The intrigues of the Court of Rome for these seven or eight years past written originally by a French gentleman who lived with a publick character several years at that court ; now rendered into English.

MEMOIRES OF The Time, OR Diſcourſes of the Intrigues OF THE Court of Rome.

CHAP. I. Touching the particular Reign of Clement X. Emilio Altieri, and the Miniſtery of Cardinal Palazzi Altieri.

I Take not upon me in this place fully to Diſcuſs the troubles and Perplexity of the Conclave of 1670. which laſted above four months, and into which Cardinal Emilio Altieri entered, with others of his Promotion, before he had appeared in Purple, becauſe he was raiſed to that Dignity few dayes before the death of Clement IX.

It is however neceſſary to know by what Intrigue that good Old Man came to be Pope, for the better underſtanding of what hath ſucceeded ſince his exaltation, wherein his ſhare has been as ſmall, as it was in the conduct of the whole Government of his Reign.

Pope Clement IX. Julio Roſpiglioſi having not long ſurvived the loſs of Candie, for the preſervation of which place, the ſole Bulwark of Europe againſt the enterpriſes of the Turk he had laboured joyntly with France; the ſuddenneſs of his death gave no time to the Cardinals to ſettle their Factions, and forme Parties for the Election of a Succeſſor.

But, after the uſual Ceremonies of Funeral, they entered the Conclave, December the 20th. 1669: and that very night the Conclave was ſhut, rather to obſerve the Formalities, than ſeriouſly to ſet to work about a new Election.

The Cardinals, that lived remote from Rome, were to be expected, eſpecially thoſe of France and Spain, who were to bring with them the Sentiments of thoſe Crowns, concerning the Election of the Pope.

Inſomuch, that for above the ſpace of five weeks they did no more but look on one another in the Conclave. After the arrival of the Duke of Chaunes, and the Cardinals of Rets and Bouillon, the Spaniards, netled at the long delay made in expectation of the French, without doing of any buſineſs induſtriouſly protracted the coming of Cardinal Portocarrero, to let the world ſee, that the ſame reſpect was had for the Spaniſh Nation, as had been ſhewed for France.

All the Cardinals being at laſt met, did but ſlowly advance the diſpatch of Affaires, becauſe Cardinal Chigi had framed a deſign of raiſing his Kinſman Cardinal d'Elci to the Papacy; and had promiſed him rather to burſt in the Conclave, than to give his Vote to another.

The French Faction joyned to thoſe of the Roſpiglioſi and Barbarini, with many others that feared to fall again under a Papacy like to that of Alexander VII. (which would have happened, if d'Elci had been made Pope) vigorouſly oppoſed the Project of Chigi. Nevertheleſs they would not openly give the Excluſion to d'Elci, becauſe in the ſpeech that the Duke of Chaune made to the Cardinals, when he appeared in the Conclave, he freely proteſted, that he had brought no orders from France for the excluſion of any, and that the King his Maſter gave full liberty to the Cardinals to chooſe whom they ſhould think beſt; for he took them all to be perſons of ſo much Integrity and Virtue, that they would take no reſolution, but what was for the honour of the Holy See, and good of the Church.

The Ambaſſadour of Spain failed not to make the ſame Declaration in the name of the King his Maſter, as he was obliged to do, though he had had contrary Orders, that he might not render the Spaniſh Faction odious.

But, that Proteſtation on the part of the French was made more out of Policy, than on any other ground: becauſe, notwithſtanding their excluſion, it had ſometimes happened, that he, to whom they had given it, had been for all that elected; and the ſame thing might have happened in the caſe of Cardinal d'Elci, whom they ſaw deſigned for the Papacy by Chigi, with the Spaniards and Florentins united together.

For this reaſon they would not venture abſolutely to exclude d'Elci from his pretenſions; and this encouraged Chigi ſtill in his deſign, until Cardinal d'Eſte, in his uſual ingenuous manner, declared himſelf very civilly to Chigi. Meeting him one day in the Conclave, he told him, "Well, my Lord Cardinal Chigi, what do we do here? "Why don't you give us a Pope? Chigi anſwered him, we have one ready, when you pleaſe, adding, that they could not do better, than adhere to d'Elci: Cardinal d'Eſte made uſe of this opportunity to make Chigi lay aſide that thought, ſaying, Non diamo di grazia queſto faſtidio à quel buon vecchio; that is, Let us not, I beſeech you, give that good old man that trouble: that was an excluſion expreſs enough, couched in obſcure termes, to let Chigi and his party know, that their deſign of making d'Elci Pope would not ſucceed, and that if he ſhould be propoſed without effect, it would be a means to encreaſe his diſtemper, ſeeing he was already ill, and had not come into the Conclave, probably becauſe of his indiſpoſition; probably alſo that he might avoid the ſting of that uſual Proverb, He that goes Pope into the Conclave, comes out Cardinal; Chi entra Papa eſce Cardinale.

What influence ſoever that Declaration of Cardinal d'Eſte ought to have had, which was free enough, for ſo reſerved a man as he; yet Cardinal Chigi was not at all diſcouraged by it, and he never laid aſide his thoughts of making d'Elci Pope, until that good Cardinal was dead.

After his death, that Chigi might not obſtinately perſiſt to make one of his own creatures Pope, Cardinal Vidoni, whom (as it was known) Chigi feared, was brought upon the Stage, and was long propoſed.

It was ſaid, that the French beſtirred themſelves ſeriouſly in the matter; but it is rather to be preſumed, that being perſwaded it would not ſucceed, they propoſed Vidoni, to tire out Chigi, and to put him in the wrong, and by the ſame means to make his Party diſtruſt him, by letting them ſee his repugnancy to conſent to the Exaltation of one of his own creatures.

However it be, there were many things that croſſed the election of Vidoni: he was taxed of being intereſted, and of an odd humour; that he was not affable, not reſpectful towards the Nobility, and rude to the poorer ſort of people. Beſides, it was his original ſin, as to Chigi, that he was nominated to the Cardinalſhip by the King of Poland: and though he was a creature of Alexander VII. yet he had no other obligation to him for his Purple, but that of being ſent by him Nuncio into Poland. Upon the ſame conſideration it was judged, that the Spaniards would oppoſe his Promotion, becauſe they had reaſon to apprehend, that the King of Poland had got him created for his Intereſt; and the ſame King being at that time retired into France, after he had laid down the Crown, the French, by his meanes, would have had too much credit under his Papacy.

This Propoſition of Vidoni continued long in debate, becauſe neither Chigi nor the Spaniards, durſt openly give him the excluſion: which, at laſt, the Spaniards did, though, out of fear, leaſt time might bring that Project to take effect, and Cardinal Chigi himſelf did dextrouſly engage the Spaniards to do ſo.

Some others were alſo propoſed, rather to know one anothers thoughts, than out of any deſign to have them elected Popes.

Nevertheleſs Cardinal Brancaccio was ſpoken of in good earneſt; but the Spaniards, who forgot nothing, and had freſh in mind what he had done at Naples, in complaiſance to Ʋrban VIII. againſt the Miniſters of Spain, formed a Faction againſt him.

The French would have been cordially for him, though he was a Neopolitane; and certainly it was a very good choice, to fill St. Peters Chaire with a worthy Succeſſor, as well becauſe of his Learning, Virtue, and the inclination he had for Scholars, as upon the account of the worth of his Kindred, who were by all men acknowledged to be Gentlemen of credit and integrity.

So many Cardinals of all Factions having been thus propoſed, all ſuch as were capable of being Popes, were afraid of nothing more than to be brought upon the Stage, and to come in play, becauſe it was a prejudice to their fortune; it being almoſt impoſſible, that a Cardinal, who hath been propoſed in a Conclave, can recover of the blow that is given him, or ever hope to raiſe himſelf again. And, experience ſnews us, that moſt part of the Cardinals, who have been propoſed, and have had many voices, die under the Pontificate of him that hath been elected to their Excluſion.

Thus again above a Month they looked upon one another, without doing any thing: until the ſeaſon beginning to advance, and grow hot; and perceiving that they could live no longer ſhut up, and that even many fell ſick; they reſolved at laſt in good earneſt to give a Pope to the Church. And becauſe the heads of the Factions found themſelves diſappointed of making ſuch a Pope as they deſired, they bethought themſelves to make one proviſionally, and ſequeſtrate the Papacy into the hands of ſome old man, from whom no long Reign could be expected, and who might only give them time to make their Factions better againſt the time of a new Conclave.

In this reſolution Barbarini and Chigi, who were wholly oppoſite, and who had given one another to underſtand, that they would burſt rather than yield, came at length to a conference together: Barbarini declared in ſhort, that he was willing that Chigi ſhould propoſe, whom he pleaſed, of the Creatures of Roſpiglioſi, that is, of thoſe of the new Colledge.

Chigi deſired time to think upon it, for he had no ground to diſlike the Propoſition, ſeeing he had had the greateſt ſhare in the Reign of Clement IX. and he found none that was more at his devotion, than Cardinal Emilio Altieri.

His age of fourſcore years was fit for the Sequeſtration; his eaſie and tractable humor, made him hope to have a great ſhare in the management of affairs: his kindred were in a degree ſo remote, that none of them were known, except a Grandchild, who was lately married to the Sieur Gaſparo Paluzzi, Brother to the Cardinal of that name, who is at preſent Regnant.

