yet he preferred Speed before Certainty: and if so be he would use celerity and safety, then it was needful for him to compass the whole City round about with a Wall:Titus determi­neth to inclose the City with a Wall. for so all ways and passages might be blockt up, and the Jews seeing no hope of safety, should be compelled either to yield the Ci­ty, B or to be consumed with Famine. Nor by any other means could be secure, but by erecting Mounts; having that Wall to defend them. And if any one think that work difficult, and not to be atchieved, let him consider that it did not become the Romans to make a base and slender piece of work: and that no man in the World could without labour effect any great matter, but God only. Having with these speech­es encouraged his Captains, he caused them to lead the Souldiers, and dispose them all about these businesses. The Souldiers had as it were some divine vigour and cou­rage faln upon them: for not only the Captains parting the circuit amongst them, but the Souldiers also strove who should first effect their part; and every Souldier la­boured to please his Decurio,The Romans with ceasless labour build the Wall. the Decurio to content the Centurion, and Centurion C the Tribune, and the Tribune to please the chief Commander, and he to please Caesar, who every day went round about and beheld the Work: and so beginning at the place called the Assyrians Camp, where he was encamped, he drew a Wall all about, even to the new City; and from thence by Cedron and Mount Olivet; and so turned toward the South, and enclosed the Mountain with the Rock called Peristereonos, and the Hill next adjoyning thereunto which hangeth over Siloa: and from thence bending his Work to the West, he brought it down all along the Valley of the Fountain: from whence ascending to the Monument of Ananus the High-Priest, where Pompy pitched his Tents, he brought it about by the North side of the City, and coming along to the Village called Erebinthonicus, he compassed the Monument of Herod towards the East, D and so joyned the Wall to his Camp,One Wall of 39 Stounds, whereof one containeth 8 Furlongs or thereabout. where he began. This Wall was nine and thirty furlongs about. Without this Wall he built also thirteen Forts, every one ten furlongs in compass. And all this whole work was finished in three days space, which yet requi­red Months to have been built in: so that the celerity in the building thereof makes it scarcely credible.The Romans plant their courts of guard in several Ca­stles. The City being thus encompassed with a Wall, and Gaurds placed in every Fort, Titus himself continued to go round the first Watch, to see all things in good order: the second Watch he allotted to Alexander: and the third to the Cap­tains of the Legions, and the Watchmen appointed every one his turn to sleep: and so all night long some of them went about the Castle.E

CHAP. XIV.
Of the Famine in Jerusalem: and of the building of the second Rampire by the Romans.

THe restraint of liberty to pass in and out of the City, took from the Jews all hope of safety; and the Famine now increasing, consumed whole Housholds and Fami­lies: The houses and ways full of dead men. the Houses were full of dead Women and Infants; and the Streets of the Car­cases F of elder Men: and the young Men pale like Ghosts, walked about the Market-place, and fell down dead where it happened. And now the multitude of dead bo­dies was so great, that they that were alive could not bury them; nor indeed cared they for burying them, being now uncertain what should betide themselves. And many endeavouring to bury others,The dead lie unburied in the streets. fell down themselves dead upon them as they were burying them. Many being yet alive, went into their Graves and there died. Yet for all this Calamity, was there no weeping nor lamentation; for the Famine over­came all affections. And they who were yet living, without tears beheld those, who being dead were now at rest before them. There was no noise heard within the City, and the still night found all full of dead bodies: and which was most miserable of all, G the Thieves at night came and took away that which covered the dead bodies naked­ness, went laughing away, and in their bodies they proved their Swords, and upon [Page 736] pleasure only thrust many through,The year of the World, 4034. after the Nativity of Christ, 72. yet breathing. Yet if any desired them to kill H him, or to lend him a Sword to kill himself, that so he might escape the Famine, they denied him. And every one that died, as he was dying, fixed his Eyes upon the Temple, and beheld it with grief, leaving the Seditious behind them. But they no longer able to endure the stink of the dead bodies that lay corrupted on the ground,The cruelty of the Thieves a­gainst those that lie a dy­ing. first commanded that all such should be buried at the charges of the City: and at last finding no place wherein to bury them all, they threw them over the Walls into the Ditch. When Titus, going about the Walls, beheld all the Ditch filled with dead mens bodies,Titus lifting up his hands to heaven, cal­leth God to witness that the fault is not his. he lamented; and lifting up his hands to Heaven, called God to wit­ness, that it was not his doing. Such was the estate of the City. But the Romans when none of the Seditious durst make any more excursions, passed their time in I joy and mirth: for they neither suffered Famine nor sorrow, having abundance of Corn, and all other necessaries out of Syria, The Romans shew the Jews their abun­dance of vi­ctuals. and the Provinces adjoyning, and many standing before the Walls, aud shewing their abundance of Victuals to the Jews, did so much more increase their misery. Yet were not the Seditious people moved at these Cala­mities: wherefore Titus pitying the reliques of the Nation, and minding at least to save them that were left alive,Titus pitying the remainder of the Nation laboureth to save them. hasted to take the City; and so he begun anew to build Mounts, though he scarcely found matter to do it withal. For all the Wood neer the City was consumed in the first works; so that now the Souldiers were for­ced to fetch more Wood ninety furlongs off; and only against Antonia were erected in four places, four Mounts greater than the former. Caesar went about and hastened K the Workmen; and now shewed the Thieves that were fallen into his hands. Yet for all this,The blindness of the Jews. they would not repent: and being as it were deprived of the exercise of their Wits and Bodies, they used both as though borrowed, and not their own. For nei­ther did any affection move their minds, nor any grief there bodies: for they rent and tore the dead Bodies like Dogs, and filled the prisons with weak and languishing people.

CHAP. XV.L
Of the Massacre of the Jews, both within and without the City.

AT last,Simon's cruel­ty against Matthias and his Sons. Simon having tormented Matthias, put him to death notwithstanding that by his means he had obtained the City. This Matthias was the Son of Boethus a Priest, whom the people for his fidelity towards them greatly esteemed: he seeing the outrages of the Zealots towards the people after John was joyned with them, perswaded the people to call in Simon to help them, conditioning nothing with him before, for that they misdoubed no evil. And when he was come into the City, he held him for his Enemy as well as the rest; notwithstanding, that by his only advice he was received into the City, as though Matthias had only done it through weakness.M Wherefore calling him before the people, he accused him that he favoured the Romans, and so condemned him to die, not suffering him to clear himself. And he put to death likewise his three Sons with him, for the fourth was before this time fled to Titus. Matthias requested Simon that he might be put to death before his Sons: but Simon, in regard that by his means he had gotten the City, caused him to be ex­ecuted last of all. And so he was killed upon the murthered bodies of his Sons, in a place where the Romans might behold him: for so Simon commanded Ananus his Executioner, who was the Son of Bamadus. This man was the most cruel of all Simon's followers;Ananus one of the cruellest Souldiers a­bout Simon. who even when he was to kill Matthias, derided him, asking whether they could now help him, to whom he sought to fly: and he permitted not their bodies N to be buried. After them Ananias a Priest, the Son of Masbalus a Nobleman, and chief Secretary to the Council,Ananius the Priest, with fifteen of the noblest people slain. a valiant strong man, born at Emaus, and with him fifteen of the chiefest men in the City were put to death. They took also Joseph's Father and kept him in prison, and with the publick voice of a Crier proclaimed, that no man should talk with him,Josephs Fa­ther taken. nor visit him, pretending fear of Treason: and who­soever bewailed his estate,J [...]das consul­tation with his companions he was put to death without any Tryal. It happened that a certain man called Judas, the Son of Judas, who was one of Simon's Captains, and Governour of one of the Towers of the City, being moved with compassion to­wards these that perished without desert, and more with fear of his own life, assem­bled together ten of his most trusty Souldiers, and said to them: How long shall we en­dure O these Calamities? or what hope have we of life, in being obedient to the most impious of all [Page 737] A Famine consumes our City; the Romans are almost within our Walls, and Simon is cruel and faithless, even towards these that have well deserved at his hands, and we are in daily fear of his cruelty. On the contrary, the Romans keep their Faith inviolably. Wherefore let us deliver this Tower to them, and so save our selves and our City. And what punish­mnt c an Simon suffer which he ha's not deserved? The ten men to whom in this man­ner he brake his mind, agreed hereunto; and so he in the morning sent the rest of his Souldiers under his command into divers places, that they might not perceive his intent, and at the third hour of the day, standing upon the Tower, he called the Romans and told them his design. But some of the Romans proudly contemned the offer; others scarcely believed them, and the rest made no speed to come. In the mean B time while Titus with certain armed men came unto the Wall, Simon had notice of the matter,Joseph wound­ed in the head with a stone, the Rumour is spread through he City. and speedily got to the Tower, and slew those that were within, in the sight of the Romans, and cast down their bodies over the Wall. Joseph going about the Wall, and coming thither (for he never ceased requesting the Jews to remember their desperate estate) was struck on the head with a stone, and so amazed with the blow, that he fell down: whereupon presently the Jews made a Salley out of the City, and had carried him away prisoner into the City, had not Titus sent men to de­fend him: and whilst they fought, Joseph was carried away, scarcely knowing what was done. The Seditious with loud cries rejoyced, as having slain him whose death they chiefly desired; and so they reported within the City. Hereupon the people C were most sorrowfull, verily believing him to be slain, by whose intercession they had confidence of favour from the Romans.

When Josephs Mother, who was in prison, heard this, she said to those of Jotapata that were her Keepers, that she had no hope ever to see her Son again; and with ma­ny tears lamenting to her Maidens, Is this the benefit (said she) of my having born a Son,Joseph reco­vereth of his wound. that I shall not bury him, by whom I hoped to have been buried my self? But this false report did not long grieve her, nor comfort the Thieves: for Joseph was quickly healed of his wound, and recovered; and shewing himself, he cryed out to them, That ere long they should find he would be revenged on them for his wound; And he ceased not to exhort the people to remain faithful to the Romans. But the D Seditious seeing him alive were astonished,Many that fled from Famine at home, met with more speedy death among the Romans. and the people conceived good hope. Many (present necessity urging them) leapt over the Wall, and fled to the Romans; divers with stones going forth under pretence to fight with the Romans, yielded themselves; but they had worse Fortune there, than within the City; being now more harmed by plenty of Victuals which they found amongst the Romans, than with the Famine they suffered in the City: for being become by Famine all swollen, as though they had the Dropsie, upon the sudden filling of their empty Bodies they burst; and so all died, save only those who being wary, did by little and little accustom their bodies to food, which they had long wanted. Yet they who thus escaped, fell into another grievous misfortune: for one of the Jews that fled to the Romans, was found E amongst the Syrians, gathering Gold (out of his own dung) which he had swallowed, as is before said, for that the Seditious did search all, and take that they could find from them: and there was very great store of Gold in the City, so that that was sold for twelve Atticks, which before was worth twenty five. This device being disco­vered in one, presently a report was spread all over the whole Camp, that the Jews that fled from the City, came full of Gold. Whereupon the Arabians and Syrians ript up the Bellies of their poor suppliants, to see if they could find any Gold or Silver within them. And I am perswaded that there was no greater calamity befell the Jews than this:Two thou­sand Jews imbowelled in one night. Ti­tus displeased at this cursed act. for in one night the Bellies of two thousand Jews were ript up. Titus hearing of this cruelty, resolved to cause the Authors hereof to be compassed round with Horsemen, F and slain with Darts; and he had done it, had not the multitude of offenders much ex­ceeded that of the Jews that were so murthered. Wherefore, he called together the Leaders of these Auxiliary Troops, and the Roman Captains (for some of the Romans also had committed this fault) and said to them in anger, Is it possible that any amongst your Souldiers are so barbarous to commit such horrid Acts for uncertain gain, and are not ashamed to enrich themselves after so execrable a manner? what? shall the Arabians in these Wars against Strangers do what they please, and presently cause the infamy of their vile Facts to redound to the Romans, by committing such murthers, and exercising such cruelty against the Jews? (for now all that bare Arms under him, were defamed with this vile report) He declared to them, That such as G hereafter were found in that guilt, should be put to death. Also he commanded his own Legions to make enquiry, who were suspected among them for this matter, [Page 738] and to bring him word thereof. But avarice is not terrified by fear of punishment; cruel H people have naturally a desire of gain, and no passion can be compared to the desire of wealth; though sometimes it is bridled and restrained for fear. But now God who hath given over the people to Perdition, suffered all things to be turned to their destruction:Avarice is not terrified with any punish­ment. for that which Cesar did so strictly forbid, was still secretly commited upon the poor Jews that fled for mercy to the Romans. So that now whosoever fled out of the City, the Souldiers first looking about them, left any of the Romans should see them, ript up their Bellies, and so got an ungodly and impious booty; yet in very few did they find that they sought for; for the most of them that were slain, had no Gold nor Silver found within them. And this mischief caused many that had fled to the Romans to return again into the City.I

CHAP. XVI.
Of the Sacriledge committed about the Temple, and the dead Bodies cast out of the City, and of the Famine.

WHen John could rob no more,John falleh to Sacrildge and taketh a­way many Presents out of the Temple. nor get any spoil from the Citizens, whom he had robbed of all they had, he presently fell to Sacriledge, and took away ma­ny of the gifts that had been offer'd to God in the Temple, and of the Sacred Vessels K appointed for Divine Service, as Cups, Plates, Tables, and the Cruets of Gold that Augustus and his Wife had sent thither. Thus a Jew robbed and spoiled the Tem­ple of those tokens of respect, wherewith the Roman Emperours and other Nations had honoured it: and he had the boldness to affirm to his Associates, that without fear they might use the Holy things of the Temple, seeing they sought for God and the Temple. Moreover, he dar'd to share amongst them the Holy Wine and Oyl, which the Priests kept for Divine Sacrifice in the inner part of the Temple. I will not cease to speak that which grief compelleth me: I verily think, that had the Romans forborn to have punished so great Criminals, either the Earth would have swallowed the City up, or some deluge have drowned it, or else the Thunder and Lightning which L con [...]umed Sodom, would have light upon it: for the people of the City were far more impious than the Sodomites. In brief, their wickedness and impiety were the cause that the whole Nation was extinguished. What need I recount every particular mi­sery? Mannaeus the Son of Lazarus, flying to Titus out of the Gate that was commit­ted to his custody, and yielding himself to him, related to Titus, that from the time that the Roman Army encamped near the City, from the fourteenth day of April un­til the first of July were carried out of that Gate he kept, a hundred and fifteen thousand eight hundred and fourscore dead bodies; and nevertheless, he had reckoned only those, the number of whom he was obliged to know by reason of a Publick Distribution, of which he had the charge. For others were buried by their Parents; and this was their M burial,Six hundred thousand dead carcases cast out of the Ci­ty. to carry them out of the City, and there let them lie. And certain Noble­men flying to Titus after him, reported that there were dead in the City six hundred thousand poor people which were cast out of the Gates; and that the others that died were innumerable: and that when so many died that they were not able to bury them, that then they gathered the Bodies together in the greatest houses adjoyning, and there shut them up. And that a bushel of Corn was sold for a Talent, which is six hundred Crowns: and that since the City was compassed with a Wall by the besiegers they could not go out to gather any more herbs, so that many were driven to that necessity, that they raked Sinks and privies to find old dung of Oxen to eat; and even the dung that was loathsome to behold,Cow-dung and dirt ga­thered toge­ther is the Jews food. was their meat. The Romans hearing this, were moved N to compassion; yet the Seditious within the City, who beheld this miserable sight, were nothing moved, nor repented, but suffered them to brought to this Calamity: for their hearts were so blinded by God, that they perceiv'd not the precipice into which they were going to fall with all this miserable City.O

A The SEVENTH BOOK Of the WARS of the JEVVS,

The Contents of the Chapters of the Seventh Book.
  • 1 OF the breach made in the Walls, and how the Mounts were fired: and how Sabinus assaaulted the Wall.
  • 2 How the Romans assaulted Antonia, and were repulsed by the Jews.
  • 3 Of the exceeding valour of Julian a Roman Souldier.
  • 4 Joseph's speech perswading the Jews to yield their City, and how the Jews fled to the C Romans.
  • 5 Of another Battel, the Rampiers being again built: and of the excursions of the Jews.
  • 6 How the Romans were by a device of the Jews destroyed with fire.
  • 7 Of the Famine amongst the Jews.
  • 8 Of a Woman that for hunger did eat her own Son.
  • 9 How the Walls were taken, and the Temple burnt.
  • 10 How the Temple was set on fire against Titus his will.
  • 11 Of the Priests, the Treasure-house, and the Porch.
  • 12 Of the Signs and Tokens which appeared before the destruction of the City.
  • 13 Of Titus his Rule and Government; and how the Priests were s [...]ain.
  • D 14 Of the prey of the Seditious: and the burning of the inner part of the City.
  • 15 How the higher part of the City was assaulted, and how some of the Jews fled to Titus.
  • 16 How the rest of the City was taken.
  • 17 Of the number of the Captives, and of those that were slain.
  • 18 A brief History of the City of Jerusalem.
  • 19 How the Souldiers were rewarded.
  • 20 Of Vespasians sayling away, and how Simon was taken: and of the spectacles, and shews made upon Vespasians birth-day.
  • 21 Of the calamity of the Jews amongst the Antiochians.
  • 22 How Vespasian at his return was received by the Romans.
  • E 23 Of Domitians acts against the Germans and Frenchmen.
  • 24 Of the River Sabbaticus; and of the famous triumph of Vespasian and Titus.
  • 25 How Herodium and Machera were taken by Bassus.
  • 26 Of the Jews that were slain by Bassus: and how Judea was sold.
  • 27 Of the death of King Antiochus: and how the Allans broke into Armenia.
  • 28 How Massada, the strongest Castle of all, was taken and destroyed.
  • 29 Of the death of the Sicat [...]i, or murtherers, that fled into Alexandria and Thebes.
  • 30 How the Temple which Onias built at Alexandria was shut up.
  • 31 Of the Massacre of the Jews at Cyrene.

F CHAP. I.
Of the breach made in the Walls: and how the the Mounts were burned: and how Sabinus assaulted the Wall.

THE misery of Jerusalem every day increased, the Seditious being by reason of their misery more and more incited against the people: For now the Famine was not only amongst the People, but amongst them also. And it was a mi­serable G sight to see the multitude of dead Bodies heaped together in the City, (from which came a pestilent and infectious smell) so that they hindred the Souldiers from [Page 740] making excursions. For they were forced to tread upon dead bodies, as though H there had been a Battel fought within the Walls. But the hardness of their hearts was such, that so hideous a spectacle did not affect them, nor make them consider, that very shortly themselves should increase the number of those, whom they trampled on with so great inhumanity.The multitude of Carcasses heaped in the City, is hide­ous to behold. After having in a Domestick War embru'd their hands in the Blood of those of their own Nation, they thought of nothing but imploying them a­gainst the Romans in a foreign War: wherein they seemed to reproach God for delay­ing to punish them, since it was no longer hope of overcoming, but despair, which in­spir'd them with this Boldness.The Jews up­braided God, in that he so long delayed to punish them. The Romans though much troubled to get Wood to build withal, yet in one and twenty days finisht their Mounts, having cut down all the Woods near the City for ninety Furlongs. It was miserable to behold that Coun­try I and place,Judea a de­sart and deso­late. formely all beset with Trees and Fertile plants, now lying plain like a Desart: neither was there any stranger that before-time had seen Judea and the beautiful Suburbs of Jerusalem, who now beholding it, could abstain from tears, and not lament so woful a change. For this War extinguished utterly all signs of beauty: neither could one coming suddenly know the place, which he well knew be­fore

When the Mounts were finisht,The Jews and Romans are equally afraid. both the Romans and the Jews greatly fear­ed: the Jews, for that except they were destroyed, their City would be presently taken; the Romans, for that if these were overthrown, they knew not how to erect more, wanting matter: and now their bodies were wearied with labour, and their K minds discouraged with many incommoditis. But the Romans were more grieved at the calamity of the City, than the Citizens within: for the Jews, notwithstanding these miseries,The Romans most of all fear the despe­rateness of the Jews. did nevertheless stoutly defend their Walls: but the courage of the Romans failed, when they saw that the Jews policy made their Mounts unprofitable; that the strength of the Wall resisted the Engines, that the Jews boldness overcame their strength in fight: and especially, seeing that the Jews having endured such Calamity, Famine, and Misery, were still more couragious than before: so that they deemed their strength not possible to be overcome; and that their minds were invincible, be­ing hardned and encouraged by misery. What would they do (said they) if For­tune were favourable to them, since even now she is contrary to them, all that she does L to abate their courage serves onely to confirm them in their resolutions? Wherefore the Romans made a stronger Watch about their Mounts. But Johns followers who were in the Castle Antonia, fearing what might ensue if the Wall were battered, endeavoured to prevent it what they could, before the Rams were set up: and taking fire-brands in their hauds,The Jews with fire-brands set upon the En­gines: but lo­sing their hope return back again. they assaulted the Mount; but deceived with a vain hope, they were forc'd to retreat. For first of all, they seemed to disagree among themselves; so that they came from their Walls one after another in little parties, and by consequence softly and fearfully, and briefly, not after the manner of the Jews, but with less courage then they were wont. On the other side, they found the Romans better prepared: and more couragious than of late,The valour and violence of the Jews decreaseth who so defended their Mounts with their Bodies and M Weapons, that it was not possible for the Jews to come and fire them; and eve­ry one was fully determined not to shrink out of his place till he was flain. For be­sides that, if this work were destroyed, they had no hope left to build more, they all accounted it a shame, that their vertue should be overcome by surprize, or their valour by rashness and temerity, or their skill by a multitude, or the Romans by the Jews. Also they had Engines to cast Darts at them as they came down their Walls. And when any one of the Jews that was slain fell down,The Jews re­tire, arguing one another of cowardize. he hindred them that followed; and the danger of him that went before, terrified those that came after. They also that rashly adventured within the shot of a Dart, either were terrified with the discipline, and multitude of their Enemies, or else wounded with their Darts: and so they all retired N one accusing another of cowardliness, having atchieved nothing.

The first day of July the City was assaulted▪ The assault of the City the first day of July. and the Jews being now retired, the Romans set up their Rams, notwithstanding that they were assaulted from Antonia with stones, fire and Sword, and whatsoever their Enemies in that extremity could find. For though the Jews had great confidence in their Walls, that they could not be battered, yet would they not permit the Romans to place their Rams against them. And the Romans being perswaded that the Jews so laboured, because they knew their Walls to be weak, and lest Antonia by the breach of the Wall should be hurt; the Romans resolutely and undauntedly (notwithstanding that many Darts were cast at them from off the Walls) persisted to beat the Wall with their Rams. But when they saw O that their Rams, though uncessantly playing, could make no breach, they resolved to [Page 741] A undermine the Wall, and accordingly, covering themselves with their bucklers a­gainst the Stones thrown by the Jews upon them, some with their hands pulled the stones out of the Wall; some digged under the foundation thereof, till four stones of the Tower with much labour were broken and shaken. But the night hindered both parties from doing any more at that time, but soon after the Wall shaken with the Ram (in the place which John had undetermined to destroy the Mounts) fell down. This fell out otherwise than either part expected: For the Jews, who had caused indeed to be sor­rowful for the fall of the Wall, and that they had not prevented this mischance, yet were as joyful and couragious, as if Antonia still remained firm and strong: And the joy of the Romans for this unexpected fall soon ceased,No man durst ascend the Wall that John built. when they saw the other Wall that B John had built within. Yet they judged it easier to be taken then the former; but no man durst ascend it; because those who first assaulted it could not hope to come off alive. Titus, thinking that by hope and perswasion his Souldiers might be encoura­ged, and knowing that many times promises and exhortations make men forget dan­ger, and sometimes to contemn death it self, he called together the most valiant of all his Army, and spake to them as followeth:

Fellow Souldiers,Titus's exhor­tation to the most valiant and strongest. It were a shamfull thing to exhort men to enterprize a thing without dan­ger, both to them that are exhorted, and to him that exhorts: for exhortations are only to be used in doubtful Affairs, where it is prais-worthy for every man to adventure himself. I confess it is a hardy attempt to ascend the Wall: yet it is also a glorious death to die in C such a fight, and especially, it becometh those that are desirous to win honour; and that they that first adventure valiantly to do it, shall not go away unrewarded. And first let this move you,The patient minds of the Jews, and their constan­cy in misfor­tunes. which terrifieth others, to wit, the patient mind of the Jews, and their constan­cy in adversity. For it is a shame for the Roman Souldiers, who in time of peace exercise themselves in Warlike Feats, and are accustomed in time of War to get the Victory, now to be overcome by the Jews, and that at the end of the War▪ we having also God to help us: for all our harms proceed from the Jews desperation; and their destruction and calamity by Gods favour and your valour is every day promoted. For what else is betokened by their se­dition amongst themselves, their Famine, the fall of their Walls without our Engines to bat­ter them, and the siege it self, but the wrath of God towards them, and his favour towards us? D Wherefore it is unseemly for you either to give place to your inferiours, or to neglect Gods fa­vour and furtherance.The wrath of God against the Jews, is the Romans furtherance. Is it not a shame that the Jews, who, were they conquered, would sustaine no great reproach, as being accustomed to serve and obey others, should so valianty contemn death lest they should hereafter suffer or endure the like; and many times boldly adventure and make excursions even amongst the midst of us, not out of hope to overcome us but only to shew their valour? and that we, who have conqured almost the Earth and Sea, to whom it is an infamy not to be victorious, lie idle never make valiant assault upon our Enemies, but being thus armed, expect till Fortune and Famine, deliver them into our hands? Especially, seeing that by undergoing a little danger, all will b [...] ours. If we get into Antonia, we have taken the City. For suppose that we were then to fight against them that are with­in E the City (which I do not think) then having gotten the higher part of the City) and being above our Enemies head we are assured of a perfect victory over them. I omit now the commendations deserved of those who have been slain in Wars,Titus speaks of the life to come, after a poetical man­ner. and whom immor­tal Glory keeps alive always in the memory of men of this life: and those that do not so think, and whose Souls and bodies descend together into the grave, I pray, that they may die of some evil death in peace. For what valiant man knoweth not, that the Soul of him that dies in War, is presently received into the most pure Airy Element, and from thence carried and placed among the Stars of Heaven, from whence their heroick Souls appear to their poste­rity as blessed Spirits to animate them to vertue by the desire of possessing the same Glory one day? And that those [...] peace die of some disease and sickness, their Souls are kept in F the bowels of the Earth in darkness, notwithstanding that they be most Just and Pure, and presently they are forgotten, and their life and memory together with them extinguished? Seeing therefore that we are all certain to die, and that to die by the Sword is a more easie death, than to die by any disease, why should we deprive our selves of this opportunity, see­ing that at last we must necessarily quit our lives as a due debt to the destinies? This I have spoken as though it were impossible to escape with life, but they that bear the minds of men, can find means to save themselves even in the greatest dangers. For first of all, that part of the Wall that is faln may easily be entred,The reward of valiant men. and the Wall new-built is not hard to be thrown down: and many of you together enterprizing this work, may one exhort and help another, and your audacity and courage will quickly daunt the Enemies, and perhaps we may succeed G without great loss in so Glorious an enterprize. For they will no more resist us if we once ascend the Wall: and let us but effect any one exploit either secretly or openly, and the Jews [Page 742] will never more endure us, though we be but few in number. I engage my self so to reward H him, that first enters upon the breach, that all the Army shall envy his happiness: for if he sur-Survice, he shall command those that are now his equals; and who so is slain in this quarrel, I will do him great honour.

Though these words of so generous a Commander were enough to inflame the cold­est brests,Sabinus a man of a low Sta­ture, yet both in hand and heart valiant. yet the greatness of the danger had made such an impression in their minds, that no body presented himself to go to the breah c but one Sabinus, a Syrian, a man of excellent courage; yet of so small stature, that by his outward appearance one would have deemed him unfit to have been a Souldier: for he was of very small sta­ture and of black colour, but he had a mind far greater than his body, and strength scarce able to be contained in so little room. Sabinus rising up, said; I offer my self I to thee, O Caesar, first of all to ascend the Wall, and that with a willing mind; and I wish your good fortune may second my affection. Sabinus with eleven men approacheth the Wall. But though it should not so fall out, but I hap­pen to be slain before I get to the top of the breach, yet I shall have succeeded in my design; since I propose nothing to my self but the Glory and happiness of imploying my life for your service. When he had so said, he took his Shield in his left hand, and holding it above his head, with his drawn Sword in his Right hand, about the sixth hour of the day, he went to the Wall: and eleven men followed him, who only imitated his vertue. But Sabinus with a divine fervour of Spirit went before them all; notwithstanding, that on every side the Jews upon the Wall cast an infinite number of Darts at him, and rowl'd down upon him huge Stones, which K struck down some of the eleven that followed him. But Sabinus for all the Darts and Arrows stopt not,The power of Fortune. till such time as he had got to the top of the Wall, and put the Enemies to flight: who, terrified with his boldness and courage, and indeed thinking that more had come up after him, fled. But who may not justly blame Fortune, as taking pleasure to cross heroick actions? Sabinus, after having so gloriously executed his enter­prise, was struck with a Stone, and thrown down flat upon his face most violently with a great noise: so that now the Jews seeing him alone, and lying on the ground, re­turned again, and shot at him on every side: and he kneeling upon his knees, and covering himself with his shield Strove to revenge himself upon his Enemies, and wounded many that came near him,Sabinus with three compa­nions slain. till with wounding them, he was so weary, that L he could strike no longer; and so at last he was slain: Thus the success was answerable to the difficulty of the Enterprise, although his vertue merited one more happy. Of those of his company, three having almost got to the top of the Wall, were slain with Stones; and the other eight being wounded, were carried back to the Camp. And this was done the third day of July.

CHAP. II.
How the Romans assaulted Antonia, and how they were driven back from thence by the Jews.M

TWo days after,The Romans invade Anto­nia. twenty of the Souldiers which guarded the Mounts, two Horse­men, and an Ensigne of the fifth Legion with a Trumpeter, gathered themselves together: and about the ninth hour of the night they ascended by the ruines into An­tonia without any resistance: and finding the first Watch-men asleep, they slew them and got the Wall, and commanded the Trumpeter to sound; by which sound the rest of the Watch-men being awak'd fled for fear, imagining that a great number of the Ro­mans was gotten upon the Wall: Titus haueing notice of it presently gathered his Souldiers together, and accompanied with his chief Captains, and his Guards, he ascended the Wall. The Jews fled into the inner Temple, and the Romans broke in N amongst them by the Mine that John had made to destroy the Mounts of the Romans. The followers both of John and Simon fought couragiously to drive them Back:A most stout fight about the entrance of the inner Temple. for they thought it the utter ruin of all, if the Romans got into the Holy-place, which in­deed was of importance to their victory. So they began a sharp fight in the very en­trance; The Strait­ness of the place was in­commodions for the fight. the Romans striving to get the inner Temple, and the Jews endeavouring to beat them back towards Antonia. And now Arrows, Darts, and Spears, nothing availed either part, but they fought it out at handy blows with Swords: and in the conflict no man could discern on which side any one fought; for the Souldiers on both parts were mingled together, and through the straitness of the place, could not keep O their ranks: for there was such a noise that no man could hear one another, and many [Page 743] A were slain on both parts: and the dead bodies of those that were slain on both parts, and their Weapons falling with them, hurt many that trod upon them; and whosoever had the worst they presently cryed out pitifully, and the Victours shouted for joy: neither was there any place to fly, or follow, the fight was such, that now one had the better, and now the other. Moreover, they that stood in the forefront of the Battel, were either of necessity to kill or be killed, for there was no void space left be­tween the two Armies. At last the rage and despair of the Jews overcame the valour of the Romans, and they were all beaten back (having fought from the ninth hour of the night, unto the seventh hour of the day.) The Jews were encouraged to fight for fear they should be overcome. And this part of the Roman Army (for as yet the Le­gions B were not come) thought it sufficient at that time to have gotten the Castle of Antonia.

CHAP. III.
Of the incredible valour of Julian a Roman Captain.

THere was one Julian, Julian's fa­mous forti­tude. a Centurion, born in Bithynia, of good parentage, who C was the most valiant dextrous and strongest man that I knew in all this War. This Julian seeing the Romans to have the worst, as he was standing by Titus in An­tonia, he presently leapt down, and all alone charged the Jews who had the Victory, and made them retire into the inner Temple▪ and the whole multitude fled, deeming him by his force and courage, not to have been a man. But he amongst the midst of them, slew whomsoever he light on, one of them for haste casting down another. So that this his deed seemed admirable to Cesar, and terrible to his Enemies. Yet did that destiny befall him which no man could foresee,Julian run­ning, falls up­on the pave­ment. for having his shoes full of Nails, as other Souldiers have, and running upon the pavement, he slipt and fell down, his Armour in the fall D making a great noise: whereupon his Enemies, who before fled, turned again upon him. The Romans in Antonia fearing his life, cryed out: but the Jews [...]ny at once, struck at him with Swords and Spears. He warded off many blows with his Shield; and many times attempting to rise, they struck him down again: yet as he lay, he wounded many; neither was he quickly slain, because all parts of his body were ve­ry well armed, and he cover'd his head wi [...]h his buckler, but no man helping him, his strength failed.Julians death Cesar was very sorrowful to see a man of so great fortitude slain in the sight of such a multitude, and that the place wherein he was, hindred him from helping him: and that others that might have helped him, durst not for fear.

At last, when Julian had a long time striven with Death, and wounded many of E them that assaulted him, he was with much ado killed, leaving behind him a renowned memory, not only amongst the Romans, but also amongst his Enemies. The Jews [...]ook his dead body, and beat back the Romans, and shut them up within Antonia. In this Battel Alexas and Gypthaeus, Valiant Soul­diers amongst the Jews▪ two of Johns faction, and of Simons faction Ma­lachias and Judas, the Son of Merton, and James the Son of Sosa Captain of the Idu­means, and two brethren of the Zealots, the Sons of Jairus, Simon, and Judas, sig­naliz'd themselves.

F CHAP. IV.
Josephs speech, perswading the Jews to yield the City: many of them fled unto the Romans.

AFter that Titus had commanded his Souldiers to ruine the foundations of Antonia, and make an easie entrance for the whole Army, he called Joseph to him (for he understood, that that day, being the seventeenth of July, the Jews were wont to ce­lebrate a certain Feast to God, which they called Entelech [...]smus, that is to say, the break­ing of the Tables; and that they were much troubled that they could not celebrate the [...]ame) and again commanded him to tell John, as he had formerly done, That if he G desired to fight, he should have liberty to come with what multitude he pleased, so that the City and the Temple might not both perish with him; that he ought to de­sist [Page 744] from prophaning the Holy-place, and from sinning against God: and that if he so H pleased, he would grant him leave to Celebrate the Feast which had been now long time omitted, and that by what company he would. Joseph to the intent that not only John might hear this offer of Titus, but also the rest of the people, got upon an emi­nent place,Titus willeth John to come out to fight, lest with him the City and temple should perish also. from whence he might be heard, and in the Hebrew tongue declared to the Jews Caesars pleasure, earnestly requesting them to spare their Country, and pre­vent the fire now ready to take hold of their Temple, and to offer the accustomed Sa­crifices to God. When he had thus said, the people were very sorrowful, and all held their peace, not daring to speak. But the Tyrant John, having used many rail­ing speeches against Joseph, John raileth a­gainst Joseph at last answered, that he need not fear the destruction of the Temple and City, seeing that it belouged to God.I

Then Joseph with a loud voice cryed out, True it is, you have kept it pure and unpro­phaned for God, and the Holy-things you have kept inviolate, neither have you committed any iniquity against him, from whom you expect help, but have offered solemn Sacrifice unto him. If any man should take from you your daily food, no doubt you would account him your Enemy: And can you then hope that God, whom you have deprived of daily Sacrifice, will assist you in this War? Do you impute these offences to the Romans? why they even now de­fend our Religion, and command the Sacrifice to be offered, which you have forbidden. Who doth not bewail this unexpected change, and lament our City? Strangers and Enemies correct your impiety, and you a Jew born, and brought up in our Law, are more cruel than they. But consider, John, it is no shame to repent your wickedness in extremity: and at K the last,Jechonias su­stained a vo­luntary ba­nishment in Babylon. If you be desirous to save your Country; you have a good example of Jechonias, sometime King of the Jews; Who, when the Babylonians warred against him, of his own ac­cord went out of the City before it was taken, and willingly endured Captivity with all his Family and Kindred only, to hinder the ruine of the City, the profanation of the Holy-things, and the burning of the Temple. And for this act of his, he is of Sacred memory among the Jews, and hath thereby gained immortal praise amongst all posterity. This is a good exam­ple, O John, now danger is at hand: and I will promise you pardon from the Romans, con­sider that I your Country-man admonish you and promise this unto the Jews: and that in the name of Caesar. God forbid, that ever I should be such a wretch as to forget whence I took my birth, and what love I ought to have for the Laws of my Country. Yet, you are incens­ed L against me, and exclaim on me, and curse me. True it is, I deserve worse than this; because I seek to perswade contrary to the determination of Gods providence,The City, by the ordinance of fate and Gods will was to be over­thrown. and strive to save them whom his sentence hath condemned. Who is ignorant of the writings of the anci­ent Prophets and their Prophecies, wherein this wretched City is foretold to be destroyed by those that being born Jews murther our own Nation: and now not only the City, but also the Temple is full of your dead bodies? Certainly, it is God that joyns with the Romans, to expiate all these Abominations with fire.

Joseph thus discoursing with Tears and Lamentations,Josephs speech is interrupted with sighs. could speak no more for sighing: And the Romans compassionating his sorrow and affliction, were astonished. But John and his confederates were so much the more incited against the Romans, and M sought to take Joseph; yet his speech mov'd many of the Nobles; and divers fearing the Seditious Guards remained still where they were, making full account both of their own destruction, and the subversion of the City. Yet some there were, who finding opportunity, fled to the Romans: amongst whom were two Priests, Joseph and Jesus; and three Sons of Ismael the Priest, who was beheaded at Cyrena, and the fourth Son of Matthias the Priest, who escaped to the Romans before his father was put to death by Simon Giora, Some of the Nobility a­mong the Jews escape to the Ro­mans. with his three other Sons, as is before related: many other Nobles also came away with the Priests, whom the Emperour received very courteously, and sent them to Gophna; knowing that it was a grief to them to converse amongst people of different manners from them; and he willed them to remain there,N and promised every one of them great possessions after the War was ended. So they joyfully departed to the place appointed: but the Seditious, because they were not seen, reported to the people, that they who had fled to the Romans were slain, design­ing hereby to terrifie the rest from flying to them:Caesar's huma­nity towards the Jews. and thus their device a while pre­vailed, as their former did; and they that fain would, durst not now fly for fear. But afterward,Those Jews that were fled besought the besieged with tears and sighs to submit themselves. when Titus recalled them from Gophna, and commanded them to go about the Walls with Joseph, and shew themselves to the people; then many more of the Jews fled to the Romans.

And after they had gathered themselves together, standing all before the Romans, they besought the Seditious with tears to receive the Romans into the City, and save O their Country: or if this pleased them not, at least to depart out of the Temple, and [Page 745] A to deliver it up to them. For the Romans durst not, except necessity urged them thereto, fire the holy Temple. But their malice against the Romans encreasing, they fell to railing against those that had fled to them, and planted all their Engines to cast Stones, Darts, and Arrows upon their Holy-Porches. So that all the void space about the Temple was filled with dead bodies like a Burying-place,Titus willeth John to come out to fight, lest with him the City and Temple should perish also. and the Temple it self resembled a Citadel, and they now with their Weapons, having their hands imbrew­ed with the blood of their Country-men, presumed to enter into the Sanctuary where none ought to come: and they became so injurious against their own Laws, that what indignation the Jews ought to have conceived against the Romans, if they had so pro­phaned the Holy-places, the same they caused the Romans to have against them for do­ing B the like. For there was not one amongst the Roman Souldiers, that did not with re­verence behold the Temple,John raileth a­gainst Joseph. and adore it, and that did not heartily wish that the Thieves would repent themselves before it was too late. Moreover, Titus pittying the Seditious, once again spoke to John, and his adherents, saying: O ye impious people, have not your Ancestors invironed the Temple about with a Ballester, and erected Pillars whereon are engraven Greek and Roman Letters, forbidding all men to enter into those limits? and Did not we licence you to kill any man that should pass them, though he were a Ro­man? What rage then is it which carryes you wicked wretches, to pollute the Temple with the blood not only of strangers, but of your Country-men? I call my Country Gods to witness, and him who sometime dwelt in this Place, (I say sometime, for now I am perswaded there C is none;) Titus in de­spight of the Jews, Strives to save the Temple. I call also my Army to witness, and protest to the Jews that are with me, and to your selves, That I have no share in this profanation: but that if your Army will depart this Holy-place, that then no Roman shall come into the Sanctuary, nor commit any thing of contumely of them, but I will preserve this famous Temple for you against your wills.

CHAP. V.
Another assault given by the Romans to the Jews who defended the Temple.

D TItus having spoken thus, and caused Joseph to tell them in Hebrew what he said to them, the Seditious thinking that the same proceeded not of good will, but of fear, began to be more proud thereupon. Then Titus, seeing they neither pitied themselves, nor the Temple, determined again to use force, though very loth so to do; yet could he not bring all his Army against them, the Room was so little. Wherefore out of every Company he made choice of thirty of the strongest among them,Titus chose thirty out of every hundred, most strong and able men, and bids them charge the besieged. and over every thousand he apointed a Tribune, and made Cerealis their Cap­tain or General, commanding him at the ninth hour of the night to assault the Guard of the Enemy. Also he himself would have gone with them; but his friends, and the E Captains about him, considering the great danger he might fall into, would not per­mit him: but represented to him, that he might do more good by staying in Antonia, and encouraging the Souldiers that fought, then if he should go and endanger him­self: for every man being in the view of the Prince, would fight more couragiously. Titus was herewith perswaded, and told the Souldiers that the only cause he went not with them was this, that he stayed behind to view and judg of every ones valour, to the intent that none that behaved himself valiantly might go away unrewarded, nor a­ny Coward escape unpunished; but that he himself might be a beholder of every mans vertue. Having thus spoken he commanded the assault to be given.

Then he went up a Watch-Tower in Antonia, from whence he beheld what was F done.Titus beholds from a window in Antonia what his Souldiers per­forme. But they whom Titus sent did not find the Guards asleep, as they hoped; but with a great shout they received the Romans that came against them: and at this noise they awaked their fellows, who came in whole Companies to assist them, and made a Salley upon their Enemies. So the Romans sustained the violence of their first Companies: but the second that came, fell upon their own fellows, and used them like Enemies: for no man could know one anothers voice for the noise, neither could one see another by reason it was night: and moreover, some were blinded with fury, some with anger, some with fear; so that every one struck him that met him, without any respect. The Romans received small damage thereby, because that they were defended with their Shields, and remembred one anothers Watch-word. G But the Jews fell on every side, shewing themselves rash as well in the charge as in their rallying; so that many times one of them took the other to be his Enemy. And [Page 746] falling upon those that rallyed, as though they had been Romans, assaulting them in H the dark. Briefly, more were wounded by their fellows than by their Enemies, till, day breaking, every one knew his companion; and then falling into ranks they betook themselves to their Darts and Arrows. Neither part gave back, nor was wearied with labour: but many Romans together and apart, did in the view of the Prince shew their courage, every man accounting that day the beginning of his prefer­ment, if he behaved himself valiantly. The Jews fought stoutly, both for that they feared their own Imminent danger, if they were overcome, and the destruction of the Temple: and John standing by, encouraged them to fight, some with blows, and others with threatnings. They fought almost all with handy blows; yet fortune often changed: for neither part had either far to fly, or any space to follow those that fled.I The Romans in Antonia cried to their fellows that fought the Battel,The events of Battle are changed very shortly. Now for the Victory: encouraging them to stand to it, when they began to give back; so that An­tonia was as a Theatre for this Battel: for Titus, and they with him, beheld all that was done. At last, in the fifth hour of the day the fight ceased, having continu­ed from the ninth hour of the night, neither party forsaking the place where first they began Battel, nor any part having the Victory. Many Romans there fought couragiously, and amongst the Jews these that follow: Judas the Son of Merton; Simon the Son of Josias; and Jacob and Simon, Idumeans; this, the Son of Cathla, but Jacob the Son of Sosa: these were of Simons company: And of Johns followers, Gipthaeus and Alexas; and of the Zealots, Simon the Son of Jairus. But on the seventh day, the Ro­mans K pulling down the Foundations of Antonia, made a large entrance for the rest of the Army; and the Legions coming to the Wall, presently began to raise Mounts; one against the corner of the inner Temple,Four Mounts raised near to the Temple. which was situate between the North and East: another against the Gallery on the North side, betwixt the two Porches: and other two, one a­gainst the Porch of the West side of the outward Temple; and another against the North Porch. So with much toyl and labour they finisht this work, fetching wood to build it with one 100 Furlongs off. And many times they were endamaged [...] Ambushes, not be­ing wary by reason of their co [...]fidence: and the Jews despairing of themselves every hour, more and more were encouraged. For many of the Horsmen going to get either wood or hay,The Jews sur­prize the Ro­mans Horses. while they were about it, took the Bridles from off their Horses, and permitted L them to feed till they had ended their business; and presently the Jews issuing out in troops upon them took them away.

Titus seeing that this fell out, deemed (as indeed it was) that his mens Horses were stoln rather by their negligence, than their Enemies valour: wherefore he thought by the severe punishment of one, to make others look better to their Horses. And so he put to death one of the Souldiers that had lost his Horse: by whose punishment the rest of the Souldiers being terrified, kept their Horses better. For after that, when they went about any business, they never left their Horses in the pastures, but kept al­ways with them. Thus the Romans assaulted the Temple, and built their Mounts. The day following, certain of the Seditious, who now could get no more booties in the City,M and also began to be pinch'd with hunger, assaulted the Romans that were placed to­wards Mount Olivet, about the eleventh hour of the day: for they hoped to take them unawares, as being at dinner. But the Romans perceiving their intent, came out of their places, and resisted them who attempted voilently to break in upon them over the Wall:The fight of the Jews and the Romans; near unto the Mount Eleo. so that there was a hot fight; and many other deeds were done on either party, the Romans having both courage & skill in warlike affairs. The Jews were led with de­sperate fury: and necessity and shame forced the Romans to fight. For the Romans ac­counted it a shame not to overcome the Jews; and the Jews thought it the only way to save their own lives, to break down the Wall by force. One of the Horsmen called Peda­nius did a thing almost incredible, the Jews being put to flight, and driven into the Val­ley,N Pedanius, a strong and ex­pert Horseman he pursued them with his Horse as fast as he could gallop, and overtook a young man one of his Enemies, being heavy of body, and armed all over; and taking him by the an­kle, he carried him violently away (thereby shewing the strength of his arm & his skilful Horsemanship) and so brought the Captive to Caesar, as a present. Titus amiring Pedanius his strength,The captive punished. and punishing the Captive for having attempted to assault the Wall, he hasted to assail the Temple, and commanded the workmen quickly to dispatch the Mounts. In the mean time the Jews being ill handled in the former encounters, which still increasing to the overthrow of the Temple, they did, as the custom is in a putrified body, prevent the Plague from going any further, by cutting off the corrupted members. For that part of the Porch that reached from the North to the East, joyned to Antonia: which they O firing, separated twenty Cubits from it, having now with their own hands begun to cast fire into the Holy-place.

[Page 747] A Two days after, which was the 24 day of the aforesaid Month, the Romans set the Porch on fire, and the fire having gone fourteen Cubits, the Jews pull'd down the top thereof, and not desisting from their accustomed works, they pull'd down all adjoyning to Antonia; when it was easie for them, and that they ought to have hindred the fire. The Porch being on fire, they permitted so much to be burned, as they thought good for their purpose. The fight about the Temple never ceased, but many Excursions were made each against the other.

About this time a certain Jew of low stature,The Romans burnt the por­ches of the Temple. and in appearance a contemptible per­son, every way an abject, both by reason of his base Parentage, and otherwise, named Jonathan, The Jews are too [...]ack in putting out the fire. going to the Monument of John the Priest, dared the strongest amongst the B Romans to come and fight a single combat with him. The Romans that beheld him, disdained him: Yet some amongst them (as it is commonly seen) were afraid of him: others wisely deemed,Jonathan pro­vokes the stout­est Roman to a single combat that they ought not to fight with one that was desirous to dye: because they that are desperate, neither fight advisedly, nor have the fear of God before their Eyes: and consequently, that it was not a sign of Valour, but of overmuch hardi­ness, to fight with such a one, whom though they overcame, yet they could win no credit, but only hazard themselves to be vanquisht. So a long time none of the Romans came against him; and he upbraided them of cowardliness. At last, an arrogant and proud fellow,Pudens fight­ing with Jona­than, is slain by him. one of the Roman horsemen, named Pudens, disdaining his insolency, C and perhaps also for that he was of little stature, came against him: but in fighting with him Fortune was unfavourable to him, for hapening to fall down, Jonathan slew him; after which setting his foot upon the dead body,Priscus the Centurion, killeth Jona­than with an arrow. with his left hand he flourished his shield, and with his right his bloody sword; and striking his weapons one against ano­ther, he insulted over the dead body, and upbraided the Romans, till at length one Pris­cus a Centurion, as he was thus vaunting, shot him thorow with an Arrow, and so he fell down dead upon the body of his Enemy; at which deed, both the Romans and the Jews raised a confused noise. So Jonathan was justly punisht for having made too much Triumph for an advantage which he ow'd to Fortune, and not to his own Valour.

D CHAP. VI.
How the Romans by a Stratagem of the Jews were consumed with Fire: And of one Artorius.

THE Seditious that kept the Temple,The Jews fill the void part of the East-porch with dry wood, sulphur and bitumen. were now every day openly in fight engaged against the Romans that kept the Mounts; and on the twenty seventh day of the Month of July they devised this Stratagem: they filled the void part of the East Porch E of the Temple with dry Wood, Brimstone and Bitumen; and when they were assault­ed, they fled out of it as not able longer to resist. Whereupon many of the Romans rashly pursued the Jews that fled, and with Ladders got into the Galleries. But the wiser sort considering that the Jews had no just occasion to fly,The Romans calamity in the fire. kept their place. The Porch being now full of Romans, that were got up into it, the Jews gave fire to the Wood and Brimstone, and upon a sudden all the Porch was encompassed with the flame: so that the Romans who were out of danger were amazed at it, and those that were amid the flames became desperate: and being invironed with the flames, some sought to run back into the Town, and others to the Enemies, others killed themselves, so preventing the fury of the fire:C [...]sar hath compassion of the Romans that were in the fire. and presently the flame overtook those that sought to flie. Caesar F though offended at the Souldiers for having ascended into the Porch unbidden, yet see­ing them die so wofully in the flames he compassionated them. And although the fire could not be quenched, yet the poor Souldiers dying amongst the flames were some­what contented, that they perceived him to be extreamly sorrowful for them, for whom they had hazarded their lives. For they beheld him crying to their fellows to help to ex­tinguish the fire, and he himself laboured what he could to do it; so that every one esteem­ed his sorrow and lamentation for them as much as a sumptuous funeral: but some escaped the fire and got into the largest part of the Porch: yet invironed round about with Jews, and having long resisted, though with many wounds, in the end they were all slain.

A young man named Longus signalized himself amidst all this misery: and notwith­standing G that every one that there perished, deserved particularly to be remembred, yet he shewed himself the most valiant of them all. The Jews were desirous to kill this [Page 748] man, for that he was strong, and willed him to come down to them, swearing unto him H to spare him. But his Brother Cornelius, who stood on the other side, intreated him not to blemish his own honour and that of the Romans, whom he obeyed: and so lifting up his Sword on high, that either part might see, he slew himself. Yet one Artorius from amidst the fire escaped by this device;Longus kills himself. calling unto him one Lucius his fellow-Souldier and Chamber-fellow; I will (said he) make thee heir of all my Inheritance, if thou wilt catch me in thy arms. Lucius willingly endeavouring to do it, Artorius cast himself down upon him, and so escaped with his life, but Lucius, upon whom he fell, was bruised a­gainst the pavement,Lucius dieth but Artorius saveth himself by a Stratagem and so died. This Calamity a while greatly afflicted the Romans, yet it made them more wary afterward, and acquainted them with the Jews Subtilties, whereof before being ignorant, they sustained great dammage. So the Porch was burnt I unto the Tower which John built during his Wars against Simon; and the Jews, after the Romans that were ascended into it were consumed,The porch of the Temple fired. pulled down the rest. The next day the Romans fired the North Porch, as far as the aforesaid East-Porch, which con­tained the corners of the Wall built over the Valley Cedron, so that it was terrible to be­hold the Valley from thence, by reason of the depth.

CHAP. VII.
Of the Famine amongst the Jews.

K

SUch were the affairs about the Temple:The intestine Wars of the Jews that were well nigh fa­mished with hunger. but an innumerable multitude perished within the City through Famine, for in every place where any shew or sign of food was, presently arose a Battel; and the dearest friends of all fought one with another to take the food from each other; neither did they believe those that were now a dying for Famine, when they said, they had nothing left to eat; but the Thieves searched those whom they saw yielding up the ghost, thinking that they had hid about them some food: but when they were deceived of their hopes, they became like mad-dogs; and the least L thing made them fall against the doors like drunken men, searching the self-same houses twice or thrice together in desperation, and for very hunger they eat whatsoever they light upon,The Jews eat their own gir­dels, shoes, the leather of their Targets, and old hay. gathering such things to eat, as the most filthy living Creatures in the world would have loathed. In brief, they eat their Girdles, Shoes, and the skins that covered their shields, so that a little old Hay was sold for four Attiques. But what need is it to shew the sharpness of this Famine by things that want life? I will recount an act never heard of, neither among the Greeks, nor any other barbarous People, horrible to be re­hearsed, and incredible; so that I would willingly omit this Calamity, lest posterity should think I lie, had not I many witnesses hereof, aud perhaps should incur reprehension,M not fully recounting all accidents of those that are dead.

CHAP. VIII.
Of a Woman that for Famine killed her Son, and dressed him for meat.

A Certain Woman named Mary, dwelling beyond Jordan, the Daughter of Elea­zar of the Town of Bathechor, which signifieth the house of Hysope, descended of N noble and rich parentage, flying with others to Jerusalem, was there with them besieged. Her richest goods the Tyrants had taken from her, which she had brought from beyond the River into the City: and whatsoever being hid, escaped their hands, the Thieves daily came into her house and took it away: whereat the Woman greatly moved, cursed them, and with hard speeches animated them the more against her; yet no man either for anger or compassion would kill her, but suffered her to live to get them meat: but now could she get no more, and Famine tormented her with rage and anger more than dan­ger. The Mothers speech before she slew her son. Wherefore by rage and necessity she was compelled to do that which Nature abhor­red, and taking her Son to whom she then gave suck: O miserable Child (said she) in War, Famine and Faction; for which of these shall I keep thee? If thou come among the Ro­mans, thou shalt be made a slave; yet Famine will prevent Bondage, or else our own Tyrants O worse than them both. Be therefore meat for me, a terror unto the Seditious, a Tragical [Page 749] A Story to bespoken of by Posterity, and such as is only yet unheard of among the Calamities of the Jews. Having thus spoken, she slew her Son, and sod the one half of him, and eat it; the rest she reserved covered. In a little time after came the Seditious, who smelling the sent of that execrable meat, threatned presently to kill her, except she forth with brought som of that unto them which she had prepared.The seditious chalenge the meat which the desolate mother had dressed. She answered, That she had reserved a good portion thereof for them; and presently uncovered that part of her Son which she had left uneaten; at which sight they trembled, and horror fell upon them. But the Woman said, This is truly my Son, and my doing; eat you of it, for I my self have eaten thereof. Be not more effeminate than a Woman, nor more merciful than a Mother. If Religi­on make you refuse this my Sacrifice, I have already eaten of it, and will eat the rest. The B Seditious departed hereat greatly trembling; and how great soever their ravenousness was, they left the rest of this detestable food to the wretched Mother. Presently the re­port of this heinous Crime was bruited all about the City, and every man, having before his Eyes this execrable fact, trembled as though himself had done it. And now all that were vexed with this Famine, wished their own deaths; and he was accounted happy that died before he felt this Famine.The calamity recounted to the Romans. This unnatural fact was soon after recounted to the Romans; some of them would not believe it, others pittied them within the City; and many hereat encreased their hatred towards the Nation.

Titus, to justifie himself before Almighty God, protested, That he was not the cause of this misery; having offered the Jews Peace, General Pardon and Oblivion for all C their Offences past; but they rather chose War than Peace, Sedition than Quietness, Famine than Wealth and Plenty, having with their own hands begun to set on fire the Temple, which he had preserved for them; that therefore such like meat was fit for them, and that he would bury this abominable Crime of eating their own Children in the Ruines of their Country, and that he would not in any part of the World suffer the Sun to shine upon such a City,4 Reg. 6. Ant. l. 9. c. 4. wherein Mothers eat their own Children; and where the Fathers were no less culpable than the Mothers, because, for all their miseries, they would not yet cease from Arms. Having thus spoken, he considered the Desperation of the Enemies, and that they would not recall themselves, who had already endured all such Calamities, which might, if it had been possible, have altered their Opinions, rather D that to have endured the same.

CHAP. IX.
How the Wall was taken, and the Temple burnt.

THE Eighth day of August, two of the Roman Legions having finished their Mounts, began to place their Rams against the East-Galleries without the Temple, having E six days together without intermission already beaten the Wall with their strongest Rams, and nothing prevailed, the Stones being so strong, that the Rams could not move them, Others of the Romans laboured to dig up the Foundations of the Porch, that was on the North side; and after much toyl, they only could pull away the outward Stones; but the inner Stones still supported the Porch. At last the Romans seeing they could not prevail by their Javelins and other Instruments, set up Ladders to ascend into the Galleries. The Jews did not greatly labour to hinder them from getting up: but when they were within the Galleries, then they came and fought with them, and cast some of them down headlong, forcing them to retire; others they slew that stood in it; and others that were upon the Ladders going down, before they could defend themselves F with their Shields,The Jews over­come the Ro­mans, and seize their Ensigns. were with Swords strucken down; they also thrust down some Ladders full of armed men. So that there was a great Massacre of the Romans, who fought most to recover their Ensigns, which the Jews had taken from them, esteeming the loss there­of a great shame to them. At last the Jews kept their Ensignes, and slew those that bore them; and the rest terrified with their death, went down again; although not one of the Romans died, who before he was slain did not some valiant act. Besides those Seditious persons, who in the former Battels had shew'd themselves valiant, Eleazar, Son to the Brother of Simon, one of the two Tyrants, got great honour. Then Titus perceiving that he spared the Temple of the Jews to his loss, and with the death of his Souldiers, commanded fire to be put to the Porches of the Temple; whereupon Ananus G of Emmaus the most cruel of all Simons followers,Two of Simons guard revolt from him. and Archelaus the son of Magadatus fled to Titus; who, for their Cruelties committed, determined to put them to death; [Page 750] though they hoped for pardon because they had now forsaken the Jews when they had H gotten the better. But Titus affirmed they came not of good will, but for necessity, and that they did not deserve to live, for forsaking their Country now set on fire by their Crimes: Yet his promise bridled his wrath, and he dismissed them; but they were not so much esteemed as the rest.Titus promise [...] his wrath. The Roman Souldiers had already put fire to the Tem­ple Gates: and, the Silver plate wherewith they were covered being melted, the flame quickly fired the wood, and encreasing took hold presently of the next Porch. The Jews seeing themselves invironed with flames,None of the Jews go about [...]. were now altogether discouraged, and their hearts failed them; and being amazed, no man sought to extinguish the flame; and so they stood still beholding the fire, yet not lamenting that which was set on fire, nor en­deavouring to save the rest: and so that day and all the next night the fire encreased:I for the Porches were burnt by little and little, and not all at once.

The next day Titus caused part of his Army to quench the fire:Titus calleth the [...] before him. and calling to him his Captains, and six that were the chifest among them, to wit Tiberius Alexander, his Lieu­tenant General, Sextus S [...]rea [...]s Commander of the fifth Legion, Largius Lepidus of the tenth, [...] Titus Frigius of the fifteenth, Aeternius Fronto Commander of the two Legi­ons that came from Alexandria, and Marcus Antonius Julianus Governour of Judaea, be­sides some other Collonels and Captains; he deliberated with them what was to be done concerning the Temple. Some counselled to use the right of War, for that the Jews would never live peaceably whilst their Temple was standing;Titus counsel concerning the Temple. for all their Nation wheresoever living, would assemble themselves thither at certain times. Others perswad­ed K Titus, to save it, if so be the Jews abandon'd it, and ceased to defend it; but if they fought for it, then to burn it: for it was to be considered as a Castle, not a Temple: and if any man were offended hereat, it would not be imputed to the Romans or to their General, but to the Jews who constrained them to do it; and he should not offend, they forcing him to fire it. But Titus affirmed, that although the Jews made use of their Temple as of a Fortress, yet it should not be destroyed: for he would not so be reveng'd upon inanimate things, neither would he ever fire so goodly a building; for it would re­dound to the dishonour of the Romans; as on the contrary it would be a credit unto them, if it were left remaining. Whereupon Alexander Fronto, and Caerealis perceiving Caesar's mind became of his opinion; and so he dismissed the Council, and commanded L the Souldiers and Captains to rest, that they might be the more able to fight when need required: and presently he appointed certain chosen men to make the Ways even and easie for the Army to pass by the Ruines, commanding them to quench the fire; and that day the Jews being fearful and weary, made no resistance. The day following take­ing heart and assembling together, they assaulted the Guard that stood without the Temple, the second hour of the day. The Romans valiantly received their first assault, defending themselves with their shields as though they had had a wall before them; yet they could not long have born the shock, for that they were fewer in number than their Enemies,Titus with his chosen horse­m [...]n cometh to [...] the Romans. and not so desperate, had not Caesar (beholding the fight from Antonia) came with certain chosen Horsemen, before they retired to succour them. Whose force the M Jews not sustaining, but the first of them being slain, the rest gave back, and the Romans likewise retiring, the Jews returned and charged them again; and when the Romans re­turned again,The Temple was burnt by the Romans the tenth of the month of August; on which day be­fore time it was burned by the King of Babylon. presently they fled; till about the fifth hour of the day the Jews were forced to betake themselves to the Temple, and there they shut themselves up. Then Titus returned to Antonia, purposing the next day to assault them with all his Army, and win the Temple. But the providence of God had already determined, that it should be consumed with fire. And now the fatal day was come after many years, which was the tenth of August, upon which day also the King of Babylon once before burnt it; yet it was now first [...]et on fire by our own Country-men, who were indeed the cause thereof. For the Seditious being quiet till Titus was departed, then again they assaulted the Ro­mans, N and so fought with the Guard that were without the Temple, labouring to extin­guish the flame; who putting the Jews to flight, pursued them to the Temple.

O

A CHAP. X.
How the Temple was burnt against the Will of Titus.

THen a certain Souldier, who expected no Command, nor feared to do so execra­ble a Fact,A Souldier▪ contrary to Caesar's will burned the Temple. moved with some divine fury, and lifted up by one of his fellows, took in his hand a flaming Firebrand, and cast it into the golden window, which entred into the buildings on the North part of the Temple, and the flame presently arose; which B caused a great cry amongst the Jews, expressing their calamity; and every one hasted to extinguish the fire; neither accounting of their lives nor forces, if they lost that for which they had fought so long. News hereof was presently brought by one who came from the fight to Titus, who then was resting in his Tent, and he presently arose, and ran to the Temple to hinder the fire, and all the Captains after him; whereupon the Souldiers followed in great confusion, and there arose a great cry and tumult in the Army being disordered. Caesar both with his voice and hand made a sign to the Soul­diers that were fighting,The burning of the Temple: Great slaugh­ter in the Tem­ple. to quench the fire. But they did not hear him, there was so great a noise; neither did they perceive the sign he made unto them with his hand, be­cause some were distracted with fear, and others with anger: and the Souldiers issued C in, not restrained either by commands or threatnings, but every one went whither his fury carried him: and thronging together at the entrance, many pressed one another to death; and many being amongst the fiery ruines of the Galleries perished as miserably as those that were overcome. When they came to the Temple every one feigned not to hear Caesars command, and so exhorted his fellows that were before him to fire the Temple. The Seditious now had no hope to withstand them, but either fled or were slain: and many unarmed and unable people, wheresoever they were found, were slain: so that about the Altar were an innumerable company of dead bodies heaped together, and their blood flowed down the Temple stairs; and their Bodies were rouled down. Caesar, seeing he could not restrain the fury of the Souldiers, and that the fire encreased, D entered into the Sanctuary, with his chief Officers, and beheld all the holy things there, and found its magnificence and riches far surpassing all report which strangers had gi­ven of it, and equal to that of the Jews themselves. The flame not having yet pierced into the inner part of the Temple,Titus striveth to save the in­ward Temple. nor consumed the Houses and Roomes about it, he deemed that as yet it might be preserved; wherefore himself went, and intreated the Souldiers to extinguish the fire, and commanded Liberalis, the Centurion of his Guard, to beat those with a Trunchion that would not be obedient, and to drive them away. But their fury, and the hatred they bare against the Jews, rendred them deaf to Caesars commands, and regardless of punishment, many were carried on with the hope of some booty, thinking that all the Temple within was full of money, because they saw the E Gates covered with plates of Gold. Moreover, a certain Souldier, when Caesar sought to quench the flame, fired the Posts about the doors: and presently the flame appearing within, Caesar and the Captains departed out; and so every one stood looking upon it, and no man sought to extinguish it. Thus the Temple was burnt against Titus his will. And although every man will judge it a lamentable case, in such a Building surpassing all that ever was seen or heard of, both for greatness, workmanship, costliness and plen­ty of all things; yet in this we may comfort our selves, that Providence had so deter­mined. For neither living Creatures, nor Places, nor Buildings, can avoid their Desti­ny. How many years there were between the first build­ing of the Temple under King Solomon and the de­struction un­der Titus. One may also admire the exact and just revolution of time, for it was now de­stroyed in the same moneth, and on the same day, that the Babylonians first destroyed it. F And from that time that Solomon began the first Temple, unto the destruction of the se­cond Temple, which happened the second year of Vespatians Reign, were a thousand a hundred and thirty years, seven months, and fifteen dayes; and from the building of the latter Temple, which Haggai caused to be built in the second year of the Reign of King Cyrus, unto the destruction thereof, were six hundred thirty nine years and five and forty days.

G

CHAP. XI.H
A horrible slaugher continued in the Temple, of the Priests, the Treasure-house, and the Porch.

WHen the Temple was thus consumed with fire, whatsoever the Souldiers found there, they carried away, and put all to the Sword that were in it, which were an infinite number: they shewed pity neither to old age, nor infants: but old, young, Priests and common People, all were slain without respect, and all sorts of persons tasted I the calamity of War, whether they resisted, or entreated for mercy. And now the flame increasing grieved even those that were yielding up the Ghost: and by reason of the height of the Hill, and the Building together, one would have thought the whole City had been on fire.The cry and howling of the murthered Jews. Then a most lamentable cry was raised betwen the Roman Le­gions, and the Seditious now invironed with fire and sword, and the people that were taken in the higher part of the City, and had fled to the Romans, lamenting their calami­ty. They of the City answered the cryes and tears of those in the Hill, and many, whose Eyes death by Famine had almost closed, took strength a while to bewail the Temple, which they now beheld on fire. The Country beyond Jordan, and the Mountains about did eccho to their Lamentations: and yet the Calamities surpassed all expression. For K one would have judged the Hill whereon the Temple was situate,The Temple filled with fire and blood. to have been burnt up by the roots, it was so all over fire: Yet the great quantity of Blood-shed seem'd to con­tend with the fire. Many that were slain were covered with those that slew them, and all the ground was over-spread with dead bodies; so that the Souldiers ran upon the dead bodies to pursue those that fled. At last the Thieves having driven the Romans with­out the Temple, ran into the City; and the rest of the People that were left fled into the outward Porch. And many of the Priests used Spits of the Temple in stead of Darts, and threw their Seats made of Lead, instead of Stones, against the Romans; at last no­thing at all prevailing, and the fire falling upon them, they got to the Wall, which was eight Cubits broad,Two Noble­men cast them­selves into the fire. and there stayed a while. Yet two of the principal, when they might L either have fled to the Romans, and have been saved, or else have endured like Fortune with the rest, cast themselves into the fire, and so were burnt with the Temple: One of them was named Meierus the Son of Belga, the other Joseph the Son of Daleus.

The Romans thought it in vain to spare the Buildings about the Temple, seeing the Temple was already consumed; and so they set fire on them all, the Porches, Galleries, and Gates; two only excepted, one on the East-side, and the other on the South-side; both which afterwards they razed to the ground. They also put fire to the Treasury, which was full of an incredible quantity of Riches, as well in money as in rich clothing, and other things of great price; and indeed all the Jews treasure; for the richest of the City had brought all their wealth thither. There came into the Porch that was M left standing, many Men, Women, and Children, to the number of six thousand: And before Caesar and the Captains determined any thing what should be done with them,Six thousand in the Porch con­sumed by fire. the furious Souldiers fired the Porch wherein they were, and so they all perished in the flames, save a few, who leaping down to avoid the fire, were slain in the fall; so that not one escaped of all that multitude. A certain false Prophet was cause of their deaths, who the same day preached in the City, and commanded them to go into the Temple, where he assured them they should that day receive the effects of Succour from God; for many false Prophets were then suborned by the Tyrants,False prophets▪ suborned by the Seditious. to perswade them to expect Gods help, thereby to hinder them from flying to the Romans, and to cause the Souldiers to fight more valiantly to defend their City. Men easily believe, and are credulous in N adversity; so that if any deceitful person promise deliverance out of Calamity, he that suffereth misery becomes full of hope thereupon.

O

A CHAP. XII.
Of the strange Signes and Tokens that appeared before the Destruction of Jerusalem.

THese miserable People were thus easily perswaded by Impostors who abused the Name of God;The blindness of the people. yet would they not believe,The first Pro­digy. nor give any ear or regard unto cer­tain Tokens and Signs of the ruine of their City:A Comet like unto a Sword. but as it were blinded, neither having B Eyes nor Souls, they counterfeited themselves not to see what God foreshewed them. One while there was a Comet in form of a fiery Sword,The second prodigy was that a bright light shined about the Al­tar and Tem­ple by night. which for a year together hung over the City. Another time before the first Revolt and War, the People being gather­ed together to the feast of Unleavened-Bread (which was the eighth day of April) at the ninth hour of the night, there was so much Light about the Altar and Temple, as though it had been bright day;The third pro­digy was a Cow that brought forth a Lamb in the midst of the Temple. and it remained half an hour: This the ignorant People interpreted as a good Sign; but they that were skilful in holy Scripture, present­ly judged what would ensue before it came to pass. At the same Festival, a Cow led to be sacrificed at the Altar, brought forth a Lamb in the middest of the Temple: and the inner Gate of the Temple, on the East-side, being of massie brass, and which at night C had alwayes at least twenty men to shut it,The fourth, the brazen gate of the Temple open­ed it self. and was bound with Locks of Iron, and bar­red with bars, the ends whereof went into Mortice holes in the stones on either side the door, (the foresaid stones being on each side one whole Stone) was seen at the first hour of the night to open of its own accord: which being presently related to the Magistrate by the Keepers of the Temple, he himself came thither and could scarcely shut it. This also to the ignorant seemed a good sign, as if God opened to them the Gate of his blessings, but the wiser sort judged, that the defence of the Temple would fail of its own accord, and that the opening of the Gate foretold, that it should be given to the Enemies, and that this sign signified Desolation. A little while after the Feast dayes, on the one and twentieth day of May, there was seen a Vision beyond all belief; and perhaps that which D I am to recount might seem a Fable, if some were not now alive that beheld it, and if that Calamity worthy to be so foretold had not ensued. Before the Sun-rise were seen in the Air all over the Country, Chariots full of armed men in battel aray passing along in the Clouds,The fifth, arm­ed Chariots & men seen in the air. and begirting the City. And upon the Feast day, called Pentecost, at night the Priests going into the Inner Temple to offer their wonted Sacrifice, at first felt the place to move and tremble, and afterward they heard a voice which said, Let us de­part hence. The sixth, a voice in the inward Temple And that which was most wonderful of all, one Jesus the Son of Ananus, an ordinary Pesant, four years before the War begun, when the City flourished in Peace and Riches,The seventh, Jesus a Coun­tryman's cry and death. coming to the celebration of the Feast of Tabernacles, in the Temple at Jerusalem, suddenly began to cry out thus; A Voice from the East; a Voice from the West; E a Voice from the four Winds; a Voice against Jerusalem and the Temple; a Voice against Men and Women newly married; a Voice against all this People: And thus crying night and day, he went about all the streets of the City. Some of the best quality not able to suffer words of so ill presage, caused him to be taken and severely scourged; which he endured without speaking the least word to defend himself, or to complain of so hard treatment; but he continued repeating the same words. The Magistrates then think­ing (as indeed it was) that the man spake thus through some divine motion, led him to Albinus General of the Romans, where being beaten till his bones appeared, he never entreated nor wept, but as well as he could, with a mournful voice he cryed, Wo, wo to Jerusalem. Albinus asked him what he was, and whence, and wherefore he said so; F but he made him no answer. Yet he ceased not to bewail the misery of Jerusalem, till Albinus thinking him to be out of his wits, suffered him to depart. After which till the time of War, this man was never seen to speak to any one: but still without ceasing he cryed, Wo, wo to Jerusalem. Neither did he ever Curse any one, though every day some one or other did beat him; nor did he ever thank any one that offered him meat. All that he spake to any man was this heavy Prophecy. He went crying as is said, chiefly upon holy-dayes;Jesus for seven years and five months cried about the City doing so continually for the space of seven years and five months; and his voice never waxed hoarse nor weary, till in the time of the Siege, beholding what he foretold them, he ceased; and then once again upon the Walls, going about the City,A stone from an Engine killeth Jesus. with a loud voice he cryed, Wo, wo to the City, Temple and People: and lastly G he said, Wo also to my self. Which words were no sooner uttered, but a Stone shot out of an Engine, smote him, and so he yielded up the Ghost, lamenting them all.

[Page 754] If any one diligently consider all these things, he will find that God hath a care of H mankind, and doth foreshew betime, what is most expedient for them, and that they through their own madness, voluntarily perish in their wickedness. For the Jews, when the Castle Antonia was taken, made the Temple four-square: notwithstanding that it was written in the holy Scripture, that the City and Temple should be taken, when the Temple was made four-square. But that which chiefly incited them to this War, was a doubtful Prophecy likewise found in the holy Scriptures: That at the same time one in their Dominions should be Monarch of the whole World; And many wise men were deceived in their Interpretation,The Jews in­terpreting the signs to their own good li [...]king, are their Countries [...], and the cause of their own calamity. making account that he should be one of their own Nation; but indeed thereby was foretold Vespasian's Empire. But men cannot prevent Destiny, though they foresee it. Thus the Jews interpreted some of the Signs I as they pleased, and at others they laughed, till by the ruine of their Country, and their own woful overthrow, their error was discovered to them.

CHAP. XIII.
How Titus was made Emperour: and of the Death of the Priests.

AFter the Seditious were fled into the City, whilst all the Temple and places there K about were still on fire, the Romans placing their Engines over against the East-gate of the Temple, and there offering sacrifice to God; with great shouts they declared Titus Emperor. Gold was sold for half price. The Romans got much Spoil and Booty, so that they sold Gold in Sy­ria for half the value. And among those Priests that kept on the Wall, a Child being thirsty, desired drink of the Roman Watchmen, saying, that he was thirsty. They, pity­ing both his years and his need, gave him their hands that he should have no harm, and then he came down and drunk, and filled a bottle which he brought with him: and when he had done, he ran up again to his fellows, and none of the watchmen were able to overtake him; The craft of a Boy. and they could only upbraid him with falshood. But he answered, That he had done nothing, but that which he and they intended: for they did not give him their L hands to secure him to remain with them, but only to come down and take water, which he had done. The Roman watchmen greatly admired the subtilty of one that was but a Child. The fifth day, The Priests [...]ave pardon, but Titus com­mands them to be led to execution. the Priests being almost famished came down, and the watchmen carried them to Titus, whom they besought to grant them their lives. But he answered them, That the time of pardon was past, seeing that was destroyed, for the sake of which he might have pardoned them, and that it was meet that the Priests should perish with the Temple: and so he commanded them to be put to death. Then the Tyrants with their follow­ers being on every side beset by the Romans, The Seditious summon Titus to a Parley. and having no way to flee, they being thus beleagured round, requested to speak with Titus; who out of his natural gentleness, yielded to their request, his friends also perswading him thereto, that at least he might M save the City (judging indeed that now the Seditious had already their minds) and so he went to the West part of the Inner Temple: for there was a Gate built above a Gal­lery, and a Bridge that joyned the Temple and City together, which was then between Titus and the Tyrants. Many Souldiers on both parts flocked about their Generals; the Jews about Simon and John, hoping for pardon: the Romans about Titus, desirous to hear what he would say unto them: and Titus having commanded his Souldiers to be quiet, and to forbear shooting Arrows, spoke to them first (in token of his Victory) by an Interpreter to this effect: Titus Oration to the Jews by an Interpreter. Are ye not wearied (said he) with the Calamities suffer­ed by your Country? You who without considering our power, and your own weakness, have with rash fury destroyed your People, City and Temple: Your selves also have justly deserved N to perish▪ who since Pompey first Conquered you, have never ceased to be Seditious, and at last have openly declared War against the Romans. Did you trust to your multitude? You have seen that a small parcel of the Roman Army hath sufficiently resisted you. Or did you expect for­reign aid? What Nation is not under our Dominion? And who would rather make choice of the Jews than of the Romans? Did you trust in your strength of Body? Why you know the Germans serve us. Or in the strength of your Walls? What Wall, or what greater hinderance than the Ocean, wherewith the Britains invironed have yielded to the Roman Forces? Or to your Courage, and politick Counsel of your Captains? You have already heard that the Car­thaginians have been by us surprized.The Romans humanity in­cited the Jews against them. It was therefore the Romans humanity that incited you against themselves, who first of all permitted you to possess your Country, and gave you Kings of O your own Nation: and after all this, we kept your Laws inviolate, and suffered you to live [Page 755] A as your selves desired, not only in your own Country, but also amongst other Nations; and which is the greatest of all our benefits bestowed upon you, we permitted you to gather Contri­butions and Gifts to the maintenance of your Temple and Sacrifices to God; of all which, we neither forbad any to be brought unto you, nor hindred any that would offer to your Temple, but suffered you our Enemies to be made richer than our selves; so that you have used our own money against us. Having received so many benefits at our hands, you have now di [...]gorged your selves upon us, and like spiteful Serpents, spit your poyson upon them that made much of you. Let us omit that by Nero's negligence you became forgetful of your duty, and like some Member in the Body broken or shrunk, you being still tamultuous, at last were taken in a great­er offence, and were encouraged with immoderate desires to hope for unlawful liberty. My B Father came into your Country, not to punish you for your Revolt against Cestius, but by good counsel and gentleness to reduce you to good order. And whereas if he had come to destroy your Nation, he ought first to have cut down the very Root, to have come to this City and destroyed it with the Inhabitants: he rather chose first to enter Galilee▪ and the places adjoyning, that in the mean time you might repent you, and consider of your Estate. But this his mercy towards you was held for cowardliness and weakness in him, and by our long-suffering you were emboldned against us: and when Nero was dead, you did as treacherous subjects are wont to do, and took occasion by our civil dissention to revolt from us: and whilst my Father and I were gone into Aegypt, you prepared your selves for a War against us: neither were you ashamed to oppose us, when my Father was declared Emperour, whom notwithstanding you had found most C gentle Captains unto you. At last, when the Empire fell to us, and all things being now qui­eted, all Nations with gifts and presents came to congratulate us, behold again, the Jews shewed themselves our Enemies, and you sent an Embassador beyond Euphrates, only to get aid to your Rebellion: You wall'd and fortified your Towns anew, and falling into factions among your selves, at last you came to a Civil War: all which none but the most vile people in the world would have committed. Wherefore being commanded by my Fa [...]her, who was now ur­ged thereunto, I came against this City with a heavy charge; yet did I rejoyce when I heard that the People desired Peace. Before I exercised Hostility against you, I exhorted you to Peace: after the War was begnn, I desisted a while from using severity; I spared all those that of their own accord fled to me, and kept my Promise to them, pitying those that were Cap­tives. D I punished only those that drew you into this War; and till forced so to do, I set not the Rams against your Walls; but alwayes restrained my Souldiers so much desirous of your blood. As often as I overcame you, so often did I exhort you to peace, as though I had been vanquished. Again, when I approached the Temple, I (willingly omitting the Law of Arms) requested you to spare both it and the holy things; offering you leave to depart, and promising you safety, or licensing you to fight another time in another place, if so you thought good. All these my Offers you refused, and with your own hands fired your Temple. And now you wicked wretches dare to present your selves before me in Arms. What thing can you now preserve so excellent, [...] that which is already perished? What pardon can you expect, seeing your Temple is destroyed? nay even now you stand armed, not so much as counterfeiting E submission at the last cast. O wretches, with what hope? Is not your People dead? Is not your Temple destroyed, and your City now in my hands, yea, and your lives too? And can you imagine after this to end them by an honourable death? I will not strive with your obstinacy: yet if you will cast down your weapons and yield to my discretion,Titus grants the Jews life, on condition they should lay aside their wea­pons, and sub­mit themselves▪ I will spare your lives; and I shall re­serve the rest to my self to use as a good Master, who punishes not but with regret even the most unpardonable crimes.

To this they answered, That they could not yield themselves to him, though he gave them his word, having vowed the contrary, but they requested licence to depart with their Wives and Children into the Desart, and leave the City to the Romans. Titus was greatly en­raged that they being in a manner already his Captives, should impose upon him Con­ditions, F as though they were Victors; and he commanded a Herald to tell them that henceforth they should not flie to him, nor hope that he would receive them; that he would pardon none; and that they might employ all their force to fight and save them­selves as they could, for he would now in all things use the Law of Arms: and so he permitted the Souldiers to sack the City and set it on fire. The same day they did no­thing; The Souldiers set the City on fire. but the next day following they fired the Councel house, the Palace Acra, and Ophia, the place of Justice, and the fire came to Queen Helens Palace, which was sci­tuate in the midst of Acra: also the houses and streets of the City full of dead Bodies were set on fire. The same day, the Sons and Brethren of King Izates, and with them many Persons of quality assembled together,Caesar constan in his resolu­tion. and supplicated Caesar to pardon them: G and he, though incensed against them all, yet not changing his manner, received them to mercy, and put them all in Prison, and afterward carried that Kings Sons and Kinsmen to Rome, there to remain as Hostages.

CHAP. XIV.The year of the World, 4034. after the Na­tivity of Christ 72. H
The Seditious get into the Palace, pillage it, and kill there 8400 of the People, who had fled thither for refuge.

THE Seditious went to the Kings Palace, where many had left their wealth, because it was a strong place:The Seditious resorting to the Kings house take away the treasure. and driving the Romans from thence, they slew all the peo­ple there assembled, amounting to the number of 8400, and carried away all the Money; and they took there two Roman Souldiers alive, one a Horseman, and the other a Foot­man; I and they slew the footman and drew him all along the City, as it were in the Body of that one revenging themselves upon all the Romans. But the Horseman affirming that he had something to say to them, which would greatly profit them, and save their lives,The punish­ment of a Ro­man Souldier taken by the Jews. he was carried to Simon; and not having there any thing to say, Simon deliver­ed him to one of his Captains called Ardala to be slain; and he brought him where the Romans might behold him with his hands bound behind him, and a veil before his eyes, meaning there to behead him: but he, whilst the Jew drew out his Sword, escaped to the Romans. Titus would not put him to death, because he had escaped from the Enemies: yet deeming him unworthy to be a Roman Souldier, who suffered himself to be taken alive, he took from him his arms, and discharged him from bearing them any more,K which to a man of Courage was worse than Death. The next day, the Romans putting the Seditious to flight that were in the lower City, fired all as far as Siloa; rejoycing that the Town was destroyed: yet they got no booties, because the Seditious had alrea­dy robbed and spoiled all,The Jews are arrogant in the midst of their calamity▪ and carried it into the higher City. For they nothing re­pented them of their wickedness, but were as arrogant as though they had been in pro­sperity: so that with joy they beheld the City on fire, and said, That they desired death, for that the People being slain, the Temple destroyed, the City on fire, they should leave nothing to their Enemies. Yet Joseph in this extremity laboured to save the Reliques of the City,The Jews re­fuse to submit themselves to the Romans, yet are they unable to wage war with them. much inveighing against their cruelty, and earnestly exhorting them to save them­selves: but he nothing profited by all this, being only derided for his labour: for neither L would they yield to the Romans for their Oaths sake, nor were they able to fight with the Romans, being now as it were besieged round by them; yet their accustomed murthers encouraged them to more.

Thus dispersed all over the City, they lurked in the ruines, lying in wait for those that sought to flee to the Romans; many of them were taken and slain; for Famine had so weakned them that they could not flie: and any death was more elegible than Famine. So that many fled to the Romans, having no promise, nor hope to be spared by them; and feared not to expose themselves to the fury of the Seditious, who never cea­sed from murther.The Tyrants uttermos [...] hope was in their Vaults. And now there was no place in the whole C [...]y void, but was fill'd with dead bodies, who either perished by Famine or Cruelty. But the Tyrants and M factious Thieves placed their last refuge in the Vaults, where they hoped, whatsoever hapned, to hide themselves that they could not be found, and so, after the City was de­stroyed, to escape; which was only their vain fancy: For they could neither be hid from God, nor the Romans: yet at that time they trusted in those Caves, from whence they fired the City more than the Romans,Rapine and slaughter in the Vaults. and cruelly murdered those, that having escaped the flames, fled into secret places, and spoiled them: also if in any place they found any meat, though all bloody, yet they took it and eat it; and now they fell to fight one with another about the spoil they got. And I doubt not, but if they had not been prevented by the destruction of the City, their cruelty would have been such, that they would have eaten the bodies of dead men.N O

A CHAP. XV.
How the higher part of the City was assaulted: and how some of the Jews fled unto Titus.

TItus perceiving that the higher part of the City could not be won without Mounts, being situate in a soil, round about which were high and deep Precipices, on the twentieth day of August he set all his Souldiers on work: and the carrying of Wood for B that purpose was very painful, all Trees within 100 furlongs off the City being alrea­dy cut down, and used in the former Work, as is before-said. So the four Legions rai­sed a Mount on the West side of the City; and the Auxiliaries made a Mount against the Porch,The Idumeans consult in their assembly about their submission▪ Bridge and Tower, which Simon, during his War with John, had built. About this time the Captains of the Idumeans assembling together, deliberated to yield themselves, and sent five of their Company to Titus, beseeching him to receive them to mercy: and he hoping that the Tyrant would yield after them, who were the greatest part of his Army, with much difficulty granted them Life, and so sent them back to their fellows. But Simon having notice of their design, presently slew those five that were sent to Titus; and taking the Captains (the chief of whom was James the Son of C Sosa) he put them in Prison, and carefully watcht the Idumaeans, who now having no chief Commanders, knew not what to do. But the Guard could not hinder them from fleeing; for although many of them were killed, yet divers fled and escaped, and were all received by the Romans; Titus's courtesie being such, that he remembred not his for­mer Orders to the contrary. And now the Souldiers abstained from murthers, and minded only the getting of Wealth; the common People they sold with their Wives and Children for a small price; many being exposed to sale, and few coming to buy them. Titus having published that none should flie unto him without their fami­lies, yet now received those also that came alone, appointing some to enquire who had deserved punishment, and to inflict it on them. So an infinite number was sold; and D more than 40000 of the People were saved,Forty thousand of the people saved. whom the Emperour dismissed, and permit­ted to go whither they pleased.

At the same time a certain Priest,Jesus a Priest the son of Thebathus. Jesus, the Son of Thebathus was promised pardon on condition he would deliver certain holy things belonging to the Temple: and so he came and brought out of a Wall two Candlesticks, like to those that were in the Temple, Tables, Goblets, Cups, all made of solid and massie Gold: also the Veil and the Orna­ments of the Priest,Phineas▪ the Treasurer of the Temple, tak [...]n. some precious Stones, and many Vessells made for sacrifice. More­over, the Keeper of the holy Treasure, called Phineas, brought forth the Garments, and all things that belonged to the Priests, and much Purple and Scarlet, which were laid up in store, to make Tapestry or Hangings, among which also was some Cinnamon, Cassia, E and many other odoriferous things, whereof were compounded sweet Odours to be of­fered to God. He also delivered him much wealth of other mens, and much sacred Treasure: for which although he was taken by force, yet he was pardoned, as those were that fled to Caesar.

CHAP. XVI.
F How the rest of the City was taken.

THE seventh day of September the Mounts being finished,Some of [...] seditious kept in Acra, the [...]est in the vaults of the City. which was the Eighteenth day after they were begun, the Romans planted their Rams and Engines for bat­tery, whereupon some of the Seditious, despairing to keep the City, left the Walls, and fled to the Mountain Acra; others hid themselves in Vaults; but the most resolute endeavoured to hinder the Romans from placing the Rams against the Walls. The Ro­mans, besides that they were more in number, had their Courage encreased by Victory. But on the contrary,The fear and amazement of the seditious. the Jews being now all dis-heartned and sorrowful, so soon as any part of the Wall was broken down or shaken by the force of the Rams, straightways fled; and the Tyrants were surprized with greater Fear than needed. For even before such time G as the Enemies had entered the Wall, they stood in doubt whether to flee or no: and they who a little before were so proud and arrogant, now trembled and quaked, so that it was [Page 758] pittiful to see such a change in them, though they were wicked persons. But in order to H save themselves, they endeavoured to assail the Wall that Titus had built to compass the whole City withall: but seeing themselves forsaken of all those that were wont to be trusty to them, every one fled whither necessity drove him. In the mean time news was brought that all the West-wall of the City was beaten down;The Tyrants en [...]eeble them­sel [...]es, and of their own ac­cord forsake the Towers from whence by no means but famine they might be driven. others affirmed that the Romans had entred, and that they had seen the Enemy in the Towers, fear trou­bling their Judgment, and making them think they saw things which were not, where­upon they bewailed their misfortune; and as though they had been lame, they stood still and sought not to flie. From whence one may plainly perceive Gods justice to­wards the impious, and the Romans Fortune; for the Tyrants deprived themselves of their strong holds, and voluntarily departed out of their Towers, wherein they could I never have been taken but by Famine: and the Romans having so much laboured at the lower Walls, now by Fortune took these, which their Engines could never have shaken; for there were three inexpugnable Towers that could not be battered with the Engines, whereof before we have made mention. So the Tyrants having forsaken these, or rather being by Gods will driven from thence, they fled towards the Valley of Siloa: where after the fear was past, they again took heart, and attaqued the new Wall that was in that place, yet not using such courage and vigor as need required, they were beat­en off by the Guards that defended it,The Romans enter the town and obtain the Victory. their strength now failing, and being wearied with labour, fear, famine, and calamity. Some were driven one way, and some ano­ther, and they were forced to hide themselves in Vaults and Sinks. The Romans ha­ving K obtained those Towers placed their Colours upon them, and clapping their hands and shouting for joy, they cryed, Victory, finding the end of the War nothing so terrible as the beginning.The houses and families of best reckoning are [...] full of dead bodies. Yet they did not believe that this was the end, because they got the Wall without any bloodshed; but they admired that no man offered to resist them. Whereupon issuing into every Street, they slew whomsoever they found without any re­spect, and fired Houses, and kill'd all the People that had fled into them; and where they entered to get prey, they found whole Families dead, and houses full of Car [...]ases con­sumed by Famine. Thus terrified with the heavy sight, they departed, not taking any thing away; yet for all that they pittied not those that were left alive, but slew whom­soever they met, whereby they filled the narrow streets so full of dead bodies, that none L could pass that way for them: all the whole City flowed with blood; so that many places set on fire, were quenched with the blood of those that were slain. At evening they ceased from killing, but all night long the fire encreased: and so in the morning, which was the eighth of September, all was set on fire; the City in the time of the Siege having endured more misery and calamity, than ever it received joy and happiness from the time of the first foundation, notwithstanding that the same had been so great, that all Cities might justly envy it; and it no wise deserved to be so oppressed with such misery, save only for that it fostered and bred such impious persons as wrought the over­throw thereof.