Beſides this, all the heads of Factions had reaſon enough to be ſatisfied with Cardinal Altieri. Barbarini found in him an antient creature of his Uncle Ʋrban VIII. who raiſed him to the Prelacy. The Florentins, who made the greateſt part of the Court of Rome, by reaſon of ſo many Popes, almoſt, ſucceſſively of their Nation, found in him a friend and old ſervant of the Great Duke their Prince. The French, the Roſpiglioſi, and their adherents, had a Creature of Clement IX. who promoted him to the Cardinalſhip, and to whom he owed his fortune. The Spaniards did not ſo much regard his perſon, as that of Cardinal Paluzzi, who was entirely at their Devotion, and who could not fail of being Cardinal Regnant, becauſe of Gaſparo Paluzzi his Brother, who was the Grandchild of Altieri. And this laſt conſideration abſolutely prevailed with Chigi, becauſe Cardinal Paluzzi was the Creature of his Uncle Alexander the VII. In a word, all Chriſtendom found in him a Pope, againſt whoſe manners none could take exception; there were, none but the Squadron Volant, made up of a good number of Cardinals, creatures of Innocent X. that judged the Promotion of Altieri to the Papacy, to be contrary to their Intereſt, becauſe he might reſent the perſecution of Innocent X. that Faction was more to be feared than all the reſt together, not ſo much for the number of voices, as the quality of thoſe that compoſed it; the Cardinal Borromei, Pio, Imperiali, Azzolini and Ottoboni, the greateſt Cabaliſts of all the Colledge, were the heads thereof.

Chigi being now reſolved to conſent to the election of Altieri, diſcourſed the matter with Barbarini, who made a ſtrong party of the French and the Roſpiglioſi, as Chigi on the other hand of the Floventines and Spaniards: but he foreſaw ſome difficulty on the ſide of the Squadroniſts, and beſides, could hardly reſolve to make a Pope, without acquainting them therewith. Nevertheleſs, Barbarini did ſo effectually repreſent unto him, that he ought to paſs by that conſideration, and that to diſcover the project to thoſe of the Squadron, would be the way to overthrow it; that Chigi conſented, though with great reluctancy, to break his word which he had given them, not to make any Pope, that they ſhould diſlike.

Matters being thus carried on with much ſecreſie, they agreed on all the Articles of the Treaty, the moſt important for Chigi and the Spaniards; was to make ſure of the quality of Nephew in favour of Paluzzi: and though Barbarini might have ground to except againſt that, yet he ſeemed to give his conſent, as believing he ſhould be able to croſs that Eſtabliſhment, after the creation of the Pope, by the credit that he promiſed himſelf with Altieri.

There remained now no more, but to declare Altieri Pope, they had more than three Fourths of the voices, of which commonly two Thirds is ſufficient; and, except the Squadroniſts, all the parties followed Barbarini and Chigi; nevertheleſs they durſt not commit a matter of ſuch importance to the ordinary Scrutiny, leaſt the Squadroniſts ſhould diſcover the Intrigue, or leſt thoſe whom they might ſuſpect, ſhould fail them; becauſe in the Scrutiny, one may give his voice for whom he pleaſes, and no man know it, and it happens daily, that you have the Canons for you, and all the Chapter againſt you, ſo that they took the courſe to declare him by way of inſpiration, which was done April 29. For after the uſual Scrutiny, which was made every morning, and which was that day performed in courſe; as every one was going out of the Chappel to return to their Cels until dinner time, a voice was heard all over the Conclave, Altieri Papa, Altieri Papa. This conſert began by Barbarini, Chigi, Roſpiglioſi, Medici, Eſte, and all the reſt of their party ſeconded, Altieri Papa, Altieri Papa. This was a clap of thunder for the Squadron Volant; but perceiving, that all with one voice proclaimed Altieri Pope, that it was a laid deſigne, and that their repugnancy could not at all hinder it, they mingled their voices with the reſt, and altogether ran to the chamber of Altieri, where every one ſtrove to ſtrip him of his cloaths, that they might inveſt him in the Pontifical Ornaments.

And thus was that good old man made Pope, who took the name of Clement, in memory of his Predeceſſor, to whom he was indebted for his Promotion.

The firſt action the Pope did, before he went down to St. Peters Church, was, to declare Cardinal Paluzzi by Adoption, the Nephew of his Family, obliging him to take the name of Altieri, and the Arms of the Houſe, which are ſix Stars Argent in a Field Azure, with a bordure Argent: to name for Datary Monſ. Carpegna a Roman, who was then Auditor of the Rota: and to make Monſ. Frederick Boromei a Milaneſe, Secretary of State. Theſe are the three moſt conſiderable places, which the Popes, upon their aſſumption to the Pontificate, beſtow commonly upon their greateſt Confidents.

The choice that the Pope made of Cardinal Paluzzi, and his Adoption into the Family of Altieri, gave all men occaſion of diſcourſing, and of framing different judgements of the Papacy, according as paſſion, or the opinion they had of this Nephew, afforded them matter: ſome making reflexion on the poverty of his Houſe, which had but ſmall Rents, and great Debts, and was drained in purchaſing to him the Office of Auditor of the Chamber, and on the genius of the Romans, naturally inclined to raiſe money by any way whatſoever, expected no great matters under that Government, but rather all kinds of low, baſe doings and Extorſions.

Others to flatter themſelves with the hopes of better fortune, corrected that preſage by the conſideration of the very condition of Paluzzi, who being nothing at all related to the Pope in Bloud, and his employment having no other foundation, but the favour of an Adoption, would be oblig for preſerving himſelf in his place, to behave himſelf with great moderation, to content all people, to make friends, or at leaſt to make no enemies, and not to give men cauſe of murmuring, who would bear leſs reſpect to him, than for the real Nephew of a Pope; that he had a freſh example before his eyes of Cardinal Aſtalli, whoſe Nepotiſme being like his own, laſted not long under Innocent X. who being diſpleaſed at his Conduct, as ignominiouſly removed him from his Perſon, as he had gloriouſly called him to his Promotion.

Some again, conſidering the old age of the Pope, and his humour, eaſie to be governed, thought they had more ground to ſay, that the Adoptive Nephew would entertain no other thoughts, but to make his beſt of the ſhort time that he could expect under ſuch a Pontificate, by uſing all endeavors to raiſe his Family, and ſettle his Fortune; that he would find the leſs difficulty in it, for that he had to do with a Pope eaſie to be governed, who was ſo aged, as to have no other thoughts but to live in quietneſs, and to leave the management of affairs to thoſe that ſhould be about him: that there was an inſtance of a like Pontificate of Pope Ludoviſio, named Gregory XV. under whom, in the ſpace of two years, his kindred had heaped up vaſt Treaſures and Riches, built Palaces, bought Lands and Principalities, by ways known to all men.

In a word, every one reaſoned after their own manner, in a Court where men more than in any other, pretend to dive into what is to come, and where for that end, they often go as far as ſuperſtition, in conſulting ſome, who report things to come, either by Aſtrologie, or by ſome other far leſs allowed, and more diſhoneſt Art.

It was not long before men came to be clearly informed of what they might expect under that Pontificate, becauſe at the very firſt, Cardinal Paluzzi (whom we ſhall hereafter call Altieri) took his meaſures to diſpoſe of all things, without ſo much as acquainting the Pope, till after he had done what ſeemed beſt to himſelf.

This is ſo true, that in the beginning of his Miniſtery ſome having preſented to the Pope, Petitions, for obtaining of Favours from his Holineſs in the Audiences which he gives all men, during the firſt days of his Exaltation, and having obtained of his Holineſs himſelf, a favourable Order: when the Will and Pleaſure of the Pope, was to be put in execution and fulfilled, Cardinal Altieri gave the denial, ſaid, That his Holineſs had been ſurpriſed; and when he was preſſed, by replying to him, that his Holineſs had been very well informed of the matter of Fact, he ſtood not to ſay, to the great contempt of the Pope, that his memory was bad, and that he remembred not that he was already engaged to another; inſomuch, that there were ſeveral perſons to whom the Pope had given Charges, Offices, or Benefices, who never came to enjoy them, becauſe Cardinal Altieri had given them away to others.

But becauſe that began already to make ſome noiſe at Rome, and occaſioned ſcandal to the Church and diſhonour to the Holy See; Cardinal Altieri to remedy that, and at the ſame time better to ſecure his abſolute power, gave expreſs Orders to the Maſter of his Holyneſſes Chamber, and to all others that were about him, to let none have acceſs to the Pope without his knowledge, eſpecially ſuch as had any memorial to preſent unto him.

By this way of Conduct he kept the Pope beſieged, under pretext of eaſing him of the trouble of giving ſo many Audiences; and to ſpare, ſaid he, the old age of his Holineſs, which could not bear up under ſo many troubles and cares.

In the mean time, they who were jealous of the fortune of Cardinal Altieri, failed not to make advantage of his Conduct; they taxed his Government as injurious to the Holy See, tyrannical towards the People, odious to the Prelacy, and ignominious to the Pope himſelf: that he had brought his Holineſs to hear none but ſuch as ſpoke by his mouth, that he might eſtabliſh to himſelf a Monopoly, and keep his Holineſs from the knowledge of his actions; that he abuſed the eaſineſs and goodneſs of the Pope; that he intended to have a Pope in Effigie, that had ears and heard not, and a mouth and ſpake not; and to render the matter more notorious, ſome took the boldneſs to write upon the Popes chamber door, under his Holineſs Picture this biting Paſguinade, Qui ſto per inſegna. Which ſignified, that the Pope ſerved only for a Signe.

There were but few that were not offended at the conduct of the Nephew Regnant; virtuous men living at Rome, who applied themſelves to honeſt courſes, in hopes of ſome reward, loſt their courage, when they perceived, that no Benefice, how inconſiderable ſoever, came to be vacant, but that Cardinal Altieri ſnapt it up, even ſmall Chappels of ten Crowns of Rent; the Prelates ſaw the way of attaining Governments and other Charges block'd up againſt merit, that it began to be open to Bribery, and that they were diſtributed amongſt thoſe that offer▪d moſt money; that for that purpoſe there were a kind of men eſtabliſhed in the Palace, who in that Court are called Senzali, and are in plain Engliſh, Brokers, to treat under hand with thoſe that preſented themſelves, or might pretend to vacant Benefices.

The Popes true and natural kindred, diſcovered themſelves in great number, ſince his exaltation, whilſt when he was but a ſimple and poor Prelate, he had not ſo much as one kinſman: and he himſelf ſaid, that he did not believe he had had ſo many; that he had never found one in the time of his need; that in the neceſſity to which Innocent X. had reduced him, no body had offered him aſſiſtance; and that now in his grandure he found almoſt as many Relations as he had Townſmen: that great number of kindred complained no leſs than others, of the adoptive Nephew, who allowed them no ſhare, either in the Government or other affairs, except ſome of the Houſe of Maſſimi, whom he had preferred.

The Colledge of Cardinals were divided, but hardly was any of them content to depend on the Nephew, for that which they might pretend immediately of the Pope, and though they could not be openly denied acceſs to his Holineſs, yet it was rendred as difficult as might be, inſomuch as to make them wait whole hours in the Antichamber, or to put them off till another time: and whenſoever any one was introduced to ſpeak to his Holineſs, he had Cardinal Altiri ſtill by his ſide, who left him not the freedom of ſpeaking confidently, but by an importune and troubleſome civility kept always cloſe by him: or if it happened, that any one had Audience, and ſpoke freely to the Pope, his reception was cold, and with indifferency.

But though all men were diſcontented, yet none durſt break out: Cardinal Altieri had the advantage, that there was no other publick Miniſter at Rome, but the Marquis of Aſtorga the Spaniſh Ambaſſador, who was more diligent in making his Courtſhip to the Courteſans of the Town, than to the Courtiers of the Pa • ace: beſide, he might promiſe himſelf all things of the humor of Altieri for the Spaniſh Nation. The French Ambaſſador, the Cardinals of Pets and Boüillon were gone for France, immediately after the Conclave: the Cardinal of Eſte, who uſed to make the Popes kindred tremble, tho they were protected under the Throne, and ſecured by the Pontifical Scepter, was likewiſe retired into his own Countrey. Cardinal Antonio lay languiſhing upon a ſick bed, ſo that there was none that in a general diſcontent, could ſupport a vigorous reſolution. The Squadron Volant troubled not themſelves, they let matters take their ordinary courſe, contenting themſelves to make parties, and form projects for a future Pope, never imagining, that he, who Reigned, might have health enough to bury them all, as he has done moſt of them.

There was none but Cardinal Barbarini, Dean of the Sacred Colledge, that could undertake any thing for worſting the great great power of Altieri. It is needleſs to ſpeak here of his credit, all men know it, for all he is ſo hidden in his actions, and that he is the fitteſt man in the world to make parties (which the Italians call Vipieghi) the moſt expert in managing of them, the moſt dextrous in diſſembling them, and the moſt reſerved in ſetting them at work; that none fights better in giving ground; none hath more back doors to eſcape at; and no man appears freſher after the engagement than he, without troubling, or diſturbing himſelf, without any ſhow, unleſs it be in publick and conſpicuous actions, wherein he is all fire and noiſe even to confuſion; there being nothing elſe to be found fault with in his manners, the integrity whereof has always triumphed over the moſt crafty detraction, which is hardly to be parallelled, yea, and almoſt impoſſible in a Court of Rome; unleſs it be a little heat and paſſion with his ſervants, which tends nevertheleſs to their advantage, becauſe he has no ſooner been rough with them, but that he inſtantly rewards them; which makes men ſay, that it is more pleaſure to be chid by Cardinal Barbarini, than to be praiſed and careſſed by him. He was not well ſatisfied, as we have already ſaid, about the end of the Conclave, at the choice that was made of Cardinal Paluzzi, and he had not conſented to it, but upon thoughts of making the Pope change that ſentiment, by the credit that he promiſed himſelf upon his mind: but ſo ſoon, as from the very beginning, he perceived himſelf very far wide of his project, that the Pope was wholly governed by the new Nephew, that himſelf had much adoe to get to ſpeak to him with all the dependance and grimaces, that it behoved him to make, and many other ſubmiſſions, that barred him from his pretended confidence: he applyed himſelf to the digging of a Mine (if I may ſay ſo) thereby to blow up the Cardinal Regnant, and that he might undermine the foundation of his ſettlement, he made uſe of Cardinal Gabrieli, to whom the fortune of Paluzzi, was more inſupportable, than to any other of the Colledge.

This Cardinal was the Popes kinſman, and by conſequence, might pretend to the quality of Nephew, with better right than Paluzzi: the Pope would not have been unwilling to have given him a good ſhare in the Government; and if he had been propoſed in the Conclave, poſſibly he would have preferred him to any other: but he was engaged for Paluzzi, upon the conſideration of Chigi and the Spaniards; and Paluzzi could not admit of a companion to ſhare with him in the Sovereign Authority.

Cardinal Barbarini in one of his firſt Audiences told the Pope, that he was as much concerned in the glory of his Papacy, as he had been active in his Election: that he approved the choice his Holineſs had made of Cardinal Paluzzi; but that that ought to be no prejudice to thoſe, who by Blood were more cloſely linked to his Family: that without being obliged to raiſe new creatures, his Holineſs had in the Colledge Cardinal Gabrieli, capable of Government, both by his age, and his conſummated experience, and more inclined to the intereſts of the houſe of Altieri, upon the account of Blood, than others upon the conſideration of Favour; that the ſame Cardinal being already in pretty good condition by his management and good Husbandry, would have leſs need to laviſh the Revenues of the Church for maintaining of his rank, and doing credit to the Holy See; that nevertheleſs all the principal Charges of the Holy See and Palace, were already beſtowed on others, and no ſhare given to him; that the Office of Datary, as well as that of Secretary of State were given away; that the Cardinal had great cauſe to complain, but that his moderation and reſpect made him ſtifle his grievances; that the whole Court found fault with it, that it was not his mind to perſwade his Holineſs to retract what he had already wiſely done; that they who poſſeſſed the places which he had conferred, worthily diſcharged them; but that in his opinion, his Holineſs had means ſtill left of contenting Gabrieli, without injuring others, to wit, by giving him a place near him in the Palace; that that appearance would defend his Honour, which ran hazard by ſo diſadvantageous an excluſion, and a removal from all charges.

The Pope ſeemed not averſe from the ſentiments of Cardinal Barbarini; and as to that, that he had as yet done nothing for Cardinal Gabrieli, he let him know, that he ſhould not want means and occaſions, to make appear the eſteem which he had for his perſon; that it behoved him in the firſt place to mind thoſe, who were moſt preſſed; that the Offices of Datary and Secretary of State, were places of too much ſubjection and fatigue for one of his age, and even in ſome manner below his merit; that as to the Miniſtery of Nephew, he neither could, nor ought to have done otherwayes, for reaſons that were very well known: that in a word, it behoved him ſo to demean himſelf, that he might give no ground of Jealouſie in his Family; and that he hoped his eminence would not a little contribute to the preſerving of peace therein.

After this Anſwer, which was general enough, Cardinal Barbarini acquainted Gabrieli, that with a little aſſiduity in making his Court, he might obtain what he would of the Pope; that it behoved him to appear and be ſeen in the Palace, and that as being a Kinſman he ſhould paſs over the Formalities of depending on thoſe of the Chamber for acceſs to his Holineſs. In this manner he carried himſelf for ſome dayes, and oftner than Cardinal Altieri deſired; but with much conſtraint, becauſe hardly could he ever ſpeak to the Pope alone, being beſet by Cardinal Altieri. He complained of this to Cardinal Barbarini, who preſently found out an expedient to free him of the preſence of Altieri. He agreed with Gabrieli, that for the future, both of them ſhould go to the Palace at the ſame houre: that being there, whilſt Gabrieli ſhould entertain the Pope, he would deſire audience of Cardinal Altieri, and propoſe buſineſs to him that ſhould keep them long enough in diſcourſe together, that ſo Gabrieli might have time to diſcover to the Pope all he intended to ſay, without being interrupted or hindered by the jealouſie of Altieri. This was practiſed ſeveral times, not without ſpecious pretexts: and that Gabrieli might not perceive the Plot, Barbarini and Gabrieli made uſe alſo of other Cardinals and Prelates, their Friends, to carry on the ſame Intrigue on ſeveral occaſions.

Gabrieli had already gained a great deal upon the Inclinations of the Pope, who told him, that he would call him to the Palace to entruſt him as well as Altieri with the care of the Papacy.

It was enough for Barbarini, that Gabrieli had footing in the Palace: and that being once granted him, like a new Archimedes, he would have moved the whole Earth.