Titus entering into the City amongst the rest, admired the strong holds thereof, and the M rocky Towers, of which the Tyrants like mad-men deprived themselves; and seeing the height, firmness, bigness, and the joyning of the Stones together, and their breadth, and heigth,These muniti­ [...]s of the City and de [...]nce of the Tower which the Ty­rants abandon­ed for fear, [...] mo­nument. he said, Surely God hath assisted us in this War, and he it was that drove the Jews from these Fortresses. For what could mens hands and Engines prevail against them? And having spoke much to this effect to his Friends, he set those at liberty whom the Tyrants had left prisoners in the Towers: and when he destroyed the rest of the City and Walls, he left those Towers standing, as a Monument of his good fortune and victo­ry, by which he had gained them, though inexpugnable. The Souldiers now being wea­ry with killing the miserable Jews, and yet a great multitude remaining alive, Titus commanded that only the armed Jews,The old and weak Jews are [...] and the strong and lusty r [...]s erved. and those that resisted should be slain, but the rest N left alive. But the Souldiers also killed old and weak persons; all the able and lusty men they carried into the Temple, and shut them there in the place appointed for the women. Caesar left one Fronto a Libertine, and his friend to keep them, giving him also charge to make enquiry who had deserved punishment. Fronto slew all the Thieves and Seditious, who accused one another; and reserved certain men of large stature and beautiful for the Triumph: And all the rest that were above seventeen years old, he sent bound into Aegypt, to be imployed in certain works there, as digging, delving, manuring the fields, and other publick businesses.

Titus also sent many of them into divers Provinces,Titus [...] the Jews. to serve in the Theaters for the fights with Beasts or Sword-players; and those that were under seventeen years of age O were sold. And during the time that Fronto kept them, ten thousand died for hunger; [Page 759] A partly for that their Keepers hating them, would not give them meat; partly, for that some refused meat when it was offered them. For there was now great scarcity of Corn, by reason of the great multitude of People.

CHAP. XVII.
B Of the number of the Captives, and those that were slain.

THE number of all the Captives that were taken during the whole time of the War,The number of the Captives and such as di­ed during the siege of the City. was 97000; and the number of all that died and were slain during the Siege, was 110000, most of them Jews by Nation, but not natives of Judaea. For being assembled together from all parts to the Feast of unleavened bread, on a sudden they were involved in the War; and first of all a Plague fell among them by reason of the straitness of the place, and immediately after, Famine, worse than it. That the Ci­ty was capable of so many men, it is evident; for Cestius desirous to signifie the flourish­ing C estate, and strength of Jerusalem to Nero, who contemned our Nation, requested the High-Priests, that if possible they could, they should number all the People in their City: and upon the Feast of Easter, when they killed Offerings from the ninth Hour of the day until the eleventh (and to eat a Lamb not fewer than ten persons were assem­bled; for it is not lawful to feast alone, yea, many times twenty are in a Company) they numbred two hundred fifty six thousand five hundred Oblations, or Lambs to be killed; so that if we reckon to every Lamb ten men, the number amounts to two Milli­ons seven hundred thousand men, all purified, whole and sound: for it was not lawful for any that were Lepers, or had a flux of seed, nor for Women that had the monthly D Terms, to eat of that Sacrifice; nor yet for any Stranger that came thither for Religi­on's sake.

So this great multitude was assembled together from other places, and was there by the providence of God shut up as it were in a Prison. And the City being filled with men of War, was besieged; so that the number of those that were slain surpassed all that ever perished, either by any Plague sent from God, or by the means of men; they were partly openly slain,The Romans searching the Graves and Vaults, find much treasure. partly taken by the Romans: who searching the Vaults, and open­ing the Sepulchres, spared none they met with. There also were found more than two thousand, whereof some slew themselves with their own hands, others were kill'd by others, the rest perished by Famine. The stink of dead bodies was so great, that E many minding to search the foresaid places; and being entred into them, were forced to retire: yet others for lucre sake treading on the dead Carcases, searched the dead Bodies, if they could find any thing; for great Riches were hid in the Vaults; and covetousness omitted no way to gain.

Moreover,John and Si­mon apprehen­ded in the Vaults. many were taken out from thence, whom the Tyrants, who even in their extremity ceased not to tyrannize, kept Prisoners: yet God plagued them both ac­cording to their deserts: for John being almost famished with his Brethren in a Vault, besought the Romans to save his Life. And Simon, having long striven with necessity, as we shall hereafter relate, at last yielded himself, and was kept for the Triumph; but John was condemned to perpetual prison. The Romans beat down the Walls, and F fired the remaining parts of the City.G

CHAP. XVIII.H
A brief History of the City of Jerusalem.

THus was Jerusalem taken in the second year of Vespasian's Reign on the eighth day of September. Jerusalem be­ing five times spoiled, was at that time once more sackt. It had been formerly five times taken, and was now finally destroy­ed. First, Asocheus King of Aegypt; after him, Antiochus; then Pompey; and after them, Herod with Sosius took the City, and yet destroyed it not: But before them Na­buchodonosor King of Babylon destroyed it, when he had enjoyed the same, a thousand I three hundred and threescore years, eight moneths and six dayes after it was first built. He that first built it, was one of the Princes of the Canaaanites, surnamed the Just, by reason of his Piety. He first consecrated this City to God, by building a Temple to him, and changed the Name Solyma, into that of Jerusalem: But David the King of the Jews having driven out the Canaanites, gave it to his own People to be inhabited: and after four hundred threescore and four years and three moneths, it was destroyed by the Babylonians. From King David, who was the first Jew that reigned there, till the time that Titus destroyed it, were a thousand one hundred seventy and nine years; and from the time that it was first erected, until it was by him destroyed, were two thousand one hundred and seventy seven years: yet neither the Antiquity, nor Riches,K nor the Fame thereof, now spread all over the World, nor the Glory of Religion did any thing profit or hinder it from being destroyed. Such was the end of the Siege of Jerusa­lem. When there was none left to kill, nor any thing remaining for the Souldiers to get to exercise their outrage against (for they would have spared nothing that they could spoile) Caesar commanded them to destroy the City and Temple,The Romans wholly ruinate both the City and the Tem­ple. leaving only stand­ing certain Towers, that were more beautiful and strong than the rest, to wit, Phaselus, Hippicos, and Mariamme; and the Wall that was on the West side; meaning there to keep a Garrison, and that they should be Monuments of the Valour of the Romans, who had mastered a City so well fortified as by these it appeared to have bee. All the rest of the City they so plained, that those who had not seen it before could not L believe that it had ever been inhabited. This was the end of their madness, who were alwayes given to Sedition in Jerusalem, a most beautiful City and famous amongst all Nations.

CHAP. XIX.
How the Souldiers were rewarded.M

CAesar determined to leave the tenth Legion for a Garison in Jerusalem, with some Troops of Horse, and other Companies of Foot: and all Wars being now ended, he purposed to give solemn praise to the whole Army for their valiant Acts, and to re­ward the most Couragious for their deserts.Titus thanketh his Souldiers, for that they had continued their love to­wards him. Wherefore placing a great Tribunal in the midst before the Camp, and standing up in it with the chief Officers about him, from whence the whole Army might hear him, he gave them hearty thanks that of their good will towards him, they had patiently abode with him during those Wars; prais­ing them for their loyalty during all the time, and that in many actions they had shew­ed themselves valiant, and by their valour had enlarged the dominions of their Coun­try:N likewise that they had now given all Nations to understand, that neither the mul­titude of Enemies, nor strong holds, nor greatness of Cities, nor the rashness or barba­rous cruelty of their Adversaries could ever resist the Forces of the Romans,Titus promises recompence to his valiant Souldiers. or escape their hands; notwithstanding that in many things fortune favoured them: adding, that it was glorious for them to have ended this War that had continued so long; which was all they hoped for at their coming; and especially that his Father and himself, whom they had elected to be the Roman Emperors, were approved and imbraced by all men, all stand­ing to their appointment, and acknowledging themselves beholding to them that elected them. Moreover, that he admired them and loved them all, for that they had shewed them­selves valiant and couragious: and that he would now recompence those with honours,O and due rewards, who had behaved themselves most valiantly, most hazarded themselves, [Page 761] A and effected worthy deeds; and whosoever had been forwarder than the rest, should have reward according to his desert; and that he would be more carefull in honouring those that had been his Companions in that War, than in punishing their offences; then presently he willed them to whom it appertained, to nominate those who had valiant­ly behaved themselves in this War, and had performed any worthy exploit: which being done, he called them by their names and praised them, in such sort as testifi'd that he was no less affected with their Glory than with his own, he Crowned them with Crowns of Gold,Titus largest unto his Soul­diers. and put Chains of Gold about their necks, and gave them Spears pointed with Gold, and Silver Medals; he also distributed to every one of them Gold and Silver money, rich Garments, and other things of value which were part of the B booty; and thus having rewarded every one according to his merit, he descended with great applause from the Tribunal: all the Army making vows for his prosperity, and went to offer Sacrifices for the Victory.Titu's Sacrifice for his Victory▪ He caused a great multitude of Oxen to be Sacrificed, and distributed the flesh to his Army; and during three days he feasted all his principal Officers, after which he dismissed all the Troops to the places design'd for them, appointing the tenth Legion to keep Jerusalem, aud not sending it back to Euphrates, The twelfth Legion under Cestius lead­ing, gave place to the Jews. where before it was. He also remov'd the twelfth Legion out of Syria, remembring that under Cestius his Government they had fled from the Jews, being be­fore at Raphanaeas; which he sent unto Malta that is situate by Euphrates, in the con­fines of Armenia and Cappadocia; the other two he kept with himself, as sufficient to C guard him into Aegypt, which were the fifth and fifteenth Legions. And coming to C [...]esarea by the Sea-coast, he there laid up all his spoils, and caused the Captives to be kept, because the Winter-Season permitted him not to sail into Italy.

CHAP. XX.
How the Emperour Vespasian went from Alexandria into Italy during the siege of Jerusalem; and Titus went to Caesarea Philippi, D where many captive Jews were slain in the Specta­cles which he gave to the people▪

WHilst Titus was busied in the siege of Jerusalem, Vespasian's sailing and journey. Vespasian in a Merchants Ship sailed to Rhodes, and from thence departing in a Galley he visited all the Ci­ties by which he passed, being joyfully received of them all, and went from Ionia in­to Greece, from thence to Co [...]cy [...]a, and into Slavonia, and afterwards by Land. Titus being returned from Caesarea on the Sea-Coast, came to Caesarea Philippi, and there made a long abode,Shews at Cae­sarea. proclaiming all sorts of pastimes: wherein many Captives perished, some being cast to wild Beasts, other [...]orced in great Companies to fight E one against another. Being in this place, he understood that Simon the Son of Giora, was taken. This Simon at such time as Jerusalem was besieged was in the higher part of the City, when the Roman Army entered the Walls, and begun to waste it: and with his most trusty Friends, and certain Masons, having provided them all necessary Tools, and Victuals that might suffice them all for many days, he went into a secret Cave,Simon gets down into the Vault, and ho­peth to escape, from thence in safety. unto the end thereof, and there he caused them to dig further, hoping so to get out at some place where he might safely escape away. Yet this his hope had not so good success as he expected: for they had digged but a little way, before their Victuals failed them: notwithstanding that they had made very great sparing thereof. Then Simon thinking to deceive the Romans, cloathed himself in white, and put on a F purple Cloak about him, and so came out of the Earth in that place where the Tem­ple had formerly stood. They that did see him, were astonished a while, and stirred not, but let him alone: yet at last they came to him, and demanded what he was; but Simon would not tell them, willing them to call their Captain unto him, and pre­sently some of the Souldiers run to call him, and so he came: at that time Terentius Ru­fus was Captain of the Souldiers. Terentius having learned the truth of all, kept him bound,Simon is taken by the Ro­mans. and related to Caesar the manner of his taking; and thus Simon was by the will of God delivered into his Enemies hands, who hated him above measure, and so he was justly punished, for having so cruelly tyrannized over his own Country-men, not taken by their force,Sin cannot shun Gods justice. but yielding himself unto them, having cruelly butchered many G under pretence of false Criminations, to wit, for having revolted to the Romans.

But impiety cannot escape Gods vengeance, neither is the Divine justice of so weak [Page 762] force, but that it can at one time or other punish those that violate it; and it many H times inflicteth grievous punishment upon men, when they think they have escaped all, & are not presently punished; which also Simon felt, after he fell into the Romans hands: his comming out of the earth caus'd a great many more of the Seditious at that time to be taken in the Caves.A great multi­tude of the Se­ditious taken in Vaults. When Caesar was returned to Caesarea by the Sea-Coast, Si­mon was presented bound to him; and he commanded that he should be reserved for his Triumph, which he purposed to make at Rome. After making some abode in that place, he celebrated his brother Domitian's birth-day with great solemnity:In a shew in Caesarea two thousand five hundred Jews dies. & in this solemnity he brought forth divers Jews, whose punishment he had of purpose deferred till this time; the number of all that perished there with fighting against Beasts, and amongst them­selves, Titus celebra­teth Vespasi­ans Birth-day. and by fire, amounted to more than 2500 men. Yet the Romans thought all I these punishments too light and easie for them. After this Titus went to Beritus, which is a City in Phoenicia, (and a Colony of the Romans:) and here also he made some long abode, and celebrated the birth of the Emperour his Father, with far greater Solemnity then the former, as well in giving divers Shews to the people, as in great expence and Sumptuousness, and causing many Captives to perish, as before.

CHAP. XXI.K
Of the Calamity of the Jews at Antioch.

AT the same time the Jews who liv'd at Antioch were in great misery; for the whole City was incited against them, both for some new crimes laid to their charge, and for certain offences before committed; which necessarily I must recount before I proceed. The Nation of the Jews was mixed amongst almost all Nations of the World;The Nation of the Jews in­termixed a­mong the peo­ple of the World. and especially amongst the Syrians, by reason of their vicinity; and many of them were at Antiochia, because it was a great City: and the Kings that succeeded Antiochus permitted them freely to inhabit there, and to injoy all the liberties of the City. For Antiochus, sirnamed Epiphanes, destroyed Jerusalem and sacked the Temple; but L his Successors restored all the Brass vessels that were taken from the Temple to the Jews, to be used in their Synagogue at Antioch, A number of Jews in Anti­och. and permitted them to have the same liber­ties in the City, that the Greeks enjoyed; and the other Kings also of latter times used them after the like sort: so that their number greatly encreased, and they enlarged their Temple, and enriched it with sundry offerings, and oftentimes gain'd some Pagans to be of their Religion; and so rendred them also a part of their Nation. Now a­bout the time that the War broke out, and Vespasian arrived in Syria, the Jews begun to be generally hated of all men:A Jew called Antiochus, is the cause of their mighty misery in An­tioch. and one of them named Antiochus, of considerable parentage, whose Father was chief of all the Jews in Antioch, at such time as the peo­ple of Antioch were assembled in the Theater, came in amongst them, and accused M his own Father, and the rest of the Jews to have conspired together to burn the City in the night time; and he nam'd some other Stranger-Jews to them, as Conspirators with the rest. The people hearing this, could not repress their rage, but presently caused those that were accused, to be burnt in the Theater; and made great speed to set up­on all the Jews, hoping that by speedy dispatch they might preserve their Country, which otherwise was like to perish.Antiochus per­fidious to his Citizens. Antiochus, to enrage them the more, offer'd to sacrifice according to the custom of the Pagans, thereby as it were assuring the Anti­ochians, Antiochus for­biddeth to Sanctifie the seventh day. that he hated the Jews and their customs; moving them also to compel all the rest of the Jews to do the like, and whosoever refused so to do, were to be judged Traitors. The Antiochians followed his counsel: but few Jews would N obey; and they that denied to sacrifice, were slain. Then Antiochus receiving a party of Souldiers from the Roman Governours, became most cruel against his Coun­try-men, and would not permit them to keep holy the Seventh day; but in it obliged them to do all labour and business, that they were acustomed to do upon any other day; and he so urged them hereto, that within short time the seventh day was not only violated among them of Antioch, but also in other places and Cities round about.

The Jews at Antioch having endured this persecution,Another cala­mity at Anti­och. fell into another as great calamity, whereof I intend to speak. It hapned that the foursquare Market and the publick Places, where all Writings and Registers were kept, as also the Kings House, were burnt: and the fire so encreased, that with much ado it was hindred O from firing the whole City. Of this fact Antiochus accused the Jews, thereby incit­ing [Page 763] A the Antiochians, against them;The year of the World, 4035. after the Nati­vity of Christ, 73. and it was not hard for him to believe his calumnia­tious although they had not hated them before, by reason of that which lately past: so that now they almost perswaded themselves, that they had seen the Jews put fire to the houses; and so in a great rage all of them set upon those that were accused. Where­fore Collega the Lievtenant-Governour, had much ado to pacifie the people, notwith­standing that he reqeusted them to permit him to inform Caesar of all that was past. For Vespasian had already sent Cesennius Portus to be Governour of Syria, but he was not as yet arrived there. Then Collega making diligent enquiry of the matter, found out the truth;A sort of wicked men, by means they were indebted, burn the Mar­ket-place, and and the pub­lick Records. and not one of the Jews accused by Antiochus was prov'd guilty: for certain impious people had done all this mischief, being indebted; thinking that if they burnt B the market-place, and the publick writings, then their debts could not be required at their hands. Nevertheless the Jews lived in great fear, and expected the event of these forged accusations.

CHAP. XXII.
How Vespasian at his return was received by the Romans.

C AFter Titus had received Letters from his Father,The City of Rome enter­taineth Vespa­sian with all willingness and pomp. that he was arrived in Italy, and that all the Cities where he came welcomed him very joyfully, and that especially Rome had entertained him with great pomp and triumph, he was eased of the care he had before, and very joyful for his Fathers welfare, and good fortune. For all the people of Italy reverenc'd Vespasian, though absent, as though he had been present with them, desiring to see his arrival, whose coming they so heartily wished for. The Se­nate, remembring what calamities had befaln the City in the change of Princes, desi­red to receive their Emperour honorable for his old age, and martial renown, whose presence alone would be to his subjects advantage and safety. And the vulgar sort also troubled before with civil Wars, long expected his arrival, assuring themselves thereby D to have an end of their calamity, and to recover again their wonted affluence. Espe­cially he was expected by the Souldiers, who knowing his skill in martial affairs, by that which himself had already done, and finding their other Emperours ignorant and unskilful, much wished his coming, in hope thereby to be delivered from the dis­grace wherein they lived, and to be both honoured, and preserved from danger. The Nobility seeing him so beloved of all men,The Romans issue out to meet with Vespasian. could no longer wait his coming, but went and met him at some distance from the City, and accompanied him; and no man stay­ed his coming, but in whole multitudes they went to meet him, they were so desirous to see him: so that more went to meet him, then stayed at home.

When news was brought that he approached near the City, and how friendly and E courteously he had entertained all men, the people with their Wives and Children stay­ed in the way he came, to salute him: and wheresoever he came, with joyful applauses and acclamations they shouted, calling him their Conserver and Benefactor, and he who alone was worthy to be the Roman Emperour; and the whole City was as it had been a Temple, all hung with Garlands, and full of sweet odours and perfumes: and the multitude of the people being such that he could scarcely get into the Palace,Vespasian cele­brateth gr [...] ­latory Sacrifice for his safe [...]. he offered Sacrifice; to his houshold gods for his safe return; and all the people were feasted by their Tribes, Kindred, and Neighbours, and made vows to their Gods, that Vespasian might long continue their Emperour, and his Son a [...]ter him, and that the Empire might never depart from his lineage. The City of Rome having F thus received Vespasian, it was soon after blessed with all happiness and prosperity.G

CHAP. XIII.H
The exploits of Domitian against the Germans and French.

SOme time before Vespasian went to Alexandria, and whilst Titus besieged the City of Jerusalem, a great part of Germany was revolted, with whom the French that bordered upon them,The causes of the revolt of the Germans and French, from the Ro­mans. were confederated, renouncing their allegiance, in hope to free themselves from the Yoke and Government of the Romans▪ The first motive that caused the Germans to revolt, and to war against the Romans, was their temerity I and rash nature prone to fight having but very little hope of success, together with the hatred of the Romans, who they knew alone could by force bring them into subjection; and they were chiefly thereunto encouraged by the present opportunity. For seeing the Empire greatly afflicted with civil Wars, by reason of the often changing of Emperours, and knowing that all the World under their dominion was now in suspence, they thought that by reason of their troubles and Civil Wars, fit opportunity was offered them to re­cover their freedom; and they were hereunto perswaded by Cassius and Civilis, two of the most potent amongst them, who long before desired alteration, and now find­ing opportunity, shewed what minds they bare. Whereupon taking courage they made tryal what the common people thought of this point, and the greatest part of K them manifestly condescended hereunto, and perhaps the rest were not unwilling. At this time, as it were by Gods providence, Vespasian sent Letters to Petilius Cerialis (who before had been Governour of Germany) and declared him Consul,Cerealis com­pelleth the Germans to subjection. command­ing him to go into Britain and take the Rule of the Country. He forthwith obey­ed Vespasians command: and hearing that the Germans had revolted, he went against them, they having now levied an Army, and gave them a great overthrow, kil­ling many of them, and forcing them to return to their obedience to the Romans. Notwithstanding, if he had not come thither, not long after they had assuredly been punished for their offence. For so soon as news of their Rebellion was brought to Rome, Caesar▪ Domitianus, Domitianus Titus Brother. Vespasian's Son (who although very young understood matters of L War beyond his age) hearing of it, and being led by the courage which was heredi­tary to him, undertook the Expedition to go and conquer them: The Barba­rians terrified with the report of his coming, submitted to him, thereby gaining this, that without bloodshed they were brought under subjection as before. And all things in Gallia being well disposed of, so that it was not easie for them, although they would, to rebel any more, Domitian returned again to Rome, having gain'd great Credit to his Age and Country.The Sythians Rebellion a­gainst the Romans.

At the same time also the Scythians rebelled; and assembling in great multitudes, passed over the River Ister, and with great violence and cruelty coming unexpected, slew many Roman Garisons, whom they found in strong holds: and Fonteius A­grippa M Lieutenant-General, who had been Consul, meeting them, gave them Bat­tel, and was slain: which done, they went all over the Countries adjoyning, wast­ing, robbing, and spoiling them. When Vespasian heard thereof, and how M [...]esia was all wasted, he sent Rubrius Gallus to chastise them; he having slain many of them in fight, forced the rest to retire into their own Country. This Gene­ral having thus ended that War, provided to prevent them if hereafter they at­tempted the like; for he built far stronger Forts than were before, so that the Enemy could no way pass out of their own Country; by which means the Wars in M [...]esia were quickly ended.N O

A CHAP. XXIV.The year of the World, 4036. after the Na­tivity of Christ 74.
Of the River Sabbaticus, and the Famous triumph of Vespasian and Titus.

TItus having some while remained at Berytus (as is before said) returned from thence,Titus cele­brateth many sumptuous pastimes in all the Cities of Syria. and shewed many spectacles in all the Cities of Syria, where he came, reserving for that purpose the Jews that were Captives, to let all men understand their B overthrow; in his Journey he beheld a River worth the mentioning; it runneth in the midst between Arcas and Raphaneas, two Cities of the Kingdom of Agrippa, and hath a miraculous nature: for when it floweth, it is very full of Water, and runneth with a swift st [...]ream; but having flowed six days, it is on the seventh day so dry that you may see the bottom,The flood Sab­baticus. and the next day it coutinueth his course; for which cause the Jews call it Sabbaticus, taking the name thereof from the Jews Sab­bath, which is the seventh day. When the Antiochians understood, that Titus was coming to their City, they could not contain themselves within their Walls for joy, but all went out to meet him; and not only Men, but also Women and Children expected his coming thirty Furlongs off; and when he approached near them, they holding up C their hands to him, Saluted him with great joy; and having received many courtesies from him, they returned with him; and amongst other acclamations, they often be­sought him to banish the Jews out of their City.Titus cometh to Antioch. But Titus returned no answer, ma­king as though he heard not what they requested. Yet the Jews doubtful what he would do,The Prayer of the Citizens against the Jews. and what his intent was, were all in exceeding great fear. Titus tarried not at Antioch; but passed from thence to Zeugma towards Euphrates, where the Ambassa­dors of Vologesus [...]ing of the Parthians came to him, and presented him a Golden Crown for his Conquest of the Jews: which he receiving, feasted the Ambassadors, and so returned to Antioch, where the Senate and people besought him to come into the Thea­ter, all the people being assembled there expecting him, and he accorded so to do: D and again they besought him to expel the Jews out of their City; but he answered, that their Country, whereunto he might have banished them, was now destroyed, and there was no place that would recive them. The Antiochians, seeing they could not obtain their first petition, requested another thing of him, to wit, that he would take away the Brazen Tables, wherein were engraven the Jews priviledges. But Titus would not grant that; but leaving the Jews in the same Estate he found them, he departed from thence into Egypt. And as in the way he past by Jerusalem, comparing the de­solation of that place with the beauty & goodly buildings it had before it was destroyed,Titus lament­eth the loss and desolation of Jerusalem. he lamented and pitied the overthrow thereof, not insolently rejoycing as another would have done▪ for having destroyed so fair and strong a City, but cursing the Seditious E who forced him to destroy it,The Romans find no small part of the Riches of Jerusalem. and being sorry he had made his virtue known by the ca­lamity of that miserable people. For still great part of the Treasure of the City was found in the Ruins; and some the Romans found of themselves; but the most they got, the Captives told them of, which was Gold and Silver, and other precious things buried by the owners in the Earth being uncertain what would betide them. Titus going forward in his journey speedily past through this deplorable Solitude, and came to Alexandria: and determining now to sayl in to Italy, he sent the two Legions, that ac­companied him, unto the places from whence they came, the fifth into Maesia, and the tenth into Pannonia, commanding John and Simon, the two chief of the Prisoners, and others,John and Si­mon, and se­venty other goodly Jews are reserved by Titus to be sent unto Ita­ly. to the number of seven hundred, all of goodly stature and beautiful, to be F carried into Italy, in order to use them in his triumph. When he arrived at Rome, as he desired, the people were affected towards him, as if he had been their Father, and went out to meet him. Vespasian also honoured his Son Titus, meeting him in his own person with great joy: all the Citizens likewise received him with exceeding joy, see­ing that now the Father and his two Sons were met. Within a few days after they pur­posed to make but one Triumph for both, though the Senate had decreed to each a pe­culiar Triumph for their valiant deeds; and in the day prefixed for the same no man in all the City remained at home, but every one got a place to stand in, that they might see the Emperours, leaving only Room between them for their passage. All the Souldiers before day-light with their Captains in the head of the Companies came and G expected the Emperour, not at the Palace Gate, but near the Temple of Isis, where the Emperours that night lodged: and at day-break Vespasian and Titus came forth, [Page 766] both crowned with Lawrel,The year of the World, 4036. after the Na­tivity of Christ 74. and in Purple Garments made after their Country fashion; H and they went to Octavian's walks, where the Senate, Nobles and Roman Knights expected their coming. Before the Porch was raised a Tribunal, and in it were pla­ced Seats of Ivory, on which they ascending sat down, and presently all the Souldiers with a loud voice shouted forth their praises.The trium­phant attire of Vespasian and Titus. The Emperours were unarmed, and cloathed in Silk, and crowned with Lawrel. Vespasian having received their praises, as they offer'd still to speak more in his commendations, he beckned with his hand, and made a sign to them to be silent: which done, he rose up, and covering the greatest part of his head with his Garment, he made the accustomed prayers and vows; and Titus also did the like.Their vows and dinner be­fore their Triumph. Then Vespasian spoke to them all in general, but in few words, and so dismissed the Souldiers to go to dinner, which, according to the custome, the Em­perour I was to provide for them: himself departed from them to the triumphant Gate, so­called for that all Triumphs passed that way; and after they had eat there, they put on triumphant Robes, and offered Sacrifices to the Gods, whose Images were placed by the Gate,The magnifi­cence of the Triumph. and so went in triumph all along the places designed for publick Shews, to the end that all people might have a better view of their magnificence. But the spectacles there exhibited, both for number, variety, and constliness, cannot be described suffi­ciently, being excellent in all things, which any man could devise, both workmanship, Riches, Variety, and Novelty. For almost all things that ever were in any place a­mongst men that lived in felicity, either Rich or Glorious, and pleasant to behold, all were that day shewed and seen in this Triumph, as a Testimony of the grandeur of K the Roman Empire.The most pre­cious Gar­ments. For there was such store of works of Gold, Silver, and Ivory, that one would not have deemed them to have been made only for the pomp of that day, but to have been so plentiful, as if they had flowed all about the City: some carried fine Ta­pestry made of all sorts of Purple, & curiously wrought with Pictures & Babylonian works and there was so many Gems and precious Stones, some set in Crowns of Gold, some in o­ther works, that it appear'd that without reason we judged them to be rare and scarce. Moreover, the Pictures of their Gods were carried with them, which were admirable both for greatness & workmanship, and all of precious matter. Moreover divers sorts of living creatures were there to be seen, all adorned with some attire agreeing and alluding unto their nature. There was also an infinite multitude of men in Purple Garments wrought L with Gold, who carried all these things; and all those that were designed to serve for this pomp, were attired in such Garments, than which nothing could be more Glorious. Even the Captives were not without gorgeous attire;The building of the Page­ants. but the variety and beauty of the Garments made the Sadness of their countenances less remarkable. The Pageants, that were born in the Triumph, were of admirable bigness, so that the people that beheld them, wondred how it was possible that men should carry them: for many were built with three or four lofts one above another, surpassing all that can be imagined for work and cost; some of them being hang'd about with Tapestry of Gold; and all things an­nexed unto them, whereon they were carried, were made of wrought Gold or Ivory: Wherein was curiously represented the manner of War, and all Stratagems, and Arts of M fighting, that could be devised; some in one part of the Pageant, some in another. There might one have beheld most most fertil and fortunate Countries destroyed; whole Troops of Enemies slain, some flying, others taken Prisoners; strong and huge Walls battered down with Rams; Castles and Fortreses destroyed; great and populous Cities assaulted, and a whole Army entring the Breach; all places filled with massacred men; and how those that were not able to fight, yielding themselves, asked mercy; the Temples set one fire; and after all else was wasted, the houses thrown down upon their owners heads; and a River not flowing, as it was wont, into tilled places, and to serve for the use of Man and Cattel to drink, but carrying Streames of blood to quench part of the flames,A Table of Gold of the weight of a great talent. which consum'd the City to ashes; all which the Jews in their War N endured. These things were so artificially represented to the view of those that had not seen them, as though they were now a doing. Upon every Pageant stood the Gover­nour of the City, representing the manner how it was taken. After all these followed many Ships: and in every place were carried the spoils taken in War: amongst which those that were taken in the Temple of Jerusalem were most remarkable:The last of the spoils was the Law of the Jews. for there was a Golden Table weighing many Talents, and likewise a Golden Candelstick, the use whereof was now not such as we were wont to put it to; for in the midst of the stem thereof was fixed a Base, and out of it proceeded many small branches, framed like a three-forked spear, every one being at the top made like a Lamp, which were 7 in number, shewing the honour of the seventh day, which is called the Sabbath amongst O the Jews. After all this was carried the Jews Law, which was the last of all the spoils. Then followed some that carried several Images of Victory, all made of Gold [Page 767] A and Ivory. Afterwards came Vespasian, followed by Titus, and Domitian accompanied them gallantly adorned, and Mounted on an excellent Horse; and so they went all to the Tem­ple of Jupiter Capitolinus, and there was the end of all this pomp. Here they made some stay.

For it was an ancient Custom of their Country, to repose themselves there, till some came and brought news to them of the death of him who was General of their Enemies. This at this time was Simon Giora, Simon the Son of Giora is drawn with a Halter about his neck tho­row the mar­ket place. who was also carried in the Triumph, and having a Rope fastned about his neck was drawn all along the Market-place, where they that drew him kil'd him. For it is the custom of the Romans there to put malefactors to death that are condemned. After word was brought that he he was dead, all the B people made joyful exclamations, and so they fell to Sacrifice: which done ac­cording to the custom, they returned to the Palace, where they made a great Feast, as others also did for themselves at their own Houses. For this day was sacred amongst the Romans in joy of the Victory over their Enemies, and an end of civil Cala­mity, and the beginning of good Fortune and hope, which they had in their new Princes.

When the Triumphs were ended,Vespasian buildeth and dedicateth a Temple to Peace. and all the Roman Empire quieted, Vespa­sian built a Temple, and dedicated it to Peace, which he did in so short a space, that it was admirable: and having bestowed great cost upon it, he also beautified it with divers Pictures and carved works. And he placed in that Temple all things C that men of former Ages had gathered together from the uttermost parts of the Earth. And he placed there all the Golden Vessels, and other things that the Jews used in their Temple, doing them great reverence. But their Law, and the Tapestry or Purple Veils of the Sanctuary he commanded to be kept in the Palace.

CHAP. XXV.
D How Herodium and Machaeron were taken by Bassus.

CAesar sent Lucius Bassus into Judea to be Lieutenant General there, who receiving the Army of Cerealis Vetilianus, took the Castle and Garrison of Herodium by composition. After this, gathering together all his Troops which were dispersed in divers places of the Country with the tenth Legion he purposed to War against Machaeron; for he thought it necessary to destroy that Castle, left its strength might move many to rebel: for by reason of the situation of the place, they that werein it had great assurance of safety; and those that sought to assault it, were in great danger: For it was built upon a Rock that was exceeding high, and which made E it almost inexpugnable; and nature had so devised, that it was hard to come to it being environed round about with Valleys of incredible depth and very difficult to pass over: for that which is on the West part is threescore Furlongs large, and endeth at the Lake Asphaltites; on which side Machaeron hath a very high Prospect: and it is environed on the North and South with Valleys of the like depth; whereby it is impossible to win the Castle; but that Valley which is on the East side, is at least a hundred Cubits deep, and endeth upon a Mountain near Macheron, Alexander King of the Jews seeing the Nature of the place, there built a Castle, which afterward Gabinius in the War against Aristobulas destroyed. But Herod when he was King,Herod enviro­neth Macha [...] ­ron with a great Wall and Tower. judged this place worthy to be fortified, as a Principal defence F against the Neighbouring Arabians. For it was aptly situate upon a Moun­tain, whence one might behold their borders. Wherefore making a large Wall, he built a City there in the place that enters into the Castle: he also compassed the very top thereof with another Wall, and in the corner he placed Towers that were 60 Cubits high; and in the very midst of all he built a Palace for largeness and beauty admirable; and he made many Cisterns to receive Water in convenient places,Wonderful store of Ar­rows and other Engines in this Tower. which served the peo­ple abundantly, striving as it were with nature, that the places which she had made Strong, he by Art might make yet inexpugnable. He also laid up there in store Arms and warlike Engines, and also all provisions wherewith the Inhabitans might be able to hold out a long siege.

G In the Kings Palace,Rue of admi­rable greatness▪ grew the Herb called Rue, which was very admirable for the greatness; for no Figtree was taller or broader then it; and it was reported that it had continued [Page 768] ever since Herods time;The year of the World, 4037. after the Na­tivity of Christ, 75. and had endured longer, had not the Jews ruined it when H they took the place. In the Valley that lieth on the North side of the City, there is a place called Baaras, where also groweth a Root of the same name, the colour whereof resembleth flame, and it shineth at night like the Sun-beams, and is not easie to be pulled up, till one cast upon it the Urine of a Woman or her flowers: whosoever toucheth it is sure to dy, except he carry the Root hanging on his hand. It is also gathered another way without danger,How Baaras is to be gathered. after this manner: They dig all round about it, so that they leave a very little of the Root covered with Earth, and then they tie a Dog to it,Another fashi­on how to dig the Roots who striving to follow his Master, who makes as though he would go away, easily pulleth up the Root; and the Dog presently dieth, as it were in his stead that seeketh to get it; but afterward none that handleth it or taketh I it, need to stand in fear thereof. This Herb notwithstanding all this danger is di­ligently sought out for the vertue it hath. For it driveth away Devils (which are the Souls of wicked men) out of mens bodies, if it be applyed unto them; whereas otherwise if they had no help, these Devils possessing their bodies would kill them.Hot Baths. out of that place also do spring certain hot Waters, very different in taste one from another; for some are bitter, some sweet: there are also sources of cold Waters, one near another in a Plain: but which is most admirable, there is a Cave hard by, not very deep, environed with an eminent Rock above, from which there stands out as it were two Duggs or Paps hard by one another, and out of one of them floweth very cold Water, out of the other very hot; which mingled to­gether K make a pleasant bath, and serve to cure many Diseases, and especially all pains of the sinews. In the same place also are mines of Sulpher and A­lum.

Bassus having viewed this place on every side, resolved to besiege it; and he endeavoured to fill up the Valley that was on the East side, and so make away to it: which he began to do, hastning to raise a very high Mount in order to bat­ter the Castle.The Jews that were forreign­ers dwelt in the lower Ci­ty. Those that were inhabitants, constrained the Jews that were stran­gers to go into the lower City, judging them an unprofitable multitude; and so they caused them to endure the first brunt of the Enemies, and they themselves kept the Castle, both for that it was strong, and easie to defend, and that they L hop'd that by yielding the place to the Romans,The conflict of the Jews with the Romans. they might obtain pardon of them. Yet first they purposed to make Trial if they could avoid the siege: and therfore very couragiously every day they made excursions,Eleazar a Jew strong in hand, and fierce in bold attempts. and fought with those they met, and many were slain on both parts. Fortune and opportunity sometime caused one side to be victors, sometime another: for the Jews got the best, when they could assault the Romans unawares, and the Romans overcame, when they were aware of the Jews coming, and armed themselves. But the siege was not ended by these Skirmishes: at length a chance befel, which obliged the Jews to yield the Castle.

Amongst those that were besieged was one Eleazar a young man, very hardy and bold in any enterprize, and who oftentimes made excursions, and sought to M hinder the Romans work, whom always in every fight he greatly endammaged, and by his valour and adventurous courage gave those that were his fellows opportunity to assault the Romans, and to fly again and retire in safety, himself being always the last that so retired. It hapned one day that the fight being ended, and both parts separated, he as it were contemning all men, and thinking that none of his Enemies durst undertake to Combate with him, stayed without the Gate, speaking to those that were upon the Wall, and giving great attention to them. Then one Rufus an Aegyptian, one of the Roman Army, spying this opportunity ran upon him so suddenly, that he unawares took him all unarmed as he was, and they upon the Walls stood amazed, whilst Rufus led him into the Roman Camp,N Then the General of the Romans caused him to be led into a place, where they in the City might see him, and there to have all his Cloaths taken off, and to be whipp'd: the misfortune of this young man greatly discouraged the Jews, so that all the City was melted into Tears for the calamity of this one man. Bassus seeing this contriv'd this device against them in order to move them to compassion, so that for to save him they should yeild their Castle:Eleazar's ca­lamity moveth the Jews to submit them­selves. which fell out as he desired. He presently commanded a Cross to be erected, as though he would presently have crucified Eleazar: which sight greatly moved them in the Castle to sorrow: where­upon with loud cries they lamented, saying, that this calamity was insupportable.O Eleazar besought them not to neglect him, who was now to die a most misera­ble [Page 769] A death; and moreover to provide for their own safety in yielding the Castle unto the Roman Forces and success.

They moved with his words, and many also within the City intreating for him (for he came of great Parentage and had many Kindred) though contrary to their natures, compassion took place in them: and so sending some of their company speedily; they desired to parley, declaring that they would yield the Castle on condition that they might safely depart away, and Eleazar might likewise be restored to them. Which offer of theirs the Romans accepted; and the Jews in the lower part of the City having intelligence of this agreement, resolved likewise to fly away in the night: but so soon as they had opened their Gates, those that had agreed with Bassus, B gave him intelligence thereof; either envying that their Country men should escape, or else fearing that Bassus would punish them for their flight: yet for all this, the most valiant of those that fled, who got out before the rest, escaped, the rest were slain to the number of one thousand seven hundred men;1700 Jews slain by the Romans. the Women and Children were made bond­slaves. And Bassus thinking it meet to keep his promise to them of the Castle, permit­ted them safely to depart, and restored Eleazar to them.

C CHAP. XXVI.
Of the Jews that Bassus slew: and how the Emperor caused the Lands of Judea to be sold.

THis done Bassus prepared to carry his Army into the Forrest called Jardes, Jardes a wood invironed by the Romans. where he had notice that many Jews were assembled together, having escaped from Je­rusalem and Machera during the Siege. So coming to the place, and finding it to be as it was reported to him, he first of all invironed it with Horsemen, that if any of the Jews sought to escape, the Horsemen might dispatch them: and he commanded the D Footmen to cut down the Wood into which they had fled to hide themselves. So through necessity the Jews were constrained to fight, in hope by a couragious Charge to make a passage for themselves. Wherefore with a great Cry they violently assault­ed those by whom they were invironed, and the Romans valiantly received them, and by their valour and the Jews desperation the fight endured a long time; yet the event of the Battle was favourable to the Romans, of whom only twelve were slain, and very few wounded,3000 Jews slain. but all the Jews were slain in the fight, being in number three thousand, and also their Captain Judas the Son of Jairus (of whom we have already made men­tion, and who during the siege of Jerusalem was Commander of a Company there, and hid himself in a certain Cave, and secretly escaped from thence) At that time Caesar E writ to Liberius Maximus his Governour,A tribute im­posed by Caesar on all the Jews and to Bassus, to fell all the Lands of Judea: for he would not build any more Cities, but appropriated it to himself, leaving there only eight hundred Souldiers, and giving them a place to dwell in called Emaus, thirty furlongs distant from Jerusalem: and he imposed a Tribute upon all Jews wheresoever they lived, commanding every one of them every year to pay two Drachms to the Ca­pitol, according as in former times they were wont to pay to the Temple of Jerusalem: and this was the miserable estate of the Jews at that time.F G

CHAP. XXVII.H
Of the Death of King Antiochus: and how the Alans invaded Armenia.

IN the fourth year of Vespasian's Reign, it hapned that Antiochus King of Comagena [...] with all his family fell into great misfortune upon this occasion.Cesennius Pe­tus President of Syria ac­cuseth Antio­chus before Caesar. Cesennius Petus Governour of Syria (either for envy, or for that indeed it was so; for it is not well known) sent Letters to Caesar, declaring to him that Antiochus was determined to revolt from the Romans, together with his Son Epiphanes; that he had made a League with I the King of the Parthians; and that therefore it was necessary to prevent them in time, lest if they first began to revolt openly, they might trouble all the Roman Empire with War. Caesar did not neglect this news, for that the nearness of both the Kings Countries one to another seemed to require that they should be quickly prevented: for Samosata the greatest City of Comagena is situate upon Euphrates, and so might both easily receive the Parthians, and be a strong Hold for them; and also there they might easily pass over the River. Wherefore Vespasian sent word to Petus, That he permitted him to do what he thought expedient: and he forthwith, Antiochus thinking nothing, suddenly entred into Comagena with the sixth Legion, and certain other Companies of Foot, and K some Troops of Horse, accompanied with Aristobulus King of Chalcis, and Sohemus King of Emesa, who came to assist him. They entred the Country without any fight; for none of the inhabitants offered to resist.Antiochus is suddenly inva­ded by Cesen­nius. Antiochus though surprised with this unexpect­ed news, yet did not so much as think of any War against the Romans; but determined to leave the whole Kingdom in that estate that then it was in, and with his Wife and Children to depart from thence, hoping hereby to clear himself to the Romans, from that which they suspected of him: and going almost a hundred and thirty furlongs from the City into a Plain, there he encamped. Petus sent men to Samosata to take it, as they easily did, and were left to keep the City, whilst he with the rest of the Souldiers purpose to go against Antiochus: But the King, though by necessity urged thereto, yet would L not fight against the Romans; but bewailing his misfortune, endured patienrly all what­soever: But his two Sons being lusty strong young men, and skilfull in martial affairs, could not easily abstain from fight in this their distress. Wherefore they had recourse to their forces, and in a great fight that endured a whole day, they shewed their Valour, and came off with little loss.Antiochus chu­seth rather to depart out of his Country with his Wife and Children, than to fight with the Ro­mans. Yet Antiochus after this fight would not any longer abide in his Country, but taking his Wife and Daughters he fled into Cilicia, and thereby discouraged his Souldiers, who dispairing to keep the Kingdom for him, revolted to the Romans. But Epiphanes and the rest were forced to seek to save themselves, before such time as they were left destitute, and so accompanied with ten Horsemen, they pas­sed the River Euphrates: And so being out of danger, they went to Vologesus, by whom they were received,Antiochus fli­eth with his wife into C [...]licia. not as Fugitives, but with great honour, and according to their de­gree,M as though they yet possessed their ancient dignity.

Petus coming to Tarsus of Cilicia, sent a Centurion to arrest and carry Antiochus bound to Rome. Epiphanes fli­eth to Veloge­ [...]us the King of Parthia. But Vespasian permitted not the King to be so ill treated, considering more the old Friendship between them, than the offence which he believed had given occasion to this War. Wherefore he commanded, that in the way as he came, he should be unbound and stay a while at Lacedemon, and forbear his journey towards Rome; allowing him money sufficient to maintain his Kingly dignity.Antio [...]hus taken.

Epiphanes, and those with him hearing this, were eased of the great concern they took for their Father, whom they greatly feared to be fallen into some danger; and now they also conceived some hope to be reconciled to Caesar; whereof Vologesus writ to Vespasian, N who courteously gave them leave to come to Rome; and their Father was presently sent for to them from Lacedemon, and so they remained at Rome in great honour.

The Nation of the Alanes, Antiochus re­conciled to Caesar. being originally Scythians, inhabit about the River Tanais, and the Marshes of Meotis, as in another place we have recounted. They conspiring with the King of Hyrcania to pass into Media and sack it (for he was Ma­ster of that passage which King Alexander had made in such wise, that it was shut up with Iron Gates) obtained leave to pass, and so came into Media, whilst the Medes nothing feared any such matter,The Alans [...] same. and sacked and spoiled all their populous and wealthy borders being full of Cattel, none daring to resist them; for Pacorus King of that Country, for fear fled into the strongest hold he had, and left all his goods behind him, and with much O ad [...] readeemed his Wife and Concubines, whom they had taken, for a hundred talents. [Page 771] A Having therefore Licence to rob and spoile,The year of the World, 4035. after the Nativity of Christ, 73. for that no man resisted them, they came into Armenia, and wasted all the Country thereabout. Tyridates was then King of that Country, who with an Army coming to fight against them, was almost by them taken alive in the Battle; for one cast a halter about him and began to draw him amongst the Enemies:Armenia wa­sted. and so had done, but that he with his Sword quickly cut the rope and fled: and they being more enraged, by reason he fought against them, wasted all the Coun­try, and carrying with them a great multitude of Men and Cattle out of both Coun­tries, they returned into their own.

B CHAP. XXVIII.
How Massada, a very strong Castle, was taken.

BAssus dying in Judaea, Flavius Sylva succeeded in his place; who perceiving that all the Country else were Conquered save one only Castle, he with all the forces he could make went against it. This Castle is called Massada. The Captain of the Sicari­ans, named Eleazar, who commanded in it, was a very strong and valiant man, of the Tribe of Juda, who perswaded a great many Jews, as is beforesaid, not to enrol them­selves C when Cyrenaeus was Censor, and sent to tax Judea. For at that time the Sicari­ans had conspired against those that obeyed the Romans, and in all things used them like Enemies, taking and driving away their Goods, and firing their Houses, affirming that they nothing differed from strangers, who betrayed the libertty of their Country, rather than they would fight for it, and that they had rather they were on the Ro­mans side. But this was only an excuse to hide their avarice and injurious dealing, as the proof made manifest; for they themselves revolted and bore Arms against the Ro­mans, and their enterprises against the Romans were worse than the rest; and when their first forged pretence was known and confuted, they raged more than before against those that upbraided them with it.

D For at that time the Jews abounded with all manner of Iniquity,The time a­mong the Jews which was most fruitful in all manner of impiety. so that none was left uncommitted, yea, though one endeavoured to invent some new Villanies, yet could he devise none that was not then practised: All laboured with this malady, both in parti­cular, and in common; and every one strove with other to surpass his fellow in impiety against God, and injustice towards his Neighbour. The mighty vexed the weaker sort; and the meaner sort destroyed the Potentates, and took their riches away from them; those gaped after rule and dominion, these after mischief.

The Sicarians were the first that were so cruel and injurious against their neighbours:John Giscala [...]. for not provoked thereunto, either by deed or word, they slew and injured all men with­out cause; but in comparison of John they were very moderate. For he did not only E slay all that counselled that which was good and profitable, as his greatest Enemies, especially the Citizens; but also he many wayes injured his Country, like one who impiously contemned God himself. For he did eat forbidden meats, and violated the purity of his Countries Customes:Simon Son of Giora. so that it was no wonder to see him observe no justice nor fidelity towards men, who had now infringed the Laws of God. Again, what Villanies did Simon Giora leave undone? Or what injury did he abstain from offering to their Bodies, who had chosen him for their Ruler? What did kindred and friendship then avail any man? Yea, it occasioned them to be more cruelly used, and more ty­rannously butchered, than otherwise. For they thought it a pittiful offence to abuse Strangers, but a glory to exercise cruelty upon their most familiar Friends.

F The Iduma [...]ans were followers of this fury,The Idumaeans who kill'd the high Priests, and left not a­ny one of note in the City, by whom God might be honoured; and induced all in­justice possible,The Zealous. wherein the Zealous excelled. For they committed all mischief, leaving nothing unattempted, that had ever before that time been practised: yet they took their Name from those that practise good and godliness, but in truth it was to mock and flout those that did well (so savage and cruel was their nature) or else accounting the greatest impiety to be goodness.The end of the Jews answer­able to their lives. But their end was as they deserved; God punished their impieties with his just vengeance: For even till the end of their lives, they endu­red all the miseries that is possible for mans nature to abide, undergoing all sorts of tor­ments. Perhaps one will say that their punishment was not so great as they deserved: G but what punishment could be devised sufficient for their deserts? I cannot now stand to lament those who perished by these mens cruelty: Wherefore I will return where I left.

[Page 772] Sylva being advanced against Eleazar, The year of the World, 4038. after the Nati­vity of Christ, 76. and those that kept Massada with him, who A were Sicarians, he presently subdued all the Confines and borders round about, and put in every fit place Garrisons, and invironed the Castle with a Wall, lest any of the be­sieged should escape, and that the besiegers might there keep a continuall guard. Moreover,S [...]lva the Cap­tain of the Ro­mans besiegeth Massada. he placed his Camp in a fit quarter for the Siege, where the Rock that the Castle was built upon joyned to the other Mountain; but it was an unfit place to get necessaries in: For not only victuals were fetcht far off by great labour of the Jews, who were commanded to do it; but also water for the whole Army some-where else, for there was no Fountain near that place.

This done, Sylva attempted the Castle; wherein it was requisite for him to use both art and labour,The situation of Massada. by reason of the strength of the Castle, which is thus situate. It is in­vironed B round with a huge Rock very high on every side; and the Valley underneath is so deep, that one can scarce see the bottom, all rocky and inaccessible to all Animals; saving only that in two places there is a difficult passage to it, one from the Lake As­phaltites towards the East,The journey by the Rock called the Snake. and the easiest of the two on the West side: the first is call­ed a Snake; taking its name of the straitness and crooked turnings; for the Rock that is eminent, seemeth as it were broken in sunder, and by little and little often returneth again into it self, and is by degrees extended in length, so that he that goeth that way, can make no hast, but must step with one foot first upon them, and the other upon ano­ther, and must stand upon one foot while he removeth the other, and he that falleth is sure to be killed in the fall: for there is such a hollow place on either side between the C Rocks, that it is able to terrifie the boldest man alive. When one hath gone thirty furlongs by this way, one comes to the top of the Hill, which is not steep, but hath a Plain upon it. Jonathan the high Priest was the first that built a Castle in this place, and called it Massada: and Herod after him bestowed great labour and cost in fortifying it, for he in­vitoned it with a Wall of seven furlongs Circuit, all of white stone, twelve Cubits high, and eight Cubits broad; and placed in it twenty seven Towers that were fifty Cubits high, by which men passed into the houses that were round about the Wall within. The King appointed the top of the Hill for Tillage,The top more fruitful and [...]tter soil than the Plain. because it was a more fertile and fat soil than any ground else, so that if at any time they within the Castle wanted provision, yet they might not be famished,Herods Palace. having this ground to furnish them. He also built in D this place to Palace for himself, the way to which was on the West side within the Castle wall, whose prospect was towards the North; and he invironed the same with a very strong Wall, and in the Corners thereof he built four very firm Towers threescore Cubits high, and very sumptuous within, having divers Roomes, Galleries and Baths, supported in every place with Pillars, every one of which was one only stone: The Walls thereof were of solid stone of divers colours: and to every house; and in the top of the Hill, and round about the Palace, he hewed certain Cisterns out of the Rock to hold water; so that by this means water was as plentiful, as though they had had Foun­tains within the Castle. There was a way to the Castle under ground from the Kings Palace, which they that were without could not perceive; but the way above ground E was inaccessible; for as we have already said, by the way on the East side no man could pass, and as for that on the West, it was stopt up with a Tower built in the strait there­of distant a thousand Cubits from the Castle,A Tower to the west-side. by which it was impossible to pass; and it was not easie to get it by force; and the more leisurely one went, the greater was the danger. Thus was this Fortress strengthened both by Art and Nature.

The provision within the Castle was admirable for the plenty thereof;Great store of provision in the Castle. for there was Corn sufficient for many years, besides Wine and Oyl, and all sorts of Pulse, and great quantity of Dates. All which Eleazar, having deceitfully obtained the Castle with his Sicarians, found there: which provision was all as sound and as fresh, as though it had newly been laid up in store: notwithstanding, that from the time it was placed there,F to the time that the Romans took it,Fruit for an hundred years kept uncorrupt were a hundred years: And the Romans found the reliques of the fruits incorrupted: and one may justly think that the cause hereof is the Air about the Castle, which by reason of the height of the place is most pure, and free from all earthly corruption. There was also found all manner of Armour in great quantity, which Herod had made, and would have armed ten thousand men; also much unwrought Iron, Brass and Lead; so that one may judge that provision to have been reserved for some great cause.

It is reported,Herod suspect­ing a double peril, builded the place for a refuge. that Herod prepared that Castle for his refuge, when he doubted two great dangers: First, That the People of the Jews would depose him, and make them Kings whose Ancestors had before reigned.G

The other which was more considerable, was, for that he feared Cleopatra Queen of [Page 773] A Egypt, who without concealing her intent often req [...]ested Antonius that Herod might be slain, and that she might have the Kingdom of the Jews given to her. And it was a great marvel that Antonius doting so upon her, did not fulfil her request. Herod upon these apprehension built Massada, and left it so furnished that without taking it the Romans could not put an end to the War against the Jews. Herod [...] a double [...], build [...]d the place for a refuge. After the General of the Romans had now compassed all the place, without with a Wall (as is before said) to the end that none might escape, he began to assault the Castle, but found one only place that he could fill up with Earth. For behind the Tower which on the West-side stopped up the passage to the Castle and Palace,There was but one place a­bout Massada to raise a mount to bat­ter on. there was a great Rock very large and long, yet not so high as Massada by three hundred Cubits: The Rock was called B Leuce, which signifieth white. When Sylva had gotten this Rock, he commanded his Souldiers to build a Mount thereon; and they chearfully labouring, raised suddenly a mount two hundred Cubits high: yet by reason of the height it seemed not firm nor sufficient enough to bear the Engines; wherefore upon it was built a Platforme with great stones fifty Cubits high, and as many Cubits broad; the Engines were such as Vespasian and Titus had devised to batter Walls with: and upon this Platform they made a Tower threescore Cubits high, all plated about with Iron.

From hence the Romans with many shot from their Engines drove the Jews from off the Castle Walls,The City bat­tered wi [...]h a­large Ram. and by Sylvas appointment. not suffering them to lift up their heads. And Sylva having made a mighty Ram, caused the Wall to be continually battered therewith; but it could scarce­ly C make a breach in it; and the Sicarians quickly prevented it, by building another Wall within, which could not be broken with the the Ram, because it was yet soft, and so broke the force thereof; for they saw'd Timber in pieces, and as it were made two rails; & then filled the space between the two rails with Earth, and with other planks they kept the Earth from falling down, so that they made a work like the Wall of a house; which for that it yielded to the blows of the Ram (being soft Earth) the Ram could not prevail against it, but rather made it more strong than before by ran [...] Earth together.

Sylva perceiving this Judged that he might sooner destroy the Wall with fire than with his Engine,Firebrands darted against the Walls. and so he commanded the Souldiers to cast upon it many burning fire­brands; and the fire quickly took hold of the Wall, because it was for the most part D built with Wood; and easily also pierced through it, by reasom it was not close wrought together: and there was a great flame.

At the very beginning of the fire the North wind greatly annoyed the Romans; for the fire blowing furiously from above against them, it drove so extremely upon them, that they were in great despair,The North winds divert­ing the flame, turneth i [...] on the Romans. fearing their Engines would be burnt; but presently the Wind changing and blowing from the South, (as it were by Gods providence) it turned the fire again upon the Wall, so that all of it, even to the foundation thereof, was wholly set on fire. The Romans thus assisted by God, returned again into their Camp joyfully, purposing the next morning betimes to give the assault, and that night to place stronger Watches, lest any of the Enemies should escape. But Eleazar was E far from thinking to flie; neither would he permit any one of his company to think of it. But seeing now the Wall was fired, and not knowing any way else to save himself, considering likewise what the Romans would do unto their Wives and Children if they should take them, he deliberated of all their death's, which he in that extremity judg­ed to be the best way they could take. And so he assembled the most valiant of all his companions, and exhorted them all thereunto, after this manner.

Generous Jews,Eleazars O­ration to his companions. we long age resolved with our selves to serve neither the Romans, nor any other save only God: for he alone is the true and just Lord of all men. Behold, the time is now come, that requireth you to shew your resolute minds: let us not therefore dishonour our selves, and beside our slavery, suffer also intolerable torments, if we be taken alive by the Ro­mans. F Eleazar con­fesseth Gods wrath to be kindled a­gainst the people. For we were the first that revolted from them, and now the last that war against them. And I verily think that God hath given us this benefit, that we may die well in our own liberty, which he denied to others, who were overcome contrary to all expectation. We are certain to be conquered as soon as it is day light: but to die valiantly with our dearest Friends, is a Glorious resolution for valiant men; and of this our Enemies cannot debar us, who labour to to take us alive, and carry us away Captives; and we are not able to van­quish them in fight. For truly, at the first (when we who coveted liberty suffered all mi­sery at the hands of our own Countrymen, and worse at the hands of our Enemies) we should have considered, that God, who was sometimes favourable to the Nation of the Jews, had now condemned it to perdition: for had he yet been favourable to us, or had be been but lightly of­fended G with us, he would not have permitted so many men to have perished, and have deli­vered his Holy City into the hands of the Enemies to be consumed with fire. We only amongst [Page 774] all our Nation have hoped to live in liberty, as though we had no ways offended the divine H Majesty, or been guilty of any offence, who indeed taught others iniquity. So you see how we are punished for longing after vain hope, being brought into greater extremity than we ex­pected. Neither hath our Castle, by Nature inexpugnable, any thing profited us to our pre­servation; but we having store of Victuals and Arms, and all other necessaries, have lost all hope of safety, God himself manifestly taking it from us. For the fire that once was car­ried against our Enemies, did not of it self return against us and the Wall we built: But it was for the punishment of offences,The punish­ment of those crimes, which the Jews in Jury attemp­ted against the Gentils. who furiously raged against our own Nation: wherefore I re­quest you, let us not be punished by the Romans, whose forces are invincible, but of our selves let us satisfie the anger of God, and so it will be more tolerable for us; even by that means our Wives shall die undefiled, and our Children shall not taste of servile Captivity. After whose I deaths, we will one help another to die with credit preserving our liberty, which is the best Se­pulture of all.The best grave is when liberty is maintained. Yet let us first fire our Castle, and burn our Treasure: for it will be no small grief to the Romans, if they neither get our bodies alive, nor find any jot of our riches for re­compence of their labour. Let us only leave our victuals as a sufficient Testimony, that Famine did not cause us to be conquered; but that we, as at first we resolved, preferred death before bondage.

Eleazar having thus spoken, they that were present did not all accord with him; for some joyfully hasted to execute his advice, thinking it a glorious death. But others moved with compassion towards their Wives and Families, were something backward or else abhorred to kill themselves, and looking one upon another with Tears, shew'd K their disagreement from that which Eleazar advised. Which when Eleazar perceiv'd, and that his counsel through fear was defeated; fearing also that they who couragious­ly had at first accorded thereunto, would be withdrawn by the Tears of others, he did not so end his exhortation; but standing up, he begun with a vehement discourse to speak to them of the immortality of the Soul, and fixing his Eys upon those that wept with a great exclamation, said:

How much am I deceived,Eleazar's O­ration as touching the immortality of the Soul. who thought that valiant men fighting for their liberty would rather chuse to die than to live? but ye shew your selves not to excel any ordinary men, who fear to die, notwithstanding that thereby you may escape great misery and calamity; though in this point you ought not to have expected any admonition thereunto, nor to have made any L delay to do it. The ancient customes, which have endured ever since men had reason, the di­vine doctrine of our Nation, which hath continually been confirmed by the deeds of our pre­decessours, do instruct us, that it is miserable to live, and not to die. For Death dismisseth our Souls from prison to their most pure and proper place, where never after they shall be touched with calamity.A Soul tied in a mortal body. But whilst they are bound in a mortal body, and participate of his miseries, they may in a manner be affirmed to be dead.The power of the Soul. For there is no proportion between two things, one whereof is Divine, and the other Mortal. True it is, that our Souls can do much being joyn­ed to our bodies, which they use as their instruments, secretly producing in them motion, and many other actions passing the Nature of Mortal things. But when the Soul is loosed from that heavy burthen, which weighs it down to the Earth, and hath recovered its pro­per M habitation, then it injoyeth free and perfect felicity, and remaineth invisible to mortal Eyes, as God himself is, as likewise it is in our bodies. For it cometh secretly into them, and so de­parteth from them again, that no man can perceive it, being of a nature incor­ruptible, and yet causing great changes in our bodies. For whatsoever the Soul toucheth, that presently liveth and flourisheth; and what is forsaketh, that incontinently withereth and dyeth:Sleep the Ar­gument of the immortality of the Soul. so much doth it participate of immortality. Sleep may be an evident argument to you of this which I speak, in which the Soul not being distracted taketh a most pleasant and sweet repose; and communicating with God, it foreseeth many future events. Wherefore then should we fear death, who love the rest that we have in sleep? were he not a mad man that for a short life would hinder himself of that which is enternal? It is necessary that we who are in­structed N in the Law of our Nation,The professors of wisdom a­mong the In­dians burn themselves. should give example to others to despise and contemn Death. But if we seek confirmation hereof from strangers, let us see the examples of the wiser sort of Indians: for they being just men tolerate this life as a necessary office of nature for a certain time, though against their wills; yet do they even in perfect health hasten to unloose the Soul bound in this Mortal Body, though not urged thereunto by any calamity or necessity, but only for desire of immortality, and solemnly take leave of their Friends; neither doth any one seek to hinder them, but esteeming them most fortunate, they send by them commendations and other messages to their Friends departed: so firm is their belief that the Souls of the dead have Communion and conversation together. And thus having all instruction what to say to the Souls departed, they with great applause leap into the fire, that thereby their Souls may O be purified and separated from their Bodies. And their Friends go more joyfully with them [Page 775] A when they go to their death, than any doth, that bringeth his Friend on the way when he is to go a great journey; and they bewail only themselves, and not those who are dead and have attained immortality. Shall not we then be ashamed not to believe so firmly as the Indians do? de­spising through our own sloth our Country-laws which are to be reverenc'd of all men: Nay, supposing that by our law we had been instructed contrariwise, to wit, that to live in this life is bliss, and to die is calamity: yet notwithstanding, this present necessity, this present time had been a sufficient motive to cause us to embrace death rather than life, seeing that the will of God and necessity oblige us thereunto. For who can doubt that God, to punish us for ha­ving made ill use of life, ha's long since resolv'd to deprive us of it? and that it is not to our own forces or the clemency of the Romans that we are beholding for not being all slain in this B War?An exhortati­on to contemn death, drawn from the time and place. But a more potent cause hereof there was which made them conquerours. Were they the Romans that slew the Jews that inhabited at Caesarea, whom the Inhabitants thereof upon the Sabboth-day, they being assembled in one place together with their Wives and Children, massacred, notwithstanding that they had no intent to revolt from them, nor ever lifted up their hand in their own defence, nothing fearing the Romans, who only accounted those of our Nation their Enemies that revolted from them? But some may object the Jews at Caesa­rea, and the Inhabitants thereof were always at variance, and that now they revenged their old quarrel, having gotten opportunity. What then shall we say of the Scythopolitans, who bare Arms with the Grecians against us, and denied to assist their own kindred against the Romans?Example ta­ken from the Jews that were slain in Caesarea. What profit did they receive by this their good will and fidelity? for they were C altogether with their whole Families cruelly slain; and this was the reward they had for their labour, for having withstood us from doing the like to them. It were too long to recount par­ticularly all things to this effect. For as ye know there is no City in all Syria that hath not massacred the Jews inhabiting in it, and that is not more an Enemy than the Romans were. They of Damascus, although they could not devise any probable cause for it, yet massacred all the Jews living among them,The calamity of the Jews in Scythopolis. amounting to the number of eighteen thousand, beside their Wives and Children. And is it not for certain reported, that the number of the Jews slain by the Egyptians were above 60000?18000 Jews slain in Syria, and 60000 in Egypt. It may be, that finding no assistance in a strange Coun­try, they were martyred by their enemies: but they that in their own Country fought against the Romans wanted nothing that might have caused perfect hope of a full victory over the Romans; D they had Weapons, Armour, Walls, and strong holds inexpugnable; and resolution to shun no danger for the sake of liberty▪ in a word, nothing that might put us into a condition to re­sist. But for how long time did this suffice? For our fortresses all were taken and subdued by the Enemies, as though they had been built to make their victory more Famous: and not to do us service. And we may justly deem those happy who were slain in the War; for they died in li­berty. Yet who doth not pity the multitude of those that fell into the Romans hands? or who would not hasten to die, rather than endure the like misery that they suffered? Some of them were tortured with stripes others burnt, others halfe eaten of wild Beasts, were reserved alive for the second meal:The calamity of those Jews who were ta­ken by the Ro­mans. the most miserable of all are those that are yet alive, who often wish for death, and cannot find it. Where is now that potent City; that was once the Capital City of E all our Nation, so strengthened with Walls, so fortified with Towers & Castles to defend those Walls, scarcely able to contain the provisions for War, having in it so vast a multitude of men to fight for it,Jerusalem the Metropolitan City razed from the foundations wherin God himself was thought to dwell? What is now become of it? It is razed down, even to the very foundations; and scarce any memory [...]r reliques thereof left standing; the whole people destroyed, only a few old and unhappy men survive, who sit among the Ashes of the Temple, and a few Women, whom the Enemies reserved to satisfie their filthy lust. And will any amongst us, considering all these things, desire to behold the light of the Sun, although he could live without molestation? who is such an Enemy to his Native soil? who is so effeminate, or desirous of his life, that he doth not grieve to have lived till this time? would God we had been all in our graves, before we had seen that sacred City fired by a hostile hand, before we beheld F the Holy Temple destroyed by impious fire: and seeing that the hope we had to be reveng­ed on our Enemies, is now vanished, and that we are left alone in misery and necessi­ty, let us hasten to die well, and take compassion on our selves, our Wives and Children, and that whilst we have time. For we are all born to die, and all that are begotten by us, and the strongest men living cannot avoid it: but injury, and bondage, and to see our Wives and Children abused before our faces, is no necessity proceeding from Nature, but they only are forced to endure it,We are born to die, and the strongest cannot avoid the same. who, when they might have died without it, did refuse for fear. We first of all trusting to our strength, rebelled against the Romans; afterwards they exhorted us to obedience, but wee denied: which of them then will not be enraged against us, if they can take us alive? Most miserable shall those young men be, whose strength will endure many torments; and those G old men will move compassion, whose aged years cannot suffer tortures; one shall see his Wife carried away from him, and another his Son, having his hands bound behind him, cry out to [Page 776] his Father for help: who now whilst they are free from the thraldom of their Enemies, may H gloriously assist us with their Swords. Let us with our Wives and Children die Freemen, let us together depart out of this life. This our Religion commandeth, this our Wives and Children perswade; God himself hath driven us to this necessity for this purpose. The Romans would have it otherwise:Eleazar tells the Jews of the Romans Tyranny. who fear lest any of us should perish, and not fall into their hands a­live. Let us therefore hasten, that instead of their hope, whereby they verily perswaded them­selves to take us alive, we may contrary to their expectation daunt them with sudden admi­ration of our glorious deaths.It is a happi­ness among the Jews to die fice.

Whilst Eleazar was yet speaking, and desirous still to continue his exhortation, they interrupted him: every one now in a fury bent to follow his advice, made haste to effect it; and as though they had been urged by some Spirit thereto, one laboured to prevent I another in the execution thereof, judging him to shew most valour and fortitude, that first dispatched himself. They were also desirous to kill their Wives and Children with themselves. And which is most strange, their minds were nothing altered when they came to effect this bloody work; but with the same resolution they had, when they heard E­leazars speech, every one retained his good affection towards his Friends: yet permit­ting reason to take no place, and perswading themselves that thus they had well provided for their Children, they embraced their Wives and Children for their last farewel, and took their leaves of them, kissing them with Tears, and then all at once slew them, as though it had been done by the hands of other men, and not their own, comforting themselves in being forced so to do, and that hereby they should escape the tyranny and K cruelty of their Enemies. Finally, no man was so cowardly, who durst not venture on this action; so every one of them killed his dearest friends. O miserable people, whom necessity forced to slay their Wives and Children, and to account this action the very least of all their miseries. After which, not enduring the grief that ensued upon this fact, and thinking that in living any while after them, they should injure those whom they had slain, they with all speed possible gathered all their riches together, and set them one fire: which done, they elected ten by lot, who should kill the rest; and every one prostrating himself upon his Wife and Children, and embracing them in his Arms, was slain willingly by those that executed that wrethched office: who hav­ing without fear dispatched them, they cast lots whose fortune it should be to kill all the L rest;The Jews ga­thering all their goods together cast them into the fire. and he upon whom the lot should fall, was to kill the other nine, and lastly himself upon them all; and every one so encouraged one another, that there was no difference between those that were to be killed and those that were to kill; and so the rest offered themselves to death: which done, he who was the last of all, being yet alive, went amongst the dead bodies, and searched to see if any still lived that needed his hand in so great a multitude of slain people;Ten chosen by lot to kill the rest of the Jews. and finding all of them dispatched, he went and fired the Palace: which done, he with all his force thrust his Sword into his own body up to the Hilts, and so fell down by his dearest Friends.

In this manner they perished with a belief that they left not one person alive to fall into the Romans hands: but a certain old Woman, and another who was Eleazars Cou­sin,M (who in learning and wisdom surpassed all other Women) and fiue Children hid themselves in a Cave, wherein Water was reserved to drink, whilst the rest were busi­ed in this Massacre; the slain were in number nine hundred and sixty, accounting Women and Children.The Romans expect the fight. This calamity hapned the fifteenth day of April. In the morning the Romans expecting that the Jews would encounter them, made Bridges from their Mounts to the Walls, and so assaulted the Walls; and seeing none of the Enemies ap­pear, but all the Walls on fire, and a profound silence in every place, they could not conjecture what was the cause of it; and at last they made a cry at once, as though they had been beating the Walls with a Ram, thereby to see if they could make any E­nemies come out. The Women in the Vaults heard this cry, and coming forth de­clared N to the Romans all that had hapned.The Romans admire the Jews fortitude and obstinate contempt of death. The Romans did not easily believe their words, by reason the greatness of the fact seemed incredible; but they endeavoured to quench the fire, and passing forward they came to the Palace, where they beheld all the dead bodies; yet they did not insult over them as Enemies, but admired that so many should be so obstinately minded to despise death.O

A CHAP. XXIX.
Of the Death of the Sicarians that had fled to Alexandria and Thebes.

AFter that the Castle of Massada was thus taken,The murther­ers, authors of new calamity. the General of the Romans lea­ving a Garrison there, went to Caesarea, because there was no Enemy left in all the Country. But not only Judea was destroyed through the continuance of the War, but many of that Nation, though far distant from it, tasted of its troubles; for it so fell B out, that afterwards many Jews perished in Egypt at Alexandria. Those Sicarians who had escaped thither, were not content to be safe and free from danger, but there also they attempted alteration, and to recover their Liberty against the Romans esteem­ing themselves nothing inferiour to them, and that only God was their Lord. And some of the nobler race of the Jews, seeking to withstand this Enterprize, were by these Sicarians slain; which was no sooner done, but they incited the People to re­volt.

The better sort of the Jews seeing this,The Jews as­semble and consult ab [...]ut the murtherers and that they could not repress them without danger, they assembled all the Jews together, and declared to them the temerity of these Sicarians, accusing them as the Authors of all the misery that had befallen the Jews, C and that if they thought it sufficient to force them to fly, yet they were not certain of their lives; because the design being known to the Romans, they would punish them for it, though no partakers of their wickedness. Wherefore they admonished the mul­titude to beware, lest they drew themselves into the same danger, wherein the Sicarians were, and to provide for their own safety by delivering such people to the Romans. The Jews were perswaded by these speeches: and foreseeing the danger that might en­sue, they furiously assaulted the Sicarians, and took of them six hundred: and shortly after those who fled into Egypt and Thebes were taken and brought back again; whose hard-hearted obstinacy was so great, that none can without admiration hear of it. For notwithstanding that all torments and tortures,Divers sorts of torments and tortures inflict­ed on them who refuse Caesars Sovereignty. that could be devised, were inflicted up-them, D only to force them to confess that Caesar was their Lord; yet not one of them would say so, or make any shew thereof; but all persevered in their former opinion, as though the Body tormented had been dead and not alive. Moreover, the incredible obstinacy of their Children was most to be admired, for not one of them could be con­strained to call Caesar Lord. So much did their Resolution overcome the Torments in­flicted upon their Bodies.

E CHAP. XXX.
How the Temple of Onias at Alexandria was shut up.

AT That time Lupus was Governour of Alexandria, and with all speed by Let­ters gave Caesar notice of these troubles. The Emperour, seeing that it was ne­cessary to beware of the Jews, who were naturally inclined to sedition and unquietness, fearing also that they would once again gather themselves together, and cause some to joyn with them, he commanded Lupus to destroy the Temple, which they had in the City F Onion, Onias by Pto­lom [...]s consent buildeth a Ci­ty and Temple in Egypt. which was built and so named upon this occasion: Onias the Son of Simon, one of the high Priests, being driven out of Jerusalem, when Antiochus King of Syria war­ed against the Jews, he came to Alexandria, and was courteously entertained by Ptolo­maeus, who was then also Enemy to Antiochus, affirming, that he would draw into his Country the People of the Jews, if he would agree to that which he required. The King according to all that could be granted, he requested him to permit him to build a Temple in some place of his Country, wherein he might worship God according to the custom of their Country: for so the Jews would hate Antiochus the more, who had de­stroyed their Temple at Jerusalem, and be friendly to him; and many of them would flie to him for Religion's sake.

Ptolomaeus agreed so to do, and gave him a piece of ground for that purpose a hun­dred G and fourscore furlongs from Memphis, Onias Temple built in Egypt. in that place which was called the Coun­try of Heliopolis: where Onias building a Castle, erected also a Temple, not equal to [Page 778] that of Jerusalem; The year of the World, 4036. after the Na­tivity of Christ 74. but yet with a Tower like that of Jerusalem, with very great stones,H and threescore Cubits long; and he built an Altar after the fashion of that of his Coun­try, and adorned it with all manner of gifts (save only a Canclestick) which had in stead thereof a Lamp to give light, which he caused to be hung before the Altar in a golden Chain; and he invironed all the Temple with a wall made of Brick, and the Gates he made of Stone; and the King granted to it great revenues of money and ground, to the intent that the Priests might have plenty of all things which they re­quired.

But Onias did not this with a good Conscience, but for that he was at variance with the Jews of Jerusalem, who had forced him to flie: and he perswaded himself that by the building of this Temple, he might withdraw all men from Jerusalem thither; and I of this there was a Prophecy nine hundred and seventy years before, and Isaias had fore­told that a certain Jew should build a Temple in Egypt.

Thus that Temple was built; and Lupus having received the Emperors Letters, went to the Temple,Lupus [...] the Jews out of the Temple. and taking away certain gifts from it he shut it up: and after him Paulinus who succeeded in his stead, left not one gift there (for he threatned the Priests if they did not bring forth all) and permitted not any, that came thither to sacrifice, to come near it; but shutting up the Gate thereof, he left no sign of divine Service there; and from the time it was built, till the time it was shut up, were three hundred thirty and three yeares.K

CHAP. XXXI.
Of the Massacre of the Jews at Cyrene.

THE Boldness of the Sicarians, like some infectious disease, spred over all the L Towns about Cyrene. For one Jonathan a Weaver, and a wicked man, having escaped, perswaded many simple people to follow him, and led them into the Wilderness promising to shew them signs and visions,A part of Jo­nathans com­panions were taken and slain, the rest kept captive alive, and brought to Catullus. and so he deceived the simplest sort of the Jews: but the noblest of them of Cyrene, understanding his deceit, gave Catullus notice of his preparation and departure, who was then Governour of Lybia; who sending some Horse and Foot, easily surprized them being unarmed, and the most part of them were slain; yet some were taken alive and brought to Catullus. But their Leader Jonathan at that time escaped: yet being diligently laid and sought for over all those Countries, he was at last taken; and being brought to Catullus, he sought to delay his own punishment by offering an occasion of Cruelty to Catullus: For he accused the M richest among the Jews to have been his advisers to this matter.

Catullus was glad of these accusations, and exaggerated them very much with Tra­gical terms, so that he might have a pretext of War against the Jews, and not content to credit whatsoever was maliciously spoken,Three thousand Jews slain by Catullus. he himself instructed the Sicarians to frame scandalous accusations; and commanding them to nominate one Alexander a Jew, whom he had long hated, and his Wife Bernice, he put them first of all to death; and after them all that were rich, who amounted to the number of three thousand. And this he thought he did without controul, because he confiscated their Possessions to Caesar.

And lest any Jew living in any other place,Joseph by Ca­tullus perswa­sion is accused by Jonathan. should complain of his injustice, he ex­tended N his malicious lies against others further off; and perswaded Jonathan, and cer­tain others that were taken with him, to accuse the most trusty and faithful Jews both at Rome and Alexandria: one of those who were thus falsely accused was Joseph, who wrote this History. But this proceeding of Catullus had not such success as he hoped: for he came to Rome, and brought Jonathan and the rest bound with him, thinking that no more inquiry would be made of the false accusations invented by himself. But Vespasian, suspecting the matter, made diligent inquiry to know the truth: and finding these crimes injuriously imposed upon those men,Jonathan be­ing first beaten is burnt alive. at the intercession of Titus, he acquit­ted them, and punished Jonathan according to his desert; who being first whipt, was afterward burnt alive.O

Catullus at that time, by reason of the mildness of the Emperour, had nothing said [Page 779] A to him:The year of the World, 4038. after the Nati­vity of Christ, 76. but not long after he fell into a grievous Disease, and was cruelly tormented not only in Body but also in mind. For he was greatly terrified, and continually imagined to see the Ghosts of those whom he had so unjustly slain ready to kill him; so that he cried out, and not able to contain himself, leapt out of his Bed, as though he had been tortured with torments and fire. Aud this Disease daily increasing, his Guts and Bowels rotting, and issuing out of him, at last he died in this manner, leaving behind him an evident argument, that the Divine Justice punisheth impious Malefactors.

This is the End of the History,The Conclusi­on of the seven Books of the Wars of the Jews. which we promised to set down with all fidelity, for those that are desirous to know the event of the War between the Jews and the Ro­mans. And as for our Stile, we leave it to the judgment of the Reader: but touch­ing B the Verity of the History, it is such, as no man need to doubt off; for I do affirm that to be the only scope, which I aimed at in this whole work.

The End of the seventh and last Book of Flavius Josephus, of the Wars of the Jews.

The FIRST BOOK H OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS The Son of MATTHIAS.I
Written against APPION, touching the Antiquity Of the RACE of the JEVVS.K

I Suppose, most worthy Epaphroditus, that I have sufficiently testified unto those who shall read the Books which I have written touching the Authentick History of the Jews, that our Nation is most Ancient, and that they had their Original from themselves, and have from the first beginning inhabited that Country, whereof they are possessed at this present.The History of the Antiquity containeth the events of five thousand years. To which effect I gathered out of our sacred Writings, and published in the Greek tongue, a History containing the occurrences of five thousand years. But for that I see there are divers, (who be­ing too much seduced by the scandalous Calumnies and Reports which some, who are ill L affected towards us, have published against us) have misbelieved that which I have written of our Antiquity, and labour to approve our Nation to be Modern, because none of the ancient and most renowned Historians among the Grecians have thought our Ancestors worthy to be enrolled in their Writings: For this cause I hold it a part of my duty to write a short Treatise hereupon;The causes that moved him to write this Book. both to reprove the malice and impostures of those our Calumniators, and to correct their Ignorance, by teaching those who are desirous to know the truth, what the Original of our Nation is. For proof where­of, I will produce no other Testimony but such as from Antiquity hath been judged worthy of credit among the Greeks; laying open before their Eyes, that they, who have slanderously and falsly written against us, are convicted by their own mouthes. I M will also endeavour to shew the Causes why very few Grecians have made mention of us in their Histories: and moreover, I will make it known, that they who have written concerning us, have been ignorant either really or feignedly of the Truth of those things which they have reported.

First of all therefore, I do not a little marvel at those who in reference to matters of Antiquity suppose that the Truth ought only to be gathered from the Greeks; and that they alone can justly claim the honour and knowledge of faithful writing; whereas they neither vouchsafe either us, or any others the credit of Truth in that we set down; although I am able to prove, that all things have fallen out quite contrary. For which cause it behoveth us not to look to mens various opinions, but to examine that which is N right, and gather the same by the Effects. For whatsoever is set down by the Greeks is new,All things a­mong the [...]. and of late memory, and hath been brought to execution in a manner but yesterday: I mean the Foundations of Cities, the Inventions of Arts, and the Establish­ment of Laws, and their Application to write History with some care.

But for the Egyptians, Chaldees and Phoenicians, without mentioning us, they them­selves confess, the memory of their Writings is most ancient and credible. For all these Nations dwell in such Countries as are not subject to the corruption of Air; and have carefully provided, that none of those things that have been done by them should sleep in obscurity, but be kept in memory in publick Writings of the learnedst men: whereas innumerable corruptions have crept in among the Greeks, by which the memo­ry O of things past is defaced.

[Page 781] A But alwayes those who have established new estates, have supposed in their own be­half, Innumerable corruptions invaded Greece. that whosoever was the Founder of theirs, he was the first of the world. Yet they have had the knowledge of Letters very late, and have attained the same with very great difficulty.

For they that speak of the most ancient use of the same,The Phoenici­ans and Cad­mus the first Inventers of Letters. boast that they received the knowledge thereof from the Phoenicians and from Cadmus. Notwithstanding, there is not any one of them that can shew any Record of that time, either in their Temple, or in their publick Registers: whereas there is still great doubt and question, whether those Letters were in use during their time, who managed the siege of Troy.

B And indeed, their opinion, who affirm that they were ignorant of the use of those Let­ters which are at present allowed and accustomed among us,Among the Greeks there is not any writ­ing more an­cient than Homers Poem. is not to be refuted. For it is most manifest, that there is not any Writing extant among the Greeks, that is more an­cient than Homers Poem, which, as is most manifest, was compos'd since the time of the siege of Troy. And yet it is reported, that he left no part of that his Poem in writing, but that it was composed of divers Songs, and only sung by roat; by which means it came to pass, that there are so many contradictions in the same.

And as for those who have undertaken to write Histories among them, I mean Cad­mus the Milesian, and Acusilaus the Argive, and others, They lived but very little time before the passage of the Persians into Greece.

C Furthermore, they who among the Greeks were the first that introduced Philosophy and the knowledge of Celestial and Divine things, namely Pherecydes the Syrian, Py­thagoras and Thales, all of them confess with one accord, that they were instructed by the Egyptians and Chaldees; and they published some few writings, which are supposed to be the most ancient among the Greeks, and it is hardly believed also that they were written by them. What reason therefore have the Greeks to be so proud, as if there were none, but themselves only, who knew the affaires of Antiquity, and could exactly write the truth thereof? Or who cannot easily conjecture by their own Writers them­selves, that their Writings were founded only upon hearsay and supposition, and that they followed only vain conjectures? Hence it commeth to pass, that in their Books D they cavil and reprove one another, and make no conscience to maintain and write con­tradictions about one and the same thing.

But it may be said, that I should oblige my self to a fruitless labour, if I should go about to inform those who are better experienced than my self, in how many points Helicanus differeth from Acusilaus touching the Genealogies; in how many places Acu­silaus hath corrected Herodotus; or how Ephorus hath proved that Helicanus was a liar in the greater part of that which he hath recited. Ephorus hath been reproved by Ti­meus; and in general, all have taxed Herodotus. Neither hath Timeus vouchsafed to accord with Antiochus, or Philistus or Callias, in the Histories of Sicily. Neither do those, who have writ the Histories of Athens and Argos, agree better together.

E What need I reckon up the differences amongst those, who in particular have treated of Cities, or of less matters, since in the Relation of the Persian War, and the ex­ploits performed therein,Thucydides writ a most ex­act History of his time. those of greatest authority are most at odds? Thucydides is accused by some for a liar in divers places, notwithstanding that he seemeth to have written the History of his time most exactly. But the Causes of this discord are divers, as they who shall narrowly pry into them shall find.The causes of discord among the Jews. For my own part, those two which I shall here set down, in my opinion are of greatest weight.

The first, and in my judgement the chiefest is, that amongst the Greeks from the be­ginning they have not been industrious to keep publick Registers of such matters as happened in any time or place: which hath occasion'd them to erre, and given those a pri­viledge F to lye, who afterwards went about to write any thing of such matters as were acted long [...]ince. Neither are only other People of Greece to be accused of negligence for not making account of such Registers; but amongst the Athenians also (who glo­ry in the antiquity of their Country, and who are most exercised in Sciences) there is no mention of them. For it is said, that the most ancient and publick Writings which they have are those Capital Laws which were set down by their Law-maker Draco, who lived but a little time before Pisistratus the Tyrant.

What need we speak of the Arcadians, who vaunt themselves of their Antiquity? for who knows not, that they have learned the use of Letters long after those before men­tioned? Whereas therefore there was not any Writing published before that time, which G might instruct those that would learn, or reprehend those that disguis'd the Truth: from thence it is, that so many differences have happened amongst Historians.

[Page 782] A second cause is,Another cause of their dis­cord, recorded by the Grecian historigraphers for that they, who addicted themselves to compose Histories, did H not busie themselves about the inquisition of the Truth (notwithstanding that all of them ordinarily promised no less) but they laboured to shew how eloquent they were, and fixed their whole study thereon, as the only means whereby they hoped to obtain reputation above others.

Some of them therefore applyed their Stile to Fables; others by flattering praises thought to curry favour with Kings and Cities. The rest employed their studies to ac­cuse and calumniate the works of other Writers, in hope to build their own reputation upon the ruine of others.

In effect they have followed that course in composing their History, that was every way different from the true nature thereof.The sign of a true History. For the assured sign of a perfect and true I History is, when all men accord in setting down the same thing: whereas these Wri­ters have endeavoured to make men believe that they were the truest of all the rest, be­cause they contradicted them. We ought indeed to grant the Superiority to the Gre­cians in all that concerneth Eloquence and the Ornament of Language, but not in that which appertaineth to Antiquity or Truth of History, and especially in what concerneth the truth of ancient History, and what hath passed in every Country.

Wherefore as the Egyptians and Babylonians long since used all diligence in writing, because their Priests were hereunto enjoyned, who did most curiously treat of all such matters; the same also did the Chaldees amongst the Babylonians, and the Phoenicians also (inhabiting amongst the Greeks) taught them to use Registers both concerning publick K and private affairs, which because all men confess, I will omit to speak off.

I let pass also to recount what care our Nation hath had of this point (no doubt great­er than those Nations above mentioned had) charging our High Priests and Prophets to execute this Office; which Custom hath been observed even until this Age, and (if I may presume so far) will be observed in all succeeding Ages, as by my ensuing discourse I will endeavour to make manifest. For our Nation did not only depute this Office to the most virtuous and religious men amongst them in the beginning, and to such as were consecrated to the Service of God; but they also provided to preserve the Line and De­scent of Priests from all impurity, and from being intermingled with others. For no man amongst us can be a Priest, who is not born of a Woman descended from the same L Line. Neither in this case is any respect made either of Riches or Honours: but the party who claimeth the dignity of Priesthood, must by many Witnesses prove his Gene­alogy, and that he is descended from Priests.

This Custom is not only of force in Judea, but wheresoever else any of our Nation inhabit;A custom which the Priests ob­served. as in Egypt and Babylon, and in any other place, where continually the Priests in their Marriages have this respect, not to marry with any Woman that is not of their own Line; & they send to Jerusalem the Name and Pedigree of the Woman whom they have married, and all the Testimony hereof which they can deduce from her Ancestors.

Now if War molest our Nation (as often it hath in the time of Antiochus sirnamed Epiphanes, of Pompey the Great, Quintilius Varus, and especially in this our Age) then M those Priests who survive, make new Genealogies and Pedigrees out of the ancient Registers for those that remain of the Sacerdotal Race. And they marry none that have been Captives, for fear they may have had commerce with strangers. What more evident token can there be of the Priests integrity, than that every Priest during the revolution of two thousand years is Registred together with the Names of their Fathers?The Priests amongst the Jews are every one registred, with the name of their Fathers and this custom contiuued two thousand years and if any one do erre or falsify any of the things before-said, he is then interdicted from the Altar, and from exercising any Priestly function. So that in the Writings of such men, all things must of necessity be true and as they ought to be; for that neither all men are permit­ted to write, nor yet any dissonance and disagreement is found in their Writings. For such things as past in ancient times beyond the memory of men, were only written by N our Prophets, who had the knowledge thereof by inspiration from God himself: but other things of latter time are only recorded by those who lived in the Age, wherein the things they writ of were done.

The Books amongst us, containing the Histories of all Ages, are neither infinite, nor one repugnant to another:Two and twen­ty Books of holy Writ. for all our Chronicle is contained in 22 Books, to which Books it is impiety to deny credit.

Five of these Books were written by Moses, comprehending Genealogies, and the be­ginning of mankind, with such notable events as hapned even from the beginning of the World til his death; which is little less than three thousand years.

After the death of Moses, till the time wherein Artaxerxes lived, who was King of the O Persians, and Son to Xerxes, every one of the Prophets of our Nation wrote the History [Page 783] A of his time wherein be lived, so that of these mens Writings we have thirteen Books: the four other Books, which make up the Number already mentioned, are known to contain holy Hymns made to the praise of God, and wholsome Precepts for mans life and conversation. All things which from Artaxerxes until our time have hapned, are also set down in writing: yet the Books wherein they are registred, do not deserve so much credit as the former of ancient times, for that there was no certain succession of Prophets in that Age. Moreover, it is evident, that to the former works, we give as great credit as to things which we our selves write; and notwithstanding they have been so long written, yet in all that time no man durst presume either to alter or to blot out any thing therein contained. For all Jews even from their Cradle do believe these B Books to be sacred and divine, and therefore give all credit possible unto them, yea, and would willingly suffer death, rather than do the contrary.

Many Captives of our Nation have been cruelly tormented, and divers ways put to death in open Theaters,The Jews and Grecians are compared to­gether. only for that they would not commit any thing either in word or deed against their Laws, nor violate the writings of their fore-fathers. Now who amongst the Greeks did ever sustain the like? Nay, they are so far from doing it, that none can be found among them, who would suffer any loss in his goods or fortunes, to preserve all the writings of their Nation from destruction: and the reason hereof is, because every one esteemeth the verity of their Histories to depend upon the will of the Writer. And this they do also concerning their most ancient Historians; and not C without cause: for they every day see men of their own times writing Histories of mat­ters long before past in former ages,Some others have written of [...]he Wars of the Jews. wherein neither themselves were present, neither yet do they vouchsafe to credit the writings of such as were then eye-witnesses thereof; yea, some among them have divulged Histories of such things, as of late be­fel our Nation, when themselves never have been in the place where such matters past as they writ of, nor have lived in any neighbour place, where they might have probable report how matters past, but only compiling a few broken stories, they most impudent­ly arrogate to their patcht stuff the name of a History.

I my self have composed a most true History of the last War,Joseph was present in all the Wars of the Jews. and of every particular thing there done, as well I might, having been present in all those affairs. For I was D Captian of the Galileans amongst our Nation, so long as any resistance could be made against the Romans: and then it so fell out, that I was taken by the Romans, and being: Prisoner to Titus and Vespasian, they caused me to be an eye-witness of all things that past. First, In bonds and fretters, and afterwards freed from them, I was brought from Alexandria with Titus, when he went to the Seige of Jerusalem. So that nothing could then pass whereof I had not notice. For beholding the Roman Army, I committed to writing all things with all possible diligence. My self did only manage all matters dis­closed to the Romans by such as yielded themselves,Joseph writ the History of the Jews wars being at Rome. for that I only did perfectly under­stand them. Lastly, Being at Rome, and having leisure, after all business was past, I used the help of some Friends (for the skill of the Greek tongue) and so I published a E History of all that had hapened in the foresaid War: which History of mine is so true, that I fear not to call Vespasian and Titus the chief Commanders in that War to witness for them. I first gave a Copy of that Book to them, and afterwards to many noble Romans, who also were present in the War. I sold also many of them to our own Na­tion, to such as understood the Greek language, amongst whom were Julius, Archelaus, Herod, Some do dero­gate from Jo­sephs History. a Man of great vertue, and to the most worthy King Agrippa, who all do testi­fy, that my History containeth nothing but truth, and who would not have been silent, if either for ignorance or flattery I had changed or omitted any particular. Yet not­withstanding all this, some ill disposed Persons endeavour to discredit my History, as though they were disputing pro and contra amongst children in schools, never considering F that he who promiseth other men a true Relation of things past, must either be privy to them by his own knowledg, as having been present in the affairs, or else have that which he speaketh from other mens mouths, by report of those who know them: both which I have done. For I gathered my other Books of Antiquity out of holy Scrip­ture, being my self a Priest, and skilful in our Law; and the History of our War I have written, my self being an Agent in many matters therein contained, and an eye-wirness of the rest; so that nothing was said or done whereof I had not notice. How then can any one excuse them from impudency and malice, who labour against me to prove my Relation false? Perhaps they alledge, that they have read the Commentaries of Vespasian and Titus, yet for all this, they were not present in any action, repug­nant G to that, which my History recounteth.

[Page 784] Thus (as I thought necessary) I have made a digression, to shew how they are able to H perform their word, who discrediting my History, promise to set down the truth in writing. I have also sufficiently (as I think) demonstrated, that the registring of things is more ancient amongst other Nations, than amongst the Greeks. I will now first of all dispute against those, who labour to prove our Nation of no Antiquity, because (as they say) no Greek Writer maketh any mention of it.Two things which Joseph intendeth. This done, I will bring forth proof and testimony of the Antiquity thereof out of other Writers; and so I will shew that their malice, who seek to discredit our Nation. First therefore, our Nation neither inhabiteth a Country bordering upon the Sea, nor are we delighted in merchandise, nor for this cause wearied with pilgrimages from place to place.The Jews care to bring up their Children. But our Cities lye far from the Sea, in a most fertile soil, which we cultivate with all industry; and our I whole endeavours are how to get food for our Children,The ancient Jews had no need to traf­fick with the Grecians. and to keep our country Laws, and to leave to our posterity the knowledg of Piety; in which work we think all our Age ought to be employed. Beside all this, we have a form of living, different from all other Nations. All which concurring together, we had no need to traffick with the Greeks, as the Egyptians and the Phoenicians do, who give themselves to bargaining and merchandise only for the covetousness of money. Neither were our Ancestors delighted in thefts and robberies; nor did our Fathers make war upon any Nation, for desire of larger possessions: nowithstanding our Country was furnished with many thousands of strong warlike men. Wherefore the Phoenicians sailing to the Greeks to traffick with them, they were thus made known to them; and by them the Egyptians, K and all other Nations, sailing upon the Seas, brought Merchandise into Greece. The Medes also and Persians were known to them, after such time as they reigned over Asia, and the Persians brought war even into Europe.

Moreover, the Greeks knew the Thracians, because they were their Neighbours; and the Scythians, by sailing to Pontus; and finally, all that were disposed to write, knew all the Nations bordering either upon the Eastern and Western Seas; but such as dwelt far from the Sea-coast, were long time unknown; as also appears in Europe: For neither Thucidides nor Herodotus, nor any other of that time, make any mention of Rome; notwithstanding that so long since it was mighty, and made so great Wars: because it was but lately that the Greeks heard of it.The Romans were lately known to the Greeks. Yea, their most exact Writers,L and particularly Ephorus, were so ignorant of the French and Spaniards, that they thought the Spaniards to be a People only denominated from one City,Certain Hi­storiographers report Spain to be only one City. wherein they inhabited; whereas the whole World now knoweth them to inhabit a vast Country, and a great part of the Western World. Likewise the said Greek Writers relate the manners of the foresaid People to be such, as neither are, nor were ever used among them. And the only cause why they were ignorant of the Truth, was the distance of place; and these Writers would seem to tell something, which others of former time had not spoken of. No marvel therefore though our Nation was unknown, and none of them in their Writings made any mention of us, being both so far from the Sea, and living after a different manner.M

Suppose therefore I should deny the Greeks to be of any antiquity; and to prove my assertion should conclude their Nation to be modern, because our Histories make no mention of them;Arguments to prove the Jews of more antiquity than the Greeks. would they not laugh at this reason, and use the Testimony of their neighbour Nations to prove their Antiquity? I therefore may argue in like manner, and use the Testimony of the Egyptians and Phoenicians, whose Record the Greeks can­not deny. For all the Egyptians in general are our Enemies; and among the Phoe­nicians they especially of Tyre; which I cannot justly say of the Chaldees, who having been Princes over our Nation, and because of their affinity and alliance with our Countrymen, have in their Chronicles made mention of the Jews. When I have proved what I now aver, and refeld the slanderous reports against us, I will then also N shew who amongst the Greeks have spoken of us, that so the Greeks may also be deprived of this shift and refuge, to excuse their malicious lies falsly forged against our Nation. And first of all I will begin with the Writings of the Egyptians, Manethon an Egyptian Writer. who, as they well know, do nothing at all favour us. Manethon, an Egyptian born, skilful in the Greek tongue, as by his Works appears (for he writ in Greek) compiling a History of the Customs and Religion of his fore-Fathers, collected (as himself reporteth) out of the Egyptian holy Writings, often reprehendeth Herodotus of falshood, through ignorance in the affairs of the Egyptians. This Manethon, in his second Book of the Egyptian Customs, saith thus (I will set down his own Words, because I use them as a witness.) We have a King (saith he) named Timaeus, in whose Reign God being angry with us, contrary to all O expectation, an obscure People took courage, came from the East, and pitching their Tents [Page 785] A in our Country, over-ran it, and no man resisted them; and committing our Princes to bonds, they burnt our Cities, and destroyed the Temples of our gods, and behaved themselves most cruelly against the Inhabitans, killing many of them, and making Slaves of the rest, with their Wives and Children: Finally, they chose a King of their own, and gave him the Government of our Country; his Name was Saltis, who coming to Memphis made the higher and lower Provinces Tributaries, Saltis [...] the Egyptians. leaving Garrisons in the strong holds, and fortify­ing certain places in the East: And weighing with himself that the Assyrians were more potent than he, and would in probability invade his Country, he found out in this Province an an­cient City called Saite fit for his purpose, as being scituate on the East side of the River Bu­bastis, which by an ancient Divine was called Avaris; he repaired this City, compassed it B with vast Walls, and put a Garison in it of two hundred thousand armed men. Saltis made this incursion in harvest time, to the intent that he might both pay his Souldiers, and be a terrour unto other people, and after he had reigued nineteen years, he died.

After him succeeded anothe King called Baeon, who reigned four and forty years: next to him Aphinas, who reighned thirty six years and seven months: then Aphosis, who reigned threescore and one years: and then Iandas, who reigned fifty years and one month: after them also reigned Alsis nine and forty years and two months; and these six were the first Kings amongst them,Kings Shep­herds. ever destroying and warring upon the E­gyptians, and labouring to extinguish their race. This Nation was called Hicsos, which signifieth Kings shepherds: For Hic in the sacred Tongue, signifieth a King, and Sos C a Shepherd or shepherds, according to the common speech, and Hicsos is a compound word. Some say these People were Arabians: but in other Copies I find that Hicsos is not interpreted Kings shepherds, but shepherds that were Captives: For Hic, and Hac also when it is pronounced, doth in the Egyptian tongue signify a Captive; and this latter exposition seemeth to me to be the truest, for it is more agreeable with the History. Wherefore Manethon reporteth these foresaid Kings and Shepherds to have ruled Egypt five hundred and eleven years: and after these the King of Thebes, and the King of the Residue of Egypt, uniting their forces, invaded the said Shepherds, had great and long Wars with them, and that the said Shepherds were overcome by the King Alisfragumthosis; that then they lost all Egypt which had been in their power, & that they D were shut up in a place called Avarus containing ten thousand acres of ground, which, as Manethon reporteth, these Shepherds environed round about with a huge Wall, to the end that their whole Provision might be within their Fortifications, and the prey, which they got, in a condition to be defended. That Themosis Son of the said Alisfra­gumthosis endeavoured by force to subdue them, and for this cause besieged them with four hundred and 80000 men: That at last despairing to take them by force, he ca­pitulated with them that they should safely depart out of Egypt whither they would; and that they upon these Conditions together with all their Families and Goods, and Cattel, departed out of Egypt into the Wilderness, and so into Syria, being in num­ber two hundred and forty thousand, and that fearing the puissance of the Assyrians, E who at that time reigned in Asia, they builded a City in the Country now called Judaea, which they made so large, that it might receive them all, and this City they called Jerusalem. Further, the said Manethon in another Book of the Egyptian Affairs saith, That in the holy Writings, he findeth the feresaid Shepherds called Captives, where­in he saith true. For our Ancestors were wont to feed cattel, and so leading a pasto­ral life, were called Shepherds, neither are they unjustly called Captives: For our fore-Father Joseph told the King of Egypt that he was a Captive; and long time after called his Brethren into Egypt by the Kings Command; but we will hereafter examin this point more straitly: I will now cite the Testimony of the Egyptians concerning this point, and relate the words of Manethon touching the time when this befel, who saith F as followeth.

After that the Nation of Shepherds were departed out of Egypt unto Jerusalem, King Themosis who drave them out of the Land, reigned twenty five years and four months, and then died: And his Son Chebron succeeded him, who reigned thirteen years, and after him Amenophis twenty years and seven months, next, his Sister Amesses one and twenty years and nine months, then reigned Mephios twelve years and nine months, and Mephamuthosis twenty five years and ten months, Themosis nine years and eight months, Amenophis thirty years and ten months, Orus thirty six years and five months, after him his Daughter Achemcheres, twelve years and one months, and the Brother of Rathotis nine years, Achencheres twelve years and five months, another Achencheres G twelve years and three months, Armais four years and one month, Armesis one year and four months, Armesesmiamus threescore and six years and two months, Amenophis [Page 786] nineteen years and six months.Sethosis King of Egypt, made his Brother Armais Go­vernour of his Country. Moreover, that Sethosis having prepar'd a huge Army H both of foot and horse, and a Navy at Sea, left the Government of Egypt unto his Bro­ther Armais, investing him with soveraign Authority, only he forbad him to wear the Crown, and to oppress the Queen who was Mother to his Children, commanding him also to abstain from his Concubines. After which Sethosis himself went to Cyprus and Phoenicia against the Assyrians and Medes, and subdued them, partly by the sword, partly by the fear of his power and greatness: and being transported with his success, he advanced against the Eastern Country, and destroyed with fire and sword the Cities and Provinces of that place: and spending much time in these Wars, his brother Ar­mais whom he left in Egypt, did without fear commit all that he forbad him to do: for he oppressed the Queen violently, and daily lay with the rest of the Kings Concubines, and I being counselled by his friends he put a Crown upon his head, and rebelled against his Brother: of which he who was then Chief of the Egyptians holy Customs, sent Letters unto Sethosis, containing all that had happened, and how Armais had rebelled against him: That Sethosis returning to Pelusia, Whereupon Egypt took his Name. recovered his own Kingdom, and by his name it was called Egypt: for Manethon writeth that this Sethosis was named Egyptus, and his bro­ther Armais, Danaus.

Thus far Manethon; from whom it is evident by computation of the foresaid times, that our Nation was delivered out of Egypt three hundred ninety and three years be­fore Danaus, and inhabited this Country of Judea so long before Danaus came unto Argos: notwithstanding the Inhabitants of Argos boast their City is most ancient.K Wherefore Manethon recounteth two things for us out of the Egyptian letters:Manethon sheweth the Jews coming into Egypt and their departure. first, That we came from another place to them, afterwards went out of their Country again, and that so long ago, as it was almost a thousand years before the Trojan Wars. Touch­ing those things which Manethon professeth himself to have gathered elsewhere than out of the Writings of the Egyptians, who wrote down whatever was reported, I will shew, with how little reason they are alleadged. For I will once again leave these, and refer to the testimony of the Phenicians concerning our Nation. The Tyrians there­fore have Chronicles of very great Antiquity, which they have kept with all dilligence, concerning that which hath been done among them, and indeed they are worthy of me­mory.L

Amongst these Records it is written,Solomon built a Temple in Jerusalem 143 years and eight months, before the Tyrians built Carthage. That King Solomon built a Temple at Jerusalem, a hundred fourty three years and eight moneths before the Tyrians erected Carthage. So they have registred the building of our Temple; for Hircanus King of the Tyrians was our King Solomons friend, obliged to him for his fathers sake, who for this cause also of of his own liberality gave Solomon a hundred and twenty talents of gold towards the building of the Temple,The friendship of the Tyrians King and King Solomon. cut down the noble Wood called Libanus, and bestowed upon him, to make the roof of the Temple: for which bounty Solomon returned him many great Presents, and among the rest a Country of Galilee named Zabulon: But Solomons Wisdom was the chief cause of this Kings Friendship towards him.Problems of Hircanus and Solomon. For they sent Pro­blems one to the other to be answered, and Solomon in his Answers appeared most witty,M as also he did in many things else; and even until this day, many of the Epistles sent one to another are kept among the Tyrians. But not depending wholly upon the Authority of the Tyrians, I will prove by the Testimony of Dius (a man who by common consent hath faithfully written the Phenician History) who writeth as fol­loweth.

After the death of Abibalus, Hircanus his son reigned in his stead, who encreased the number of his Eastern Cities, and inlarged Jerusalem; he also joyned the Temple of Jupiter Olympius, scituate in an Island, unto it (filling up the water with Earth) and adorned it with gold.

After this ascending into Libanus, he cut down the Wood to build Temples; and the N King of Jerusalem named Solomon sent unto him certain Riddles to be expounded, and he again the like unto him, covenanting together, that he who could not tell the meaning of one anothers Riddles, should pay unto the other a sum of money, and that Hircanus, confessing he could not expound Solomons Riddles, did pay unto him much mo­ney.

Lastly, that one Abdemonus a Tyrian did expound the said Riddles, and writ more unto Solomon, which if Solomon could not interpret, he should pay unto Hircanus a sum of money; and this testimony Dius beareth us concerning the foresaid matter.

But I will now recount the words of Menander an Ephesian, The testimony of Menander the Ephesian. who registred the Acts of all Kings both at home and abroad, endeavouring to make a true History out of the O Writings of every Country, This man writing of the Tyrian Kings, and coming to [Page 787] A Hyramus, The Genealo­gy of King Hyramus. saith thus of him, Abibalus dying there succeeded in the Kingdom his Son Hyramus, who lived 34 years: and this King with a Rampire conjoyned Eurichorus, and erected there a Pillar of Gold in Jupiter's Temple, and went into the Woods, and cut down the Cedars of Libanus to make coverings for the Temples; with which (pulling down the old) he erected new, and dedicated Temples to Hercules and As­tartus; But that to Hercules in the Month of Peritius, and the other to Astartus, when he with an Army went against the Tyrians, who pai'd him no tribute, and when he had sub­dued them, he returned again.

At this time lived Abdemonus a servant unto the King, whose business it was to ex­pound the parables, which King Solomon of Jerusalem sent unto King Hyramus: and B how long it was from this Kings time till the building of Carthage, we may thus calcu­late. After the death of Hyramus, his Son Beleastartus succeeded him, lived forty and three years, and reigned seven: after him his Son Abdastartus, who lived twenty years, and reigned nine; but this King was treacherously slain by the four Sons of his Nurse, the eldest of which reigned twelve years. Next succeeded Astartus the Son of Beleastartus, who lived fifty and four years, and reigned twelve: after him his Brother Astarimus, who lived fifty and four years, and Governed nine: then he was slain of his brother Phelletes, who reigned eight mouths, and lived fifty years, and was slain by a Priest of Astarta named Ithobalus, who lived threescore and eight, and reigned thirty two years: he was succeeded by his Son Badezorus, who lived forty five C years, and reigned six years: to him succeeded his Son Mettinus, who lived thirty two years, and reigned nine: After him Pigmalion who lived fifty six years, and reigned forty:Carthge built in Africk by Dido Pigm­lion's Sister. in the seventh year of whose reign, his Sister Dido builded a City in Africa, and named it Carthage: so that from the time of King Hyramus unto the build­ing of Carthage, is by this computation a hundred fifty five years, and two Months: and for as much as the Temple of Jerusalem was built in the twelfth year of Hyramus his reign, the computation of the time since that year until the building of Cartbage, is a hundred forty three years and eight Months. What need we more beside this te­stimony of the Phoenicians? The truth is now sufficiently made manifest; for our An­cestors must needs have come into this Country we inhabit before such time as they D built a Temple in it, as I have also prov'd in my Books of Antiquity, collected out of our Holy Scripture.

I will now speak of that which the Chaldees writ of us in their Histories,Berosus the Hi­storiographer a Chaldean. which do much agree in all other Matters with those of our Nation. And first let Berosus be my witness, who was a Chaldean born, a man famous and known unto all that love learning, for he in the Greek tongue writ Astronomy, and the Philosophy of the Chaldeans. Bero­sus imitating the most ancient Histories writeth of the Deluge, & how mankind was there­in extinguished, and he in all things imitateth Moses. He also speaketh of the Ark wherein our forefather was preserved, and affirmeth that it was carried into the tops of the Mountains in Armenia: after this he prosecuteth the Genealogy of all that reign­ed E from Noe, Nabulassarus Father to Na­buchodonosor the King of Babylon and Chaldea. until Nabulassarus King of the Babylonians and Chaldeans. He like­wise setteth down how long every one reigned, and in prosecuting the deeds of this King, he recounteh how he sent his Son Nabuchodonosor into Egypt, & our Country with great power, who finding them in rebellion subdued them, and burnt the Temple at Jerusalem, Nabuchodono­sor conquered the rebels. and so departed, carrying with him all our Nation into Babylon: where­upon our City was desolate seventy years, until the reign of Cyrus King of the Persians. Moreover he affirmeth, that this Babylonian kept in subjection Egypt, Syria, Phoenicia, and Arabia, exacting more of them than ever any King of Babylon or Chaldea had done before his time. And the words of Berosus must needs be to this effect: Nabulassarus his Father hearing that his Substitute in Egypt, Coelosyria, and Phoenicia had rebelled, he him­self F not being able to take such pains, committed his Affairs unto his his Son Nabucho­donosor, gave him a part of his Army (for that he was in the flower of his age) and sent him against him: Nabuchodonosor fighting with the said Substitute, overthrew him, and subdued the Country which of old belonged unto them, and at the same time his Father Nabulassarus fell sick in Babylon, Nabuchodono­sor succeedeth in his Fathers Kingdom. and died, having Reigned twenty nine years. But Nabuchodonosor long after understanding his Fathers death, disposed of Egypt and other Provinces as he thought good, and taking the Captives of Judea, Phoenicia, and the Syrians that lived in Egypt, he committed them to certain of his friends, to be brought after with his Carriages and Army to Babylon; and so he him­self, accompanied with a very few took his jorney to Babylon; through the Desart: being G arriv'd he found the Chaldees ruled all, and that their Nobility reserved the Kingdom [Page 788] for him: he was made King, and commanded Houses to be built for the Captives that H were coming in the most convenient places of Babylon, and with the spoil he beautifi­ed the Temple of Belus and other places most richly, and built a new City without the Wall of the old: and providing lest hereafter the Enemies might turn the River and so have access unto the City, he invironed the inner City with three several Walls, and the outmost City likewise, the Walls whereof were made of Brick, but the Walls of the inner City were of Brick and Bitumen: this done, he builded most sumptuous Gates which might have become Temples: [...]. and moreover, neer unto his Fathers Pa­lace he builded another far greater and more costly than they; the beauty and costliness whereof were hard, and perhaps tedious, to express: Yet this we will say, and it is consi­derable, that this rich and incredibly beautiful Palace was builded in fifteen days: in I it he erected Rocks of Stone like Mountains beset with all sorts of Trees, he made a famous Mount, and supported it with Pillars: for his Wife, having been brought up in the Country of the Medes, desired to have a prospect into the fields and Mountains ac­cording to their way. [...].

This he relateth of the forementioned King and many things more in his Book of the affairs of the Chaldeans, wherein he reproveth the Greek Writers, who falsly affirme that S [...]miramis the Assyrian Queen built Babylon, and that they falsly report those wonderful works about Babylon to have been by her made and finished. We must needs think, that the Chaldean History is true, seeing it agreeth with that of the Phoe­nicians, which Berosus writ of the King of Babylon, who subverted both Phaenicia and K all Syria: with them also accordeth Philostratus in his History of the siege of Tyria; and Megasthenes also in his fourth Book of the affairs of India; The King of Babylon excel­led Hercules in strength and [...] where he laboureth to prove, that the said King excelled Hercules in strength and valour, affirming that he subdued the greatest part of Africk and Spain, and that the Temple of Jerusalem was burnt by the Babylonians, and again re-edified by Cyrus; and we may prove it out of Berosus, who in his third book saith as followeth: Nabuchodonosor, having begun the third Wall, fell sick and died, when he had reigned forty three years, and his Son Evelmeradochus succeed him, who for his iniquity and licenciousness was treacherously slain by his Sisters Husband, named Niriglissoroor, after he had reigned two years. He being dead, the Traytor Niriglissoroor usurped the Kingdom, and reigned four years,L whose Son then a child was mace King, called by name Laborosardochus, and he reign­ed nine months;The Walls of Babylon built of brick and bitumen. who for corruptness of his manners was slain by his own Friends: after whose death they who slew him consulting together made one Nabonidus, a Ba­bylonian, King. At this time the Walls of Brick and Bitumen about the River of Ba­bylon were built. In the eighth year of this Kings reign Cyrus, coming with an Army out of Persia, conquered all Asia, and came with his Forces against Babylon; but the King of Babylon having notice of his coming, levied an Army, advanc'd against him, and gaue him Battel; but being overcome, he with a very few of his men was forced to flye into Borsippa. Cyrus now besieged Babylon, and purposed to destroy the out­ward Walls thereof; but finding them too strong and impenetrable, he returned to Bersippa to besiege Nabonidus the King of Babylon, Cyrus [...] Nabonidus from Babylon. who was fled thither. But Naboni­dus M not abiding the event of War, yielded himself unto Cyrus, who dealt mercifully with him, and gave him a Territory in Carmania, but expelled him out of Babylon: so Nabonidus led the rest of his life in that Province. This History agreeth with ours; for in our writings we find that Nabuchodonosor in the eighteenth year of of his reign de­stroyed our Temple, and that it so remained threescore and ten years: also that in the se­cond year of King Cyrus, the foundations thereof were laid again, and was finished and re [...]edified in the second year of King Darius's reign, This done, I will also relate the Histories of the Phoenicians,The testimony of the Phoeni­cians touching the Jews Anti­quity. to re-inforce what we say: for they make their computation after this manner. In the reign of King Ithobalus Nabuchodonosor besieged Tyre thirteen years, after whom Baal reigned ten years, next him Judges were appoint­ed,N towit, they that follow E [...]nibalus the Son of Balachus judged two Months; Chel­bis the Son of Abdaeus ten Months; Abbarus the High-Priest three Months; Myto­mus and Gerastus Sons of Abdilimos judged six years; after whom Balatorus reigned one year; and after his death the Tyrians called Merbalus from Babylon, and made him King, and he reigned four years: and he then dying, they sent also to Babylon for his Bro­ther Iromus, who reigned twenty years, in whose reign Cyrus obtained the Persian Empire: so that this whole time is fifty four years and three Months: for Nabuchodonosor began to besiege Tyre in the seventh year of his reign, and in the fourteenth year of King Iromus his reign Cyrus was made Emperour of Persia. O

[Page 789] A Wherefore both the Chaldean and Tyrian Historigraphers agree with us concerning our Temple.The Chaldees and Tyrians agree with the Jews History. So that the Antiquity of our Nation above mentioned is now made ma­nifest, and without all controversie. And that which is already alledged to this end, may be sufficient for them, who are not purposely contentious: To satisfie, therefore, such as believe the Writings of other Nations of little or no Authority, and will give credit to nothing but what is transmitted from the Greeks, I shall produce Testimony from such of them as have been acquainted, and writ of our Laws.

Pythagoras, a Samian born (a person of great Antiquity and Reputation above the rest of the Philosophers for Wisdom and Holiness of Life) was not only conversant in our Laws, but observed them in many things, as is testified particularly by Hermippus B an eminent and exact Historian,Herimippus writings and testimony of Pythagoras. who in his first Book of Pythagoras gives us an account, That a Crotonian called Calliphon (a great friend of Pythagoras) being dead, his Soul ac­companied Pythagoras night and day, inculcating and pursuing him with Instructions, and among the rest, That he would be careful how he passed by a place where his Ass had stumbled; That he would drink none but pure Water, and that he would be cauti­ous of speaking ill of any Body, following therein the Customes of the Greeks and Thracians: and what that Author said is most true, for it is certain, a great part of his Phylosophy was deduc'd from the Laws of the Jews.

Our Nation in times past was well known to divers Cities, so that many of them do now observe our Customs, and others esteem them worth the imitation, as Theophrastus C doth witness in his Book intituled De Legibus: Theophrastus. for he saith that the Tyrian Laws forbid to swear by any strange God,Corban the gift of God. and amongst these prohibited Oaths, he reckoneth the Oath called Corban, which is used only amongst the Jews, and in our Language signifieth the Gift of God.

Herodotus of Halicarnassus knew our Nation also, Herodotus the Halicarnassian touching the Jews Circum­cision. and in a manner maketh mention of it: for speaking of the Colchians, he saith thus in his second Book: The Colchians, Egyptians and Aethiopians only amongst all other Nations did use Circumcision of old: for the Phoenicians and Syrians living in Palestina do confess themselves to have learned this Custom from the Egyptians; and the Syrians living near unto Thermodoontes and the River Parthenius, and their Neighbours the Macronians, are reported but lately to have learnt it of D the Colchians: and these are they only that use Circumcision, and they do like unto the Egypti­ans; but I am not able to say whether the Egyptians or Aethiopians learn'd it of the other. Herodotus therefore affirmeth the Syrians in Palestina did use Circumcision, and it is manifest, that of all the Inhabitants of Palestina the Jews only use it, which he knowing writeth so of them.

Cherilus also an ancient Poet maketh mention of our Nation,Cherilus an ancient Poet his Testimony of the Jews. and affirmeth that our Country-men warred under Xerxes against the Greeks, and enumerating the Nations which followed him, at last he speakes thus of ours,

E A People strange followed this Royal throng,
Their-Language was th'unknown Phoenician tongue:
In th'hills of Solymus their dwelling was,
Near to a Lake for greatness which did pass:
Their heads were shav'd, and for their heads attire,
They wore an Horse-skin dried at the fire.

It is evident (as I think) that he speaketh of the Jews: Asphaltites the Lake. for the Mountains of Solymus are in our Country, and that Lake also called Asphaltites, which is the greatest and vast­est of all Lakes that are in Syria; And that the Jews were not known only of the Greeks, F but also admired of them is easire to prove not out of the obscurest Writers, but by the Testimony of their wisest Philosophers:The testimony of Clearchus disciple of A­ristotle touch­ing the Jews. For Clearchus, disciple unto Aristotle, and the best amongst all the Peripateticks, in his first Book De somno, brings in a certain Dialogue his Master Aristotle discoursing of a Jew that he knew, in this manner.

It would be too long to entertain you about the whole Nation, I shall content my self to give you a hint only of this mans admirable wisdom. Hyperochides told him, He could not do them a greater favour. I will begin then (said Aristotle) according to the Rules of Rhe­torick with what relates to his Nation. He was born a Jew in the lower Syria, whose pre­sent Inhabitants are descended from the Philosophers of the Indians, who among them are called Calani, but among the Syrians, Jews; as living in Jewry, whose principal City is G called Jerusalem, and very hard to be pronounced. This man entertained many strangers, who came from the higher Country down unto the Sea-Coast, was very eloquent and couragious. [Page 790] As I was travelling one time with some af my Disciples in Asia, this person made us a visit,H and in his Conference with us we found that much was to be learned by his Conversa­tion.

Thus far Aristotle in Clearchus, recounting moreover at large his admirable abstinence and chastity: Of whom they that are desirous to know more, are recommended to Cle­archus; Hecateus [...] brought up with King Alexander. for I am loth to write any thing superfluous. So now it is evident how Cle­archus, by the way of digression speaking of another matter, maketh mention of us.

But Hecateus Abderita a Philosopher, and one brought up with King Alexander, and dwelling with Ptolomeus Lagus, did not only briefly make mention of us, but also writ a whole Book of our Nation the Jews, out of which I will briefly note some few points that occur; but first I will shew of what Antiquity he is: For he recordeth the I time when Ptolomeus near unto Gaza fought with Demetrius, which happened the ele­venth year after Alexanders death, in the hundred and seventeenth Olympiad, as Castor writeth: who speaking of this Olympiad saith, That in this time Ptolomeus Lagus overcame Demetrius the son of Antigonus at Gaza in fight: which Demetrius was called Poliorcetes: and all men confess, that Alexander died in the hundred and fourteenth Olympi­ad: So that it is evident that at the time wherein Alexander lived, our Nation flour­ished.

And Hecataeus saith, That after that battel fought at Gaza, Ptolomeus was made Lord of the places bordering about Syria, and that many men hearing of the Clemency of Ptolomeus, followed him into Egypt, and conversed with him: amongst the which one was called Eze­kias, K the Jews high Priest, a man about threescore and six years old, and of chief notice and dignity of all his Nation,A thousand and five hun­dred Priests receive the Jews tenths. and most prudent and eloquent, one also who in all affairs had more experience than any man else. He likewise reporteth, That the number of the Jews Priests, who received their tenths, and rule all in general, is a thousand and five hundred or there­about.

And again making mention of the same Ezekias, he saith, This man being in reputa­tion and honour, and conversing with us, by the help of some about him, declared all things wherein we and this Nation differ, and shewed unto us the place of his dwelling, and the man­ner of his conversation, which he had in writing.

After this, Hecateus sheweth what manner of People we are, and how religious in our L Laws, and how that we will rather endure all torments and death it self, than violate them in any thing, and that we account it a worthy thing so to do: adding moreover, That being much hated of our neighbours, and having suffered all Contumelies both at the hands of the Persian Kings, and their Officers, yet we could not be forced to change our Opinions, but that we are continually exercised to give a reason thereof. He also recordeth an example of the constancy of our mindes: The Jews con­stancy against Alexander. For Alexander (quoth he) being at Babylon, and purposing to re-edifie the Temple of Bell, commanded all his Souldiers to car­ry Timber to the building thereof; and the Jews only disobeying his command, endured many stripes and torments, till such time as the King freed them from it: And they (saith he) re­turning to their own Country, destroyed all the Temples and Altars that they found there, and M some of them were by the Officers therefore punished, others escaped free: Adding, That we may justly be admired for these things, and that our Nation is exceeding populous. He shews likewise that many of us were carried Captives into Babylon, and there served the Persians. And that many more were disperst into Egypt after Alexanders death for a tumult begun in Syria.

He also recordeth the greatness of our Country, The largeness of Jury. and the fertility thereof. They inha­bit (saith he) a Country that hath almost thirty hundred thousand acres of most fertile ground;Fifty [...]ounds are almost six German [...]. (for Jury is of this largeness) and that in times past we inhabited a large and very great City, which was very populous; he speaketh also of the building of our Temple in this manner: The Jews have many other Towns and Villages in every Province; but they have N one most strong City, the compass of whose Walls is fifty furlongs, and in it inhabit a hundred and fifty thousand men; and th [...]s City they called Jerusalem; in the midst thereof is a building of stone with four Porches a hundred cubits about, it hath also double Gates; wherein is a four­squared Altar made of unhewn stones joyned together; and it is twenty cubits square every way, and ten cubits high; and about it is a most huge Building, wherein is on Altar and a Candlestick both of gold, weighing two Talents; and there is kept a continual Light night and day which never goeth forth: But in it there is no Image, nor Grove about it, as about other Temples.The Priests do dwell in the Temple and drink no Wine. It is inhabited by the Priests, who spend their time there in great continence both night and day, absteining from all manner of Wine.

The same Author gives an account of an action per [...]ormed by one of our Nation, who O was a Souldier under some of Alexanders successors; and the Authors words are these,

[Page 791] A As I went (saith he) to the Red Sea, a certain Jew, one of the Horsemen that conduct­ed us, named Mosollamus, a couragious man, and one who excelled all Archers else, both Greeks and other Nations; This Jew (every one hasting on forward of his journey, and being will'd by a Soothsayer to stand) asked, for what cause the multitude stayed and went not forward: Presently the Soothsayer shewed him a Bird, which he diligently viewed, and told the Jew that if that Bird did stand still in the place, then it was expedient for them to stand, and if the Bird did mount up and flie, that then they ought to march on forward; but if it slew towards the place from whence they came, that then it was wisdom to retire. The Jew hereat was silent, yet drawing his Bow he shot an arrow and killed the Bird; whereat the Soothsayer and certain others were offended, and cursed him. But he taking the unhappy Bird in his hand B said unto them; Are ye so mad as to think that this Bird, not having the foresight to preserve her self from this death, is able to direct us in the success of our journey? Had this Bird fore­known future events, she would have eschewed this place for dread that Mosollamus a Jew should have strucken her with an arrow. But we will now leave the testimony of Hecateus, for every one that list may read his Book, and there understand it more at large.

I will not omit the Testimony of Agatarchides, Agatarchides his Testimony of the Jews. a man of no evil in his own opinion, yet indeed one who hath used detraction to our Nation. This man speaking of Stra­tonice, how leaving her husband Demetrius, she came into Syria, and how Seleucus would not marry her as she hoped (who having an Army at Babylon, warred against Antioch, and had taken the City) and that she fled into Selucia, whereas she might have made a C speedier escape by water (but was forewarned to the contrary in a sleep) and that she was there taken and died, &c. Agatarchides, having used this Preface, and inveighed against Stratonices superstition, useth an Examyle of our Nation on this manner: The People that are called Jews, inhabit a most strong City, which they call Jerusalem; these People are wont to rest upon the seventh day, The Jews Sabbath. and do neither bear Arms, nor till their Grounds, nor any other business on that day, hut their custom is to remain in their Temple, and there with stretched out armes continue in prayer till night. And so upon a time, they persevering in that foolery, whilst they should have defended their City, Ptolomeus Lagus entred it with a great Army, and greatly tyrannized over them, instructing them by experience, that the solemnity appointed by their Law, was prejudicial unto them. Such like Churches as this did teach D them and all Nations else to flie unto dreams, which their Law teacheth, neither considering that humane policy cannot prevail against that which must necessarily happen. Agatarchides thought this which he reports of us to be ridiculous; but they that weigh it with indif­ferency, shall perceive that it is greater commendation to our Nation, who rather suffer their Country and safety to be lost and endamaged,Why certain Writers omit to speak of the Jews. than to violate the Laws of God.

I think I am thus able to shew, that many Writers omitted to make mention of our Nation, not for that they knew us not, but for envy. For Jerom writ a Book of the Successors in the same time that Hecateus lived, and being a friend to King Antigonus, and President of Syria, never mentioneth us in all his History; notwithstanding he was brought up almost in our Country; whereas Hecateus writ an entire Book of us; so E different are the minds of men: for one of them thought our Nation worthy to be dili­gently recorded, the other through malice was hindred from speaking the truth: yet the Histories of the Chaldeans, Egyptians and Phoenicians, may suffice to prove our Antiqui­ty, together with the Greek Writers: for besides those before mentioned, Theophrastus also, Theodotus, Manaseas, Ariphanes, Hermogenes, Euemeus, Conon, Zepyrion, and many others no doubt (for I have not perused all mens Books) have manifestly testified of us. For many of the foresaid men were blinded with errors, as not having read our holy Scriptures; yet they all joyntly testify our Antiquity, for which I now alledge them. Truly Demetrius Phalerius, Philon the elder, and Eupolemus did not much erre from the truth, and therefore reason it is they should be born withal: for they were not so skilful F as to teach our Writings with so much curiosity.

Being come thus far, it resteth that I now present one point more, whereof I made mention in the beginning of this Book,The last part, against certain detractions and slanders. to wit, that I declare the detractions and slan­derous reports of divers concerning our Nation to be false and void of truth; and I will use the Testimony of those Writers who record, that the lying Historigraphers, at such time as they committed to writing the foresaid detractions, did also even against them­selves register such like slanders, as they did against us. And I doubt not but that all those, who are conversant in Histories, can testifie, that the like hath been done by most Writers upon private hatred, or such like respects: For some of the Gentiles have at­tempted to deface the honour and reputation of the most renowned Cities, and to defame G the manners of their Inhabitants. Thus did Theopompus to Athens, and Ptolicrates to Lacedemon; and the Author that writ Tripoliticum (for it was not Theopompus as some [Page 792] suppose) used the City Thebes very hardly. And Timeus in his Histories of the fore­said H places, doth many times detract both them and others. And this they do, calumniating the most excellent that are, in something or other; some for envy and ma­lice, others, that their fond babling may make them famous, and so indeed it doth among fools, that are known to have no sound judgment, but wise men will condemn their malice.

To be short,The cause of malice be­tween the E­gyptians and Jews. this is the cause of so many slanderous reports forged against our Nation: some to gratify the Egyptians have attempted to deprave the truth, and so have neither reported the Circumstances concerning our Ancestors coming into Egypt, nor touching their departure from thence, and they have had many causes of malice and envy urging them hereto: And chiefly for that our Progenitors in their Country waxed mighty,I and so departing to their own Country were made happy and fortunate.

Secondly,The Egyptians Idolatry. the diversity of our two Religions made great discord and variance amongst us, our Religion so far excelling theirs in piety, as the divine Essence GOD excelleth unreasonable Creatures: (for they commonly worship such bruit beasts for gods, and every one worshipeth divers kinds.) vain and foolish men, who from the beginning have been accustomed to such sottish opinions, as would not permit them to imitate us in our divine Religion, and comformable to Reason: and yet seeing many favour and follow our Religion, they were hereby incited to such hatred, that to derogate from us, they feared not to falsify their own ancient Records, not considering that in so doing they were led through a blind passion, to write against themselves. Moreover, I will prove K all I have spoken to be true,Manethon an Egyptian Hi­storiographer. by one mans words, whom a little before (being a famous Historigrapher) we have produced as a witness of our Antiquity.

Manethon therefore (who confesseth himself to have gathered the Egyptian History out of their holy Writings) having by way of Preface recounted how our Predecessours came into Egypt with many thousands, and there conquered the Inhabitants, afterward confesseth,Manethons fa­bulous reports of the Egypti­an Lepers. that losing all their Possessions in Egypt, they got the Country which is now called Jury, and in it builded a City named Jerusalem, and a Temple; and thus far he followeth ancient Writers. And then usurping to himself authority to lye, pro­testing that he will insert into his History certain reports divulged amongst the common People, he reports things of the Jews altogether incredible, intending to mix with our L Nation the Lepers of the Egyptians, and other sick people of other Countries, who (as he saith) being abominable to the Egyptians, fled to us; affirming also that they had a King named Amenophis, which being a feigned name, he durst not presume to speak determinately of the time of his Reign; though he speaketh exactly of the Reign of all other Kings. Hereupon also he adds certain Fables, forgetting himself that he reported the Shepherds departure out of Egypt to Jerusalem, to have been almost five hundred and eighteen years before his time: For it was in the fourth year of the reign of Thermosis, when they departed out of Egypt, and his Successors continued in the Go­vernment three hundred and ninety three years, till the time of the two Brethren Se­thon M and Hermeus, the first of which was called Egyptian, the other Danaus, who sup­planted Sethon, and reign'd alone fifty nine years, after whom his eldest Son Ramses reign'd threescore and six years. Having therefore confessed our Ancestors to have departed out of Egypt so many years before; at length he addeth Amenophis to the number of their Kings. He tells us that the said Prince (as Orus one of his Predecessours had done before) had an ardent desire to have a sight of the Gods, and that a Priest of their Law named Amenophis (as he was) and Son of Papius, whose wisdom in prediction was so admirable, that he seem'd to be inspir'd, told him his de­sire should be accomplished, if he would drive out of his Kingdom all such as were Le­prous, and any other way infected. The King according to his directions assembled N of them to the number of Eighty thousand, and sent them with other Egyptians to work in the Quarries on the East-side of the Nile, among whom there were certain Priests who were likewise infected.

Manethon adds, That the Priest Amenophis, apprehending lest the Gods should punish him for having given the King that counsel, & the King for having followed it so strictly, and finding by divination that to recompence the sufferings of those poor People, they would conquer and govern in Egypt for the space of thirteen years, he was afraid to tell it to the King himself, but having committed his Revelation to writing, he kill'd himself to the great terrour of the King.

This done▪ he speaks as followeth: So the King being requested for their quietness and defence to assign them a City to inhabit, appointed unto them a desolate place O called Avaris, which had been the Shepherds City (this City the ancient Divines call [Page 793] A Triphon) but they, having got the possession of this place fit for Rebellion, made choice of one of the Priests of Heliopolis to be their Captain,Osarsi [...]hus Captain of Avaris. whose name was Osarsiphus, and bound themselves with an Oath to obey him in all things: and he presently made a Law, That they should neither worship the Gods of the Egyptians, nor abstain from those Beasts which the Egyptians count holy, and that they should marry with none but such as they judged to be their Friends, and of their own perswasion.

Having ordained this and many things else contrary to the Religion of the Egypti­ans, he commanded them to build a Wall about the City, to fortify it well, and pre­pare to make War upon King Amenophis. Having taken some others of the Priest­hood into his Cabal, they sent Ambassadors to Jerusalem to the Shepherds, which were driven out of Egypt by King Themusis, to inform them of what had passed, and request B them to a Confederacy,The war of the banished a­gainst the E­gyptians. and that uniting their forces, they might jointly make War upon Egypt. He promised to receive them into Avaris (which had been of old the pos­session of their Ancessors) and supply them with what ever was necessary, and assured them their opportunity was such, that without great difficulty they might conquer that Kingdome. That the Inhabitants of Jerusalem embracing the motion, rais'd an Army, and advanced to Avaris with 200000 men.

That Amenophis, King of Egypt, hearing of their invasion, and remembring what Amenophis the Son of the Priest Papius had left in writing, was in great fear, and pre­sently assembling together the people of Egypt, and consulting with the Princes of his Country, he sent away all the holy Beasts, and all that the Priests esteemed, giving C them especial charge to hide their Idols: He put his Son Sethon (who also by his Fa­ther Rampses was called Rhamesses) and but five years old, into the custody of a Friend of his;The Egyptian King fled into Ethiopia, and was by the E­thiopian King courteously entertained. and then with three hundred thousand fighting men, he marched against his Enemies, but would not fight with them, lest he should fight against the pleasure of the Gods; and so he retired himself to Memphis; and taking Apis and the rest of the E­gyptian Gods along with him, he, and his Troops of Egyptians took Ship, and fled into Aethiopia. That the King of Aethiopia having a great honour for him, received him very nobly, assigning his People Towns and Villages for their residence and subsistence du­ring their thirteen years exile, keeping constant Guards upon his Frontiers, for the D security of Amenophis. That in the mean time the Auxiliaries from Jerusalem did much more mischief, than those who had invited them. That there was nothing of cruelty or impiety that they scrupled or omitted. That not contenting themselves with the demolishment and burning of Towns, they added sacriledg to their sins, brake their Idols in pieces, slew their consecrated Cattel, forced the Priests and Prophets to kill their own Beasts,Osarsiphus was afterwards call'd Moses. and drave them naked out of their Country when they had done. To which he adds, That they had for their Law-giver a Priest of Heliopolis call'd Osar­siph, from Osiris, which was the God that was worshipped in that City, and that that Priest having chang'd his Religion, chang'd likewise his Name, and called himself Moses.

E Thus the Egyptians report of the Jews, and many things else, which for brevity sake I omit. Manethon further writeth, that afterward Amenophis the King came with a great power out o [...] Aethiopia, and his Son Rampses with him accompanied with a great Army; and that joyning Battel with the Shepherds and polluted persons, he gave them an overthrow, and pursued them unto the Borders of Syria. And this is Manethon's report; but forasmuch as he writeth old wives tales, dotages, and lies, I will by manifest reason convince him, First distinguishing that whereof I am to speak hereafter. He of his own accord granteth and confesseth, that our Ancestors at first were not Egyptians,Manethon's lies are con­futed. but Strangers that came thither from another place, and con­quered the Country, and again departed from thence. I will now out of his own F writings endeavour to shew, that the weak people of Egypt were not mixed with us, and that Moses, who indeed was our Conductor out of Egypt, and lived many ages before, was no [...]eper.

He therefore first of all setteth down a ridiculous cause of this forementioned ficti­on, which was, that King Amenophis was desirous to see the Gods: What Gods do you think? He could already see the Ox, the Goat, the Crocodile, and the Munky, but the God of Heaven how could he see? And why had Amenophis this desire? Forsooth because a certain King one of his Predecessors had seen them; he therefore knowing by him what things they were, and how he came to the sight of them, needed no new de­vice to accomplish his desire: But perhaps the foresaid Prophet was a Man of great G wisdom, by whom the King had confidence to attain his desire; if so he had been, how chanceth it that he was so unwise not to perceive, that it was an impossible thing to sa­tisfy [Page 794] the Kings desire? for that which he promised was not brought to pass. Or what H reason moved him to think that the Gods were invisible, because of the Leprosie and infirmity of the people? The Gods are offended with mens impieties, not with the defects of their bodies. And how was it possible that at one instant so many thousand Lepers and infirm persons should be gathered together? or wherein did not the King obey the Prophet? He commanded that the Lepers and infirme persons should be exiled the Country, and the King did not banish them the Country, but sent them to hew Stones, as though he had needed workmen, and not purposed to cleanse the Country from Le­pers. Lastly, he saith, that the Prophet foreseeing that Egypt was to suffer, and fearing the wrath of the Gods, killed himself, and left his mind in a Book written unto the King. How chanced it then that the Prophet did not at first foresee his own death, and so oppose I himself to the Kings desire to see the Gods? Or wherefore did he fear such calamities as were not to fall in his life? or what great misery hanged over his head, which might worthily cause him to kill himself to prevent it? But let us hear that which followeth, more sottish than all the rest.

The King (saith he) heariug this,Manethon's words repeat­ed. and striken with fear, did not however expel those Lepers he ought to have exiled, but at their request gave them (as he saith) a City, wherein before time the Shepherds did inhabit, called Avaris; whereinto being come, they made a Priest of Heliopolis their Prince, who devised Laws for them: commanding them neither to adore the Gods, nor to abstain from offering vi­olence to such beasts as amongst the Egyptians are sacred, but that they should kill and K spoil all things, that they should marry with none but such as were their confederates, that he bound the people with an oath to keep those Laws, and that they fortified Ava­ris to fight against the King. Adding moreover, that he sent to Jerusalem for help, promising to yield Avaris unto them, being a place sometime possessed by their An­cestors, and that they from that place leading their Forces, might easily subdue all E­gypt: he then saith, that the Egyptian King Amenophis came against them with 300000; and yet, for that he would not strive against the decree of the Gods, he fled into Aethiopia, and carried with him Apis and other Holy Beasts, and that the inhabitants of Jerusalem coming down invaded the Land, fired the Towns and Cities, slew their Nobles, used all sorts of cruelty possible, and that the Priests name, who made Laws and Statutes for L them to live under, was one of Heliopolis, Osarsiphus by name, deriving the same from Osiris, the God of Heliopolis: and that this man, changing his name, was afterward called Moses.

Moreover, that Amenophis, having lived in banishment thirty years, came with a strong power out of Aethiopia, and fighting with the shepherds and polluted, he slew many of them, and put the rest to flight, pursuing them unto the borders of Syria. Manethon remembreth not, that here again he telleth a very unlikely tale: for although the Lepers and impotent persons were offended with the King for appointing them to hew Stones; yet it is to be thought that receiving their own desire at the Kings hands afterwards, to wit, a City to dwell in, that then they again became the Kings well-wil­lers. Supposing also their hatred still continued towards him, they rather should have M attempted revenge by treason against him, than towards all their Nation, wherein they had many dear friends and alliance. And although they had purposed to War against these men, yet would they not have been so impious as to have rebelled against the Gods, and to have violated the Laws wherein they were brought up.

We have therefore cause to thank Manethon, A confutation of Manethon's words alledg­ed. in that he cleareth us, and affirmeth his own country-men (yea a Priest) to be authors of this impiety, and that by oath they bound themselves so to do. What can be more extravigant than to say that nei­ther any of their country-men nor kinsmen rebelled with them, but that the poor distressed people were glad to send to Jerusalem for succour? But what society or friendship had they with the people of Jerusalem, of whom they came to demand help?N Why, they were more their Enemies than the rest of their Country-men, and were all of quite different manners from us. They of Jerusalem (as he saith) presently did as they were willed to do, in hope that, according as they were promised, they might subdue Egypt. Were they ignorant of that Country out of which they had been dri­ven by force? had they lived in poverty or misery, perhaps they might have been induced to have done it: but seeing they inhabited a fortunate and rich City, and pos­sessed a goodly fertile soil far better than Egypt, what might move them thereto? What reason had they, at the request of their ancient Enemies (and they also so diseas­ed, as they of Jerusalem could not abide their own friends among them that had the O like diseases) to thrust themselves into danger? they could not fore-know the Kings [Page 795] A intent to fly; as for Manethon himself he saith, he met them at Pelusia with 300000 men. And this they that went to War well knew. But what reason had they to conjecture that the Kings mind would change, and he flye? As to what he charges upon the Auxiliaries from Jerusalem, that they seized upon the stores, and secur'd all the Corn that was in Egypt, which brought great distress and exigence upon the people, hath he forgot, that considering they entred as Enemies, they are not thereby to be re­proached, Rapacity being unavoidable among Souldiers, especially if Strangers and Conquerours? Hath he forgot he said before that the Lepers had done the same for­merly, and had to that purpose obliged themselves by oath? and that he assured us, that some years after Amenophis repelled the Jerusalem-Confederats, and Lepers, slew B many of them, drove them out of those parts, and pursued them to the very borders of Syria; as if Egypt was a Country so easily conquer'd, or that those who were then in possession meerly by conquest, would not (upon the first alarme of Amenophis's march have block'd up the passages, and secured the Avenues on that side towards Aethiope, which they might easily have done, and drawn together what forces they had pleased to defend them? And is it not as improbable when he says, that that Prince made not only a great slaughter among them, but pursued them with his whole army (cross the Desart) to the very frontiers of Syria? whereas it is notoriously known that Desart is so dry, that there being no Water to be found in the whole tract, it is almost impossi­ble for an entire Army to march through it, though there was no Enemy to give them C impediment. To conclude therefore, our Nation neither came of the Egyptians, as Manethon confesseth;The Epilogue that the Jews came not of the Egyptians. neither was mingled with the diseased of that Country: for it is probable, that many of those sick people perished in the Stone-works, many in the great fight and battel, and the rest of them in the flight. It now remaineth that I refute that which he speaks of Moses.

The Egyptians do all agree that this man was a divine person,An answer to Manethons slanders tou­ching Moses. and one to be admi­red, and they commit great impiety in labouring to challenge him for their Country-man, saying, that he was a Priest of Heliopolis, banished with the rest for leprosie. For he is recorded to have lived five hundred and eighteen years before this time, and to have guided our Ancestors out of Egypt, Moses was not a Leper. into that Country wherein we now inhabit: D and his own words testifiy his body to have been clean from that Disease of Leprosie: for he commandeth all Lepers to be expelled out of the Towns and Villages, and to live apart by themselves; To be cloathed in different Garments, and declared that whoso­ever touched them, or came under the same roof with them, should be accounted unclean. And if a Leper happened to be cured of that disease, he appointed certain purifications, cleansings, and baths of fortunate waters, and all his hair should be shaved off; and that then after many and sundry Sacrifices, he should be admitted into the holy City. Certainly, had he been visited with that infection and calamity him­self, he would surely have been more gentle, and merciful to such as should have been E afflicted with that Disease.

He did not only make these severe Laws against Lepers, but he also interdicted all that wanted any joynt or parcel of the body, from being Priests, or exercising any of­fice at the Alter:Moses took his name of Moy, which in the Egyptian tongue signi­fieth Water. yea he also appointed, that if any Priest should have any of these defects betide him after he was a Priest, that then he should be deprived of the dignity. How can it then be probable, that to his own prejudice and discredit he would have enacted such Laws? And as to what he says about changing his name Osarsiph into Moses, it is as incredible as the rest, there being no analogy between them, the name of Moses importing preservation from the Water; for Moy among the Egyptians signifies Water:Against Chere­mon the Histo­riographer. and now I suppose I have made it apparent, that Manethon, whilst he kept him­self F to the writings of the ancients, did not err much: but when he left them, he for­sook the truth, and fell upon ridiculous stories, which he either invented himself, or beleived out of prejudice to our nation. I now think it not amiss to examine a little the words of Chaeremon, who professing himself to write the Egyptian History, maketh mention of the same King Amenophis his Son Rhamses, as Manethon doth, and reporteth that the Goddess Isis appeared to Amenophis in his sleep, checking him for that her Temple was destroyed, and that Phiritiphantes, a holy Scribe, told the King, that if he would expel all polluted and unclean persons out of Egypt, that then he should not be any more terrified with these night-visions. Moreover, that hereupon making search for all sick and diseased persons, he banished them out of his Land, to the num­ber of 250000. And that their Captains were called Moses and Joseph, holy Scribes, G also that these Egyptians names were so, that Moses was named [...]isithes; and Joseph, Petesephus: and that they came to Pelusium, where they found 380000 left there by [Page 796] Amenohpis, whom he would not permit to come into Egypt: also they all entring into H a league together, suddenly invaded Egypt, and Amenophis not abiding the brunt fled into Aethiopia, leaving his wife great with child, who hiding her self in caves and dens, did bring forth a child whom they called Messenes, Messenes Son of Amenophis. who afterward drove the Jews into Syria, being in number 200000, and this done, he recalled his Father Amenophis out of Aethiopia. And thus Chaeremon saith.

But I imagine, that which I have already said, to be sufficient to declare the vanity of both these Writers. For if that which they report were true, it were impossible that they should so much differ: but they labour to devise lyes, and write nothing agreeable to other mens writings.Manethon's & Chaeremon's history compa­red together. For Manethon feigneth, that the cause of the banishment of the Lepers was the [...]ings desire to see the Gods; and Chaeremon saith, that it was for I that Isis after appeared unto him in his sleep. Manet [...]on also saith, that Amenophis gave the King that counsel so to cleanse the Country; and Chaeremon saith, that he that coun­selled the King was called Phiritip [...]antes. Nor do they agree better in their numbers: Manethon reports them 80000 the other 250000. Manethon says these Lepers were sent directly to the Quarries to work there in the squaring of Stone, and that after­wards Avaris was given them for a Quarter, where having begun their War, they sent Embassadors to Jerusalem to get that City into Confederacy. Chaeremon tells us on the other side that when they were forced out of Egypt, they found at Pelusium 380000 men whom Amenophis had repulsed; that joyning with them they returned againe into Egypt, and compelled Amenophis to fly into Aethiopia. But that which is most obser­vable K is, that an Author, that was so exact in the Story of the apparition of Isis, should for­get to let us know from whence this great Army of 380000 did come, whether they were Egyptians, or Strangers, and for what reason Amenophis refused to admit them. Moreover,The difference between Ma­nethon's and Chaerem [...]n's History. Chaeremon feigneth a dream of the Lepers and Isis, and reporteth that Jo­seph together with Moses was expelled, whereas Joseph lived four ages before Moses, every age containing at least a hundred and seventy years. Ramesses also, Amenophis Son, according to Manethons History, being a young man fled into Aethiopia, and was banished with his Father, and afterwards assisted him in the Wars: whereas Chaeremon reporteth that he was born in a Cave after his Fathers departure, and that he getting the victory, did drive the Jews into Syria, who were in number two hundred thousand.L O felicity in lying! for he neither told what Nation those three hundred and fourscore thousand were: nor yet how a hundred and fourscore thousand of them perished, neither were they slain in the fight, or fled unto Ramesses: and which is most to be admired, one cannot gather out of his words whom he calleth Jews, or whether he attribute this name unto the two hundred and fifty thousand Lepers, or unto the three hundred and fourscore thousand which were at Pelusium.

But it is folly to oppose my self against them, who have sufficiently contradicted themselves: for had other men controlled their Writings, they had been the more to be born withal.Lysimachus is reproved for lying. Lysimachus was another of the same Stamp, and one that not only se­conds but surpasses them in their Lyes, in so much that we need no more than the M extravigance of his Story to prove his hatred to our Nation. He tells us that in the reign of Bocch [...]r King of Egypt, the Jews that were Leprous or otherwise infected, re­sorted in such numbers to the Temples to beg the charity of the people, that they communicated their distempers to the Egyptians.According to Lysimachus, the scabbed and Leprous Jews were to be conveighed into the Wil­derness, and ca [...] into the Sea. Bocchor consulted the Oracle of Am­mon, and received this answer, that he should purifie the Temples, and send into the de­sart all those sick and infectious people, upon whom the Sun could shine no longer without regret, and that by so doing the Earth should recover its primitive fertility. That hereupon the said Prince by advice of his Priests assembled all those diseased per­sons, delivered them into the hands of certain Souldiers, who lap'd some of them in lead, and threw them into the Sea, conducting the rest into the wilderness, and leaving N them there to be destroyed by Famine. That in that distress the poor people con­sulted together, made great fires, kept strong Guards all night, and fasted very solemnly thereby to make their Gods more propitious; and that a certain person called Moses advised them to remove the next day, and march on till they found better quarters; to trust no man; to give no man good Counsel that ask'd them; to ruine the Tem­ples and Altars where ever they came; and that this Counsel having been approved, they passed the Wilderness, and after much trouble and frequent distresses, arrived in a Country that was inhabited, where they gave the first instances of their crulelty by abusing the Natives, and robbing their Temples; in which course they continued, till they came at length to Judea, where they built a City, and called it J [...]rosula (which is O as much as to say the [...]poil of holy things): but that growing afterwards more Potent, [Page 797] A they changed that name (as too infamous) and called it Jerusalem, and themselves in­habitants of Jerusalem.

This fellow found not that King, which the two former speak of, but he joyned a more new name, and leaving the Dream and the Prophet, goeth to Ammon for an an­swer touching the scabbed and Lepers; he saith, that a multitude was gathered to­gether at the Temples;Lysinius his opinion con­futed. but he leaveth it uncertain, whether the Jews only were infected with this Disease; for he saith the people of the Jews; or whether they were stran­gers and such as were born in that Country. If they were Jews, why doest thou call them Egyptians? If they were strangers, why dost thou not tell of whence they were? Or how came it to pass, the King having drowned so many of them in the Sea, and left B the rest in the Wilderness, that still so many should be left? how did they pass the Wilderness, and get the Country we now inhabit, and build a City and a Temple fa­mous through all parts of the World? Thou shouldest not only have told the name of our Law-maker, but also what Country-man he was, and of what Parents, and what moved him in his journey to make such laws against the gods, and against men. For if they were Egyptians, they would not so easily have forgotten the Religion, wherein they were brought up: or of what place else soever they were, they had some laws or other, which they had been accustomed to keep. If they had vowed to have born no good will unto them by whom they were driven out of their Country, they had some just occasion so to do: But to undertake War against all the World, and deprive them­selves C of all friendship and help of mortal men, doth not shew their sottishness so much, as the foolishness of him who belies them, who most impudently affirmeth, that their City took the name of Church-spoiling, and afterward changed it. For what cause forsooth did they change the name thereof?Nothing is to be said against an impudent lye. marry for that the former name was ignominious to their posterity. But the Gentleman underdood not, that Jerusalem sig­nifieth otherwise in Hebrew, than in Greek: And therefore what should I stand to in­veigh against a lie so impudently told? But this book having been long enough, I will begin another, in which I shall endeavour to acquaint my self of what I have undertaken.

DEFG

The SECOND BOOK H OF THE ANTIQVITY of the JEVVS, Written by I FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS Against APPION of ALEXANDRIA, And dedicated to EPAPHRODITUS.K

THrice honoured and beloved Epaphroditus, I have in my former Books, so far forth as I was warranted by truth, proved the Antiquity of our Nation out of the Writings of the Phoenicians, Chaldees, and Egyptians: And for the further confirmation thereof, I have pro­duced the Testimony of divers Greek Authors. Furthermore, I have opposed my self against Manethon, and Cheremon, and divers others. It remains now that I convince those who defied me more particularly, and gives an L answer to Appion, Appion wrote something very coldly. though indeed I am scarce satisfied that he deserves it. For as touch­ing part of what he hath written, it seemeth to be one & the same with that which the rest have written; And as touching the rest, it is very cold and barren. The greatest part thereof is stuffed with follies and detractions, and betrayeth his ignorance, shew­ing him to be a Man both loose in condition, and turbulent in his life. And forasmuch as divers men are so weak in their judgments, that they rather suffer themselves to be won by these follies, than to be wrought upon by that which is written with better consideration, vainly doting on detractions, and growing discontent to give ear to other mens well deserved praises: I have thought it necessary to examine his Labours, the rather, for that he hath written against us, as if he intended to accuse us before a M Tribunal, and convict us by publick trial. For I see that it is an ordinary course for the most part of men, to hug and take pleasure, though perhaps he that beginneth to blame another man, is himself convicted and found guilty of those defaults, which he imputeth and objecteth against his Adversary.

The Discourse of this Appion is so difficult and perplexed, that 'tis no easy matter to understand what he means: For troubled and confus'd with the incoherencies of his stories, sometimes he relates the departure of our Ancestors out of Egypt according to the description of those, whom I have confuted before. Sometimes he calumniates the Jews of Alexandria, and sometimes condemnes the ceremonies of our Temple, and our whole Doctrine and Religion.N

Now that our Predecessors have not taken their original out of Egypt, neither have been driven from thence for any infirmity,Appion con­cerning Moses and the Jews. or deformity of their Bodies, or for any Wound, Ulcer, or Pollution, I suppose that I have not only sufficiently proved, but also produced far more Arguments than was requisite. I will therefore briefly report and repeat that which Appion alledgeth: For in the third Book of his Egyptian Histo­ry, he writes thus: Moses, as I have heard it from most ancient Egyptians, was born at Heliopolis, and being instructed in the fashions of his Country, such Prayers as were wont to be said in open places and abroad, he caused to be said in private within the City, and ordained that in praying they should turn themselves towards the rising Sun, (for such is the situation of the City Heliopolis) and instead of Obelisques or Pyramides,O he erected certain Pillars, under which there were certain ingraven Basons, on which [Page 799] A the shadow hapning to fall (the place wherein they stood being uncovered and in open air) they observed the same course that the Sun doth in the Firmament. See here what eloquence this learned Man used.Appions fiction concerning the Temple and Moses is refuted.

Now this lye of his needeth no words to refute it, seeing it is clearly refelled by the effects. For when Moses first built that Tabernacle in honour of God, he had no such intent, nor fashioned any such form, neither ordained his Successours to do the like: And after this when as Solomon builded the Temple in Jerusalem, he never thought of any such curiosity as Appion forgeth. He saith that he hath been informed by those of Antiquity, that Moses was a Heliopolitan: for you must understand that Appion him­self was young, and believed the relation of the aged sort of his acquaintance, which B conversed familiarly with him; yet cannot this learned Grammarian justifie, where Ho­mer was born, neither from what Country Pythagoras came, although in respect▪ they lived but yesterday: And as touching Moses, who lived so many ages, and so great a number of years before them, he decideth the matter so easily, and giveth credit to the reports of Antiquity so slightly, that it appeareth most manifest, that he is but a lyar. As touching the time wherein he saith that Moses led away the Blind, Leprous, and Lame, this diligent Author accordeth very willingly with that which he himself hath said.The computa­tion of the time is diffe­rent among the Historio­graphers. For Manethon saith, that the Jews departed out of Egypt about the Reig [...] of Themosis, three hundred ninety six years before Danaus fled out of Greece. Lysima­chus C faith, that this thing happened during King Bocchorus time, that is to say, one thousand and seven hundred years before that time. Molon also and some others have alledged their Opinions. But Appion, who pretendeth to be a Man of more cre­dit than the rest, hath precisely and exactly set down the time, averring that our de­parture was about the seventieth Olympiad: Nay more, in the first year thereof, wherein, as he saith, Carthage was builded by the Phoenicians. Now hath he purpose­ly made mention of Carthage in this place, as an infallible argument of the truth of his Allegation, not considering that he draweth an argument against himself, by which himself may be convinced. For, if we may give credit to the Phoenician Chroniclers as touching this Colony, it appeareth by them, that King Hyram lived more than one hundred and fifty years before the foundation of Carthage. The friendship between Hy­ram and Solo­mon, whereof we made men­tion in the first Book against Appion in the beginning. The truth whereof I have D heretofore proved out of the words of the Phoenicians, who report that Hyram was in amity with Solomon, who builded the Temple of Jerusalem; and that he furnished him with much Timber and other matter toward the finishing of that building. Now Solo­mon builded the Temple six hundred and twelve years after the departure of the Israe­lites out of Egypt. And after he had inconsiderately reckoned the number of those which were driven out of Egypt, The Egyptians do call a dis­ease about the privy parts Sabbatosis. in like manner as Lysimachus had done, namely; of one hundred and ten thousand men, he yielded a most admirable reason, and such as may be easily believed: From whence he pretendeth that the name of Sabbath was de­rived. For (saith he) after they had travelled for the space of six days, there grew certain inflammations in their Groins, by reason whereof they rested on the seventh E day, being safely arrived in the Country which at this day is called Judaea, because the Egyptians call Sabbatosis an Ulcer that groweth about the Groin.

Can any man read these stories without laughter, or indeed indignation, to see a grave Author aver such trifles with that impudence and Authority? How improbable is it, that 110000 men should at one time be infected with the same disease? and if they were made up of blind, and lame, and other infirmities (as he affirms in another place) how could they have been able to have marched one day in a desert? or how could they have been able to have fought, much less subdued the Nations that opposed them? Can it be naturally believed of so great a multitude? or can it without great absurdity be imputed to accident? Yet Appion affirms, that these 110000 men arrived all of them F in Judaea; and that Moses being yet upon the Mount Sinai (which in those parts parts Egypt and Arabia) he continued there privately forty days; and when he came down, he delivered those Laws to the Jews which are still observ'd:Appions fiction of the six days journey is confuted. Upon which I would be resolved in two things; How it was possible for so great a number of men to cross so vast a desert in six days? and how he could subsist forty days in a place so wild and bar­ren, that there was not so much as water to be found for his refreshment?

His Etymologie of the word Sabbath is so idle and impertinent, it can proceed from nothing but ignorance and folly: for these words Sabbo and Sabbatum do greatly differ: Sabbatum in the Jews language, signifieth rest from work: but Sabbo in the Egyptian tongue, betokeneth a Disease about the privy parts, as Appion saith. See here what G cavilling fictions this Egyptian Appion useth concerning Moses, and our departure out of Egypt: wherein he counterfeiteth and coineth absurdities unthought of by any others. [Page 800] Shall we then wonder if he belie our forefathers,Appion denies his Country and Origin. who maketh no bones to belie him­self?H for being born at Oasis, a Town in Egypt, he forsweareth his Country and Na­tion, and counterfeiting himself to be an Alexandrian, ratifieth his Nations wickedness. No marvel then, though he tearm them Egyptians, whom he hated and railed against; for if he had not been perswaded that the Egyptians were wicked base people, he would ne­ver have denied himself to be their Country-man: for such as proudly boast of their famous Country, esteem it a credit to bear the denomination thereof, and reprehend such, as without just cause make themselves of their Nation. Wherefore the Egyptians are one of these two ways affected towards us Jews, either they claim us to be their Country-men, as glorying in us and their Country; or else they and their Country be­ing infamous, they desire that we should be partakers of their ignominy. But indeed I this worthy Appion seemeth so to inveigh against us, as thereby rewarding the Alexandri­ans for bestowing their Cities upon him:Appion raileth against the J [...]ws, as there­by rewarding the Alexan­drians. and knowing them to be at variance with the Jews at Alexandria, he as it were casteth a bone between them, raileth not only on the Jews of that City, but on all wheresoever: and belieth both of them most impudently.

But let us examine those heinous and enormous matters (and as he saith) such as are not to be suffered,The Sea-coast of Alexandria. of which he accuseth the Alexandrian Jews. Coming (quoth he) out [...]f Syria, they seated themselves near the Sea coast in a place where, though the Sea came up, there was no Harbour.

Now if this place which they inhabited were ignominious, yet it followeth not that the Jews own Country was so also: yea herein Appion raileth against Alexandria, which K he maketh his own Country: For the Sea-coast is part of Alexandria, and, as all men judge, the best place to dwell in. Now if the Jews by force of Arms so vanquished this place, that they could never since be driven out of it; it is no discredit to them, but rather an argument of their valour. But Alexander gave them that place to inhabit, and the Macedonians did allot them as great Priviledges as the Alexandrians had. I know not what Appion would have said, if the Jews had dwelt about Necropolis, their Tribes being even at this time called Macedonians. The Liberties and priviledg­es granted un­to the Jews. If therefore Appion have read the Epistles of King Alexander, and Ptolomeus Lagus, or others their Successors Kings of E­gypt, or seen the Pillars that are erected in Alexandria, containing the priviledges that Caesar the Great granted unto the Jews: if (I say) he knew of these, and yet did pre­sume L to write the contrary, then he was partial and not to be believed, and if he was ignorant hereof, he was then unlearned and as incredible on the other side.

The like ignorance also discovereth he, where he wondereth that the Jews in Alexan­dria were called Alexandrians: For an entire Colony, though of different Nations, do all bear the name of their founder; and, that I may shun prolixity, the Jews of An­tioch are called Antiochians; Seluceus the Founder having made them also Citizens: the like may be said of the Jews of Ephesus, and of the other of Ionia, who by the Kings Gifts enjoy the same priviledges with the rest of the Citizens.

The Romans also of their Clemency have granted the name of their Nation, which is no small gift, not only to private persons, but to great Nations in general.M

To be short, the ancient Spaniards, the Tyrrhenes and Sabines are called Romans; or if Appion will take away this denomination of the City wherein men inhabit, let him cease to call himself an Alexandrian; for he being born in the heart of Egypt, can in no wise be an Alexandrian if the priviledge of the City be taken away from him, as he would have it from us.

And the Lords of the whole World, the Romans, have amongst all other Nations on­ly prohibited the Egyptians from having the priviledges of any City: and so this Gentleman being himself incapable of dignity, endeavoureth likewise to hinder them from it who have true right unto it.

For Alexander labouring with all diligence to build that City,Alexander. did not make choice N of us for want of People to furnish the same withal; but for that he bestowed the liberty thereof upon us as a reward and testimony of our virtue and fidelity, endeavouring indeed to honour and credit our Nation thereby: For Hecateus reporteth that Alex­ander, for the Jews good service and fidelity, bestowed upon them the Country of Samaria, and freed them from paying tribute for it.

The same good affection towards the Jews of Alexandria, 1 Ptolomeus Lagus. Ptolomeus Lagus continued after him, for he delivered into their hands the strong holds of Egypt (judging that their valour and fidelity would keep them) and intending to make himself Lord of Cyrene and other places in Lybia, he sent certain Jews to inhabit the same.

After him Ptolomeus Philadelphus did not only release and set free all Captives of our O Nation in his Country,2 Ptolomeus Philadelphus. but also did many times remit their payments of money, and [Page 801] A(which was the principal point of all) he desired to be instructed in our Laws and holy Scriptures,The seventy Interpreters. and for this cause sent unto us, requesting that we would send him some learned men to interpret them unto him: and that this might be performed with more diligence, he committed the care hereof to Demetrius Phalereus, Andreas and Aristeus, Demetreus being the only mirrour of learning in his Age, and the other two Esquires of his own Body: neither would he ever have desired to have been instructed in our Laws and Customes, if he had despised us, and not rather admired us. But Appion knew that almost all the Macedonian Kings, his Successors in order, did peculiarly affect our Nation.

For Ptolomeus the third,3 Ptolomeus Euergetes. which was also called Euergetes, conquering Syria by force, B did no sacrifice unto the gods of Egypt for his Victory, but came to Jerusalem, and there after our manner sacrificed unto our God, and to him dedicated gifts worthy of such a Victory.

Ptolomeus also,4 Ptolomeus Philometor. sirnamed Philometor, and his Wife Cleopatra committed the Rule of his whole Kingdom unto the Jews, and Onias and Dositheus, both Jews, were Generals of his Army, from whose credit Appion detracts; whereas he rather ought to have ad­mired them, and have thanked them for delivering Alexandria, whereof he maketh him­self a Citizen.

For when there was a Rebellion in Cleopatra's Kingdom, and all was in peril to be destroyed, these two men delivered Alexandria from Civil War: But Appion saith, that C after this Onias came and brought a little Army into the City, at such time as Termus the Roman Embassadour was there present. True it is, and that Fact of his was most just.

For Ptolomeus Physcon after the death of his Father Ptolomeus Philometor, 5 Ptolomeus Physcon ceased to persecute the Jews. coming out of Cyrene, endeavoured to expel Queen Cleopatra and the Kings Sons, to the end that he (contrary to all justice) might possess the Kingdom: and this was the cause why Onias took Armes against him in Cleopatra's behalf, not forsaking his fidelity unto Kings in the time of necessity: yet God himself did manifestly witness his justice in this action: For when Ptolomeus Physcon presumed to fight against Onias his Army, and took all the Jews, their Wives and Children that were in the City, and bound them, D and stripping them naked cast them before Elephants to be destroyed (and to the intent that the Elephants might the rather tread upon them, made the said Beasts drunken) all which fell out contrary to his expectation: for the Elephants forsaking the Jews which were cast before them, fell upon Ptolomeus his friends that stood by, and slew many of them: which done, there appeared unto Ptolomeus a most horrible Vision for­bidding him to harm the Jews; and his chiefest and best beloved Concubine also (whom some call Ithaca, others Herene) came unto him, and besought him to abstain from such impiety: whereupon he being sorry, did penance for that he had already committed, and that which he thought to commit: So that the Jews of Alexandria celebrate this day in remembrance, that upon it God did manifestly deliver them; E yet Appion (who speaketh well of no man) accuseth the Jews of impiety for bear­ing Arms against Physcon, whereas indeed he ought rather to have commended them for it.

But Appion extolleth Cleopatra the last Queen of Alexandria, Of Cleopatra the last Queen of Alexandria▪ only for that she was unjust and ingrateful unto us; when he rather ought to have reproved her, in whom all Impiety and wickedness reigned, both concerning her own kindred and her husbands who loved her, and also generally against all the Romans, and the Emperours his Bene­factors. She kill'd her own sister Arsenoe in the Temple, who had not any ways offend­ed her; she also treacherously slew her own Brother, and destroyed her Ancestors gods and sepulchres; and receiving the Kingdom from the first Cesars gift, she ingratefully F rebelled against his Son and Successor; and infecting Antony with her poysoned drinks and amarous inchantments, she made him rebel against his Country, and to be uncon­stant unto his own friends, depriving some of Kingly dignity, and compelling others to be Instruments of her impiety.

What else shall we say of her,Antony the husband of Cleopatra. who in the Battel by Sea forced Antonius her own hus­band (who also had many children by her) to yeild himself, the Empire and Army un­to her, and become one of her followers? Lastly, when Alexandria was taken by Cesar, she was so cruelly minded, that not remembring her own estate, she accounted it her safety with her own hand to kill the Jews, that she might be cruel and perfidious to eve­ry body.

G Is it not a glory, think you, to us, that (as Appion reporteth) in time of dearth and famine wheat was so plentiful in Jury, that it was not sold by measure? But Cleopa­tra [Page 802] was punished as she deserved. And we call great Caesar himself to witness of our H fidelity, and the service we did him against the Egyptians, the Senate also and their De­crees, and the Writings of Augustus Caesar, wherein our deserts are testifi'd. These Letters Appion ought to have read, and to have examined all Testimonies of us, which were left first by Alexander, and then by all the Ptolomies, and what the Senate of Rome decreed, and the mighty Emperours. And if so be Germanicus could not get corn to suffice all the Inhabitants of Alexandria, that was a token of scarcity and death, and not the Jews fault. For what all Emperours thought of the Alexandrian Jews it is ma­nifest enough: for the Jews want of Corn was not only left unsupplied, but also the want of other Alexandrians. The Jews have been always trusty to their Prince. But they have alwayes kept that wherewith the ancient Princes did put them in trust, to wit, the keeping of the River and whole Country, as I not being thought unfit for their purposes.

But Appion thus urgeth us; If (saith he) the Jews be Citizens, how hap they worship not the same God, nor have the same Religion with the rest of the Alexandrians? To whom I thus answer;The Egyptians do worship Beasts not a­greeable to mans nature. How hapneth that you Egyptians do so contend and war one against ano­ther only for diversity of Religion? Shall we hereupon conclude, that you are all Egyp­tians, or not all men, because you worship and with great diligence nourish Beasts against nature? Yet our Nation seemeth one and the same. It therefore amongst you Egypti­ans such difference of Opinions be; why dost thou so marvel at this, that we in a strange place, to wit, at Alexandria, do constantly persevere in our first Religion? But he saith that we are the cause of all Sedition;The discord of the Jews and the Alexandri­ans in Religion▪ which suppose he speak true of the Jews of Alex­andria, K yet are not all Jews in all places the cause of Sedition; for we are known to be peaceable amongst our selves. But indeed as every one may perceive, the People, like Appion himself, are Authors of Sedition in Alexandria. For whilst the Greeks and Ma­cedonians held Alexandria, they and we lived peaceably together, and they permitted us quietly to use our own Solemnities:The cause of their discord. but when the number of Egyptians encreased, by confusion of time, Sedition also by their means encreased: But our Nation remained unmixed.Appion's ficti­on touching the Jews being Authors of se­dition at Alex­andria is con­futed. They therefore were Authors of those troubles, not having the Government of the Macedonians, not the wisdom of the Greeks; but using their Egyptian manners, and renewing their old hatred against us, and that wherewithal they hit us in the teeth, befallen them: for most of them not having the priviledges of the City themselves, call L us strangers that have them. For none of the ancient Kings bestowed the liberty of the City upon the Egyptians, neither have any of the Emperors of Rome bestowed the priviledge. But Alexander himself brought us into the City; the Kings after him en­creased more priviledges; and it hath pleased the Roman Emperour to ratifie and con­firm them.

But Appion upbraids us for not erecting Statues to the Emperours, as though the Emperours knew not hereof,The Romans magnanimity towards the Jews. or that they needed Appion to speak for them: whereas he should rather admire the Roman magnanimity, and modesty, who compel not their Subjects to violate their ancient Laws and Religion, but content themselves with such honours as the giver may with piety and equity give them. For they account not of for­ced M honours which come of compulsion.

The Greeks and divers others think it not amiss to erect Statues; for they delight to have the Pictures of their Ancestors, Wives, and Children, and some of their beloved Servants also: what marvel then if they accord to yield the like honour to Princes and Emperors?The Jews may have no Imag [...]s▪

But our excellent Law-maker forbad all kind of Images, as well of inanimate as ani­mate Creatures (not having at that time the least thought or prospect of the Roman Em­pire) because our God being incorporeal and spiritual, could not be reduced to humane representation,How Emperors and Magistrates ought to be honoured. without great inconvenience; nevertheless he did not forbid us from paying honour and respect to such great persons, as being next in their places, may de­serve N the next honour to what is due to the Gods: and such is the reverence that we pay to the Emperours and People of Rome; and, as a testimony of it, a day doth not pass, in which we do not offer up Sacrifice (at our own expence) for their safety and prospe­rity; which is more than we do for any other Prince or Nation in the World.

And let this suffice to answer that which Appion alledgeth against the Jews of Alexan­dria: yet can I not but admire at them who gave him this occasion, namely Posidonius and Apollonius Molon, The lye of Po­sidonius and Ap [...]ll [...]niu [...] con­cerning the Jews confuted. who accuse us for not worshipping the same gods that others do, although they lye all alike, slandring our Temple most absurdly: and yet for all this they do not believe that they herein commit any impiety: whereas it is a most ignominious thing for any free-man to lye upon any occasion: much more of a Temple famous over O [Page 803] A all the world for sanctity. For Appion affirmeth that the Jews in that sacred Temple place the head of an Ass, and worshipped it most religiously. And this (quoth he) was manifestly known at such time as Antiochus Epiphanes spoiled that Temple, who found that Asses head being of massie gold, and of great value.

To this first slander I answer,An answer to the objection of the Asses head. That were that true which he reporteth, yet an Egyp­tian ought not to have spoken against us for it, seeing that an Ass is of no less worth than a Goat, and other bruit beasts that they honour for Gods.

Is it possible he should be so blind as not to perceive, that never any fable was more evidently absurd? every body could tell him that we have constantly used the same Laws without the least change or alteration. Nevertheless though Jerusalem has had her B misfortunes as well as other Cities, and has been taken by Antiochus, Pompey, Crassus, and at length by Titus, and our Temple been in the possession of all of them: yet what is it they ever found there but great piety and devotion? Upon which subject I do not think it necessary to enlarge in this place.

And as touching Antiochus, many Writers of good credit report that he never had any just cause to spoil our Temple, but that he was drawn unto this fact for want of money; Not that he was our Enemy, but for that as from his friends and fellows he sought sup­ply, and found nothing in that place that was worthy of derision: and thus do Polybi­us Megapolitanus, Strabo the Cappadocian, Nicholas Damascene, Timagenes Castor the Chro­nicler, and Apollodorus avow, who all do witness, that Antiochus wanting money, brake C the League he had with the Jews, and rob'd and spoil'd their Temple being full of gold and silver.

Appion ought to have considered this,Who are ac­counted Asses among the Jews, and other wise men. had he not had an Asses heart, and a Dogs impu­dency, which he and his Country-men worship for gods. As for us, we do neither honour nor reverence Asses, though the Egyptians do their Crocodiles and Aspes, esteeming them that are bitten by Aspes, and devoured by Crocodiles, to be happy and fit for God: For Asses are imployed among us (as they are in all places, where a rational use is made of them) only in carrying burthens and doing such things as are necessary about Agriculture, and when they are lazy, or trespass upon their neighbours Corn, we do not scruple to give them correction.

D But Appion was either the greatest Ass that ever was, in telling a lye; or else having begun to do it, he could not compass his enterprizes, in that he found not any just cause of detraction against us.

He addeth another Fable of the Greeks to our detraction;Certain Histo­riographers en­deavour to co­ver and hide Antiochus his perjury and sacriledge. to the which I will make only this reply, That it is more commendable and agreeing to piety, and less unclean­ness, to pass through the Temple, than for Priests to come and feign impious words and speeches; which they not respecting, laboured rather to excuse the sacrilegious Kings, than to write the truth of us and our Temple, endeavouring to curry favour with Antio­chus, and to cover and hide his Sacriledge, used against our Nation, for that he wanted money.

E Appion with reflection upon the rest, saith, That Antiochus found a Bed in our Tem­ple, and in it a Man lying, and a Table set before him, furnished with all fowles belong­ing either to the Sea or Land; that the Man was astonished to see him: And that so soon as Antiochus came into the Temple, the man adored him as though he hoped for great help from the King, falling down at his feet, and with a stretched out arm craving licence to speak: which the King granting, willed him to declare what he was, why he dwelt in the Temple, and the cause of his meats before him, the man with sighs and tears unto Antiochus bewailed his Calamity, saying, He was a Grecian; and that traveling in the Country to get his living, he was suddenly seized upon by certain Out-landish men, and brought unto the Temple, and shut up therein, and that no man might see him, and that F he was there fed or fatted with all dainties that could be provide; an that at first this dain­ty fare made him joyful, but afterward he began to suspect it, and lastly he was hereat ama­zed; and then demanding of a Jew that administred unto him, for what cause he was there kept, he understood the Jews purpose, and Law not to be revealed, for the fulfilling whereof he was there nourished, and that the Jews were wont to do the like every year upon a day ap­pointed: That the Jews ought on [...] year to sacri­fice a Grecian▪ and to take a Grecian stranger, and feed him a year, and then to carry him to a Wood, and there to kill him, and sacrifice him according to their Rites and Ceremonies, and to taste and eat of his entralls: and in the sacrificing of the Grecian, to swear to be Enemies to the Greeks; and the remainder of the murthered man they cast into a certain pit. And that then this Greek reported unto Antiochus, That the time allotted unto him by the Jews to G live was now almost expired, and therefore requested, for the reverence he bare to the Grecian gods, to save his blood from being spilt by the Jews, and to free him out of that imminent cala­mity.

[Page 804] This Fable is not only full of all tragical cruelty, but also mingled with cruel im­pudency:H yet for all this, the first devisers hereof do not free Antiochus from Sacriledge, as they hoped hereby to do, who write it purposely to flatter him. For that which they report of the Greek found in a bed, did not move him to come and sack our Temple, he not knowing of it before he came and found it so (as they say.) Antiochus therefore was most impious, and not assisted by Gods favour in that enterprize, (what­soever those lyes mutter) as it is easie to learn by the fact he committed. For we do not only differ from the Greeks in Religion, but a great deal more from the Egyptians, and other Nations; and what Nation in the World is there, that sometime doth not travel through our Country? Is it then probable that we only renew that Conspiracy against the Greeks? Or how is it possible that so many thousand people as are of our own I Nation, should all eat of the entrals of one man, as Appion reporteth? Or why did he not name this man, whosoever he was? Or why did not the King carry him with Trum­pets before him into his Country? seeing that in so doing he might have been esteem­ed full of piety, and a great favourer of the Greeks, and greatly strengthen himself a­gainst the hatred of the Jews by their aid? But I omit to speak more of this: for in­sensible people void of all reason, must not be reprehended in words, but by deeds: for all men that have seen the building of the Temple, can testifie what it was, and the undefiled purity thereof. For it consisted of four Portico's, or appartements, each of which by our Laws belonged to several persons: into the first Strangers, and all peo­ple were admitted,The descripti­on of the Temple and Porches. Women only excepted that have their monthly courses. Into the K second it was lawful for the Jews only: all which might go into it, with their Wives also if free from pollution of their flowers. Into the third Porch, they only of our Nation that were purified and sanctified might come. Into the fourth might only the Priests enter, in their Sacerdotal habits; & into the secret part of the Temple might only the high Priest come, attired with a Stole proper to him only: yea we are in all things so careful of pie­ty, that our Priests are appointed their certain hours when to enter into the Temple.