But Cardinal Altieri having diſcovered the Plot; whether that the Pope had imparted to him his intentions for Gabrieli, or that he was Jealous of the Conferences and frequent audiences that the Pope gave to that Competitor; he could not but at length appear in his colours; and having, by many devices, rendered the Audiences of Gabrieli leſs frequent, ſo as to have made him one day wait ſome hours before he could be admitted; when Gabrieli complained of it, he told him, that he did indiſcreetly abuſe the Popes goodneſs, that his old age ought to be otherwayes dealt with, eſpecially by him, who ſhould be more concerned in that than any body elſe, as being his Kinſman and Friend; that when his Holineſs called for him, he ſhould be the firſt to give him notice of it, that he would do beſt to ſpare the Popes caſe and his own trouble; with many other Declarations that ſufficiently diſcovered his Jealouſie. Gabrieli found himſelf obliged by this, either to make a ſhameful retreat, or down-right to fall out with the Nephew Regnant: becauſe the good Pope was ſtill of his old humour, to receive Impreſſions alwayes from him that diſcourſed him laſt, and in that Cardinal Altieri had alwayes the advantage.

He repreſented to his Holyneſs, that if he brought Gabrieli into the Palace, he would be no longer Maſter at home; that he muſt make his Accompts, that Gabrieli having footing there, Barbarini would be the moving Wheel of all his Actions; and that ſo in ſtead of one, he would have two Maſters, which would render his Pontificate doubly odious: Barbarini, by the averſion which Men of Merit had towards him; and, Gabrieli, by his ſordid avarice, even to the ſmalleſt matters; that though both of them were Men of excellent parts, yet theſe qualities had alwayes kept them from being choſen Popes.

Theſe, and ſuch like ſuggeſtions, put the good old man into an indifferency for his Kinſman; and withal, he conſidered, that if he conferred his Favours on Gabrieli, he muſt leſſen ſomewhat of thoſe which he deſigned for Altieri; and his Brother, who had taken the ſame Name and Armes, and whom, by conſequent, he was more obliged to advance; becauſe with Gabrieli, who was already old, his Liberalities would ſoon periſh, when on the other hand they would continue long in memory with Paluzzi.

After all, the adopted Nephew ſo won upon the Unckle, that he made known to Gabrieli, that it was his intention he ſhould let him live in repoſe; that nevertheleſs, when occaſion offered, he ſhould not forget, by real and ſatisfactory Markes, to let him know the eſteem he had of his Friendſhip, and Merit, and that he was mindful of the Relation that was betwixt them.

Gabrieli therefore is now in the Field, not with a purpoſe to retreat, but to give his Enemy open Battel. He goes to the Palace, highly complains that Promiſes are broken to him in a matter that tended to nothing elſe, but to teſtifie his zeal for the Perſon of the Pope; that Cardinal Paluzzi has no right to render himſelf abſolute Maſter of one to whom he has no relation; that he himſelf will take the care of his preſervation; that that man ought to be diſtruſted, who has no other intereſt in his Holineſs, but what is obtained by a Forreign Cabal, and who both by Birth and Humour ſignifies but little: he huffs, and ſtormes, alarmes the whole Palace, and will needs ſpeak to the Pope.

Theſe were the effects of this firſt heat; In the mean time Cardinal Altieri appeared not, but wiſely gave him leiſure to ſpit his fire. His Holineſs gave him audience, and after a ſhort diſcourſe diſmiſſed him with theſe words, That he ſhould e're long be contented.

Upon this Gabrieli diſcourſed Barbarini, who demanded an extraordinary Audience of the Pope, to make his laſt attempt upon him in favour of his Friend. He told his Holineſs, that he was troubled at the bad intelligence that was between Gabrieli and Altieri, and at the grounds of diſſatisfaction that were given to the former; that he well foreſaw, that by the ſmall ſatisfaction he received from Altieri, he would be neceſſitated to theſe reſentments; that if the content which he deſired, of being received near his Holineſs, as himſelf had propoſed, had been granted him, matters would not have been as they were; that he was not come to beg any new thing of his Holineſs, but rather that he would think on ſome means to appeaſe irritated minds, and to reconcile them, as well for avoiding of publick ſcandal, as for the quiet of his Holineſs, and the good of his Kindred; that to be ſhort, it was diſhonourable for both parties, that Cardinal Gabrieli ſhould quit his pretenſions without ſome advantageous pretext.

The Pope, naturally of a calme temper, prayed Cardinal Barbarini to adviſe him how he might maintain Peace in his Family, and made him Umpire in that Difference, with this Reſervation onely, that he would not think more of eſtabliſhing Gabrieli in the Palace, becauſe it would be the way to bring in continual Jealouſies and Contentions between him and Altieri, under his very Noſe; that he would have been very willing to have had him near him, but that it behoved him for a greater good to deprive himſelf of that ſatisfaction; and that it was eaſie to be ſeen what might be feared from his ſettlement in the Palace, ſeeing the Umbrage of ſome Conferences and Audiences that he had given him, cauſed ſo many diſorders and changes in Mens Minds; that it was impoſſible to divide the Miniſtery betwixt two of ſo diſunited Sentiments, who had broken out in manifeſt ruptures; that in fine, it behoved him to think of ſome honeſt means of uniting them, and that there was no man that could better compoſe the matter than Cardinal Barbarini himſelf.

By this diſcourſe of the Pope, Barbarini found himſelf indiſpenſably obliged to undertake a thing to which he had great reluctancy, becauſe the removing of Gabrieli under never ſo ſpecious a pretext, would be the cutting of the principal Thread of the Plot, which himſelf had ſpun; he knew that he would thereby loſe all the part in Affairs, which he promiſed himſelf by the good intelligence that was betwixt them; That Altieri would never put any confidence in him, becauſe he was obliged to Chigi for his fortune. On the other hand, it was to no purpoſe to raiſe more broyles, and that that would do no good, ſeeing he had left the Pope in a reſolution of removing Gabrieli upon ſome honeſt pretext.

He ſet to work therefore in good earneſt to order affaires to the ſatisfaction of his Holineſs and the Nephew Regnant, with as much advantage as he could for his friend Gabrieli.

After many Propoſitions on either ſide, it was at length ſo brought about, that Gabrieli was ſatisfied with the Legation of Romania, and a conſiderable Penſion, with other higher appointments than were uſually given to the Legats of that Province: Thus he yielded to the preſent neceſſity of ſubmitting to the ſtronger, and changed his Project of Reigning into that of an honourable retreat; leaving Rome to Altieri, as the Emperors in the laſt Ages of the Empire left it to the Popes, he choſe Ravenna for the place of his Reſidence, where the ſame Emperours had eſtabliſhed the principal Seat of the Hexarchat.

This was the ſucceſs of that Intrigue, which ſerved onely to fix Altieri more firmly in the ſaddle, having removed from his eyes the onely perſon that could croſs him in his deſigns; made manifeſt the Popes reſolution to maintain him, and taken from all others the hopes of making any attempt to his prejudice for the future.

So that it may be ſaid, that fortune, which commonly takes no great care of its own workes, changed its inclination in favour of Altieri; for had ſhe oppoſed to him any one that had had another ſupport, another conduct, or other qualities than Cardinal Gabrieli, he would have found himſelf not a little hampered.

He had no other Protector but Cardinal Barbarini, and it was known at Court that Barbarini backt him more for his own intereſt, that he might have a Man at his devotion about the Pope, than for any conſideration of his Merit. And, ſeeing the Government of Barbarini was alwayes dreaded, there was no great intereſt at Court uſed for Gabrieli, who, beſides that, had never in his life-time acquired many Friends or Creatures.

As to the conduct that he followed; either he ſhould no • , as he did, have come to an 〈…〉 ; or having once broken out, he ſhould not have condeſcended to a low 〈…〉 poſition; he ought to have reade his 〈◊〉 ſincerely to his Holineſs▪ thanked him for the legation which 〈◊〉 him, • ound to his Lodgings, 〈…〉 of the Cardinals to 〈…〉 ; and ſo, beſides 〈◊〉 , it would have been un martelio in 〈◊〉〈…〉 in the ſide for Cardinal Al ••••… the Pope, in progreſs of time, would, of himſelf made reflexion on a Kinſman, either from the tenderneſs of blood, or by the ſuggeſtion of ſome third perſon; or he would at leaſt have attracted the univerſal compaſſion of the Court and People, and turned againſt Altieri all the Shafts of publick indignation. Thus he might have taken the advantage of ſome conjuncture to mount the Throne, as probably might have happened in the late differences of the Colledge of Cardinals, and the Miniſters of Crowns with Altieri; whereas in quitting his pretenſions, he loſt all, and brought himſelf into no eſteem.

And in this it mae be ſaid, that his qualities betrayed his fortune, and that the point of honour, and deſire of glory yielded to a baſe ſneaking intereſt and ſordid avarice.

Let him go then to his Legation, and we will remain at Rome to be the ſpectators of the curious things that have happened under that Pontificate, or to ſay better, under the reign of Cardinal Altieri, who is now no more to be ſtopped in the courſe of his fortune, but by ſome ſlight obſtacles, which will only ſerve to confirm him the more in his power.

CHAP. II. The Intrigues of Cardinal Paluzzi Altieri for the alliances of his Houſe with many Illuſtrious Families of Rome, and chiefly the Intrigue of the Marriage of the Princeſs Ceſarini.

CArdinal Altieri, as has been ſaid in the preceeding Diſcourſe, was raiſed to the quality of Nephew, and was more abſolute than any that went before him in the Soveraignty of Nepotiſme. And, although the foundation of that fortune was in ſome ſort weaker than of that of other Nephews, yet the old age and temper of the Pope rendered him more abſolutely the Maſter to diſpoſe of all things, than any of thoſe that had preceeded him in that quality.

The firſt Project he propoſed to himſelf, was, to raiſe his family by Alliances; and, in the flouriſhing ſtate of ſo eminent grandeur, it was no hard matter for him to find out very advantageous means of procuring them.

There are many noble and rich Families in Rome, who court the Alliances of the Families of the Popes Regnant, ſince now they have no other way to maintain their grandeur; and though the authority and command which they enjoy by ſuch Alliances be confined to the Popes Life, yet they have the comfort after his death of the quality of Princes, which remains to them, with the other advantages of Eſtates that they have purchaſed during the time of his Reign.

The houſe of the Prince of Carbognano was equally conſiderable in Nobility, as being the chief branch of the family of Colonna, and in richneſs, being much encreaſed by the good husbandry of the Prince of that Name, who then lived.

There were but two Sons in that houſe, the elder called the Duke of Baſſanello; and the younger named D. Egidio Duke of Anticoli. The firſt was Married to the Siſter of the Conſtable Colonna, the faireſt and handſomeſt Princeſs in Rome; and poſſibly in all Italy; but without hopes of having Children. So that the whole Eſtate that was to fall to the younger, made him be looked upon as the richeſt Match in Rome. Cardinal Altieri caſt his eyes upon him, and cauſed a Match to be propoſed to him with a Grand Neece of the Pope, and all the advantages that he might thereby expect.

The Prince of Carbognano liſtened to the propoſition, and was ready to give his conſent to it; but the elder, who perceived that by that Match, his younger Brother would be advanced to a higher quality then himſelf, did all he could to croſs it; he imployed his Brother-in-Law the Conſtable, and his other Relations, to divert his Father and Brother from that Deſign. They repreſented to them, that there was no great advantage to be expected from the Alliance of an Aged Pope, ſuch as Clement X. that they ought not to relye on a Nephew, whoſe Fortune was in continual danger, being onely founded on the favour of an Old Man, capable of all ſorts of Impreſſions. That there was little honour to be gained with a Man of ſuch a condition, and of a far baſer humour, who converted every thing into Bartering and Traffick: That it would be a fine ſight to ſee him to day on the Throne, and three dayes after grovelling in the duſt, either by the fall of the Nephew, or the death of the Unckle.

Theſe Suggeſtions and Conſiderations did not at all ſhake the Prince of Carbognano in his Deſign: his younger Son was already old enough to think of Marrying; the Father was ſo old, as, in probability he ought not to expect another Pontificat, to ſee Succeſſors of his Name, his Family, and the great Eſtate that he had acquired with ſo much care and frugality.

He treated with Cardinal Altieri, on condition that his Son might have the Prerogatives of the Princes, which are called del Soglio, or of the Throne: he would have engaged Cardinal Altieri to grant him the ſame honour for his eldeſt Son, that ſo he might pleaſe him: but becauſe that drew after it great conſequences, they gave him good words, with hopes of overcoming the difficulties that at firſt appeared in that Propoſition; that it behoved him firſt to gain the Pope, by ſhewing a readineſs to embrace the occaſion that offered of matching with his Family, and that afterward he might promiſe himſelf any thing of his goodneſs.

The buſineſs being brought to theſe termes, the Marriage was quickly concluded, and the new Married perſons were complemented by all the Court, acknowledged and treated as the Popes Nephews. But, ſome time after, the rejoycing of that Marriage was interrupted, by the diſquiet of the Duke of Baſſanello.

He ſaw the Duke of Anticoli, his Brother, in great grandeur treated as the Popes Nephew, with all the Priviledges that are annexed to that quality. There was no diſcourſe of the Engagement of putting him in poſſeſſion of the ſame honours, by virtue of the marriage of his Holineſſes Neece with his Brother. He complained highly of it daily, and had no other ſatisfaction but ambiguous anſwers, or the teſtimonies of good intentions, which produced a delay as bad as a refuſal.

So that being wearied by ſo many unprofitable purſuits, when he found there was nothing for him to expect, and that he was told his pretenſion could not ſucceed; that it could not be brought into practice, becauſe there was no example for it; that it would introduce a too inſupportable abuſe into the Court, of calling to the degrees of the Throne, not onely the Popes Kindred, but alſo all thoſe that were related to them; that ſo the Chappels and intire Halls would not ſuffice to receive them: he quite fell out with Cardinal Altieri, his Brother the Duke of Anticoli, and the Ducheſs his Siſter in Law.

Having continued ſome time in an indifferency, which ſufficiently ſpake his ſecret indignation, he bethought himſelf of means to revenge himſelf of the pretended wrong that was done him.

The Italian Nation, in general, is very diſcreet, and not eaſie to give offence, but is likewiſe very ſtiff, and almoſt inflexible to pardon an injury. Being a Politick and wiſe People, they think, that the great readineſs in forgetting a wrong, makes way for receiving another, becauſe Impunity makes men bold: when on the other hand, ſay they, if any one think, that if he offend me, I will never pardon him; he will have more care not to vex me.

But, it muſt be confeſſed alſo, that there is great difference in the wayes of revenge, which are taken in ſeveral Provinces of Italy. In Lombardie reſentments commonly break out to the higheſt exceſs; and there are few offences that are not followed by ſome Murder: And the worſt of all is, that he who hath done the wrong, does all he can to diſpatch him whom he thinks he has offended, that ſo he may prevent him, being fully perſwaded that he cannot eſcape his reſentment.

At Naples, Revenge is executed by Duels of all ſorts, and they often fight on horſeback four againſt four, and ſo decide their controverſies.

Theſe two ſorts of revenge cannot be practiſed at Rome; the one, becauſe of the rigour of the Juſtice; the great Policy; and the numerous and ſtrong Guards in all the quarters of the Town: the other, becauſe of the Eccleſiaſtick Laws, and that it is a Republick, which may be as truly called populus ſacerdotum, as Florus named it populus vivorum, in the beginning of its eſtabliſhment. There are none there but Prieſts or Clerks, or men belonging to Prieſts, againſt whom, by conſequent, one cannot draw a Sword.

So that, ſaving ſome Placards and Paſquinades, all revenge at Rome conſiſts in Intereſt, either by ruining, or croſſing the fortune of an Enemy with Law Suites, or otherwayes, wherein the People of that Countrey are very ingenious, as well as in other places of the World.

The Duke of Baſſanello had a means in his hands whereby to revenge himſelf of Cardinal Altieri; he knew that his eminence had courted the alliance of his houſe, by reaſon of the great eſtate that muſt one day fall to his Brothers children, he himſelf being out of hopes of having any; he thought he could not more ſenſibly touch Altieri after the Marriage of the Duke of Anticoli, than to deprive him of his expectation as much as the Law would permit. And although that could not be done without a troubleſome blow to his own Family, by diſinheriting his onely Brother the Duke of Anticoli, yet the pleaſure he took in revenge was ſo ſweet, that it ſtifled all the conſiderations of his own blood.

He had a good Eſtate that he could alienate, and eſpecially the beſt part of the inheritance of the late Prince of Gallicano, who left it him at his death, and was worth about Two thouſand five hundred pounds Sterling a year. Nevertheleſs he would not have that Eſtate go out of the Family and Name of Colonna's; he was not ſo blinded by paſſion as to do ſo. He caſt therefore his eyes upon the Duke of Sonnino, the younger Brother of the Conſtable, and of his Lady, to whom he bequeathed all the Eſtate that he could diſpoſe of, and which was not entailed on the Houſe of Carbognano.

This Donation made in prejudice of the Duke of Anticoli, and by conſequent of the alliance of Altieri, came quickly to the knowledge of the Cardinal Regnant, and there was no ſecrecy affected in a matter that was purpoſely done to choak him; which indeed gave him a mortal blow, and wounded him in the two moſt ſenſible parts of a Man, Honour and Intereſt.

Cardinal Altieri is therefore offended, and, by the offence, obliged to a reſentment: He hath the ſupreme power in his hands, and muſt think of the means; but, againſt whom will he teſtifie his reſentments? He hath no pretext againſt the Duke of Baſſanello, who is a Lord, that hath alwayes lived after the Roman faſhion, that is to ſay, who hath alwayes made it his buſineſs to live, and let live, as they uſually ſay, and hath never been capable of troubling the State; yea, one may preſume of his genius, that if he hath fallen on ſuch an extreme reſolution, ſome body muſt have ſuggeſted to him the thoughts.

Therefore Cardinal Altieri bends his deſigns againſt the Houſe of the Conſtable; and, without any noiſe, finds the means of giving him the exchange, and of playing him as ſmart a trick as that which had been done to him.

And, becauſe that gives occaſion to the great and long Intrigue of the Marriage of the Princeſs Ceſarini, which is at length concluded with D. Frederick Sforza; that I may not ſay to that Comedy, wherein all the Princes of Rome, and even the Miniſters of Crowned heads played ſome part, with ſo many changes on the Scene; it is neceſſary to trace the matter a little higher, that with leſs confuſion we may follow the Series of the Story.

Prince Ceſarini that died laſt, left a very conſiderable Eſtate to his Family, and having no Male iſſue, bequeathed the ſucceſſion to his Brother Mr. Ceſarini, then Clerk of the Apoſtolick Chamber. That Prelate made no difficulty of leaving all the uncertain hopes of riſing to a Cardinalſhip, that he might embrace an inheritance ſo conſiderable, as well by the fair Mannors and Lordſhips, as by the lovely Houſes and Palaces, and the Lands which amounted to more than Fifty thouſand Roman Crouns of yearly revenue, that make about Fourteen thouſand pound Engliſh.

But, that Lord, by the Debauchery of his youth, had ſo impaired his health, that he could not hope to leave after him ſucceſſors to the Houſe of Ceſarini.