For in the morning when the Temple was opened, the Priests that were to sacrifice entred into the Temple: and at noon again when it was shut; yea it was not lawful to carry any vessel into the Temple, but there was only there an Altar, a Table, a Cen­ser, and a Candlestick, as is in our Law mentioned, and there is no other secret or L hidden mystery done,What was in the Temple▪ neither is there in that place any eating; and all the people can testifie this which I have here set down, and our Writings do the like. For notwith­standing that there are four Ranks of Priests, and every Priests Tribe containeth above five thousand men: yet every one waiteth on certain appointed days in their turn, and their time of waiting being expired,Four T [...]ibes of Priests, and of every Tribe more than five thousand men. others succeed them in Sacrificing; and the day before they are to finish their waiting, they deliver up unto their successors the keys of the Temple, and all vessels belonging thereto, in the full number that they received them: and nothing is brought into the Temple, pertaining either to meat or drink, which are forbidden to be offered at our Altar; those things only excepted whereof M we make our Sacrifice. What then shall we say of Appion, who examining nothing of all these, hath raised such incredible reports of us? How ignominious a thing is it for a Grammarian, not to be able to deliver the truth of a History? Well, he knew the piety used in our Temple, but he purposely omitted it: yet could he remember a fain­ed tale of the Sacrificing of the Greek, his dainty fare, and hidden food, that all men that would passed through our Temple: whereas the most noble among our whole Nation,are not permitted to come there, except they be Priests.

This therefore is great impiety, and a voluntary forged lye, to seduce them that will not search into the truth. For they have attempted to slander us by those impie­ties before mentioned. And again, like one full of all piety, he derideth the vanity N of these fables,Another tale devised by Ap­pion of Zabi­dus. and reporteth that at such time as the Jews for a long time together warred against the Idumeans, Zabidus departing out of a City of Idumea where Apollo was worshipped, came unto the Jews, promising to deliver unto them Apollo the Dorians god, and bring him unto their Temple, if so be that all of them would there assemble themselves together: and that afterwards Zabidus making a wooden Engine, and putting himself into it, he caused three rows of Candles to be stuck about it, which made it at a distance appear like a Comet to the great amazement of the Jews, who be­ing terrified and astonished at the vision, gave Zabidus opportunity to pass into the Tem­ple, to possess himself of the Asses Golden head, and convey it to Dora. Wherefore we may say that Appion leadeth an Ass, to wit, himself with fooleries and lyes; for he nameth places that are not, and setteth down Cities to himself unknown: for Idumea O is a Province near unto us, and bordering upon Gara, and there is no City in it called [Page 805] A Dora; Dora is a City of Phaenicia and not of I­dumaea. but in Phoenicia near unto the Hill Carmelus, there is a City of that name, yet nothing consonant to Appions slanders, for it is four days journey from Ju­daea.

Why therefore doth he so rashly accuse us for not worshiping the gods of others Na­tions, seeing (as he saith) our Predecessors did so easily believe that Apollo would come unto them, and that he walked upon the earth with Stars about his back? Per­haps indeed they had never before seen a Candle or lamp, themselves having so many: or is it likely that he walking thus quite through our Country, where so many thousand men are, no one of them all met him? Did he in the time of War find the Towns and Villages, by which he past, without any Watch-men? Well, to pass the rest; The B gates of our Temple were threesore Cubits high,The gates of the Temple. twenty Cubits broad, all covered with Gold, yea, almost all of clean Gold, and these Gates every day were shut by two hundred men: and it was too impious a thing to leave them open. Is it then credi­ble that this Candle-bearer could easily open them, who alone was judged to have the Asses head? So that now it remaineth doubtful whether Zabidus did bring back a­gain the Asses head, or else Appion took it of him, and brought it again to our Tem­ple, that there Antiochus might find it, and so Appion might have another occasion of lying.Appions lye concerning the oath is confuted. He also belieth us concerning the oath which he saith we Jews do take, swear­ing by the God of Heaven and Earth, and Sea, never to favour any stranger, and espe­cially the Greeks. This lyar might better have said, not to favour any stranger, and C especially the Egyptians, and so his former lyes and these should have better correspond­ed, if our Ancestors had been expelled (by their Predecessors) out of, Egypt, not for their wickedness, but for their calamity. But we are so far from the Greeks, that we scarcely ever think of them: so that no man can say that there is any emnity be­tween us and the Greeks. But contrariwise, many of them have embraced▪ our Reli­gion, and some of them therein persevered: others again have forsaken it; yet none of them will say that he heard this oath spoken of among us: but it should seem that only Appion heard of it, in that he himself forged it. Truly his wisdom and great providence is worthy to be admired (as shall hereafter appear:) for he, to prove these his lyes to be true, saith, that it is a certain testimony, that the Laws we observe D are most unjust, and that we worship not God as we ought to do, in that we are sub­ject to divers Nations,Appion upbraideth the Jews with captivity. and our City endured many calamities: Whereas touching themselves, they are of a City that flourisheth in absolute Authority, accustomed to go­vern from the foundation thereof, and not to serve the Romans. In effect, who can resist their valour? Truely no man but Appion would ever have flouted us herewith, seeing that few Cities so flourish and reign over other, that they again at no one time have been brought into subjection; for many Nations are subject to others: only the Egyptians are freed from the Captivity of such as rule Europe and Asia, for that (as they say) the gods fleeing into their Country, were saved by entring into the bodies of Beasts. Yet have they not indeed had one days liberty since the beginning of E the World, neither under the Government of their own Princes; nor under stran­gers.

I will not stand to reckon how often the Persians have wasted their City, destroy­ed their Temples, and slain their supposed Gods. For it is not decent that I should imitate herein Appions foolishness: neither am I calling to memory what befel the Athenians and Lacedemonians, the last of which are recorded to have been most va­liant, and the first to have been most devout and Religious: neither will I reckon up those most godly Kings, amongst whom Cr [...]esus was one, who notwithstanding fell in­to great calamities. Moreover, I will not recount how the Castle of Athens was set on fire, and the Temples of Ephesus and Delphos likewise, and many others. There is now F one Appion, a new accuser of the Jews, who upbraideth them with their calamities, forgetting the misery that hath befallen his Country-men the Egyptians: but he was blinded with the fable of Sesostris (whom he saith to have been King of Egypt.) David's and Solomon's pow­er. We could report and boast of our Kings, David and Solomon, who subdued many Nations unto them: but it is not fit here to speak of them. But Appion was ignorant of that which all the World knoweth, to wit, that the Egyptians have served first the Persi­ans, and afterwards the Macedonians, and that as bond-slaves: whereas we remaining in free liberty, reigned over all the Cities about us 120 years, even unto the time of Pompey the Great; and when all the other Kings were subdued by the Romans, only our Kings for their fidelity and friendship towards them were dear unto them. O but G this sticketh upon Appions Stomach! that we have not had any famous men of our Nati­on, who have invented Arts and Sciences, and been excellent in wisdom, such as So­crates [Page 806] Zeno, Appion prais­eth himself. Cleanthes, and others whom he setteth down: and which is most to be H admired, Appion puts himself into the number of these famous men: and saith, that Alexandria is blessed and happy, that hath deserved to have such a Citizen as he is: and great reason that he should testifie that of himself, which all men else perceive in him, to wit, that he is an impudent deceitful fellow, both of corrupt life and manners. So that the Alexandrians had just cause to be sorry that they ever had any better opini­on of him. But that our Nation had men equal at least unto those whom he mentio­neth, all men know that please to read the Book of our Antiquity. The rest that his accu­sation containeth, it is not amiss to let pass without answer, for that it rather impeach­eth the Egyptians, his own Country-men, than us: for he doth complain of us for Sacrificing ordinary Beasts, and abstaining from Swines flesh and laugh­ed I at our Circumcision.Why the Jews do Sacrifice common beasts, and do not eat Swines flesh. Touching the Sacrificing of Beasts, we do as all Nati­ons else do: and Appion, inveighing against our sacrificing, sheweth himself to be an Egyptian; for were he either a Grecian or a Macedonian, he would not be herewith offended; for both Greeks and Macedonians do vow to Sacrifice Hecatombs to their gods, and use Priests in their banquets; and yet for all this, the World is not desolate of living creatures, as Appion [...]eareth.

But were all men so mad as the Egyptians, it would indeed be desolate of men, and filled with cruel Beasts, which they (supposing them to be gods) do diligently nourish. If any man shall ask of Appion, whom of all the Egyptians he judged to be a wise man, and most religious towards their gods;The Egyptian Priests circum­cised, and eat no Swines flesh▪ no doubt he would answer the Priests. For K they say, that their first Kings in the beginning gave them these two commandements in charge; first to seek wisdom; and next, to worship the gods: they also are all of them circumcised, and abstain from Swines flesh, and no other Egyptian Sacrifi­ceth with them unto their gods. Appion therefore was surely blind, when, instead of detracting us, he speaketh ill of them, to gratifie whom he took all this pains. For the Egyptians do not only use those customs which Appion in us disalloweth,Appions death. but also do teach others to circumcise themselves, as Herodotus reporteth. So that I verily think, that Appion was justly punished for blaspheming his Country-Laws and Religion. For being forced to circumcise himself to avoid a great disease,The defence of Moses against Appollonius and Lysima­chus. he was hereby nothing helped, but for all this, his privy member rotting, he in extream grief and misery L gave up the Ghost. For wise men ought to persevere in their Country-Laws in all piety, and not to deride and detract others: but Appion forsook his own Religion, and slandered and belied ours. And this was Appions end: and here also should end this Book, but that Appollonius, Molon and Lysimachus, and certain others, partly for ignorance, partly for madness, have most injuriously belied our Law-maker Mo­ses, and the Laws he made, detracting him as a deceitful Magician, and Author of all the malice and impiety amongst us; and for such as teacheth no vertue nor good­ness at all.

I will therefore, as far as in me lieth, declare both our Conversation in gene­ral,M and in particular: For if my Judgment be any thing, our Laws are most forcible both to piety, and to all humanity in general, as also to Justice, pains-taking, and contempt of death. I only request this favour of the Reader, that he will not with a prejudicate or malicious opinion, peruse these Writings: for I do not write this as a praise and vain ostentation of our Nation, but as a just Apology, refuting the slanderous reports that some have used against us.

Appollonius doth not continually inveigh against us as Appion doth,Wherein Apol­lonius accuseth the Jews but only here and there; sometimes affirming us to be hated both of God and man, sometimes to be Cowards, sometimes contrariwise complaining of our Nations Boldness. Say­ing moreover, that we are more sottish than any barbarous Nation; and that there­fore we only have had none of our Nation founders of Arts or Sciences, which N are profitable for mans life; all which objections are easily refuted, if we shew the contrary to all these by him reported; both that we have obeyed our Laws, and lived in all integrity.

If therefore I be forced to shew that other Nations have made contrary Laws,The lovers of order and common laws are excellent in meekness and vertue. not I; but they are to be blamed, who comparing ours with them of other Nations, affirm ours to be the worse: neither of which can charge us; eitheir that these Laws, which I will briefly set down, are not ours, or else that we have not persisted in them as we ought. Making therefore this beginning, I affirm, that they who have framed themselves to live together under certain Rules and Ordinances, and kept them inviolate, and were the first founders of them, were more to be com­mended O for humanity and vertue, than they who live under no Rule nor Ordi­nance [Page 807] A at all: and every Law-maker endeavoureth so to attribute Antiquity to their own Ordinances, as that they may not be thought to imitate others, but to be themselves the first Authors thereof, and guides to direct other mens lives. Which being so, it is the duty of a good Law-maker to make choice of that which is best, and most convenient for them, who are to obey their Laws, and to satisfie them as much as may be,Moses more ancient than all other Law-makers. in proving their Laws to be good and right, and both in wealth and wo, calamity and felicity, to remain in them, neuer changing nor altering them. I therefore aver, [...] This word, Law, is not in Homer. that our Law-maker is more ancient than any Law maker mentioned. For Lycurgus, and Solon, and Seleuchus of Locris, and those the Greeks admire, are modern, and of late times in in respect of him, as is well known. For the Greeks B themselves confess, that in times past they wanted the name of Law. This Homer can witness, who in his whole Works never mentioneth this word, Law, for the people of those times were not governed by Laws, but by indefinite sentences, and the Princes pleasure,The life of Moses. using customs but not written, and altering and changing them also as occasion served.

But our Law-maker being very ancient (for this is every way manifest, even by our adversaries own confessions) shewed himself both a good Prince and Counsellor unto his people: for making Laws to direct and govern mens lives, he perswa­ded them voluntarily to imbrace them, and firmly to persist in them with all wis­dom.

C And first of all, let us consider the works of his greatness. For he underta­king the conduct of many thousand of our fore-Fathers out of Egypt into our own Country, delivered them from many calamities almost impossible to be a­voided: for they being to pass through a place wherein was no Water, and a very sandy ground, being also to War, and preserve their Wives and Children, and goods from the variable event of Wars, he in all these shewed himself a most wise and prudent Counsellor, and a true Patron and Guide unto them all. For he made all the multitude so to depend upon him,Moses maketh God his guide and Counsellor. that he might perswade them to what he pleased, and yet in none of all these did he usurp any Autho­rity over them: and in that time and place wherein all men of Authority assume D power unto themselves, and exercise tyranny, at such time as the people do of­tentimes offend, and live in all manner of impiety; at the same time he being in Authority did contrariwise use all lenity and mildness, to the intent that he might be a pattern of vertue and justice to all the rest, giving all those that willingly followed him most assured safety, using in all accidents most strange works. For which cause he rightly deemed God to be his Captain and Counsellor: and first examining himself, and finding all the Laws he had set down were agreeable to the will and pleasure of God, the chiefest care he had was, how to perswade his people to the same, which he himself now knew: for they who direct their Lives according to the will of God, avoid all sins as our Law-maker did, being neither Magician E nor deceiver,The origin of Laws amongst the Greeks. as his Enemies injuriously report, but such a one as the Greeks do boast Minos and others after him to have been: for some of them affirmed their Laws to be made by Jupiter, others by Apollo and Delphos Oracle; either so be­lieving themselves, or else thinking that the people would be easily so perswaded. Now who of all the Law-makers made the best Law, and who did most right­ly think of God, he that compareth all their Laws together may easily know; for now occasion is offered to speak of them: there are therefore an infinite compa­ny of Nations a [...]d Laws amongst men; and some Nations are ruled by Monarchs, others by the common consent of the people. But our Law-maker doing nei­ther of these, did, as one should say, therein declare his Common-wealth to be Divine, F chiefly assigning all power and principality over us to God, causing all men to fix their minds and cogitations on him, as the only Giver and Author of all good­ness, giving them to understand, that whatsoever in their necessity they intreat him for, He heareth their prayers, and understandeth what every man doth in private, yea, his very cogitations; and that he is One, Unbegotten, and in all times Immutable and Eternal,The opinion of the wisest Greeks con­cerning God. differing in a most excellent shape from all mortal creatures: and this we knew, but we are altogether ignorant what God is as touch­ing his Substance and Essence.

And thus the wisest Greeks that ever were, judged of God, who how learned they were (he giving the ground of all their knowledg) I now omit to rehearse: and that these things afore rehearsed are best and most agreeable to the nature and mag­nificence G of God, many do witness, as Pythagoras, Anaxagoras, and Pla­to [Page 808] and after them the Stoicks, and almost all other Philosophers have so thought H of the Divine nature. But they delivering this their Philosophy in short speech durst not publish the truth of their doctrine among the people already seized up­on by superstitious opinions. But our Law-maker's works and words so agreed that he satisfied at large all his people,Moses compa­red with other law-makers. and they that were to be born of them, and their successors, inspiring as it were a certain constancy into them to per­severe in the same, still referring the cause of his Laws to their own profit and commodity. For he did not affirm the worship of God only to be part of ver­tue, but he assigned other part thereof, to wit, fortitude, justice, and mu­tual concord of all his Citizens. For all our actions, speeches, and what else soever,The methods of morality and discipline. are all referd to divine piety. Which he left not touched without any I more discourse of it. For these two are the methods of all discipline and morality, whereof one frameth and directeth the speech, the other the manners and actions; which being so, other Law-makers were indeed wise in advice and counsel, and yet they made choice of one of these Methods, and left the other; for the Lacedemonians were instructed in manners and not in words; as also they of Crete were: but the Athenians, and almost all the Greeks, were dire­cted and trained up by Laws in every thing they were to do, yet never could they put their written Laws in practice. But our Law-maker very industrious­ly did conjoyn both these together: for he neither omitted the training them up in manners and good exercises, neither did he surcease to leave them written K Laws.

And first of all, makeing his entrance from the very meats, and prescribing to every one a convenient diet, he left no man liberty amongst us to direct him­self in the least matter concerning his meat, but he by Laws defined, both from what meats we were to abstain,Moses com­mandeth all the Jews to come and hear the Law. and what to eat, and what ought to be our or­dinary diet, as also when we ought to labour, and when to cease from work; so that we, as it were under the government of a Father or Master, might nei­ther sin willingly, nor for ignorance: for he did not apoint punishment for them that were ignorant of it, but by Law enacted a most necessary and mild chastise­ment for the voluntary offenders: and for this cause he did not only will, that L we should once or twice or oftener hear the Laws, but that once every week we all, omitting other business, should come to hear the Laws, and so learn them perfectly; which things all other Law-makers, as it is well known, omitted: All which laudable customs all other Law-makers have neglected, and the most part of men are so far from living according to their own laws, that they are altogether ignorant of them; and having offended their laws through ignorance, they then learn by other mens means, that they have made breach of their laws; yea, the chief­est and most eminent men amongst them do profess herein, that they are ignorant, causing those that are learned and skilful in their Laws to sit as it were in commissi­on M with them to direct them.

Whereas every one of our Nation being demanded of our Laws can answer as readily, as he can tell his own name: for every one of us learning them, as it were, so soon as we come to the use of reason, we have them, as it were, written and printed in our minds, and by this means both we offend more seldom, and when we offend, we are sure to be punished.

And this especially is that, which hath caused such an unity and concord amongst us. For to worship one God after the same manner without any difference in man­ners and conversation is the only way to establish amity and concord in a Common­wealth.The concord of the Jews in Religion. N

Amongst us no man shall hear any different speechs and opinions concerning God, whereas amongst all other Nations it is most frequent and ordinary: for amongst them not only every one of the common people doth speak his pleasure in this point, but divers Philosophers also presume to do it, some of them with their blasphemous speeches altogether destroying the nature of God, and others with the like impudency denying▪ him to have any care of men; neither is there any difference amongst us of affairs pertaining to mans life, but all men with us fol­low one common express labour, and we all joyntly affirm the Son of God, and that he hath care of humane affairs, and all our actions and exercises: yea, any one may learn of our Women and Children, that all things whatsoever are to be reduced to piety.O

[Page 793] A Hence it groweth that some detract our Nation; for that amongst us were no men Inventers of new matters and Arts. To whom we will thus answer; That other Nati­ons account it a glory not to persist in any thing that their forefathers used, and hold them of most account who can best transgress their forefathers wisdom. But we con­trariwise do account it the chiefest point of wisdom and virtue, neither to do nor think any thing contrary to that which our Ancestors have decreed; which is a token that our Law was established by as good advice as was possible. For those Laws that in all points are not as they ought to be, are often by experience found faulty. But amongst us who believe, that our Law was first established by the will and pleasure of Almighty God, nothing is pious and virtuous which may any wise impugn the same. For who B can take away any tittle thereof, or add better in their stead? Or who is he that can transfer and carry us from the observance of them, and ordain for us better Laws to go­vern our Common-wealth? Or what Law can be more just and better, than that which the Wisdom of God (who is Lord of all things) hath established? He first of all permit­ted the disposing of all principal affairs to the Priests in general, and most wisely con­stituted a high Priest as their head: neither were they chosen to this dignity by our Law-maker, who either excelled in nobility of birth, or riches; but he appointed such to sacrifice unto God, who were known to excel others in wisdom and sanctity; these do both keep our Laws and observe all other things belonging to their Office with all inte­grity; for our Priests are appointed Overseers of all things, and to judge all strifes and C controversies, and to punish offenders.

What Monarchy then or Kingdom can be more holy than this?What sort of People are to be made Priests Or how can God be better honoured than amongst us, where all people are prepared to piety, and the Priests commanded so to rule and govern the Common-wealth, as if they were celebrating some festivity?

And whereas other Nations are weary of celebrating their Mysteries (which they term Sacrifices) in a few days; we with joy, pleasure, and immutable wills, do celebrate our Sacrifices continually without intermission. It resteth now that I set down our Precepts and Laws, as Arguments of that which I have said.

The first is of God:Of God, and of the divine Providence. of whom our Law saith, God comprehendeth all things, he is most D perfect, most blessed, he is sufficient both for himself and all things else, he is the be­ginning, midst, and ending, famous amongst all things for his works and benefits, more manifest than any thing else; but his shape and greatness is to us unspeakable, all mat­ters (how precious soever) being compared with his excellent beauty, are nothing worth; and all Art, compared with his Invention, is un-artificial; we can neither see, conceive, nor imagine any thing like him.

He is holy,The works of God. for we see his Works; the Light, the Heaven, and the Earth, the Sun, the Moon, Rivers, and Sea, so many different shapes of living Creatures, and encrease of Fruits: All these God himself made, not with hands or labour, nor as one needing any to help him, but he seeing them to be good, they were presently made. He is to be fol­lowed E of all men, who ough [...] to worship him by the exercising of Virtue; for this is the most holy way to please him.

We have one Temple, as also one God, which Temple is common to all men, as he is the common God of all men. Our Conformity is pleasing to him, and with that our Priests do constantly adore him, and he amongst them hath the first place, who by birth is the chiefest: He it is who first sacrificeth to God, seeth the Laws observed, judgeth Controversies, and punisheth those that are convicted by the Law: whosoever disobey­eth him shall be punished as one that rebels against God himself:The sacrifices of the old Te­stament. He offereth sacrifices not of gluttony or drunkenness, for God is not pleased with such sacrifices, but rather F injured, and superfluous expences are thereby made.

But God loveth them that are temperate, and orderly, and of good behaviour, and especially requireth in us that sacrifice, and inviolable chastity. In our sacrifices offer­ed for our common good, we first of all pray in common, and then every one for him­self, because we are all fellows, and he that delighteth herein more than in his own life, is most acceptable to God.

We pray and vow unto God, not requesting riches of him, for he of his own accord bestoweth them upon every one, and left them amongst us: but we pray that we may have part of them, and having gotten them may keep them.

Our Law hath also appointed purifications and abstinence from carnal copulation,Purifications used in sacri­fice. and many other things, which are too long to rehearse: And this is our speech and opi­nion G of God, who himself is our Law.

And as concerning Marriage; Our Law only alloweth natural copulation between [Page 810] Man and Wife, done to the intent to get Children. But that men should abuse one ano­ther H against nature, it altogether disalloweth, and punisheth such offenders with death. It commandeth us to marry,Of marriage. not respecting the dowry, neither must we take Women violently and by force, nor allure them by deceitful perswasions, but that we rather ob­tain the good will of the Parent, and use ordinary means to perswade. It also appoint­eth that the Woman shall be in all things inferiour to the Man, neither is she to obey in committing wickedness, but as one under Government: For it is God that gave man this authority. With her the Husband only may lawfully accompany, and it is abo­mination for her to make trial of another man:The punish­ment for one that doth [...]a­vi [...]h a Virgin. and whose attempteth this, can no ways avoid death: the like penalty attendeth him if he offer violence to a Virgin espoused unto another man, or if by perswasions he overcome a married Woman or I other that hath Children; and all this our Law commandeth: It hath also interdicted all Women from concealing their Children being born, or otherwise to destroy them, for so she should be a Child-killer, destroy Souls, and mankind: Whoso therefore useth carnal copulation and corruption is unclean by our Laws,The purificati­on for the body and Women after lawful co­pulation must wash themselves, judging that a part of their Soul was by this act de­filed, and she being puffed up was wounded in her body, and therefore our Law ordain­ed water of purification for them. Neither is it lawful for them to feast and banquet at their Child [...] birth, whereby an occasion of drunkenness may grow, but that their be­ginning should be tempetate: they are likewise commanded to train up their Children in learning, that they may learn the Law, and actions of their fore-fathers, and imitate K them; that so being trained up in the Law, they may not sin nor transgress them by ignorance.

Our Law hath also provided for the burial of the dead,Of the funerals of the dead. that our Funerals should nei­ther be pompous, nor our Sepulchres gorgeous, commanding every Houshold to perform all necessaries touching the burial of their dead, permitting all men at any ones death to assemble themselves together, and bewail the dead: It also commandeth every one (yea even the dead mans own family) to purify themselves after the burial, and to go afar off, as seeming to be unclean.

It also appointeth punishment for them that have committed murder, either willfully or against their will.L

It bindeth every man to obey his parents next after God, and commandeth that those Children that do not shew themselves grateful unto them,The honour due to Parents▪ or in any thing do grieve them, that they should be stoned to death: It also commandeth all young men to re­verence old Men, because God is Elder to us all.

It permitteth not friends to conceal any impiety; for God is not their friend who doth not disclose them: And if friends fall out that do know one anothers secrets; yet they are commanded not to bewray them.

If any Judge take a bribe, he is to be punished with death for omitting Justice, and assisting the guilty.Against theft and usury. No man must take any thing away that he himself placed not, and no man must take that which is not his own. No man for lending must take usury; M and many such like things our Law commandeth, concerning cause of Communion be­tween us and others.

It is also not amiss to recount how our Law-maker provided for the entertaining of strangers amongst us: For he seemeth so to have provided, that to our knowledge we neither corrupt our own Laws, nor deny to impart them to others: but he entertaineth all liberally, that will come and live under our Laws, judging the community of mans life, not so much to consist in the Nation whereof we come, as in the unity of our minds and conversation. He forbiddeth others that are strangers, and come not with that in­tent to be admitted to our solemnities: yet he commanded us to exhibit unto them all other things necessary: and that we should give unto all men fire, water, meat, and bu­ry N them being dead. He hath also most mildly determined how we ought to deal with our Enemies, that we neither destroy their Country with fire, nor cut down their Fruit-trees.

We are also forbidden to rob and spoil those that are slain in fight, and deal injuri­ously with our Captives;How we ought to [...] Enemies. and especially, if they be Women: yea, he so endeavoured to teach us humanity and mildness, that he provided, that we use even unreasonable beasts courteously, and only employ them to serve our lawful need, and no further: for he forbiddeth us to kill any tame thing bred in houses, and that we should not kill the old birds and their young together; and because many wild Beasts, enemies to mankind, do assist us in our labours, he commanded to spare them also. And in every point he O established humanity and mildness amongst us, using (as is beforesaid) Laws to direct [Page 811] A us therein, enacting also other, how they who infringe the foresaid Laws, may be with all severity punished: For the punishment allotted to the violaters hereof is for the most part death. As if any man commit Alultery, ravish a Virgin, use the sin against nature with another, or suffer himself to be so abused.

We also have Laws concerning our Servants,A repetition of the precepts of the Law. and our Measures, and Weights, and unlawful bargains and sales, or deceit, if either one take any thing that is another mans, or which is not his own; all these are to be punished, not as other Nations punish them, but much more grievously. But whosoever either injureth his Parents, or committeth impiety against God, he shall presently be destroyed. But they that observe this Law are rewarded, not with gold or silver, nor with a Crown beset with precious stone; but B every one having his Conscience to witness, doth greatly profit, and gain Eternity; as both our Law-maker prophesieth, and God himself doth most assuredly promise to them that observe them.The reward of such as keep the Law. And if it chance that we be forced to suffer death for them, yet do we joyfully go to execution, nothing doubting but that we shall so exchange this Life for a better.

I should be loth to report this, if our deeds did not make it manifest; for many of our forefathers, only for that they refused to speak against our Laws, or otherwise than our Laws permitted, have most manfully and constantly endured all torments and death it self.

If our Nation were unknown to all the world, and that this our voluntary observa [...]ion C of our Laws were not manifest to all the people, if any man should report unto the Greeks, that either he had read this which I have declared, or else that he had found People in a strange Land, such as we be, having so pious and honest opinions concerning God, and who had for many ages persevered therein; I doubt not but they would all admire and wonder hereat, considering the great mutability amongst themselves.

To be short,The continu­ance of the Laws amongst the Jews. there are some, who stick not to deride them, who have lately written of the Government of Common wealths and Laws, as though they had written things fabulous and altogether impossible. And (to speak nothing of other Philosophers, who have written of this Argument) that divine Plato amongst the Greeks, a man who in honest life,Plato admired amongst the Greeks. virtuous speech, and sound Philosophy excelled all others, this man is D almost continually scoffed at by them, who in their own conceit are skilful in civil affairs, and brought in to their Comedies. Whereas, whosoever considereth his Writings with diligence, shall often and easily find matter agreeable with most mens manners: yea this Plato himself confesseth, that he dare not by reason of the common peoples ig­norance set down the true opinion of God.

But many think Plato's words full of vanity,Lycurgus the Law-m [...]ker a­mongst the La­cedemonians. and licentiousness, and admire Lycurgus and the City of Sparta, for that it so long time persevered in his Laws. It is therefore an evident demonstration of Virtue to remain in their Laws. But if those who so admire the Lacedemonians do compare them with us, and the time during the which their Laws were in force, with the time of our Common-wealth; they shall find that ours hath E continued more than two thousand years. They shall also find that the Lacedemonians did only perfectly observe their Laws, during such time as they were in prosperity and liberty, and that when their Fortune changed, they then became unmindful of their Laws.

But we, who have felt many thousand mis-haps, by reason of the often change of Princes in Asia, have not in these our last miseries and evils forsaken our Law. Neither can any man say, that liberty and licentious Life is the cause why we so diligently ob­serve them,The Jews com­pared with the Lacedemoni­ans. seeing that whoso please may see sufficient proof, that they tye us to more strict Life and laborious, than those of the Lacedemonians did them. For they neither tilled the Earth, nor used any handy-craft, but ceasing from all labours and pains-taking, F lived in their City, fat and in fair liking, having both their meat and all other necessa­ries provided and prepared for them by others, and esteemed that only their felicity to do and endure any thing, so that they might prevail against those against whom they en­terprized Wars: And that they failed also herein, I omit to rehearse. For not only one or two of them at once, but oftentimes whole Companies of them, forgetting their own Laws, yielded themselves to their Enemies. And can any one tell of (I say not many) but of one or two of us that ever was treacherous to his own Laws, or that feared to dye for them? I mean not a common death, such as Souldiers are subject unto, but such a death as is effected by all torments and tortures that can be devised. Which I think those that prevail against us, imposed upon us not for hatred, but that they de­sired G to see so admirable a matter; and to see we being but men, and such who esteem­ed it the greatest impiety possible to do it, could be compelled by them to speak or do [Page 812] any thing contrary to our Laws.The strict Laws of the Jews. Yet it is no wonder that we for our Law do dye with H such constancy, rather than any other Nation: For other Nations cannot abide to en­dure that which we account a trifle, to wit, labour and simple fare, abstinence from our Wives, and observation of our days of rest, and we are always careful that when we fight against our Enemies, we observe our Laws concerning our Meats. And thus we take pleasure to observe and keep our Laws, and to exercise fortitude in obeying them.

Let now Lysimachus or Molonus pass, and all such as they be, wicked lying Writers, and Sophisters, deceivers of young men, and detracters of our Nation, as though we were the wickedest People living. As for me, I will not examine the Laws of other Nations:Moses forbid­eth to deride and blaspheme false gods, only for the name of God imputed unto them. for it is our Custom to keep and observe our own, not to detract others; yea, and our Law-maker openly prohibited us from blaspheming such, as other Nations I hold for gods, only for the Name of God attributed unto them: yet may we not leave the Objections of our accusers unanswered, seeing that which we are to speak against them is not our own device, but many before us have spoken it. Who then of all the wise Greeks will not condemn the most famous Poets, and especially the Law-makers, who at first brought and setled such vain opinions of the gods among the common People?The number of gods amongst the Gentiles [...]. affirming the number of them to be as many as they thought good, and that they were born at divers times, allotting to every one his proper place, as unto other living Crea­tures: some to be under the Earth, others in the Sea, and the ancientest amongst them in Hell, fettered and bound: and those whom they place in Heaven, in words they do term him a Father, but in deeds they shew him to be a Tyrant; and for this cause they K report that his Wife, his Brother, and his Daughter, whom they affirm to have been born of his Brain, conspired against him to bind him and hang him, as they report him also to have dealt by his Father.The Fable of Jupiter and [...]allas. Against these vanities all excellent and wise men do worthily inveigh, who beside this already rehearsed in derision add, how some of the gods are young, some are old, some infants, others are gods of Arts and Sciences, and one is a Smith, another a Weaver, another a Pilgrim, and at variance with mortal men, others delight in Musick, others in Shooting: Moreover that they are at variance one with another amongst themselves, and that they fall out one with another in mens behalf, and that not only one of them layeth violent hands upon the other, but that also they are wounded by mortal men, and sorrow, and grive for the wounds; and that which L is most abominable of all, do use carnal Copulation with mankind, and that most un­decently, that their unbridled lust is extended both to men and women. Then that their chief god,Jupiter. whom they call Father, contemned and drowned certain women, whom he himself had deceived and gotten with Child, and that he could not deliver the Chil­dren born of these Women from calamity, for that destiny had obliged him, nor see their deaths without tears.

This is all good stuff, as also is that which followeth, to wit, Adulteries committed in Heaven so openly and impudently among the gods, that some profess themselves to envy their fellow gods and goddesses tied together in such filthiness. And what should the rest of them do, when as their King, the most antient amongst them, could not refrain M his lustful licentiousness and debauchery? Moreover, Some of them became servants unto men, some built houses for money, and others became Shepherds, others like ma­lefactors were chained in Hell. What man then, that ever was accounted wise, would not blush at these follies, and reprove the inventors hereof, and the foolish believers al­so? Others made them subject to terrour and fear, and madness, and such simplicity, as that they might be deceived, and all other naughty passions to be found in the nature of their gods, and have perswaded whole Cities to offer sacrifice to the most noble a­mongst them. And they are in great perplexity, thinking that some of the gods are the givers of all good things, others again to be their enemies, and so seek to please them with gifts as they would do wicked men; and they are verily perswaded, that they shall N sustain great dammage by their means, except they do daily pacify their wrath by fre­quent gifts.

What is the cause of this shameful ignorance,What is the cause of such error concern­ing God. and erroneous iniquity concerning God? Truly I am perswaded, For that their first Law-makers were themselves herein to seek, and ignorant of the nature of God, or else that they did not faithfully deliver unto their Common-wealth, so much as themselves knew concerning this point; but as though it had been a thing of least moment, did willfully let it pass, giving licence to Poets, and permitting them to deifie and make gods whom they pleased, and that the Orators should write of the Common-wealths affairs, and tell what them liked of strange gods.O

Moreover, the Painters and Image-makers amongst the Greeks had a great hand in [Page 813] A making of gods,Poets and Painters cause the multitude of gods. it being lawful for them every one to frame what shape he list; and how he list, some of Earth, others of Colours; and the chiefest god-makers amongst them used Ivory and Gold to make their god of; a true argument of their mutable no­velty.

And then the ancient gods, whom at first they honoured and reverenced, as much as they could possibly devise, being now withered with Age, are out of credit, and other youngsters possess their places and honours: their Temples also, some are desolate, others newly erected, as men please. Whereas contrariwise, they ought most con­stantly to keep their opinion of God, and his Religion.

Apollonius Molon was one of these proud Fools; but those Grecians that followed the B true Philosophy were not ignorant of what I have said of the Nature and Essence of God, but agreed with us in our Opinions, and laughed at these ridiculous Fictions. Which Plato well seeing,Plato decreed that no Poet should be per­mitted in a Common-wealth. affirmeth that Poets are not to be permitted in a Common-wealth, and sendeth Homer away very honourably crowned and anointed, lest that he with his Fables should destroy or deprave the true opinion of God. For Plato of all others especially imitated our Law-maker, as he did herein also, commanding his Citi­zens, that all of them should perfectly learn his Laws, and that for no casualty any strange forreign Custom should be admitted into their City, but that their Common-wealth should be pure, and they persist in the observation of their Laws. But Apolloni­us Molon not respecting this, inveigheth against us, for not receiving into our society C men of strange opinions in Religion, whereas not only we do so, but commonly all Greeks, yea and the most prudent amongst them.

The Lacedemonians expelled all strangers,The Lacede­monians did expel all strangers. and did not permit their Citizens to tra­vel into other Countries, fearing that both wayes their Laws might be corrupted. They therefore are to be spoken against rather than we, seeing they neither admit strangers to converse with them, nor to inhabit amongst them, nor impart their Religion unto them; but we, though not desirous to learn the Religion of other Nations, yet do we not deny to impart ours to strangers, who desire to embrace it: which, if I be not de­ceived, is a token of magnanimity, and clemency in us: but this shall suffice concerning the Lacedemonians.

D Apollonius was ignorant how matters stood with the Athenians, The Athenians manners. who boast that their Ci­ty was free to all Nations: But they did most severely and without all mercy punish those that did but speak any word against their God. For what was the cause of So­crates his death? he neither betrayed the City to Enemies, nor destroyed their Tem­ples, but only swore by a strange Oath, which as he said (whether in jest or in earnest) a Devil taught him, and for this offence he was put to death by drinking Hemlock: his Accusers alledging, that he corrupted young men, and contemned the Laws and Religi­on of his Country.Socrates a Ci­tizen of Athens Anaxagoras. And this Socrates sustained being a Citizen of Athens.

Anaxagoras was of Clazomenia: and for that he affirmed the Sun, which the Athenians worshipped for God, to be a fiery stone, he was by the sentence of some few condemned E to dye. They also proclaimed that whosoever would kill Diagoras of Melus, should be rewarded with a talent for his labour,A talent is 600 Crowns. only for that this Diagoras was said to deride their mysteries: Protagoras also had been by them taken and put to death, had he not escaped, only for that they supposed him to have written certain doubts of the Atheni­an gods. And what wonder is it that they used their men at this rate, when they practised the same cruelty upon their Women, one of their she Priests being put to death for worshiping a strange God; their Laws appointing that who ever brought a strange God into their City should be punished with death? It is therefore evident, that they who enacted such strait Laws, believed not the gods of other Nations; for had they believed in them, they would not have deprived themselves of the benefit of many F gods.

The very Scythians (who delighted in man slaughter so much,The Scythians. that they very little differed from bruit Beasts) yet did they think themselves bound to maintain their own Laws, as best, so that they slew Anacharsis a famous Greek, that came unto them, only for that he seemed to attribute too much unto the Grecian gods; yea, thou mayest find many among the Persians, who for this cause have been tortured. And it is evident that Apollonius approved the Persian Laws:The Persians manners. for when the Greeks admired their fortitude and concord of opinions concerning God, I mean the fortitude they shewed at the burn­ing of their Temples; this Apollonius in all things imitated the Persians, violating other mens Wives, and putting out their Childrens Eyes; whereas our Laws adjudg him G to death, that so useth unreasonable beasts: And neither the fear and terrour of Poten­tates, nor the favour of them whom all men reverence, could ever cause us to forsake [Page 814] or abandon these Laws:The Jews con­stancy in their Laws. neither do we exercise fortitude, to deprive other men of their H goods and fortunes by War, but to keep our own Laws: and we who patiently put up all other injury, yet if any man do in our Religion provoke us, we presently seek re­venge, not respecting our own ability; yea though thereby we work our own utter ru­ine and calamity. What therefore should move us to imitate the Laws of other Na­tions, when they that made those Laws (yea even the Law-makers themselves) did transgress them? or how can the Lacedemonians avoid reproach for their inhospitality, and neglecting marriage?Against the Law-makers of the Gentiles Or the Elians and Thebans for accompanying with men con­trary to the Law of Nature, which fact most shameful they deemed good and necessary? Yea not content to do so themselves, they also ascribed the like unto their gods to be done by them (which the Greeks also now of late have done) and for this cause they I refused to marry with their own Women, judging their satisfaction to be contrary to the prescript of Nature:The injustice of Law-makers But I will speak no more of punishment, neither how great malefactors those first Law-makers freed from punishment, being bribed with money, and how unjust they were in the Laws appertaining to Wedlock. It is long to examine what great occasions of Impiety they gave. For many have already long ago forsaken their Laws:The Jews strict observation of the Law. which cannot be said of us, who for our Laws have suffered loss of our Cities, Fortunes, and Lives, we keeping and persisting in our Laws even unto death; and if any Jew be in a strange Country, where there is a Tyrant King, yet doth not he so fear him, that he would for his command in any jot transgress our Laws. If therefore we do valorously endure thus much for our Laws, all men must needs K grant our Laws to be very good. But if they say we suffer all these Calamities to maintain wicked or naughty Laws, what punishment are they not worthy of, who having (as they say) better Laws than we, do so easily forsake them, whereas we do maintain ours even with our Lives?The Jews Laws are of great Antiquity. But seeing the Antiquity of Laws is the greatest Argument to prove their goodness, I will set down of what Antiquity our Laws are, together with our Law-makers opinion of the Deity; if therefore any one compare our Laws with the Laws of all Nations, he shall find that ours are of more Antiquity than theirs by many Ages.The Laws of the Gentiles. For our Laws established amongst us have been imitated of all other Nations: For though the first Greeks did pretendedly observe their own Laws, yet all their Philosophers did imitate ours, and our Opinions of God, and taught others L the same manners and conversation: yea, the common people did long since imitate our Piety. Neither is there any Nation, either Greek or Barbarian, who have not af­ter some manner observed a Sabbath as we do, and fasting days, and Lamps, all which they learned of us; yea many do also observe our Customs concerning their meats, and our unity and concord, wherein we excel all other Nations, our community also and in­dustry in Arts and Labours, and sufferance for our Laws. And which is most to be ad­mired, our Law,The Epilogue of this Book. not having any to force us to observe it, hath so obliged our hearts, that as God is of all the world honoured without compulsion, so are our Laws amongst us without any violence or force: And whosoever doth diligently consider his own Na­tion and Family, shall find that which I have reported to be true. I will now generally M reprehend the voluntary malice of all men: for either they mean, that we having these good Laws do yet little esteem them, and follow worse, or if they do not so mean, let them hold their malicious tongue from any further Calumniation. For I do not take up­on me the defence of this cause, for that I bear any hatred to any man, but for that I and all the Jews do honour and reverence our Law-maker,The cause why [...]seph writ these Books against Appion. and believe that whatsoever he prophesied, proceeded from God: yea, although our selves did not know the good­ness of our Laws, yet the multitude of them that imitate them were a sufficient motive to induce us thereunto.A brief rehears­al of all that is abovesaid. But I have at large, and with all sincerity discoursed of our Laws and Common-wealth in my Books of our Antiquity. And now again I have made mention of them neither in contumely of other Nations, nor in praise of our own, but N only to reprove such as have most malitiously and impudently belied us contrary to the known truth: And I think I have already fully performed that which I have promised. For I have shewed our Nation (contrary to their affirmations) to be most ancient,The intention of the Jews Laws. which I have proved by the testimony of many ancient Writers, who in their Works have mentioned us.

Our Adversaries affirm us to have come of Egyptians: I have shewed that our fore-fathers came into Egypt out of some other place. They alledge that we were expelled Egypt, for that we were infected with diseases; I have proved that our Predecessors came from thence to their own Country by means of their own prowess and force of their own accord. Others labour to defame our Law-maker as a wicked O person, whose virtue many of ancient times, and so long time as hath been since him, do witness.

[Page 813] A It is not needful to speak more largely of our Laws: for they by themselves appear pious and good, and such as do not invite or incite us to the hatred of other Nations, but rather to communion and friendship, being both enemies to Iniquity, and comman­ders of Justice, banishers of Luxuriousness, and teachers of Frugality and Labour, for­bidding all Wars enterprized for Avarice, and preparing the people to shew Fortitude in them, and for them, inflicting inevitable punishment upon their transgressors, not easily to be deceived by glozing speeches, and executing in action all that they in word command: yet amongst us the execution of them and observation is more ready than the words of them.

I therefore confidently affirm,The Origine of the Jews Laws. that we do teach more pious and virtuous manners, than B other Nations do. For what can be better than inviolate Piety? What more just than to obey the Law? What more profitable and commodious, than to be at Unity and Peace amongst our selves? and neither to forsake one another in calamity, nor injure one another in prosperity, to contemn and despise death in time of War, and in Peace to labour and till our Grounds, and to use other Arts and Works, and always to think and believe, that God beholdeth all our actions, and ruleth and disposeth all things? If this be either written or observed by any one before this time, we are then to thank them as being their Scholars: but if they were never extant before, then we are known to be the first Authors, & Inventers of it. Let therefore Appion and Molon perish, and all others that with them are convicted of lying and slandering us. This Book is written to thee C Epaphroditus who lovest the truth, and to others who by thee will, or are desirous to know the same.

DEFG

DESIDERIUS ERASMUS H ROTERODAMUS, To the most Virtuous and Learned Father, HELIAS MARCEUS, The Maccabetian Ruler of the Renowned Colledge of the I MACCABEES.

I Have not grudged, vertuous Father, to Dedicate unto thee a days labour; wherein I have perused, and what in me lieth, amended the Book which Joseph writ of the seven Maccabees brethren: and would it had lien in my power more abundantly to have an­swered your expectation: I have now (for that I counted the Greek Coppy) by the Latine conjectured the Greek, and altered some things, yet but very few. Joseph doth not falsly K boast himself to have attained to the excellency of the Greek tongue, and this Book will suf­ficiently witness the same, wherein he shewed great variety and emphasis, insomuch as he esteem­eth to have handled that famous work with eloquent stile, and the Ornament of discourse. Saint Jerome for this cause entituleth this Book, Great Eloquence; Suidas [...]. out of them both we amend the corrupted Stile, and call it [...], that is, The Rule of Reason: For the scope of this Book tendeth all to prove, that Reason is of no force in man, except it bear Soverignty over all inordinate appetites. This is most evident­ly proved by the Books of the Maccabees in the Scripture: which Books the Jews did not receive as Canonical, yet do they account it among their sacred Writ. I cannot but congra­tulate this worthy Colledg (which though famous for many other things, yet is more happy)L for that it is so blessed as to enjoy so worthy and unspeakable a Treasure: Or rather all Co­lonia Agrippina, that happy and fortunate City: yet in nothing more happy, than for that it alone doth in her bosom shrine so many, so sacred, and excellent Pledges of Piety: yet should it be more happy, if it could express their Virtues, whose sacred Reliques it so Religiously keep­eth, and imitate their Manners whose Bodies it possesseth; to wit, if in sincerity of Religion, it imitated the Piety of three Kings, and the sacred purity of the eleven Virgins, if it resem­bled the most Valiant young Men, the Maccabees, and the invincible Courage of that Woman, whose valorous Constancy no misery could conquer. And this best portion and part of her feli­city, this worthy City might bestow upon her self, yea and double the same. Do thou go forward in that which thou hast in hand, to wit, in spreading the praise of those Martyrs, making that M virtuous example more commendable, and your City more famous.

Farewel.N O

A FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS OF THE B RULE of REASON: A most Eloquent Book, corrected by DESIDERIUS ERASMUS, Most lively setting down the Martyrdom of the C MACCABEES.

I Am at the instant request of Polibius of Megalopolis to put in writing the constant Sufferings of the Maccabees worthy all admiration, not in a Rheto­rical and pleasing stile, but rather after our own country fashion, thereby to exhort our Nation to patience in their Calamities.Reason hath dominion over our passions. But first of all, it is ne­cessary to speak something of Reason, and assign unto it the power and virtue to deliberate. For he who hath once fully determined to suffer all misery for D Gods sake, is in my opinion already a Martyr: It is therefore great merit to have so determined; and therefore (as above-said) Reason governeth our inferiour passions; and though destiny deny us opportunity to suffer, yet have we suffered all in purposing to suffer all.

Whoso therefore will renounce the World, and aspire only to Coelestial things, must exercise Sobriety, banish Gluttony, Lasciviousness, and all other such Vices as may possess and captivate the mind: He must likewise mount up to the top of Virtues Tower, that from thence he may resist and impugn the Vices of his Body, Grief and Fear.

E There are many examples of the Valiant Souldiers of God, which I could produce, but the brave persons descended from one single Woman (not at one, but several births) may suffice.

And first I will speak of Eleazar and seven Brethren,The death of the seven bre­thren, and their mother. and relate what Tortures and Torments their Mother endured: yet cannot man, but only God determine, who amongst them was first, and who last in this noble agony. They therefore, being all of one opi­nion, resembling one another more in mind than in body, duely considered the frailty of this Life, and neither delighted in the flatteries of the World, nor the alluring en­chantments thereof. They valued not torments, fetters, nor any other sort of tortures imposed upon them: To return, they resolved upon patience, and to endure whatso­ever F the Judges cruelty could devise. I will therefore praise the fortitude of these Bre­thren, or rather with all truth rehearse the noble conflicts of these holy men; and setting all adulation apart, prosecute with a bare Historical narration, the manner of their Mar­tyrdome.

But before I begin to declare the death of these brave men, I will a little treat of Reason,The descripti­on of Reason and Wisdom. which, as I have affirmed, is no small motive to Martyrdom. Reason it is that maketh us observe Fasts, and Abstinence; Reason makes us despise Money, by it we are taught not to account of Dignities and Honours, which all men generally aim at, yea Reasons gift it is, that we do resist the heat of lustful desires. Hence cometh it, that having once overcome such things as the flesh delights in, we find our selves a little able to resist, we also learn to despise pains and torments, and by degrees resolve to suffer G all things that shall be imposed upon us.

Which that it may more plainly appear, let us search out the cause of this order, and [Page 814] [...] [Page 815] [...] [Page 814] [...] [Page 815] [...] [Page 816] wee shall find wisdom to be the cause hereof. For no man can determine and distin­guish H good from evil, that is not endued with wisdom; this wisdom is always accompanied with justice, and justice is still joyned with vertue, and vertue and tempe­rance cannot be seperated; so that this wisdom consisteth upon four parts.

Besides these,Grief and pain cause or hinder passion. there are two things that either do cause or hinder passion, to wit pain and pleasure; one of which we do always refuse, and the other we do always desire; yet where pleasure ariseth, and is presently by reasons rule put away, the mind is there strengthened; and pain compared with glory, is through hope of a greater reward contemned before it come; and being come, our mind is ashamed not to suffer that which before it was resolved to do.

Reason therefore is the guide of all our actions,Reason resem­bleth a skilful Gardiner. and by it we despise torments, and I detest vice; like a skilful Husbandman it pruneth and cutteth away superfluous branch­es, and killeth the heat of all corrupt and hurtful humours, only leaving that which may some way be profitable to us.

Thus reason corrects our passion, encourages us to suffer, and supports us in our sufferings. Who is not desirous to eat the flesh of wild Beasts and Fishes? And who lusteth not to eat of feathered Fouls? nay, do not the dainty dishes either from Sea or Land invite us to eat them? What then causeth us to abstain from them? what makes us all desire them, and yet none of us eat them? even reason, by which the mind is taught to overcome it self in delightful objects and pleasure, that when occa­sion of Martyrdom is offered, setting aside all vanities we will not for a little plea­sure K forget our accustomed virtue.

By reason it was that Joseph (to his great praise) master'd his concupiscence,An instance of Joseph's cha­stity. and suffered not himself to be overcome by his lust, which was but too incident to his age: Reason so worketh with sound advice and mature counsel, that it again recovereth lost friendship, gaineth new, and suffereth no cruelty to be committed. Of this we have also the example of Moses, who had he not had just occasion to be angry against Dathan and Abiram, reason (no doubt) would have caused him to have smothered his pas­sion. Did not our father Jacob with great vehemency reprove his Sons Simeon and Levi, who without reason had used such cruelty, saying, Cursed be your anger? Which anger had it been bridled with reason, neither had they been cursed, nor the other L had perished. For this cause, God the maker of mankind, when he fashioned us and our manners, having finished the lineaments of our body, he placed the mind in it, to rule it with certain concomitant precepts, to wit, temperance, pursuance of that which is good, cleaving to justice, by which rules we might be able to bridle our passions, and observe the precepts of God.

But some will ask me, why we commit wickedness, seeing that reason ruleth our passion? But it is ridiculous to think that reason hath so perfect a dominion: for reasons rule cannot hinder the appetite from desire, but only correct it so far, that it suffer with patience the loss or abstinence from such things as it desired. For example sake, Reason cannot hinder thee from being angry, but it can so work, that thou commit no impiety when thou art angry: in like manner, it cannot hinder thee from desiring filthy M pleasure, yet can it cause thee not to yield unto it.

Reason therefor cannot eradicate vice,An instance of David's thirst. but only bridle it. Witness in this the ex­ample of holy David, who fighting against Strangers with great success, and being at Evening weary and faint, retiring into his Tent, that was guarded by Souldiers, he found them all at meat: yet himself being thirsty would not drink, notwithstanding Water was hard by,2 Sam. 2. 18. because his Religion disswaded him, for he had vowed not to drink but from a Fountain in the Camp of the Enemy.

Whilst thus his thirst encreased, three lusty young men armed themselves, and taking with them a vessel, they went unto their Enemies Camp, and assaulted the N watchmen, who for fear of death fled, and so they past through the Camp, till such time as they came where the Water was, and filling their pot, they brought it to the King.David in his thirst refused to drink the Water he so desired. But holy David so bridled his appetite, that his reason quenched his desire, and shewed an excellent token of patience, teaching how the fear of God was to be pre­ferred before all things. For taking the Water he had so much wished for, and which had been gotten with such danger, he presently poured it on the ground, as a sacrifice to God, chusing rather to die for thirst, than to offend the divine Majesty: yet rea­son is not so forcible, that it is able without due consideration to repress the inordinate motions of the mind, and mitigate the grief of the body. But it is now time to come to our History, yet is not this former discourse to be thought impertinent, for O that it is somewhat previous to the matter ensuing. Such was the wisdom and fidelity [Page 817] A of our forefathers, that Seleucus King of Asia enriched our Priests, and being a man of another Religion, ascribed all his actions and worthy deeds to the Religion and Faith of our Ancestors.Seleucus and Nicanor. But wicked mens madness could not herewith be satisfied. For one Simon, hating the High-Priest Onias, and finding no ways or means to be re­venged of him in his own Country,Simon a Trai­tor to his Country. went unto Apollonius, Governour of Syria, Phoenicia, and Cilicia, and before him in a publick assemby declared, that he could help the King to an infinite treasure, for (saith he) there is hidden in Jerusalem an infinite deale of Gold and Silver, which by right belongeth unto King Seleucus.

Apollonius hearing this, praised and commended Simon, and confiscated the Gold and Silver to the Treasure-house of Seleuchus; Apollonius Captain of Sy­ria, came with an Army to Jerusalem and having authority from the King B to get it, he levied an Army; and so accompanied with Simon, came unto our Country, purposing if any violence were offered, to use the defence of his Soul­diers.

When the Treasure-house of our Temple was now a sacking, Onias wept bitterly, and said, that it was a heavy sight to them, to whom this treasure was committed, to see it, or any part of it taken away. But Appollonius, neither respecting the Tears and in­treaties of the old Men, Women, nor Children, pressed into the Temple, they all praying God to punish him,Angels upon Horses shi­ning with fiery brightness. and to defend their Temple. Being now with a great guard of armed men entred into the holy Temple, there appeared certain Angels on Horseback with weapons in their hands, and shining with a fiery flame about them, C and they daunted the courage of this infidel Apollonius, who presently fell down flat up­on his face, and lying so a great while, at last he came a little to himself: and ri­sing up, he leaned upon his shoulder who kept the Temple, not being able to stand a­lone, he was so terrified with the vision he had seen. When by degrees he recollected and found some little hope of recovery, he stretched both his hands towards Heaven, and despairing to obtain pardon by his own prayers for his offence committed, he be­sought the Hebrews (whose Temple he came to spoil) to make intercession for him, himself with Tears craving pardon for his offence, and not only acknowledging his fault; but confessing himself to have deserved death,Onias by pray­er obtaineth Apollonius's life. and all punishment possible. Holy O­nias seeing this, and fearing also, that if Apollonius should then dye, the Hebrews would D be suspected to have made him away, made prayers to God for him, and obtained his Enemies life. Apollonius presently hasted to Seleucus to let him understand what had hapned: but when he came he found Seleucus dead, and Antiochus reigning in his stead, a man of Tyrannous nature, who bare an ancient grudge to Onias the high Priest:Antiochus his rage against the Jews. and therefore made Jason his Brother high-Priest in his stead, Jason promising Antiochus in recompence to pay him 3660 Talents of Silver every year.

Jason being made high-Priest, and chief amongst all the Nation of the Jews, pre­sently forced all the people to impiety, and to forsake their Religion; so that to build baths, he hindred the defence and compleating of the Temple, and many of our Nati­on conspired with him in this iniquity. But hereat God was presently wroth: and being E displeased, it was not needfull to seek forreign Enemies, for Antiochus himself was in­cited against them, who warring against Ptolomeus King of Egypt, had heard it reported, that the Jews esteem'd him to be dead, yet was he very nobly entertained by the inha­bitants of Jerusalem: and presently after the fight, he made an edict, that who so among the Jews refused to offer Sacrifice to the Gods, should presently dy upon the wheel. But the godly-minded of our Nation did little esteem this edict; yea the Women circumcising their infants (as our Law requireth) did afterwards cast themselves down headlong, to the end that they might so obtain a present death without longer delay.

Antiochus perceiving that the severity of his edict could not compel the Hebrews to F forsake their Religion, but that men voluntarily did chuse death; he sitting in an emi­nent place from whence all the Jews might behold him, calling all of them together, caused Swines flesh to be sacrificed upon the Altar, and to be offered to every Hebrew to eat.

Amongst this whole multitude assembled from all places was one Eleazar a Priest, well instructed in learning and the fear of GOD,Eleazar is brought unto Antichus. a man aged in respect of his years, of a very reverend countenance, one that was known to all men, & famous for his vertue. To this man Antiochus said thus:

Be advised by me,2 Macc. 6. holy old man,Antiochus's exhortation to Eleazar. eschew those torments prepared for such as are obstinate, preserve thy reverend age, and cast not away your life, take the Sacrifice, and eat of the Swines G flesh: for it is contrary to all wisdom and discretion to follow the Jews opinion, and refuse that meat, which Nature hath as well ordained for Mankind as any other. We are unthank­full [Page 818] for Gods benefits, when we contemn his graces, and make difference where Nature hath H made none; or what reason is there to shew that this beast is more abominable than others? Either all beasts are to be eaten, or else all to be eschewed: it is superstition and folly to bar our selves from any thing by a Law, when we have no other for it, but our will. Set apart those vain and sottish opinions, and at least in this venerable age change thy opinion. And though your Laws are strictly to be observed, yet will they excuse thee, seeing thou doest not sin voluntari­ly but by compulsion.

Eleazar was permitted to speak, Eleazar's an­swer to Antio­chus. and replyed to Antiochus, who exhorted and pressed him to the breach of his Laws. We, Antiochus, do not follow vain report, but observe the verity of Religion which our Fathers kept, and fear of torments cannot make us embrace another Religion, and forsake our own: yea, suppose our Religion delivered to us by our I Fathers had no firm grounds, yet would I not be compelled by torments to forsake it. Do not esteem it a small matter to eat impure meat, and tast of that which is sacrificed to Idols, for it is profane to touch things that are profane. Our Law condemneth your Philosophy, wherein he is most ignorant that thinketh himself most wise.

We are taught to embrace sobriety, to subdue our inordinate appetites, to keep our bodies chast, to suffer with patience whatsoever for Gods sake is inflicted upon us, and not to deny the Truth, Justice, Piety, or God, who alone is true: and therefore I refuse this profane meat, well knowing what I ought to eat, as warranted therein by the precept of the Almighty God, whose Laws I have learned to obey, and eschew all meats sacrificed to Idols, and embrace with all vigour that which is expedient for the Soul: and it is no less than Tyranny to compel a K man to that which his Religion forbids, and to command that which is contrary to Justice.

Do what thou wilt, despise us as you please, it shall be returned upon your own head, and you shall be as despicable your self, as others are to you. I will persist in the holy steps of my fore­fathers; though with Tyrannous hands you pluck out mine Eyes, and rip up my bowels with a knife, thou shalt never conquer me. I will dye secure and patient in the love of God; nei­ther flatter thy self for that I am aged, and that my body is now feeble: If need be, that I must be sacrificed for Gods sake, thou shalt find me in the vigour and resolution of a young man. Prepare then your fire, and get ready your racks: thou shalt find me more constant in my torments, than before I come to them.

O sacred Religion! I will never violate thee, the foundation of my salvation, the defence of L the believer,Eleazar's con­stancy. the grounds of faith; never will I lift up my hands contrary to thy precepts; never will I believe any thing to be just, which is repugnant to that which thou hast taught me: I will not lose the merit of so many years, nor relinquish the faith I have hitherto embraced. The chast, pure, and devout Company of Fathers shall receive me into their number, where I shall not fear (O impious King) thy threats. But thou hast changed the name of King to Tyrant, yet thou shalt never alledge against me my deed, my consent, my word.

Whilst Eleazar, Eleazar cru­elly whipped full of constancy and liberty, spake thus, the Souldiers that stood thereabout haled him to be tortured; & stripping him naked, they hang'd him up, & whip­ped him, and whilst on either side he was beaten, a Crier with an impious voice still cried unto him, Obey the Kings pleasure and command. But worthy Eleazar was M not overcome by torment, but suffered all with great patience, and lifting up his vene­rable Eyes to Heaven, he knew in whom he believed, and to whom he sacrificed his Soul; after which observing his flesh to be wounded and cut on each side of his body, and the blood gushing out in great abundance, he admired his own patience, and thanked God, who was the Author thereof. At last his body being unable to hang longer upon the rack, he fell down flat upon his face, still glorifying God, as he did before his fall. Then one of the Souldiers, to gratifie the King, like a mad man spurn­ed and [...]od upon him to increase his torments. But Eleazar, strong in body and mind, like a right Champion of the true GOD, never shrunk at those pains, but the good old man by patience overcame the cruelty of his torturers, and put his very N torturers into admiration of his constancy. Then the Kings Officers coming unto him said;

How long, Eleazar, wilt thou neglect the Kings commands, and refuse to free thy self from tor­ments? eat Swines flesh, and thou redeemest thy self from all thou endurest. Eleazar, al­though in the height of his tortures he had been silent, could not without answering endure to hear so profane counsel, but as tormented with this speech, he cried out; We Sons of the He­brews are not so effeminate as to forsake the way of our Salvation, wherein we have walked even until our old Age, neither are we taught for the avoiding of torment, which will not long continue, to give others example and occasion to sin. It is but a while that this life can last: so that we lose but a small moment for that which is eternal. For then be it from me to prolong O the small remainder of my life by so pusillanimous an action: or expose my self by my Cowar­dice [Page 819] A to the contempt of the World, you your self would despise me, and upbraid my inconstan­cy: let us dy therefore couragiously, and our Souls take their flight into Abrahams bo­some.

The Souldiers seeing his constancy, by the Kings command cast him into the fire, and poured stinking and loathsom liquors into his nostrils. Which the reverend old man most patiently suffered till at length he was consumed with the slame: when he found himself departing and giving up the Ghost, he spake after this manner, lifting up his dazled Eyes to Heaven:

Thou art He (O God) from whom life and Salvation proceedeth: behold,Eleazar's last words in the fire. I dye for obser­ving thy Laws, be merciful to this thy Nation, and do not forsake them whom thou hast hi­therto B protected as in thy bosom, and under the shadow of thy Wings; let my death put an end to all our misery, and pacifie thy wrath against our whole Nation for their offences; recieve me for them all, and bestow them all upon me. And amidst these Speeches he joyfully expi­red.

It is most true therefore, which we at first affirmed, that Reason regulates our passions, and disposeth us to suffer chearfully: which once we having determined and resolved the anguish of our suffering is abated, and our resolution and constancy confirmed.

If therefore reason and the inferiour powers be at variance,Reasons victo­ry. we must subject them to Reason, if we will make a perfect Victory. With this guide our Father Eleazar was most safely directed neither to yeild or sink under his pains, nor give place to unlawful C inticements and allurements: he saved the Ship of his body from the shipwrack that might arise by the tempestuous storms of vanity, and suffered not himself by contrary Winds to be driven from the right course: yea, though it was tossed up­on the Waves of Tyranny, yet did it remain sound and unbroken, and keeping a di­rect course, arrived in the haven of Salvation. Never any man did seek so valiantly to defend his City from an Enemy, as this holy old man did his Soul, who amongst stripes, crosses,A similitude taken from the Rock. and flames was still the same man. For as the top of a high Rock standeth safe, and resisteth the Wave without any dammage unto it self; even so did the Rock of Reason in this man beat back the rage of those tempestuous Waves that dashed a­gainst his body, nor permitting them to break in, and pierce the Celestial and Divine D power of the Soul.

O happy old man,Eleazar's praise. more blessed than all of thy Age! O Priest more sacred than all other Priests! who didst not pollute thy sacred lips with profane meats; impiety found no entrance that way, from whence so many prayers to God had proceeded. The Ty­rants cruelty could not prevail against thee; Thou therefore art made an example for all Priests of God to imitate. Such a one behoved it a Priest to be, more strong than tor­ments, more able to suffer than the torturers to inflict punishment, more forcible than Princes commands, yea, and more potent than the fire, wherein thou didst perish: and finally, thou wast ordained to be crowned with the Laurel of Martyrdom for thy suf­ferance. Thou hast surpassed all Antiquity, thou shalt be an example to all posterity. E If then feeble old Age, wherein all strength and heat of body was extinguished, grown unfit for torments (as being already broken with Age) could by the strength of Rea­son endure so many miseries, who dare deny Reason to be the chief cause of our suf­ferance? We have seen the highest cruelty hath been overcome by a firme determina­tion to persist in the Service and fear of God: yet many affirme, that every man, who hath the use of Reason, is not able to undergo such Agonies; but their assertion is vain and of no force: for most evident it is, that he only is overcome by pain, whom wis­dom hath not armed with patience. And no marvel if he who rashly enterpriseth so weighty a matter, and without due consideration, do at last forsake and repent himself of that which he so unadvisedly undertook. But if we with due advice and deliberation F arm our selves, it is not an easie matter to remove us by any misfortune from our determi­tion; when we foresee and preconsider the distresses that may befall us, when they do happen we are not so much surprized or dismayed, because we expected them before.

He therefore that is wise is resolute and able to conquer his passions,Antiochus causeth seven noble young men of the Hebrews and their Mother to be brought to Antioch. for that he doth well deliberate, and when he cometh to tryall, can put his determination in exe­cution. Neither is the wisdom of this old man so much to be admired, seeing Chil­dren, and as it were Infants, have deserved the same commendations, and wrought asto­nishment in their tormentors; for the indignation and cruelty of Antiochus (though overcome by the wisdom of this old man) was but the more increased,2 Mac. 7 and therefore G by wicked counsel he caused seven young Gentlemen of the Hebrews to be brought unto Antioch out of their Castle Sosandrum, who being tender in years, and as he [Page 820] though weak and unable to suffer torments, his hope was that either by perswasions,H or terrours, or tortures, he might force them to renounce their Religion. He therefore commanded these seven together, with their Mother Salomana, who now grew antient, to be brought before him: so they according to his command were brought being very graceful in their persons and every way worthy of so vertuous a Mother; yea, they resembled Angels, their Faces shining like the clear light of the Sun; their Eyes sparkled in most comely and decent manner, as testifying, that they surpas­sed in vertue all other of humane race and condition. The Mother was descended of most vertuous and noble parentage, and so she her self had continued and lived; but that excellent feature of body and nobility of blood was much dignified by her ver­tue and fortitude, in which shee passed all that could be said in her commendation.I The Tyrant beholding them and their mother together, with a counterfeit smile he accosted the Children in this manner.

I wish your good (O admirable young men:The Kings ex­hortation to the seven bre­thren. for so both your beauty of body and noble Parentage perswade me): do not therefore like mad men resist my command: avoid not only torments but death also. For I desire not only to exalt you unto honour, but also to encrease your riches and possessions; contemn the superstitious and superfluous belief of your own Country-men, and embrace our Religion: Which if you refuse to do (as I hope you will not) I will devise such torments, as that I may by a lingring and painful death be able to consume you.

And to terrifie them the more, he commanded the instruments of their torments to K be presented unto their view. And accordingly Wheels, Rods, Hooks, Rakes, Racks, Cauldrons, Cages, Gridirons were brought forth; and Engines to torment the fingers and hands, Gauntlets, Aules, Bellows, brazen Pots, and Frying-pans: for these are the names which we find. That which I term Bellows, was a thin plate of Iron to kindle or blow the fire with, like a Fan; and far more horrible devices of tor­ments were shewed unto them, too long to rehearse: whereof they having had a sight, Antiochus said:

Consent unto me, O prudent young men: for if that I command you to commit a sin; yet do not you offend in doing it, The young mens con­stancy. seeing you commit it only upon compulsion. But the young Youths inflamed with a divine Spirit and Sense, contemned so many kinds of tor­ments,L and despised the Tyrants threats and flatteries; and their constancy (for they gave him no just occasion) put the Tyrant into a great rage.

By this it is evident, how much Reason is master over Passion: for if any slothful man not before trained up to it should of a sudden come to such a push, at the very sight of such torments his mind would be troubled, & his countenance appalled, his Legs under him would have trembled, and he with fear have been confounded: so that he would presently have retracted, and professed himself unable to bear up against so many and so grievous torments, saying:

My self being unwise, what should I have made choice of? Whether to endure these tor­ments, or accept of their promised benefits? Whether I should have been moved to pity mine M own age, or to compassionate my mother; God would not have denied pardon for this deed, I being forced thereunto: and by doing it though against my will, I shall get the Kings fa­vour.

But where Reason and advice taketh place, and hath well trained the mind to perfection, the other consequently followeth: As by the example of these brethren I will declare, who as it were all with one voice denied to eat the sacrificed Swines flesh, as they were commanded. Wherefore (said they) O Tyrant dost thou persecute us that are innocent?The seven brethren re­ply to Antio­chus. We both de­sire and wish to die, and will, until such time as death expelleth life, firmly keep that which God commanded, and Moses taught us. And thou, Tyrant, do not seek to seduce us by pre­tending love towards us: thou lover of injustice, master of cruelty, deviser of iniquity, the N pardon which thou doest offer is to us more painful than punishment: we contemn death, and esteem not thy words, as being by our late master Eleazar taught to despise them. Why then doest thou suppose such pusillanimity to be in us young men, seeing of late thou foundest such cou­rage in an old man? We follow him: thou canst not try and know our minds, except by tearing our bodies thou search them out: We will safely and securely suffer for our God any thing, and leaving this Earth, we shall be entertained into Heaven: and thou for so Tyrannizing most cruelly upon innocent Souls, shalt be reserved to eternal fire.

The Tyrant enraged,Antiochus commanded Maccab [...]us to be racked. that he could neither prevail by fair promises, nor by threat­nings, caused them to be beaten with Bulls pizzles: and first of all he commanded Maccabeus, the eldest of the seven brethren, to be stript, and stretched out upon a O Rack, and his hands to be bound behind him, and then to be most cruelly beaten, [Page 821] A who wearied his tormenters by his suffering (so great the force of vertue is) in such manner, that they desired more to leave beating him, than he requested they should leave. This done, he was put upon a wheel, and a weight hanged at his feet, and so stretched round about it, that his sinews and entrails brake, and his pains increased: yet being overcome with pain, his mouth was not for all this stopped, or hindred from calling upon God, who beheld all; and reproving the Tyrant for devising those torments for the Innocent, he took strength, and is said to have cried out after this man­ner.

Bloody Tyrant, who persecutest the Majesty of God; I whom thou thus tormentest, am no Witch, nor one who have murthered and killed another man, but one who dies for justice, ob­serving B the Law, and for Charity.

Then when the torturers (overcome with compassion) perswaded him to submit to the Kings pleasure, he answered:

O ye wicked ministers of Tyranny! your wheels are not so sharp and cruel, that I there­by will be forced to forsake Heaven, whereon my mind is fixed: tear my flesh; yea, if you so please, rost it at the fire: torture and torment each parcel of my body with several cruelty; you shall for all this find your selves unable to force us young men to impiety.The death of the eldest brother.

As he thus spake, a fire was kindled, and he, as he was upon the Wheel racked, was so thrown into the fire: and thus he was by flames and torments so burned, that C his bowels appeared; his mind nothing moved, when his flesh yielded to the tortures, who amidst his pangs cryed thus unto his brethren. O beloved brethren, learn of me an example of vertue: consider the strength of an invincible courage: contemn and despise the al­luring baits of this world, and rather obey God than this Tyrant, who can if be please hum­ble the proud and mighty, and exalt the lowly and dejected.

As thus he spake, he was taken out of the flame, and flaid alive: his tongue was pulled out of his mouth, and he put into a frying pan; and so he departed out of this life, to the great admiration of all that beheld him, and the joy of his brethren and mother; and went before them to Heaven, there to prepare a Kingdom for him­self and them.The second brother brought.

D After him the second brother▪ called Aber, was haled by the Souldiers: and be­fore the Tyrant asked him whether he would relent, he caused all those torments to be shewed him, thereby to terrifie him: but he nothing thereat moved, and denying to eat of that foresaid Sacrifice, his hands were bound with Iron chains, and he being hanged up by them, the skin of his body was flain off from the Crown of his head unto his knees: so that the entrails in his brest appeared naked; yet in such manner as he might abide greater torments. For he was cast before a cruel Libard, thirsting most extremely after blood, to the intent that he might devour with his teeth the rest of his body; but the beast smelling of him (no doubt by the great handy work of Almighty God) forgot his cruelty, and turning away his face, did no hurt to the E Martyr.

But hereat the Tyrants rage increased; and the Martyr by suffering such-torments, was made more constant, crying aloud:

O how pleasant is that death unto me, which is caused by all sorts of torments for Gods sake! yea, so much the more pleasant, for that I assuredly hope to find reward for it in heaven. Let these torments inflicted upon me (O Tyrant) satisfie thy cruelty; for my pa [...]n is not by thy tortures increased, but rather my pleasure, as thou shalt find by my patience in this Agony, More willing am I to suffer than thou to punish; yet my pain in suffering is less than thine by inflicting the same upon me. I am tormented for vertue and observing the Law; and the justice of God shall banish thee from thy Regal seat: Thou by tormenting art tormented, and F almost consumed: thy wrath and fury being almost spent upon me in vain, thou shalt not escape the day of judgment: eternal torments are there prepared for thee, which neither thy profane mind is able to endure, nor thy great power to decline, thy sinful Soul being condemned to eter­nal punishments. Thus, remaining constant in his faith, and animated by his brothers ex­ample, be departed to Heaven.

Then Machir,Machir the third brother is brought the third son, was brought, whom all men now pitied for the death of his two brethren, and many exhorted him by his Brothers examples to desist from his Opinion, and so avoid punishment: but he being angry hereat, replyed; One Father begot us, one Mother bare us, one Master instructed us, we are all of one mind, and all like affected; do therefore no longer prolong the time in vain. I came hither to suffer, and not to G speak: use all your tyranny possible against this body: for you have no power at all over my Soul.

[Page 822] The Tyrant hereat moved to see this third nothing relent by his brothers death, de­vised H more cruelty than humane wit alone could invent. Wherefore he commanded a Globe to be brought, and tyed the holy Martyr about it in such sort, that all his bones were set out of joynt and displaced: whereat the holy Martyr was nothing dismai'd. The skin also of his head and face was pull'd off, and then he was put on the Wheel: but he could not be rackt any worse, for that his bones were all displaced, and did hang one separated from another in most pitiful manner: and when the blood issued from him abundantly, he was deprived of the use of his hands and feet; but perceiving his life to be spent, he spake thus and dyed: We, O Tyrant, endure this Torment for the love of God, and thou the Author of such unjust cruelty shalt suffer everlasting pain.

Then his tongue being cut out of his mouth, he was put into a frying pan, and so I amidst those torments yielded up the Ghost.

Next after followed Judas, the fourth brother, whom all the people perswaded and entreated to obey the King: Judas the 4. brother is brought. but he contemning their prayers and exhortations, said thus with all constancy: Your fire shall neither separate nor sever me from the Law of God, nor from my brethern, who instead of this mortal life, enjoy life everlasting. I denounce unto thee, O Tyrant, destruction and overthrow; but to such as believe, salvation: make tryal of me therefore, thou cruel wretch, and see if God will forsake me, who hath with open and stretched out Armes received my three brethren which are gone before me, and whom the womb of so holy a Mother at several times brought forth unto glory.

The cruel Tyrant hearing this, was much moved, and from his Chair leapt down to K torment this Martyr himself, and in his fury commanded his tongue to be cut forth: but he hereat not terrified, said to Antiochus:

This cruelty will nothing avail thee, neither shalt thou hereby, Tyrant, as thou supposest conquer me. Our Gods needs not by voice to be awakned, but rather by secret cogitation to be prayed unto to help his servants: be provideth for them that hold their peace, and heareth the prayers of such as do call upon him, if they deserve to be heard, and only requireth purity of Soul. For our God knoweth all things before we ask, and before we our selves enter into cogitation thereof, he understandeth our necessity: cut out my tongue, thou canst not cut out my mind while my life remaineth. Those prayers, which by it I have uttered to Almighty God, have taught it to suffer: would God thou wouldst so sanctifie all parts of my body by punishing them; L for thou therein inflictest punishment on thy self, and reward upon me; and think not that thou shalt thus escape long unpunished.

When he had thus spoken, his tongue was cut out of his mouth, and he bound to a stake, and there he was beaten with ropes ends, and he did patiently endure this, notwithstanding the colour of his face became dead and wan. Being loosed from thence, he was put upon the wheel:The death of the 4. brother Achas the 5. brother pre­senteth him­self to tor­ments before he was called. and then praying for his Country-men, he by death went unto the rest of his brethren.

Then Achas, the fifth brother, before he was haled to torments, spake in this manner; Behold (thou Tyrant) I come to be punished before thou command me, hope not therefore any jot to alter his mind, who as thou seest desireth to be tormented. The blood of my M four innocent brethren, which thou hast shed, hath condemned thee to Hell-fire▪ I am to make them up the number of five, that by it thy pains may be encreased. Tell me (bloody wretch) for what offence by us committed doest thou thus punish us? for what impiety doest thou so persecute us? what villany have we commited? what wickedness? what naughtiness have we attempted? This is all that thou canst alledge against us, that we honour God our Creator, and live justly in obedience of his Laws, and therefore do not esteem thy punishments: but they are to us honour and Salvation, and not punishment: we shall be greatly rewarded by God, if no part of us be left free from torment.

Whilest thus he spake, his executioners by the Kings command took him, and cast him into a brazen pot, and he was prest down in it, his head to his feet: and afterward he suf­fered N all other torments, which his brethren had endured; yet not amazed hereat, he suddenly started up, and thus bitterly inveighed against the Tyrant: Cruel Tyrant, how great benefits dost thou against thy will bestow upon us! yea, the more thou art incensed against us, the more acceptable to God shalt thou make us: yea, I should be sorry if thou shewdest mercy upon me. This short affliction gaineth us life everlasting; if this temporal death should not betide me, everlasting life could not befall me. And thus he finisht his Agony, and dyed.

Then the tormenters laid hands upon the sixth brother, who was called Areth, to whom the Tyrant made offer either of honour or punishment: but he disdaining his offer, said: Although (Tyrant) I be younger in years than my martyred brethren, yet my con­stancy O of mind to theirs is not inferiour: for we were all nourisht up together, all together in­structed, [Page 823] A and we will all dy together in the fear of God. Hasten therefore your torments, and that time which thou wouldest spend in exhorting me, spend it in devising tortures for me.

Antiochus hereat confounded commanded him to be bound to a Pillar with his head hanging down, The valour of the sixth bro­ther. in such wise as the defluxion of humours might cause ach: and this done, he caused a fire to be made so far off him, that it could not burn him, but rost him. He also commanded him, as he hung, to be pricked with awls, that so the heat might pierce into the holes they made in his flesh. Whilst thus he was tormented, much blood like froth gathered about his head and face, and he then spake in this manner. O noble fight! O valiant War! O strife between piety and impiety! These men have past their Agonies, whose Crown of Martyrdom is the punishment of their persecutors: I do most willingly B follow my brethren, that as by blood I am conjoyned unto them; so by death I may not be sepa­rated from them. Devise, O Tyrant, some new Torment, for these I have already overcome. O master of cruelty, Enemy of piety, persecuter of justice! we six Brethren have conquered the Kings power, and what his Kingdom or the whole world could afford. Thy fire is cold and heateth not,The sixth bro­ther sharply reproves An­tiochus. and the Kings weapons are bended and blunted in our bodies; our God gi­veth us more courage to suffer, than thou hast to punish: and so the precept of God remaineth firm in us.

And as he thus spake, one took hold of his tongue with a hot pair of tongs, and so with the same torments, that his brethren had suffered, being fryed in a pan he gave up the Ghost.

C Six of the Brethren being now dead by diversity of torments, only one of the seven remained alive with his mother, named Jacob, younger in year (but not in con­stancy of mind) than the rest of his brethren. He presenting himself before the Ty­rant, moved him to compassion, both for that he was left alone, and the last of his brethren, and also that he was to perish: wherefore he called the child unto him, and into a place where no instruments of torments were,Jacob the se­venth brother brought to torments. and taking him by the hand, he said thus unto him, hoping to win him by fair speeches: By thy brethrens calamity thou now well hast learned, what is prepared for thee, if thou disobey me: deliver thy self there­fore from these torments, and I will give thee what honour my kingdom can afford: thou shalt be a Magistrate, and General of my Army, and one of my Counsellors.

D But perceiving himself not to prevail, he caused the young man's Mother to be called unto him: who coming and standing near her Son, the Tyrant said thus unto her; Where are now, O worthy woman, all thy Children? Behold of such a number, if thou please, the destiny affords thee one: advise therefore thy Child, and mollifie his obstinate mind by wholsom counsel.

The Mother having heard what the King said, made her reverence to the King: which done, that the King might not understand her, she spake in Hebrew to her Child as followeth:

Pitty thy Mother, O son, and comfort thy sorrowfull Mother, who bare thee nine months in my E womb, and gave thee suck three years, and with great industry have brought thee up to this age. I pray thee, dear son, consider the Heaven and Earth, and all that in them is; and know, that God created them all of nothing, who also of nothing created Mankind. Fear not this Ethnick's pains and torments, but imitate thy brethren, and contemn death, that in the day of mercy I may receive thee and thy brethen again in Heaven.

As his mother thus admonished him, he in the Hebrew tongue requested to be un­bound, for that he had a secret to disclose to the King: who being unfettered he present­ly ran to the torments prepared: for there was a Frying-pan red hot, that was prepa­red for such as were to suffer: unto the which the Child coming, remembring his bre­thren, and beholding also the King, he said unto him; Cruel tyrant, I now know thee not only to have been cruel against my brethren, but even cruelty it self. Wretch that thou F art, who gave thee this purple? and who exalted thee to this Kingdom and dignity? even he, whom thou in us dost persecute, whose servants and worshippers thou killest and tormentest, for which thy wickedness thy self shall suffer eternal fire and torments which shall have no end. Thou art of higher dignity and authority in this world than other men, yet he that made o­ther men, made thee also of the same nature that they are: for all men are born and must die alike. He that kills another, sheweth that he himself may be killed: thou tearest and torment­est thy own picture and image in vain: thou in thy fury killest him, whom not long since God created like thy self, and according to the same law thou thinkest all lawful, which thy King­ly power can command: thou pullest out our tongues, and tearest our bodies with flesh-books; and consumest with fire: but they, who have already suffered this, have received everlast­ing G joy for their reward; and thou shalt answer for all the punishments inflicted upon them. [Page 824] Think not that I expect any favour at thy hands; I will follow my brethren, and remain constant H in our Law. The Tyrant hearing this was wroth, and caused him to be tormented: but his Mother in his torment comforted him, and with her kind hands held his head, when with violence of the tortures blood issued out of his mouth, nose and privy parts, the tormentors not ceasing till life in him was almost spent: but they (by Gods ap­pointment) gave over, and so he took strength again to endure more, than any of his brethren had done; at last, his Hands and Arms being cut off, he lifted up his Eyes to Heaven, and cryed, ‘O Adonai, O Sabaor, be mercifull unto me, and receive me into the company of my brethren, The death of the youngest brother. let thy wrath now cease, and grant them mercy, who by us do make intercession to thee:

Having said thus, his tongue being pulled out, he of his own accord went into the fiery I Frying pan, and so to the great admiration of Antiochus died.

Behold how evident it is, that reason can rule our affections, seeing that Children here­by shewed more constancy,Reason, Mi­stress of our affection. than the Tyrant could shew cruelty. For it was reason's force, that wrought in them that determination to suffer all torments, rather than to forsake the way of Salvation.

These constant young men do fitly resemble inexpugnable Towers, and them, who after a great tempest and shipwrak do safely enter the harbour of Salvation,A similitude of the waves. who guiding their course amidst the boys [...]etous waves, at last obtain the wished shore. For every one of them strengthened the other by advice and good counsel,The seven brethren ex­hort one ano­ther to suffer death man­fully. and none of them was so effeminate as to decline his Martyrdom. None used delay herein, but K one followed anothers example. Let us therefore dy for our Law, and imitate the three Children, whom the Asyrians fury condemned to the fiery Furnace, whose patience spread their fame even unto Heaven.

Whilst thus one of them exhorted the other, it came to pass, that none of them of­fended, but each one resolute in his Religion, took example of the virtue, courage and constancy of their fore-father Isaac, who understanding that it was God's will, that he should be Sacrificed, refused not to submit his body to his Fathers Sword. Let us (said they) yield our Souls to him, of whom we receied both Soul and Body: It is a small matter for us to suffer loss of these members, seeing that we shall in lieu of them receive everlasting bliss. Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob do joyfully expect us, as L Co-heirs of their Kingdom: let us glorifie that womb, wherein we were for ten months space: let none of us be more coward than the other, nor none of us degenerate from the other.True brother­hood. we that were all begotten of one Father, and sucked of one milk, must in all things resemble one another: we had one teacher, and one law inviolate. And in this golden bond of concord were these brethren linked together, and none of them mourned to see the other tormented, but all rejoyced at the others death. O Children, whose dignity surpasseth the Royalty of Kings and Princes, whose glory and virtue is unspeakable! None of you were terrified with fear, but you so hastened to your deaths, as though you had been to go to bliss and felicity: you were truly brethren, who even by death were linked together.A pledge and sign of bro­therly amity. God hath greatly in you magnified our Nation, & in you M shewed us all an example of fortitude: whom therefore I think he caused to be so many in number, as were the days, wherein he created the World, so that these seven brethren may resemble the seven days, wherein all things were made. And why should we so admire this fortitude in these young men, when a woman armed her self with contempt of death? Who indeed is not to be called a Mother, but to be honoured with a higher title than humane frailty can afford, who bare into this World so many triumphs.

For the Mother seeing her Children dead, was with a kind and godly zeal inflamed also to suffer:The mothers grief. and no marvel, seeing that the very brute beasts, if they perceive vio­lence offered to their young, do expose themselves to perils in their defence, and protect them with their wings, teeth, and tallons; yea▪ and every one, that is any way able to N make resistance, opposeth herself to the Enemy to defend her young. And not only brute Beasts do this, but even Bees do defend their young, and their honey, threat­ning their Stings to them that offer to tast thereof, and more esteeming the good of their young than their own lives. But this zealous mother directed by the Spirit of God, and the dictates of reason, incouragd her Children to dy, and being to dy after them chose rather to be a spectator of their death than otherwise.

When all her family had suffered, she as the last and glory of them all came to execution despising the Tyrants threats, offering her motherly brest to those torments, which her Children had suffered. O blessed stock, and blessed increase of the self same womb! Why should I not affirm, that in all lineaments and feature of O the body you are like your mother? and if this be a commendation in them, that beside [Page 825] A features of the body receive nothing of their Mother, I will say more of you, that you are like your mother in Fortitude, Vertue, and Religion; and that you so in all things resemble her, that you are every way equal unto her, save only herein, that she with her Eyes beheld the immanity of your torments, and was afterward as constant in her own Martyrdom, as you in yours. She therefore herein excelled you, that she suffered seven torments before she came to suffer in her own person,The mother suffereth se­ven torments before she was tormented. & feared in every one of them lest she should be overcome. But O thou example of all women, I cannot tell, whether thou barest these Children in thy womb, or createdst them, who couldst with dry Eyes look upon them, whilst they were torn in pieces: yea, I say little, affirming that thou B patiently didst behold those sights; for even thou thy self didst exhort them thereunto; thou rejoycedst to see one of them torn in pieces with Flesh-hooks, the other to be rack­ed upon the Wheel, the third to be bound and beaten: thou joyfully admiredst the o­thers burning, and exhortedst the rest not to be terrified here with; and although, whilst thou beheld'st their torments, thy grief was greater, than that which thou hadst in Child­birth, yet didst thou bear a lightsome and chearful countenance, as though it had been one triumphing. While they were a killing, thou didst laugh, and seeing only one of all thy Children left hereat thou didst nothing relent. Can I describe how every one perished, seeing thou their mother didst laugh at their deaths, and when their si­news were cut in two, their heads flaid, their tongues pulled forth by the Roots, their C hands broken, their bodies in the fire, and cast upon Iron plates red-hot, and upon Wheels, and their ribs pulled in sunder, and many other torments for which we want names? Never was any Swan, which (if you will believe antiquity) Sings sweetest be­fore her death, comparble to the Funeral notes of thy dying Children.

And you, blessed ofspring, were not overcome by that Syren's enchantments, but to honour God scrupled not to leave your Mother without Children: And she being as pious & brave on her side, chose rather to want you for a time, than to incur eternal damnation, wishing rather that the bodies of her Children should be tormented, than their Souls. Well she knew, that nothing was more frail and infirm than our bodies; which, though persecution be wanting, are often killed with Agues, and other Maladies: Who is D ignorant▪ that shipwrack is incident to Sailers, disasters to them that travel, sudden death to those that live at ease? sudden casualty by fire, and by the hands of Theives, and a thousand other ways to dispatch our lives? Seeing then that our mortal bodies are sub­ject to so many miseries to bring us to our end, who would not make choice of a quick dispatch,A similitude from the De­luge. whereby we lose goods of this World and gain life everlasting? O thou most reverend of all women, the credit of thy Nation, and honour of our Religion, who, like the Ark of Noe, didst persist inviolate amongst such stormy Waves! for as the Arke withstood the force of the deluge, and being built strongly with firm boards, did not suffer any thing within it to perish: so thou sufferedst not the Tyrant to overcome the holy Ghost, which thou hadst received in thy heart.