This great Eſtate then was entail'd upon the Children of the Daughters of Duke Ceſarini, with this condition, That they, whom they Married, ſhould eſpouſe the Party of France; and adhere faithfully to the Intereſts of that Crown.

That clauſe of the Teſtament ſhewed ſufficiently the temper of the Father, whom I knew to be ſo zealous for his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty, that he propoſed to me a little before his death, a deſign he had of exchanging his Mannours, Lordſhips, and Lands in Italy, with a Lord whom I need not name; and had appointed me to negotiate the affaire, to the end that he might retire into France: I owe this digreſſion to the memory of a Prince, who had no other fault, but his too much zeal for the French Nation.

He diſpoſed therefore of his Eſtate in favour of the children of his eldeſt daughter, after the death of his Brother, in caſe he died without Male iſſue: he ordered likewiſe but a ſmall Portion for the reſt, to take them off from the thoughts of Marriage, that ſo his Eſtate might not be divided amongſt many branches.

He had two at the age of Marrying, both living in a Convent with their Mother, and equally conſiderable by the advantages of birth and beauty; but unlike as to Portion and Eſtate, becauſe the eldeſt was heireſs preſumptive General of the Mannors, Lordſhips, and Palaces of his Family.

The Duke of Sonino, the Conſtables Brother, who before was called the Abbot Colonna, forſook the Eccleſiaſtick State, that he might Marry the younger Siſter; but on condition that the elder would become Nun, and renounce the pretenſions, and rights of her birth-right, which was done with conſent of the Unckle. This elder Siſter, either through the perſwaſions of her Unckle, or becauſe ſhe was nor at that time in an humour of Marrying, had conſented to all that was agreed upon between the Duke Ceſarini her Unckle, and the Prince of Sonino her Brother-in-Law; but, no Articles were drawn upon that agreement; all depended upon the faithfulneſs of a promiſe.

Cardinal Altieri, to play a trick to the Houſe of Colonna, like to that which the Houſe of Colonna had played him, by the Donation of the Duke of Baſſanello to the Duke of Sonino, took his meaſures ſo well, that he deprived the Duke of Sonino of the pretended inheritance of the houſe of Ceſarini, by putting the eldeſt Ceſarini in the Head to Marry, notwithſtanding her engagement in favours of her younger Siſter.

For that effect, he ſet many at work, to manage the young Lady, and gain upon her Mind. It was no hard matter for Churchmen to break a young Maid off the thoughts of a Cloyſter, and for Spiritual Superiours to make her change her deſign, as well by the dependence on their Counſels, as to the kind of life which ſhe led, as by the tenderneſs of an age ſuſceptible of all the impreſſions that were made upon it.

When her mind was wrought upon in the Convent, where ſhe had choſen her retreat; Cardinal Altieri made known to her, that his Holineſs would take her into his Protection, and that he deſired to Marry her with all the advantage due unto her birth and merit.

But becauſe ſhe had not declared her ſelf in favour of any, having had no converſation with Man, ſhe was ſhewed Don Frederick Sforza, Nephew to the Cardinal, and Son to Don Paolo Sforza, whoſe Houſe is more remarkable, by the Antiquity of its Nobility, than the greatneſs of eſtate. This young Man was very handſome; and it was an eaſie matter for him to make a Conqueſt of a heart, which was in the hands of thoſe who had introduced him to her.

This Intrigue was not managed with ſo much ſecreſie, but that the Conſtable had quickly notice of it; he complained to Duke Ceſarini, that they diſcourſed in the Palace of marrying his Neece; that he knew very well that ſuch a thing went againſt the promiſe made upon the marriage contracted between his younger Neece, and the Duke of Sonino his Brother; which was not concluded, but upon condition of the renunciation of the Elder. What injury would it be, both to the Honor and Eſtate of his Houſe! that the Duke of Sonino had three Sons that would be miſerable, if ſuch a marriage took effect; that it behoved him to apply himſelf in good earneſt toward that blow: that it was in the power of an Uncle, who was in place of a Father, to hinder his Necce from marrying, that as to himſelf, he would rather periſh with all his Family, than ſuffer that wrong and prejudice.

Duke Ceſarini promiſed the Conſtable, to do all he could to hinder it: that he would never conſent to it, but that he muſt aſſiſt him on his part to gain the Lady, that they needed not deſpair to make her quite a deſigne, which ſhe had only conceived at the ſolicitation of thoſe of the Palace, who ſought not ſo much her good, as the occaſion of revenge, even to the injuring of her conſcience, her repoſe, and the ſettlement of her Family; that moreover, he ought to endeavour to make the Mother, who would have great influence upon her mind, becauſe ſhe lived with her.

The Conſtable and Duke Ceſarini having leagued with the Mother (who at firſt they won to their ſide) uſed all poſſible endeavours to take off the young Lady from the thoughts of marriage. But finding all their attempts unprofitable, and that in vain they had ſucceſſively uſed Remonſtrances, Prayers, and Threatnings, becauſe ſhe relyed upon the Supream Authority; they betook themſelves to other Artifices.

They thought that without further oppoſing her deſigne of Marriage, it behoved them to propoſe to her another Match, in appearance more advantageous, than D. Frederick Sforza: that they muſt needs find out one, whom Cardinal Altieri ſhould diſlike, to the end, that if ſhe conſented to it againſt the Will of his Eminence, the marriage might break off, and ſo ſhe remain without having either the one or other; but that was not enough, the party muſt likewiſe be ſuch, that if the Marriage ſhould ſucceed contrary to their intention, as it might very well do, the houſe of Altieri might find a diſadvantage thereby, as well as that of the Conſtable, that ſo they might be even with him.

All theſe conditions concurred in the perſon of D. Celio Ʋrſini, Brother to the Duke of Bracciano, and Cardinal Ʋrſini. And the better to rip up the matter, we muſt here digreſs to an alliance, that Cardinal Altieri made with the Family of Ʋrſini, ſo ſoon as he was adopted Nephew to the Pope.

The Houſe of Ʋrſini, that diſputes the precedency with all the Families of Rome, Noble by its original, by its antiquity, by its alliances, and by its dignities and charges, is divided into two branches, whereof the chief is at Rome, and the head of it called Duke of Bracciano, the other is at Naples, the head whereof takes the name of Duke of Gravina.

That of Rome conſiſted in the three perſons whom we have named, to wit, the Duke of Bracciano, the Cardinal Ʋrſini, and D. Lelio; and was almoſt extinct: the Duke of Bracciano being aged, and without children; the ſecond a Prieſt; and the third of ſuch a Devotion as did degenerate into a kind of weakneſs, and all three of a ſickly conſtitution.

Cardinal Altieri, whoſe care and induſtry of making his Family, is hardly to be matched, no more than his fortune; perceiving that all the Eſtate of the Roman Ʋrſini, was about to deſcend to thoſe of the kingdom of Naples, applied himſelf from the beginning of his Reign, to draw them into an alliance with his Family: he cauſed a marriage of a Neece of the Pope, to be propoſed to the Duke of Gravina, with a vaſt ſum of money in portion, and a Cardinals Hat for a Brother of that Duke, who was then a Jacobin.

Gravina needed no great entreatie to conſent to that Match, being allured to it by the advantage of holding the rank of one of the Popes Nephews at Rome, and by the hope of enjoying the inheritance of the Roman Ʋrſini himſelf, as being much younger than all of them were: the marriage was concluded then to the ſatisfaction of all that were concerned in it, and the married parties taſted the joys of a calm Serenity, crowned with honors, amidſt far greater hopes.

But the Intrigue of the Conſtable, and Duke of Ceſarini, who pitched upon D. Lelio Ʋrſini, to be propoſed in marriage to the elder Ceſarini, troubled the contentment of Gravina, as well as of Cardinal Altieri, and his Relations.

They ſaw that the expectation of the great Eſtates of the Ʋrſini was in danger to be diſappointed by that marriage; and although D. Lelio was already well ſtricken in years, conſidering the age of the young Lady, yet he was not out of hopes of having children; they had a near inſtance of it in the houſe of the Mathei; the Duke of Acqua Sparta, at the age of Sixty nine years, having had a Son by a very young Lady.

It was no difficult matter for the Conſtable and Duke Ceſarini to gain the Lady to conſent to that match, and to leave the thoughts of D. Frederick Sforza; by that alliance ſhe found her ſelf the ſole Heireſs of the Ʋrſini; beſides that, it agreed better with the inclination of her Mother and Uncle. It was likewiſe repreſented to her, that one eſſential clauſe of the Teſtament of the Duke of Ceſarini her Father was, That in caſe his Daughters ſhould marry, thoſe whom they choſe for Husbands ſhould be approved of by his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty; that this condition was not to be found in the Family of the Sforza's, ſeeing the Cardinal of that name, Uncle to D. Frederick, was of the Spaniſh Faction: whereas the Houſe of Ʋrſini had always been, time out of mind, addicted to the French party, and that the Cardinal, the Brother of D. Lelio was actually the Comprotector of the affairs of that Kingdom.

She condeſcended then to that propoſition, waving the conſideration of the age of D. Lelio: but that innocent Victime perceived not that both parties deſigned to ſacrifice her to Intereſt and Revenge, the cruelleſt of Deities, which all the bloud in the world can neither content nor appeaſe. The two parties played their game with her, and ſhe knew nothing of it: nevertheleſs ſhe had taken the better courſe, to have followed the propoſitions of Cardinal Altieri, whatever his intentions were, than to embrace the party offered by the Conſtable; becauſe the firſt intended at laſt to give her a Husband, and make her the Miſtriſs of her own Eſtate, only that he might be revenged of the Conſtable and his Family, and the other, by revenging himſelf on Cardinal Altieri, revenged himſelf likewiſe on her, by propoſing a marriage to her, which he judged could not take effect, and of the ſucceſs whereof himſelf was afraid, deſiring no other advantage of that propoſition of D. Lelio Ʋrſini, than to ſet her at variance with Cardinal Altieri, or to tire out his Eminence: ſeeing it was equally hurtful to the Duke of Somino, whether ſhe married Sforza or Ʋrſini; and that he could pretend no other ſatisfaction by her marriage with the latter, but to mortifie the Duke of Gravina, and by conſequence Altieri.

But the Lady Ceſarini was not the only perſon that was impoſed upon by this Intrigue: D. Lelio himſelf was alſo abuſed: He ſet to work in good earneſt to marry a Wife; and the great Piety whereof he made profeſſion, was not inconſiſtent with the ſentiments of an honeſt and virtuous love.

In this condition D. Lelio made his Courtſhip to the Lady Ceſarini, as punctually as it can be made to an Italian Lady, ſhut up in a Nunnery. D. Frederick Sforza had not the ſame advantage, becauſe the Mother, who was made for D. Lelio, found means to keep the one at diſtance, and to admit the other.

When that affair came at firſt to the knowledge of Cardinal Altieri, he made no great matter of it; he perceived very well, they intended to play him a trick, but he could not be perſwaded (as the truth indeed was) that the Conſtable had a real deſigne to bring that Marriage to effect, which was equally fatal to his own Houſe, as to the Family of Altieri.

He knew likewiſe, that they had perſwaded the young Lady to change her mind, but that put him at no variance with her, and he well perceived that to be rather an effect of her complaiſance and obedience, than of her inclination: that it would be eaſie for him ſtill to reclaim her; her new Gallant D. Lelio being no ſuch charming Blade, as that a young Maid would forſake all other objects for him; and eſpecially D. Frederick who was a far more ſutable Match.

He failed not however ſtill to tamper with the Lady; he talked before her, of the propoſition of D. Lelio as ridiculous, becauſe of his qualities; adding, that it was an odious proffer, ſeeing the Authors of it would only impoſe upon her, it being the leaſt in their thoughts to have her married. In the mean time he adviſed her to diſmble, but ſtill to remain conſtant, ſeeing ſhe was aſſured of the Protection and good Intentions of the Holy Father.

When the Conſtable found that matters went not in the rode that he had propoſed; that the faculty of the Lady Ceſarini, in liſtening to the Match of D. Lelio, had put no miſunderſtanding betwixt her and Cardinal Altieri, who perſiſted ſtill to entertain her in the humor of Marrying, and that they correſponded together as formerly: he grew apprehenſive, and juſtly too, that the propoſed Marriage might be conſummated when he ſhould leaſt expect; which without any other formalities, might be done at every inſtant; becauſe the Pope is above all, and Cardinal Altieri had Force joyned to the Soveraign Reaſon.

In effect, he muſt have given over at laſt; and the the thing had been preſently put in execution, if he had not ſtarted a difficulty, which ſtopt the concluſion of the affair.

He brought upon the ſtage the Ambaſſador of France, with whom he lived in very good intelligence, as he hath always done with the Lords and Ambaſſadors of that Nation, notwithſtanding the reluctancy of the Spaniards, with whom he is obliged to obſerve his meaſures, becauſe of his States and his quality, of Conſtable of the Kingdom of Naples.

He eaſily engaged the Ambaſſador in his deſigne, who then was the Duke d'Eſtrees, already diſſatisfied with Cardinal Altieri, as we ſhall ſee in the Intrigue of the Cardinalſhip of the Biſhop of Laon; they reſolved to let Altieri know, that the Lady Ceſarini was under the protection of the King, by order, even of the laſt Will of the late Duke her Father: that by the Teſtament of the ſame Duke, his Daughters could not marry without the approbation of his Majeſty: that the Sforza's were addicted to the Spaniſh Intereſts, and that by conſequence, the King would never approve of that Match, that the marriage propoſed with D. Lelio, was liked of by his Majeſty, becauſe that Houſe was actually in his ſervice, friendſhip, and under his protection: that therefore he did oppoſe the Marriage propoſed by Altieri, and that the match with D. Lelio muſt be concluded.

Cardinal Altieri made anſwer to the Ambaſſador, that he would never fail, in the reſpect due to his moſt Chriſtain Majeſty, which he did not think he injured by maintaining the good intentions of the Pope, for the Lady Ceſarini, whoſe liberty was like to be oppreſſed by the injuſtice of the Family of Colonna, who deſigned, by ſhutting her up, contrary to her inclinations, within four Walls, to deprive her of her right to the Eſtate left by her Father to his children. That when his Majeſty ſhould underſtand the good intentions of the Holy Father, he would not only praiſe, but thank his Holineſs for them, as well upon the account of his great natural equity, as of the Friendſhip and good Will that he had for the Lady.

That as to the difficulty that was ſtarted of the adherence of the Houſe of Sforza to the Crown of Spain: be ſides that, Don. Paola Sforza, Father to D. Frederick, had always obſerved a Neutrality, ſuſpected rather to incline to Franco, than any other Nation; it would be very eaſie to remove that impediment, by making D. Fredrick declare for France, which was already endeavoured, and to which it was hoped they might obtain the approbation of his Majeſty; ſeeing it would engage a Noble Family to the French Faction, which in all appearance might exted to Succeſſors; whereas the Family of Ʋrſini being already addicted to the Crown, no new conqueſt was made. That moreover, he had no thoughts of doing any thing, without acquainting his Majeſty; and that in ſhort, he would leave it to the free option of the Lady Ceſarini, to make what choice ſhe pleaſed.

This Anſwer appeared moſt rational, but the Conſtable and his Brother the Duke of Sonino, could not reſt ſatisfied, becauſe, which way ſoever the matter went, it concluded in the marriage of the Lady Ceſarini, that is to ſay, in the utter ruine of the Duke of Sonino, and of his children; whereas by the oppoſition, which he made to the marriage of D. Frederick, and the propoſition of giving her Duke Lelio, his deſigne was to oblige Cardinal Altieri to let matters alone as they were; to wit, the young Lady in the Nunnery, and the Duke of Sonino and his Lady, in the hopes of enjoying the Eſtate.

However, they gained ſomewhat by the intervention of the Ambaſſador: they might promiſe themſelves that no more would be done in the affair, without acquainting the French Miniſter; and that in the mean time they might have leiſure, either to perſwade the Lady to becaome Nun; or in caſe, ſhe would needs marry, to make her reſolve to accept of D. Lelio, which ſeemed to them the leſs prejudice, becauſe there was but ſmall appearance that he could leave any children after him of ſo unequal a marriage.

They made therefore the beſt uſe of their time for attaining their ends, by prevailing with the French Ambaſſador to write to France, that he might obtain favourable reſolutions as to the party he had eſpouſed, whilſt they on their ſide attacqued the Lady with all the Engines, which authority mingled with Artifice could imploy to gain her; but the Anſwers that came from France, were but very general, becauſe the S'forza's on their ſide, ſollicited at Court, and were aſſiſted by their friends, for obtaining the approbation of the King: and beſides, the Lady was ſtill conſtant and immoveable in her reſolution of marrying.

In ſo much that they could get no more of her, but an indifferency, at leaſt in words and appearance, for either of the two Matches, though if her heart had been conſulted, there would have been found there a formed Declartion in favour of Don. Frederick. But ſhe was willing to give her Mother and Uncle that ſatisfaction, to free here ſelf from their importunities as ſhe told Cardinal Altieri, expecting till time ſhould bring a remedy to her troubles.

That indifferency ſignified but little to the Colonna's; but it was too much for Cardinal Altieri; he feared that that ſtep might be followed by another, and he could not promiſe himſelf any thing of a Sex, that is as diſſembling as weak, which way ſoever that Maid bent her thoughts, having through the perſecutions of her Relations, forſaken D. Frederick, he found no ſatisfaction therein: if ſhe ſhould embrace the Nunnery and a Religious life, his contrived revenge would prove in vain: if ſhe declared her ſelf for D. Lelio, the Inheritance of the Ʋrſini, was ſnatched from his Family.

In this diſquiet of thoughts, he repreſented to the Lady Ceſarini, that ſhe ſhould have a ſpecial care of what ſhe did; that ſhe ſhould diſtruſt the perſwaſions of her Relations, as being acted by meer Intereſt; whereas his Holyneſs and himſelf, had no deſignes, but for her repoſe and advantage, that if the Holy Father ſhould come to know that ſhe failed in a ſutable correſpondence to his good intentions, as it ſeemed ſhe had, by becoming more ſlack in her good reſolution, he would abandon her to the diſcretion of her Relations. She could not at that time forbear to complain of the perſecutions of her Mother, Uncle, and of thoſe of their party; ſhe beſought Cardinal Altieri to aſſiſt her, and to think on means to rid her from the trouble wherein ſhe was; and from ſo many importunities wherewith ſhe was overwhelmed: that moreover ſhe continued ſtill in a firm reſolution to depend abſolutely on his Holineſs, and his Eminence, who could not want means to overcome all the apparent difficulties that had been ſtarted by the Miniſtry of the French Ambaſſador; that ſhe well perceived it to be an Artifice of the Colonna's; and which would take no effect, ſo ſoon as ſhe ſhould make her reaſons known to the King, with due ſubmiſſion both on the part of her ſelf, and of him who was deſigned for her Husband.