Behold of what force and efficacy Reason is! which oftentimes maketh men infe­riour E to women. For neither was Daniel so tortured at the sight of the Lions, nor the three Children with the fiery Furnace, as this woman was afflicted at the death of all her Children, before she came to her own Agony. What would another woman and Mother have done in this Case, but wept, and with pitiful lamentations have cryed? Ah wretch thas I am! most unhappy and miserable of all that breath! who therefore bare so many Children into this World, that their several deaths might be so many several occasions of my grief and sorrow: she would have commemorated her frequent labours & the pains she endured in her ten Months bearing them, she would have bewailed her ill fortune, who brought forth her sons to so many deaths and dangers, she would have re­counted the milk wherewith she fed them, and their meat she had prepared for them, the F pains she had taken with them, how she had carried them in her Arms, and sung to them, and taught them to speak; her cares, her watchings, her fear, lest any mis-hap should betide them; and with weeping tears would have said, Shall I never be a Grandmo­ther, and embrace your Children, who a while ago was a fruitful mother my self, but am now deprived of you all? If this day I dy, I have none to bury me. But this handmaid of God forgot all these complaints, that another mother would have made, and with an Adamantine sence more impenetrable than the never-yielding Rocks, did neither forsake her Children in their torments, nor in their death, but rather compelled them to perish, and never sorrowed thereat. For being apprehended, together with her seven Sons, she considering Eleazar's Martyrdom, did thus exhort them in the He­brew G tongue.

[Page 826] O my most dear and loving Children,The mothers speech exhor­ting her seven Sons to suffer. let us hasten to that Martyrdom which may make us a H credit to our Nation, and gain of God an everlasting reward; let us without fear present our selves unto those torments, which Eleazar's aged body endured; calling to mind our Father Abraham of worthy memory, who, having but one only Son, did sacrifice him, being willed by God so to do, and seared not to bring him to the Altar, though he was the fruit and only comfort of his age. Isaac also was willing to be sacrificed by his father, knowing that God was to be o­beyed in all things: the like may be said of Daniel and the three Children: believe me, we are rather tried than tormented. For whatsoever this World affordeth is mortal and transi­ent.

Thus did this mother arm her Childrens minds with fortitude,A Golden say­ing of the mo­ther of her se­ven Children. and though a woman infused courage and constancy into men. And when her Children were all dead, she I a worthy mother of so many Champions, kneeling down in the place of torment, be sought God to put an end to her life, protesting, that she had not for love of life so long deferred to dye,The mother followed her Sons in tor­ments. but only for her Childrens sake, and that now she had seen them all seven triumphing. Whereupon the rage of Antiochus grew hot, and he commanded this noble person to be tormented, and accordingly (as the Tyrant willed) she was strip­ed naked, and hanged up by the hands, and most cruelly whipped: her dugs and paps were pulled off, and she put into the red-hot Frying-pan, being most willing to follow her Childrens steps in torment; and lifting up her Eyes and hands to Heaven, she pray­ed for all women with Child, and so yielded her chast Soul to God. But Antiochus was striken with fire from Heaven. O thou! mistress of justice who followed'st K thy triumphing Children: O Conquerer of Tyrants, and a Looking-Glass for all Martyrs! O example of patience! not only to women, but to all men that shall be after thee, reverenced of them that now are, and to be worshiped of them that are to come, and to be admired not only of our Nation,The light of the just. but of all other people. Thy light obscureth the bright shining Moon:1. Cor. 15. and though she fill the World with her brightness, yet is she not comparable to thy shining light. Seven lights inviron thee about, dazling the brightness of the seven Planets. Could any Painter express, or any hand in writing de­clare the torments which you suffered? none could with dry eyes read or behold them. All people would flock about to see it. All people would praise, and esteem him to have offered a great gift, who to God's glory had painted so incomparable a picture.L And if any skilful workman should engrave this Tragedy upon a Sepulchre, or in his house, doubtless he should be freed from all plague and misfortune. But where could a stone be found able to contain so many torments? Therefore the old man Eleazar, the Mother and her seven Sons are for their Nobility graced with a Sepulchre, and a great reverence is done unto them of all men, yea, even by men that are not of our Religion; and there is a constellation of eight stars ordained as an argument of their justice; and Angels did execute their Funerals. The Tyrant himself was astonish­ed to see the constancy of such godly minds. And thus have they found such favour in the sight of God, that they have obtained remission of the sins of our Nation: For presently after the Tyrant was destroyed, and Israel was freed from his Ty­ranny.M

But Antiochus, Antiochus lea­vied an Army of Footmen from amongst the Hebrews. seeing the greatness of their Faith, and their contempt of death, ga­thered an Army of Foot out of the Hebrews, by whose help he terrified his Enemies, and got great Renown. O blessed seed of Abraham! behold what benefit the Suffer­ings of the Mother and her seven Sons brought to us their Country-men▪ let us persist in this piety, that so we may be like our Forefathers: behold! the death of a few did end all the miseries and sins of our whole Nation, and you by your Country-mens hands van­quished their persecutors Enemies,Antiochus died stinking ex­ceedingly & after that victory our sins were remited; & last of all, Antiochus being mad, and his entrails devoured with Worms, he smelling like Car­rion, gave up the Ghost,2. Mac. 9. and was ever after death punished for his offence. For when he could not make the Citizens of Jerusalem to forsake their Law, he made War against N the Persians, and there received that which he deserved.

It now remaineth,An Epitome of the life of the seven Sons and their mother. that we briefly repeat all that is before said. For in her Agony, this sacred mother said thus unto the standers by; Whilest it was lawful for me, I kept my self a Virgin; and then I married and lived a Chast Wife, and forsook not my own house. I brought forth such Sons, as I need not be ashamed of; and though dounted with my Husbands death, yet I did not forsake my Faith. This, and many things else she recounted. And what more? She set before her Childrens Eyes the examples of the Prophets; how Abel by his brother was slain, Isaac to be offered in stead of a sacrifice; how Jacob was ba­nished, Joseph kept in prison, Daniel cast before the Lions, the three Children into the O fiery furnace: She rehearsed also unto them the Book of Isaiah, where it is said: Al­though [Page 827] A thou do go through the fire, the flame shall not burn thee. That of David, The just shall have much tribulation; and Solomon, who proposeth the tree of life to such as do the will of God;The joy of the blessed in ever­lasting Life. not omitting that of Ezeckiel, These dry and withered bones shall live again: Also that of Moses Canticle, I will kill and restore to life, and the length of your days is in my hand. Unhappy Tyrant, what did thy Cauldrons red hot, and thy torments profit thee? what availed thee to cut away their Eye-lids, and to pull out their tongues? thou thy self for so doing dost now endure far worse than all these. And they whom thou killedst (believe me) enjoy Everlasting comfort, and are now se­cure of bliss and revenge. For they, who suffer for Gods sake, shall have happy success, when God the Father of all things shall reward them with life everlasting that follow B him. Thus have I consecrated these worthy memorials, which I find in the holy Scriptures of the sacred Maccabees; to the reading of all men, who shall live in any age hereafter.

The end of all Josephus Works.
FINIS.

PHILO'S RELATION H OF AN EMBASSY I (In which he was the Chief Person) From the Jews of Alexandria to the Emperour CAIUS CALIGULA.

The PREFACE of Philo, upon the blindness of man, and the in­comprehensible K Grandeur and Majesty of God.

HOW long shall we confound old Age and Infancy, and be as imprudent at sixty, as at sixteen? For what greater imprudence can there be, than to look upon Fortune as a settled and certain thing, when there is nothing more inconstant, and to consider this Nature (which is immutable) as subject to continual changes? Is it not to invert the order of things, and shuffle them together like Counters? to fix our Eyes upon uncertain things, as if they were more firm and durable than those which were certain? The reason of this Er­ror L proceeds from this, that present objects doe more easily affect Men of ordinary understanding, than objects that are more remote; and most men do allow more credit to their Senses (though deceitfull) than to the reflections of their mind; because nothing is more easy, than to suffer our selves to be taken with what is presented to our Eyes; whereas there must be Argumen­tation and Reason to comprehend things that are future and invisible. Not but that the Eye of the Soul is as quick and piercing, as the Eye of the Body, but some people dazle it by their intemperance, and others by their stupidity, which is the greatest fault of all.

So many extraordinary events happening in our Age inforces a beleif that there is a pro­vidence, and that God Almighty takes particular care of virtuous Men, who have recourse to him in their necessityes, and more especially of those who are consecrated to his service.M They are as it were the partage and propriety of this Supream Soveraign, whose Empire has no end. To these people the Chaldeans gave the name of Israelits, which is as much as to say, Seers of God, and certainly it is an happiness preferrable to all the Treasures of the Earth: For if the presence of those, whose age renders them venerable to us (as our Masters, Supe­riours, and Parents) imprints so great a respect in us, that it many times corrects our E­normities, and disposes us to virtue; How great an advantage, and incouragment is it to us to elevate our minds above all Created things, and accustom our selves to the contemplation of God, who is not only uncreated, but infinitely good, infinitely beautiful, infinitely happy, or (to speak more properly) whose goodness surpasses all goodness, whose beauty surpasses all beauty, and whose happiness surpasses all happiness, and yet this is but a weak and imperfect explication N of his Grandeur: for how can words be able to describe him, who is so transcendently above eve­ry thing, that after our mind has advanced it self as high towards him, as is possible, by the attributes which it has given him, as by so many stairs, yet it is forced back again without being able to approach or understand him? for he is so vastly incomprehensible, that, if every Ceature of the Creation was changed into so many Tongues, they could not express that sove­reign power, by which he Created all things; that Royall conduct meriting an Eternal Monarch, and by which he preserves the World, and that just distribution of rewards and punishments, which are dispensed with so much equity and wisdom, that our chastisments may be put in­to the number of his Mercies and Blessings, not only as they are part of his justice, but as they are many times serviceable to the conversion of sinners, or at least as they restrain and hinder O them from continuing in their Crimes for fear of those pains, which they see inflicted upon others.

A CHAP. I.
The incredible Felicity of the first seven Months of the Reign of the Emperour Caius Caligula.

The Emperour Caius Caligula is an Eminent example of what I have said: Never was there seen a greater tranquillity, than that which was injoyd by all the Provinces both by Sea and Land, when he was advanced to the Empire after the death of Tiberius: B The East, the West, the North and South were all in profound peace: The Greeks had no difference with the Barbarians: The Souldiers and Citizens lived quietly and in good intelligence together. So great a felicity seemed to be incredible: & it could not be sufficiently admired, that so young a Prince mounting the throne he should be attended with so much prosperity, that his desires could not exceed his in­joyments: His Riches were immence, his Forces both by Land & Sea great and formida­ble, his Revenues prodigious flowing, into his Exchequer (as from an inexhaustible Stream) from all parts of the habitable World: For his Empire extended to the Rhine, and the Euphrates; the first separating it from Germany and other wild Nations, and the other bounding it from the Parthians, Sarmatians, Scythians and other people no less C barbarous than the Germans. So that it might be said, from the rising to the setting of the Sun, not only upon the continent, but in the Isles, and even in the parts on the other side of the Sea, all was in peace and felicity: The people of Rome, all Italy, and all the Provinces both in Europe and Asia lived in a perpetual feast: For it was never seen before under the Reign of any of their Emperours, that every man by the blessing of God injoy'd his estate in that quietness, and bare so great a share in the publick fe­licity, that there was nothing wanting to his desires. In all the Towns there was no­thing to be seen but Altars, and Victims, and Sacrifices, and Priests in their white Robes, with Garlands of flowers upon their head. All places were full of Chearfulness, Feasting, Playing, Musick, Running of Horses, Banqueting, Dancing to the Flute, D and the Harp and all other Divertisments imaginable. No difference to be discerned in the contentment of either Rich or Poor, Common Persons, or Persons of Quality Masters and Servants, or Creditor and Debtor. The felicity of that time was equal to all conditions, and what was verified then, made it almost credible, what the Poets had said formerly in their fables of the age of Saturn. And in this manner they passed seven compleat Months.

CHAP. II.
E The Emperour Caius, having Reigned but seven Months, fell desperatly ill: The great concernment which all the Provinces expressed for it, & their incredible joy at his recovery.

The next Month this happy Emperour fell into a great fit of sickness; for having left his old way of living soberly and temperately, which preserves people in health, and was the way he took, whilst Tiberius was alive, he plunged himself into Intempe­rance and Luxury: He drank much Wine, eat to excess, bath'd unseasonably, cram'd himself, till he could not keep what he had taken down, and when he had disgor­ged, crammed himself again: He gave himself up wholly to Women, and to pleasures F more unnaturally criminal; in short he abandoned himself to all other disorders that were most likely to alter that Temperament and Harmony of body and mind, which Tem­perance maintains in health and vigour; whereas Intemperance weakens it, and ex­poses it to Distempers, that are most commonly mortal.

It was then about the beginning of Autumn, which is the last Season in the year that is proper for Navigation, and the time in which those, who traffick in forreign parts, re­turn home. By this means the news of his sickness was in a moment carried all over the World, and changed their joy into sadness. The Towns, and the houses were ge­nerally full of mourning and affliction; and the Emperours sickness became the distem­per of all the Provinces; and theirs was the greatest, because his infirmity was only in G his body, but theirs in their minds, apprehending to loose with their peace the injoy­ment of all those good things, which were concomitant with it; and having observed [Page 830] the death of their Emperors attended commonly with Famine and other calamities, that H that are the consequents of War, they could not see any thing so likely to exempt them, as the health of their Prince.

His sickness beginning to abate, the news was immediately spread abroad, and carried joy to the very ends of the Earth; For nothing is more nimble than fame; and every body expected the news of his recovery with incredible patience; and when it arrived every body believed himself recovered with him, and restored to his former felicity. It is not remembred, that any joy was ever so general, all people seeming to have pas­sed, as it were in a Moment, from a savage and rustick, to a soft and a sociable life; from Desarts to Towns; from Disorder to Order; and all by their happiness in being un­der the conduct of a bountiful and legitimate Prince.I

CHAP. III.
The Emperor Caius abandons himself to all sorts of Debauchery, and with horrid ingratitude▪ and terrible cruelty obliges young Tiberius, the Emperor's Grand-son, to kill himself.

BUT it was quickly discernable, that the Spirit of man is blind in its imaginati­ons; that he is ignorant of what is most for his advantage, and that he takes the K shadow many times for the substance. For this Prince, who was consider'd as an admi­rable Benefactor, and one whose Muni [...]icence and Favours were spread all over Europe and Asia, became a Monster for cruelty, or to speak more properly, he discovered that humour, which though born with him, he had dissembled till that time. The Emperour Tiberius had by his Son [...]rusus (who dyed before him) this young Tiberius: and by his Nephew Germanicus he had Caius Caligula, whom he preferred to Tiberius in the Suc­cession of the Empire upon condition, that he should acknowledg the greatness of the benefit by the manner of his comportment with his Grand-Child: But Caius, instead of being concernd for having received that by Adoption, which belonged to young Tibe­rius by Succession, prov'd ingratfull, and carried it to that excess of Inhumanity, that L not contented to have defeated him of his Empire, he caused him to be put to death upon pretence of practices against him; as if a person of his age had been capable of so great a design; but many people are of opinion, that if young Tiberius had had some few years more over his head, his Grandfather would doubtless have made him his Suc­cessor, and laid aside Caius, of whom he began already to be jealous.

And this was the way which Caius took to execute his detestable Resolution upon a Person, with whom in justice he ought to have parted the Soveraignty. He caused the young Tiberius to appear before him, assembled his friends, and told them, I love Ti­berius, not only as my Kinsman, but as my Brother, and I wish with all my heart, it was in my power to take him presently as a partner into the Government, that I might M thereby fulfil the last will and Testament of his Grand Father: But you see the ten­derness of his years, and that he is fitter to have a Governor, than to be a Governor himself. Were it not for that, what joy, what ease would it be to me to have discharge my self of part of so great a burden, as it is to manage and conduct so many several Nations? Seeing then the affection which I bear him obliges me to it, I think good to de­clare to you, that I am resolved to serve and take care of him, not only as a Governour, but as a Father; by which name I desire he may call me, and I shall call him Son for the future.

When Caius by this Artifice had deluded all that were present, and by his counter­feit Adoption rather rob'd, than confer'd upon the poor Prince that part of the Empire,N to which he might lawfully have pretended, there was nothing left, that might obstruct his falling into that Snare, which he had laid for him: for the Laws of the Romans do give the Parents an absolute power over their Children, and then the Supream degree of authority in which he was established, left no man in a Capacity to question any thing he did. So that looking upon this young Prince as an Enemy, he treated him accordingly without respect to his age, or any consideration, that he had been brought up by the Emperor with hopes of succeding him in the Government: for after his Father Drusus was dead, the Emperour took him into his tuition, and used him rather like his Son than his Grand-Child.O

[Page 831] A It is reported, that Caius commanded him to kill himself in the presence of several Tribunes and Captains, forbidding them strictly to give him any assistance, because (forsooth) it was not decent, that the descendents of an Emperour should die by any inferiour hands: For he would needs pass for a strict observer of the Laws, at the very time when he broke them, and a Bigot in Religion, when he was committing so great a Crime, without the least compunction or remose for making a Stalking-Horse of the truth by so strange an hypocrisie.

The poor Prince, who had never seen any murders before, nor been accustomed to those counterfeit Combats, in which young Princes are usually exercised in time of Peace, presented his Throat to the person who stood next him; but he and all the rest B refusing to dispatch him, he took the Dagger himself, ask'd them where he was to strike, and they in their great Civility having instructed him, he stab'd himself immediatly, and that with many blows, till by a lamentable and unmercifull compulsion he had murder'd himself.

CHAP. IIII.
Caius puts to death Macro Colonel of his Pretorian bands, to whom he was oblig'd C both for his life and his Empire.

VVHEN Caius had finished that business, which of all his affairs was of the greatest importance, there being no body left that could pretend to the Em­pire, or to whom any turbulent persons could in prudence apply, he turn'd his indig­nation upon Macro, resolving, that he also should feel the effects of his Cruelty and In­gratitude.

This Macro had not only serv'd him faithfully since his advancement to the Throne, (which would have been no extraordinary thing, because Princes who are fort [...]nate shall never want flatterers) but he had been a great means, that Tiberius had chosen him D for his Successor: For besides that there never was Prince of greater Sagacity and Penetration than Tiberius, the experience, which his years had given him, gave him so large an insight into the secretest Cogitations of Man, that he began to be jealous of Caius: he suspected him an Enemy in his heart to the whole family of the Claudii; and that if he had any natural affection at all, it was only for his Relations by the Mothers side, so that Tiberius began to be apprehensive for his Grand-Child, if he should leave him a Minor. Again he looked upon Caius as uncapable of the Government of so great an Empire, by reason of the weakness and levity of his parts, which seem'd rather inclining to folly than otherwise: so little Solidity was there to be observed ei­ther in his word or his actions: But there was no Stone that Macro left unturned to E discusse these suspitions, and especially his apprehension for his Grand-Child. He assured the Emperour, that Caius had an extreme respect for him, & so great an affecti­on for his Cousin, that he would willingly leave the Empire to him, & that it was nothing but his retention and modesty, that made people think him weak in his intellectuals. When Macro found these Reasons would not work, he feared not to offer himself in Caution: and the Emperour had no reason to suspect his Sincerity after the Testimo­ny, which he had given of it not only in discovering, but defeating the Conspiracy of Sejanus. In short, he was always commending Caius, (if it may be called commend­ing to undertake his justification against all uncertain surmises, and underermined ac­cusations) and carried himself so towards him, that, if Caius had been his Brother or F his Son, he could not have done more: Several have attributed the Cause to the re­spects, which Caius always shew'd to Macro, but more to the good offices of his Wife, who for some private Reasons was always crying him up, and magnifying him to her Husband, and every one knows the influence of Women, especially if they be immo­dest, for then no Art nor Flattery can escape them, that may conceal their transgres­sions from their Husband. Macro, being ignorant of some passages in his house, inter­preted these artifices for affection, & the greatest of his Enemies passed in his thoughts for the truest of his friends. That he had preserved Caius in so many dangers, and could not imagine, that he would ever be ingrateful, gave him the confidence to ad­monish him with great liberty upon an apprehension, that he would either ruin himself, G or be corrupted by other people. He was like a good workman, jealous of his own manufacture, and could not endure it should be spoil'd. Caius falling asleep one day [Page 832] at the Table, Macro was bold to wake and admonish him, that it was neither decent nor H secure; for he in that condition might easily be slain. When Caius was looking upon his Dancers or Mimicks with such extraordinary pleasure and attention, that he could not contain from imitating their Gestures; when not contenting himself to smile, or be pleas'd, he brake out into a loud Laughter among the Comedians or Buffoons; or when he sung or play'd among the Musitians, he jog'd him Gently, if he was with in reach, to the end he might give over, and told him in his Ear, what no body else durst have ventur'd to have said.

You are not, SIR, to abandon your self to the pleasures of your sence like other men, but are rather to surpass them in gravity and prudence, as much as you transcend them in dignity and I extraction. How strange will it appear, for the Monarch of the World, to be unable to moderate himself in such slight and contemptible things? The great honour, that invirons you, obliges you to do nothing unsuitable to the Majesty of so great and so redoubted an Emperour: When you are in the Theatre, or Circus, or in the place of any publick exercise, you are not to consider the show or spectacle so much, as the pains and care, which those persons, who pre­sent it, have taken to do it to your content; and are to argue thus with your self; If these persons have taken so much pains in things that are useless to the life of man, and only serviceable to the pleasures of the spectators, that thereby they may merit their applauses & acclamation, what is there incumbent upon a Prince, who professes an art infinitely more estimable? Do yo [...] not know, that there is nothing equal to governing well, seeing it causes plenty in all places capa­ble of Cultivation, and secures Navigation, by which all the Provinces have Commerce, and K communicate their respective Commodities? Envy and Jealousie, to frustrate this happy Communication, have like poison infected some persons, and some Towns: But since your Au­gust Family has been advanced to the Sovereignty and Supreme power, which extends it self as well over the Seas as Lands of the whole Earth, it has repelled these monsters into the most re­cluse and obscure Solitudes. To you alone it is that this supreme Authority is committed. Providence has plac'd you, as a judicious Pilot, to manage the Helm. It is your office to look to the good conduct of this incomparable vessel fraughted with the welfare of all mankind; and as so noble an office is aboue all estimation, you ought not to take pleasure in any thing so much, as in rendring so many Nations, as are under your dominion, happy by your benefits. 'Tis true they may be oblig'd by particular persons, but it is from their Prince, only they are to ex­pect L this excellent conduct, by which he showrs down his bounty upon them with full hands, re­serving only such things, as in prudence are necessary for the remedying of such accidents, as can­not be foreseen.

Thus it was, that this unfortunate Counsellor advis'd Caius with designe to have made him better; But his wicked nature turned his remedies into poison, made a mock of his counsel, and became much worse; in so much as, when Macro came to­wards him one time, he said to those who were then about him; Do you see that imper­tinent Schoolmaster, that ridiculous Pedagogue? he would take upon him to give instructions, not only to a Child, but to a person wiser than himself. He prates, as if a subject was to com­mand an Emperour, and an Emperour, that is not ignorant in the art of Governing, and he M believes himself excellent in that science. But I would fain know, where he learned it. For my part, I was brought up to it from my Cradle, receiving continual instructions from my Father Brothers, Uncles, Cousins, Grand-Father, Great-Grand-Father, and many other great Princes, from whom I am descended both by the Father and Mother, without so much as men­tioning the seeds of vertue, which Nature mingles with the blood of those, she designs shall com­mand: For by the same reason as Children are observed to resemble their Parents, not only in the lineaments of their face, and the qualities of their mind, but in their very gestures, in­clinations and actions, by the same reason those, who proceed from a Race accustomed to do­minion, do receive with their existence a disposition, that makes them capable of all the impressions necessary for the formation of a great Prince. I therefore may say, that, when my Mother N carried me in her womb, and even before I was brought into the World, I was instructed in the art of Governing, and yet a private person, whose thoughts have nothing in them that is noble and sublime, has the confidence to give me Counsel in the Conduct and Regiment of my Empire, which to him is an impenetrable mystery.

In this manner Caius conceiv'd every day more and more aversion to Macro, en­deavouring to charge him with false crimes, but such as might at least carry in them some appearance of truth; and of this sort he believed he had found one by these words, which fell from Macro upon a time.

The Emperour is of my making, and has no less obligation to me, than to those who brought him into the World. Three times by my prayers and contrivances have I rescued him from the O fury of Tiberius, who would have put him to death; and when Tiberius, who would have [Page 833] A put him to death; and when Tiberius dyed, I caus'd him to be declared Emperour by the Guards, which were under my Command, remonstrating and inculcating to them, that the only way to keep the Empire entire was to pay obedience but to one person.

Many people approved this discourse in Macro, as knowing it was true, and not yet understanding the inconstancy and dissimulation of Caius: But not many days after the unfortunate Macro and his wife were put to death; which was all the recompence that the ingratitude of Caius afforded to the fidelity of his servant, for having secur'd him against death, and advanc'd him to the Empire. Some say, Macro was compelled to kill himself, and that his wife did the same, though it was more than suspected Cai­us B had been kinder to her formerly. But what is more unconstant than love, by reason of the frequent exceptions and disgusts that happen, where the affection is irregular? Nay so insatiable was the cruelty of Caius, that he put to death the whole family of Ma­cro, leaving not so much as one of his Servants alive

CHAP. V.
Caius caused his Father in Law Marcus Syllanus to be slain for giving him wise Counsel: and the Murder of him was followed by the Execution C of several others.

WHEN this perfideous Prince had in this manner quitted himself of his Com­petitor in the Empire, and of a person to whom he ought both his authority and life, there was a third design that remained to be executed, to the perpetration of which he imploy'd his utmost address. His Father in Law Marcus Syllanus (who was a person of great Generosity, and of illustrious ex­traction) after the death of his Daughter who died very young) continued to Caius the affection of an own Father rather than of a Father in Law, believing that; though the D Princess was dead, he could not but have the same sentiments for him. Upon this score he spake to him with great liberty about the measures, which he was to take by his actions to answer the hopes which were conceived of him: But Caius, being so vain an Opiniaster, that instead of owning or mending his faults, he flattered himself with a Fancy, that he was excellent in all kinds of virtues, & look'd upon those as his Enemies, who gave him good counsel, he perverted the good Counsel of Syllanus, reputed it an in­solence, grew insupportable towards him, and could not endure any longer to have him an impediment to the irregularity of his passions. After this he banish'd as well out of his thoughts as his heart the remembrance of his wife, and by more than barba­rous Cruelty caused him to be put to death for Treason, from whom she had received life, and who ought to have been respected by him as an own Father. The noise of E this murder, which was followed by the execution of several others the most considerable in the Empire, was spred all over the World: every body spake of it with horrour, but in private, their fear obstructing the publication of their resentment. Neverthe­less the people being easily deluded, and not without difficulty to be perswaded, that a Prince, who had appeared so good and so gentle, should be so suddenly changed, it was said in his excuse. That, as to the death of the young Tiberius, the Soveraign power could not admit of a Partner: That he was only prevented by Caius; for if his age would have permitted, he would have treated him in the same manner: That it was perhaps by the Providence of God, and for the benefit of the whole World, that Tiberius lost his life, to secure the Empire from Civil and Forreign Wars, which would have devided into facti­ons F by the several great persons, who would have espoused the interest both of the one and the other: That nothing is more disirable than peace: That Peace cannot subsist but by good con­duct in the Provinces; and that a Province canot be well govern'd, unless the Government be in a single person, whose authority maintains all things in quiet and repose: That, as to Ma­cro, he was grown so sawcy and proud, that in appearance he had quite forgot that excellent direction of the Oracle at Delphos, Nosce teipsum, which is a thing so necessary, that with the knowledg of ones self one cannot fail to be happy, nor avoid being unhappy, when it is not attained: That it was insupportable for Macro to set himself up above the Emperour, as if it was not his office to command, and the subjects to obey: In this manner it was that the igno­rant either out of flattery or folly interpreted the wholesome counsels of Macro: and, as for G Syllanus, it was said, that it was ridicuculous in him to pretend to as much power over his Son in Law, as a Father has over his own Son, seeing those Fathers, who are but Citizens, do sub­mit [Page 834] without trouble to their own Children, when they are advanced to any dignity or office, and H that it was imprudently done in him to imagine, that, being but his Father in Law, he should have a right to interpose in publick affairs, without considering that his allyance with the Emperour was extinguished by the death of his Daughter, Marriages being but outward ligaments, which, though they joyn Families together at present, yet they are broken upon the death of either of the parties.

This was the discourse, which was used in some of their assemblys to excuse the Emperour's cruelty; for there having been none of his predecessors, of whose meekness and bounty they had conceived a better opinion, they could not (as I have said) ima­gine he should be so changed in a Moment.I

CHAP. VI.
Cains requires the veneration of one of the Gods.

THese horrid and criminal actions passed in the mind of Caius for so many victories obtain'd against the most considerable person of his Empire; For his fury had extinguished the lustre of the Imperial Family in the blood of his Cousin young Tiberius, whom he ought in justice to have taken into the partnership of the Government. His K abominable inhumanity had exasperated the Senat by the death of Syllanus his Father in Law, who was one of their greatest ornaments: and his horrible ingratitude had taken a­way the life of Macro a person of the first Rank in his Court, and to whom he was oblig'd particularly for the Grandeur, to which he was advanc'd.

Having perpetrated these great things, he believed, that, there being no body left, who durst oppose himself against his pleasure, he ought not to be satisfied with the greatest honors, that could be confer'd upon man; but that he might expect and chal­leng what was given to the Gods; and it is reported, that to perswade himself to so strange an extravagance his argument was thus:

As those, who conduct and have the care of Heards of Cattel whether Oxen, or Sheep, or L Deer, are neither Oxen, nor Sheep, nor Deer themselves, but men of a nature infinitely more excel­lent, than the nature of those animals: so they, who have the command of all the men and Crea­tures in the World, ought to be considered as more excellent than men, and receive reve­rence like Gods.

Having admitted this ridiculous fancy into his head, and taken the boldness to pub­lish it, he came by degrees to the effects: He began first to desire to be reverenced as one of the demy-Gods, such as Bacchus, Hercules, Castor and Pollux, Tryphon, Am­phiarus, Amphilocus, and others; but he laugh'd at their Oracles and Ceremonies, and ra­vish'd them from them, that they might be attributed to himself.

He changed his habit and dress like a player. Sometimes to personat Hercules he wore M a Lions skin about his shoulders, and a Club in his hand: sometimes he wore a Hat like Castor and Pollux; and sometimes in imitation of Bacchus he wore the skin of a young Hind. But in this point he differed from those pretended deities, that, whereas they were contented with their respective and particular Ceremonies without envying what was confer'd upon the rest, he required them all, that he might be accounted above them.

Nevertheless that, which contracted the great throng of spectators, was not that he had three bodies like Gerion, but because he transformed himself into as many different shapes as Proteus; who, as Homer describes, changed himself into several Elements, Animals, and Plants.N

But, Caius, this vain resembance with these Demy-Gods was not the thing, you ought to have affected; you were rather to have imitated their actions and virtue. Hercules by his glorious labours delivered both Land and Sea from such Monsters, as troubled the repose of mankind: Bacchus, who was the first that planted the Vine, brought a li­quor into the World so pleasant and comfortable both to the body and mind of man, that it made them forget their sorrows, exhilarated and fortified their hearts in such manner, that the effects of it are still seen in the dances and festivities, not only of the most civiliz'd, but of the most barbarous Nations. As to Castor and Pollux, the two Sons of Jupiter, is it not said, that one of them being immortal and the other mortal, he, who had the advantage of immortality, not being able to think that his brother should O die, would needs equal and debase himself to the condition of his Brother by commu­nicating [Page 835] A to him part of his immortality, and in some measure subjecting himself to death, which was the greatest expression of kindness that could be imagined. These Heros then, who were the admiration of their own ages, and are still the wonder of ours, were not adored and reverenc'd as Gods, but for their benefits and good actions to man. But, Caius, what have you done in imitation, that may in courage you to such an exaction? To begin with Castor and Pollux have you imitated the perfect friend­ship, that was between those two Brothers, and made them so glorious? you with­out compassion to the youth and tenderness of him, who ought to have been to you as a Brother, and with whom you were in justice obliged to have shar'd the whole Em­pire, you (I say) have cruelly embrued your hands in his blood, and sent his sisters B into Exile, to reign with the more security and quiet your self. Have you imitated Bacchus, and diffus'd an universal joy and chearfulness over the whole Earth by any admirable invention? you, who being to be considered no otherwise but as a publick Plague, have found out nothing but new inventions to turn that joy into sorrow, that chearfulness into sadness, and make peoples lives a burden: You, who in recompence of the infinite wealth and advantages, which flow in to you dayly from all parts of the World, do with your insatiable avarice crush a [...]d depress your people with the weight of so many new Tributes and Impositions, that you inforce them to abominate your horri­ble inhumanity. Do you imitate Hercules in the nobleness of his actions, and in the diffi­culty of his Labours to introduce and establish peace, to distribute justice and restore C plenty both at Land and at Sea? you, who on the contrary being most lazy and fear­ful of your sex, have banished all order, and quiet, and happiness, to introduce dis­order, and trouble, and all kind of misery in their places. Is it then by these measures you think to pass for a Demy-God? and do you desire to be immortal, that you may continue these afflictions eternally? Is it not more rational on the other side to believe, that, if you were really one of the Gods, the odiousness of your conduct would degrade you, and tumble you down again into the degree of a man, seeing vice is as efficacious to make people mortal, as virtue to immortalize? Forbear then to compare your self to Castor and Pollux, who were so much Celebrated for their Brotherly love, after you have been so cruel as to have murdered your own Brother; and do not petend to the honors, D which are given to Hercules and Bacchus, who signalized themselves by their good deeds, whilst your crimes and iniquities are sufficient to render them useless.

CHAP. VII.
The folly increasing every day, he exacted the honour of a God, and imitated Mercury, Apollo, and Mars.

E BUT the arrogance of Caius rested not there: he thought it beneath him to be honoured as a Demy God, and therefore pretended to be equal with the Gods. At first he would pass for Mercury, and habited himself like him, wearing a Ca­duceus in his hand, and winged Buskins upon his Legs. To represent Apollo he appeared another time with a Crown upon his head glistering with Rays, a quiver at his back, with Arrows in his left hand, and with his right hand distributing Largesses among the people, to shew that his bounty was greater than his exaction.

After that he instituted sacred dances, in which songs were sung in praise of this new God who before, whilst he personated Bacchus, contented himself with the names of Evius, Liaeus, and Liber. Many times also, when he represented Mars, he arm'd him­self F with a head piece, a Cuirasse, and a Buckler, showing himself publickly with a naked Sword in his hand, accompanied with Bravo's and Hectors ready for any mur­ders that he should command them, and all to imitate the fury of that deity, who breath'd nothing but slaughter and blood. So extraordinary a spectacle fill'd with astonishment the minds of his people, who could not sufficiently admire, that he should pretend to any resemblance with those, having nothing of their virtue or good qualities to re­commend him, and that he should affect to take upon him the marks of that good, which they had procured to mankind. For what else is signified by the Winged Bus­kins of Mercury, but that he was an Embassador of the Gods, and an Interpreter of their wills, the Greek name implying no otherwise, but that he was the messenger of G happy news, which he conveyed with expedition? And not only a God, but a man would with great difficulty be perswaded to be the messenger of bad. The Caduceus [Page 836] What did it import, but that he was the Stickler, and Mediator in Treaties, and all mat­ters H of Peace; seeing men also used the same upon the like occasions, and otherwise there would have been no end of the ill consequences of War? But that Caius put on his winged Brodequins upon his Ankles, was it to publish and spread abroad thorow all the Provinces the noise of his Crimes, which ought rather to have been buried in per­petual Oblivion? And why should he give himself so much trouble, when without stir­ing from his place, he committed such an infinite number of impieties, which streaming incessantly from that detestable source, overflow'd the whole world, and was a more per­nicious Deluge than the former? And why should he carry a Caduce, when there was nothing to be found either in his words or actions, that had the least appearance or ten­dency to Peace; But on the contrary, there was not a Province or Town in all Greece I or Barbary, in which he was not the occasion of division and troubles? Let our pretend­ed Mercury then quit that Name, which is so unsuitable for him.

And as to Apollo, In what was it that he could pretend to resemble him? Was it in the glittering of his Crown, as if the Sun and the Day were more proper for the com­mission of Evil, than Darkness and Night? There are none but actions that are vir­tuous, and worthy of praise, that are fit for the Day, whilst actions that are wicked and scandalous ought to look out the thickest and most private obscurities in Dens and Caves.

This counterfeit Apollo has no less overturned and perverted the Order of Physick; For, whereas the true Apollo invented wholsome and salutiferous Remedies for the Cure K of Maladies, this made use of nothing but such poysons as were mortal and destructive. His insatiable avarice animated him principally against the greatest and most opulent per­sons of Italy, because among them there was more Gold and Silver to be found, than in all the rest of the World; and had not God Almighty delivered it, there had not been a place in the whole Empire, that his avarice would not have pillaged, ruined, and de­stroyed.

Apollo was celebrated likewise not only for his excellency in Physick, but for his Pre­dictions, which by his Oracles he communicated for the good of Mankind, that they might not sink under those Calamities which hung over their heads. But the Oracles of Caius extended no further, than to the foretelling to the most Illustrious, and best qua­lified L persons, Confiscation, Exile and Death; the only favours, that were to be expect­ed from his oppression, injustice and tyranny. What similitude was there then betwixt these two Apollo's? And what shame was it, that Songs should be sung equally in com­mendation of them both, as if it were a less crime to attribute to a vitious man the ho­nours, which were due only to a God, than to counterfeit Money, which carries but the Image of a Prince?

But nothing was more strange, than to see a man, whose Mind and Body were so noto­riously effeminate, arrogate to himself the force and courage of Mars, and delude the Spectators by changing his Habit as frequently as a Player upon a Stage. For in what was it that he might be said to resemble not only the fabulous Mars, which is but a ficti­on,M but the true one (if there was such a one) which he desired to resemble, that has a Courage generous and beneficent, always ready to relieve the oppressed (as the Greek word signifes) a Courage, that by just and lawfull Wars was still followed with a happy and an honourable Peace. For Mars hath two Names, One implying and represent­ing him a lover of such Peace, as conduces to the tranquility of the Publick; and the other describing him, as a lover of War, which cannot be accompanied but with Ca­lamity and Confusion.N O

A CHAP. VIII.
Caius takes a prejudice against the Jews, because they would not, like other People, Reverence him as a God.

I Suppose I have clearly demonstrated, that Caius had but little resemblance with the Demi-gods, and less with the Gods themselves. Never Prince had more wicked B inclinations. He embraced blindly and with an immoderate vehemence whatever came into his mind; his ambition was little better than madness; his obstinacy was invincible, and his irregular desires had no bounds in the abuses and outrages which he committed by his Power.

The Jews (formerly happy enough) felt the deplorable effects of it: for he looked upon them as the only persons capable of opposing his Designs, in respect that from their Infancy they had learned from their Parents by a constant Tradition (and it had been inculcated and confirmed to them by their sacred Laws) not to acknowledge any but the true God, the Creator of Heaven and Earth; For all other Nations, though groaning under the burthen of his tyrannical domination, in flattery complied with his C desire, and by that means augmented his presumption and vanity.

Several Romans were not ashamed likewise to prostitute and dishonour the Liberty of their City by introducing into Italy the same base conformity and submission, which the Barbarians used in their pusillanimous Adorations. But he knew that the Jews, on the contrary, rather than consent to the least violence or intrenchment upon their Laws, ran to death as to immortality. For as a Stone cannot be taken out of a Building, but by little and little the whole Fabrick will run to ruine; it is the same in matter of Reli­gion, to the destruction of which nothing could contribute more, than such an impious and audacious enterprize, as the pretending to change a mortal Man into an immortal God, which is far more difficult, than that God should be changed into a Man; besides D that it would open a door to horrible infidelity, and dreadful ingratitude towards God Almighty, whose infinite Goodness is perpetually sprinkling and dispensing his Mercies and Favours upon all Creatures.

This was the occasion of that cruel war made upon our Nation: and what greater mis­fortune can befal any Servants than to have their Master their enemy? But the Subjects of Emperors are Servants; and whereas the moderation of the Princes, which governed before Caius, made their Dominion gentle and pleasing to all People, his Government was insupportable. Mercy was a Virtue unknown to him; and so far was he from any remorse, that he made it his boast, when he trampled upon the Laws and abolished them, to make room for his own Violence and Tyranny. But the principal Object of his Fury were the Jews; It did not satisfie him to use them as Servants, but he treated them as Slaves, E and as the most vile and abject of Slaves: So that it may with too much verity be affirm­ed, That they had in him, in stead of a kind and indulgent Master, a cruel and unmerciful Tyrant.

CHAP. IX.
The antient Inhabitants of Alexandria take occasion of Caius his animosity to the Jews, to do them all imaginable mischief: They demolish most of their Oratories, and erect Statues F of Caius in their places; Indignities that were never practised under Augustus or Tiberius. The Praises of Augustus.

VVHEN the Pique, which this Emperour had against the Jews, came first to the knowledge of the Inhabitants of Alexandria, who had had alwayes a mor­tal and inveterate quarrel against them, they thought they could never have a fairer op­portunity to revenge themselves; and therefore, as if they had received Orders to that purpose from the Emperour, or, having overcome the Jews in Battel, the right of War had exposed them to their fury, They fell upon them with irresistable violence, forced G their Houses, turned their Families out of doors, sack'd, plundred, and carried away all the best of their Goods, and that not in the night like Thieves, who were fearful of punishment, but at noon day, exposing and shewing what they had taken to every body [Page 838] they met, as if they had been their own, and bought with their money; some of them,H by a detestable association in that impious action, sharing their plunder in the Market-place in the presence of those very persons which they had robb'd, and added mockery to their violence.

But what is it to have brought such People to indigence as were rich and splendid before; to have forc'd them from their Houses, and exposed them like Vagabonds to all the injuries of the Air? These inhumane Alexandrians drove the Jews with their Wives and Children from all parts of the Town to coop them up like Beasts in so close a place, that not having given them liberty to bring any thing with them, they doubted not but that they would dye either with hunger, or the infection of the Air; Free respirati­on I being so necessary to the Life of Man, by reason of the heat of the Bowels, that it is like adding fuel to fire, instead of fresh and cool air to refrigerate the Lungs, to give them nothing but the hot stifling Air of a great throng of People crowded together in a Press.

In this extremity these poor People, at least to take Breath, dispersed themselves, some into the Desarts, some along the Sea-Coast, and others into the Sepulchres; and if in any place of the sayd Town any of the Jews appeared, as not knowing what had passed, the Alexandrians knocked them down, or lam'd them with stones or with Cudgels, and handled them in the same manner as they did those who had escaped out of that little place, where they had throng'd so great a multitude.

These cruel Persecutors upon the Banks of the River way-laid the Jewish Merchants,K who traffiqued to Alexandria, they rob'd them of their goods, and burnt the Merchants alive; some in fires made of the wood of their own Vessels; others in the middle of the City, and that in a way more cruel than the other; because their fire, being made of a greener and more moist wood, choak'd them with the smoke, as well as tormented them with its flames; others they drew with Cords thorow the Streets and Market-places with such fury and indignation, that, their death being unable to satisfy their rage, they trod their dead bodies under their feet, and tore them into so many pieces, that had any body been so well disposed as to have buried them, he would not have found any thing re­maining that might have exercised his Charity.

When they perceived the Governour of the Province (who in a moment might have L appeased a greater Commotion) did not only connive, but incourage it, by pretending to be ignorant; they grew more insolent and audacious; they assembled in Troops, ran in great throngs to the Oratories of the Jews, (which were many in all the quarters of the Town) cut down the Trees that were about them, demolished some of them utterly, burned others, and the flames of them consumed several of the neighbouring Hou­ses; by which also the guilt Bucklers, Statues and Inscriptions, which the Roman Empe­rours had set up in honour of the Courage or Virtue of several of the Jews, which ought to have been reverenced, were burned and consumed.

In short, Nothing was able to restrain their madness; For in stead of apprehending punishment or Correction, they understood the hatred which Caius had conceived M against the Jews, and that nothing would please him better, than to have them treated with that terrible Cruelty.

Again, to cajole the Spirit of this Prince by their new flatteries, to oppress and de­stroy us with more security, and invade and subvert our Laws without fear, they set up his Statues in such Oratories, as they were not able to demolish by reason of the great number of Jews which gave them opposition; and that, which they erected in the prin­cipal of all the Oratories, was placed in a Chariot drawn with four Horses in Brass, in which they were so ardently zealous, that having no Horses lately cast, they took them out of the place appropriated to their publick Exercises, lame and crippled as they were, and as was reported, made antiently for Queen Cleopatra, the last of that Name: Which N action of theirs ought rather to have offended Caius than otherwise; For seeing he affect­ed such extraordinary honours, though the Horses had been new, yet having been made for a Woman, they were unworthy of him; and though they were set up in favour of him, yet they were too much spoiled and imperfect to give him satisfaction. Besides they thought they should merit very much by changing these Oratories into Temples, to augment the number of those which were dedicated to him; which nevertheless they did not so much in honour of him, as in hatred to our Nation. And of this there needs no better proof, than that for three hundred years together, during the reign of ten of their Kings, they never consecrated a Statue to any of them in their Chappels, though they placed their Kings in the rank of their Gods, and gave that Title to some of them. And O it is no wonder, that, though they knew they were but men, they should honour their [Page 839] A Princes like Gods, seeing they payed the same adoration to Doggs, Wolfs, Lyons, Crocodiles and several other amphibious Creatures, insomuch as all Egypt is full of Tem­ples, Altars and Groves consecrated to their honour.

But as they were the greatest flatterers in the World, and considered the Fortune more than the person of any Prince, they will answer perhaps, That the Roman Emperors being more puissant and prosperous than their own Kings, it was but justice to give them more honour. What answer can be more ridiculous? For why then did they not give the same honour to Tiberius, to whom Caius was obliged for his Empire, since that Prince reigned three and twenty years with such prudence and felicity, that he preserved to his dying day, not only the Greek Provinces, but the Barbarous in profound Peace, and the enjoyment B of all things? Was it that in his Birth he was inferiour to Caius? He excell'd him on both sides, both by the Father and Mother. Was it that his Education or Learning was less? What person in his time was wiser or more eloquent? Was it that his years were not so many, and by consequence his Experience not so great? What Emperor ever ended his days in a happier old Age? And even in his Youth was not his capacity and judgement wonderful; which is not commonly acquired but but by number of years? yet you never thought him worthy of such extraordinary honour.

What shall I say likewise of that inestimable Prince, who seemed by the Eminence of his Virtues, to be raised above the condition of men; and by the multitude of his good deeds, and the felicity of his Reign, was the first who merited the glorious name C of Augustus, and having received it himself from no body, transmitted it to his posterity? The Sea was in opposition against the Land, and the Land against the Sea. Europe was in Armes against Asia, and Asia against Europe. All the Grandees of the Empire divi­ded to determine who should remain Master, and it may be said, that the whole race of mankind was ready to perish by this bloody and cruel war kindled at the same time in all parts of the world; when in so horrible a Tempest this great Prince took the Rud­der into his own hand, restored Peace to the whole World, renewed Plenty and Trade, civiliz'd the Manners of the most barbarous Nations, overwhelm'd as it were all the great Towns with so much happiness, that they might have pass'd for Free States, main­tain'd Peace, encouraged Justice, and forbore not uncessantly to pour out his Favours D upon the People with full hands, even to the end of his days.

This incomparable Emperour had Egypt under his Dominion for three and forty years together; yet you never paid him that honour, which you have done to Caius; you set not up his Statues in the Oratories of the Jews, though never Prince deserved so much reverence as he, not only as he was the Foundation of the August Imperial Family; But as he was the Uniter of that Soveraign Power, which was divided before, and used it with such moderation, that thereby he procured the publick Felicity, there being nothing more certain than that saying of the Antients, The Government by many is most dangerous in respect of the mischiefs which do follow their diversity of Judgement. The Example like­wise of other People ought to have obliged you: for in all other places they payd him E divine honour, and consecrated many rich Temples to him, such as are not to be seen (either Ancient or Modern) in other Towns, and particularly in Alexandria: For what other is comparable to that, which upon his account bears the name of Sebastian, built near the Port, and in such esteem with Marriners and Sea-men? It is so spacious and lofty, it is visible a far off. It is full of excellent Pictures, admirable Statues, and other rich Presents both of Silver and Gold, that have been offered by great Persons; nothing is more Magnificent than its Portico's, its Quire, its Galleries, its Li­brary, and its Grove. In so general a Concuorse of People, could any man of sense say, That this was not to pay Augustus all the honour that was due to him, except putting up his Statues in the Oratories of the Jews? No without doubt: But that which hindred it F then was, that they understood that incomparable Prince took as much pleasure to see every body live regularly, and according to the Laws of their Country, as he did care to have the Roman Laws put in execution; and if he received any honours extraordinary from the blindness of his adorers, it was not that he approved it himself, but that he thought it might conduce to elevate and enhance the Grandure and Majesty of the Em­pire. For what can be a greater instance of his Moderation, and that he would not suf­fer himself to be puffed up or dazled by the vanity or extravagance of their respects, than that he would never admit the Tittle either of a God or a Master? and indeed not only rejected that flattery, but expressed great approbation of the horror and detestation of those which declare for such things? Otherwise how could he have permitted that the G Jews (the greatest part of whom have been Enfranchised by such Masters as had taken them Prisoners in the Wars) should be allowed to possess in Rome so great a part of the City [Page 840] as lyes beyond the Tyber? He was not ignorant that they had their Oratories, where H they met for their Devotions, especially on their Sabbath day; That they raised their Tenths to send them to Jerusalem, and that they offered their Sacrifices there also. Yet he did not Banish them from Rome; and he was so far from abolishing their Religion, or subverting their Laws and their Customs, that he gave rich Presents to our Temple, and ordained, that every day Sacrifice should be made to God Almighty, which is ob­served to this day, and will be observed for ever, and remain an eternal Mark of the vir­tue of that incomparable Emperour.

He ordered likewise that the Jews should be comprised in the publick distributions of Money and Corn, which were made among the People in certain Months; and if it hap­pened those Distributions were made upon their Sabbath-day, at which time it is not per­mitted I among them to do or receive any thing, especially for their own profit and advan­tage; he took care that their portions should be reserved, and delivered the next day; which made the Jews so considerable among other Nations, that, though naturally they had no kindness for them, yet they durst not molest them in the exercise of their Re­ligion.

And Tiberius treated them in the same sort, though Sejanus did what he could by his Calumnies to ruine those who inhabited at Rome, because he knew they could not be brought to joyn in his abominable Conspiracy against his Master. And this Prince sent afterwards to all the Governors of Provinces, that, except some few who had been medling in that Plot, all the rest of the Jews should be well treated, and not obliged to K change any thing of their Customs; because they were naturally peaceable, and had no­thing either in their Laws or Manners contrary or inconsistent with the Tranquillity of the Empire.

CHAP. X.
Caius being already inraged against the Jews of Alexandria, was much exasperated by an Egyptian called Helico, who had been formerly a Slave, but was then L in very great favour.

CAIuS having passed to that degree of Vanity, as not only to pronounce, but to believe himself a God, he found no People either among the Greeks or Barbarians more ready than the Alexandrians to humor him in his extravagant imagination: For there are no People more subtile, more hypocritical, more flattering, nor greater lovers of Confusion and trouble, than the Inhabitants of that Town. And so little is their re­spect for the Name of God, that they make no difficulty to attribute it to Ibis, and several other Creatures. And as they are very prodigal of that honour, they do easily delude such, as are not acquainted with that impiety in the Egyptians, whereas it is impossible to do so M with those, who do know and detest it.

Caius being ignorant of their cunning, supposed it was real and not pretended, that they thought him a God, because they proclaim'd it publickly, and with all the forma­lity and acclamations, wherewith they were accustomed to declare their respects towards their Gods; besides he considered the sacriledges they had committed upon our Oratories, as a great testimony of their Zeal; and there were no Poems or Histories that he could read with so much delight and pleasure, as the Relations that were sent him upon that Subject.

Those who made it their business to applaud or decry what ever lik'd or displeased him, contributed much to that humour, for most of them were Egyptians, and unfortu­nate N slaves, brought up from their infancy in that abominable error, which prompted them to pay divine Worship to Serpents and Crocodiles. The chief of this abominable Band was a wicked fellow called Helico, who by his ill practices had wrought himself into the Court. He had some smattering of Letters, and he, whose slave he was first, and had taught him his knowledge, presented him to Tiberius: But that Prince had ne­ver any great esteem for him, by reason that the manner, in whch he had been educated in his youth, had rendred him grave and severe, and made him despise every thing that was not serious. When after his death Caius succeeded to the Empire, this dangerous creature observing that there was nothing dissolute or voluptuous, to which Caius was not inclined, said thus to himself: Now is the time, Helico, that must needs be favourable O to your designs; be sure you do not neglect to improve it to your advantage: You have a Master [Page 841] A as you would desire your self. You have access, and are acceptable to him; your wit is plyable enough; you have a faculty in Drolling; and those tricks and inventions which are so apt to dispose People to mirth, are your excellence and element; you are versed in the Liberal and all other Sciences; you do not only know how to please by your flatteries, but by expressions, whose cunning (the more dangerous by how much it is more secret and occult) excites suspicion and indignation against them, whom you have a design to prejudice, when your Master is in an hu­mour to hear you; and that he is ready almost alwayes to do, so much is he disposed to hear any thing of Calumny or Reproach; you need not trouble your self much for subject, for with that the Jews will abundantly supply you, you have no more to do but to declaim against their Laws and their Customes, and that you have learned from your Infancy, not only from particular B persons, but from most of the inhabitants of Alexandria. Let us see then what you can do.

These things running in Helico's head, he stirred not from Caius either night or day; and in the times of his private relaxations and divertisements, he left no opportunity of incensing him against the Jews by his forgeries and suggestions; which were the more effectual by being slyly and wittily delivered; for he would not profess himself their Enemy, but acted cunningly and subtilly; by which means he did them more mischief, than if he had openly declared himself.

When the Embassadors of the Inhabitants of Alexandria, who had acted so cruelly against us, understood how much this wretched man was serviceable to them, they gave him not only money, but hopes of procuring him great honours, as soon as the Empe­ror C should come to Alexandria, where they did not question, but he would suddenly be; and on the other side there was nothing but he promised them, so much did he hugg himself in the hopes of receiving those great honours in the presence of the Embassadors, who would not fail to repair to so famous a City, from all parts of the World, to pay their Complements to so great a Prince.

Having no knowledge that we had an Enemy so dangerous and considerable as He­lico, we aimed only to defend our selves against such as were professed; But when we found it we applyed all our Interest and industry to sweeten and take him off: No man did, or could do us more mischief than he; for he was one at all Games, at all Re­creations, Feasts and Debaucheries with Caius; His Office of first Gentleman of the D Bed-Chamber (which was one of the best places about the Court) gave him the ad­vantage of his Ear when ever he desired, and his Master took great pleasure in hear­ing him: He laid aside all other designs, and intended nothing so earnestly, as to ruine us by his Calumnies and Scandals, which he did with so much artifice, and mingled them with his Jokes in so pleasant a manner, under pretence of entertaining of Caius, rather than malice to us, that he made such an impression against us in the Emperours mind, as we could never extinguish.

E CHAP. XI.
The Jews of Alexandria appoint an Embassie to Caius to represent their Sufferings; in which Embassie Philo is chief. Caius receives them kindly in appearance, but Philo found he was not to be trusted.

AFter we had tried all our skill to make Helico our Friend, finding it was but labour in vain, because he was so insolent and proud no body durst come near him, and not knowing besides whether it was from any personal or particular spleen against us, that he provoked and exasperated the Emperour to our Destruction, we concluded to F steer another Course, and resolved to present a Petition to the Emperour, which should contein in short what we had Remonstrated not long before to King Agrippa, when he was at Alexandria, in his passage to Syria, to take possession of that Kingdom, which had been conferred upon him by Caius: Hereupon we departed for Rome, secure, as we thought, of finding the Emperour an equitable Judge, whereas we could not have had a mortaller Enemy. He received us in the field of Mars, as he was coming out of his Mothers Gardens; his Countenance was pleasant and chearful, his Words obliging, he made a sign with his hand that he would be our Friend, and sent us word afterward by the Master of the Ceremonies called Homus, that he would hear our business at lei­sure: In so much as there was not one of those who were present, nor indeed one of G our whole Nation (unless of more than ordinary sagacity) that believed not our Em­bassie would succeed to our desires, and every body came and Complemented us there­upon: [Page 842] But my age and experience in Mundane affairs giving me a further prospect H and penetration, that which transported other people became suspected by me: for I reasoned thus with my self:

How comes it to pass that, Embassadors being here from all quarters of the World, we should be the only persons, to whom the Emperour should vouchsafe to send word, that he would give us Audience? For, do's not he know, that being Jews we should think our selves happy to be treated like other People? Can we without folly expect favour extraordinary from a young Prince of another Nation, or believe that he has not greater inclination for the Alex­andrians than for us, and makes such haste to determine our business in obligation to them? I wish to God that, in stead of being an equal Arbitrator, his sentence be not Arbitrary, and that he does not prove himself our Enemy and their Protector.I

CHAP. XII.
Philo and his Collegues discover, that Caius had commanded Petronius the Governour of Syria to set up his Statue in the Temple of Hierusalem.

WHilst these thoughts were in my head, and gave me no quiet either night or day, another misfortune that could not be foreseen, and portended not on­ly K the destruction of a part, but of the whole Nation of the Jews, fell out to accomplish my trouble. We waited upon the Emperour to Puteoli; to which place being retired along the River for diversion, he entertain'd himself in the Houses of Pleasure, which are numerous, and very Magnificent, not thinking in the least of our Affaire, though he had ordered us to follow the Court, and we were ready, ex­pecting every hour, when he should have decided our Controversie; when on a suddain a certain Person came to us, with his Eyes staring, his Breath spent, and an universal discomposure in his Looks; he took some of us aside, and said, Have ye not heard the terrible News? He would have proceeded, but his Tears came so fast upon him, that they stifled his Words so strangely, that, do what he could, it was not possible for him to go L on. One may easily conceive our astonishment and surprize. We conjur'd him to tell us the cause of his affliction, seeing it was nothing in appearance but for weeping before us; and if the occasion was worthy of so many tears, it was but just (being accustomed to sorrows as we had been) that we should consent, and add our Compassion to his. He made a new effort, and told us with more sighs than words, The Ruine of our Temple is decreed; for the Emperour has ordered his Statue to be set up in the Sanctuary, and to give the Name of Jupiter to it as an Inscription. The unexpectedness of the news made us almost immovable, and it was quickly confirmed to us by other People. We immediately retired, and shut our selves up in our Lodgings, to lament the general destruction of our Nation, and sor­row being Eloquent, what was it that it did not prompt us to say?M

Having in this manner expos'd our selves in the midst of Winter to the perils of a dangerous Voyage in hopes to have foun [...]d some redress for our Sufferings, we met up­on the Land with a Tempest much more cruel, than those which happen at Sea, because they are natural, and by consequence supportable; whereas this was caused by a man, who had nothing humane but his shape, by a young Prince, who lov'd nothing but change and trouble, and who seeing his Will and Pleasure sustained by the whole Power of the Empire, he suffered himself to be carried away without any restraint to all Licentiousness and Tyranny; which was an Evil the more great and deplorable, be­cause not capable of any visible remedy. For who durst be so bold as to represent to him, that it was not consistent with his duty to violate the sanctity of the most August N Temple in the World? Or could one indeed without the loss of his Life have remon­strated against so great an impiety?

Let us dye then (said we among our selves) seeing nothing can be more honourable, than to lay down our Lives in defence of our Laws. But our Death not being able to produce any good effect, and being Embassadors as we are, may it not be to augment the affliction of those who sent us, and give advantage to such of our own Nation, as have no friendship for us, to say, that to deliver our selves from some present inconvenience, we deserted the Interest of the Publick? though the lesser Interests are alwayes to give place to the greater, and Private to Publick. For in the subversion of Government, all the Laws, by which its Grandure and Consistance was maintained, do for the most part suffer the same O Fate, and are abolished with it.

[Page 843] A May it not be imputed to us likewise as a crime to abandon the Jews in Alexandria, by abandoning an affair in which their Safety or Ruine is involved, and the Safety or Ruine of our whole Nation, and leave them in fear, that a Prince of his Violence and Cruelty will en­tirely destroy them?

If it be Objected, That seeing, which way so ever we resolve, no Success is to be ex­pected; why should not we think of retiring in safety? I Answer,

That to do so, we must have either no hearts, or no knowledge in our divine Laws. God perhaps will make use of this opportunity as a tryal of our Virtues, and to see how we are disposed to comport under affliction: Rather, in stead of placing our safety in the uncertain succours of B Man, let us put our whole confidence in God with a firm Faith, that he will assist us, as he has assisted formerly our Fore-fathers, when their Perils were (in appearance) beyond all Remedy. Thus it was we endeavoured to comfort our selves under so great and unexpected a Calamity, flattering our selves with hopes of seeing happier times.

When we had remained silent for a time, we said to him who brought us the first ill News, Why do you content your self, by having thrown an unhappy word among us, to have kindled an universal trouble in our minds, which as a single Spark will grow to a Flame, and do not tell us, what it is that hath transported the Emperour to so extravagant a resolution?

Every body knows (replied the person) that he would be reverenced as a God: and be­cause he is perswaded, that the Jews are the only persons, who will not acknowledge him for such, C he believes he cannot any way afflict and punish them more than by dishonouring the Majesty, and profaning the sanctity of their Temple, which he knows is the most beautiful in the World, decorated and enriched with the Presents of so many Ages, which no doubt, but his boldness and impiety will tempt him to seize.

Capito, a Commissioner for the receipt of the Tributes in Judea, has irritated him likewise against us by Letters which he has writ. This Capito having little or no fortune before he was sent into this Province, and having feathered his Nest well by his exaction since he came, he has a mind to prevent by his Calumnies the just Complaints, which he apprehended the Jews would make against him, and he has made use of the occasion aforesaid.

Jamnia is one of the most populous Towns in Judea, and all its Inhabitants are Jews, ex­cept some few Strangers, who (unhappily for us) are come thither to acquaint themselves with D the neighbouring Provinces. Their aversion for our Manners and Customs is so great, that they cease not to do us all the mischief that they are able to do; and understanding that Caius was inslamed with an idle passion to be worshipped as a God, and that on that account he had con­ceived a mortal hatred against us, they thought they could never hope for a fairer opportunity to destroy us. Wherefore they erected an Altar of Brick upon no other design, but because they were sure we would never suffer the Laws of our Ancestors to be violated in that manner; and their malice and cunning has had the effect which was intended. For the Jews having pull'd down their Altar, they who set it up made complaint immediately to Capito, who was the con­triver of the plot, on purpose to ruine their fellow Citizens. This wicked man, transported as it were to have succeeded so far, failed not to write to Caius, exaggerating every thing, and E adding much to the truth, to provoke him the more. The violent and audacious Emperour no sooner had the news, but he commanded, that in stead of an Altar of Brick, they should set up a Statue of him as big as a Colossus, which was to be Guilt over with Gold, and placed in the Temple of Jerusalem: in which resolution he had two principal Councellors, Helico that noto­rious Buffoon, and Apelles the famous Comedian, who (as is reported) having prostituted himself, and exposed his beauty for money when he was young, was now got upon the Theater in his old age, and the modesty of that profession every man knows. By these excellent qualities these two excellent persons were got to be of Caius his Counsel. With the one he consulted in mat­ters of Railery and Wit; and with the other how such a speech was to be pronounced upon the Stage, not so much as concerning himself with the Peace and Tranquility of the Empire. F Helico, being an Egyptian, bit us like an Asp; and Apelles being of Ascalon was no kinder than he.

Every word, that this person spoke, was like a dagger at our hearts: but these two wicked Counsellors were not long without their Reward; For Caius caused Apelles to be clapt in irons for other Crimes, and tortured him upon the Wheel, but with several intervals, to increase and spin out his punishment; and Claudius succeeding Caius in the Empire, he put Helico to death for other considerable Reasons,G

H

CHAP. XIII.
Petronius his great trouble about executing the Order which he had received from Caius, to set up his Statue in the Temple of Jerusalem, because he was sensible of the injustice of it, and foresaw the ill Consequences.

CAIuS wrote then that his Statue should be consecrated, and set up in our Tem­ple, and omitted nothing, that might injoyn the Execution of that Order. He I commanded Petronius Governour of Syria, to take half the Army, which was disposed along the Euphrates to defend those Countries against the Kings and People of the East, and to cause them to attend the Statue; not that they were to add to the Solemnity of its Consecration, but to cut those Jews in pieces, who should have the boldness to op­pose him. Is it so then, most cruel Prince, that, fore-seeing these poor people will soon­er expose themselves to death, than suffer the violation of their Laws, and the profana­tion of their Temple, you declare War against them, and send a formidable army to consecrate your Statue by the blood of so many innocent Victims, without sparing either Women or Men?

This Order gave Petronius much trouble, by reason that on the one side he knew K Caius could not endure the least delay in his obedience, and on the other side he saw the execution of his Commands very difficult, because the Jews would suffer a thousand deaths rather, than suffer any violation of their Religion; For, though all other people are tender of their Laws, yet it comes far short of the bigottry of the Jews, who look up­on theirs as Oracles given by God himself; They were brought up in it from their youth; They have it ingraven in their hearts; They forbear not to admire it; They receive in­to the number of their Citizens such Strangers as imbrace it; Look upon those as Ene­mies who despise it; And have so great a horror for every thing that contradicts it, that there is neither grandeur, nor fortune, nor any temporal felicity able to tempt them to violate it; Nor is there any greater evidence of their Respect and Veneration for their L Temple, than that it is certain death for any of them to dare to enter into the Sanctuary; But for the rest entrance is free to all those of their Nation, of what Province soever.

Petronius revolving these things in his mind, found the Enterprize so dificult, that he made no hast to put it in execution; and the more he considered this affair, the more he was perswaded not to touch upon our Religion, as well because Justice and Piety ob­liged him to alter nothing therein, as because of the danger he was like to encounter, not only from the Judgement of God, but from the Resistance of the Jews, who by that action would be driven to despair. He considered likewise the numerousness of that Na­tion, which is not like the rest crowded up in one Province, but dispersed in so great numbers almost quite over the World both upon the Continent and in the Islands, that M they are well nigh equal in number to the Natives. And this gave him occasion to ap­prehend, that assembling together from all parts they should kindle a War, that could not easily be extinguished, seeing they were already very strong in Judea, no less Politick than Valiant, and ready to dy with their Swords in their hands with invincibe Courage, rather than abandon the Laws of their Fathers so excellently Just, though their Enemies would needs have them to be Barbarous.

This wise Governour was apprehensive likewise of such of that Nation as inhabited beyond the Euphrates, in Babylon and those Provinces: for he knew for certain, as having seen it with his Eyes, that they sent every year to the Temple, under the Title of First-fruits, the money which they called Holy; without considering the danger of the ways,N how great soever it was and all because prompted by a principle of Devotion. So that he believed, and not without reason, that as soon as the Jews should have notice of the Consecration of this Statue, they would put themselves instantly into the Field, and block him up on every side.

These thoughts detained him for some time; but it put his mind into great agitation and trouble, when he considered he had for his Master a young Prince, who knew no other Justice than his Will; who could not endure to be disobeyed, let his Commands be never so unequal, and whose pride and presumption transported him to that excess of folly, that causing him to forget his Humanity, he would needs pass for a God: So that he could neither execute nor decline the execution of his Orders without manifest dan­ger O of his Life; only there was this difference, he might save it perhaps in the War, [Page 845] A where the events are uncertain; where as it was impossible to escape, if he refused obedi­ence to his unmerciful Prince.

CHAP. XIV.
Petronius gave Order for this Statue, but it went on but slowly. He endeavoured in vain to perswade the Jews to receive it. The Jews forsake the Towns and the Country to wait upon him, and begg of him not to execute an Order, that would B be more insupportable to them than death, but to give them leave to send their Deputies to the Emperour.

THE Roman Officers, who with Petronius had the greatest charge in the affairs of Syria, were all for a War; because, knowing the fury of Caius, they doubted not, but, if they declin'd it, he would discharge his indignation upon them, in confidence that they must needs be accessory in this disobedience. But by good fortune it hapned, that they had time to deliberate, whilst the Satue was making: for there was none sent out of Italy, which, I suppose, God in his mercy so ordered for the safety of his People, as also that there was no direction to take the hansomest and best wrought that could be found C in Syria, for without that the War had broke out so suddainly, that no remedy could have been found for so great a mischief.

Petronius, having concluded to have a Statue made, caused the ablest Statuaries in Phe­nicia to be sent for, furnished them with materials, and appointed Sydon to be the place, as the most proper for such a business. Having done so, he sent for the Chief Priests and Magistrates of the Jews, declared to them the Emperor's Command, and exhorted them to submit, and not run themselves into Calamity and Troubles which would be other­wise unavoidable; for the greatest part of the Army in Syria had Orders to proceed with fire and sword in case of disobedience; And Petronius did not doub [...], but if he could have prevail'd with them, they could have perswaded the rest of the People, but he D found himself mistaken: for this discourse went so near them, that after for a while they had stood still as immovable, they brake out into Rivers of Tears, tore their beards and their hair, and cry'd out with a voice interrupted with sighs. Have we then lived to this hour, to see what our Ancestors never beheld? But how can we possibly see it, who will choose rather to lose our Eyes and our Life, than be spectators of so horrible an impiety?

This report being spread abroad in Jerusalem and in all Judea, the Jews left their Hou­ses and Fields, as it had been by consent, and repaired to Phenicia to wait upon Petronius. Their innumerable multitude made those People believe, who were ignorant, how popu­lous a Country Judea was; that it was a great Army marching against Petronius, of which they gave him immediate advice; but they had no other Arms then their sighs and their E cryes; which fill'd the Air with such a noise, that it ceased not, when they laid them by, and had recourse to their Prayers, which the excess of their sorrow put into their mouths. They were distributed into six Classes, three on the one side, the Antient, the Young Men, and the Children; and three on the other, the old Women, the young Women, and the Maidens.

When they were brought in to Petronius (who was placed higher than the rest) they threw themselves before him upon the ground, beating their Breasts, and sobbing out so many sighs, that nothing could be more pittiful; and though Petronius commanded them to rise and come nearer, they were scarce to be perswaded: At length they ap­proached with ashes upon their Heads, their Eyes swimming with tears, and their Hands F behind their Backs, as if they had been going to Execution; and he, who was Spokesman for them all, delivered himself to Petronius in these Terms. SIR, To remove all pretence of accusing us of any evil design, we are come not only without arms, but without any intention of making use of our hands, which are the Armes, that Nature has given to all mankind, and do therefore present our selves before you to be treated as you please. We have left our Houses destitute, and brought our Wives and our Children along with us, to the end we may joyn their instances with our own, and by your mediation supplicate the Emperour either to preserve or extinguish us all together. We are naturally lovers of Peace, and are the more im­petuously inclined to it, because, our greatest pleasure being to bring up our Children in our own way, there is nothing that conduces more to it. When Caius was advanced to the Empire, and G we understood it by his Letters to Vitellius (who was then Governour in Jerusalem, and in whose place you have succeeded) we gave him a testimony of our joy, and signified it by pub­lishing [Page 846] the good news thorow the rest of the Cities. Our Temple was the first place, where sacri­fice H was offered for the happiness of his reign; Would it be just that it should be the only place, where that Religion should be abolished, which had been observed there in all Ages? We will leave our Houses, our Goods, and our Possessions to your Mercy: all we beg is that nothing be introduced into our Temple, but that it may remain in the same condition, as it was left to us by our Fathers. If you will not grant us that favour, take away our lives, which we can lose with much more satisfaction, than behold the violation of our blessed Laws. We are informed, that great forces are preparing to fall upon and constrain us, in case we oppose our selves against this Order; but we are not so imprudent as to resist our Master; We will sooner dy, than enter­tain any such wicked design: He may kill us, and cut us in pieces, if he pleases, without any such I danger; we intend nothing of defence; we will be rather our own Priests, and when we have sacrificed our Wives, and our Children, and Relations, we will shed our own blood and mingle it with theirs, and expire in petitioning God Almighty, that he would not impute it to us as a Crime, seeing we do it not either for want of respect to the Emperour on the one side, nor for non-observance of our Laws on the other. But before we are reduced to that extremity, our humble request to you, Sir, is, That you would vouchsafe us but some time, till we can make our addresses to the Emperour: 'Tis possible we may obtain from him, that he will not intrench up­on the Worship, which we conceive due only to God, nor disturb us in the exercise of our Religi­on, and put us into a worse condition, than other Nations, to whom he has indulg'd their ancient Liberties and Customs, and confirmed the Decrees of Augustus and Tiberius his Predecessors, who were so far from condemning our Conduct, or reprehending our manners, that they entirely K approved them. It may be he may be mollified by our addresses: The anger of Princes is not immortal, nor are their wills alwayes the same. It is only by Surmises and Calumnies that the Emperour is exasperated against us. Permit us (if you please) to justify our selves, and inform him of the Truth. And what could be more severe, than that we should be condemned without being heard? If we can obtain nothing from him, who will hinder him then from what he would do now? But do not, Sir, we beseech you, by refusing us the only hopes which remain to so great a multitude, obstruct our application, seeing we beg it out of a true sentiment of Pie­ty, and not any Interest, unless it be said (as is true) that no Interest is so great, as that which respects Preservation.L

CHAP. XV.
Petronius affected with the Condition and Humility of the Jews, and believing it unsafe to run them into despair, writes to Caius in such a manner as might gain time. Caius resents it highly, but dissembles it in his answer to Petronius.

THIS Discourse was accompanied with so many sighs and tears, that it wrought compassion in all that heard it, and particularly in Petronius, who was naturally M moderate, and merciful. For the request made to him in the Name of the whole Na­tion of the Jews seem'd not unreasonable, and nothing could be more deplorable, than the condition into which they were brought.

Petronius proposed and debated the business with his Councel, and was much pleased to find those persons, who were most bitter and inveterate against them before, come a­bout and grow more gentle and mild, and others not afraid to declare, how much they were concerned for the Extreme affliction of that People; so that though he was not ignorant of the Cruelty of Caius, and that he never forgave any man, yet he seem'd to act by the motion of that Spirit, which the Piety of our Religion infuses: Whether it was that, being a learned Man, he had had some smattering of it before; whether he had N gain'd it since his Governments in Asia and Syria (in which Countries there are great numbers of Jews) whether it was his own natural propensity, that inclin'd him to what was reasonable and just; Or whether it was because God does give usually good inclina­tions to great Men, both for their own benefit and the advantage of the Publick; which of these it was, I cannot determine, but so it was at that time. The result was, that the Statuaries should not be pressed; but that Orders should be given them to imploy the utmost of their skill, and make the Statue so accurately, that it might pass for a Master­piece.

Pieces, which are a short time in doing, are a short time in decaying; whereas such, as are made with more deliberation, last longer by far, and are esteemed through several O Ages.

[Page 847] A Petronius did not incourage the Jews to send their Deputies towards the Emperour, because he thought it not for their advantage to depend wholly upon the Capricio of a young Prince; yet he did not absolutely forbid them, because he saw there was danger both on the the one side and the other. However, he wrote a Letter to Caius (without mentioning the Application which the Jews had made to him) imputing the Cause of the Delay on the Consecration of the Statue to the Artists, who being to make it ex­cellent had required more time, that it might be done more suitable to the dignity of the person it was design'd to represent. He thought by this trick to gain time, and it was likely Caius might comply, because Harvest was at hand, and he might very well appre­hend that the Jews (being made desperate, and not valuing their Lives, after the vio­lation B of their Laws) might burn their own Corn and destoy all their fruit, which would be the more inconvenient, because he was assured that Caius was upon a Voyage to Alex­andria; for it was not likely that he would expose himself wholly to the dangers of the Sea with so great a Train, but rather steer his Course along the Shore of Asia and Syria, where he might imbark and disimbarke as he pleased, and have the benefit of his Long-boats (of which he had 200 in his fleet) to supply it with provisions and forrage, which was requisite to be prepared in great quantities in all the Towns in Syria, but especially the Ports, by reason of the vast numbers which attended him as well from Italy as from all other parts of the world.

It was not doubted but this Letter would have been kindly received by Caius, and C that he would have approved of the delay, not in consideration of the Jews, but for the convenience of making such provision of Victuals, and therefore it was written and dispatched. But the Choller of this Prince was so inflamed at the reading of it, that his Eyes sparkled with fury, and clapping his hands together in a great transport, he said.

How Petronius! Have not you yet learned to obey your Emperour? Your great imployments have puff'd you up with pride, aud it seems you know nothing of Caius but his Name; but you shall know him better hereafter by your proper experience. You have more consideration of the Laws of the Jews (who are my mortal Enemies) than for my Commands who am your Prince. You apprehend their great numbers, as if you had not an Army as great, and ter­rible D to the King of Parthia, and the whole East; yet your compassion for that pitiful Nation is stronger than your desire to please and obey me. You pretend (forsooth) the necessity of making provision for my passage to Alexandria; as if I could not be accommodated from the neigh­bouring Provinces, and as if the plenty of other Countries were not able to supply the sterility of Judea.

But why do I protract and spend time in unprofitable words? 'Tis by the death of this im­pudent fellow that I must convince him of the greatness of his fault, and that mine anger never ceases, though my threatnings may.

This furious Prince returned an Answer to Petronius; but being fearful of provo­king such of his Governours as were capable of raising Rebellion, and particularly those E who commanded such potent and large Provinces as that upon the Euphrates, and who had the command of such Armies as that which was then in Syria, he dssembled his Choller; applauded the descretion and prudence of Petronius; only advised him by the by not to protract the Consecration of his Statue any longer, for seeing Harvest was over, there could be no considerable reason to defer it.F G

CHAP. XVI.H
King Agrippa comes to Rome, and being told by Caius that he would have his Statue erected in the Temple of Jerusalem, he falls into a swond; having recollected himself, he writes a Letter to Caius.

NOT long after King Agrippa arrived at the Emperors Court, knowing nothing of the Letter from Petronius, nor of the Answer which Caius had returned: when Agrippa came to pay his duty to the Emperour, he easily discovered by the manner I of his reception that he was highly offended. He considered with himself whether he had done any thing that might disgust him; but remembring nothing of that, he con­cluded (as was true) that his passion was against some Body else. Nevertheless obser­ving that that agitation of Spirit appeared not in his Countenance, but when he cast his Eyes upon him, his fear continued, and it came often into his mind to take notice of it to him; but he forbore, lest by an imprudent curiosity he should pull the anger of his Prince, which was fixed upon other People, upon himself.

No man seeing farther into Peoples thoughts then Caius, he quickly perceived that Agrippa was disturbed, and told him; I will tell you what you are so desirous to understand. You know me too well to be ignorant, that I speak no less with my Eyes than with my Tongue:K These honest men of your Nation are the only People who disdain to acknowledge me for a God; and do seem to run themselves desperately into ruine, by refusing their obedience to an order that I have given for the setting up a Statue of Jupiter in their Temple. They have met together from all the Cities and Countries to present a Petition, which in effect is nothing but to testify their contempt and disrespect to my Commands.

He would have proceeded, but Agrippa was surprised with so violent a sorrow, that he fainted before him, and had fallen down, had he not been sustained by those who were about him. He was carried off to his Lodgings, where he continued insensible for a con­siderable time.

The concernment of this poor Prince augmented the hatred that Caius had concei­ved L against our Nation. If Agrippa (said he) who has alwayes had an affection for me, and has been obliged to me by so many favours, has so great a Passion for the Laws of his Country, that he is not able to endure that I should cross them, or so much as mention it to him, without hatred to his Life, what am I to expect from the rest of the Jews, who are not obliged by any Consideration of me to abandon their sentiments?

All that day, and a good part of the next, Agrippa remain'd in such astonishment, that he could not recollect himself, at length about evening he began to lift up his head; and opening his eyes with much trouble, he cast them upon the People who were about him, but knew no body, and having done so he fainted again, but with something more freedom of breath. Not long after he opened his eyes again, and coming a little to him­self,M Where am I (said he) with the Emperour? and is he present?

Take courage Sir, (said some about him) You are in your own Lodgings, and the Em­perour is not present. You have slept enough, awake now if you please, and try if you know us. Here are none but your Friends and your Servants, whom you love, and I am sure they love you beyond their own Lives.

Then the Prince opened his Eyes, recollected himself, and found by their counte­nances what an impression his malady had made in their hearts. The Physitians caused the greatest part of those who were present to withdraw, that they might apply their re­medy, and give him to eat with more convenience. Upon their presenting him some­thing to eat, he told them,N

Trouble me not with your Delicates; in the affliction I am in, it is sufficient to keep me from starving; and indeed I should not perswade myself to eat at all, had I not some hopes of being able to assist my Country-men in so unfortunate an extremity.

These words he delivered with Tears, and then took what was barely necessary, for the sustenance of his Life, and would not suffer them to mingle one drop of Wine with the Water which he drank. After which he told them, I have now received what I could not have refused without destruction to my body. There remains nothing, but that I imploy the utmost of my endeavours with the Emperour to divert the storm that impends: and thereupon calling for materials, he writ this Letter to the Emperour,O

A SIR,

‘MY Respects and awe for your Majesty deters me from presenting my self be­fore you. Your Lustre amazes me, and your Comminations affright me: A Letter will better express my humble request, than I could do it by word of mouth. You know (great Sir) that Nature has engraven in every man's heart an ardent affection for his Country, and a singular veneration for the Laws which have been derived to him from his Ancestors, as you have sufficiently testified by your Affection to the one, and by the great care your Majesty takes to have the other ob­served. B The same inclination is so naturally and so strongly radicated in all subjects, that there is scarce a People, to whom their Laws do not seem just (though in effect they be otherwise) and the cause is, for that they judge commonly more by Respect than by Reason.’

‘You are not ignorant Sir, that I am by Nation a Jew, and born in Jerusalem, where that blessed Temple is placed that is decicated more particularly to the honour of Almighty God. My Predecessors have been Kings of that happy Country: Some of them have been Chief Priests, and exulted more in that dignity, than the Crown; being perswaded, that as God was above Men, so the Priesthood was above the Throne; Divine things being the Object of the one, and but Humane things of the C other.’

‘Finding my self (Great Sir) obliged by so many Ligaments to this Nation, this Interest, and this Temple, I could not refuse them my Intercession to your Majesty; Let me therefore with all humility beg, that you would not permit my poor Coun­try-men to lessen their Zeal and Allegiance to you, of which no People in Europe or Asia have alwayes given greater testimony for your August Imperial Family, in what ever their Religion and Laws would dispence with. They have not only made Vows and Sacrifices for the prosperity of your Empire upon publick Feasts and Solemni­ties, but every day. Which shews that it was not only by bare words and false osten­tations, but by real effects proceeding from the sincerity of their hearts, that they sig­nified D their affection to your Predecessors.’

‘As to that sacred City in which I had the happiness to be born, I may say it is not to be considered only as the Metropolis of Judea, but it is the Capital City of several other Provinces, by reason of the many Colonies with which it has peopled Egypt, Phenicia, the upper and lower Syria, Pamphilia, Cilicia, several other parts of Asia, as far as Bithynia, and a great way on the other side of the Sea.’

‘In Europe, it hath furnished with Colonies, Thessalie, Beotia, Macedonia, Etolia, Athens, Argos, Corinth, with the greatest part of Peloponnesus, besides the most cele­brated Isles, as Eubea, Cyprus and Candia.

‘What shall I say likewise of the Countries beyond the Euphrates, in which (un­less E it be part of the Province of Babylon, and some other Governments) most of the Cities that are seated in fruitful Countries are inhabited by the Jews? So that if the Country, in which I had the honour to be born, may find favour in your Eyes, you will not (great Sir) oblig [...] one single Town, but a vast number of Cities in all places of the World; and it would be a thing suitable to your Grandeur and Fortune to have all people participate of your favours to them; for there is no part of the Earth in which your glory will not be proclaimed, nor any person living that will re­fuse you those praises and acknowledgments that will be due to you.’

‘At the request of some of your private friends you have given whole Cities the freedom of Rome, and thereby advanced them before others, to whom they were for­merly F inferiour; in which you obliged (no less than the Towns) the Persons by whose intercession you granted that honour.’

‘I can say without vanity, that among all the Princes, who pay obedience to your Majesty, there are very few who precede me in dignity, but none who surpasses (I may say equals me) in point of affection to your Majecty, both as I am born your Subject, and obliged by many express and particular favours. I dare not be so con­fident as to beg the freedom of Rome for my Country-men, to exempt them from Tri­butes, or give them Infranchisment: I request, Sir, only a favour that will be no charge or inconvenience to your Majesty, but a great benefit to them; and there is none so great a benefit to the Subject, as the favour of their Prince.’

G Jerusalem had the first news of your happy succession to the Empire, and published it immediately through all the neighbouring Provinces. Since the Jerusalem was [Page 848] the first City in the East, that proclaimed you Emperour, may not she with reason H hope for some particular grace, at least not to be put into a worse condition than any of her Neighbours?’

‘Having spoken for my Nation and Country-men, it remains that I do now with all humility supplicate you for our Temple, being consecrated to God Almighty, and his Majesty inhabiting it. We have never admitted any Image or Statue there, because Painters and Sculptors represent only such Deities as are visible, and the God which we worship being invisible, our Ancestors have thought, that they could not without im­piety undertake any such representation.’

Agrippa your Grandfather had a respect for this Temple: Augustus ordered by Let­ters express that the First-fruits should be brought thither from all parts, and that not a I day should pass but Sacrifices should be made.’

‘The Emperess your great Grandmother had it in the same Veneration. There was neither Greek nor Barbarian, nor Prince (how great soever his pique was to us) nor Sedition, nor War, no Captivity, nor other of the greatest desolations that could happen to any People, that could ever prevail with us to admit an Image into our Temple; for even our greatest Enemies have born a reverence for this place, because it was consecrated to the Creator of the Universe, for fear of those dreadful Judge­ments, which they knew had befallen those persons, who had had the boldness to vio­late it; of which, without instancing in Forreign Examples, I shall recount such as are domestick to your Majesty.’ K

‘When Marcus Agrippa your Grandfather in favour to King Herod my Grandfather condescended to visit Judea, and coast along the Shore to Jerusalem, he was so taken with the Magnificence of the Temple, with its Ornaments, the diversity of the Orders of the Priests, with their Vestments, and particularly with the habit of the Chief-Priest, with the formality of their Sacrifices, and the Devotion of those who assisted; That he could not forbear testifying his admiration. He took so much pleasure in the contem­plation of these things, that there was not a day past, whilst he remained at Jerusalem, but he visited them all, offered magnificent Presents, and granted to the Inhabitants of that great City all that they could desire but exemption from Taxes.’

Herod paid him all the honour he could devise, and having received much greater L from him, attended him in person to the Sea-side, the People flocking from all parts to throw boughs and flowers in his way, accompanying him with a thousand Bene­dictions.’

‘Is it not, Sir, a thing known all the World over, that the Emperour Tiberius your great Uncle during the 23 years of his reign had the same respect for our Temple, not suffering any body to make the least alteration in the Orders observed there? Upon which account (though otherwise I was a great sufferer by him) I cannot contein from recounting an action that redounded much to his honour, and I know you take de­light in hearing the Truth. Pilate the then Governour of Judea consecrated to him in the Palace of Herod at Jerusalem certain guilt Bucklers not so much in honour to M him, as hatred to our Nation. There was no Image ingraven upon the Bucklers, nor no Inscription, but the Name of him who dedicated them, and the Name of him to whom they were dedicated. Nevertheless the People tumultuated in such manner, that they imployed the four sons of the King, the other Princes of the Blood, and the most considerable Persons of our Nation to perswade Pilate to cause the Buckers to be removed, by reason it was contrary to the Customs of their Ancestors, which Customs neither Kings nor Emperours had ever infring'd before; and seeing Pilate (who was of a violent and obstinate nature) did seem to refuse them, they cryed out, Have a care of troubling the Peace which we enjoy: Have a care how you provoke us to Revolt, and to War: 'Tis not by the violation of our Laws that he Emperor is to be honoured; you N must find another pretence to colour so unjust an Enterprize, and so insupportable to us; for this magnanimous Prince is far from intrenching upon our Customs: If you have any Commission to that purpose, any Letter or other Order to authorize you in what you do, let us see it, and we will depute persons to wait upon him with our humble Remonstrances. These words exasperated Pilate, yet gave him much trouble; for he feared, that, if they sent their Deputies, they would inform the Emperour of his Exactions, Injustices, and horrible Cruelties, by which he had afflicted many innocent persons, and put as many to death.’

‘In so great an anxiety Pilate, notwithstanding his Passion and Severity, knew not what way to steer. He durst not take away the Bucklers, because they had been con­secrated; and if he durst have ventured upon that, he could not frame himself to com­ply O with the People, and besides he knew the mind of Tiberius.

[Page 849] A ‘Those who interceded for the Jews perceiving, that though he dissembled it what he could, yet he repented of what he had done; writ a Letter to Tiberius with great instance and respect; and there needs no further proof of its effects, than that after he had signified his displeasure to Pilate in his immediate Answer, he sent to him his Commands to remove the Bucklers to the Temple at Cesaria, which was built in honour to Augustus, and it was done accordingly; by which invention all due respect was paid to the Emperour, without any invasion of our Laws. Those Bucklers had no image upon them, and yet now our Controversie is about a Statue: Those Bucklers were placed only in the Palace of the Governour; and this Statue must be set up in the Sanctuary, a place so holy, that there is only the high Priest permitted B to enter, and that only one time in the year (after a solemn Fast) to burn Perfumes in honour to God, and by his humble Prayers to implore his blessing on our whole Nation for the next year. If any other, not only of the Comonalty, but of the Priests (not excepting him who is next to the high Priest) presumes to enter; or if the high Priest himself enters it above once a year, or more times that very day in which he has liberty to enter, than what is allowed by our Law, it will cost him his Life; nothing can save him; so peremptory has our great Lawgiver been in his Orders for the reve­rencing this holy Place, and for the making it inaccessible. You are not then to doubt, great Sir, but your Statue shall be no sooner erected, but several of the Priests will rather kill themselves, their Wives, and their Children, than be spectators of such C violence to their Laws.’

‘Thus it was that Tiberius acted upon this occasion; and as to that Prince (the hap­piest that ever govern'd the Empire) your most excellent Predecessor (who, having given Peace to the whole World, deserved for his virtue and great exploits the glori­ous name of Augustus) when he understood, that we admitted not into our Temple any visible Image, as being improper to represent an invisible God, he admired the Piety and Knowledge of our Nation, being learned himself, and accustomed to pass the greatest part of his time at meals in discourse of Philosophical points, that be had been taught by the greatest Masters, and in the Conversation of learned Men, which he kept constantly about him, that his Mind might receive its repast as well as his D Body.’

‘I could instance in several other things evincing his kindness to our Nation, but I shall content my self with two.’

‘Being informed that there was a neglect in bringing in our First-Fruits, he sent to the Governours of the Provinces in Asia, to permit only the Jews to assemble toge­ther, because their meetings were not like the Bacchanals, to drink and debauch, and contrive against the Peace of the Publick; but Academies of Virtue, where People were instructed to love Justice and Temperance; and as to their First-Fruits, which were sent annually to Jerusalem, they were imployed only to offer Sacrifices to God in the Temple. Wherefore this great Prince expresly forbad every body for molest­ing E the Jews in what related to their Meetings and First-Fruits. If these were not the very words, I am sure it was the sence, as your Majesty may know by one of the Letters of C. Norbanus Flaccus, of which I have brought you a Coppy.’

C. Norbanus Flaccus to the Magistrates of Ephesus, Greeting. The Emperour has writ to me, that in all places under my Government, where there are any Jews, I should permit them to assemble according to their ancient Customs, and to raise mony to be sent to Jerusalem: I do advise and require, that you give them no interruption.

‘Doth not the favour and affection of Augustus to the Jews appear clearly hereby, seeing he permits the Jews to assemble publickly to collect their First-Fruits, and per­form other actions of Piety and Devotion?’

F ‘I will give you another proof, and that no less considerable. He commanded that a Bull and a Ram should be offered every day at his charge in honour to our God, which is observed to this day without any discontinuance; yet he knew that there was no Image permitted either within the Temple or without: and no person surpas­sing him in knowledge, he thought it but reasonable, that there should be a Temple peculiarly dedicated to the invisible God, in which there should be no Image, and where men might utter their Prayers and Devotions with confidence of relief.’

‘The Emperess Julia, your Majesties great Grand-mother, imitating the Piety of her incomparable Husband, adorned our Temple with several inestimable Vessels of Gold, without any Image ingraved upon them, because, though Women do not G easily comprehend invisible things, yet her Wit and inclination to great matters had so elevated her in that (as in other things) above the pitch of her sex, that she un­derstood [Page 850] intellectual things as well as sensible; and she was perswaded that the later H were but Types and Shadows of the former.’

‘Since then you have so many pregnant Examples at home of the great affection of your Predecessors to us; Continue, I beseech you, what they, from whom your per­son and succession is derived, have so carefully preserved.’

‘They are Emperours, who intercede in the behalf of our Laws to an Emperour; They are great Princes, to a great Prince; They are Grand-fathers and Grandmo­thers, to a Grand-child; Several to one single Person; all of them admonishing as it were in these terms; Do not you abolish what we have established, and what has been alwayes observed; but consider, that though the subversion of this Order may possibly produce no ill effects immediately, yet the uncertainty of future Events ought to make I the most hardy to fear, if they have not wholly renounced the fear of their Cre­ator.’

‘Should I go about to recount all my Obligations to your Majesty, the day would fail me before I had finished; and yet it troubles me to pass them over too soon; But so great benefits will publish themselves. You have beat off my Irons, but those Irons incumbred but part of my Body, and the pain, that I now suffer, oppresses my Soul. You have delivered me from the apprehension of Death, and afterwards reviv'd me, when a greater apprehension had put me into such a state, that I was lookt upon as dead. Preserve then, I beseech you, that Life, that you have restored, and would not doubtless have restor'd to have prolong'd my misfortunes.’

‘Your Majesty has advanced me to the greatest honour, that can be aspired; you have K given me a Kingdom, and added to that Kingdom Trachonitis and Galilee. After such extraordinary Favours, do not, I beseech you, refuse me another so necessary, that the not granting of that will make the other unprofitable; and when you have rais'd me to so glorious, so illustrious a condition, do not humble me down again into darkness and sorrow.’

‘I do not beg of you to continue me in that high sphere, where your favour has plac'd me. All that I beg is, That you would not interfere with the Laws of my Country; and if you deny me that, what will my Country-men, what will the whole World think of my Interest with you? Will not they have reason to believe, that I have either L betrayd my Country, or lost the honour of your favour, which are two the greatest Evils that I dread? Nevertheless I must of necessity fall into one of them, seeing I must either be Cowardly or Perfidious in deserting an Interest, that ought to be so dear to me; Or else I must have lost my Interest in your kindness, if, imploring your Mercy for the preservation of the Temple and my Country, you should not think fit to use me with the same favour, that former Emperours have shown to all such, as they did honour with their kindness.’

‘If I be so unfortunate as to be pleasing to you no longer, do not cast me into Bonds as Tiberius did, but put me immediatly to death; For why should I desire to live having lost you Majesties favour, in which only I repos'd my greatest confidence and M hopes?’

NO

A CHAP. XVII.
Caius was wrought upon by Agrippa's Letter, and sent to Petronius to do nothing in the Temple at Jerusalem. But he repented presently, and caused a Statue to be made in Rome, which he ordered to be sent privately to Jerusa­lem at the same time, when he should go to Alexandria, where he likewise resolved to be acknowledged for a God. The B Injustice and Cruelty of that Prince.

WHEN King Agrippa had seal'd and dispatch'd this Letter to Caius, he expect­ed the success with all imaginable impatience, as judging, that not only the Conservation or Ruine of Judea was at Stake, but the Interest of the whole Nation of the Jews spread abroad over the whole Earth.

This Letter produced great agitation in the mind of Caius. He could not with pati­ence behold his Pleasure disputed, and yet he could not but be touched with the Reasons and importunity of Agrippa. He blam'd his affection for them, who were the only Peo­ple, that durst withstand the Consecration of his Statue; and yet he could not but ap­prove C prove the sincerity of that Prince, as proceeding from the nobleness and generosity of his mind. At length his kindness for Agrippa prevailed against his Choller; he was molli­fied by degrees, returned him a favourable answer, and granted him the highest of all favours, that he would desist from the aforesaid Consecration. After which he writ to Petronius to make no farther alteration in the Temple; but he blended his grace with such severe Conditions, as gave them always occasion to tremble; for he added this Clause to his Letter, But if in any other Town beside Jerusalem any body thinks fit to erect any Statue or Altar to me or mine, and any one be found so audacious as to oppose it, it is our pleasure, that he be punished upon the place, or sent Prisoner to us.

Was not this to revoke or cancel his favour at the same time when he granted it, seeing D those words could not be considered, but as seeds of Commotion and War? For who doubted but those People, who were Enemies to the Jews, would fill their Provinces with sacriledge, and such marks of honour, as are due only to God (and that rather to destroy our Nation, than to oblige Caius) and then the Jews not being able to suffer such an outrage upon their Laws, Caius, to punish their resistance, would de novo com­mand the Statue to be set up and consecrated in the Temple? Nevertheless, by the ma­nifest protection of God, none of the People adjacent to Judea gave them this occasion of trouble, though there was so much cause to apprehend it. But some will say, What advantage had they by it? for though others sate still, Caius himself did not: For he immedi­ately repented of the favour which he had granted, reassum'd his old resolution, and ta­king E no notice of the Statue that was making at Sidon (le [...]t it should beget a revolt) he gave order for a new one to be made of gilt Brass in Rome, with directions that it should be sent privately by Sea, and without notice set up in the Temple of Jerusalem, when he went himself into Egypt.

He omitted no Order in the preparation for his Voyage to Alexandria, so great was his desire to see it; and so firm his resolution to continue therein some time, because no other place seem'd to him so convenient for the execution of his ridiculous design of be­ing owned for a God, out of an opinion he had, that the example of that great City (by reason of its scituation, and the resort thither from all parts of the world) might induce other Towns less considerable to give him the same divine honour, as he was assur'd F of in Alexandria. Besides, he was of so light and inconstant a nature, he never did any good thing, but he repented of it immedately, and found out some way to revoke it, and make things very much worse than before; and of this I shall give you some proof,

Having set certain Prisoners at liberty one day, he caused them about an hour after to be clapt up again without any hopes of ever being discharged any more, though they had committed nothing in the interim, that might move his displeasure.

Another time he sent others into Exile, who had committed nothing at all, and he looked upon that sentence as a favour, because they, knowing his horrible inhumanity, expected, and had prepared themselves for death. Accordingly they were sent into the Islands, where they were put to plough and cultivate the Earth, and they took their mis­fortune G patiently. But on a suddain, though they had given no new provocation, he sent Souldiers, and put them all to the sword, which was a great affliction to several great Families in Rome.

[Page 852] If he gave money at any time to any body, he would be sure to have it again, not H by way of loan, or upon condition to pay them Interest, but by way of Authority and Violence; and the poor people were not only glad to restore it, but they scap'd well, if it did not cost them all their own, whether it was their Parrimony, or acquired by their own Industry and Labour.

Those, who thought themselves highest in his favour, he ruin'd under pretence of af­fection; obliging them to such excessive expences in vain Feasting and Entertainments, that sometimes one single Treat was so magnificent and sumptuous, that it was sufficient to undo a man utterly, and forced him to borrow, what he was never able to pay; upon which score some persons were affraid of his friendship, because it was not only useless, but dangerous; and to be esteemed rather a snare, than an advantage.I

This was the humour of Caius, who hating no nation like the Jews, no Nation felt so much the effects of his hatred. He began in Alexandria to sequester their Oratories, and fill them with Statues, and no man durst oppose so great a Violence. There was now only the Temple at Jerusalem unviolated; and to compleat his Impiety, he would needs ravish that from God, and impropriate it to himself, with this Title,
‘THE TEMPLE OF THE NEW JUPITER, THE ILLUSTRIOUS CAIUS.’

What do you intend, most presumptuous and infatuated Prince? You are but a Man,K and would usurp upon God. 'Tis not enough for you to have dominion over so many People, that there is scarce a Nation or Climate, to which your Empire does not extend! But you will not suffer in the whole World one single Place to be appropriated to God Almighty, in which it may be lawful with sincere Piety to pay him that Devotion, which is due to his Divine Majesty.

Are these the great hopes which the World conceived of your Reign? Or do you not know, that this course is no less, than to draw upon your self and your whole Empire a deluge of all imaginable mischiefs?L

CHAP. XVIII.
With what austerity Caius treated Philo, and the other Ambassadors from Alexandria, and how he would not be perswaded to hear what they could say.

BUT we must come now to the Passages in our Embassie. The day appointed M for our Audience being come, we were no sooner introduced, but we could easily perceive by his Mine and his Gesture, that Caius was rather become a Party than a Judge. For if he would have acted like a Judge, he should have advised with his Counsel in an affair of that importance, wherein all the Priviledges were in question, that for four hun­dred years together had been enjoyed by so great a multitude of Jews, as lived in Alex­andria, without the least intrenchment or molestation. He ought to have heard both sides, debated the whole matter with his Counsel, and afterwards pronounced a just and equitable arrest. But, instead of proceeding by those methods of Justice, the pitiless Tyrant, bending his brows upon us with a furious Brutality, caused the two Intendants of N the gardens of Mecenas and Lamia (which are near both the town and his Palace) to be called to him (for he had been retired thither for his recreation three or four days) He commanded them to open the doors of the several Appartments, which opened into those Gardens, for he was disposed to walk, and gave Order that we should follow.

We threw our selves down at his feet, and saluted him with the Titles of Emperour and August. The manner in which he received our Salutation was such, that we quick­ly found, that we were to despair not only of success in our Embassie, but the safety of our Lives. For he told us frowning, and with an angry kind of smile; Are not you the declared Enemies of the gods? Are not you they, who, when others acknowledge my Divi­nity, do refuse and despise me?

And saying so, he lifted up his hands towards Heaven uttering such expressions, that O I heard with too much horror to repeat them again.

[Page 853] A Our Adversaries observing it, and concluding that they had gain'd their Cause, could not conceal their excess of Joy; and there was not one of all the Attributes, wherewith God himself is honoured, but they gave to him.

There was a person named Isidorus, a great and dangerous Calumniator, who, per­ceiving Caius to be infinitely well pleased with his Flatteries and Cajolments; said to him, Sir, You would abhor these people much more, and those who sent them, did you know their malice against you. They are the only People, who refuse to offer Sacrifice for your safety; and generally the whole Nation is guilty of the same stubbornness. At which words we were not able to contein, but cryed out, that it was false, for we sacrificed Hecatombs to that purpose; and having washt our Altars with the blood of our Victims, we did not devour the flesh B our selves like several other Nations, but burned all together in that sacred fire; and this we have done more than once or twice, for we did it three times, First upon your advance­ment to the Throne: Next, when you recovered of your great fit of sickness, which was an af­fliction to the whole World: And the third time, when we made it our solemn prayer to God Almighty to give you success in your Enterprizes in Germany.

'Tis true (the furious Emperour reply'd) you offered Sacrifices, but it was to another, not to me: and therefore, What honour did I receive by it?

We could perceive at those horrid words our blood to freeze in our veins. In the mean time Caius passed from one appartment to another, finding fault where any thing was amiss, and giving order how it should be mended. We followed him, jost­led C and derided by our Adversaries, who abus'd and mock'd us, like Mimicks on a Stage; and indeed our whole negotiation might have passed for a Comedy, having nothing in it but appearance of Truth. For he, who ought to have been our Judge, was our Accuser; and our own party animated him against us. Having him therefore for an Enemy, and such an Enemy, what could we do but be silent? And being silent is a kind of de­fence, especially where nothing can be said, that would have been pleasing to him, and the fear of his violence upon our Laws had shut up our mouths.

When he had given direction about his buildings, he demanded seriously and with great gravity of us, Why we were so scrupulous in eating of Hogs-flesh? Upon which our Adversaries (to Cajole him with their flatteries) fell out into so immoderate and un­decent D a laughter, that some of the Prince's Officers, which were about him, could scarce brook so great disrespect; and it was so much the greater, by how much his humor was such, there was not any but his Privado's and Intimates, that could without danger take the liberty upon them of but smiling in his presence.

We replyed most humbly to the Emperour, That the Customs of People were different, and that as among us there were some things forbidden, so there were others prohibited to other Nations. And one of our Company instancing in those who eat no Lamb, the Emperour laught & reply'd, They have no reason, for the flesh is not good. These raileries augmented our trouble very much; but at length, in some kind of heat he asked us, upon what grounds we founded our freedom? We began to lay before him our grounds, and he fore­seeing E well that they would be reasonable, and that we had many more to corroborate them, he rose up on a suddain, and ran into a great Chamber, causing his servants to shut the Windows, whose glass was contrived so as to let in the Light, but keep out the Wind; and was as clear as Chrystal. We followed, and he came to us again, and de­manded of us very moderately, what we had more to say? We would have gone on with our Reasons, but in stead of hearing them, he ran again in great speed into another Hall, where he had commanded several ancient Pictures to be brought for him to see; so that finding our selves so often interrupted in our affairs, and in such different manner, supposing we were to expect nothing but death, we addressed our selves in our ex­tremity to the true, for protection against the counterfeit God: and it pleas'd him to F have compassion on us, and by his infinite goodness to moderate the fury of Caius, who commanded us to withdraw, and went away himself, only saying to those who were next him, These People are not so bad, as unfortunate and besotted not to believe me to be of Divine nature.

In this manner we departed not only from his Judgment, but from his Theater, and Prison, for what was it but a Theater, where we were laughed at and derided? And the rigors of a Prison are they comparable to the torments we endured from so many Blas­phemies against God, and so many Menaces from an enraged Tyrant against us? Be­cause ours (forsooth) was the only Nation, that obstructed his being owned for a God.

G Upon this we desisted, and respited for a while, not out of love to our Lives, for could our death have been servicable to the conservation of our Laws, we would have embrac'd [Page 854] it with joy, as conducting us to a happy Eternity. But because besides this it would H have been destructive to our Laws, and offensive to those who sent us, for as much as the management of such things are usually judged by their success, we comforted our selves in some measure, that we had escaped such a danger, yet not without continuing in great apprehensions, what judgment the Emperour would give. For how could he be informed of the Equity of our Cause, when he vouchsafed not so much as to hear us? And what could be more cruel, than to see the safety of our whole Nation depend upon the manner, after which we five (who were Embassadors) should be treated? For if Caius should declare in favour of the Alexandrians, what other Town would let the Jews live in quiet? What other Town would forbear them? What other would not de­stroy their Oratories? What other would not refuse them the Exercise of their Religi­on?I So that the abolition of all their Priviledges, and the entire Ruine of the whole Nation were before us, and the thoughts of them overwhelmed us with sorrow: and the more, because we could see no resort nor refuge from our miseries: For those who before seemed to favour our Affairs, began now to despair of our safety, and retired not daring to assist us any farther, though we sent to importune them; so little expectation had they of Bounty or Justice from a Man, who would make himself a God.

FINIS.

THE TABLE.
The TABLE of the CHAPTERS IN THE Embassie of PHILO TO THE Emperour CAIUS CALIGULA.

  • THE Preface of Philo upon the blindness of Man, and the incomprehensible grandeur of God. Pag. 828
  • CHAP. I. In what Incredible felicity the People lived the first seven months in the Reign of Caius Caligula. pag. 829
  • CHAP. II. The Emperour Caius having Reigned but seven Months, falls into a de­sperate fit of sickness: The marvelous affliction that all the Provinces exprest for it; and their inexpressible joy for his recovery. pag. 829
  • CHAP. III. Caius abandons himself to all kind of Debauchery, and with horrible in­gratitude and dreadful cruelty constrains Tiberius, Grandson to the Emperour Tiberius, to kill himself. pag. 830
  • CHAP. IV. Caius puts to death Macro Colonel of the Pretorian Guards, to whom he was obliged both for his Empire and Life. pag. 831
  • CHAP. V. Caius puts to death Marcus Syllanus his Father in Law, because he gave him wise Counsel: And that Murder is followed by many others. pag. 833
  • CHAP. VI. Caius requires to be reverenc'd as a Demi-God. pag. 834
  • CHAP. VII. The folly of Caius increasing, he requires to be worshiped as a God; and imitates Mercury, Apollo, and Mars. pag. 835
  • CHAP. VIII. Caius enraged against the Jews, because they would not reverence him as a Demi-god like other People. pag. 837
  • CHAP. IX. The Inhabitants of Alexandria take advantage of the displeasure of Caius to commit great cruelty and outrage upon the Jews. They destroy most part of their Oratories, and set up the Emperors Statues; though no such thing had ever been attempted in the Reigns of Augustus or Tiberius. The Praises of Augustus. ibid.
  • CHAP. X. Caius being already incensed against the Jews of Alexandria, is much ex­asperated by the Calumnies of Helico formerly an Egyptian Slave, but now in great favour with the Emperour. pag. 840
  • CHAP. XI. The Jews of Alexandria send Embassadors to Caius, to represent their grievances, of which number Philo was chief. Caius receives them kindly in appearance, but Philo judg'd very well that he was not to be trusted. pag. 841
  • CHAP. XII. Philo and his Collegues are informed that Caius had sent Orders to Pe­tronius, Governour of Syria, to cause his Statue to be set up in the Temple of Jerusalem. p. 842
  • CHAP. XIII. Petronius being sensible of the Injustice and ill Consequences of it, is much troubled about the execution of that Order. pag. 844
  • CHAP. XIV. Petronius Orders a Statue to be made, but very slowly: he endeavours to perswade the Jews to admit it, but in vain. The Jews assemble from all places, unani­mously conjuring him against the Execution of that Order, and to give them leave to send Em­bassadors to the Emperour. pag. 845
  • CHAP. XV. Petronius affected with their Reasons, and thinking it unsafe to run them into despair writes to Caius on purpose to gain time. Caius is inraged, but dissembles it in his Answer to Petronius. pag. 846
  • CHAP. XVI. King Agrippa comes to Rome, and finding from Caius his own mouth his design of Erecting his Statue in the Temple of Jerusalem, He falls into fainting fits; being recollected, be writes to the Emperour, pag. 848
  • CHAP. XVII. Caius relents upon Agrippa's Letter, writes to Petronius to alter nothing in the Temple, but repents immediately. He causeth a Statue to be made privately in Rome, and sent as privately to Jerusalem, when he was to go to Alexandria; he continues his reso­lution to be owned there as a God. His Injustice and Cruelty. pag. 851
  • CHAP. XVIII. The Passion wherewith Caius treated Philo and the rest of the Em­bassadors. pag. 852

A TABLE of the Chiefest and most Memorable Things, which are handled in This WORK.

A.
  • AAron, Moses brother, 67. G. cometh to meet him, ibid. 1. holdeth up Moses hands, 77. A. elected High Priest, 88. M. his sons, 89. A. High Priest­hood confirmed to him, 102. K. giveth his Priestly Ornaments to Eleazar, 104. I. his death, ibid. K.
  • Aarons Rod fructifieth, 103. A.
  • Abdon, Judge of Israel, 139. E. renowned for his issue, ibid. F.
  • Abel second son of Adam, 29. B. is commended, ibid. C. is slain by his brother, and why, ibid. C.
  • Abias levieth an Army, 223. I. overcometh Jeroboam, ibid. N. dieth, ibid. O. his issue, ibid.
  • Abiathar escapes Sauls hands, 166. L. telleth David of his Families slaughter, ibid. asketh counsel of God, 173. B. dispossessed of the Priesthood, 104. I. helps Adonias, 199. D.
  • Abigail pacifieth David, 169. B. C. after married to David, ibid. E.
  • Abibu, Aarons son, burned, 89. G. and why, ibid. G.
  • Abimelech, King of Geraer, enamoured of Sara, 39. E. pla­gued for taking her, ibid. E. made a covenant with Abra­ham, ibid. G. expelleth Isaac his Country, 43. F. after makes a league with him, 44. I.
  • Abimelech, Gideons bastard son, 137. B. killeth 69 of his bre­thren, and usurpeth, ibid. B. practiseth against the Si­chemites, ibid. E. slayeth him, and sacketh their City, ibid. G. burned the Sichemites fled to the rock, 138. H. ta­keth Tabez, ibid. K. is wounded and slain, ibid. K.
  • Abiram rebellious, 101. C. he, and those that were with him, swallowed up, 102. H.
  • Abisai overcometh the Idumaeans, 182. L. sent against the Ammonites, 183. E.
  • Abisaei's valour, 197. A.
  • Abisag nourisheth David, 199. C.
  • Abner, Sauls Uncle, 151. B. questioneth with Saul, ibid. B. General of his Army, 164. M. maketh Isboseth King, 176. H. revolteth from Isboseth, ibid. O. Killeth Azael, ibid. K. perswadeth the Governours to create David King, 177. B. is slain, 177. D. E.
  • Abraham son of Thares, 35. C. tenth from Noe, ibid. C. taught the Egyptians Religion and Arts, 36. M. first Preacher of the word, 35. F. his wisdom, ibid. an Astro­nomer, 36. M. and an Arithmetician, ibid. M. his house, 36. I. oppressed by Famine, ibid. K. divided the Land with Lot, 36. K. rescueth Lot from the Sodomites. 37. E. son promised him, ibid. F. foretold his progeny to be evil entreated, 38. H. circumcised himself and Ismael, 38. L. entertaineth Angels, and entreateth for the Sodo­mites, ibid. N. intended to offer his son, 41. B. C. mar­rieth Chetura, ibid. G. provideth a wife for his son, 42. K. dieth, 43. D. is commended, ibid.
  • Absence of David excused, 164. L.
  • Absalon killeth Amnon, 186. O. fled to Gessur, 187. C. re­voked from banishment, and how, ibid. F. affecteth the Kingdom, 188. K. proclaimed King, ibid. L. passeth over Jordan, 191. B. his overthrow, 191. E. slain by Joab, ibid. F.
  • Abundance foretold, 61. G.
  • Abundance of Silver, 216. M.
  • Abundance of victuals foreshewed, 239. M. affected, 240. E.
  • Abundance of victuals shewed, 736. I.
  • Acclamation of the people, 463. A.
  • Accusation of Laban against Jacob, 47. D. of Jacob against him, ibid. F. of Putifars wife against Joseph, 54. H. of Doeg against Achimelech, 166. I. of Aristobulus and Hir­canus, 362. E. F. of Antipater against his brethren, 592. M. of Nicolaus 601. B. of Antipater against Archelaus, 606. M. of the Jews, 610. K.
  • Achab. son of Amri, King of Israel, 225. N. followeth im­pieties, ibid. took to wife Jezabel, 226. B. seeketh Elias, 227. H. covets Naboths vineyard, 228. F. his repen­tance, 229. K. twice overcometh the Syrians, 213. C. D. reproved for dismissing Adad, 231. K. imprisoneth Mi­chaias, and why, 233. H. rejected his advice, ibid. I. wounded, dieth, ibid. K. Achabs seventy sons, 243. K.
  • Achar stole the spoils dedicated to God, 123. E. hid them in his tent, ibid. found guilty, and put to death, 124. I.
  • Achaz, King of Judah, sacrificeth his son, 251. I. serves Idols, ibid. overthrown in battel, ibid. O. hireth The­glaphalasar, ibid. shuts the Temple-Gates, 252. B. dieth, ibid.
  • Achias reproved Solomon, 217. I. foretold Jeroboam to be King over ten Tribes, ibid. 217. O.
  • Achis a King of the Philistines, 165. C. leads out David against the Hebrews, 172. N. dismisseth him, and why, ibid. O.
  • Achitophels counsel against David, 189. O. hangeth himself, 190. O.
  • Acmes letter to Antipater, 456. N. executed, 461. E.
  • Acquaintance of Rebecca with Abrahams servant, 42. N.
  • Act of Saul most malicious, 166. I.
  • An Action how said to be good, 157. E.
  • Action of Saul and his people, 157. B.
  • Acts of the Israelites, 129. B. C. D.
  • Acts of Simon against the Zealous, 706. I. K.
  • Act most cruel, 736. L. M.
  • Actian war, 580. O.
  • Adad, King of Damascus, overcome, 181. G.
  • Adad, King of Syria, proposeth conditions to Achab, 229. L. M. overthrown, 230. C. his second expedition, ibid. E. taken prisoner, is dismissed, 731. I. discomfiteth and slayeth Achab, 233. K. asketh counsel of Elizaus, 240. F. his death foretold, ibid. I.
  • Adam created, and how, 28. H. placed in Paradise, ibid. forbidden the tree of knowledge, ibid. transgresseth, ibid. L. cast out of Paradise, 29. A. begot Cain and Abel, ibid. O. and other children also, 30. G. his age and death, ibid. K. and 7. B. prophesied of a twosold destruction, ibid. L.
  • Adar, a Month of the Hebrews, 120. K.
  • Adar enemy to Salomon, 217. M. spoiled the Lands of the Israelites, ibid.
  • Adonibezec taken 129. B. punished, confesseth Gods justice, ibid. C.
  • Adonias affecteth the Kingdom, 199. C. flieth to the Altar, 187. D. requireth Abisaah, 200. L. slain, ibid. M.
  • Adversities befel the Israelites, 132. N. and why, ibid. C.
  • Advice of Raguel allowed, 78. L. of the Elders rejected. 218. F. of young men accepted, ibid. G.
  • Adulteress, her policy, 54. H.
  • Adultery, 94. H. punished, 115. A.
  • Adultery of Elies sons, 143. F.
  • Adultery of David, 184. K.
  • Affairs of Joseph, 637. D.
  • Affection of Joseph towards his brethren, 60. I. of Jona­than to David, 165. B.
  • Affinity of Jacob with Rachel, 45. F. of Saul and Jonathan with David, 162. I. of Demetrius with Ptolomy, 336. B.
  • Affliction of the Hebrews, with the causes thereof, 62. M. N. O. 68. L.
  • Africa from whence it took its name, 42. I.
  • Agag, King of the Amalechites, taken, 157. B. spared, and why, ibid. K. put to death, 159. I. and why, ibid. K.
  • Agar, Sarahs handmaid, 38. I. contemned her mistriss, and why, ibid. fled, commanded to return, ibid. K. and pro­mised happiness, ibid. K. brought forth Ismael, ibid. A. cast out with her son, ibid. K. comforted, ibid. L.
  • Age of Isaac at his offering, 41. A. when he died, 49. F.
  • Age of the Fathers before the Flood, 31. B.
  • Age of Abraham, 43. D. of Jacob, 62. I.
  • Aggeus the Prophet encourageth the Jews, 280. D.
  • Agreement of the seditious, 712. O. 724. I.
  • Agrippa offereth 100 f [...]t Oxen, 423. B. reconciled to the Ileensians, ibid. F. confirmeth the Jews priviledges, 425. D. writeth to the Ephesians, 432. K.
  • [Page] Agrippa becometh poor, 486. M. borroweth money, 487. D. admitted to Caesars presence, D. accused by Eutychus, 487. M. 488. I. imprisoned, 489. E. hateth Tiberius, 615. G. getteth Caius friendship, ibid. his happy fortune fore­told, 490. E. certified of Tiberius death, 492. L. departs to his Kingdom, ibid. M. his request of Caius, 496. M. his speech to the Senate, 417. B. hangeth up his Golden Chain, 520. M. his acts, 522. K. L. &c. 523. D. 524. F. saluted for a god, 524. I. his death, ibid. K. his children, ibid. O.
  • Agrippa's request to the Empress, 535. D. obtaineth Philips Tetrarchy, ibid. E. getteth a portion of Galilee, 536. M. deposeth Joseph, 539. B. inlargeth the City of Caesarea, ibid. G. his kindness to the Berytians, ibid. G. his Epistles to Joseph, 21. D.
  • Agrippa excuseth Caesar, &c. 626. K. his Oration, 625. G. 627. 628. driven out of the City, 629. B.
  • Aid that came to the Romans, 681. D.
  • Aid of the Idumaeans, 690. O.
  • Ainon or Ai taken and burnt, 124. K.
  • Ainites discomfit 3000 Israelites, and slew 36, 123. F. after put to flight and slain by Joshuah, 124. K.
  • Air temperate, 702. I.
  • Albinus Governour of Judaea, 539. C. full of wickedness, 621. D. pacifieth the Country, 539. F. executeth male­factors, 540. K.
  • Alcimus High Priest, 323. accuseth Judas and his brethren, N. his popularity, 324. B. killeth all of Judas faction, ibid. C. dieth suddenly, 325. I.
  • Alexander King of Macedonia, 293. M. overthroweth Da­rius army, ibid. subdues Darius, 294. C. marcheth to­wards Jerusalem, 295. I. honourably received by the High Priest and the rest, ibid. his sacrifice▪ in the Temple, ibid. I. adoreth the High Priest, ibid. M. his death and succes­sors, 297. M.
  • Alexander warreth against Demetrius, 330. B. laboureth to win Jonathan, ibid. I. slayeth Demetrius, 332. B. mar­rieth Ptolomies daughter, 33. M. sendeth presents to Jonathan, 335. I. discomfited and slain, 336. B.
  • Alexander Zebina obtaineth the Kingdom, 847. K. slain, ibid.
  • Alexander King of the Jews, 350. N. 562 H. besiegeth Pto­lomais, ibid. H. his overthrow, 352. C. besiegeth Gaza, 353. I. sedition raised against him. 562. K. 353. D. over­come, ibid. L. 562. F. Citrons cast at him, 354. A. cru­cifieth 800 Jews, 354. F. 562. O. his sickness and advice to his wife, 356. C. 563. K. his death and funeral, 356. E. F.
  • Alexander son of Aristobulus, 366. C. overcome, ibid. E. beheaded, 369. O.
  • Alexander Herods son, 422. O. marrieth Glaphira, ibid. his defence, 428. L. 419. A. B. reconciled to his father, 429. E. 437. G. bribeth the Eunuchs, 589. G. imprisoned, 437. A. 590. K. accused of treason, ibid. 437. B. C. &c. writeth Books, 590. L. condemned, 444. M. strangled, 594. K. false Alexander, &c. 472. H. 611. B. condemned to tug at an Oar, 472. O. 611. E.
  • Alexanders cruelty, 354. F.
  • Alexandra governeth the Kingdom, 357. M. imprisoneth Aristobulus wife and children, 564. K. commits charge to the Jews, 357. M. her ambassage to Tigranes, 357. N. her death, 358. L.
  • Alexandra solliciteth Antonius, and why, 394. B. excuseth her self, ibid. suspected by Herod, &c. 395. K. pretend­ing to flie, is betrayed, ibid. M. certifieth Cleopatra of Herods treachery, 397. B. striveth to acquit her self, 408. M. seeketh to get Herods Castles, 409. L. put to death, 409. N.
  • Alexas marries Salome, 449. A. dismisseth the Nobles, 462. M.
  • Alliance of Abraham with his wife, 39. F. of Jacob with Laban, 45. F. of Saul and Jonathan with David, 162. M. of Juda with the Israelites, 251. M.
  • Allowance of Micheus, 233. H.
  • Allusion of Jonathan, 165. B.
  • Alacrity of the Romans, 714. N.
  • Allegiance renounced, 764. I.
  • Altar of Incense, 85. D.
  • Altars of Idolaters to be destroyed, 111. B.
  • One Altar to be erected, &c. and why, 111. E.
  • Altar builded by Joshuah, 122. N.
  • Altar erected by the two Tribes and half, 127. E. and why, 128. I.
  • Altar of Gold and of Brass where placed, 211. I.
  • Altar in Bethel clave in twain, 220. B.
  • Altar erected by David, 198. K.
  • Amalechites war against the Israelites, 76. I. K. overcome by the Israelites, 77. C. spoiled, and their utter ruine fore­told, ibid. and 118. N. overcome the Israelites, 135▪ B. are destroyed, 156. O. burnt Siceleg, 173. A.
  • Amarames Moses Father. See Amram.
  • Amasias K. of Juda, 246. E. revengeth his fathers death, 247. M. overcometh the Amalechites, ibid. O. reproved, and why, 248. A. commandeth Joas to yield him ho­mage, ibid. D. his army flies, and he taken prisoner, ibid. E. is slain, ibid. F.
  • Amasa slain, 194. O.
  • Amazement of the seditious, 775. G.
  • Ambition, 177. E. of Adonias, 199. D. of John, 698. M. of Eleazar, 711. F.
  • An Ambush laid for the Ainites, 124. I.
  • Ambushes of Saul for David, 167. E. &c. of Adad for Joram, 238. A.
  • Amnon deflowreth Thamar, 186. L. M.
  • Ammonites oppress the Israelites, 138. M. and are over­come, 139. A. injure Davids Embassadours, 183. C. re­venge wrought on them, ibid. F. War against Josaphat, 234. G. kill one another, 235. K.
  • Amorites overcome, 104. M. their Country possessed by the Hebrews, 105. B.
  • Amos a wicked King, 258. D. is slain, ibid.
  • Amphitheater built by Herod, 410. G. 415. L.
  • Amram Moses father, 63. B. prayeth to God, 63. B. casts Moses into the river, and why, 63. G.
  • Amri King of Israel, 225. M. slew Thaman, ibid. his impiety and death, ibid. N.
  • Ananias death, 631. C.
  • Ananus High Priest, 539. B.
  • Ananias High Priest slain, 736. N.
  • Ananus stoneth James, 539. C.
  • Ananus Governour of Jerusalem, 637. F. his invective against the zealous, 689. A. disposeth his souldiers, ibid. slain, 694. K.
  • Ananus a cruel souldier, 636. K.
  • Achimelech entertaineth David, 165. B. delivers him Goliabs sword, ibid. C. accused to Saul, 166. I. and slain, 166. K.
  • Ancestors conceal not honest things, 25. G.
  • Angels guarded Elizaeus, 238. C.
  • Angels (i. sons) of God; 30. L.
  • Angel resisteth Balaam, 105. F.
  • Angels promise Abraham a son, 39. A. enter Lots house, ibid. foretel the destruction of Sodom, ibid.
  • Angel appeared to Agar, 38. I. 40. K. to Jacob, 45. B. 48. M. to Manaach his wife, 139. F. foretelleth her Sam [...]o [...]s birth, ibid. F. worketh a miracle, 140. K. 238. C.
  • Anger. See Wrath.
  • Anilaeus receiveth charge from Artabanus, 499. E. killeth a noble man, 500. I. reproved and accused, ibid. M. ta­keth Mithridates prisoner, 500. O.
  • Anna, wife of Elcana, prayed to God for a son, 143. G. bare Samuel, and consecrated him to God, 144. I.
  • Annius taketh Gerasa, 702. N.
  • Answer of Simon to Jesus Oration, 691. A.
  • Answer of Isaac, 41. C. of Balaam to Balac, 106. M. of God to Joshuah, 124. H. of Achab to the Syrians, 229. O. of Caesar to Herod, 582. H. of Antipater to Herod, 600. L. of John, 684. M. of Eleazar to Antiochus, 818. I. of Alexander, 295. K.
  • Antaeus against whom Hercules made war, 42. I.
  • Antigonus copartner in the Kingdom, 349. D. his death complotted, ibid. F. effected, 350. H. 561. C.
  • Antigonus accuseth Hircanus and Antipater, 370. D. 568. H. promiseth the Parthians money, and why, 380. F. restored to the Kingdom, 383. H. cutteth off Hircanus ears, ibid. H. declared an enemy to the Romans, 384. C. 577. E. up­braideth Herod, 385. N. getteth Massada, 575. A. repulseth Herods power, ibid. surpriseth Herods victuallers, 386. B. cruelly handleth Josephs carcass, 577. O. submitteth him­self to Sosius, 391. H. put to death, ibid. L.
  • Antiochus the Great vexeth the Jews, 305. E. recovers Cities of Coelosyria, ibid. F. his Epistle to Ptolomy, 306. his Edict in honour of the Temple, 306. his Epistle to Zeuxis, 307. I.
  • Antiochus Epiphanes departeth Egypt, 313. L. spoileth the Temple of Jerusalem, ibid. N. abrogates Gods Laws, 214. G. inforceth the Jews to Idolatry, ibid. tor­tureth [Page] Eleazar, 818. M. slayeth him, 819. H. forbid­deth the Jews to use their Laws, 314. G. &c. invades Judaea again, 317. I. departeth into Persia, ibid. besiegeth Elymas, 321. I. falleth sick and dieth, ibid. K.
  • Antiochus Eupater created King, 321. N. marcheth into Ju­daea, 312. B. fighteth with Judas Macchabeus, ibid. C. marcheth against Philip, ibid. E. entreth a league with Judas, 323. I. slayeth Philip, ibid. K. displaceth Onias, ibid. is slain, ibid. M.
  • Antiochus son of Alexander, 337. I. crowned King, ibid. discomfited Demetrius, 338. A. favoureth Jonathan, ibid.
  • Antiochus marrieth Cleopatra, 343. K. putteth Triphon to flight, ibid. L. warreth against Hircanus, 345. I. per­mitteth a truce, ibid. K. slain, 346. A.
  • Antiochus Gryphus overcometh Alexander, 347. I. his War against his brother, ibid. slain, 353. M.
  • Antiochus Cyzicenus warreth against his brother, 347. K. 351. B. put to flight, 347. N. slain, 353. M.
  • Antiochus Eusebius puts Seleucus to flight, 353. N. slayeth Se­leucus brother, ibid. dieth, ibid. O.
  • Antiochus Seleucus slayeth his Uncle, 353. M. burned, ibid. N.
  • Antiochus Dionysius King, 355. K. thrust out of his Kingdom, ibid. slain, 345. M.
  • Antiochus perfidious to his Citizens, 762. M. N.
  • Antiochus King of Comagena accused, 77. O. his choice, &c. ibid. M. reconciled to Caesar, ibid. N.
  • Antipas, Herods son, 606. K. claimeth the Kingdom, ibid. accuseth Archelaus, 606. L. hath part of the Kingdom with Archelaus, 471. D.
  • Antipater the Idumaean, 360. K. incenseth the Princes against Aristobulus, 360. M. relieveth Gabinius, 367. M. his wife and children, 369. A. &c. gathereth souldiers for Caesars service, ibid. E. made a citizen of Rome, and Governour over Judaea, 370. C. D. E. 567. F. makes his sons Gover­nours, 372. B. perswadeth Hircanus to flye, 564. N. his exploits, 567. C. poisoned, 377. H. 570. K.
  • Antipater banished, 585. G. advanced, 426. M. inciteth his father against his brothers, 426. N. his congratula­tion, 429. F. plotteth against his brethren, 433. E. 588. L. cause of mischief, 436. M. governeth the Kingdom, &c. 448. L. practiseth his fathers death, ibid. M. 598. M. could not deceive his Aunt, 448. N. hateth his brothers children, 449. C. his treasons, 599. F. accuseth Syllaeus, 598. L. 452. K. studieth to win favour, 594. M. conspi­reth against his father, 594. L. accused by Herod, 455. E. 599. F. answereth his fathers objections, 456. H. hated of all, 599. B. 457. G. hath liberty to justifie himself, ibid. D. put to death. 461. G. 603. A.
  • Antipater accuseth Antipater, 453. E.
  • Antipater accuseth Archelaus, 465. E. 606. L. M.
  • Antipatris built, 430. N. burned, 635. C.
  • Antiphilus letter to Antipater. 456. M. blamed, 459. B.
  • Antiquity of the Jews proved, 784. M. See Arguments.
  • Antiquities when written, 543. B.
  • Antonia described, 722. A. not unlike a City, ibid. C.
  • Antonius writeth to Hircanus, 378. G. writeth in the Jews behalf, 379. K. maketh Tetrarchs, 380. C. loveth Herod, 384. B. maketh Herod King, ibid. C. requireth Aristobu­lus, 394. B. giveth Cleopatra a portion of Judaea and A­rabia, 399. H. conquereth Armenia, ibid. M.
  • Aphrica, once called Lybia, 42. I.
  • Apollonius accuseth the Jews, 806. M.
  • Apollonius sent to rob the Temple, 417. B. acknowledged his offence, ibid. C. General of Antiochus army, 316. E. discomfited and slain, ibid. E.
  • Apollonius Davus put to flight, 334. E.
  • Apology of Achimelech, 166. K. of Aristobulus, 363. H.
  • Apostacy of the Priests, 294. A.
  • Apostates from the Jewish Religion, 213. I.
  • Apparel, 612. O.
  • Appion wrote coldly, 798. L. of Moses and the Jews, ibid. his fiction refuted, 799. F. &c. denieth his Country, 800. H. raileth against the Jews, ibid. I. his objection of the Asses head answered, 803. A. upbraideth the Jews, 805. D. praiseth himself, ibid. accuseth the Jews, 494. I.
  • Apples of Mandragora, 47. A.
  • Apprehension of John and Simon, 759. E.
  • Arabians Ismaels posterity, 40. I. slay Herods souldiers, 290. M. kill the Jews Embassadors, 401. I. overcome, 402. G. receive thieves, 439. A. brake the league made, 574. H. defeat Herods Army, 580. O. are overcome, 582. K.
  • An Arbiter betwixt the Senate and Claudius, 617. E.
  • Archelaus accused, 454. K. promiseth his subjects favour, 605. C. appointed, 603. D. lamenteth, 605. B. sup­presseth the sedition, 464. K. L. repairs to Rome, ibid. O. approved, &c. 466. N. accused, 470. L. excused, 471. B. accused and banished, 473. D. his dream, 612.
  • Archelaus King of Cappadocia, 437. F. his ingenious speech, 590. M. conferreth with Herod, 590. L. reconcileth A­lexander to his father, 437. G. made Herod and Pheroras friends, 438. I. excuseth himself, 442. L.
  • Aretas King of Arabia, 564. N. overthroweth Alexander, 355. M. puts Aristobulus to flight, 361. I. furnisheth Hircanus with 50000 souldiers, 564. N.
  • Aretas accuseth Syllaeus, 452. K. discomfiteth Herods army, 484. N.
  • Arguments for the Jews antiquity, 784. M. 785. A. &c. 786. G. &c. 787. A. &c. 788. N. &c. 789. F. &c. 791. D.
  • Arioch a Captain of the Assyrians, 37. B.
  • Aristaeus obtaineth the Jews liberty, 299. K.
  • Aristobulus first King, &c. 349. D. imprisoneth his bre­thren, famisheth his mother, ibid. 560. N. his punish­ment, 350. I. K. 561. F. compelleth the Iturians to be circumcised, 350. M. slayeth Antigonus, 350. H. his miserable end, 350. L. 561. G.
  • Aristobulus accuseth the Pharisees, 357. I. his attempt, 358. I. seizeth the Castles, ibid. K. striveth for the Kingdom with Hircanus, 360. I. agreed, ibid. K. his war against Aretas and Hircanus, 362. C. his presents to Pompey, 362. D. promiseth Pompey money, 364. I. led to Rome, 365. M. poysoned, 369. C.
  • Aristobulus, why not sent to Antonius, 394. D. his death contrived, 395. L. drowned, 396. C.
  • Aristobulus, Herods son, 422. O. accused, 426. K. &c. re­conciled, 429. E. objected to his wife her birth, 589. B. condemned, 444. L. strangled, 445. F.
  • Aristobulus hateth Agrippa, 487. B. entreateth Petronius, 495. C.
  • Aristobulus governeth Armenia, 536. M. his subtilty, 546. H.
  • Aristocracy the best kind of Government, 113. A.
  • Arithmetick, 36. M.
  • Arius King of Lacedaemon, 311. G. sendeth letters to Onias, 312. H.
  • Ark of Noab, 30. N. the length and breadth thereof, ibid. L. M. where it resled, 31. D.
  • Ark of God surprized, 144. N. carried into the Temple of Dagon, 146. L. carried to Bethsama, 147. O. brought to Jerusalem, 180. M. N.
  • Ark transferred into Ceriathiarim, 147. F.
  • Ark carried into the Temple, 210. F. placed in the San­ctuary, and in it the Tables of Stone, 211. H.
  • 100000 Armed men against Joseph, 639. F.
  • Arms of the Egyptians, &c. 72. N.
  • Armour of Goliah, 159. C.
  • Armour of Saul, 160. I.
  • Armour of the Roman footmen, 661. C.
  • The Armies order when the Tabernacle removed, 95. B.
  • An Army sent against the Midianites, 108. L.
  • Army of Senacherib destroyed, 256. F.
  • An huge Army of the Canaanites, 125. D.
  • Army of Susac, 221. H. of Josaphat, 231. N. of Ozias, 247. N.
  • Army of the Romans, 660. L.
  • Army of Herod overthrown, and why, 484. N. M.
  • Arnon a river, 104. L.
  • Arrival of the Israelites at Raphidim, 75. E. of Raguel in Sinai, 77. F. of the Ark at Bethsama, 147. D.
  • Arrogancy of Amasias, 248. O. of Ozias, 250. B. of the Jews, 756. K.
  • Arsaces King of Parthia, 340. D. taketh Demetrius, ibid. slayeth Antiochus, 346. A.
  • Asprenas Gown defiled, 509. A. he is cut in pieces, 511. B.
  • Art of forging, who first invented, 29. G.
  • Artabanus King of Media, 479. D. obtaineth Parthia, ibid. restored to his Kingdom, 483. E.
  • Artabanus requireth Izates assistance, 530. M. recovereth his Kingdom, 531. B.
  • Artaxerxes King of Persia, 286. B. no man to approach his Throne, unless he were called, 297. I. honoured Mar­doche, 290. D. hangeth Aman, 291. I. sendeth letters for the Jews safety, ibid. L.
  • [Page] Artorius sayeth himself, 748. I. his promise to Lucius, ibid.
  • Aruntius signifieth the Emperours death, 512. M.
  • Asa King of Juda, 224. K. his piety, ibid. K. his victory, ibid, M. inciteth the King of Damascus against Basa, 229. I. dies, 226. B.
  • Ascalonites punished, and why, 309. L.
  • Aser the son of Jacob, 46. O. what it signifies, ibid. O. his sons, 61. C.
  • Asinaeus beset by the Governour of Babylon, 598. L. his friend­ship sought, 10. O. received charge from Artabanus, 499. E. poysoned, 500. M.
  • Asphaltite lake, 702. K. admirable property thereof, ibid.
  • Assault of Jerusalem, 740. K. of Antonia, 742. M.
  • Assar for how much sold, 97. D.
  • Asses head sold, 238. F.
  • Ass speaketh to Balaam, 105. G.
  • Asses how many taken at one booty, 109. A.
  • Asses of Cis lost, 150. L. found, ibid. N.
  • Asses head objected, 803. A.
  • Assembly of the Hebrews thrice in the year, 111. F.
  • Assembly of Samaritans on Mount Gerazim, 670. B.
  • Assurance of Joseph, &c. 671. L.
  • Assistance of God promised, 110. L. of Saul to the men of Jabes, 152. L.
  • Assyrians Lords over Asia, 37. A. overthrew the Sodomites, ibid. B. of whom took their name, 42. H. overcame the Israelites, 250. E. 253. N. transported them, 252. A. 253. N. vanquished the Syrians and them of Damascus, 250. F. and 252. G. their destruction foretold, 250. D. effected, 257. L.
  • Astrological predictions, 491. B.
  • Astronomy invented, 36. N.
  • Athalia rooteth out the royal blood, 244. D. and put to death, 245. H.
  • Athniel a Judge of Israel, 133 C. overcometh Schisar, ibid. C. recovereth the Israelites liberty, ibid. C.
  • Athronges usurpeth the Kingdom, 468. O. taken, 469. C.
  • Attendance on Saul, 151. F.
  • Attire of Vespasian and Titus, 766. I.
  • Avarice, 177. E. of Antiochus, 343. N. of Sabinus, 467. C. not terrified with punishment, 738. H.
  • Authority how purchased, 61. F.
  • Authority of Moses, 97. C.
  • Authority of Mordocheus, 292. F. of the Pharisees, 356. C.
  • Authors of the sedition punished, 102. M.
  • Authors of injuries punished, 672. N.
  • Azarias the Prophet exhorts to virtue, 224. M.
  • Azarias the High Priest, 250. B.
  • Azael King of the Assyrians, 228. D.
  • Azaels tyranny foretold, 240. C. invades Judaea, 246. D. hired to depart, ibid. invades the Israelites, 245. M. de­stroys their Country, ibid. M.
  • Azotians plagued, and why, 146. L.
B.
  • BAal god of the Tyrians, 244. B. his Priests slain, ibid. Baaras a root, 768. I. his property, ibid.
  • Baasa King of Israel, 214. I. roots out Jeroboams race, ibid. his impiety, 224. N. a Prophecy against him, ibid. sur­prizeth Ramah, 225. I. dieth, ibid. K.
  • Babas sons preserved, 410. D. accused, 410. F. slain, ibid.
  • Babylon, the place where tongues were confounded, 33. C. what it signifies, ibid. D. besieged and taken, 271. O.
  • Babylonians require Anilaeus, 501. F. slay the Jews, 502. K.
  • Babylonian veil, 721. A.
  • Bacchides sent against Judas, 323. N. useth tyranny and trea­chery, 324. B. fights with Judas, 326. B. is slain, ibid. murthereth those of Judas faction, 328. B. practiseth against Jonathan, ib. C. revengeth himself on the fugi­tives, 329. K. maketh peace with Jonathan, ibid. M.
  • Bagoses General of Artaxerxes army, 293. H. offereth out­rage to the Jews, ibid.
  • Bakers dream expounded, 54. O. hanged, 55. A.
  • Bala, Rachels handmaid, 46. O. bare Napthalim and Dan, ibid. P.
  • Balaam a Diviner or Prophet, 105. E. denieth to go with Balacs Embassadours, ibid. F. cometh to Balac, 106. I. prophesieth good to befal the Israelites, 106. K. his coun­sel to Balac and the Midianites, ibid O.
  • Balac sends an Embassage to the Midianites, 105. E. also to [...]
  • Balaam, ibid. E. reproveth him, and why, 106. L. fol­lows Balaams counsel, 107. B.
  • Balin a King of Syria, 37. A.
  • Ballas a King of Assyria, 37. A.
  • Balm, 215. F. 235. A.
  • Balthasar his pride, 271. H. his vision of the hand, ibid. slain, 271. N.
  • Banaia slays an Aegyptian, 197. B. kills a Lyon, 197. B. sub­stituted in Joabs place, 204. L.
  • Banishment of Cain, 29. E. of the diviners, 171. B. of Ab­salon, 187. C. of Antipater, 585. G. of Doris, 453. D. of Pheroras, 596. L.
  • Banquet of Laban and Jacob, 48. I. of Samuel to Saul, 150 N. and of him to David, 158. M. of Saul, 165. B. of Da­vid to the people, 181. A. of Artaxerxes, 286. D. of Ptolomy, 303. N. of Archelaus, 463. A. of Herod, 483. F.
  • Barak appointed General, 134. L. Puts Sisera to flight, ibid. N. slew Jabin, and governed Israel forty years, 135. A.
  • Bareas one of the five Kings of Assyria, 37. A.
  • Baruch, Jeremies Secretary, 261. L. dismissed, 266. B.
  • Barzapharnes seizeth upon Syria, 572. I. instateth Antigo­nus, ibid.
  • Barzillais excuse to David, 194. I.
  • Battel between Joshuah and the Canaanites, 125. D. between the Benjamites and Israelites, 131. C. between Saul and the Philistines, 173. E. between Joab and Absalon, 191. D.
  • Battel of Herod, 400. D.
  • Battel between the Romans and the Jews, 467. E.
  • Battery of Jotapata, 666. K. of Jerusalem, 723. B. 724. L.
  • Baths, 768. K.
  • Baths of Calliroes, 460. M. 602. L.
  • Bathuel son of Nachor, 35. E. father of Rebecca and Labas, ibid. G.
  • Beam of Gold, 368. B.
  • Bearing of arms inhibited▪ 154. I.
  • Beasts venemous, a plague of Egypt, 69. D.
  • Beauty of superiour bodies, 30. I.
  • Beauty of body not to be respected, 158. I.
  • Beauty of Sara, 36. K. of Rachel, 45. F. of Joseph, 53. A. of David and his brethren, 158. L. M. of Bethsa [...]e, 184. K.
  • Bed of Iron, 105. B.
  • Beginning of the War of the Jews, 622. I.
  • Behaviour of Rachel toward Jacob, 45. F.
  • Bellies of the Jews ripped for Gold, 737. F.
  • Beneficence of Xerxes, 282. B. C.
  • Benefits of God recited, 74. L. M.
  • Benefits of Herod, 585. A. B.
  • Benjamin, Jacobs son by Rachel, 44. D. goeth into Egypt, 57. F. what happened to him there, 58. I. attached and imprisoned, 58. N.
  • Benjamites expert in shooting, 131. C. overthrew the other tribes twice, ibid. C. D. twenty five thousand slain, and why, 131. F. only six hundred escape, ibid. F. take them wives by force, 132. H. I.
  • Bernice her request to Florus, 623. F.
  • Berosus a Chaldaean Writer, 787. D.
  • Berosus, 36. H. his testimony of Abraham, ibid. of Senache­rib, 256. E. of Nabuchodonosor, 270. B.
  • Bethsabe the pit of swearing, 40. A.
  • Beseleel a Work-master of the Tabernacle, 80. L. 89. C.
  • Bethel what it signifies, 45. D.
  • Bethsabe defiled by David, 184. I. bare him a son, 185. B. brought forth Solomon, 185. C. certifieth David of Ado­nias, &c. 199. E.
  • Birth-day of Vespasian celebrated, 762. I. of Pharaoh, 55. A.
  • Birth-right of Esau sold, 50. L.
  • Birth of Moses, 63. E.
  • Birth of Samson, 140. K.
  • Bitterness of the waters, 73. D. E. changed, 74. H.
  • Blasphemy against God, 111. E.
  • Blasphemer of God to be stoned, 111. E.
  • Blaspheming of Goliab, 159. C. D. E.
  • Blessing of God upon the Israelites, 74. L. M.
  • Blessing of Isaac and Jacob, 44. M. of Jacob on his sons, 62. I▪
  • Blessing of Moses to the Israelites, 118. M.
  • Blindness of the enemy, and how, 237. I. 238. D.
  • Blindness of the Jews, 736. K. 753. B.
  • Bloud royal destroyed, 240. D.
  • Bodies celestial, their beauty and order, 30. I.
  • Body of Jacob translated into Hebron, 62. K. of his sons brought thither also, ibid.
  • [Page] Bodies of Saul and his sons hung up, 174. I.
  • Boldness of the Jews, 715. E.
  • Bondage of the Israelites, See servitude.
  • Bones of Joseph translated, 62. L. 71. A.
  • Book of Moses Law, 111. B. C. when to be read, 112. H. holy Book, 118. M. found and read, 259. I. K.
  • Books of holy Writ, how many, 782. N.
  • Book of Jeremy, 261. L. burnt, ibid. L.
  • Boos friend to Naomi and Ruth, 142. D. eshorts his kins­man to marry Ruth, 143. D. espouseth Ruth, 143. D. begetteth Obed, ibid. E.
  • Booty of Oxen and Camel, 100. O. of Sheep, &c. 687. O.
  • Borders of Galilee, 659. C. D. of Judaea, 659. E. of the possession of the nine Tribes and an half, 126. K.
  • Borrowed things must be repaid, 116. I.
  • Botches, a plague of Egypt, 69. D.
  • Bounds of Land are not to be removed, 113. B.
  • Bounds of the nine Tribes and halfs possession, 126. L. &c.
  • Bounds of Egypt, 708. L.
  • Bowls or Ewers, 210. C.
  • Bounty requited, 215. F.
  • Bounty of Ezechias, 253. H. I.
  • Bounty of Alexander to the Jews, 295. L.
  • Bounty of Herod to all men, 585. A. B. of Caesar to Arche­laus, 607 C. of Titus, 728. M.
  • Brazen Altar, 211. I. vessels pertaining to the same, 211. I.
  • Brazen Gate of the Temple openeth of it self, 753. B.
  • Breach of Gods law, loss of his favour, 704. H. I.
  • Breach of oath, 255. M. 368. C. of faith, 361. N.
  • Breadth of the Ark of Noab, 30. N.
  • Bread of proposition, or shew-bread, 92. N.
  • Brethren, Cain and Abel, 29. B.
  • Brethren of Joseph hate him, and complot his death, 51. D. sell him, 52. K. perswade their father that he was de­voured of beasts, ibid. N. repent of the evil they did to Joseph, 57. B. return out of Egypt, ibid. D go thither again, ibid. D. stayed in their journey, and accused of theft, 58. I. K. died, 62. K. L.
  • Seven Brethren tormented and put to death, 821. A. B. 822. H. I. 823. A. B.
  • Bribery of Elies sons, 143. F. of Antonius, 391. L. of Ven­tidius. 384. F. 575. C. of Silo, ibid. 575. C. of Antipa­ter, 594. M. N.
  • Brothers of Abraham, 35. D. of Joseph, 50. M. of Antipater, 588. L. M.
  • Brothers bewail their mother, 589. C. excuse themselves, ibid. D.
  • Broil at Caesarea, 537. E. at Jerusalem, 638. H.
  • Building of the Temple, 208. M. inhibited, 277. N. per­mitted, 278. C. D. E.
  • Bulwarks builded by the Romans, 733. D.
  • Burial of Sara, 42. F. of Abraham, 43. D. of Isaac, 49. F. of Jacob, 62. L. M. of Samuel, 168. L. of Jadon, 220. E. of Herod, 462. N. O.
  • Burning of the Temple, 265. I. 476. M. 750. M.
  • Burthen required to be eased, 218. D.
  • Bush of fire about Moses, 66. O.
  • Bushel of Corn sold for a Talent, 738. M.
  • Business of Moses, 77. G.
  • Butlers dream expounded, 54. M.
  • Butchery of the thieves, 537. B. C.
C.
  • CAecinna perswaded the souldiers to revolt, 309. E. F. apprehended, 710. H. freed and honoured, ibid. I.
  • Caerealis conquered the Samaritans, 670. B. C.
  • Caesar confirmeth Hircanus in the Priesthood, 370. D. de­parteth out of Syria, 371. L. his testimony of the Jews, 373. N. slain, 569. D. 376. C. delivereth Aristobulus, 567. A.
  • Caesar slayeth Cassius, 368. G. Herods friend, 384. B. over­cometh Antonius, 403. M. confirmeth Herod in the King­dom, 405. N. giveth him 800 talents, 406. G. Lord of Egypt, 407. I. enlargeth Herods dominions, ibid. 415. M. 583. B. made Pheroras Tetrarch, 416. G. gave Herod re­venues, 416. F. offended with Herod, 439. G. alloweth Herod to punish Malefactors, 443. F. maketh Archelaus King, 466. N. confirmeth Herods testament, 471. D. calls a Council, 606. M. makes Archelaus an Ethnarch, 471. D.
  • Caesarea built by Herod, 414. G. was called Stratous Tower, ibid. G. a great City, 584. M. 674. H.
  • Caiu, Adams first son, 29. B. slew his brother, ibid. C. not bettered by Gods chastisement, ibid. E. builded a City, ibid. F. invented the use of the plough, 29. B. father of hypocrites, 30. H.
  • Caius succeedeth Tiberius, 485. C. certifieth the Senate of Tiberius death, 492. L. maketh Agrippa King, ibid. 616. H. banisheth Herod, 493. E. usurpeth divine honour, 493. G. 616. K. his Statue. &c. ibid. K. writeth letters to Pe­tronius, 493. C. calleth himself Jupiters brother, &c. 504. H. &c. causeth many to be murthered, 509. B. sa­crifieth, 509. A. builded a haven, 516. L. slain, 520. E.
  • Caleb and Joshuah appease the people, 96. M.
  • Calimander slain, 347. O.
  • Calling of Moses, 67. A. of Eliza [...], 228. E.
  • Calamity of the Israelites, 62. O. 73. D. E. F. 74. I. 129. B. 130. L. M. 133. B. foretold, 261. L. and 262. E.
  • Calamity of Herod, 580. A. of Syria, 632. L. M.
  • Calamity in Jerusalem, 738. K. L. M. &c.
  • Calamity of the Romans, 747. E. of the Jews recounted to the Romans, 749. B.
  • Calamity of the Jews at Antioch, 762. N. O.
  • Calamity of the Jews taken by the Romans, 775. D.
  • Calumniation, 435. B.
  • Calves of Jeroboam, 219. K. L.
  • Ca [...]byses inhibiteth the building of the Temple, 275. N. O. 276. B.
  • Camp of the enemies spoiled, 240. D.
  • Camp of the Romans how ordered, 660. N.
  • Three Camps of the Jews, 607. F.
  • Candlestick of Gold, 84. O. 211. I.
  • Capharis submits to Caerealis, 705. F.
  • Captain over a thousand, 160. O.
  • Captains of Solomon, 206. H.
  • Two Captains of Ochozias destroyed, and why, 236. B. the third preserved, 236. C.
  • Captain trodden to death, 240. E.
  • Captivity of Babylon fore-prophecied, 257. I. 260. D. effe­cted, 265. L. 729. F.
  • Carcasses hinder the passages, 578. N.
  • Carcasses innumerable, 108. N.
  • Carcasses cast out of the City, how many, 738. M.
  • Care of God for the Israelites safety, 67. F. for his servants, 228. C. D.
  • Carthage built, 787. C.
  • Carelesness of Abner touching Sauls safety, 169. G.
  • Carpenters how imployed, 207. D.
  • Cassius resisteth the Parthians, 368. G. exacteth of the Jews 700 talents of silver, 376. D.
  • Cassius Long [...] Governour of Syria, 527. C.
  • Castle fortified, 328. F. 362. L. razed, ibid. F.
  • Castle of David, 717. F.
  • Castor a subtil Jew, 726. K.
  • Catalogue of Jacobs sons and nephews, 61. B. C. D.
  • Catalogue of Gods benefits on Israel, 74. I. K.
  • Catalogue of the Commandments, 79. F. G.
  • Cattel gotten in War, 124. L. 127. A.
  • Catallus slayeth three thousand Jews, 778. M.
  • Cause of errour concerning God, 812. N.
  • Causes of discord, 781. E. 782. H.
  • Causes of malice between Egyptians and Jews, 792. I.
  • Causes of the Israelites ruine, 62. M.
  • Causes of the Wars of the Jews, 622. K.
  • Causes of Vespasians election, 707. F.
  • Causes of writing the Antiquities, 25. D. E. 780. M.
  • Caves of the thieves described, 576. O.
  • Ceasing of Manna, 122. N.
  • Celebration of the Passover, 260. A. 281. K.
  • Cells about the Temple, 208. N.
  • Candebaeus put to flight, 343. N. 559. D.
  • Cenizus delivereth the Israelites, 133. C. vanquisheth Schi­sar, ibid. G. judged Israel forty years, ibid. O.
  • Censors affixed to the brazen Altar, 102. L. and why, ibid.
  • Censors of Gold, 210. C.
  • Centurion of Florm, 623. A.
  • Cese [...]ius President of Syria, 77. O. accused Antiochus, ibid. H. I.
  • Cestern digged to be enclosed, 117. C.
  • Cesti [...] G. appeaseth the people, &c. 622. I. burnt Zabulon and Joppe, 634. N. consulteth with the Princes, &c. 625. B. his siege against Jerusalem, 635. G.
  • Ch [...]us and his compli [...] conspire Caius death, 504. O. why [Page] incited against Caius, 505. C. conferreth with Clement, &c. 506. I. intends to kill Caius, ibid. expecteth occa­sion to assail Caius, 508. I. slayeth Caius, 510. L. ho­noured, 515. A. sendeth Lupus to kill Caius wife, ibid. E. executed, 518. O.
  • Challenge of a single combat, 159. C.
  • Chaldeans mutiny against Abraham, 36. H.
  • Cham, Noahs son, 31. O. his proge [...]y, 34. K. discovereth his fathers nakedness, 34. O.
  • Chambers of pleasure, 213. C.
  • Champions of David, 196. D.
  • Canaan Jacobs inheritance, 50. K.
  • Canaanites put the Israelites to flight, 98. N. wholly to be extinguished, 118. M. 129. E. ten thousand slain, 129. B. made Tributaries, 215. B.
  • Charges of the Temple to be supplied, 281. N.
  • Chariots of Jabin, 134. K. of Solomon, 206. K.
  • Chariots armed seen in the air, 753. D.
  • Chastisement bettered not Cain, 29. E.
  • Chastity of Joseph, 53. A. B. C. 816. K.
  • Chance-medley, 109. D.
  • Change of the Jews Government, 567. G.
  • Change of names whence, 34. I.
  • Cherubin, 84. H. in the Temple, 209. I.
  • Chetura, Abrahams second wife, 41. G. bare to Abraham six children, ibid. O.
  • Chieftains of Achis, 172. N. cause David to be dismissed, ibid. O. of Solomon, 206. H. I.
  • Children are to learn the Law, 112. K.
  • Seventy children of Achab slain, 243. L.
  • Children of Herod, 595. B. C.
  • Children not to be punished for the fathers offence, 117. E.
  • Children male put to death, 62. O.
  • Children of Canaan, 34. N.
  • Children of Abraham, 40. I. M. of Jacob, 47. N. O.
  • Children of Roboam, 221. B.
  • Children unlike their fathers, 149. B. 257. O. 241. I. K.
  • Chodollogomor an Assyrian Captain, 37. B. overthrew the Sodomites, ibid.
  • Choice of the Esseans in compassion and helping, 613. C.
  • Chorab mutineth against Moses, 99. D. E. affecteth the Of­fice of High Priest, ibid. F. he and his company consumed with fire, 102. L.
  • Cosby a daughter of Midian, 107. F. enticed Zambrias to Idolatry, ibid. O. slain, with him, 108. K.
  • Christ crucified, 480. M.
  • Chronicles of the Tyrians, 254. A.
  • Churlishness of Nabal, 168. N.
  • Chusais opposition to Achitophel, 188. O. his counsel ac­cepted, 190. L. certified David of the victory, 192. I.
  • Chuthites removed unto Samaria, 254. A. plagued, and why, 254. B. claim kindred of the Jews, ibid. G.
  • Circumcision commanded and instituted, 38. K.
  • One sacred City in Canaan, 111. E. and why, ibid.
  • Cities of Refuge, 109. D. 126. O.
  • City of David, 179. E.
  • Cities of the Benjamites burnt, 131. F.
  • City of the Priests burnt, 166. K.
  • Cities builded of Solomon, 214. K.
  • Cities under Archelaus subjection, 610. N.
  • Cities taken from the Jews, 355. N.
  • Chief Cities of Galilee, 20. K.
  • Cities in arms against the Jews, 633. C.
  • Four Cities of Galilee revolt from Joseph, 641. D.
  • Citizens of Jabes bury Saul and his sons bodies, 174. K.
  • Citizens taken prisoners, 262. B.
  • Citizens of Giseala entertain Titus, 685. C.
  • Citizens resort to Vespatian, 692. G.
  • Civil Wars of the Israelites, 131. B.
  • Civil Wars of the Romans, 705. D. E.
  • Claudius chosen Emperour, 513. F. unwillingly accepted it, 515. E. carried on mens shoulders, 513. G. denieth to give over the dignity, 516. N. confirmed by Agrippa, 517. A. perswaded to use the Senators mildly, 517. N. giveth Agrippa Judaea, &c. 519. D. his Edict in favour of the Jews, ibid. 519. E. commandeth Agrippa to de­sist from building, 522. O. grants the Jews custody of the High Priests vestment. 228. I. findeth the Samaritanes guilty, 619. C. his wives, 619. H. his death, 620. G.
  • Clemency becometh a King, 169. C.
  • Clemency of Joseph, 35. F. G. of Archelaus, 605. D. of Va­rus, 609. F.
  • Cleopatra Demetrius wife, 343. K. obtains Tryphons army, ibid. rebelleth against Ptolomy, 348. C. prepareth an ar­my against her son, 352. E. taketh Ptolomai [...], 353. G. cometh to Antonius, 380. B. murthereth her brother and sister, 398. E. her corrupt dealing, ibid. M. beggeth Ju­daea and Arabia, 399. H. I. her Chieftain overthroweth Herod, 400. E. her treason against Herod, 580. M.
  • Cloud on the Tabernacle, 95. B. in the Sanctuary, 211. I.
  • A Clown made High Priest, 687. C.
  • Clytus author of sedition, 642. I. cutteth off his own hand, ibid. D.
  • Colony of Nimrod, 34. M.
  • Colonies established by Abraham, 42. H.
  • Combat betwixt David and Goliab, 160. M. N.
  • Combat of Saul against the Ammonites, 152. N.
  • Combat challenged, 159. D. 747. B.
  • Comet like a sword, 753. B.
  • Comfort of Jonathan to David, 187. B.
  • Command of Saul for War, 152. M.
  • Commandment of God transgressed, 28. L. 220. D. E.
  • Commandment for the Ark, &c. 199. B.
  • Ten Commandments, 79. F.
  • Commendation of Abraham, 43. D. of Jacob, 62. I. of Jo­seph, 62. K. of Josaphat, 231. M.
  • Commination against the Israelites, 212. F. against Jezebel.
  • Commiseration of the Galaadites, 152. I.
  • Commotion of the Jews, 497. F.
  • Companies of the Romans, 634. M.
  • Companions of Daniel cast into the furnace, 269. M. pre­served, ibid.
  • Companions of Jonathan slain, 778. L.
  • Comparison of Moses with other Law-makers, 808. H.
  • Comparison of the Roman forces with the Jews, 626. N.
  • Comparison of the Romans and Jews, &c. 683. K. of Jews and Grecians, 783. B.
  • Computation of time different, 899. C.
  • Compassion of Joseph, 60. K. of Thermuthis, 64. I. of the people, 152. I. of the three Kings, 237. M. of Elizeus, 237. N. 240. G. of Caesar, &c. 428. K. of the people, 9. B. of Antonius, 574. L. of Tyroes son, 594. I. of Titus, 684. L. 747. F.
  • Complaint of David to Jonathan, 163. G.
  • Complotting of Josephs death, 51. D.
  • Concord in wickedness, 732. K. 619. D.
  • Concord of the Jews in Religion, 808. N.
  • Concubine of Gideon, 137. B. of Saul, 176. N. of Solo­mon, 217. H. of Roboam, 221. C.
  • Conditions of peace unjust, 152. I.
  • Conduct of Moses, 71. B. C.
  • Conduit under ground from Antonia, 420. F.
  • Confederacy, 135. B. 161. G. 183. C. D. 234. G. 241. N. 307. K.
  • Conference, 363. L. 577. D.
  • Confession of Achar, 124. I. of the women, 596. O.
  • Confidence of Adad, 230. B. of Joram, 238. F. of Ocho­zias, 235. N.
  • Confirmation of Moses, 67. B. of Saul, 150. N.
  • Conflict of the Jews with the Ca [...]sarians, 622. M. of Placi­dus with the fugitives, 699. F. of the Jews with the Ro­mans, 725. D. 768. L.
  • Confusion of tongues, 33. C.
  • Confutation of Manethon's words, 794. N. of Lysimachus, 797. A. B. of Appion, 799. F. of Possidonius and of Apol­lonius, 802. O.
  • Congratulation, 429. F. 463. C. D.
  • Conquest of Canaan made difficult, 96. L. effected, 125. E. &c.
  • Consent of parents, &c. asked in marriage, 43. B. and 46. K.
  • Conspiracy of Corah and his followers, 99. F.
  • Conspiracy, 246. D. 248. E. 243. I. 258. D. 411. N. 504. M. N. 594. I.
  • Conspiracy in robbery, 619. D.
  • Conspirators punished, 470. H.
  • Constancy of the Esseans, 612. M. of the Jews, 617. A. 741. C. 790. M. 814. H. of Eleazar, 818. L.
  • Consultation about the Ark, 147. A.
  • Consultation against Joseph, 14. L. of Herod with Arche­laus, 590. M. of Cestius with the Princes, 625. B. of Titus, 734. N. of Vespasian, 707. D. of Judas, 736. O.
  • Contempt of Religion. See Piety contemned.
  • Contempt of Saul, 151. G.
  • Contempt of God wherein it consisteth, 157. F. G.
  • [Page] Contempt of death, 459. F.
  • Contempt of God loss of a Kingdom, 157. F.
  • Contents of Jeremies Book, 260. C. D.
  • Contents of the Antiquities, 25. D. 26. M. N.
  • Contention of the Samaritans and Jews, 333. I. K.
  • Contention between Abrahams and Lots shepherds, 36. N.
  • Contention whence, 587. G.
  • Continuance of the Laws amongst the Jews, 811. C.
  • Core a certain measure, 97. E.
  • Corn of the Philistines spoiled, 141. A.
  • Corn provided by Herod, 413. L.
  • Corn burnt in Jerusalem, 712. M.
  • Corruption of Ventidius, 384. F. of Scaurus, 565. B. 575. C. of Silo, 575. F. of Antipater, 588. M. of Alexander, 589. G.
  • Corruption among the Greeks, 781. A.
  • Cost of Agrippa in building the wall, 718. K.
  • Costabarus usurpeth, 409. O. preserved by his wives inter­cession, 410. B.
  • Covenant of God with Noah, 32. K.
  • Covenants of the Esseans, 613. D.
  • Covenant of Abraham with Abimelech, 39. G. of Laban with Jacob, 48. H. of Joshua with the Gibeonites, 124. O.
  • Covetousness of Cleopatra, 580. K. of John, 5. D. of Flo­rus, 621. F.
  • Council called, 593. D. 606. M.
  • Counsel held against Joseph, 18. M.
  • Counsel to be sought at Gods hands, 43. E.
  • Counsel of Rebecca to Jacob, 44. L. of Joseph to King Pharoah, 55. F. of Raguel to Moses, 78. H. I. of Balaam to Balac, 106. O. of Achitophel, 189. G. of Chusai, 190. K. of the Elders, 218. E. of the young men, ibid. F. of Salom, 593. B.
  • Counterfeiting of Euricles, 591. E.
  • Counterfeiters of Letters fee'd, 598. M.
  • Country of the Amorites possessed by the Hebrews, 105. B.
  • Country beyond the Flood described, 659. D.
  • Countries inhabited, 13. G. 14. H. I. &c.
  • Courage of the Jews, 727. D. 635. E. of Eleazar, 666. O. of John, &c. 685. G.
  • Courtesie of Rebecca to Abrahams servant, 42. K. L. of Ra­chel to Jacob, 45. G. of Raguel to Moses, 78. H. I. of A­bigail to David, 169. B. of the Witch to Saul, 171. F. G.
  • Court of the Tabernacle, 81. B. C.
  • Court of Jeroboam, 219. K.
  • Courtiers of Saul sound David, 161. B.
  • Cowardize of Vonones, 479. E. of the Jews, 740. M.
  • A Cow brings forth a Lamb, 753. B.
  • Cow-dung the Jews food, 738. N.
  • Craft of a Boy, 754. L.
  • Crassus warreth against the Parthians, 368. B. robs the trea­sury in Jerusalem, ibid. B. slain, 368. G.
  • Creation of the World, 27. E.
  • Creatures made, 27. F. and first named, 28. H.
  • Cry of seditious Chore and his accomplices, 99. F.
  • Cries of women and children, 665. K. of the Jews, 752. I.
  • Crown of Gold, 378. E.
  • Crows fed Elias, 226. C.
  • Cruelty of Azael foretold, 240. G. effected, 245. M. of A­thalia, 244. D. of Manahem, 250. D. of Manasses, 258. B. C. of Nabuchadnezzar, 261. M. of Bacchides, 558. K. of Alexander, 354. F. of Antigonus, 577. G. of Cleopatra, 580. I. of Herod, 590. L. of the Damascens, 637. F. G. of the thieves, 636. H. of the Idumaeans and Zealous, 695. E. of the seditious, 711. B. of the thieves, 736. H. of Simon, 736. L.
  • Cumanus spoileth villages, 533. G. feareth the peoples rage, 618. O. corrupted, 534. M. banished, 535. B.
  • Cunning of David in playing on the Harp, 159. A.
  • Cups of Gold, 210. B. 302. I.
  • Curse against him that builds Jericho, 123. D.
  • Custom of the Country, 46. M.
  • Custom observed in Sacrifices, 91. E.
  • Custom of the War, 118. H. I.
  • Custom in Samaria, 239. N.
  • Custom laudable in a King, 289. N.
  • Custom to punish slayers of themselves, 672. N.
  • Custom of the Romans, 725. F.
  • Custom of the Priests, 782. L. M.
  • Cut-throats among the Jews, 538. L.
  • Cyprus a Castle, 584. N.
  • Cyrenaeus taxeth Judaea, 474. I.
  • Cyrus King of Persia, 271. O. overthroweth Baltazar, and taketh Babylon, 271. O. dismisseth the Jews, 274. E. &c. permitteth to build City and Temple, 274. G. his decree touching the Temple, 280. F. G.
  • Cyzicen [...] King of Syria. See Antioch [...]s.
D.
  • DAgon fell down, 146. L.
  • Days of Creation six, 27. F. G. the seventh sanctified, ibid. G. the day lengthened, 125. C.
  • Dalila soundeth Sampson, 141. G. betrayeth him, 142. H.
  • Damascens kill ten thousand Jews, 637. F.
  • N. Damascenus testimony of Abraham, 36. I.
  • Damasco Country of Abraham, 36. I.
  • Damsels entice the Hebrews to Idolatry, 107. D.
  • Dan the son of Jacob, 46. N. what it signifieth, ibid. N. his issue, 61. B.
  • Daniels austere life, 268. A. expoundeth Nabuchadonosors dream, 268. G. advanced to honour, ibid. 269. K. L. his fellows cast into the furnace, 269. M. interpreteth the writing, 271. N. cast into the Lyons den, 272. D. his vision of the Ram and Goat, 273. K. L. his predictions of the Roman Empire, 273. N.
  • Darius King of the Medes, 270. G. surprizeth Babylon, 271. O. causeth Daniels enemies to be cast to the Lyons, 272. E.
  • Darius, son of Hystaspis, maketh a vow, 276. E. performeth it, 278. B. propounds three questions, 276. E. his Letters for building the Temple, &c. 278. D. 281. I. he restores the vessels, &c. ibid. B. his Epistle to the Prefects of Syria, 281. I.
  • Darius, King of Persia, overthrown, 294. C.
  • Darkness separated, &c. 27. E.
  • Darkness of Egypt, 69. G.
  • Dart of Saul, 69. G.
  • Darts profit not the Jews, 723. E.
  • Dathan rebellious, 102. H. he with his company were swal­lowed up, ibid.
  • Daughters of Salpades inheritance, 109. F.
  • Daughters of the Midianites, 107. B. allure the Hebrews to Idolatry, 107. D.
  • David anointed King, 158. N. seized with Gods Spirit, ibid. causeth Sauls vexation, ibid O. killeth a Lyon and a Bear, 160. H. overcometh Goliab, 160. M. killeth six hundred Philistines, and marrieth Michol, 161, D. vanquisheth the Palestines, 163. B. discovereth Sauls affection towards him, 163. E. complaineth to Jonathan, ibid. G. receiveth Goliahs sword. 165. C. counterfeiteth madness, and why. 165. D. his care of his parents, ibid. E. defendeth Cilla, 167. B. flieth to the Ziphians, ibid. C. escapeth Sauls hands, and how, ibid. E. twice saveth Sauls life, 167. G. and 169. G. testifieth his innocency, 170. B. spareth Nabals flock, 169. G. incensed against Nabal, and why, 168. N. is ap­peased, 169. G. upbraids Abner, 170. H. dwelleth at Sice­leg, and spoileth the Sarrites, &c. ibid. M. recovers his wives, and slays the Amalechites, 173. B. C. lamenteth Saul and Jonathan, &c. 175. E. F. chosen King by one Tribe, ibid. F. requireth Michol, 176. N. purgeth himself of Abners death, 177. G. H. surprizeth Jerusalem, 179. D. vanquish­eth the Philistines, 160. L. transporteth the Ark, and how, ibid. O. intended to build a Temple, 181. H. gave God thanks, ibid. D. revengeth his Embassadours, 183. F. marrieth Bethsabe, 185. B. repenteth his sin, ibid. D mourn­eth for his son, ibid. E. expelleth his Kingdom, 188. M. his entertainment at Mahanaim, 177. C. commandeth to spare his son, 191. B. bewaileth Absalons death, 192. K. granteth Amasa pardon, 193. B. his concubines sequestred, 194. L. distributeth offices, 195. L. delivered out of peril, ibid. N. perswaded to abstain from war, 196. A. his Champions, ibid. D. &c. sends Joab to muster the people, 197. C. of three punishments offered, chuseth the plague, ibid. E. prayeth for the innocent people, ibid. G. commanded to build an Altar, 198. I. gathereth store of Iron, &c. ibid. M. coun­selleth Solomon to honour God, ibid. O. groweth old and numb, 199. C. numbereth the Levites, 200. N. confirm­eth the Kingdom to Solomon, ibid. I. commendeth Solomon to the Tribes, 201. I. his counsel to Solomon, 202. C. wil­leth Solomon to punish Joab, ibid. D. commendeth Berzillais sons to Solomon, ibid. his age, reign and virtues, ibid. E.
  • Dancing of the Maidens of Israel, 160. N. of Davids before the Ark, 180. O.
  • Danger of the Israelites, 710. E. 721. K. of David, 162. K. [Page] 163. B. 167. C. D. E. 167. F. of the Sephorites, 3. A. of Ja­cims Son, 3. G. of Joseph, 9. D. 188. K. 639. F. G. of He­rod, 603. B. of Titus, 712.
  • Dead lye unburied, 735. F.
  • Dead body raised, 247. K.
  • Dealing of Laban with Jacob, 47. F. G.
  • Dealing of Saul with David, colourable, 161. A. B. C.
  • Death of the Fathers, 30. L. 31. A.
  • Death of the seven brethren, 815. D, 820. L. 821. C. D.
  • Death of Abraham, 43. D. of Isaac, 49. F. of Racbel, ibid. D. of Jacob, 62. I. of Joseph 62. K. of Moses, 120. I. K, of Sa­muel, 168. L. of Solomon, 218. C.
  • Death of the first begotten, 70. K.
  • Death of the Leader, discomfort to the Soldier, 233. K.
  • Dearth of Victuals prophesied, 226. B.
  • Debate compromitted, 173. D.
  • Debate of the Jews and Samaritans, 333. I.
  • Debate of Herod with his Sons, 587. A.
  • Debate betwixt the Ladies, 595. D.
  • Debora a Prophetess, 134 L. encouraged Barach. ibid. M.
  • Decease of Herod, 603. A. B.
  • Declamation of Sentius, 514. H. I.
  • Deceit of Florus, 622. K. of John, 689. F. of the Jews, 714. N. O.
  • Deciding of hard controversies referred to Moses, 78. H.
  • Decree of the Romans, 225. L. of Cyrus, 280. F. G.
  • Decree of Destiny, 728. K.
  • Dedication of the Tabernacle and Priests, 89. D. E.
  • Defence of Moses, &c. 806. L.
  • Defence of Nicholaus, 607. B. 610. M. 471. B.
  • Defy of the Enemy, 159. D. 162. L.
  • Deflouring of Dina, 49. B. of Thamar. 186. K. L.
  • Deflouring of a Virgin, 115. B.
  • Deliverance of the Israelites out of Egypt, 70. K. from dan­ger, 72. K.
  • Deluge, or Floud, 30. O. the cause thereof, ib. when it hapned 31. A. B. destroyed all, save those in the Ark, 30. N. decreas­ed, 31. D.
  • Demetrius exhortatory Letter, 300. A.
  • Demetrius Seleucus slayeth Lysias and Antiochus, 323. M. ma­keth himself King, ibid. M. sendeth Nicanor against Judas, 324. D. sendeth Bacchides against Jonathan, 328. G. ma­keth peace with Jonathan, 329. M. fighteth with Alexan­der, and is slain, 332. B.
  • Demetrius Nicanor, overcometh Alexander, 336. C. obtains the Kingdom, ibid. B. incurred the hatred of his Soldiers, ibid. F. discomfited 339. B. taken prisoner, 340. D. put to flight, refused by his Wife, dieth, 347. H. I.
  • Demetrius Eucarius, King of Damascus, 353. O. overcometh Alexander, 354. D. besiegeth his Brother Philip, 355. I.
  • Departure of Israel from Egypt, 70. K. and 71. B. of Cestius &c. 636. M.
  • Depulsion of the Jews liberty, &c. 626. L.
  • Description of the Thieves Caves, 576. O. of Ptolemai [...], 616.
  • L. of Galilee, 659. [...], of the country beyond the Flood, 659. D. of Samaria, ib. E. of Jury, 659. D. of the lake of Gene­zar, 678. C. of Jerusalem, 717. D. F. of Jericho, 781. D. E. of Antonia, 722. K. of the Temple and Porches, 804. K. L. good Deserts of David, 162. L. M. not to be forgotten, ib. M. 574. H. I.
  • Desire of Gold, 433. B.
  • Desolation thorow Jerusalem, 699. B. C.
  • Desolation lamented, 765. D.
  • Destiny, 728. E.
  • Destruction of Sodom, 39. B. of Senacheribs Host, 156, B.
  • Destruction of all things foretold, 30. I.
  • Destruction of Judea, 255. L.
  • Destruction of the Jews, 772. M.
  • Destruction of Jerusalem, 730. I. See Jerusalem.
  • Determination of God, 744. L.
  • Detraction of Writers, concerning the Jews, 77. F. &c. 792. H. I. &c. 793. D. 795. D. E. F.
  • Device of Joseph against the Ram, 666. M. of Artorius, 748▪ I.
  • Devotion of the Israelites, 141. G.
  • A Dew descended from Heaven, 78. B. called Manna, ibid. B.
  • Diadem of Asia, refused 335. N.
  • Difficulties of the Hebrews. See Dangers.
  • Dignity Royal, concealed, 151. C.
  • Diligence of the Romans, 660, N.
  • Dina the Daughter of Jacob, 47. B. ravished by Sichem, 498. de­sired in marriage by him, but denied, ib. M. and 49. C.
  • Diophantus counterfeiteth Letters, 592. N.
  • Discipline of the Romans, 660. N. &c.
  • Discomfiture of Sauls Army, 173. E. F.
  • Discontents renewed, 624. I.
  • Discord in Jury, 586. I.
  • Discord domestical, 183. B. C. D. E. 426. H. I. 433. E.
  • Discord whence ariseth, 587. F.
  • Discord between the Idumaeans and Zealous, 706. L.
  • Discord of the Jews and Alexandrians, 802. K.
  • Discourtesie shewed, 151. E.
  • Discretion of Gideon, 136. L. of the Roman Soldiers, 682. K.
  • Disease called by the Egyptians, Sabbatosis, 799. D.
  • Diseases of Herod, 602. L.
  • Dismission of the Israelites. 247. M. N.
  • Disobedience of Saul, 157. B. C. of the Israelites, ibid. C. D. E. of Jadon, 220. E. of Jonas, 249. I.
  • Disobedience, 115, E. cause of calamity, 129. F. &c. 130. M. &c. 133. B. ibid. 143. B. 144. L. &c.
  • Displeasure of God against Balaam, 105. F. G. against Saul and his people, 157. F. against the Chuthites, 254. B. against Senacherib, 256. C, D.
  • Displeasure of Titus, 733. F. G. of Balac against Balaam, 105. F. G. of Saul, against David, 162. K. pacified, 162. N. of Florus against the Jews, 623. F. of the Israelites, 149. D.
  • Disposition of the Army, 45. A.
  • Disproof of the zealous faction, 691. C. of Appions, 799. A. 802▪ L.
  • A Dissembler, 639. A.
  • Dissention at Tarichea, 679. C. between John and Simon, 732. K.
  • Distinction of the Hebrews Government, 153. B.
  • Distribution of the Jews, 758. O.
  • Distribution of the spoils and prey, 77. B. C. 109. A. 124. L. 127. A.
  • Distribution of Herods Kingdom, 610. N.
  • Distress of the Israelites, 73. D.
  • Division of the Land of Canaan, 126, I.
  • Division of the Land between Abraham and Lot, 36. N.
  • Division of the Tabernacle, 83. C. of the Temple, 209. H. of Judea, 659. F. of the Priests, 200. O.
  • Diviners banished, 171. B.
  • Devil seeketh to abolish the Bible, 314. B.
  • Doctrine of Elias confirmed, 227. N.
  • Doctrine of the Esseans, 612. N.
  • Doeg, Master of the Kings Mules, 165. C. accuseth Achi­melech, and why▪ 166. I. slayeth the Priests, ibid. K.
  • Dogs lick Achabs bloud, 233. E. devour Jezabels Carcass, 243. I.
  • Domitian subdueth the Germans, 764. L.
  • Doris, Herods Wife, 378. C. thrust out of the Palace, 453. D. spoiled of her Jewels, 597. D.
  • Dorites place Caesars statue in the Synagogue, 521. B.
  • Dortus crucified, 535. B.
  • Dowry of Salpades Daughter, 109. F.
  • Dream of Joseph, 51. A. B. of the Butler, 54. L. of the Ba­ker, 54. M. of Pharaoh, 55. B. C▪ of a Midianite. 135. G. Nabuchodonozor, 268. D. of Herod, 578, H. of Archelaus, 473. E. of Glaphyra, ibid. G.
  • Drowsiness of Abner and his Soldiers, 170. I.
  • Duty of a King, 158. N.
E.
  • EAgle of Gold, 459. F. pulled down, 460. H.
  • Eagle the Ensign of the Romans, 662. M. a sign of victo­ry, ibid▪
  • Seven full Ears of Corn, Seven thin or withered, what 550. E.
  • Earth created, 29. E. richly endowed, ibid. covered with darkness, 29. D. cursed for mans sake, 28. N. called a virgin, and why. 28. H. swallowed up Dat [...]an and Abiram, 102. H.
  • Earthquake, 250. B. 148. M.
  • Earthquake killeth ten thousand Men, 584. I.
  • Easter, or the Paschal solemnized, 122. N.
  • Ebutius against Joseph, 7. E.
  • Eclipse, 460. M.
  • Edict in behalf of the Jews, 375. O.
  • Edict of King Pharaoh, 62. O. of Cyrus, 274. E.
  • Edict of restraint, 80. M.
  • Edict of Saul broken, 155. E. of Nebuchodonosor, 269. M.
  • Edom, a name given to Esau, 50. K. his Countrey, ibid. K.
  • Education of Jacob and Esau, 43. E. of Moses, 64. E.
  • [Page] Effect of Gods Spirit, 158. O.
  • Effects of the evil spirit, 158. O.
  • Egypt described, 708. I. K. length and breadth thereof, ibid. of whom so called, 786. I.
  • An Egyptian Prophet gathers 30000, 620. M.
  • Egyptian Priests circumcised, 806. K. L.
  • Egyptians pay the fifth part of their profits, 62. H. sold their possessions, 60. F. G. to what things addicted. 62. M. war against the Ethiopians, 65. A. require Moses for their Cap­tain, 11. C. afflicted with plagues, 69. and 70. weep at the departure of the Hebrews, 70. K. pursue them, 71. B. drowned in the Red Sea, 72. K. worship beasts, 802. I.
  • Eglon subdueth the Israelites, 133. D. kill'd by Ehud, ibid. F.
  • Ehud kills Eglon, 134. H. puts the Moahites to flight, ibid. I. K.
  • Eie of God discovereth sin, 561. G.
  • Eies pulled out. 142. I. 265. H.
  • Ela son of Basa, 225. K. slain by Zamri, ibid.
  • Elcana father of Samuel, 144. I. loved Anna, 143. G.
  • Elders resolved to make David King, 177. C.
  • Elders counsel rejected, 218. F.
  • Seventy Elders rule Galilee, 638. I. K.
  • Eleazar High Priest praised, 2. H.
  • Eleazar, Moses son, 67. G.
  • Eleazar, Aarons son, 102. L. affixed his Censor to the Altar, and why, ibid. L. succeeds his Father, 104. I. dies, 128. O.
  • Eleazar kills an Elephant, 322. D. slain, 558. N.
  • Eleazar upbraideth Hircanus, 348. E.
  • Eleazar an arch thief surprized, 620. K.
  • Eleazar exerciseth cruelty, 619. C.
  • Eleazar one of the Zealous, 690. L. causeth the Idumaeans to be sent for, ibid. L.
  • Eleazar kills himself, 704. K.
  • Eleazar taken, 768. M. whipt, ibid. exhorts the Jews to submit, 768. O.
  • Eleazar, Captain of the Sicarians, 771. C. besieged in Mas­sada, 772. A. shews the Romans tyranny, 776. H.
  • Eleazar brought to Antiochus, 817. F. whipt, 818. M. his an­swer to Antiochus, 818. I. his death, 819. A. B.
  • Election of a King. 113. B. C.
  • Eli High Priest, 142. L. had wicked sons, 143. E. his and their end foretold, 144. L. hearing of the Ark lost, died, 145. B. Genealogy. 145. C.
  • Eliab a Workman of the Tabernacle, 80. L. 89. C.
  • Elias fed by Crows, 226. C. entertained by the widow of Sareptha, ibid. D. restores the widows son, ibid. G. pro­phesieth rain to Achab, 228. B. reproveth the superstiti­on of the people, 227. L. confirms his doctrine, and slays Baals Priests, 228. A. B. flees from Jezabel, ibid. B. pro­phesieth revenge to Achab and Jezabel, 229. B. reproves Ochozias messengers, 335. O. prayeth, that fire consume his Captains, 236. B. and foreshows his death, ibid. B. is taken from men, ibid. D.
  • Elimelech goes to Moab, and why, 142. M. his and his sons death, ibid. M. his heritage seized, 143. D. E.
  • Elizaeus calling, 228. E. foretelleth of water and of victo­ry, 235. I. relieveth a poor widow, and how, 237. O. ad­viseth Joram to beware of Adad, 238. A. B. discovereth his ambush, ibid. B. leadeth the Syrians into Samaria, 238. E. foretells plenty of victuals, 239. L. also Adads death, and Azaels cruelty, 240. G. visited by Joas, 247. H. fore­sheweth his treble victory, ibid. I. his death, and event thereof, 247. I. K.
  • Eloquence of Moses, 67. B. 74. K.
  • Embassadours of David abused, 183. C. of Ezechi [...]s ill in­treated, 252. F. G. of Jonathan to Demetrius, 337. K. of Herod, 602. N.
  • Embassadours to Pompey, 363. E.
  • Embassadours send to Joseph, 12. K. 14. I. hope to get Ti­berias, 16. L. their false accusations, 17. B.
  • Embassage of Moses to the Idumaeans, 103. E. to Sebon, 104. L. Balacks to the Midianites, 105. E. his and their first and second to Balaam, ibid. E. Embassage of the nine Tribes to the other two, 127. I. of the Galaadites to Saul, 152. K. of the Syrians to Achab, 229. L. Embassage of Balad, 257. L. of the Jews, 281. M. of the Jews to Rome, 470. K.
  • Emmor King of the Sichemites slain, 49. C.
  • Emperours of Rome, why called Caesars, 214. M.
  • Emperours strife to be at peace with the Jews, 729. C. 729. C. D.
  • Empire of Rome in an uproar, 705. D.
  • Empire of the Persians, 788. O.
  • End of captivity, 274. E.
  • End of Antiochus Epiphan. miserable, 321. K.
  • End of the Jews answerable to their lives, 771. F.
  • Engines, 666. N. fired, 666. N. 734. H. 740. M.
  • Enemies of the Israelites to be destroyed, 111. A. and why, ibid.
  • Enemies how to be used, 810. O.
  • Enemies to be buried, 116. I.
  • Endeavour of Agrippa, &c. 626. H.
  • Enlargement of the Kingdom of Israel, 248. G.
  • Enneus Abrahams friend, 37. F.
  • Enoch son of Jared, 31. C. taken up to God, ibid. D. 236. D.
  • Enos, Cains first son, 29. F.
  • Enosa the first City builded, 29. F.
  • Enquiry for Jonathans kindred, 182. N.
  • Ensign of the Romans, 662. M. N.
  • Entertainment given to Antipater, 599. D. to Vespasian at Rome, 763. C.
  • Enumeration of the Countries subjected to the Romans, 626: N. 627. B. 628. I.
  • Envy of the Serpent, 28. L. of Abimelech, 43. F. of Leas to Rachel, 46. M. of her to Leas, ibid▪ N. of Josephs brethren, 50. O. of the Egyptians towards the Israelites, 62. M. of Saul against David, 160. N. of Herodias, 492. O. of John, 640. M.
  • Ephod. 87. B.
  • Ephraim son of Joseph, 56. 1.
  • Ephramites get Bethel, 129. E. displeased with Jeptha, are appeased, 139. B. slain by Jeptha, ibid. D.
  • Epicrates sells Scythopolis, &c. 348. A.
  • Epilogue of the Antiquities, 542. N.
  • Epitaphs, 135. F. and 178. H. 260. D.
  • Erection of the Tabernacle, 81. B.
  • Errour of Epicures confuted, 273. O.
  • Esay the Prophet, 256. B. comforts Ezechias, 256. B. fore­told Senacheribs overthrow and death, ibid. B. assureth Ezechias of life, 257. I. K. foreshews the captivity, ibid. M.
  • Esau son of Isaac, 43. E. called Seir, and why, ibid. E. foretold to be author of a Nation, 43. E. his wives, 44. I. went a hunting, ibid. K. denied the blessing, and why, 44. N. foretold to be mighty, yet his brothers vassal, ibid. N. wept for loss of the blessing, ibid. D. selleth his birth-right, 50. L.
  • Eschol Abrahams friend, 37. F.
  • Esdras the Lawyer, 282. B. assembled the Jews in Babylon, 283. E. repairs to Jerusalem, &c. 283. H. his prayers for the Levites, 283. K. reads the Law, 284. B.
  • Esseans a sect, 239. M. 477. E. 612. L. swear not, 613. C. have their goods common, 612. M. their religion and la­bour, 613. A. in compassion and helping their choice, 613. C. observe the Sabbath, 616. H. live long, ibid. I. they prophesie, 610. M. their opinion of the soul, 614. K. be­lieve not the resurrection, ibid. marriage, 612. L. apparel, 612. N. obey Governours, 613. C. just, 613. E.
  • Essen, what it is, 87. C. D.
  • Esther made Queen, 287. H. resorteth to the King, and why, 289. I. accuseth Aman, and why, 290. F.
  • Estate of Solomon declined, and why, 217. I. K.
  • Ethnarch a Governour, 610. I.
  • Ethnicks punished, and why, 304. D. E.
  • Eve created, 28. I. tempted, transgresseth, ibid. L. her punish­ment, 28. N. cast out of Paradise, 29. A. her children, ibid. B.
  • Evening what, 27. E.
  • Event of the battel foretold, 171. E.
  • Event of battel changeth, 746. I.
  • Evilmerodach releaseth Jechonias, 270. F. dies, ibid. F.
  • Evidence against Antipater, 598. L. M.
  • Eunuchs of what gift deprived, 117. E.
  • Euphrates a River of Paradise, 28. K. called also Phora, ibid.
  • Euricles wins Herods favour, 440. M. relates Alexanders words to Herod, 441. B. 592. I. K. gets money by craft, 441. B. 592. H. plays the Ambodexter, 591. F. G. 592. H. I.
  • Of Exactions a mitigation craved, 405. B. C. denied, ibid.
  • Example to do evil, 157. A. 221. C.
  • Example of the Athenians, &c. 626. M.
  • Excursions. See Incursions.
  • Excuse of Davids absence, 164. O. of Malch [...]s▪ 574. H. of the two brethren, 589. D. of Antipater, 600. L. M.
  • Execration of Saul, 155. D. E.
  • Exercise of the Romans, 660. M. N.
  • Exhortation of Moses to the people, 71. F. 74. M.
  • Exhortation to maintain liberty, 511. N. to contemn death, 775. B.
  • Exhortation to be obedient to Gods will, 110. K.
  • [Page] Exhortation of Saul to War, 152. M.
  • Exhortation of Solomon to the people, 212. C. of Azarias, 214. M. of Josaphat to his Subjects, 234. E. of Ezechias to the Priests, 252. F. G. of Matthias to his Sons, 316. A. of the Princes to the people, 624. K. of Samuel to the people, 148. I. of Titus, 741. C. of Antiochus, 817. G. 818. B. 825. I.
  • Expedition of the Philistines against the Hebrews, 154. E. 159. C. of Josaphat against the Syrians, 232. B. of the Arabians against Joram, 241. N. of Amazias against Joas, 248. D. of Ozias, 249. M.
  • Expences of Solomon, 206. I.
  • Explication of names of Jacobs Sons, 46. N. O.
  • Exploits of Titus, 677. D. E. of Domitian, 764. H.
  • Exposition of Dreams. See interpretation.
  • Expostulation of Samuel with the People, 153. D. E.
  • Expostulation against Joseph, 672. H.
  • Extremity of the Jews, 97. E.
  • Ezechias King of Juda praised, and why, 252. F. his Ambas­sadors to the Israelites, 252. G. offereth a solemn sacrifice, 253. H. I. reforms Gods service, ibid. subdues the Phili­stines, 253. K. hath his recourse to God, 256. B, prays, and is heard, 256. B. fell sick, 257. I. his life prolonged, 257. K. entertaineth Balaads Ambassadors, ibid. L. his death, 257. N.
  • Ezekiel prophesieth of Captivity, 260. D. fore-prophesi­eth the destruction of the Temple, &c. 262, E.
F.
  • FAble devised by Apion, 804. N. O.
  • Fable of Jupiter and Pallas, 812. K.
  • Fact of Herod devised, 602. N.
  • Faction in Tiberias, 3. B.
  • Faction of Chore, 99. F. of the people, 225. M.
  • Faculty of perswasion, 67. B.
  • Factious flee from John 698. N.
  • Fadus, Governour of Judaea, 525. B. slew Ptolomaeus, 527. D. kills Pheudas, 532. D.
  • Fall of Adam and Eve, 28. L.
  • Fall of the Walls of Jericho, 123. B.
  • Fall of Oc [...]ozias, 235. N.
  • Fall of a Tower, 725. A. B.
  • False Prophets, 262. G. 263. H. suborned, 752. N,
  • Fame of Solomons Vertues, 213, E. F. of Josaphats. 235. M.
  • Fame of Herod, 585. B. C.
  • Family of the Priests destroyed, 166. K.
  • Famine of Canaan, 36. K. and 43. F. 56. K. and 57. D. of Egypt, 56. K. increased, and why, 61. F. of the Jews, 97. D. E. in the days of Eli. 142. I. inflicted on the Israelites, and why, 195. M, of Samaria, 239. I. 263. K. in Judaea, 496. M. in Jerusalam, 721. D. 738. M. 748. K.
  • Fasting of the Israelites, 148. K. of the Jews, 288. E. F.
  • Father of Josephus taken, 736. N.
  • Fathers before the [...]loud, 31, A. B. C. trained up their Sons in vertue, 30. I. & 31. A. B. C. their age before the floud, 31. A. B. C. their death, ib. why lived longer than we now, 32. M.
  • Fathers after the Floud, 35. C. D.
  • Favour of God to Isaac, 43. F. of the Keeper to Joseph, 54. K, of Pharaoh to Joseph, 55. G. of God to Jacob, 61. A. of God to Moses, 64. I. of the Israelites, 71. F. and 71. G. and 106. K. to David, 158. G. 162. I. of Xerxes to the Jews, 242. C. of Antiochus to Jonathan, 318. G. of Caesar to Jo­seph, 24. N.
  • Fear surprizing the Midianites, 135. F. 118. H. 155. B. 235. L. M.
  • Fear of Saul touching David, 162. I. 165. F.
  • Fear of the Jews, 616. K. 757. G.
  • Fear giveth Confidence, 581. D.
  • Feast of Pascha instituted and celebrated, 700. L. 93. I. 533. D.
  • Feast of Azyms, 70. L. 253. H. 605. E.
  • Feast of Tabernacles, 92. I. 212. D 279. K. 345. K.
  • Feast of Pentecost, 92. M. 467. C.
  • Feast of David to the people. 181. A. of Ezechias 243. H.
  • Feast of Lots, 292. F.
  • Feature of David, 159. A.
  • Felicity of Solomon, 215. C. D.
  • Foelix, Governour of Judaea, 535. D. punisheth Thieves, &c. 536. O. surprizeth Eleazar, 620. K. overthrowns the Egyti­ans, ibid. M. accused, 538. K.
  • Fellows of Joseph, 673. C. cast Lots, ibid.
  • Fertility of Galilee, 649. C. of Genezar, 678. C.
  • Festival solemnized,, and why, 318. G.
  • Festus discomfiteth a Deceiver, 538. M.
  • Fiction of the Zealous disproved, 691. C.
  • Fiction of Apion refuted, 799. A. 802. L.
  • Field of God, 48. K.
  • The great Field, 701. C.
  • Fight by the Sea, 678. F.
  • Fight of the Hebrews with the Canaanites, 98. N. of the Sy­rians with the Jews, 621. A. betwixt the Romans and Jews, 664. B. 671. H. of Vespatian with the Jews, 681. E. of the Citizens with the Zealous, 689. A. between Simon and the Zealous, 704. H. between John and Eleazar, 712. I. at the Feast of unleavened Bread, 714. I, &c. in the Temple, 742. N. of the Jews and Romans 746. M.
  • Finishing of the Temple, 281. I.
  • Fire from Heaven kindles the Sacrifice, 66. M. consumeth So­lomons Sacrifice, 212. B. and Elias. 227, O. also the two Cap­tains, and their own Soldiers, 236. B. C.
  • First begotten amongst the Egyptians slain, 70. K.
  • First-Fruits, 92. M. 114. K.
  • First-begotten, his right 114. O.
  • Five Kings of Sodom. 37. B.
  • Flaccus disfavoureth Agrippa, 487. B.
  • Flight of the Hebrews, 98. N. 173. E. of the Philistines, 180. L. of the Syrians, 248. B. of the Philistines, 148. M.
  • Flocks of Nabal spared, 168. M.
  • Florus, occasion of the Jews revolt, 477. F. 622. K. suc­ceeds Albinus, 542. K. worse than Albinus, ibid. L. cause the wars, 742. M. 622. K. imprisoneth 12 of the chiefest Jews, 622. N. his deceit, ibid. scorns the Jews gratulati­on, 623. A. requires his obtractors to be yielded, Ibid. B. his Subtilty and Treason, 624. I. takes the spoil, &c. 624. N. derided, 623. B.
  • Floud. See Deluge.
  • Flouds of Paradise, 28. K.
  • Food of Manna, 75. B. C. descended from Heaven, ibid, A. ceased, and when, 122. N.
  • Footmen of the Romans, 661. C.
  • Force of the Romans Darts, 667. D.
  • Forces of the Romans to the Jews, 626. N,
  • Force of Envy, 272. O. of Slander, 350. H.
  • Forces weakned and restored, 246. F.
  • Forces against the Midianites, 108. M.
  • Forces of Susac, 221. E.
  • Forgetting of Religion, cause of calamity, 129. B. C. D. G. 130. L. M. &c. 131.. C. D. &c. 132. M. 133. B.
  • Form of the Jews Common-wealth, 281. L.
  • Fortitude of David, 162. I. K. of Vespasian, 681. E. of Julian, 743. C▪
  • Fortress of the City, 688. A.
  • Fortune favoureth the Romans, 728. O.
  • Fountain of the Temple. 207. E.
  • Foundation of Covenant, 61. A.
  • Fountain-head of Jordan, 583. G. 678. B. 680. L.
  • Fountain near Jericho, 701. E.
  • Fountain of Siloa, 718, H.
  • Fountains flowed to Titus, 730. N.
  • Fraud of the false Prophet, 220. D.
  • Fraud paid with Fraud, 682. N.
  • Freemen not to marry Servants, 114. M.
  • Feined Friendship of Eurecles, 591. F. G.
  • Friendship between Isaac and Abimelech, 44. H.
  • Friendship betwixt Jonathan and David, 163. G. confirmed. with an oath, 164. K. L. of Antiochus with Ptolomy, 307. K. of the Romans with Judas, 325. L. of Hiram with Solo­mon, 786. N▪ 799. D.
  • Frogs, a plague of Egypt, 60. B.
  • Fruit forbidden, tasted, 28. K. L.
  • Fruit of the Egyptians spoiled, 69. F.
  • Fruits of Trees under four years growth. 113. C.
  • Fruits fall into ashes, 702. M.
  • Fruit kept uncorrupt 100 years, 772. F.
  • Fugitive Jews flee to Antiochus, 322. B.
  • A Fugitive discloseth the state of Jotapata, 670. E.
  • Fugitives request to Vespatian, 699. D.
  • Fulvia, Saturninas Wife, deceived, 482. I.
  • Funeral of Jacob, 62. K. of Samuel, 168. L. of Abner, 177. G. of Herod, 462. N. 603. D.
  • Funerals of the dead, 810, K.
  • Furniture of the Roman Horsemen, 661. D.
  • Fury of Florus Soldier, 623. F.
G.
  • [Page]GAbaens lust and villany, 130. L. would not deliver the authors thereof, 131. B. destroyed, and their City burned, 331. F.
  • Gibeonites send Embassadours to Joshuah, 124. M. perswade Joshuah to make a league with them, ibid. M. appointed to publick Ministeries, 125. A.
  • Gabinus overcometh Alexander, 266. D. 569. D. repaireth Cities in Jury▪ ibid. takes Aristobulus, 367. K. overcomes the Nabathaeans, 568. L.
  • Gad the son of Jacob, 46. O. what it signifies, ibid. O. his children, 61. B.
  • Gadara besieged and taken, 353. H. 663. B.
  • Gadareans accuse Herod, 416. B. entertain Vespasian, 699. G.
  • Gaal assisted the Sichemites to gather their fruits, 137. D. E. banished out of Sichem, ibid. F.
  • Galaad a pillar, 48. I.
  • Galaadites besieged by Naas, 152. N. and succoured by Saul, ibid. M.
  • Galba foretold to the Emperour, 491. C. slain, 703. B.
  • A Galilean slain, 619. C. his death cause of a tumult, ibid. E.
  • Galileans murthered, 534. L. revenge themselves, ibid. their faith and love toward Joseph, 6. H. desire to invade Ti­berias, 6. N. intreat Joseph to stay, 12. O. their testimo­ny of Joseph, 15. E. flock to Joseph, 641. A.
  • Galilee described, 659. B. the length and breadth thereof, ibid. C.
  • Galley built by Herod, 577. C.
  • Gamala faithful to Rome, 623. G. how scituated, 680. M. inexpugnable, ibid. N. taken, 683. E.
  • Games Circensian, 505. I.
  • Ganges called also Phison, 28. K.
  • Gardens, &c. about Jericho, 701. F.
  • Garden of pleasure, 28. I. Adam placed there, ibid. I.
  • Garment of Joseph, 53. E.
  • Garment of linnen and woollen, 112. H.
  • Garment of the Priest, 210. C.
  • Garment of the High Priests, 721. F.
  • Garrison of the Philistines won, 154. I.
  • Garrison placed in Syria, 182. I. in Idumaea, ibid. L.
  • Gedeon called and encouraged, 435. D. his men and means, ibid. E. obtains the victory, and how, 136. H. kills Oreb and Zeb, and pacifies Ephraim, ibid. L. M.
  • Gehon a River of Paradise, 28. K. called also Nilus, ibid. K.
  • Germans Caesars Guard, 410. O. resort to the Theatre, 512. K. their fury pacified, ibid.
  • Germanicus poisoned, 479. F.
  • Genealogy of Noe, 30. O. of Abraham, 35. C. of Ely, 145. C. of Shadoc, 204. I. of Alexander and Aristobulus, 618. M.
  • Generals of Armies, 121. E. 164. M. 176. H. 204. L. 255. M. 265. I. 283. F. 293. H.
  • Genezar the lake described, 678. C. the length and breadth thereof, ibid. D. E.
  • Gerson Moses son, 67. G.
  • Ghost of Samuel, 171. C. certifies Saul of his end, ibid. E.
  • Giants engendred, 30. M. horrible to look on, 129. C.
  • Giants extinguished. 37. B.
  • Gifts of the Princes of the Tribes, 90. M. of the Kings to Solomon, 216. K. L.
  • Gifts of Herod, 585. B. 591. F. of Antipater, 574. I. 598. L.
  • Gimon a Prophet, 224. O. foretels the miseries of Basa and his race, ibid. O.
  • Giscala burned. 3. F.
  • Gladness of Anna, 144. I.
  • Glaphira wife of Alexander, 422. O. Archelaus daughter, ibid. encreaseth suspicion, 589. B. examined, 441. I. sent back to her father, 449. B. 594. E. her dream, 473. G.
  • Gleanings to be left for the poor, 113. E.
  • Gluttony of Vitellius, 710. K.
  • God created the world, 27. F. resteth the seventh day, ibid. G. speaks to Adam, 28. M. punisheth him, Evah and the Serpent, 28. N. O. sends the Deluge, 30. O. willeth the Earth to be inhabited, 32. O. appears to Jacob, 60. A. his Providence in saving Moses, 64. H. and 64. N. ap­peareth to Moses, 66. O. feeds the Israelites, &c. 75. B. C. comforteth Samuel, 149. E. certifieth him whom to create King, 150. M. sends him to Bethlem, 158. K. ap­pears twice to Salomon, 205. B. 212. E. speaketh to E­lias, 228. D.
  • Gods favour to the Romans, 628. K. 728. O. knows when to revenge, 730. M.
  • Godliness of Ancestors remembred, 63. B.
  • Gods of Laban digged up, 49. D.
  • Gods of other Countries, 112. H.
  • Godoli [...]s Captain of the fugitives, 265. O. slain, 266. E.
  • Gold in great quantity, 77. C. 108. O. 123. B. 124. K. L. sold for half the price, 754. K.
  • Golden Statue erected, 269. M.
  • Golden Eagle, 459. F.
  • Golden Chain, 520. M.
  • Goliah the Philistine, 159. C. challengeth a single combat, ibid. C. encountred and slain, 160. M.
  • Gomar, Japhers son, 33. G. his Progeny, ibid G.
  • Gonorrhoea, a Running of the Reins, 93. C.
  • Good deserts not to be forgotten, 162. L.
  • Goodliness of personage not respected, 158. N.
  • Goods that are found, 115. M.
  • Goods of Arche [...]aus confiscate, 611. G. common, 614. G. of Aman, 291. I.
  • Gorions death, &c. 697. A.
  • Government of the Romans how far, &c. 661. G.
  • Government of the Tribe of Juda, 129. A.
  • Of Governments the best kind, 113. A.
  • Governments of the Hebrews distinct, 153. B.
  • Government of the Jews changed, 567. G.
  • What Governour to be chosen, 78. I. 112. L.
  • The Governour Moses commended, 120. K.
  • Governours of Salomon, 206. H. I.
  • Governour of both Galilees, who, 638. I.
  • Grapes not to be forbidden the gatherers, 113. G.
  • Grashoppers one of the plagues of Egypt, 69. F.
  • Gratuity of Solomon, 213. F.
  • Gratulation of the Jews scorned, 623. A.
  • Gratulation of the Bethsamites, 147. E. of Herod, 586. I. of the people, 463. A. B.
  • Gratus conflict, 463. M. See Fight.
  • Graves of concupiscence, 95. G.
  • Grief causeth or hindreth passion, 816. H.
  • Ground about Jericho fruitful, 702. I.
H.
  • HAbit or form of Elias, 236. B.
  • Habitations of Isaacs sons, 50. K. L.
  • Hail, one of the plagues of Egypt, 69. E.
  • Haman honoured by all, but the Jews, 287. L. his petition for the Jews ruine, ibid. his hatred against Mardoche, 289. M. his treachery discovered, 291. H. judged to the Gallows, ibid. his goods bestowed on Mardoche, ibid. I.
  • Hand of Moses, 67. C.
  • Hand of Jeroboam withered, 220. B. restored, ibid. B.
  • Handmaids of Jacobs wives, 46. M. N.
  • Harbours, 415. I.
  • Ill Harvest of the Egyptians destroyed, 69. F.
  • Hatred of Josephs brethren, 50. O. of the Egyptians to the Hebrews, 62. M. of Saul against David, 160. N. of Absa­lon against Amnon, 180. M. of the Souldiers against De­metrius, 336. G. of sons to the father, 435. F.
  • Haven of Caius, 516. L.
  • Haven described, 517. D.
  • Heaven created, 28. E. and how placed, ibid.
  • Hebrew Slave when to be freed, 116. M.
  • Hebrews Original, 35. B. of whom so called, ibid. C. their insupportable servitude, 62. N. O. and ibid. G. chiefest of them meet Moses, 68. H. perswaded to obey, ibid. H. celebrated their Passover, 70. I. departed out of Egypt, ibid. K. and go thorow the Red Sea, 71. K. sing songs of praise, 72. N. fight with the Canaanites, 98. N. over­throw the Amorites, 104. N. possess their land, 105. B. revolt from the Laws of their Fathers, 187. E. overcome the Midianites▪ 108. O. bound by oath to keep the Law, 119. B. overthrow the Canaanites, 125. E. bring the Ark into battel, 144. M. feed on bloudy flesh, 155. E.
  • Hebron a place of burial, 41. F. 43. D. 49. F. 62. K.
  • Hebron the City taken, 120. C. Davids royal seat, 179. E.
  • Hecataeus, 36. H. writ a Volume of Abraham, ibid. K.
  • Height of the Mountain Itaburium, 682. M. Temple, 208. M.
  • Heirs of David, 181. D.
  • Helen, Queen of Adiabena, 928. L. repaireth to Jerusalem, 530. K.
  • [Page] Heliopolis appointed for Jacob, 61. D.
  • Help of God, when most ready, 71. O.
  • Help of God, to be sought for, 74. O.
  • Heraulds, 118. H.
  • Hercules his War, 42. I.
  • Herod made Governor of Galilee, 372. B. executeth Eze­chias, 372. C. called in question, ibid. F. 578. O. saveth himself by flight, 373. K. killeth Malichus, 370. O. 570. O. ex­pelleth Antigonus out of Jewry, 378. B. 571. C. mar­rieth Mariamme, ibid. accused, made Tetrarch, 380. B. C. 571. F. assailed by the Parthians, 382. A. fleeth to Mal­ch [...], 383. K. made King, 384. C. leadeth his Army against Antigonus, 385. M. 571. C. his Proclamation, 385. M. 575. E. overcometh the Galileans, 386. D. 388. D. sub­dueth the Thieves, 387. I. K. 576. M. repaireth to An­tonius, 391. K. wounded, 388. G. besiegeth Jerusalem, 389. K. hindreth the spoil of the City, 391. I. bribeth Antonius, ibid. L. preferreth his favourites, 392. honoureth Hir­ca [...], 393. N. maketh Annuel High Priest, 393. O. taketh the Priesthood from Ananel, 395. I. contriveth Aristobu­lus's death, 393. N. his counterfeit sorrow, 396. E. goeth, to Antony, 39. C. committeth his Wife to Joseph, &c. ibid. C. D. E. instateth Cleopatra, &c. 399. C. levieth an Army, 400. B. overcometh the Arabians, 402. G. 582. K. dismayed at An­tonies overthrow, 403. M. practiseth Hircanus death, 404. D. banisheth Antipater, 585. F. repaireth to Caesar, 405. K. his speech to Caesar, ibid. entertaineth Caesar and his Army, 406. B. incensed against Mariamme, 407. I. against Phero­ras, 590. N. cometh to Jericho, 576. I. takes Sephoris, 576. L. his Buildings and works, as Theaters, 410. G. Castles 412. B. 414. G. 415. I. 415. L. 416. F. 417. H. H. 584. M. 585. A. distributeth Corn among the People. 413. L. remits the third part of Tribute, 417. H. sweareth the people, 417. K. re-edifieth the Temple, 418. A. B. &c. sail­eth into Italy, 422. L. giveth Wives to his Sons, 422. O. his liberality, 423. B. 424. G▪ openeth Davids Sepulchre, 433. B. crediteth all tales, 436. I. weary of his life, & why, 437. D. fortunate abroad, and unfortunate at home, 426. M. be­headeth Pappus, 578. O. accuseth his Sons before Caesar, 427. E. 428. I. K. 578. B. giveth ear to Accusers, 441. A. B. accuseth his Sons, 444. K. 593. D. strangleth them, 594. K. accuseth Pheroras Wife, 451. D. sendeth Antipater to Caesar, 452. I. tortureth the Bond-Women, 453. B. putteth away his Wife, 454. K. calleth Antipater from Rome, 454. M. 998. N. bringeth him in question, 455. D. imprisoneth Antipater, 458. [...]. maketh his Will, 459. D. E. 467. I. certified of his Brothers death, 578. H. commandeth the Nobles to be slain, 460. N. his liberality, 460. O. 579. G. bemoaneth his Sons, 594. N. betrotheth his Nephews, ibid. G. 595. I. loved Antipater above the rest, 600. I. blotteth him out of his Testament, 601. E. putteth him to death, 603. A. his own death and burial, 462. K. &c. 603. D.
  • Herod fortifieth Cities, 478. I. buildeth Tiberias, 478. N.
  • Herod dismisseth Aretas Daughter, 484. M. marrieth Hero­dias, ibid. N. repaireth to Rome, 493. C. accused and ba­nished, ibid. D. E.
  • Herod created King of Chalcis, 519. E. killeth Silas, 524. F. his authority to create the High Priest, 528. K.
  • Herodias envieth Agrippa, 492. O. banished, 493. E.
  • Herodian, a Castle, 573. D. 585. A.
  • High Priests Ornaments, 871. B. &c. garment, 721.
  • High Priest since Sadoc, 265. M.
  • Hill of witness, 48. I.
  • Hira [...] his League, 179. D. his Ambassadors to Solomon, 206. N. promiseth him Wood, 207. B. receiveth great quantity of Wheat, 117. D. ibid. proposeth hard questions, 213. F.
  • Hircanus High Priest, 334. G. besiegeth Ptolomy, ibid. maketh peace with Antiochus, 345. M. taketh Money out of Da­vids Mounument, ibid. N. surprizeth Cities of Syria. 346. C. conquereth the Idumeans, ibid, O. besiegeth Samaria, 347. M. takes it, 348. B. discontented with the Pharisees, 348. B. followeth the Sadduces, 110. G. his death, ibid.
  • Hircanus, Josephs Son, 309. M. Treason intended against him, 310. K. accused, and why, 310. F. his Apology, ib. his jests, 311. B. C. assailed by his brethren, 311. E. afflicteth the Ara­bians, 31 [...]. K. his buildings, ibid. K. kills himself, ibid. C.
  • Hircanus, High Priest, 566. N. 357. H. content to live a private life. 360. I. his Embassage to Scaurus, 362. B. repaireth the walls of Jerusalem, 376. F. honoured by the Athenia [...]s, 371. I. foretold of his death, 373 H. his Ambassadours brought into the Senate, 375. M. taken prisoner, 381. N. highly hououred, 393. N. his death, 404. C.
  • Hire of a Harlot, 111. G.
  • Hire not to be detained, 117. D.
  • History of Dina▪ 49. B.
  • Histories recited, 729. C.
  • Histories of Antiquities, 780. K.
  • Historiographers refuted, 792. K. L. 793. F. 794. K. N. 795. F. 796. F. 797. A. B. hide Antiochus perjury, 803. D.
  • Holy oyntment, 89. C.
  • Holocaust, or burnt Sacrifice, 91. B.
  • Homer, antientest Greek Writer, 781. B.
  • Homicide committed, 112. O.
  • Honourable drawn before Tyrants, 732. I.
  • Honouring of strange gods, look Idolatry.
  • Honours of Joseph, 55. G. and 60. M.
  • Honour of the Magistrate, 112. L. 626. K.
  • Honour change manners, 166. M.
  • Honour of Mordocheus, 289. C. D.
  • Honour due to Parents, 810. L.
  • Horses taken, 127. A.
  • Horsemen of Solomon, 206. K.
  • Horsemen brought Letters to Joseph, 13. D.
  • Horsemen of the Romans, 661. D.
  • Hospitality of the Esseans, 612. N.
  • Host, look Army.
  • Houshold-stuff, 127. A.
  • Houses full of dead Men, 735. F. 758. K.
  • Humanity becometh a King, 169. C.
  • Humanity of Balaam, 105. D. E. of the three Kings, 237. L. of Caesar, 607. D. of Titus, 744. N.
  • Humanity of Titus counted cowardize, 727. B.
  • Humanity of the Romans, inciteth the Jews against them, 754. O.
  • Hunger killeth many, 727. D.
  • Hurt of the General dismaieth the Soldiers, 233. K.
  • Hymns sung to God, 253. H.
J.
  • JAbisites besieged, 152. H. promised assistance, ibid. L. bury the bodies of Saul and his Sons, 174. K. praised, 175.
  • Jabin, a King of Canaan, 134. K. subdueth the Israelites, ibid. L. his Army put to flight, 135. A.
  • Jacob the Son of Isaac, 43. E. his greatness foretold, ibid. held his brothers heel, 43. E. steals the Blessing, 44 M. fleeing to Laban, seeth a Vision, 45. B. voweth a Sacrifice to God, ibid. D. arriveth at Charran, ibid. A. talks with Rachel and Laban, ibid, F. &c. requireth Rachel, &c. 46. [...]. deceived, 46. L. departeth privily from Laban, 47. [...]. accuseth Laban of ill dealing, 47. F. maketh a Covenant with him, 48. H. sendeth messengers to his brother Esa [...], 48. K. is reconciled to him, and how, ibid. M. wrestleth with an Angel, ibid. N. sacrificeth, 42. D. bewaileth Joseph, 52. M. sendeth his Sons into Egypt, &c. 56. K. would not part without Benjamin, 57. D. rejoyceth at Josephs prosperity, 60. M. his journey into Egypt, 61. B. meet­eth Joseph, and talks with Pharaoh, 61. D. blesseth his Sons, and dieth, 62. I.
  • Jaddus High Priest, 293. K. meets Alexander, 295. H. and in what manner, ibid. shews him Daniels prophecy, 295. L.
  • Jadon prophesies against the Altar at Bethel, 220. B. restores Jeroboams hand, ibid. B. breaks Gods Commandment, 220. E. slain of a Lion, ibid. E. his prophecy detracted, 220. F.
  • Jael kills Sisera, 134. O.
  • Jair governeth Israel, 138. L. was rich, and had thirty Sons, ibid. B.
  • James accused and stoned, 539. D.
  • Jamse, &c. betrays his Countrey, 704. K.
  • Japha taken, 669. C.
  • Japhet, Noahs eldest Son, 23. B. his issue, 22. G. covered his Fathers shame, 34. O.
  • Jason warreth against Onias, 313. I. K.
  • Javan and his Progeny, 10. I.
  • Javelin of Saul, 163. B.
  • Jaziel a Prophet, 235. I assureth Josaphat of the victory, ib. I.
  • Ibes, enemies unto Serpents, 65. D.
  • Ichabod, when born, 145. G. and why so called, ibid.
  • Idolaters plag [...]ed▪ 108. L. M.
  • Idolatry of the Israelites, 107. D. 219. M. of Solomon, 216. O.
  • [Page] Of Joram, 211. I. of Jezabel and Achab, 216. B. of Amasias, 248. A. and 248. B. of Achaz, 251. I. of Jeroboam, 219. L. M. of the Egyptians. 792. I.
  • Idols to be destroyed, 111. A.
  • Idumaea the Country of Esau, 50. L.
  • Idumaeans revolt, 241. K. admit circumcision, 346. D. par­doned by Varus, 609. F. 20000 come to Jerusalem, 690. O. shut out of the City, 692. M. object reproaches against the Citizens. ibid. pitch their tents near the walls, ibid. N. enter the City by night, 693. F. depart out of Jeru­salem, 696. N. consult of their submission, 757. B.
  • Jealousie, 93. F.
  • Jealousie of Herod, 586. N.
  • Jebusites expelled, 179. E.
  • Jechonias made king of Juda, 261. N. revolteth, 262. B. taken prisoner, ibid. released, 270. F.
  • Jehu King of Israel, 228. D. 242. B. slayeth Joram and O­chozias, 242. F. G. despiseth Gods Laws, 245. M. dieth, ibid.
  • Jehu the Prophet, 234. E. reproveth Josaphat, and why, ibid. E. Jeptha, Judge of Israel, made a vow, 138. O. overcometh the Ammonites, 139. A. sacrificeth his daughter, 139. B. killeth 40000 of the Ephramites, ibid. C. D. dieth, ibid.
  • Jeremy foretelleth the Captivity, 260. D. keepeth at Jeru­salem, ibid. B. prophecieth the destruction thereof, 261. L. admonisheth Joachim, ibid. I. perswadeth the Jews to yield, 263. K. imprisoned in a pit, ibid. his counsel to the King, 264. B. set at liberty. 266. B.
  • Jericho the City surveyed, 121. E. the walls thereof fell down. 123. B. destroyed, ibid. C. never to be re-edified, ibid. D.
  • Jeroboam rebelleth, 217. N. fore-shewed to reign over ten Tribes, ibid. O. fled into Egypt, 218. B. recalled, ibid. C. proclaimed King, 219. I. perswaded the people to Ido­latry, ibid. L. his hand withered and was restored, 220. B. his impiety, 222. C. his punishment fore-prophecied, ibid. E. his expedition against Abias, 223. I. dieth, 224. H.
  • Jeroboam the son of Joas, 248. F. warred against the Sy­rians, and inlarged his Kingdom, 248. G. dieth, 249. L.
  • Jerusalem taken, 179. D. Davids royal City, ibid. E. surpri­zed, 221. E. besieged, 235. M. 263. K. 264. D. 579. A. taken and burned, 265. K. surprized, 297. N. tributary to Rome, 365. L. taken by Sosius, 390. F. described, 713. E. F. 758. G. &c. second time burned, 755. F. six times spoiled, 760. H.
  • Jesse begat David, 143. E.
  • Jesus High Priest, 279. H.
  • Jesus High Priest, 213. H. deposed, 213. I.
  • Jesus Christ Crucified, 480. M.
  • Jesus Captain of Thieves, 7. B.
  • Jesus conspireth against Joseph, 8. N. his talk with him, 17. F.
  • Jesus exhortation to the Idumaeans, 691. A. 691. F.
  • Jesus his exclamation against Jerusalem, &c. 753. E. his death, ibid. G.
  • Jewels of great price, 42. N.
  • Jews more ancient than the Greeks, 784. M. arguments thereof, ibid. came not of the Egyptians, 795. B. C. when got Judaea and built Jerusalem, 796. O. trusty to their Princes, 802. I. why eat not swines flesh, 806. I.
  • Jews impiety reproved, 221. F. their captivity, 265. L. 267. K. depart from Babylon, 278. F. in danger to be exter­minated, 286. B. lament, 288. C. fast and pray, ibid. E. F. revenge them on their enemies, 292. C. led away cap­tive, 297. N. set at liberty, 289. K. tormented, 314. C. slain on the Sabbath, 315. N. brought out of Galaad, 320. C. discharged of tribute, 343. L. terrified, 251. M. Lords of Syria, &c. 343. E. shut their gates against the Romans, 364. L. honoured by Kings of Europe and Asia, 373. N. slain, 381. I. favour Herod for his bounty, 413. N. com­plain to Agrippa, 423. G. Jews Embassage to Caesar, 431. F. 50000 slain, 582▪ K. cause of the wars, 527. D. Jews slain about the Temple, 533. E. plagued, 2. N. constrained to make war, ibid. M. revolt from the Romans, 11. E. va­liantly defend themselves, 279. B. 3000 slain, 606. H. call Archelaus in question, 610. I. will not consent to Pi­late to alter their Laws, 615. D. their fight with the Sa­maritanes, 623. A. sedition and slaughter among them, 621. B. their request to Agrippa, 625. E. refuse Caesars sa­crifices, 629. F. take Antonia, 630. M. spoil the Villages and Cities of Syria, 632. K. Jews against Jews, ibid. M. slain, 632. 633. 634. H. &c. overcome the Romans, 635. D. besiege Askalon, 658. I. 10000 slain, 658. L. 8000 slain, 658. M. repulsed, 666. I. pour scalding oyl upon the Romans, 668. M. 12000 slain, 669. D. 40000 perisht at Jotapata, 671. E. flie into the City▪ 677. C. 9000 slain, 683 F. turn their weapons against themselves, 686. I. drive the Romans from their camp, 713. B. shewed the tortures of the fugitives, 732. O. curse Caesar, 733. B. embowelled for Gold, 737. F. upbraid God, 736. H. afraid, ibid. K. sur­prise the Romans Horses, 746. L. burn the porch of the Temple, ibid. O. eat their girdles, shoes, &c. 748. L. overcome the Romans, 747. F. arrogant in calamity, 756. K. refuse to submit themselves▪ ibid. L. 40000 saved, an infinite number sold, 757. D. slain in Syria and Aegypt, 775. D. burn their goods, 775. L. the number of captives and slain, 759. B.
  • Jezabel builded a Temple to Bel, 226. B. ordained Priests and Prophets, ibid. B. killed the true Prophets, 227. K. com­plotted Naboths death, 218. F. G. persecuted Elias, 228. B. her death fore-shewed, 228. I. devoured by dogs, 243. I.
  • Image of a godly Prince, 259. M. N.
  • Image of Gold, 269. M.
  • Imitation in sin, 159. B. 219. M. 221. d. 250. E. 258 D.
  • Immanity of the Idumaeans and Zealous, 694. I. of Simon, 704. M.
  • Immunity granted to the Jews, 335. B.
  • Impiety of Elies sons, 143. F. of Basa, 224. O. of Achab and Jezabel, 226. B. 228. B. of Amri and his Predecessors, 225. M. of Achaz, 251. I. 252. B. of Ochozias, 246. B. of Ozi [...]s, 259. A. of Phac [...]ias, 250. E. of Ozeas, 255. C. of Manasses, 258. B. of Joas, 260. L. of Joachim, ibid. F.
  • Impiety cause of calamity, 129. B. 130. L. M. 131. C. D. 132. M. 221. D. 222. E. 224. I. 225. M. N. 229. I. 242. A. 248. A. 251. K. 252. B. 258. B. 260. E. 261. M. N. 262. D. E. 263. H. L. &c. 264. D. E. &c. 265. H. I.
  • Imprecation for building Jericho, 123. D.
  • Imprecation of Saul, 155. D.
  • Incest, 94. H. of Lot, 39. D. of Ammon, 183. C.
  • Inchanters banished, 171. B.
  • Inclosure before the Temple, 210. D.
  • Inconstancy of fortune, 682. I.
  • Inconveniences under a King, 149. F. G.
  • Incouragement of Moses, 67. C. of Joshuah, 119. D.
  • Incredulity punished, 240. E.
  • Incursions of the Amalechites, 135. B. of the Philistines, H. of Adar, 217. M.
  • Indebted acts and devices, 763. B.
  • Indulgence cause of sin, 157. D.
  • Industry of the Romans, 660. N.
  • Ingratitude of the Sichemites, 137. B. of the Israelites, 153. D. of Nabal, 168. N. of Demetri [...], 336. B. of Malch [...], 574. H.
  • Inhabitants of Nob slain▪ 166. K.
  • Inhabitants of Countries, 33. F. 34. L.
  • Inheritance of Jacob and Esau, 50. L. M. of Salpades dauth­ters, 113. E.
  • Inhibition of Cambyses, 276. B.
  • Iniquity, 577. B. of the Jews, 740. H.
  • Injuries of Florus, 477. F.
  • Injury to Davids Embassadours, 183. C. to Thamar, 186. L.
  • Injustice of Law-makers, 814. I.
  • Innocency of David, 168. I. 170. L.
  • Insolence, 248, A. B. 250. B. 250. D. 733. D.
  • Institution of Circumcision, 38. L. 70. L. of the Passover.
  • Instruments of Musick, 210. C.
  • Interpretation of Josephs dream, 51. C. of the Butlers, 24. M. of the Bakers, 24. O. of Pharao [...]s, ibid. E. F. of Nebuc [...]odo­nosors, 269. O. of the hand-writing, 271. N.
  • Interpreters royally entertained, 302. O.
  • Intent of Florus manifested, 624 M.
  • Intention of Saul against David, 160. I. M. 163. B. 164. M.
  • Intestine discord, 686. I.
  • Invective against murtherers, 178. M. against the Zealous, 687. F. of Joseph against the Jews, 730. K.
  • Inventor of Musick, who, 29. G.
  • Inventor of the Art of Forging▪ ibid.
  • First Inventors of Letters, 781. A.
  • Invocation of God in trouble, 74. O.
  • Joab General of Davids Army, 176. H. discomfiteth Ab [...]er, ibid. I. slayeth Ab [...]er, 177. D. discomfiteth the Syrians, 189. F. reconcileth Absalon to his father, 188. H. [...].
  • Joab and the Army enter the City mournfully, 192. M. his Oration unto David, &c. ibid. C. sent out against Siba, 194. M. killeth Amaza, ibid. N. rebuked, proposeth con­ditions of peace, 194. L. one of Ado [...]i [...] coadjutors, 199. D. slain, 204. L.
  • [Page] Joachas King of Israel subdued, 246. F. G. and why, ibid. his repentance and prayer, ibid.
  • Joachim King of Juda, 260. E. paid tribute, ibid. 261. I. revolteth and is slain, 261. I. not buried, 261. M.
  • Joachin King of Juda, 261. N. See Jechonias.
  • Joas King of Israel, 247. H. called Elizaeus his father, ibid. H. his treble victory, ibid. K.
  • Joas saved, and how, 244. D. created King of Juda, 244. E. his piety during Joiadas time, 245. L. repaireth the Tem­ple, ibid. N. his impiety after Joiadas decease, 246. E. stoneth Zacharias, ibid. G. bought his peace, 246. D. dieth, ibid.
  • Joatham his works about the Temple, 250. F. acts of War, ibid. K. 251. I.
  • Joaz King of Juda taken prisoner, 260. E. his impiety and death, ibid. F.
  • Jobel a Maker of Tents, 29. F.
  • Jochabel, Moses Mother, 63. E. secretly hid him three months, ibid. F. appointed to be his Nurse by Pharaohs daughter, 64. K.
  • Jodes killeth Eglon, 133. F. subdueth the Moabites, and ru­leth Israel, ibid. 134. I. K.
  • Joel and Abia govern the Commonweal, 149. B.
  • Joiada High Priest, 240. C. createth Joas King, 240. D. swear­eth King and people to serve God, ibid. L. deceaseth, 246. B.
  • John releaseth Ismaels captives, 267. R. refuseth counsel, ibid. I.
  • John High Priest slayeth his brother, 293. I. punished, 293. K.
  • John, Jonathans brother, slain, 328. D.
  • John Baptist slain, 485. B.
  • Johns acts in Gischalis, 5. M. his treason, 6. I. seeketh to murther Joseph, 5. M. he and the Embassadours resort to Jesus, 15. A his followers forsake him, 21. F. a trecher and murderer, 639. B. flieth into Gischala, 641 A. per­swadeth the Tyberians to revolt, 641. N. moveth to re­bellion, 684. I. reserved to be at the siege of Jerusalem, 685. A. sweareth to the people, &c. 689. E. breaketh his oath, ibid. G. assaulted on both sides, 712. M. putteth the Zealous to flight, 714. I. seizeth the Temple, ibid. raileth upon Joseph, 744. I. apprehended, 759. E. is con­demned to perpetual prison, ibid. F.
  • John, Captain of the Idumaeans, 724. M. slain, ibid. M.
  • Jonas cause of a tempest, and why, 249. I. devoured of a whale, and cast out, 249. K. preacheth to the Ninevites, ibid. K.
  • Jonathan, Sauls son, 154. I. entred the enemies camp, and slew them, 155. B. C. breaketh the Edict, ibid. D. coun­selleth David to flie, 162. I. pacifieth Sauls displeasure, and certifieth David thereof, 162. L. M. discovereth Sauls ha­tred to David, and how, 164. L. reneweth his covenant, 167. C.
  • Jonathan Governour of the Jews, 328. B. revengeth his bro­thers death, 328. K. assaileth Bacchides by night, 329. I. putteth Apollonius to flight, 334. E. appeaseth Demetrius, 336. C. putteth Demetrius to flight, 339. H. reneweth friendship with the Romans, ibid. I. &c. fighteth with Demetrius, 340. A. repaireth Jerusalem, &c. ibid. G. ta­ken by Triphon, 340. F. 559. B. slain, 342. C. 559. C.
  • Jonathans letters to Joseph, 13. C.
  • Jonathan challengeth a combat, 747. B. slayeth Pudens, 747. C.
  • Joppe a retreat for thieves, 674. K. taken, ibid. N.
  • Joram King of Juda, 237. N. served Idols, 241. I. murdereth his brethren, ibid. I. dieth miserably, 241. M.
  • Joram King of Israel, an impious man, 236. D. asketh aid, ibid. E. in distress with two other Kings, ibid. E. F. re­lieved, and how, 237. H. overcame the Moabites, ibid. L. besieged, 238. F. threatneth Elizaeus, 239. K. certified of the enemies flight, 239. O. his expedition to recover Ra­math, 241. O.
  • Jordan yieldeth the Israelites passage, 190. N. his fountain, 680. L.
  • Jehosophat, King of Juda, his piety, 311. M. his expedi­tion with Achab, 232. B. M. reproved, 234. E. reneweth the true service of God, ibid. E. prayeth, and why, 235. I. obtaineth victory, and how, 235. K. L. his ships cast away, ibid. M. aideth Joram, 236. E. dieth, 237. M.
  • Joseph son of Jacob, 47. A. envied of his brethren, 50. O. dreamed a dream, 51. O. sold by his brethren, 52. L. resisted his mistriss twofold temptation, 53. A. E. accused and cast into prison, 54. H. K. expounded dreams, 54. M. O. counselled the King how to prevent famine, 55. F. ad­vanced to honour, and married a wife, ibid. G. sounded his brethren, and why, 56. M. sent them away, but de­tained Simeon, 57. B. C. banqueteth them and Benjamin, 58. H. slayeth their journey, and accuseth them, ibid. I. K. I▪ attacheth Benjamin, ibid. N. maketh himself known to his brethren, 60. I. K. resorteth to Pharaoh with his brethren, &c. 60. burieth his father, 62. I. giveth charge concern­ing his bones, ibid. dieth, ibid. I.
  • Joseph preventeth calamity, and how, 308. I. &c. Embassa­dour to Ptolomy, ibid. N. tributes of Coelosyria committed to him, 399. I. his wealth and children, ibid. N. sendeth his son Hircanus to Ptolomy, 310. C. his death, 311. F.
  • Joseph, Herods brother, slain, 388. C. D.
  • Joseph, Herods Uncle, 397. C. slain, and why, 388. I. K. L.
  • Josephus of the Priestly line, 433. D. 543. A. studious from his infancy, 1. E. expert in the Greek and Hebrew tongues, 542. O. a Pharisee, 1. F. his shipwrack, 2. H. dehorteth the Jews from sedition, ibid. K. remaineth in Galilee, 4. N. procureth the safety of the Kings goods, 5. C. would not be bribed, 5. F. surprizeth Jesus, 7. D. his care of Reli­gion, 7. D. transporteth Corn into Galilee, 8. H. labour­eth to restore Pto [...]omies goods, 8. M. moveth the people to compassion, 9. B. his Oration, ibid. C. escapeth from danger, 9. D. dismisseth the Tarichaeans, 9. G. politickly taketh Tiberi [...], 10. L. dismisseth the Tiberians, 11. B. his dream, 12. N. his answer to Jonathan, 13. F. besetteth the ways of Galilee, 14. M. objecteth treachery to the Em­bassadours, 15. C. pacifieth sedition, 16. I. sends 100 Em­bassadours to Jerusalem, ibid. B. certifieth the Galilaeans of Jonathans treachery, 18. K. taketh Simon, 19. C. surpri­zeth Tiberias, ibid. D. prosecuteth his History, 21. D. as­saileth the walls of Sephoris, 22. O. putteth the Kings souldiers to flight, 23. C. his accident, 23. D. dischargeth captives, 24. I. entertained by Vespasian, 24. K. envied, &c. ibid. maketh seventy Elders Rulers in Galilee, 638. I. fortifieth the City with walls, 638. K. instructeth the Ga­lilaeans in War, ibid. cometh to Jotapata, 663. E. defend­eth Jotapata, 663. G. 664. E. F. 665. C. burneth the en­gines, 666. M. leapt into a trench, 671. L. consenteth to Nicanor, ibid. m. his speech to his fellows, 672. H. re­sorteth to Vespasian, 673. D. foretelleth Vespasian of his future honours, 673. F. rewarded by Vespasian, 674. H. imprisoned, ibid. delivered, 109. C. wounded in the head, 737. B. his speech to the people, 744. I. present at the Wars of the Jews, 783. D. sold his books to many, 738. E.
  • Josias restored Gods Service, 258. E. rooteth out Idolatry, ibid. F. causeth the book of the Law to be read, 259. L. burneth false Prophets bones, ibid. M. celebrateth the Passover, 260. A. is slain, ibid. B.
  • Joshuah Captain over the Israelites, 76. N. with Caleb ap­peaseth the people, 96. M. appointed the successour of Moses, 109. B. passeth over Jordan, 122. L. buildeth an Altar, 122. M. compasseth about the City of Jericho, 122. O. burneth the City, 123. C. pronounced them accursed that re-edifie it, ibid. D. prayeth unto God, 123. F. taketh and burneth Ainan, 124. K. maketh a covenant with the Gibeonites, 124. O. slayeth five Kings, 125. C. slayeth the Kings of Canaan and their Army, 125. D. sendeth men to measure the Land, 126. K. divideth it by lots, 126. K. &c. his Oration to the two tribes and half, 127. D. exhort­eth the people to keep the Law, 128. M. dieth, ibid. N.
  • Jotapata besieged, 663. E. 664. G. valiantly defended, 665. B. C. 666. H. &c. 667. A. &c. 668. O. 669. A. B. &c taken, 670. F. 671. H.
  • Jotham, son of Gedeon, 137. B. upbraideth the Sichemites, ibid. B. adviseth them to reject Abimelech, 137. C.
  • Journey of the Hebrews, 70. L. 71. B. 72. K. N. 73. B.
  • Joy of Jacob, 61. D. of the Egyptians, 62. H. of Anna, 144. I. of the Jews, 278. C. D. &c.
  • Ipsan governed Israel, 139. D. his children, ibid. E.
  • Iron bed of Og, 105. B.
  • Iron work forbidden, 136. I.
  • Isaac promised, 38. L. and ibid. O. is born, 39. G. why he was called Isaac, ibid. G. legitimate son of Abraham, 40. I. maketh a covenant with Abimelech, 44. I. should have been offered, 41. B. marrieth Rebecca, 43. C. dieth. 49. F.
  • Isachar son of Jacob, 47. A. what it signifies, ibid. A. his sons, 61. C.
  • Isboseth, Sauls Son, proclaimed King, 176. H. his army dis­comfited, ibid. I. reproved Abner, and why, 176. N. trai­terously slain, 138. L. M.
  • Isha, what it signifies, 28. I.
  • Isis Priests hanged, 481. C. D.
  • Islands, &c. called Cethim, 34. I.
  • [Page] Ismael slew Godolias, 266. E. taketh many prisoners, 266. F.
  • Ismael Abrahams son, 34. K. circumcised, ibid. L. his state and progeny foretold, ibid. L. his name, what, 36. K. banished, and why, 40. K. his sons, 40. L.
  • Israel, a name given to Jacob, and why, 48. M.
  • Israelites servitude, 62. M. their male children put to death, 62. O. grievously afflicted, 67. E. and 68. L. celebrated the Passover, 70. I. K. departed out of Egypt, 72. O. are exhorted to put their trust in God, 71. F. gothorow the Red Sea, ibid. sing songs of praise to God, 72. M. distres­sed in the desart, 78. A. murmur, and why, ibid. E. fed with Manna forty years, 75. D. incensed against Moses, and why, ibid. E. F. wander in the wilderness forty years, 97. A. assail their enemies, 98. L. war against the Amala­chites, 76. I. and get great spoils, 77. C. come to Sinai, ibid. D. hear God speaking to them, 79. E. builded the Tabernacle, 80. L. assail their enemies, and are overcome, 98. M. N. put the Amorites to flight, 103. B. slay Se [...]on and Og, 103. A. B. C. serve strange gods, 107. D. commanded to destroy their enemies, 111. A. B. H. bound to keep the Law, 119. B. enjoyed the fruits of the earth, 122. N. took Jericho, 123. B. also Ainan, 124. K. overcame the Chanaa­nites, 125. E. divided their land amongst them, 126. K. &c. reproved for sparing the Chanaanites, 129. G. twice over­thrown, 131. D. slay all the Benjamites save six hundred, 131. F. give them four hundred virgins for wives, 132. I. their punishment, prayers, and fast, 148. I. K. L. their re­port to Samuel of his sons, 149. D. desire a King, ibid. rescue Jonathan, 156. I. spare the cattel of the Amale­chites, 157. B. revolt from Roboam, 219. I. the godly re­turn to him, 221. B. their translation, 250. E. 253. N. dispossessed of their Country, and why, 253. N.
  • Issue of Isaac foretold, 38. L. what should effect, ibid. L. of Abraham by Chetura, 41. G. of Jacob, 46. N. O.
  • Issue of the war, 608. O.
  • Ittam a place of recreation, 216. M.
  • Jubal, Inventer of Musick, 29. G.
  • Juda the son of Jacob, 46. N. his counsel to sell Joseph, 52. L. urgeth his father to send Benjamin, 57. D. maketh a speech before Joseph, 59. B. his children, 61. B.
  • Judaea made tributary, 260. E. described, 659. F. length and breadth thereof, ibid. G. desolated, 740. I.
  • Judas Maccabaeus, 316. C. slayeth Apollonius, and discomfiteth the Syrians, ibid. E. F. his Oration to his Souldiers, 317. M. twice discomfiteth Lys [...]s, 318. B. C. D. purged the Tem­ple, 318. E. 319. H. warreth with the neighbouring nati­ons, 319. I. K. succoureth the Jews in Galaad, 319. C. 320. D. his admirable victory, ibid. D. besiegeth the Castle in Je­rusalem, 321. N. and why, ibid. his league with Antiochus, 323. I. slayeth Alchimus partakers, 325. K. putteth Nicanor to flight, 325. H. covenanteth peace with the Romans, 325. K. abandoned of his men, ibid. N. is slain, 326. C. 559. B.
  • Judas the Essean a Prophet, 350. H. 561. D.
  • Judas the Arch-thief, 468. L.
  • Judas Galilaeus sect, 476. M.
  • Judge corrupted with money, 278. E. F.
  • Judges qualities, 112. L. their office, 234. E. placed in every City of Juda, ibid. E.
  • Judgment seat in several Cities, 149. A.
  • Julian his valour and death, 743. D. E.
  • Julius Ant. for the Jews, 432. L.
  • Jupiter E [...]yelius reliques, 33. D.
  • Justice is Gods power, 112. K.
  • Justice of God, 254. C. leaves nothing unpunished, 598. H.
  • Justice oppressed, 149. D.
  • Justice neglected, 565. A. B.
  • Justice of the Esseans, 613. E.
  • Justification of Samuel, 153. C.
  • Justus inciteth the people to rebellion, 3. D. reproved, 19. F. his Country Tyberius, 20. K. accused, 23. E. condemned to death, 20. N. his book when published, 21. B. desireth to command Galilee, 22. M.
  • Izates King of Adiabena, 529. A. learneth the service of God, ibid. disswaded from circumcision, 529. B. writeth to the Parthians, &c. 531. A. calleth upon God, 532. L. deliver­eth the Kingdom to his brother, 532. M. dieth. ibid.
K.
  • KEeper of the prisons entreaty of Joseph▪ 54. K.
  • Kind of living most miserable, 731. E. F.
  • Kindness of Agripp [...], 11. C.
  • Kinds of sacrifice, two, 91. A.
  • Kindness pretended, 598. N.
  • Kindness of Herod, 599. F.
  • Fat Kine and lean, what they signifie, 55. D.
  • King desired, 150. I.
  • Kings field, 37. E.
  • Five Kings of the Midianites slain, 108. O.
  • Of a King to be elected, what things are required, 113. B.
  • The Kings of Canaan war against the Hebrews, 125. D. they and their whole Army put to the sword, ibid. B.
  • 31 Kings overcome by the Hebrews, 126. H.
  • Kings of Egypt, why called Pharao [...]s, 214. M. N.
  • Kings of Alexandria called Ptolomies, 214. M.
  • King of Moab sacrificeth his son, 237. L.
  • King enjoyned by oath to serve God, 245. I.
  • Kingdom of Solomon rent, 217. O. 219. H.
  • A Kingdom how continued, 158. N.
  • Kingdom promised to Je [...]ues posterity, 240. B.
  • Kingdom of Herod divided, 471. D. B.
  • Kingdom not given, but the honours thereof, 587. G.
  • Kingdom of Agrippa, 618. L.
  • Kindred, 43. B. 45. F.
  • Kinsman, 47. E.
  • Knowledge of celestial bodies, 30. K.
  • Knowledge of good and evil, 28. L.
L.
  • LAban, Bethuels son, 45. E. con [...]enteth to Rebecca [...] marriage, 43. C. entertaineth Jacob, 45. E. appoint­eth him master of his shepherds, 4 [...]. I. deceiveth him. ibid. L. pursueth after him, 47 C. maketh a covenant with him, 48. H. his goods, 47. B.
  • Labour of the Esseans, 613. A. of the Roman Souldiers, 660. N. ceas [...]ess, 735. C.
  • Ladder of Jacob, 45. B.
  • Ladies at variance, 595. E.
  • Lake Asphaltites, 37. C. described, 702. K. the property thereof, 702. K.
  • Lake of Genezar, 679. H.
  • Lakes Asphaltites and Tiberias, 701. D.
  • Lamech his wives and issue, 29. F.
  • Lamech, Methusala [...]s son, 30. O.
  • Lamentation of Esau, and why, 44. N.
  • Lamentation of Jacob, 52. M. of the Hebrews, 119. F.
  • Lamentation of thirty days, 115. E.
  • Lamentation for Abner, 177. F. for Aristobulus, 381. L.
  • Land of the Ammorites possessed, 105. B.
  • Land-marks not to be removed, 113. B.
  • Land of Canaan divided by Lots, 126. K.
  • Land of Sodom where, 702. M.
  • Lap of Sauls Garment cut, 167. G.
  • Largess of Titus to his Souldiers, 761. B.
  • Largeness of Jewry, 790. N.
  • Laver how sustained, 209. M. round lavers, ibid. N.
  • A Law most cruel, 62. O.
  • Laws made by Moses, 111. B. C.
  • Laws of adultery and jealousie, 93. F. of the seventh year, 94. L. of the fathers forsaken, 107. E. of the plough, 113. D. of like for like, 117. B. of violence, 116. M. of war, 118. H. I. against wall-breakers, 422. I. against forsakers of their places, 734. K. of poyson, 117. A.
  • Laws of the Jews of great Antiquity, 814. K.
  • Law-makers of the Gentiles, 814. I.
  • Laws of the Gentiles, 814. L.
  • Lea, Labans daughter, 46. L. sustituted in Rackels place, ibid. L. bare to Jacob four sons▪ ibid. N.
  • League of Isaac with Abimelech, 44. I. of David with Hi­ram, 179. E. of him with Solomon, 207. D. Hirc [...] with the Romans, 336. I. K. 346. D. E.
  • Learning of Daniel, 267. O. of Joseph, 1. E.
  • Lagacies of Herod, 462. K.
  • Legions of the Romans, 660. K. 711. C.
  • Lending upon usury unlawful, 116. I.
  • Length of the Ark of Noab, 30. N.
  • Length of the Temple, 208. M.
  • Lenity of Saul, 153. A.
  • Lenity of Magistrates, 157. D.
  • Lepers driven out of the City, 93. G [...] 39. N. [...]. & 250. [...]. C.
  • Leprosie of Ozi [...]s, 250. B.
  • [Page] Letters of David, 184. L. of Senacherib, 256. C. of Ar­taxerxes for the security of the Jews, 291. L. of Ptolomy, 390. E. of Eleazar, 301. B. of Demetrius, 336. E.
  • Levi son of Jacob, 46. N. slew the Sichemites, 49. C. his sons, 61. B.
  • Levites wife, 130. H. I. abused, dieth, &c. 130. M. N.
  • Tribe of Levi sacred to God, 93. A.
  • Levites sing hymns, 235. K. numbred, 200. N.
  • Liberality of the Enchantress, 171. G. of Herod, 585. B. of Helena, 530. K. of Izates, ibid.
  • Liberty of the Israelites, 73. D. restored, 133. C.
  • Liberty of speech, 231. L. 582. M.
  • Liberty a precious thing, 514. I.
  • Liberties granted to the Jews, 800. L. M.
  • Library of Ptol. Philadelphus, 298. D.
  • Lice a plague of Egypt, 69. C.
  • Lie of Posidonius confuted, 802. O.
  • Lie of Apion concerning our oath, 805. B. C.
  • Life of Moses, 807. B.
  • Life of subjects like to their Princes, 221. C.
  • Light created, 27. E. called day, ibid. E.
  • Lightnings horrible, when, 78. O.
  • Lightnings on the enemies, 148. M.
  • Limits of the nine Tribes and halfs possession, 126. K. &c.
  • Limits of a Kingdom enlarged, 248. G.
  • Line of Achab rooted out, 243. M.
  • Line of Joseph, 1. B.
  • Linnen and woollen garment, 112. H.
  • Logion or rational of the High Priest, 87. C.
  • Longinus breaketh into the Jews army, 726. H.
  • Loss of the Ark, 144. N. and why, ibid.
  • Loss of Sauls Kingdom foretold, 157. F. and why, ibid. of the Empire of Asia, 249. K.
  • Loss of the General, dismays the Souldiers, 233. K.
  • Lot son of Aram, 35. D. had choice of the Land, 36. O. led away captive, 37. C. rescued, 11. E. receiveth Angels, 39. A. fled to Zoar, 39. C. committed incest, ibid. D.
  • Lots wife, 39. C.
  • Lots cast, 124. I. 126. K. &c. 151. E. 155. G.
  • Lots cast to kill one another, 776. L. 673. C.
  • Love of women blindeth, 107. E. and causeth to serve strange gods, ibid. E. F. 216. G. 217. H.
  • Love of Jonathan towards David, 162. I. 164. H. 164. K. of Joseph to his Country, 731. C.
  • Lovers of Order, &c. 806. O.
  • Lust of Putiphars wife, 53. A. F. of the Gabeans, 130. L. M. of Caius, 516. L. of the Egyptians, 36. L.
  • Lusty Jews reserved, 758. N.
  • Lybia of whom called Africa, 42. H.
  • Lycurgus among the Lacedaemonians, 811. E.
  • Lysius General of Antiochus army, 317. I. invadeth Judaea, 318. G. is overcome, 318. C. once again invadeth Ju­daea, ibid.
  • Lysimachus killeth Apollodotus, 353. L. betrayeth Gaza, ibid.
M.
  • MAch [...]ras killeth many Jews, 387. M. fortifieth Geth, 388. D. his iniquity, 577. D.
  • Madness counterfeited, 165. D.
  • Midianites Embassage to Balaam, 105. E. their daughters se­duce the Hebrews, 107. D. put to flight and slain, 108. L. subdue the Israelites, 135. C. kill one another, 136. K.
  • Madus and his Progeny, 33. G.
  • Magicians could not expound the dream, 268. E. F. 269. N.
  • Magicians deceive many, 537. C. work much mischief, 620. N.
  • Magistrates to be obeyed, 110. L. M. to be honoured and reverenced, 112. L. M. 626. K. 882. N. their duty, 234. E.
  • Magog another of the Scythians, 33. G.
  • Magnanimity of Herod, 430. N. of the Romans, 802. M.
  • Magnificence of Solomon, 215. D. 216. M. of Ezechias, 253. H. I. of Herod, 585. C. of Vespasians triumph, 766. I.
  • Maidens of Israel sing and dance, 160. N.
  • Malchus King of Arabia, 574. H. repelled Herod, ibid. A. repented him of that dealing, 575. B.
  • Male children put to death, and why, 62. O.
  • Maledictions of Moses, 118. M. N.
  • Malefactors executed, 540. I.
  • Malice of Pharaoh, 62. O. of Daeg and Saul, 166. K. L. of the Ziphians, 169. D. of the Egyptians to the Jews, 792. I.
  • Malichus layeth wait for Antipater, 376. F. poysoneth him, 377. H. slain, ibid. N
  • Mambres Abrahams Friend, 37. F.
  • Man created, 27. G. called Adam, and why, 28. H. impo­sed names on the creatures, 28. I. placed in Paradise, 28. I. transgresseth, ibid. H. cast out of Paradise, 29. A. author of his own death, 32. K.
  • Manahem foretels Herods reign, 417. N.
  • Manahem King of Israels acts, 250. D. bought his peace, ibid. E. dieth, 250. E.
  • Manahemus chief of the rebels, 631. A. slain, 631. E.
  • Manasses marrieth Senaballats daughter, 293. K. retaineth his wife, ibid. K. L. enjoyeth his desire, 294. F.
  • Manasses Josephs son, 56. I.
  • King Manasses impiety, 258. B. led away prisoner, 258. C. repenting, is restored, ibid. C. his acts, 258. D. dieth, ibid.
  • Mandate of Cyrus, 275. K.
  • Manethon an Egyptian Writer, 784. N. sheweth the coming and departure of the Jews, &c. 786. K. his fabulous re­ports, 792. L. his lies confuted, 793. E. his words re­peated, 798. K.
  • Manna, what, 75. B. food of the Israelites, 75. C. how much to be gathered, ibid. C. when it ceased, 122. O.
  • Manner of Purification, 103. G.
  • Manners of the Egyptians, 62. N. of the Esseans, 612. M. 613. C. of the Idumaeans, 690. M. of the Athenians, 813. D. of the Persians, 813. G.
  • Manoachs wife saw an Angel, 139. F. foretold of a son, and instructed, ibid. F. is seen of both, 140. H. I.
  • Man-slaughter, 109. E.
  • Mara, what, 73. E.
  • March of the Romans, 662. L. M.
  • Mariam Moses sister, 63. G. watch him, ibid. G. fetched his mother, 64. K. her death, 103. G.
  • Mardochaeus Esthers Uncle, 286. G. discovered the traitors, 287. I. K. his lamenting, and why, 288. A. B. honoured, 290. D.
  • Marriage, when to be contracted, 114. M.
  • Marriage with an harlot forbidden, ibid. M.
  • Marriage with a bond-woman, 115. D.
  • Marriages made, 594. N. broken, 595. C.
  • Mariamne wife of Herod, 378. C. committed to Joseph, 397. C. accused, excused her self, 398. D. E. displeased with Herod, 496. E. coldly entertained Herod, 407. I. upbraided Herod, 586. K. accused, and put to death, 408. M. 586. N.
  • Marphad sacked Syria, 37. B. killed Giants, ibid. B.
  • Marsus Governour of Syria, 522. H. displeased, ibid.
  • Martial Discipline, 638. L. M. 660. M. N.
  • Masons, how employed, 207. D. E.
  • Massacre of the Jews, 632. I. &c. 633. C. &c. 634. K. &c. 736. M. N. &c.
  • Massada, a strong Castle, 771. C. for what occasion build­ed, 773. A. battered with the Ram, 773. C.
  • Matter for the building of the Tabernacle, 80. L. M.
  • Matter committed in trust, 117. C.
  • Matthias refuseth to commit Idolatry, 315. K. [...]layeth an Apostate, ibid. rooteth out Idolatry, 313. N. his death, 316. D. maketh war against Antiochus, 558. K.
  • Matthias raiseth sedition, 460. I. burned, ibid. L.
  • Matthias cruelly handled, 736. M.
  • Measures found out, and by whom, 29. F.
  • Medimnus, a certain measure, 97. E.
  • Meeting of the Hebrews thrice a year, 111. F.
  • Melancholy of Herod, 602. M.
  • Melchisedech King of Solyma, 47. E. entertaineth Abraham, &c. ibid. praiseth God, and receiveth the tenths, 47. E.
  • Men thronged to death, 618. O.
  • Menelaus High Priest, 313. I. warreth against Jason, ibid.
  • Mephiboseth obtains the possession of Saul, 182. O. purgeth himself of Sibas slanders, 193. E. restored to the half of his possessions, 194. I.
  • Merchandise brought to Solomon, 216. K.
  • Merchants of Arabia buy Joseph, 52. K. sold him to Putiphar, ibid. N. of Tharsis, 235. M.
  • Mercy hurtful in War, 726. N.
  • Mercy of Varus, 609. F. of Titus towards Joseph, 673. E. to his enemies, 685. E.
  • Meroe a strong City of Aethiopia, 65. F.
  • Messengers sent to David, 163. C. to Nabal, 168. N.
  • Mesopotamia troublesom to travellers, 42. K.
  • [Page] Mesopotamians submit themselves, 184 i.
  • Method of morality and discipline▪ 808 i.
  • Methusala, Enoch's son, 30. how long he lived, 31 c.
  • Mice devour the fruit, &c. 146 m.
  • Michea [...] reproveth Achab and why, 231 i. how rewarded, ib. i. foretelleth Achab's death and Sedechiah's pu­nishment, 232 d e. his allowance, 233 h.
  • Michol daughter of Saul, 162 i. given to David in marri­age, ib. i. conveyeth David away, 163 c. deceiveth Saul's messengers, 163 0. restored to David, 175 o. mocked at him, 181▪ a.
  • Midwives of Egypt, 62 o.
  • Mildness of David, 168 i.
  • Military Discipline, 638 l m. 660 m n.
  • A Mind furnished with virtues, 158 l.
  • Ministeries of the Gabeonites, 125 a.
  • Miracles, 681 k l. 220 b. 227 n. 226 d. 226 n. 237 o.
  • Miracle of the Sun's going back, 257 l.
  • Miracle of Elias, 701 e.
  • Misa King a Moab, 237 l. put to flight, ibid. l. sacrificeth his son, ibid. m.
  • Misdemeanour of the wicked, 30 n. of Samuel's sons, 149 d. of a soldier, 618 n. 619 h.
  • Misery of the Israelites, 62 m. 63 e. 68 h. 74 o. fore-prophesied, 222 e. of the Jews fore-told, 259 k. of Ju­dea, 476 m. of the Jews prophesied, 628 n. of the peo­ple, 732 m. 739 g.
  • Three Miseries assail Jerusalem, 698 o.
  • Mithridates King of Parthia, 35 [...] i.
  • Mithridates King of Pont [...]s slain, 363 m.
  • Mithridates warreth with the Egyptians, 370 b. com­mendeth Antipater to Caesar, ibid. b.
  • Moabites put to flight, 134 i. war against Josaphat, 234 g. kill one another, 235 l.
  • Module of the Temple, 201 m.
  • Module of the Tabernacle proposed to Moses, 80 m.
  • Moderation of Saul, 151 e. of David, 170 i.
  • Moderation in abundance hardly kept, 248 b.
  • Monarchy of the Assyrians destroyed, 257 l.
  • Money taken out of David's tomb, 345 n. distributed, 728 i.
  • Monobazus King of Adiabena, 528 l.
  • Moon made, 27 f. her end and motion, ibid f.
  • Monument of the Priesthood confirmed, 102 l.
  • Monument of Jonathan, 343 d. of David, 345 n. of John the high Priest, 723 c.
  • Morning, wha [...], 27 e.
  • Moses the son of Amrem, 63 b. foretold to afflict the E­gyptians estate, and advanceth the Israelites, 62 n. cast into the flood, 63 g. taken out thereof, ibid. h. called Moses, 64 k. adopted by Pharaoh's daughter, spurned the Crown, ib. m. conducted the Egyptians against the Aethiopians, 65 c. his victory, ib. the Jews law-maker, 26 n. more ancient than other law-makers, 791 a. fleeth to Raguel, and why, 66 k. marrieth his daughter, ib. sent to deliver the Israelites, 67 d. confirmed in his calling, ibid. a b▪ perswadeth Pharaoh to dismiss the Israelites, 68 i. worketh miracles, ibid. k l m. instituteth the Pass­over, 70 i k. conducteth the Israelites, 71 b c. exhort­eth them, ib. f. prayeth to God, 72 i. leadeth them thorow the red sea, ib. k. praises God, ib. n. sacrificed to God, in Sinai, ib. o beseecheth God to sweeten the wa­ters, 73 g. putteth the people in mind of God's benefits [...]4 m. imploreth God's help, ibid. o. striketh the Rock, bringeth out water, 75 f. encourageth the Israelites, 76 l. lifting up his hands, &c. 77 a. ascendeth Sinai▪ 78 m. how long remaineth there, 80 h. fasted, ib. ask­eth counsel of God, &c. 90 o. numbreth the people, 94 o. sendeth spies to search the land, 96 i. retires the people into the desart▪ 99 a. sendeth forces against the Madianites, 108 m. appointeth to Joshuah his succes­sor, 109 b. exhorteth the people to obedience, 110 l. sweareth them to keep the law, 119 b. exhorteth Jo­suah, ibid. d. dieth, 119 f g.
  • Mother eateth her child, 239 i. 748 o.
  • Mother of the seven brethren, 824 n. 825 b. 826 h i, &c.
  • Mourning of Ruben for Joseph, 52 l. of the Romans, 637 b. of them in Jerusalem, 711 a.
  • Mourning for thirty days, 115 e.
  • Mourning for Moses's death, 119 g. for Saul and his sons 174 f. for Abner's, 177 g. for Herod's, 462 n o.
  • Mountain of Sinai, 66 n. 77 e.
  • Mounts builded, lost, 734 h.
  • Mounts raised near the Temple, 746 k.
  • Multiplication of Jacob's posterity, 63 d.
  • Multitude of business, 77 g. of dead carcasses, 740 h.
  • Mundus de [...]ileth Paulina, 481 d, &c. banished, ibid.
  • Murmure of the Israelites, 74 i. 96 m.
  • Murther of Simeon and Levi 49 c.
  • Murther of Azael 176 k. of Abner, 177 e. of Joram's bre­thren, 241 l. of infants foretold, 240 g.
  • Murther of Saul punished, 175 e. of Isboseth, 178 l.
  • Musick by whom invented, 29 g.
  • Mutability of fortune, 682 h i.
  • Mutiny in Chore and his complices, 99 d e, &c.
  • Mutiny about the golden Eagle 460 h.
  • Mutiny against Archelaus, 463 f g, &c.
N.
  • Nahas King of the Ammonites, 152 i. his outrages offered the Israelites, ib. 1. proposed hard conditions of peace, 151 i k granteth to the Inhabitants of Jabes a truce, ib. k. is slain, 152 o.
  • Nabal's flock spared, 168 m. his currish answer to David's men, ibid. n. died for grief, 169 [...].
  • Nabathaea the countrey of Ismael's posterity, 40 l.
  • Nabathaeans spoiled, 3 [...]0 b.
  • Naboth falsly accused, 228 f. stoned to death, ibid▪ g.
  • Nabuchadonosor King of Babylon, 260 g. vanquisheth Nechao, ib. 261 h. exacteth tribute and slayeth Joachim 261 h. establisheth Joachin King, ib. n. besiegeth and de­stroyeth Jerusalem, 264 d. 265 h. dreameth a dream, 268 d. erecteth an Idol. 269 m. conversed with beasts, ib. o. conquereth the rebels. 78 [...] e. builded a palace, 788 i. besiegeth Tyre, ibid. n. his death, 270 a.
  • Nadab, Aaron's son, burned, and why 90 i.
  • Nadab, Jeroboam's son, 224 h. his impiety and death, ibid. i.
  • Name of Saul famous, 152 o.
  • Naming of the creatures, 28 h.
  • Names of Regions and Nations, 33 f.
  • Naomi her sorrow, 142 n. returneth into her countrey, 143 n. her counsel to Ruth, 143 b.
  • Norbanus for the Jews, 432 l.
  • Narration of the Arabian wars, 443 a.
  • Nathan the Prophet, 18 [...] b. forbiddeth David to build the Temple, ibid. c. reproved David, 185 [...].
  • Nativity of Jacob and Esau, 43 i. two Nations proceed of them, ibid. [...].
  • Nation of the Jews mixed with all people, 747 b.
  • Nations whence descended 33 g &c.
  • Nature forbids a man to kill himself, 672 l.
  • Nature of the Idumaeans, 690 m.
  • Navy of Solomon, 215 b.
  • Naum the Prophet, 250 g. foretelleth the overthrow of the Assyrians, ibid. g.
  • Nazarites 103 e.
  • Nechao his exploits, 260 c. is overcome, ibid. g. 261 h. 262 f.
  • Necessity a sharp weapon, 663 f.
  • Neglect of God's service cause of all evil, 219 n.
  • Negligence of Saul's guard, 169 f g.
  • Nehemiah his sadness, and why, 284 e. inciteth the people to build the walls, 285 i. his ardent care in building them, 285 k. his death, ibid n.
  • Nemrod, 33 a b. son of Chus, 34 m.
  • Nephanes and Sabach, David's Captains, 196 b c.
  • Nephews of Jacob 61 b. of Herod, 594 m.
  • Nephthalim the son of Jacob, 46 n. his sons, 61 b.
  • Nero proclaimed Emperour, 536 k. his murthers, ibid. l. 620 h. amazed at the acts of the Jews, 657 [...]. send­eth Vespasian to govern Syria, 657 f.
  • Nicanor laboureth to surprise Judas, 324 [...]. slain, 325 i.
  • Nicanor known to Joseph, 671 m.
  • Nicanor wounded, 723 c.
  • Nicaule Queen of Aethiopia, 215 c. resorteth to Solo­mon, ibid. d. wondereth and praiseth Solomon's wis­dom, 215 d e. giveth him presents, ibid. f.
  • Nicholaus's Oration, 424 i.
  • Nicholaus the Historiographer reproved, 433 c▪
  • Nicholaus accuseth Syllaeus excuseth Herod, 442 n. prose­cuteth [Page] the King's accusation, 456 m. excuseth Ar­chelaus, 466 k. 607 b. defendeth Herod and Arche­laus, 459 b. 607 b.
  • Nicon, the Romans great Ram, 725 c.
  • Nigar slain, &c. [...]97 b.
  • Nil [...]s, 28 k. maketh Egypt fertile, 61 f. how far navi­gable, 694 k.
  • Nineveh admonished, 249 k. her destruction prophesied, 250 f. effected, 251 h.
  • Nisan a month with the Hebrews, 70 i.
  • Noah the son of Lamech 30 o. admonisheth the wicked, ibid. l. buildeth the Ark, n. saved with all his houshold ibid. o. sendeth out a Crow and a Dove, 31 e. the tenth from Adam, 30 o. sacrificeth to God, 31 e. prayeth to God, 32 i. is heard, ib. k. God's covenant with him, ib. k. his age, 31 l. his three sons, 32 o. his kind of life, 34 o. was drunken and derided, 34 o.
  • Nob a City of the Priests burnt. 169 c d▪
  • Nobility slain by the thieves, 686 m. 12000 slain, 695 f.
  • Nobility of the Jews fly to the Romans, 744 n.
  • Nobles repair to David 178 o.
  • Nobles shut up by Herod, 460 n. 602 n. released, 462 m. 603 b.
  • Nothing attempted by the Romans rashly, 661 d▪ 682 k.
  • Number of the children of Israel, 70 l. from twenty to fif­ty years of age, 89 b. of David's souldiers. 179 a. of workmen, 207 d e. of Jews that returned from capti­vity, 275 f l. of high Priests, 540 n. of the captives and slain in Jerusalem, 759 b c.
  • Nuptial feast▪ 46 l.
O
  • Obed-Edom's felicity, 180 n.
  • Obed begat Jesse, 143 e [...]
  • Obed a King of Arabia, 354 b. discomfits Alexander, ibid.
  • Obediah hideth the Prophets, 227 i.
  • Obedience of Abraham, 40 o.
  • Obedience to Magistrates, 110 l m.
  • Obedience of the Roman soldier, 661 a b.
  • Obimes, Jeroboams son, 222 d. falleth sick and dyeth, ibid. g.
  • Obodas King of Arabia, 435 b. given to idleness, ibid. [...]. 438 o.
  • Obsequies of Herod, 462 n▪
  • Observers of God's Laws rewarded, 26 i.
  • Occasion of the Jews war, 623 a.
  • Occasion of victory, what, 661 f.
  • Occasion of violences, 687 e f.
  • Occurrences of Kingdoms, and Commonweals, 25 f. and 106 m.
  • Occurrences of Jeremy, 260 d e.
  • Ochozias King of Israel, reproved, and why, 235 n o. his soldiers consumed, ibid. m. 236 b. his death fore­told, 236 c.
  • Ochozias King of Judah, 241 n. visiteth Joram, 242 c. slain, ibid. g.
  • Office of Judges, 112 l m. of an Historiographer, 359 g. of the Priests, 70 [...] a.
  • Off-spring of Noah, Abraham, &c. look progeny.
  • Og King of Galadine 105 b. is slain with his army, ib. b. his high stature and great strength, ibid. b.
  • Oil in the pot multiplyed, 226 d. 237 o.
  • Scalding Oil thrown on the Romans, 668 m.
  • Olda the Prophetess, 259 l.
  • Old man killeth his wife, &c. 387 k.
  • Old and weak Jews slain, 758 n.
  • One sacred City, one Temple, and one Altar, 111 b.
  • Onias high Priest, 296 b
  • Onias high Priest, 307 l. paid not his tribute, ibid.
  • Onias high Priest's son, 323 i. wins the favour of Ptolomy, 332 g. buildeth a Temple in Egypt, 333 h. 777 n.
  • Onias stoned to death, 361 b.
  • Ophni son of Eli, 143 e. his impiety and wickedness, ib. e. is slain, 144 n.
  • Opinion of the Esseans and Grecians of the soul, 614 k l.
  • Opinion of the Pharisees and Sadduces, 477 b c.
  • Opinion of the wisest Greeks, &c. 807 f.
  • Oppression of the Israelites, 133 a o. ibid. m. 135 b. 1, 8 m. 139 f. of the Jews, 631 e f. 622 h, &c. 623 a b. &c.
  • Oracle of God to Joshuah, 124 h.
  • Oracles of the Prophets to be reverenced, 233 l.
  • Oration of Abraham, 41 b. of Ruben, 56 m, and 59 o. of Juda, 59 b. &c. of Joseph, 60 i k. of Moses to the peo­ple, 79 b. to the seditious, 100 i, &c. of Zambrias, 110 h. of Moses before his death, 107 g. of the Gabe­onites, 124 n. of Josuah, &c. 127 b. of Phinees, 127 g. of Samuel, 148 i. 151 b. of Saul, 165 f. of Abias, 223 k. of Herod, 401 b. 402 a, &c. 581 b. 582 l. of Nicho­laus, 424 i. 425 k. 456 m. 587 f. of Agrippa, 626 g. of Jo­seph, 640 i. 672 k, &c. of Titus, 676 m. 684 l. of Ananus, 687 e, &c. of Jesus, 691 a. of Caesar, &c. 717 b. of Joseph to the Jews, 728 n. 729 a. of Titus to the Jews, 754 n. &c. of Eleazar▪ 773 f.
  • Orchards, 701 f.
  • Order of the Romans, 660 n.
  • Order of the superior bodies, 30 i.
  • Order of the Army, &c. 95 a b.
  • Order of the Carpenters, Masons, &c. 207 d e.
  • Order of the Cities of Galilee, 638 m n.
  • Order of Titus's Army, 711 d e.
  • Ordinance of Artaxerxes, 287 n o. 291 l m.
  • Ordinance of the Fathers transgressed, 107 [...].
  • Oreb slain, 136 l.
  • Original of the Hebrews, 35 b.
  • Original of the Troglodytes, 42 h.
  • Original of the Israelites mischiefs, 253 n.
  • Original of the Grecian laws, 807 e.
  • Original of the Jews laws, 815 b.
  • Ornaments of the high Priest, 87 a b c, &c.
  • Ornaments of Solomon's Palace. 213 c.
  • Oronna or Orphana a Jebusite spared, 179 g. giveth Da­vid his floor, 198 i k.
  • Oseas King of Israel, overcome, 252 o. made tributary, ibid. c. taken prisoner, 253 m. his subjects transport­ed, and why, ibid. n o.
  • Oath how in time past taken, 42 k.
  • Oath taken to observe the law, 119 b. 259 m.
  • Oath how and when to be kept, 132 i.
  • Oath of Jonathan to David, 164 k l.
  • Oath of S [...]nacharib falsified, 255 m.
  • Oath observed, 452 m.
  • Otho Emperor, 705 f. slain, ibid.
  • Overthrow of the Sodomites, 33 a b. of the Amorites, 104 m. of the Hebrews, 98 n. and 173 f. of Antony, 403 m.
  • Outrages of Elies sons, 143 f. of Naas offered the Israel­ites, 152 h. of Azael, 245 m. 246 f g. of Florus Sol­diers, 623 c.
  • Outward Court of the Temple, &c. 721 d.
  • Oxen seven, what do signifie, 55 e. how many taken at once, 109 a. not to be muzled, 113 f. Ox that striketh, 117 b
  • Oza suddenly strucken dead, 180 n. and why, ibid.
  • Ozias King of Juda's warlike exploits, 249 l m. acts and studies, ib. n o. stricken with a leprosie, and why, 250 b. enjoyned to depart the City, ib. and 250 b. his death and burial, 250 c.
P.
  • Pacorus sendeth horsmen to Antigonus, 380 f. 572 i. his perswasion to Phaselus, 381 i. his treason and subtil­ty, ib. k l. 572 m.
  • Pageants built, 766 l.
  • Painters cause multitude of gods, 813 [...].
  • Palestine whence took his name, 34 m.
  • Philistines overcome the Israelites, 139 f. 144 m. invade the Israelites, 144 i. are overcome, 155 c d. 160 m. 180 i k.
  • Palace in Tiberias burned, 943 a.
  • Palace built in Jerusalem, 414 b.
  • Palace of Solomon, 212 g.
  • Palace of the King, 719 d. burned, ibid. e.
  • Palm-trees, 701 d f.
  • Pamphilian Sea divided it self, 72 n.
  • Pappus beheaded, 389 k. 5780.
  • Paradise 28 i. where situate, ibid. k. adorned with all sorts of plants, ibid. l.
  • Parents compelled to murder their children, 63 a.
  • Paricide a publick injury, 457 d.
  • [Page] Paricides, 256 f.
  • Parthians restore Antigonus, 380 f. 373 f. compl [...]t treache­ry against Phasaelus, 381 k l. surprize him and Hircanus, ibid. n. lay a plot for Herod, 382 a. lose Armenia, 483 d.
  • Parts of the Temple▪ 209 i.
  • Pascha or Passover of the Hebrews, 70 i k. celebrated, 253 h. 269 a. 281 k.
  • Passage of the Isralites over Jordan, 122 l m.
  • Passages stopped up from the Hebrews, 71 d.
  • Patience of Joseph, 54 k.
  • Pauli [...] deceived and defiled, 481 c d.
  • Peace bought 245 n. 250 e.
  • Peace of the Israelites, 206 i. of the Jews, 231 n.
  • Peace better than War, 691 d.
  • A Penalty most cruel, 61o, &c.
  • Penalty of a woman married for a Virgin, &c. 114 m.
  • Penalty published, 15 [...] d. what it wrought, ibid.
  • Pensioner to Saul, David, 159 b.
  • Penitent obtain mercy, 731 a.
  • Penury of water, 582 [...]. see want.
  • People of Israel afflicted, 62 m. 63 a b. 67 a. 68 i k. de­parted out of Egypt▪ 71 b. exhorted to put their trust in God, ibid. f g. and to obey the will of God 110 i k. &c. drive away the Cattel of the Amalechites, 157 b. re­quire mitigation of their burthen, 218 d. revolt from Roboam, 219 i. are transported, and why, 253 n. fly with their money, 731 c.
  • People enjoyned by oath to serve God, 245 k. 259 m.
  • People of Judah bless God, 235 k l. and why, ibid. l.
  • Peoples love to Joseph, 18 h.
  • People permit not Pilate to alter their laws 615 d.
  • People exclaim against Florus, 624 h. die for want, &c. 727 [...].
  • Perfection of mind respected, 158 l.
  • Perjury of Florus, 622 k.
  • Peroration of Herod, 581 e. of Joseph, 672 o.
  • Perplexity of the Israelites, 71 d.
  • Perswasion of Jeroboam to Idolatry, 219 m.
  • Perswasion of false Prophets dangerous, 233 l m.
  • Perswasion of Rapsaces, 255 o.
  • Pestilence one of the Plagues of Egypt, 69 e.
  • Pestilence destroyeth Senacherib's Army, 256 f.
  • Pestilence a great affliction, 253 k.
  • Petra a City of Arabia, 573 d
  • Petronius's charge for placing Caius's statue, 494 l. &c. executeth it not and why, 494 m n. certifieth the Jews of Caesar's threats, 616 n. writeth to Caius, 496 i. receiveth Letters of Caius's death, 497 [...]. 617 d. his Let­ter to the Dor [...]res, 521 c.
  • Phaceias King of Israel 250 [...]. his impiety and wicked­ness, ibid. e. slew 120000 Jews, 251 l. took Achaz's son Prisoner, ib. m. was slain, 252 c.
  • Pharao enamoured of Sara, 36 l. plag [...]ed. ib. m.
  • Pharao his dreams, 55 b c. delivereth Joseph from bonds, ib. c. advanceth him to great honour, 55 g. rejoyceth at the arrival of Joseph's brethren, 60 m. enquireth Jacob's age, 61 e. restored the profits of his subject's lands, 62 h.
  • Pharao killeth the male children, 62 o. would have kil­led Moses, 64 n. and 66 k. his death, 67 f.
  • Pharao counselled to dismiss the Hebrews, 68 i. not mo­ved with miracles, layeth heavier tasks on them, ib. l. advised once more, ibid. [...]. driveth away Moses, 70 h. dismisseth the Israelites, ib. k. his host drowned, 72 k.
  • Pharisees a sect, 339 m. 477 a. greedy of revenge, 357 i. exempt from swearing, 417 l. would not swear obedi­ence, 451 c. 463 d. their opinion, 614 n.
  • Pharos a tower, 708 m.
  • Phasaelus his government, 372 c. vanquisheth Foelix, 377 o. 571 b. made Tetrarch, 380 c. 571 e. taken prison­er, 371 n. dasheth out his brains, 383 i.
  • Phasaelus Tower and City, 530 n. 584 n.
  • Pheroras made Tetrarch, 416 g. accuseth Alexander and Aristobulus, 426 l. refuseth the Kings daughter, 433 g. blamed for Alexanders offence, 438 l. pardoned, ibid. deceived, 450 m. refuseth to put away his wife, 451 f. banished, 596 m. falleth sick and dieth, 452 m. 596 n. his wise accused, 452 o. she confesseth the poyson▪ 453 f.
  • Philip rebelleth against Antiochus, 322 f. is slain, 323 k.
  • Philip King of Syria, 355 i. besiegeth Demetrius, 355 h.
  • Philip Herod's son, 471 d. hath part of the Kingdom, 471 d. repaireth Cities, 478 [...].
  • Philo Judaeus's defence, &c. 494 i.
  • Philistines overcame the Israelites, 139 f. exacted tribute of them, 139 f. put to flight, 1 [...]8 m. invade the Israel [...]ites, 154 k. are overcome, 155 b c. and 160 m. dis­comfit Sauls army, 173 f. overcome by David, 180 i. k. by Ozias, 249 l. by Ezechias, 253 k.
  • Phineas the son of Eleazar, 108 k. slayeth Zambrias and Chosbi ib. l. overthrew the Madianites▪ 108 l m. his Oration to the two tribes and half, 127 g. succeeded Eleazar, 128 o. foretold the Israelites their victory, &c. 131 d.
  • Phineas Elies son, 143 e his wickedness and impiety, ib. e. is slain, 144 n. his wife then bare Ichabod, 145 c.
  • Phison a flood of Paradise, 28 k. called also Ganges, ib. k.
  • Phora, 28 k.
  • Phraates King of Parthia slain, 478 o.
  • Phul King of the Syrians, 250 d. for money made a peace, ibid. d.
  • Piety profitable, 224 n o.
  • Piety of Ancestors remembred, 63 b.
  • Piety contemned, cause of calamities, 132 n. 133 d. 144 k, &c. 168 i. 252 c d.
  • Piety of Asa, 224 i. of Josaphat, 231 m. of Jotham, 250 f. of Ezechias, 252 d. of Josias, 258 [...]. and 259 h i. &c. of Matthias, &c. 315 i.
  • Pigeons dung sold, 23 [...] g.
  • Pilate succeedeth Gratus 480 i. bringeth Caesar's statues to Jerusalem, 480 i. not admitted, 480 k. crucifieth Christ, 480 m. putteth Samaritans to flight, 482 l. ac­cused, ib. sendeth the statues from Jerusalem, 480 k. beateth the seditious, 615 f.
  • Pillage taken, 255 l.
  • Pillars raised, 30 k.
  • A Pillar called Galaad, 48 i.
  • Pitcher of water, 169 g.
  • Pit to be senced, 117 c.
  • Pit of swearing, 40 h.
  • Pits bituminous 37 b.
  • Pity of Joseph towards his brethren, 60 i.
  • Placidus repulsed at Jotapata, 692 i. his victory, 682 o. burneth Bethenabris, [...]00 i.
  • Placing of the vessels, &c. in the Temple, 250 b c. and 21 [...] d. 211 h l.
  • Plagues of Egypt, 68 o. 69 a b c d e f g. 70 k.
  • Plague in David's time, 19 [...] f.
  • Plague invadeth Judea, 409 k. 412 g.
  • Plat-forms erected, 669 a.
  • Plants sprang at first out of the earth, 27 f.
  • Plants not of four years growth, 113 c.
  • Plato admired, 811 d. permitteth not Poets, &c. 813 b.
  • Pledge to be restored to the poor, 116 k.
  • Plenty fore-signified, 55 e f.
  • Plotting of Antipater, 433 e.
  • The Plough found out, and by whom 29 b.
  • Poem of Homer 781 b.
  • Poets cause multitudes of gods, 813 a.
  • Poyson tryed, &c. 458 k l. 601 b.
  • Policy of Rebecca, &c. for her son, 44 l. of Jacob to pa­cifie his brother, 48 m. of the Gabeonites, 124 m. of Joseph, 9 e. [...]0 k. 1 [...] e. of Jonathan, 16 m. of Joseph, 642 h. 665 c. 668 h. 10 l m.
  • Politianus meets with Agrippa, &c. 625 c. inciteth the people to peace, ib. e.
  • Pompey Governour of Syria, 362 d. marcheth against Aristobulus, 363 l. 36 [...] h. besiegeth Jerusalem, 36 [...] l. committeth Aristobulus to prison, ib. 565 g. taketh the Temple, 365 k. bestoweth the Priesthood on Hir­canus, ib. 366 o. spoileth not the Temple, ib. d. 566 m. carrieth Aristobulus to Rome, 567 a. beheadeth con­spirators▪ 56 [...] n o.
  • Popedius accused, 5 [...]5 f.
  • Popularity of Alcimus, 324 b c.
  • Porch of the Temple, 208 m. [...]ired, 747 a.
  • Port of Caesarea, 415 i.
  • Port made by Herod, 584 i k.
  • Portion of Salpades daughters, 109 f.
  • Portion of Judea 659 f.
  • Possession of Canaan prophec [...]ed of, 62 i.
  • [Page] Posterity of Ismael, 40 l.
  • Posterity of Giants extinguished, 37 b.
  • Posterity of Jethro possessed of Land, 129 d.
  • Posterity of Noah replenished the world, 32 o.
  • Posterity of Esau 50 l. of Jacob, 61 b.
  • Poyson not to be used, 1 [...]7 a.
  • Power given to save, 59 f.
  • Power of God every where, 230 f.
  • Power of Kings, Wine and Women, 277 i k l.
  • Power of the soul, [...]74 l.
  • Power of David and Solomon, 805 f.
  • Practice of Simeon and Levi, 49 c.
  • Prey that the Israelites got in war, 77 b c. 109 a. 123 [...]. 124 l.
  • Prayer of Noah, 32 [...]. of Amram, 63 b. of Moses▪ 72 i. 101 d, &c. of Joshuah, 123 f. of Samson, 142 k of Solomon, 211 k. of Samuel and the Israelites, 148 k l.
  • Praise of Abraham, 43 d. of Jacob, 62 i. of Joseph, 62 k. of Joshua, 77 c. and 128 n of Moses, 120 k. of Samuel, 16 [...] l. of Saul, 172 k. of David, 202 e. of Solomon, 218 c. of Josaphat, 235 m. of Nehemias, 285 k. of Ananus, 694 n. of Eleazar, 819 d.
  • Praise given to God, 70 k l.
  • Prediction of things to come, [...]18 m.
  • Preparations for war burned, 322 b.
  • Presents of Abraham, 42 k. of Jacob, 57 e. of the Egyp­tians, 70 k. of Abigail, 169 b. of the Mesopotamians, 184 i. of the Queen of Aethiopia, and of Kings, 215 f. 216 l. of Ptolomy to the Interpreters, 392 o. of He­rod, 591 d.
  • Preservation of Moses, 63 g. 64 n. of Daniel and his com­panions, 269 n.
  • Preservation from blood-shed, 169 b.
  • Presidents in every City, 112 k. and what manner of men they ought to be, ibid. k.
  • Pride of Amasias, 248 a. of Ozias, 249 o. of Senacherib, 255 n. of Nebuchodonosor, 269 n. of Balthasar, 271 h. of John, 698 m.
  • Priest's vestures, 86 m. Priests registred, 782 m.
  • Priests abstain from wine, 721 f. 790 o.
  • Priests executed, and why, 754 m,
  • High Priests number and succession, 540 n.
  • Priesthood confirmed to Aaron and his sons, 102 k.
  • Priesthood to be transported, fore-shewed, 144 k.
  • Princes of Syria, 280 a.
  • Principality affected by Adonias, 199 d. by Costabarus, 409 o. 698 m. 705 d. 711 f.
  • Priscus slayeth Jonathan, 747 c.
  • Prisoners dismissed, 251 n.
  • Privileges granted to the Jews, 305 b. 373 o, &c. 374 b c d. 375 h i k.
  • Problems of Hiram, &c. 786 m.
  • Prodigies preceding Jerusalem's destruction 753 a b c.
  • Professors of wisdom burn themselves, 774 n.
  • Prog [...]ny of Japheth 33 g. of Canaan, 34 n. of the Sons of Sem, 35 a. of Cham's sons, 34 k. of Jacob, 61 b. of Aaron, [...] n. of Herod, 485 d. 480 h i.
  • Prohibition of arms and iron-work, 154 i.
  • Profit how great redounded to King Pharaoh, 61 f.
  • Promise of God's assistance, 110 k l.
  • Promotion of Joseph, 55 g.
  • Prophecy of Jacob touching his posterity, 62 i k. of the sacred Secretary, 62 n. of Balaam, 106 k. of Samuel, 144 l 157 f. of Achias, 217 k. 218 o. of Jadon, 220 a. of Olda 259 k.
  • Prophecy of the Captivity and delivery, 263 h i.
  • Prophet Moses a good Governour, 1 [...]0 k.
  • Prophet Nathan, 181 c. 185 c. Achias, 217 k. Jadon, 217 o. Samaeus, 221 f. Azarias, 224 m. Elias, 227 h. Gimon, 224 m. Elizaeus, 236 g. Esay, 256 b. Jeremy, 260 e. Ezechiel, 261 n. Jonas, 248 g. Naum, 250 g. Aggaeus and Zachari­as, 280 d. Micheas, 232 d.
  • False Prophet discrediteth the true, 220 f. 232 [...].
  • False Prophet deceiveth the people, 537 d.
  • Prosperity of Joseph, 55 d. of Solomon, 215 d e f g, &c. of Jeroboam 249 l.
  • Prosperity maketh proud, 247 a. 249 o.
  • Prospect stopt up, 538 n.
  • Providence of God in saving Moses, 63 f g. 64 n. of the Israelites, 119 e.
  • Provision of victuals, 179 c. 576 h i.
  • Provision for the Priests 285 m.
  • Provision of things necessary for war, 660 m n.
  • Proves against Antipater, 457 b c. 601 b c.
  • Prudence of Joseph 55 c. 56 i. of Solomon, 206 k. of Josephus, 665 a b.
  • Ptolemais described, 616 l. besieged, 351 b, taken, 352 d.
  • Ptolomy Lagus obtaineth Egypt, 297 m. seizeth Jerusa­lem by a stratagem, ibid. 298 n. led the Jews away captive, ib. n o.
  • Ptolomy Philadelphus caused the Jews to be translated, &c. 297 n. his library, 298 d. his Proclamation, 299 k. his liberality, 300 c. his Epistle to Eleazar, &c. 300 e. his gifts given to the Temple, 301 d e. 302 i, &c. 303 h. &c. his banque [...], 303 n.
  • Ptolomy Euergetes King of Egypt, 307 l. incensed a­gainst Onias, ibid.
  • Ptolomy Philopater warreth against Antiochus, 305 e. his death, ibid. f.
  • Ptolomy Epiphanes King of Egypt, 312 g. his children, ib.
  • Ptolomy Philometor circumvented, 313 h. succoureth A­lexander, 335 i. his death complotted, ib. k. refuseth the Diadem of Asia, ib. n. his fight and death, 336 b.
  • Ptolomy slayeth Simon, 344 b. imprisoneth Hircanus's mother and brethren, ib. his cruelty against them, 344 d. murthereth them, 344 e.
  • Ptolomy Physcon, 347 h. the Syrians request to him ib.
  • Ptolomy Lathyrus, 347 n. aideth Antiochus, ib. cometh to aid [...]he Ptolemaidans, 351 c. besiegeth Ptolemais, and why, 351 f. overthroweth Alexander, 352 c. driven out of Egypt, 352 f.
  • Ptolomy Mennaeus fined, 362 f. adopteth Antigonus, 378 b.
  • Ptolomy's wife robbed, 538 k. is slain, 577 b.
  • Punishment of Adam and Eve, 28 n. of the Serpent, ib. m. of Sodom 39 b c. a false witness, 112 n. of Ho­micide committed, ibid. n. of Saul, 157 e. of Jadon, 220 e. of Senacherib, 256 f. of Nebuchadnezzar, 260 g,
  • Punishment for honouring false Gods, 217 i. 251 k l.
  • Punishment of Aristobulus, 350 i.
  • Punishment of ravishers of Virgins, 810 i.
  • Purgations of women, 48 i.
  • Of Purifications the manner, 123 g. 124 h.
  • Purification used in the sacrifices, 809 f.
  • Purification of the body, 810 i.
  • Pursuit of Laban after Jacob, 47 c. of the Egyptians af­ter the Hebrews, 71 b.
  • Potephar an Egyptian Lord bought Joseph, 52 n o.
  • Publick Records burnt, 763 b.
Q
  • Quadratus Governour of Syria, 619 e. decideth the Jews and Samaritans debate, ib. f.
  • Quails fell amidst the Hebrews camp, 75 b. 95 g.
  • Qualities of the Egyptians described, 62 m.
  • Quantity of gold, 216 i.
  • Queen's house or palace, 213 c.
  • Queen of Aethiopia, look Nicaule.
  • Queen Vasti refuseth to come to the banquet, 286 d. de­posed, ibid. d e.
  • Hard Questions dissolved, 213 f g.
  • Questions of Artaxerxes, 277 i k l.
  • Quintilius Varus Governour of Syria, 445 b. pacifieth the seditious, 467 b. delivereth the legion, 469 f. assisteth the Romans, 609 b. taketh Cities and Castles, ibid. c. crucifieth the seditious, 609 [...].
R.
  • Rachel daughter of Laban, 45 f. bringeth Jacob to her Father, 46 h. stealeth away her Father's gods, 47 b. how she hid them, 47 b. taught by Jacob to contemn them, ib. dieth in childbed, 49 d.
  • Race of the Chanaanites to be rooted out, 126 n.
  • Race of Gyants remained, 129 d.
  • Race of Achimelech murthered, 166 k.
  • Rage of Antiochus, 817 d.
  • Raguel a Priest of Madian, 66 l. Father in law to Moses, ib. m. cometh to Moses in Sinai, 77 f.
  • Rahab hid the spies, 122 h. requireth of them an oath, and [Page] why, ibid. i. her and all hers saved, 123 c.
  • Reign of David, 202 [...] f. of Solomon, 216 c. of Josaphat, 237 m. of Herod, 462 k. of Tiberius, 615 g▪ of Caius, 617 [...]. of Agrippa, 618 l. of Claudius, 619 g.
  • Railing of Goliah 159 d e.
  • Rainbow a sign of atonement, 32 l.
  • Rain fore prophesied, 227 h.
  • Raising of a dead man, 247 i.
  • A Ram offered in Isaac's stead, 41 e f.
  • Ram, an Engine▪ 660 k. described, ib. shaketh the tower, 714 l.
  • Rampires builded by the Romans, 733 e.
  • Rapines committed by day, 686 l.
  • Rapsaces Chieftain of the Assyrian Army, 255 n. perswad­eth Ezechias to submit, ib. o.
  • Rasis warreth against Achas, 251 k. seizeth Elath, ib. k. slain, 252 a.
  • Rational, 87 d.
  • Ravishment of Dinah revenged, 49 b. punished, ib. c.
  • Rayment of Joseph, 53 f. a proof against him, 54 i.
  • Rayment taken in war, 127 a.
  • Reading of the law, 284.
  • Reason described, 815 d. hath dominion over passions, ibid. d.
  • Rebecca daughter of Bathuel, 35 e. sister to Laban, ib. [...]. sheweth courtesie to Abraham's servant, 42 n. 43 [...]. procures his entertainment, ib. b. married to Isaac, 43 c. brought forth two twins, ib. e. her devise for her son, 44 l.
  • Rebellion of Chore, 101 c. of Siba, 194 l m of the Antio­chians, 337 l m. of the Jews against the Romans, 629 b▪
  • Rebellion of Scythians and Sarmates, 764 m.
  • Rebellio [...]s punished, 102 l.
  • Rebels kill an Ambassadour, 635 g.
  • Rebels conquered, 429 g.
  • Reconciliation of Absalom, 188 i. of Herod and his sons, 587 d. of Pheroras with Herod, 438 i.
  • Records of the Greeks for the Jews antiquity, 784 m. 785 a, &c.
  • Reformation of God's Service, 253 i k.
  • Religion contemned, cause of calamity, 132 n. 133 d. 144 k. see piety contemned.
  • Religion renewed, 224 n.
  • Religion of the Esseans, 613 a.
  • Relicks of Jupiter taken away, 33 d.
  • Remisness in punishing, cause of sin, 157 d.
  • Renown of Solomon's vertues, 213 e f g.
  • Repairing of the Temple, 245 n. 259 h.
  • Repairing of the City Jerusalem, 249 m.
  • Repentance of the people, 97 b. of Achab, 229 k. of Da­vid, 185 c. of Joachas, 246 [...]. of Manasses, 258 c.
  • Report of Joseph's death, 675 a.
  • Report of the behaviour of Samuel's sons, 149 d.
  • Repose, 27 g.
  • Request of Jonathan, 337 k. of the Jews, 610 l m. of the Romans to Caesar, 717 c.
  • Requital of courtesie, 42 m. 66 m. required, 122 i. per­formed, 123 c.
  • Resolution of Joseph's brethren, 51 e.
  • Restitution of things borrowed, 116 i.
  • Restoring [...] God's service, 245 i k. 258 d.
  • Returns of Jacob's sons, 57 c. of the Spies, 96 k. 122 k. of Vespasian, 761 c.
  • Revenues of Priests, 103 c. of Mephibosheth's lands, 183 b
  • Revenues of Agrippa, 524 l. of A [...]chelaus, 610 n. of Pheroras, 589 d.
  • Reverence of the Sabbath, 614 h.
  • Reverence of the Roman souldier, 661 b c.
  • Revolt from the laws of the Fathers, 107 e.
  • Revolt of the ten Tribes, 219 i.
  • Revolt of the Germans, 764 i.
  • Reward of learned Preachers, 231 l. 263 m.
  • Reward of valiant men, 741 g.
  • Reward of such as keep the Law, 811 b.
  • Rewards oppress Justice, 149 b.
  • Riches of the Madianites, 109 a b. of the Ainites, 124 l. of David, 202 f. of Solomon, 215 c d e. of Ozias 249 n.
  • Riddle of Samson propounded to the Thamnites, 140 m. dissolved ibid. n.
  • Ripping of women's wombs foretold, 240 g.
  • River of Arnon, 104 k.
  • River Sabbaticus, 765 b.
  • Robbers punished, 372 c. 416 b.
  • Robberies in Trachona, 416 a. winked at, 621 d.
  • Roboam entreated to ease the people's burden, 218 d. de­nied their petition, ib. f. abandoned of ten Tribes, 219 i. forbidden to make war, ib. i. builded strong Cities 221 b. his wives and children ibid. b. impiety, ibid. maketh brazen shields▪ 222 c. dieth, ibid.
  • Rock yieldeth forth water. 75 f.
  • Road of the Philistines, 167 a.
  • Rod of Moses turned into a serpent, 68 k. devoureth the Egyptians rods, 68 l.
  • Rod of Aaron fructifieth, 103 a.
  • The Romans government how far it extended 661 b.
  • Romans overcome the Jews, 568 i k. sack Jericho, 576 i. get a great prey, ib. k. skirmish with the Jews, 618 i. fire the porches, ib. i. have subdued the Athenians, &c. 626 n. yea the whole world, ib. m. and 627 a, &c. flee into the King's forts, 631 b. are slain, ibid. e. burn Joppa, &c. 634 n. burn the Temple gates, 636 k. overcome the Jews, 658 e. retire without their purpose, 668 o. en­ter Jotapata, 670 e f. moved with no compassion, 670 g. their warlike discipline, 661 b. attempt nothing rashly, 661 d. drive the Jews to their ships, 676 k. as­sault Gamala, 680 l. 683 b c. many slain, ib. f. win Ga­mala, ib. f. fight with the Jews, 713 c. their fear and trouble, ib. f. overcome the seditious, 725 b. get the first wall, 725 o. driven out by the Jews, [...]23 b. hindred by the Jews▪ 728 l. plant their courts of guard, 735 d. fear the desperateness of the Jews, 740 k. undermine the wall 741 a. invade Antonia, 742 m. set Jerusalem on fire, 755 f. enter Jerusalem, 758 k. finds treasure in the vaults, 759 e. ruinate City and Temple, 760 k.
  • Dining Room fell down, 578 k.
  • Ruben the son of Jacob, 46 n. why so called, ib. his sons, 61 b. his disswasion, 51 e. and his perswasion, 52 k. intended to save Joseph, 52 l. pleads before Joseph, 56 m.
  • Rue of admirable greatness, 767 g.
  • Ruine of the Israelites sought, 62 n o.
  • Ruine of the Amalechites foretold, 77 d.
  • Rulers of Jerusalem, 637 f.
  • Rumour of Herod's death, 397 f.
  • Rumour of the Emperour, 492 [...]. 511 g.
  • Ruth her love to Naomi, 142 m. married to Booz, 143 d.
S.
  • Saba chief City of Aethiopia, 65 f. called Mero [...], and why, ibid. f.
  • Sabach and Naphanus, David's Captains, 196 b c.
  • Sabbath, 27 g. called a day of rest, and why, ibid. o.
  • Sabinus repaireth to Jerusalem, 465 b. and why, ib. 606 i. 607 e f.
  • Sabinus pursueth those that slew Caius, 511 h. alloweth not of Claudius, 518 l. killeth himself, 519 b.
  • Sabinus took the Capitol, 710 e. slain, ibid. k.
  • Sabinus valiant, 742 h. slain, ibid. l.
  • Sacks of chaff, 666 m.
  • Sacred sanctuary, 720 n.
  • Sacrifice acceptable to God, 157 e.
  • Sacrifice of Cain and Abel, 29 c.
  • Sacrifice of Noah, 31 e. of Jacob, 49 d.
  • Sacrifices of the Princes of the Tribes, 90 m.
  • Sacrifice of thanksgiving, 91 c.
  • Sacrifice for sin, 91 d.
  • Sacrifice of Pentecost, 92 m.
  • Sacrifice of Solomon at the dedication of the Temple, 212 d
  • Sacrifice of Samuel, 148 l.
  • Sacrifice of Ezechias, 253 h i.
  • Sacrifice of Herod, 581 g.
  • Sacrifice of the old Testament, 89 g. 809 e.
  • Sacrifice consumed of it self, 89 f.
  • Sacrilege of Achar, 123 e. punished with death, 124 i. of Crassus, 368 c. 568 m. of John, 738 k.
  • Sadoc sent to David, 190 l. being pursued▪ is hidden, 190 m▪
  • Sadoc established high Priest, 204 l. ibid. m.
  • Sadduces, a sect, 339 m. 476 m. their opinion, 477 c d.
  • Safety of David respected, 162 k.
  • Sale of the Jews, 679 m.
  • [Page] Salmanasar King of Assyria, 2520. overcometh Oseas, and why, ibid d. taketh Oseas prisoner and transport­eth the Israelites, 253 m. spoiled Syria and Phoenicia, 253 o.
  • Salome accuseth Mariamne, 497 k. accuseth Alexander, &c, 426 l. enticeth her daughter, &c 434 k. denyed to Syllaeus in marriage, 435 c d. excuseth her self. 434 o. marrieth Alexis, 449 b. discovereth conspiracies, 450 o. releaseth the Nobles, 450 m. 603 b. Princes of Jamnia, 618 o. dyeth, 454 l.
  • Solomon's Coronation, 202 a. King of Israel, 203 d. re­quireth wisdom of God 205 b. marrieth a wife, 204 n. decideth the two womens debate, 205 a b. buildeth the Temple, 207 f. prayeth to God, 211 k m. exhorteth the people to praise God, 212 c. buildeth a Palace, ib. g. dissolveth hard questions, 213 f. repaireth the walls of Jerusalem, 214 k buildeth Cities, ibid. k. maketh the Chanaanites tributary, 215 b. buildeth a Navy, ib. b. remunerateth Nicaule the Queen, ibid. f. marrieth strange wives, 216 o. committeth idolatry ibid o. his pu­nishment denounced, 217 i. had enemies raised against him, ibid. k. dyeth, 218 b.
  • Saltis subdued the Egyptians, 785 a.
  • Samaria besieged, 238 g. of whom so called, 225 n. taken, 347 m. described▪ 659 d.
  • Samaritans hinder the building of the Temple, 275 n o. 279 o. their offer rejected, ib. n. Jews enemies, 281 l. kinsmen to the Jews when, 295 n. disdain the Jews, 3 [...]4 d. send letters to Antiochus, ib. e. contend with the Jews 333 i k. accuse the Jews, 534 n. their strife with the Jews, 619 e. 11000 slain, 670 c.
  • Samaeus reproveth the Jews impiety, 221 f. comforteth the people, ibid.
  • Samaeus his admonition▪ 373 h. honoured, ibid. i.
  • Samson killeth a Lyon, 140 l. marrieth a wife, ib. m. pro­poundeth a riddle, ib. m. his acts against the Philistines, 141 d e f. prayeth, and why, 141 d. betrayed by Dali­la, 142 h. the slaughter of the Philistines, and of him­self, ibid. k.
  • Samuel his parents, 144 i. consecrated to God, ibid. i God called him thrice, ibid. k. fore-shewed the death of Eli, and his sons, 144 l. offereth sacrifice, 148 l. comforteth the people, ibid. his victory and recovery of lands, 148 n. committeth the Common weal to his sons, 149 b. troubled and why, 149 e. bidden to create a King, ib. f. sheweth the people's estate under a King▪ ibid. anointeth Saul King, 150 o. justifieth himself, and why, 153 b. striveth to reconcile Saul to God, 157 c. killeth Agag, 158 i. telleth Saul of God's displea­sure. 157 f. anointeth David King, 158 n. his death, burial and praise, 168 l.
  • Sanballat Governour of the Samaritans, 293 k. follow­eth Alexander, 294 b. buildeth a Temple, ibid. f.
  • Sanctuary, 93 b. 209 h. 211 i.
  • Sanctuaries or places of refuge for whom, 109 [...].
  • Sand like glass, 616 m.
  • Sara daughter of Aram, 35 o. Abraham's wife, ibid. d. her beauty, 36 l. King of Egypt enamoured on her, ibid b. bringeth Agar to Abraham, 38 i her age when she con­ceived Isaac, 38 o preserved from Abimelech, and how, 39 e. brought forth Isaac. ib. caused Ismael to be expel­led, &c. 40 k l. affecteth Isaac, ib. m. her death. 41 f.
  • Saraeus high Priest took Prisoner, 265 l.
  • Saturninus President of Syria, 438 o. 4 [...]9 a. permitteth He­rod to enter Arabia, ib. b. his indifferent sentence. 444 m▪
  • Saul seeketh the lost Asses, 150 k anointed King by God's commandment, ib. o. confirmed therein, 15 b. hideth himself, ibid. f. saluted by the people for their King. ib. f. promiseth the Jabesites assistance, 152 l. killeth King Naas, ib. n. sacrificeth, and is reproved, 154 l. over­cometh the Philistines, 155 e. would have slain Jonathan 156 h. always a conqueror, ib. k. taketh and spareth A­gag 157 b. slayeth the Amalekites, and razeth their Cities, 156 o. offendeth God, 157 b. loseth his Kingdom. and why, ib. f. denied pardon, renteth Samuel's gar­ment, ib. g. slew the Philistines 160 m. resolveth to kill David, 162 i. darteth his Javelin at David. 163 b. pro­phesieth, 163 f. questioneth about David's absence, &c. 164 n. maketh an Oration to his Captains, 165 f. pursueth David, 167 e. condemneth himself, and ju­stifieth David, 168 k. pursueth David again, and his life saved, 169 f. banisheth diviners, 171 a. by a sor­ceress is foretold the event of the battel, ib. c d. prais­ed, 172 k. is slain, 173 f g.
  • Scarcity fore-signified, 55 e. how to be prevented, 55 f. among the Israelites, 95 e. very great in Claudius his time, 97 d e. in Samaria, 238 g h.
  • Scarcity of corn, 413 i k.
  • Scaurus maketh peace with Aristobulus, 362 b. Presiden [...] of Coelosyria, 363 n. his war against Aretas, 364 h. 5 [...]5 a. bribed, ibid.
  • Science of the celestial bodies, 30 k.
  • Schisar King of the Assyrians, 133 b. oppressed the Israel­ites, ibid. b.
  • Scopas General of Ptolomy's Army, 306 a. discomfited, ib. overcometh the Jews 306 a b.
  • Scythopolitans kill 3000 Jews, 634 l.
  • Sea of Pamphilia divided it self, 72 n.
  • Red Sea divided at the stroke of Moses's rod, 72 k. return­ing to his course, drowneth the Egyptians, ibid. l.
  • Brazen Sea, 209 l.
  • Sebas, 196 e.
  • Sebaste a haven, 455 a.
  • Secretary or Priest fore-telleth Moses's greatness, 62 n. willeth him to be killed. 64 n.
  • Security promised to Rahab and hers, 122 i.
  • Sects of the Jews, 339 m. 477 a. 612 l.
  • Secrets of Syllaeus disclosed, 599 d.
  • Sedechias a false Prophet, 231 e. contradicteth Micheas, ib. e f.
  • Sedechias King of Juda, 262 d. revolteth ib. seduced, ib. 263 h &c. neglecteth the Prophet's counsel, ib. o. sur­prised, 264 f▪ his eyes put out, 265 h. his death, ib. n.
  • Sedition against Moses, 95 e. 99 b. and 100 i. of Chore for the Priesthood, 99 d.
  • Sedition against Roboam, 219 h. of the Samaritans against the Jews, 298 b. among the people, 312 k. of the Jews, 494 h. betwixt Senate and people, 516 h.
  • Sedition at the Passover, 464 l. between the Jews and Sa­maritans, 534 l. for the golden Eagle, 605 d. in Jerusa­lem, 607 e. 621 d. between Greeks and Jews, 634 h. threefold sedition, 711 f. took the City, 723 b.
  • Seditious more impious than the Sodomites, 724 h.
  • Seditious, 620 k l. beaten, 615 f. bribe Albinus, 621 d. fly to the Temple and why, 624 n. gave not ear to those in authority, 629 f put the Romans to flight, 675 e. agree among themselves, 712 o. 724 i. chal­lenge the sodden child, 749 a. summon Titus to par­ley, 754 m. take away the King's Treasure, 756 i. their utmost hope, 756 m. kept in Acra, and in Vaults, 757 f.
  • Seed of the Woman, 28 n. shall bruise the Serpent's head, ib
  • Seeds at first grew out of the earth, 27 f.
  • Seeds not to be mixed together, 113 d.
  • Sehon King of the Amorites denieth passage to the He­brews, 104 m. overthrown by them, ib. o. is slain, ib.
  • Seir what it signifies, 43 e.
  • Seir Esau's dwelling place. 49 a.
  • Seleucus Nicanor privilegeth the Jews, 305 b.
  • Seleucus So [...]er reigneth in Asia, 31 [...] f.
  • Sem Noah's third son, 32 o. covereth his father's shame, 35 a. his progeny, ib. b,
  • Semochonitis a lake, 680 m.
  • Semiramis built not Babylon, 788 k.
  • Senaar a plain, 32 o.
  • Senabarus one of the five Kings of Assyria, 37 a.
  • Senacherib surpriseth the Cities of Judah, 255 l besieg­eth Jerusalem, ib. m. his Army stricken with the Pesti­lence, 256 f. himself slain, ib
  • Senate perswadeth Claudius to resign, 516 i.
  • Senate's decree, &c. 378 f.
  • Senate's answer to Agrippa, 617 f. their repair to Clau­dius.ddd 618 i.
  • Senselesness of Achaz. 252 b.
  • Sentence against Herod's sons, 593 e.
  • Sephora Moses's wife, 66 n.
  • Sephoris walled, 478 i. spoiled, 22 h. entertaineth the Romans, 635 b.
  • Sep [...]lchre of David, 202 o. of Memnon, 618 l.
  • Serpents tempting of Eve, 28 l. his subtilty, ib. l. his punish­ment, ib. o. enemy to man, ib. o. wherein his strength lyeth, and how easily killed, 29 a.
  • [Page] Serpents very hurtful destroyed, 65 d e.
  • Servant of Elizeus, 238 c.
  • Servants of Solomon happy, and why, 215 e.
  • Servant of Abraham taketh his oath, 42 k. his prayer, and care in discharge of his message, ib. k. and 43 a b.
  • Service of God neglected, 252 b.
  • Service of forreign gods, 216 o. 248 b. 252 b.
  • Service of Antipater, 574 m.
  • Services of the Gabeonites, 125 a.
  • Servitude of the Egyptians great, 61 o. of the Hebrews in­supportable, 62 n. 67 a. and 68 i.
  • Servitude of the Israelites, 133 b. and why, ibid. 134 k. 729 e. &c.
  • Seth son of Adam, 30 i. a virtuous man, ib. i. left a godly issue, ib. k. his age and death, 31 b.
  • Sethosis King of Egypt, 786 h.
  • Seven men of Saul's kindred punished, 195 n.
  • Seventy Jews with John and Simon sent into Italy, 765 f
  • Seventy Interpreters, 302 o. 801 a.
  • Severity of Herod, 416 e▪
  • Sextus Caesar Governour of Syria, 372 c. writeth in He­rod's behalf, ib. f. selleth the President's place, 373 l. slain, 376 b.
  • Sheep-shearing of Nabal, 168 n. of Absolon, 180 o.
  • Shews at Caesarea, 761 e.
  • Ships of Solomon, 216 k. of Jos [...]phat, &c. 235 m.
  • Shipwrack of Josephus, 2 h.
  • Siba manureth Mephiboseth's lands, 183 b. accuseth him and getteth his goods, 189 b.
  • Siba, son of Bochri, incenseth the people to Rebellion, 194 l. by Joab, 195 k. his punishment, ib. l.
  • Sybils Prophesie of Babel, 33 d.
  • Sicarians, 771 c. besieged, 772 a. authors of new calami­ty, 777 i. taken ibid. k.
  • Sichima Josuah's habitation, 128 m.
  • Sichem defloureth Dina, 49 b. desireth to marry her, ib. m. is slain, ib.
  • Sichemites slain. 49 c.
  • Sichemites constitute Abimeleck their ruler, 137 b. banish him, ib. d. are slain, and their City sackt, ib. g h.
  • Sickness of Jeroboam's son, 222 d.
  • Sickness of Ochozias, 235 n.
  • Sickness of Joram, 241 l m.
  • Sickness of Adad, 240 f.
  • Sickness of Ezechias, 257 i.
  • Sickness of Herod, 409 k l.
  • Sicle, 89 a.
  • Siege of Jerusalem, 179 c. 255 m. deferred, 703 c.
  • Signs of the law, 112 k.
  • Sign of Ezechias's recovery 257 k l.
  • Signs before the destruction of Jerusalem, 753 b c d e.
  • Sign of a true history, 782 h i.
  • Signification of the golden-head, 269 k.
  • Silas, Captain of the King's guard, 522 a.
  • Silas groweth into hatred, 522 k.
  • Silon corrupted with money, 386 a.
  • Silva besiegeth Massada, 772 a.
  • Simei pardoned, 193 c. punished, 204 m.
  • Simeon the son of Jacob, 46 n. why so called, ib. m. he and Levi slew the Sichemites, 49 c. left as a pledge with Jo­seph, 57 c. his sons, 61 b.
  • Similitude, 137 b. 672 l.
  • Simon succoureth the Galileans, 319 n. taketh Bethsu­ra, 338 e. declared high Priest, 342 d. animateth the people against Tryphon, ibid. e. his authority, 342 e. razeth the Castle of Jerusalem, 3 [...]2 f. maketh war a­gainst Antiochus, 343 f. trayterously slain, 344 b. 559 d.
  • Simon degraded, 454 i.
  • Simon affecteth the Crown, 468 m. 608 m.
  • Simon's counsel against Joseph, 640 n o, &c.
  • Simon killeth many of his countrey-men, 632 o. his pa­rents and wife, &c 633 a b.
  • Simon the son of Giora committeth rapines and murders, 642 m.
  • Simon of Garasa, 703 e. assembleth the thieves, ibid. spoileth Idumaea, 705 a b. assaulteth the Temple, 70 [...] o. his camp, 722 o. apprehended, 759 e. 761 f. kept for the triumph, ibid. drawn thorough Rome with an halter, 767 b.
  • Singing, look song.
  • Single Combat, 159 d.
  • Sin escapes not unpunished, 169 d.
  • Sins of the Jews against the law, 730 l.
  • Sin cannot escape God's justice, 169 e. 761 g.
  • Sisara Captain of Jabin's host, 134 k. put to flight and slain, ibid. n.
  • Scituation of the land of the Amorites, 105 b.
  • Scituation of the higher Galilee, 659 b.
  • Scituation of Jotapata, 6 [...]4 b.
  • Scituation of Gamala, 680 m.
  • Scituation of Massada, 772 b.
  • Six thousand Jews consumed with fire, 752 m.
  • Skirmish of the Romans with the Jews, 608 i.
  • Skirmish between the Galileans and the Romans, 669 f.
  • Skirmish of Simon and John, 712 i.
  • Slaughter one of another, 136 i. 155 b. 235 l.
  • Slaughter on the Sabbath day, 632 h.
  • Slavery of the Hebrews, see servitude.
  • Slaughter of Achimelech and his Family, 166 k.
  • Slaughter of Ochozias's servants, 243 m.
  • Slaughter of Baal's Priests, 244 a.
  • Slaughter of Azarias, 420 g.
  • Slaughter of the Tapsians, 250 e. of the Army of Juda, 251 l.
  • Slaughter of the Moabites, 181 e. of Antigonus's faction, 382. of the Jews, 624 m. in the Temple, 712 k. 751 c. in the vaults, 756 n.
  • Slanders touching the Jewish nation answered, 791 f g &c
  • Sleep of Abner and his souldiers reproved, 169 g.
  • Sodom once a goodly City, 36 o. her destruction fore­told, 38 o. burnt, 39 b.
  • Sodomites overcome by the Syrians, 33 a b. taken and re­scued, ibid. d. their sins, 39 a b. stricken with blindness, ib. c. destroyed, ib. b.
  • Sohemus discovereth the King's secrets, 406 f. advanced, 407 m. put to death, 408 l.
  • Soil of Peraea, 659 d.
  • Souldiers ought to obey their Captains, 677 b.
  • Souldiers take meat out of the Citizens mouths, 730 f.
  • Souldiers rewarded, 460 n. 761 b.
  • Souldier sheweth his privy members, 533 e.
  • Souldiers require a Monarch, 517 f. repair to Claudius, 518 k.
  • Souldiers dismissed, and why, 247 n.
  • Souldiers of the Romans obey their Captains, 661 a b.
  • Souldiers that came unto David numbred, 179 a b.
  • Souldiers with their Captains consumed, 236 b c.
  • A Souldier's filthy fact, 618 n.
  • A Souldier burneth the book of the Scripture, 534 h. is punished, 619 a.
  • Solemnity of the Passover, 70 k. 92 k.
  • Solemnity of the new Moon, 164 m.
  • Solemnity of transporting the Ark, 180 m n o.
  • Solyma the place where Melchisedech was King, 37 e. af­ter called Jerusalem, ib. and 179 e.
  • Song of praise, and thanksgiving of the Israelites, 72 n.
  • Song of Moses, 72 n.
  • Song of the women and maidens of Israel, 160 n.
  • Son of Vision, 46 n.
  • Sons of Noah, 32 o.
  • Sons of Abraham, 40 h i. and 43 d.
  • Sons of Isaac, 50 k.
  • Sons of Esau, 50 l.
  • Sons of Jesse, 158 m.
  • Sons of Saul slain, 173 f.
  • Sons of David, 179 g.
  • Sons of Jacob hate their brother Joseph, 50 o. go in [...] Aegypt for to buy corn, 56 k l. 57 f. imprisoned and accused of theft, 56 o. and 58 k l. carry Presents with them, 57 f. depart into Aegypt with their Father, 61 b.
  • Sorceress of E [...]dor, 171 c. raised Samuel's ghost, ib. c.
  • Three Sorts of sedition, 711 f.
  • Sosius hath charge of the Army, 388 c. leadeth an Army against Jerusalem, 390 b. taketh Antigonus, 579 e.
  • Soveraignty to be given, 158 m.
  • Soul immortal, 672 m. 784 m. tyed to a mortal body, ibid. n.
  • Spear of Goliah the Philistine, 159 c.
  • Spectacle of compassion, 731 e.
  • Spies sent into Canaan, 96 i. sent to Jericho, 121 d. survey [Page] the City, ib. f. promised Rahab to save her and all that was hers, 122 h.
  • Spirit of God forsaketh Saul, 258 o. and an evil spirit troubleth him, ib. o.
  • Spirit of God entred into David, 158 o.
  • Spoils gotten in war, 77 c.
  • Spoils dedicated to God, 123 d. 225 m.
  • Spoil of the Temple, 246 d.
  • Spoils committed in the day, 686 l.
  • Spoils &c. carried in triumph, 772 e f.
  • Sports of Olympus, 431 b.
  • Stars made, 27 e. their end, courses and motions, ib.
  • State of Jerusalem troubled, 642 l m.
  • Statue of gold erected, 269 m. commanded to be wor­shipped, ibid. m.
  • Statue of Caius, 494 l.
  • Statue of divers metals, 269 m. beaten to powder, ib.
  • Statues of Caesar, 480 i k. Jews refuse to admit them, ib.
  • Stature of Og, 105 b.
  • Stature of Saul, 151 f.
  • Stature of Goliah, 159 c.
  • Sterility fore-shewed, 55 e f.
  • Stock of Basa destroyed, 225 m.
  • Stone taken out of the mountain, 269 i.
  • Store of the Priest, where kept, 419 l.
  • Store of provision, 772 f.
  • Store of all sorts of moveables, 124 l.
  • Store of Corn gotten, 240 d e.
  • Store of victuals, 576 h i.
  • Store of engines and arrows, 767 f.
  • Storm, 693 b.
  • Stratagem of Moses, 65 d. of the Ephraimites, 129 e. of Joab, 183 e. of Ptolomy, 297 n. of Joseph, 9 d. of Cestius, 637 b. of Joseph, 640 l. 641 e. 665 b. of the Jews, 747 e.
  • Straton's tower, or Caesarea, 412 c. 414 g.
  • Streights of Engaddi, 167 f.
  • Strength of Sampson, 141 e. and 142 k.
  • Strength of Eleazar, 666 o. of Netiras, &c. ib.
  • Strife among the Priests, 538 h.
  • Stripes thirty nine, 114 i.
  • Stuff to build the Tabernacle of, 80 l m.
  • Subjection of the Israelites to the Moabites, 133 d. to the Canaanites 134 k. to the Palestines, 139 f. to the Assy­rians, 252 a.
  • Subtilty of the Serpent, 28 l.
  • Subtilty of Jacob, 44 k. of Lea and Rachel, 46 o. of Laban 46 l. of Phara, 62 o. of King Naas, 151 g. of Michol, 163 c. of Saul, 168 i. of a woman, 187 c. of the false Prophet, 220 d. of Silo, 578 l m. of Florus, 624 i.
  • Succession of the high Priests, 540 n.
  • Successor of Moses, who, 109 b.
  • Successors of Alexander, 297 m n.
  • Successors of David, 181 d.
  • Successors of Nabuchodonosor, 220 f.
  • Sum of the Israelites taken, 197 c.
  • Sum of gold, silver, &c. towards the building of the Temple, 199 b.
  • Sun made, 23 e. the end, course and motion thereof, ib. e.
  • Sun stood still, 225 c. goes back, 157 l.
  • Superstition of the people reproved, 223 k l.
  • Supplication of Moses to God, 74 o.
  • Supplication of Joachas, 246 f.
  • Supplication of the Jews sent to Caius, 617 c d.
  • Supplication of the Israelites, 148 k l.
  • Supplies sent to Titus, 677 c.
  • Surprisal of the Ark, 144 n. of Rabatha, 180 i.
  • Susac invadeth Judea, 221 e. spoileth Jerusalem and the Temple, ibid g.
  • Sustenance faileth the Israelites, 74 i.
  • Swearing amongst the ancient Jews, 42 k. and the man­ner thereof, ibid. imposed, and why, 259 l.
  • Sword of Goliah, 160 m. 165 c.
  • Sycophants of Agrippa, 524 h.
  • Syllaeus governeth the King's affairs, 435 b. desireth Salo­me to wife, 435 c d. accuseth Herod to Caesar, 439 e. de­ferreth the payment of Herod's money, ib. condemned to die, 443 d.
  • Symoborus one of the five Kings of Assyria, 37 a.
  • Syrians war against Achab, 229 l. discomfitted, 239 c. ib. f. led away captive, 252 a.
  • Syrians against David, 181 g.
T.
  • Tabernacle builded, 81 b. erected in the desart, ib. d, &c. dedicated, 89 d. and when, ib. d. placed in Siloe, 125 e.
  • Table set in the Tabernacle, 84 m.
  • Tables of the ten Commandments, 79f. 80k. placed in the Ark, 84 h.
  • Table of gold, 211 i. 301 [...].
  • Talents, 565 a. 568 l m.
  • Talents of Gold, 216 i.
  • Talent how much, 813 e.
  • Tales credited, 436 i.
  • Talions law, or law of like for like, 117 b.
  • Talk betwixt God and Cain, 29 c.
  • Talk of Jacob with Rachel, 45 f.
  • Talk of Laban with Jacob, 46 h.
  • Talk of David with Goliah, 160 l.
  • Tapsians put to the sword, 250 e. and why, ib. e.
  • Tarichea besieged, 676 k. taken, 677 e f.
  • Taricheans vanquished by Sea, 679 h i.
  • Task of the workmen of Solomon, 207 d e.
  • Task more grievous imposed, &c. 68 l.
  • Taxation of the Jews, 476 k.
  • Tears of Esau, 44 n.
  • Tediousness of the Hebrews Journey, 73 d e f.
  • Teglaphalassar King of Assyria, 251 o. led away the Is­raelites captive, 252 a. slayeth Rasis, and taketh the Syrians prisoners, 252 a. gold and silver given him, ibid. b.
  • Temperance of Saul, 151 f.
  • Tempest after Samuel's prayer, 153 f.
  • Tempest caused by Jonas, 249 i.
  • Tempest drowned those of Joppe, 674 m.
  • Tempest of miseries assails Jerusalem, 698 o.
  • Temple when builded, 207 f. height, length and breadth thereof, 208 m. with all the other things belonging thereunto, 209. when consecrated, 210 g. spoiled, 221 g cleansed, 252 e. repaired, 249 h. burned, 265 i k. be­gan to be builded, 279 k. finished, 281 i. dedicated, ib. g. desolate three years, 318 f. repurged, ib. burn­ed, 476 m the strongest fortress of the City, 688 h. builded on a strong hill, 719 f. consumed with fire, 750 m.
  • One Temple to be builded, and why, 111 e.
  • Temples of Idolaters to be destroyed, 111 a.
  • Temple on mount Garizim, 296 a. laid desolate, 346 c.
  • Temples builded by Herod, 417 h.
  • Temple of Apollo, 431 a.
  • Temple of Isis pulled down, and why, 481 f.
  • Temple builded by Vespasian, 767 c.
  • Temple of Onias shut up, 778 k.
  • Tempting of the Serpent 24 i. of Josephs mistress, 53 ab, &c.
  • Ten Commandments, 79 e.
  • Tenths of the fruits, 111 g.
  • Tenths for the poor Levites and Festivals, 114 k.
  • Term of man's life, 35 e.
  • Term of exile for chance medley, 109 d.
  • Terror among the enemies, 235 l. 239 o.
  • Testament of Herod, 459 d. altered, 601 e.
  • Testimonies of the Jews antiquity, 786 o. 787 d. 788 n. 789 b c d. 791 c.
  • Thanksgiving of the Israelites for their deliverance, 72 n
  • Tharbis the King's daughter of Aethiopia, 65 g. enamour­ed of Moses, ibid. g. yieldeth the City of Saba, and is Married to Moses, ibid. i.
  • Thares Abraham's Father, 35 c. went out of Chaldea to Charran, ibid. d. his age and death, ibid.
  • Thargal a Captain of the Assyrians, 37 b. sacked Syria, and extinguished the Gyants, 37 b.
  • Theatre built by Herod, 410 g.
  • Theft committed, how punished, 116 l.
  • Thermuthis Pharaoh's daughter 64 i. taketh Moses out of the water, ib. i. adopteth him for her son, and preserv­eth him from death, 64 m.
  • Theudas the Magician, 532 o. his perswasion to the peo­ple, ibid.
  • Thieves confident, 636 m.
  • Thieves apprehend Ananias's kindred, 539 f.
  • [Page] Thieves taken by Herod, 438 n.
  • Thieves murder in the day, 620 l. work much mischief; ib. n.
  • Thieves spoil the Country, 686 k. make a high Priest, 686 n.
  • Thievery punished, 416 b. 438 m n.
  • Things unclean, 93 b.
  • Thirst oppressed the Israelites, 75 e.
  • Thirst of the Arabians, 403 k.
  • Thirst of Sampson, 141 d. of David, 816 m.
  • Thobel a warrier, 29 c. invented the Art of Forging, ibid. g.
  • Thola a Judg of Israel. 138 i.
  • Tholomaeus the Arch-Thief, 527 d.
  • Ten thousand thronged to death, 618 o.
  • Thraldom of the Canaanites, 215 b.
  • Three admirable works, 721 b.
  • Three valiant Jews, 733 g.
  • Threefold sedition divided into two parts, 714 k.
  • Thrice in the year the Hebrews ought to meet, 111 f.
  • Throne of Solomon, 213 d.
  • Thucidides History, 781 e.
  • Tiberians meet Joseph, 6 k. their Letters to Agrippa, 10 i. intend war against Joseph, 18 o. submit themselves to Vespasian, 675 f. 676 b.
  • Tiberias builded, 478 n. in danger of ruiue, 22 i. recover­ed, 641 e.
  • Tiberius Emperour, 478 m. rejecteth Venones suit, 479 e. punished Isis Priests, 481 f. thrusteth the Jews out of Rome, 482 k. his league with Artabanus, 483 f. his death, 485 c. why he deferred to give audience to Embassa­dors and Prisoners, 488 n. &c. why changed not Gover­nours, ibid. k. addicted to the Mathematicks. 491 l. recommendeth the Empire to Caius, ibid. d. his Fu­neral, 492 l.
  • Tiberius a Governour of Judaea, 533 b. crucifieth the Sons of Judas, ibid. c.
  • Tiberius a Governour of Egypt, 708 n.
  • Tidings of Nero's death, 703 a.
  • Tigranes invadeth Syria, 357 n.
  • Tigris a River of Paradise, 28 k. called Diglat, ibid, k.
  • Tillage practised by Noah, 34 o.
  • Timber precious, 215 g.
  • Time of the Israelites deliverance, 71 b.
  • Time of the building of the Temple, 207 f.
  • Time of the Jews return, 275 l. and 278 f g.
  • Time of the Israelites transportation, 253 n.
  • Time of the Kings reign of Davids line, 265 i.
  • Time when Jeremiah lived, 260 d.
  • Time of the destruction of Jerusalem and Temple, 265 k. 751 b. 752 i. 757 e. &c. 758 h i 760 h.
  • Timotheus twice overcome, 320 a b.
  • Titus his mighty Army, 660 k. winneth Japha, 669 c. taketh Tarichea, 677 e f. entreth Gamala, 683. c. repaireth to Je­rusalem, and why, 710 m. putteth his enemies to flight, 712 l. in what places besieged Jerusalem, 717 e. circuiteth the walls, 723 b. commandeth them to be battered, 724 h. puts the Jews to flight, ib. m. taketh the second wall, 726 o. 727 f. surceaseth the siege, and distributeth money, 726 i. crucifieth many Jews, 732 n. accuseth the souldiers, 734 l. calleth God to witness, 736 i. dareth John to fight, 744 h. striveth to save the Temple, 745 c. beholdeth the souldiers, ibid. f. restraineth his wrath, 750 h. granteth the Jews life upon condition, 755 e. promiseth recompence to the souldiers, 760 n. celebrateth pastimes, 765 b. lament­eth Jerusalem, 76 [...] c.
  • Torment of Eleazar, 818 m. and 819 b.
  • Torment of the Mother and seven Brethren, 820 h, &c. 821 a, &c. 121 d. 822 i. 822 m. 823 b. 824 i.
  • Tortures laid upon many, 436 m.
  • Touch of conscience, 350 k.
  • Tower of Babel, 33 d.
  • Tower of white Marble, 312 k.
  • Towers erected, 214 k. 249 m. 718 o.
  • Tower of Antonia, 419 o.
  • Towers of Herod, 718 o. 719 a b.
  • Trachonites compelled to civility, 438 l. Rob again, ib. m. subdued by Herod, 439 c.
  • Trajan taketh Japha, 669 c.
  • Training up of Souldiers, 638 l. 660 l m n.
  • Traytor apprehended, 452 k.
  • Transgression of vocation punished, 250 b.
  • Transgression of Saul, 157 c d.
  • Transgressors of Gods law threatned to be punished, 2 i k. 157 e f g.
  • Translation of the Bible, 303 n o.
  • Translation of the Priest-hood fore-shewed, 144 k.
  • Translation of the Israelites, 250 e. 252 a. 253 n. and when, ibid.
  • Transportation of the Kingdom, 157 f.
  • Transportation of the Ark, 180 m n.
  • Traveller to be directed in his way, 116 n.
  • Travellers not to be forbidden ripe fruit, 113 g.
  • Treason intended and discovered, 287 i k. 335 k l.
  • Treason practised, 225 k. 136 g. 248 c. 250 d. ibid. 580 m. 591 e f. 598 k. 624 i. 640 m.
  • Treasury of the Temple emptied, 246 d. 252 a. 255 l.
  • Treasure taken away, 368 b. 468 h.
  • Treble Wall, 717 f.
  • Tree of Life, 28 k.
  • Tree of Knowledg, ibid.
  • Trees fruitful not to be cut down, 118 l.
  • Trembling of the Earth, 250 b.
  • Tribe of Reuben, Gad, and the half tribe of Manasses re­quire the land of the Amorites, 109 b. promise to help their brethren, ib. c d. required to perform it, 121 e. are dismissed, 126 i. builded an Altar, 127 e. their answer to Phinees, 128 f.
  • Tribe of Dan oppressed, 132 i. seek a place to inhabit, ib. n.
  • Tribe of Levi sacred to God, 93 a.
  • Tribe of Judahs accusation and excuse, &c. 194 k l.
  • Ten Tribes revolt, and why, 219 i k. transported, and why, 253 n.
  • Tribunal of Solomon, 213 b.
  • Tribune a Captain over a thousand, 160 o.
  • Tribute exacted of the Israelites, 139 f. of the Canaanites, 215 b.
  • Tribute imposed, 181 f. 182 i. 235 n. 250 f. 252 c. 350 k. 261 i. 769 e.
  • Triple Golden Crown, 87 f.
  • Triumph of Titus and Vespasian, 766 h i.
  • Troglodytes of whom descended, 41 g.
  • Trophies of Herod, 411 l.
  • Trouble of mind, 158 o. 165 e.
  • Trouble of the Sorceress, 171 d. of Saul, ib. e f.
  • Troubles in France, 700 n.
  • Truce-breaker, 255 m. 262 b.
  • Truce granted the Inhabitants of Jabes, 152 i.
  • Two Trumpets of Silver, 95 c.
  • Truth of Josephs History, 237 d. 21 c.
  • Truth of God's Promise, 211 d.
  • Truth of God's Oracles, 240 e. 259 n.
  • Truth of Eliahs Prophecy, 242 f.
  • Truth prevaileth, 277 o. 278 a.
  • Tryphon requireth Antiochus, 337 i k. overcometh Deme­trius, ib. o. breaketh covenant, 342 b. plotteth Jonathans death, 34 o f. his demands of Simon, 342 a. obtaineth the Kingdom, 343 i k. slain, ibid. l.
  • Tumults in Jury, 468 l. 615 d. in the Army, 725 b. for a Galilean slain, 618 n o.
  • Turpentine-Tree that, &c. 704 o.
  • Twins brought forth at once, 43 e.
  • Tyranny of Antiochus, 314 b c. of Herod foretold, 392 e. effected, 416 d. of Caius, 503 f. of Varus 532 h i l. 609 e.
  • Tyrannies breed mischief, 514 k.
  • Tyrants enfeeble themselves, 443 c.
  • Tyro imprisoned, and why, 445 d. accused of Treason, 445 e. 594 i. he and 300 Captains were slain, 445 f.
V.
  • Valerianus his speech, 675 e.
  • Valley of benediction, 235 l.
  • Valour of Sampson, 130 l. and 140 l. of David, 161 a. of Davids souldiers, 179 d. of Herod, 577 e. of Netyras and Philip, 667 a. of Vespasian, 681 e. Titus 713 e. of the Jews, decreased, 740 m.
  • Vardanes perswadeth Izates, 531 c. slain, ibid. d.
  • Variance of Women, 433 f.
  • Varus tyranny, 4 i k. assisteth the Romans, 609 b. see Quintilius.
  • Vengeance to be taken on the Amalechites, 118 m n.
  • Ventidius fisheth for money, 384 f. 575 c. sendeth for Si­lon, 386 f. overcometh the Parthians, 387 m.
  • [Page] Vertue of the mind respected of God, 158 l.
  • Vertue of Abraham, 43 d.
  • Vertue of David, 202 e.
  • Vertue of Solomon, 206 k. 214 n. 215 a b c.
  • Vespasian arriveth at Tyre, 23 e. gati ereth forces against the Jews, 658 n. cometh to Ptolemais, 658 o. helpeth the Sephorites, 659 a. filleth Galilee with sword, and fire, ibid. c d. directeth the Romans march, 660 h. invadeth Galilee, 662 c. besiegeth Jotapata, 663 e. wounded in the sole of the foot, 669 b. leadeth his Army to Jo [...]apata, 669 b. taketh it, 610 f. taketh Joppe, 674 n. cometh to Agrippa, 675 c. overcometh the Taricheans, 679 h. consulteth with his Chieftains about the Jews, 679 h i. besiegeth Gamala, 680 o. comforteth his Souldiers, 682 h f. expecteth Victory, &c. 697 e. visiteth Judaea, 701 a. hath tydings of Nero's death, 703 a. invadeth Judaea, 705 e. elected Emperour, 708 h. 709 h. his vertues, &c. 707 d e f. dischargeth Joseph, 709 c. proclaimed Em­peror, 710 l.
  • Vessels of Gold and Silver given to Solomon, 216 i.
  • Vessels of Gold and Silver taken, 109 a.
  • Vessels pertaining to the Temple, 209 l m. 210. b.
  • Vessels of the Temple carried away, 265 k. sent back, 275 h i.
  • Vestments of the high Priests in Antonia, 482 o.
  • Vestures of the Priests, 86 m n. 210 g.
  • Vexation of Saul by an evil spirit, 158 n.
  • Victory wherein it consisteth, 676 o.
  • Victory maketh proud, 248 a.
  • Victory of Placidus, 700 l. of the Jews, 717 a.
  • Victory of Moses and the Egyptians, 65 e.
  • Victory of Josuah over the Canaanites, 125 c d.
  • Victory of the Israelites over the Benjamites, 13 m.
  • Victory of Saul over the Ammonites, 152 n. over the Ama­lechites, 156 m n.
  • Victory of David over Goliah, 160 m. of him against the Philistines, 163 a. 180 k l.
  • Victory of Joab, 183 f 191 d.
  • Victory of Achab against the Syrians, 230 c.
  • Victory of Amasias, 247 o. of Joas, ibid. k. 248 d. of Vespasian, 679 h. of the Romans, 680 l. 683 e.
  • Victuals failed the Israelites, 95 e f. 239 i.
  • Victuals very plenty, 240 d e. 576 h i.
  • Villany most horrible, 130 l m.
  • A Village called Abrahams House, 36 i.
  • Villages burned, 469 f g.
  • Vine of Gold, 362 d e.
  • Vineyard planted by Noah, 34 n.
  • Vineyard of Naboth, 228 f.
  • Vines to be planted, 113 d.
  • Violence not to be used, 116 m.
  • Virgins of the Medianites taken, 109 a b.
  • Vision of Jacob, 45 b. 48 k.
  • Vision of Joseph, 91 a b.
  • Vision of Pharaoh, 55 b c.
  • Vision of Amram, 63 d e.
  • Vision of Nabuchodonosor, 268 d e.
  • Vision of the Goat and Ram, 272 k l.
  • Vision of Archelaus, 473 e f.
  • Vision of the hand, 271 h.
  • Vitellius cometh to Jerusalem, 482 n. remitteth the tribute, ibid. maketh Jonathan high Priest, 483 c. warreth against Aretas, 485 b.
  • Vitellius Emperor, 703 b. encampeth his Army in Rome, 707 c. forsaken of his souldiers, 709 f slain, 710 k.
  • Ulcer one of the Plagues of Egypt, 69 e.
  • Uncle of Saul, 151 b.
  • Unconstancy of Mans love, 151 c.
  • Unjustice death, 436 i k.
  • Unjust, 166 k. 227 m n. 436 i k.
  • Voice in the inner Temple, 753 d.
  • Vologesus King of Parthia, 531 d. incited to kill Izates, 532 h. compelled to return, 532 l.
  • Volumnius President of Syria, 439 a. arbiter between Syl­laeus and Herod▪ ibid. his sentence, &c. 444 m.
  • Voluptuousness of the Israelites, 107 b c.
  • Vonones discomfited, 479 e. submitteth himself to Syllanus 479 f.
  • Vow of Jeptha, 138 o
  • Vow of Anna, 143 g.
  • Vows of the Esseans, 615 f.
  • Voyage of Vespasian by Sea, 761 d.
  • Urias Bersabes Husband, 184 i. refuseth to repair to his Wife, and why, ibid. k. is slain, 184 n.
  • Uron, Miriams husband, 77 a. holdeth up Moses hands, ib. a.
  • Use of the plough by whom found out, 29 b.
  • Use of the Sea and the ten Lavers, 210 a.
  • Usury and Theft, 810 a.
W.
  • Ways paved, 216 m.
  • Weight of Gold brought, 213 e.
  • Weights found out, and by whom, 29 f.
  • Wall built about Jerusalem, 735 b.
  • First Wall taken, 725 d.
  • Second Wall taken, 726 o.
  • Walls of Jerusalem finished, 285 m.
  • Walls of Jericho fall down, 123 b.
  • Walls of Babylon, 788 l. Walls of the Temple beautified with Gold, 208 o.
  • Want of water, 678 c.
  • Want of water and victuals, 73 d. 236 f. 238 g. &c. 412 g.
  • Warrantize of security promised to Rahab, 122 i.
  • War how to be undertaken, 118 h.
  • War intended for Liberty, 688 k.
  • War between Antonius and Augustus, 581 b.
  • War between the seditious and peaceable, 630 h.
  • War of the Egyptians with the Aethiopians, 65 b c.
  • War of the Amalechites against the Israelites, 76 i.
  • War of the Philistines against the Israelites, 159 c. 171 b.
  • War of David, 180 i. 181 e.
  • War of Adad against Achab, 229 l.
  • Civil War of the Israelites, 131 b c. ib. f. 135 d e. 219 i. 223 i.
  • Wars of the Jews written at Rome, 783 e.
  • Water poured on the Earth, &c. 67 d.
  • Water turned into Blood, 67 d.
  • Water failed the Israelites, 73 d. changed, ibid. g.
  • Water of Bethleems well, &c. 196 g.
  • Water delivered by measure, 652 i.
  • Weariness of the Hebrews, 73 d.
  • Whale devoureth Jonah, 249 k.
  • Witch of Endor, 171 c.
  • VVitch of Arabia, 596 n.
  • VVicked Man punished, 169 b. 240 e f.
  • VVickedness most horrible, 130 m n.
  • VVickedness cause of calamity, 129 b. 130 l m. 131 [...] d. 132 m. 133. b.
  • VVidow of Sareptha, 226 d.
  • VVidow of Obadias, 273 n.
  • VVife of Putiphar enticeth Joseph to lie with her, 53 a b c. accuseth him to her Husband, 54 h i.
  • VVife of the high Priest, 94 k.
  • VVife of the dead brother, 154 c.
  • VVife of the Levite villanously abused, 130 m.
  • VVife of Phinees, 145 c.
  • VVife of Jeroboam, 222 d. goeth to ask counsel, and why ibid. d e.
  • VVill of God to be obeyed, 110 k l.
  • VVinding slairs, 209 h.
  • VVisdom of the Law-maker, 26 m n. of Joseph, 558 c d.
  • VVisdom of Solomon, 205 b c. 215 d e.
  • VVisdom of Daniel, 267 o.
  • A false VVitness his punishment, 112 n.
  • False VVitnesses suborned, 229 h.
  • VVives of Solomon numbred, 217 h. inticed him to commit Idolatry, 216 g. 217 h.
  • VVives of Herod, 449 e.
  • VVives of Esau, 44 i.
  • VVives of Jacob, 47 b.
  • VVives of Lamech, 29 f.
  • VVomen Created, 28 i. tempted and fell, ibid. l. punish­ed, n.
  • VVomen married for a Virgin, &c. 114 m n.
  • Two VVomen accuse one another, 205 d.
  • VVomen seduce Solomon, 216 o.
  • VVomen at discord, 433 f.
  • VVomen eat their own children, 239 h i. 734 i k.
  • VVomen sing Songs, 160 n,
  • VVomens terms, 48 i.
  • VVord of God not without Fruit, 252 g.
  • VVork-Masters of the Tabernacle, 72 n.
  • VVorkmen building the Temple, 207 a b e f.
  • VVorks of God, 809 d.
  • [Page] World made in six days, 27 e f g.
  • Wrastling of Jacob, &c. 48 m.
  • Wrath of God against the Egyptians, 72 k l
  • Wrath of Saul against David, 162 i.
  • Wrath of David against Nabal, 168 m.
  • Wrath of God against the Jews, 741 d.
  • Wrath of Florus, 623 a.
  • Wrath of Herod, 586 n. 589 c. 675 b.
  • Wrath of Vitellius, 710 i.
  • Wrath pacified, 22 l. 562 n.
  • Wrath bridled, 750 h.
  • Writers why they omit of speaking of the Jews, 791 e.
  • Wrongs done by the Amalechites, 118 m.
  • Wrongs done by the Ammonites, 183 c.
X.
  • Xantique a month, 92 k.
  • Xerxes King of Persia favoureth the Jews, 282 b. his Letters to the Princes of Syria, ibid. c. granteth Ne­hemiahs request, 284 e f.
Y.
  • Years of Adam, 30 i
  • Years of Jubilee, 94 m.
  • 7 Years plenty and searcity, 55 d e f.
  • Great Year, 32 m.
  • Years between the building and destruction of the Tem­ple, 75 f.
  • Years of the Captivity of Babylon, 274 e.
  • Young-Men pull down the Eagle, 460 i. put to death, 602 k.
  • Youthly course of Manasses, 257 o.
  • Youthly course of Amos, 258 d.
Z.
  • Zabulon burned, 635 n.
  • Zabulon Jacobs son, 47 a. what it signifies, ib. his sons, 61 b.
  • Zacharias stoned to death, 246 c. and why, ibid.
  • Zacharias son of Achaz slain, 261 k.
  • Zacharias King of Israel slain, 250 d.
  • Zacharias encourageth the People, 280 d
  • Zacharias condemned by the Zealots, 696 i. acquitted, ibid. l. slain in the Temple, 696 k.
  • Zacharias one of the chief of the Zealous, 690 l.
  • Zamaris the Babylonian Jew, 449 f.
  • Zambrias marrieth Chosby, 107 f. speaketh against Moses, ibid. g. slain together with his Wife, 108 k.
  • Zamri King of Israel, 225 m. rooteth out Basas posterity, ibid. burneth himself in the Palace, 225 m.
  • Zaraeus King of Aethiopia, 224 k. overthrown, ibid. [...].
  • Zeal of Phinees, 108 k l.
  • Zeal of the People, 259 h.
  • Zeal of Elias, 228 a b e.
  • Zeal of Matthias and his Sons, 315 i.
  • The Zealous occasion of violences, 687 [...]. why so called, ibid. fight with the Citizens, 689 c. require help of the Idumaeans. 690. m. their fiction disproved, 691 c. Tyran­nize over the living and dead, 698 i. take Simons wife, 705 a. fight with the Idumaeans, 706 l.
  • Zeb killed by Gideon, 136 l.
  • Zelpha Leas handmaid, 460. beareth to Jacob Gad, and A­sar, ibid.
  • Zenodorus liveth by spoil, 415 n. accused by Herod, 416 b c. his Country given to Herod, 438 l.
  • Ziphians promise to deliver David, 167 d. labour again to betray David, 169 f.
  • Zoilus a Tyrant of Stration, 351 b.
  • Zorobabel Prince of the Jews, 279 h i. obtaineth praise and rewards, 278 a. and why, ibid.

An Exact and orderly Collection of all the Scriptures which are handled by Jose­phus in his History of the Antiquity of the Jews, set down in Chapter and Verse as they lie in the Bible, whereby a Man may find on a sudden any thing wherein the Author doth either Ex­pound, Enlarge▪ or Alter the words of Scripture. And hereby the Reader may turn to every Verse as familiar as to the Bible.

Genesis.
Chap.Vers.Fol.Let.
11. ad finem.27e
2227G
 10. 1128i
 13. 1428K
 1728i
 1928h
 2128i
31 ad 928K. l
 12 ad 1828l m n
 2028H
41 ad 1229a b &c.
 14 ad 2429d e f g
 25 2630h i
53, 4, 530i K
 3 ad 2430l m n
 24 ad finem31a b
612 ad 1330m n
 14 ad 1530n
7230n
 431d
 7 830n o
 17 ad 2031e f g
8131d e
 7, 831d e
 16 1731e f
 20 2132i k
911 ad 1531l m n
 18 1931n o
 19 ad 2534n o
108 933a b
 10 ad finem.33g &c.
112 ad 933b c D
121 ad 435e f g
 736k
  [...] [...] [...]
  [...] [...]l m
131 ad 1036n o
141 ad 1237B c
 13 ad 2037d e
 20 ad 2437E f
151 ad 1337f g h
161 ad 738i k
 9 10 16 1738K
1712 &c.38l
181 ad 1638n o &c.
 17 ad 2339a
191 ad 839B
 11 ad 2639c
 30 ad 3839c d
201 ad 639d
 11 ad 1639f g h
211 2 340m
 14 ad 2140i k
 30 3140k l
221 ad 440m n o
 7 8 941a b
 10 1141d e
 12 13 16 1741e f
23per totum41g h i
241 ad 2342K l m
 22 29 ad 6042N O a b
257 843d
 21 ad 2343 [...]
 24 2543e
261 2 643f
 13 ad 1643f g
 19 ad 2144h
 26 ad 2944h i
 30 ad 3544i k
271 ad 544k
 6 ad 3044l m
 30 ad 4244n
 42 ad finem.44n m
281 ad 1045a
 10 ad 1945b c
 2045c d
291 ad 945d e
 9 ad 1245f g
 12 ad 2346h i
 22 2346i
 23 ad 2746k l
 27 ad 3546l m
3014 15 1646n o
 18 2447a B
311 2 347b
 19 2347b c
 24 2647c d
 31 ad 3647e f
 46 4748i
321 ad 748k l
 13 ad 1848m
 24 ad 3048n o
331 2, &c.49a
 13 1749a b
342 3 449b
 21 2549c
351249c d
 16 17 1849d e
 2649f
366750k l
[...]50 [...] [...]
[...] [...] [...] [...]
 5 ad 951a b
 9 ad 2151c d e
 22 ad 3452h i k, &c.
397 9 1052o
 11 1253e f
 14 ad 2354h i k
405 9 ad 1554m n
 16 1854o
411 ad 1755b c
 18 ad 3655e
 42 4355g
 47 adf, 55.&c
421 ad 1056k l
 1756o
 21 2457b c
 3657c d
431 ad 1457d e
 11 1657e f
 16 2957f g h
442 ad 1258i k
 1258n o
 18 ad finem.59a b
451 ad 1660i k
 1660l m
 26 ad 2860m n
461 ad 561a b
 6 ad 2661b c
 3061d
47261d
 3 ad 1061e
 16 ad 2061f g
493362i
5013 1462k
 22 ad 2662k l

Exodus.
11 ad 1162m n
 16 2262n o
21 2 363a b c
 1 2 3 to 1063d e
 3 4 564h i
 9 10 1164l m n, &c.
 11 ad 1466k l
 16 ad 1966l m
 2166n
31 2 366o
42 ad 967c d
 10 ad 2667e f
 2067g
51 268h
 5 ad 1968l m
6668m
71068o
 1969a
81669C
 2469D
9369e
 669e
 10 2369e
101469f
 2269f
 2870h
12270h i
[...]1670i
 29 3370k
142 7 971a b
 11 1271e
 1371f
 1471g
 1572h i
 21 22 2772k l
151 2 372n o
 1 ad 2274l m
  72h i
 23 2572o
16173d
 373e
 1573e
 2373f
 15 1673g
171 ad 574i k, &c.
 8 9 1076i k
 13 1677c d
181 277f g
 13 ad 2478h i
 2478k
191 2 3 4, &c.78m n
 1678o
 2579B
201 ad 1779e
212 ad 7116l
 23117a
 28 ad 3296i k
2214116i
241880h
281280H
 17 ad 2188K
291 ad 3888m
342880i k
3523, &c.80k l
361 2 380l
 289c
 680m
 889a
 8 ad finem.80ab
371 ad 683l
 16 ad finem.83g
381 ad 885e
391 ad 1286m
 2587B
 6 ad 1487K
 10 11, &c.87d
 3087e f
 5188i
401 2 389d

Leviticus.
12 ad 1091a b
214 ad finem.92m
8per totum.89f
92489f
101 2 3 490i
141 ad 893K
1913117b c
217 8 994K
235 692k
242093m
252 ad 894I
 8 ad 1494m

Numbers.
12372f
515 ad finem.93f
61 ad 12103d e
91595b
10295b
 1495c d
111 295e f
131 ad 2496h
 2496l
141 2 696l m
 23 3397a
 4398n
161 ad 499d
 8 ad 1599g h i
 31 ad 35101b c d, &c.
  102f g
171 ad finem.102m n
188 ad 20103B c
19per totum.103g
 10113h
201 14 ad 151 [...]3E
 21 ad finem.104m
 23 24104i
 35104l
2113 14113cd
221 ad 5105e
 15 21 ad 28105f g
 28 31105g
 35 36106h
231 ad 10106k l
 11 12106l
243 4106n
 10 11106n o
251 2 3107c d
 3113c
 6 7 8 9107e g k l
 16 17108l m
2718109a
318 ad 18109a
321 2 ad 5110h
 8 9126n
3534, &c.109d
 6 11 14126n
3612109e f

Deuteronomy.
23192l
321109b
41 ad 43110h
66 7112k
1512 ad 19116l m
161 10 13111f
1715113b
192126n o
 14113b
2015 ad 20118f
 11 ad 2194per tot.
2210113d
 11112i
 23 24 25115b c
231117e f
 24113B
2412 13116K
 21 22113e
253 4113c f
 5 ad 9115c
 19118m
261 2, &c.113c
291 ad 10119b
313 23119m
3323119d
348 9119e f
 10120K

Joshua.
21 2 3121e
 4 6122h
31 2 3122K
41 2 3122m
 5 ad finem.122n
510 11 12122n
63122o
 20 ad 26123a b c
71123d
 5 ad 16123f g h
 10124h
  [...] 17 18124i k
 24 25124k
81 2124l
93124m
 6 15124n o
 21 23125a
101125B
 9 ad 13125b c
111 ad 5125c d
 7 ad finem.125e f
 23126h
131 ad 12126i
 24 29126n
1415 16 per tot.126k l
20per totum.126o
 8 9109d
222 ad 6127a
 10 ad 16127d e f
 21128l
23per totum.128m
2419 33128n o

Judges.
11 ad 5129b c
 6 7129c
 16129e
 22 ad 26129e
21 ad 11129g
31 ad 11133B c
 12 ad 13133d e f, &c.
41 ad 21134k l m n
61 2 3, &c.135b c
 11 12 13135d
72 ad 22135e f g, &c.
 22 25136k l
87 10136l
 22 33136m
91 ad 15137a b
 23 ad 49137d e f, &c.
 52 ad 55138i k
102 ad 8138l m
111 ad 11138n
 30 ad 40138o
 39139B
121 ad 13139B c
131 2 3, &c.139f g
 9 ad 19140h i
 24140i k
141 ad 6140l
 12 13 14140m
 18 19 20140n o
154 5 6141a
 11 ad 15141c
 18141d
163141d
 6 ad 15142e f
 16 17 18142h
 25 ad finem.142i k
182, &c.132l
19per totum.130h
 22 ad 26130l
 29130n
201 ad 25131a
 25131c
 29 ad 36131d e
 35131f
 41 ad finem.131g
2112 ad 25132i
 20 ad finem.132k

1 Samuel.
110 ad 13143g
 20 ad finem.144i
212 ad 17144h
33 ad 10144k
 11 ad 21144l
41 ad 21144m n o &c
51 ad 6146l
 2 ad finem.146o
612 ad 18146d e
 19 21147f
73 ad 6147g
 6 ad 12147f
 10 14148k l
81 ad 6149b c
 6 ad 19149e f, &c.
91 ad 3150k
 6 ad 10150l
 15 ad 19150m
 22 24150n
101 ad 8150o, &c.
 17 ad 27151c d e f &c.
111 ad 4151g▪
 3 ad 15152i k l m, &c.
123 4153B
 7 ad 18153c d e
 20 ad finem.153f
132 ad 12154i k l, &c.
 22 23154m n
141 ad 4154n o
 11 12155a
 12 ad 15155B c
 20 ad 26155c d
 27 ad 30155d e
 32155e
 37 ad 47155f g, &c.
151 ad 9156m n o, &c.
 10 ad 24157c d
 17 ad 22157e f
 23 ad 28157f g
 32158i [...]
161 ad 11158k l m
 12 ad 21158n o
172 ad 15159c d
  [...]6▪159f
 34 ad 37160i
 38 ad 53160k l
186 ad 9160n o
 17 ad 27161a b
193 ad 10162per tot.
 14 ad 21163d e f
201 ad 11164f g h
 16 ad 30164l m
 33 ad 43165a b
211 ad 13165c d
221 ad 19165d e f
 9 ad 21166per tot.
231 ad 14167b c d
 19167c d
 26 27 28167e f
245, &c.167g
 10 ad 17168k
251 ad 35168l m
 36 ad finem.169b c
26per totum.169f, &c.
271 2170l
 8 ad finem.170l m
281 ad 5171b
 6 7 8 9171b c
 8 ad 14171c d
 16 ad 22171e f
293 ad finem.171f
301 ad 25171f g
311 2 3172i k
 4 ad 13173a b c

2 Samuel.
11 ad 15175e f
21 ad 15175f g, &c.
 17 ad 30176l
 30 ad finem.176l
31 2 ad 17176m n
 20 ad 26177c d
 27177d
 31177f g
 33 34 35178h i
41 ad 12178l m
5per totum.178n o
  179b c
61 ad 16180m n, &c.
71 ad 3181b
 5 ad finem.181d, &c.
81 ad 8181e f
91 ad 11182n o
101 ad 19183b c d
111 ad 8184i k [...]
 14 ad 17184l
 18 ad 27184n o, &c.
121 ad 6185b
 7 ad 13185c d
 13 ad 24185e f g
 27 ad finem.186i
131 ad 29186k l, &c.
 30 ad 34187b c
141 ad 25187d e
 24 ad 33187f g
151 ad 6188k
 10 ad 14188l m
 24 ad 32188m n
161 ad 18189b c
 20 21 22189e f
171 ad 16189g
 17 ad finem.190m n
181 ad 7191c d
 8 ad 18191e f
 21 ad 33192i k
191 ad 9192m n
 13 14 15193b c
 22 ad 37193d e f
 41 42 43194k l
201 ad 10194n o
 16 ad 22195k
 23 ad finem.195l
211 ad 9195m n
 16 ad 20196a b
22per totum.196d, &c.
238 9196d e
 13 ad 18196g h
 20197a
241 ad 10197c d
 12 ad 23197e f

1 Kings.
11 ad 5189c d
 11 ad 29189e f
 30200h
 33 ad 51200k l
21 ad 4202b c d
 17 ad 24203e f
 25 ad 35204h i
 38 ad finem.204m n
 1 ad 15204o a b
 16 ad finem.205d
 24 25 27205e f
41 ad 26206i k
51 ad 12206n o
 6 ad 10207a b
 11 ad finem.207d e
61 ad 5207f g
 22 ad 29208n o
71 8 9209l
 27 37 38209m
81 ad 5210e f
 22 ad 54211i k
 55 56, &c.211m n
 62 63 66212c
91 2212e
 6 ad 9212f
 11 12213f
 16 ad 21215a b
1010 ad 18215c d
 4 ad 13215e f
 14 ad finem.215g
 27 28 29216m n
111 ad 23216o a b
 26 ad 35217n o
 30 40218i
121 ad 11218c d
 6 7 8218e
 8 ad 11218f
 18, &c.219h i
 21 22219i
 26 27 29219k l
131 ad 42 [...]0a b
 7 ad 10220d
 13 ad 32220e f
142 ad 18222c d
151 ad 14223o h
 15 17 21225i
161 ad 15224o
 28 30 31226a b
171 ad 16226c d
 17 ad finem.226f g
181 2227h
 13 17227k l
 21, &c.227l
 34 ad 40227n o
 45 ad finem.228b
194 ad 6228b c
 16 17 19228d e
201 ad 21229l m
  230a b
 23 ad 27230e f
 31 ad finem.231h i
211 ad 28228f g h
222 ad 8232b
 6232c
 14 ad 28232d
 28 ad 38233i

2 Kings.
11 ad 10235m n
211236d
311 ad 17236e f
 22 ad 27237i k l
41 ad 7237n o
69 ad 19238b c d
 24 28238g
 31 32 33239k l
71 ad 19239l m
 17 18 19239m n
87 8 9240e f
 11 ad 22240g h
 25 ad finem.241o
91 ad 6242a
 11 13 15242b c
 17 ad 31242d e
  242f g
101 ad 14243k l
 18 ad 30244a b
111 2 3244b c
 17 18245k
121 ad 16245l
 18245m
1320 21247b c
141 2247l m
 23 25249l
1514250d
 34250f
 38251k
161 2 3 4251l
 7 ad 20252b c
173 ad 6252c
 24253m
189255l m
 17 23255o
191 2256b
 20 ad finem.256e
 35 36 37256f
201 ad 11257i k
 14 ad 21257l m
211 2, &c.258a
 18258d
221 ad 8258d
 4 24258f g
 8 13259i
 15 ad finem.259k
235 11260a
 22260c
 23 ad finem.260d
2411 ad 20261h
 17 20262d e
25per totum.260g
 1 ad 10263k
 1 ad 7264d e
  265h
 4 ad 12262f
 9 ad 18265i
 18 ad 22265l
 27262a

1 Chron.
221 ad 6198m
 6 ad 24198n
 7 ad finem.198o
2313 14200n
261 ad 12201l
2811 ad 18201m
295 ad 9201n

2 Chron.
42209l
71212b
1152 [...]1b
 11 13221b
122 ad 13221e f
131 ad 13223k l m
14per totum.224i k
 9 ad 14224l
 12224m
153 4224m n
171226a b
 1 2226b c
181 ad 8232b
 5232c
 13 ad finem.232d e
 27232f
 28 ad finem.23 [...]h i
191 ad 17.234d e
201 2234g
 22 24235k I
2112241I
 16 17 18241n
241 ad 14245n
 17 ad 21246b c
2511 ad 16247n
 17 ad 28248d e
 18 ad 25247k
261 ad 10249m n
 16 ad 21250b c
289 ad 19251l m
291 2252d
 20 21253h i
 30 31253i
3233257n
331 ad 10258b
 10 ad 13258c
 14 ad 20258d
348 ad 21258e
 23 ad finem.259k
3522 23 24260c
[...]66 ad 21260g
371 ad 21260k l m

Ezra.
1per totum.274e
 3274g
 7 ad 20275i k
2p [...]r totum.275l
34 5 8279k l
  [...] ad finem.278d
41 ad 6279o
 2 ad 11275n
 11 ad 22276b
53 ad 6278g
 6 ad finem.279i
 7 ad finem.280e
61 ad 15278b
 4 5 6278b
 7 ad 16278d
 22278e
 17, &c.281i
 15 16281k
711 12281n
9per totum.283h i
105 10 11283n

Nehemiah.
11 ad 5284d
 5 ad 11282c
21 ad 11285i
41 ad 15285k
 16 ad finem.285k l
81 ad 11.284b

Ester.
11286b
 10 ad finem.286c d
27 ad 10287h
 21 22287i
31 2 3 4287l
41 2288c d
 11288e
 16 17288f
51 2, &c.289k
 4289l
 6287n
 8 9287l
 14289n
61 2 3 4289o
 6 ad 13290c d e
71 ad 10290e f g
81 2291i
 5 ad finem.291l
91 ad 10292c d
10per totum.292f
  293per tot.

Isaiah.
445 ad 10274f
451 ad 9274f g

Jeremiah.
2224261l
251 ad 12261l
291 ad 10261l m
37per totum.267k
391 ad 14263k
404265g
 6 ad finem.265c
42per totum.265k
5210 11265n
 31 ad finem.267h

Daniel.
11 ad 16267n o
 6 17268b c
220 ad finem.268f
31 ad 19269m
41 ad 29269n o
55 ad 30271h i
 24 ad 31271n o
64 ad 16272b
 24 ad finem.272f
73 ad 27273k
9per totum.273n o

Jonah.
1per totum.249h i
2per totum.249k l

Nahum.
28 ad finem.250g
FINIS.

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.