Altieri was exceedingly well ſatisfied with that ſincere declaration; and that he might comply with what ſhe ſaid, as well as to make ſure of her Perſon; he gave Orders in his Holineſſes name, that none ſhould be admitted to ſpeak to her in the Nunnery without expreſs permiſſion from him.

Th • s prohibition gave occaſion to her Relations, and to thoſe of the party of the Colonna's to clamour, and complain openly, that it was contrary to the promiſe which Altieri had given, of leaving the Lady at liberty to make what choice ſhe pleaſed; that they uſed violence towards her, and kept her ſhut up without ſpeaking to any body, that they might make her ſay whatever they pleaſed; and draw from her a forced conſent. This was not all, they engaged the French Ambaſſador in the quarrel, with threats, that if the Lady Ceſarini were not left in the ſame liberty as formerly, they would be obliged to repel force by force, and that they would carry her from the place where ſhe was, and put her into the hands of ſuch as might be able to anſwer for her.

Theſe complaints were not carried t the Palace, but they made noiſe enough to come to the ears of Cardinal Altieri: He had no ſuſpicion of the Nuns of the Convent, nor of thoſe that ſerved them abroad; the Pope is too abſolute over ſuch kind of perſons, and eſpecially at home, and under his Noſe; but he was afraid leſt the Mother of the Lady, who was of the contrary party, might by the intelligence of the Colonna's, and the aſſiſtance of the Ambaſſador, play him a trick.

So that he cauſed the Lady to be removed from the Convent of St. Catherine of Sienna, ſeated on the Hill of Wagnanopoli, in ſight of the Palace of Montecavallo, to the content of St. Aure, beyond the Tyber, where Don. Frederick S'forza had an Aunt, and put guards upon her, with the ſame prohibition, to let none ſpeak with her without his expreſs permiſſion.

This action made great noiſe at Rome, though it was carried on with much prudence and dexterity, and to the ſatisfactiof the Lady Ceſarini. The Mother complained that her Daughter was ſnatched away from her embraces; Duke Ceſarini that his Neece was ſtolen; the French Ambaſſador, that promiſe was not kept to him; D. Lelio, that his Miſtriſs was carried away; the Colonna's, that the moſt illuſtrious Families of Rome, were uſed as ſlaves, and ſeeing the whole Intrigue was deviſed againſt them, their ſhare was likewiſe greateſt in the Cataſtrophe; they ſpared not to ſay, that they would all periſh firſt, rather than ſuffer, ſuch an injury and affront.

The Sforza's wiſely perceived that theſe menaces were directed to them; and that they were unequally matched with the Colonna's; they took advice therefore of Cardinal Altieri, what they had beſt do, to avoid theſe conteſts with honor.

Altieri adviſed D. Paolo Sforza, the Father of D. Frederick, and his Uncle the Cardinal, to ſend D. Frederick abroad for ſome time under pretext of travelling; and ſeeing the Italians begin their travels commonly by Germany, that they ſhould ſend him to Vienna, and give him Orders to remain there, until new advice; that in the mean time they might have time to negotiate in France, for obtaining the Kings poſitive approbation: that they ſhould keep the affair dormant, and that by the removal of D. Frederick, the Colonna's would have no more cauſe of Umbrage, ſince they ſhould thereby make ſhew of mending the matter no more.

This counſel was followed, and had very good ſucceſs as to the Sforza's: they give it out, that D. Frederick in a deſperate fit of a Lover, who ſaw himſelf fruſtrated of the hopes of enjoying the ſole object of his his affections, was gone to Germany, to follow the wars, that by a generous death he might put an end to his torments and leave his Familie in repoſe: they pretended to complain of Cardinal Altieri, who had been the cauſe of the loſs of that young Gentleman, and who had only embarked him for his ruine.

On that ſide matters went very well; but ſtill Cardinal Altieri ſtood in need of a perſon faithful to his Intereſts, to make ſure now more than ever of the perſeverance of the Lady Ceſarini. D. Frederick was abſent; and as the Italians ſay, Lontano da glocchi, lontano dal cuore, Far from the eyes far from the heart: The Pope could not refuſe Duke Ceſarini the liberty to ſend to ſee his Neece, becauſe he always kept his Chamber or Bed, lame and unable to move, through the Gout and Catharres.

So that there was need of a faithful Trucheman, to entertain the correſpondence between Cardinal Altieri, and the Lady Ceſarini.

No man was ſo fit for that, as Mr. Altoviti. Patriarch of Alexandria; he was a Prelate of integrity and much experience in the Roman Court; he had the direction and ſuperintendence of the Convent of St. Anne, and of ſeveral others in Rome, and was beſides intirely at the diſpoſal of thoſe of the Palace, ſo that neither could others doubt of his fidelity, nor the adverſaries take offence at his Negotiations, which were to paſs for aſſiſtances of the Convent, to which his charge engaged him.

And thus for a long time matters were carried on without noiſe; all things ſeemed to be ſtifled, and that the marriage of the Lady Ceſarini was one of thoſe very common Romances, which bring the Lover at length to ſeek for death to cure his deſpair; and the Lady to ſhut her ſelf up in a cloyſter, having loſt what ſhe loved in the world.

But theſe appearances huſht not the paſſion of the Colonna's; on the contrary, they grew very watchful to obſerve all that paſſed: they had intelligence enough in France to know all that the Sforza's did there, for obtaining the King's conſent to the marriage of D. Frederick; and began already to perceive their credit, becauſe the French Ambaſſador ſeemed not ſo much concerned in the matter, as he had formerly been, ſticking only in the general propoſition, that the Lady Ceſarini might be free in her choice of a Husband, that ſhould pleaſe his Majeſty.

At Rome, (where one may ſay that Spies do Reign, as Men Reign by Spies,) there wanted not ſome to diſcover the Intrigue of Mr. Altoviti, with the Sforza's and Altieri; beſides, that the frequent comings and goings, and the aſſiduities of that Prelate, at the Convent of St. Anne, his interviews, and viſits to the Sforza's, were much ſuſpected by them. They were even told that D. Frederick, ſince his departure had been ſecretly introduced to the Lady Ceſarini: ſome went further, and ſaid that there was no more wanting to the Marriage, but the conſummation, and that it had been performed by the Miniſtry of Mr. Altieri, with all the neceſſary diſpenſations on the part of the Pope.

The Colonna's affected as much ſilence, as their adverſaries; they teſtified no reſentment againſt Mr. Altoviti, they ſeemed inſenſible of all theſe Intrigues; but the greateſt calm is commonly followed by ſome furious ſtorme.

There were but two perſons, that with the Intelligence of Cardinal Altieri, had the conduct of the affair; to wit the Aunt of D. Frederick, a Nun in the Convent of St. Anne, and Mr. Altoviti, who was the Director of the ſame. Nothing could be done to the Nun; and it ſeemed, that even Mr. Altoviti ought to have been ſecured from any attempt by his character of Patriarch; his habit of a Prelate, and many other qualities that rendred him venerable, not to ſpeak of the expreſs Orders which he had from the Palace, for all that he did.

Nevertheleſs, one evening as that Prelate returning from St. Anne, paſſed over the Ponte ſixto, ſome men unknown diſcharged two Carabine ſhot at him through the back of his Coach, with ſo much juſtneſs, that they retired, believing that he could not but die before he went far; for he was indeed, ſhot behind in the neck, and the bullet came out ſide-ways under his Shoulders, he called out for help, and cauſing himſelf to be carried to the next houſe, which belonged to a friend of his, called Falconieri, he prepared himſelf for death, but the ſhot was not ſo dangerous; for in a few weeks he was cured.

There were few that did not regret the miſchance of Mr. Altoviti, he received in crouds, the teſtimonies thereof from the greateſt part of the Court, and even from thoſe, who were moſt to be ſuſpected for having a hand in that black action.

A friend of mine at that time made a Latine Diſtick; which went through the hands of all the Court: and thus was it.

Barbare! quid violas violento tingere tentas Sanguine? quas tingi murice Roma dabat.

But the Authors of this crime were talked of with great reſerve. Cardinal Altieri himſelf, againſt whom this blow directly rebounded, ſeemed not very eager in the ſearch of the offenders: perhaps he expected that they ſhould have diſcovered themſelves; and that fear, which betrays moſt part of criminals, would make them take ſome reſolution, from whence they might draw evidence: ſo that ſpies were ſet to obſerve what countenance men had in the Palaces of the Colonna's, if they were more upon their guard than uſually; if there was no talk of retiring under ſome pretext into the Countrey; and ſuch like things, which are ſignes of diſtruſt, and by conſequence of a guilty conſcience.

Though the Conſtable, or his Brother, were upon better grounds ſuſpected, than any body elſe; and in manner the only perſons that were believed capable of ſuch an enterpriſe, through the paſſion which with ſome reaſon did animate them againſt thoſe, who endeavoured the ruine of the younger Brother, yet nothing appeared of it; and next morning after the action was committed, the Conſtable was ſeen at his windows beholding ſome young men, who after the uſual manner, were riding the great Horſe in his Court.

Information was taken but very ſlowly for the diſcovery of the aſſaſſinats, without attacquing thoſe on whom fell the common ſuſpicion: whence it was eaſily concluded that Cardinal Altieri would not engage any deeper with them; becauſe it would have drawn upon him too many enemies to encounter, and have occaſioned too much noiſe; beſides, it would have been in vain to have indicted them criminally, having no evidence to prove the manner of the action, nor what perſons had committed it.

However, Cardinal Altieri triumphed in this, that his adverſaries were blamed and reproached by all men, for ſo unworthy an action, though no body durſt ſpeak freely, eſpecially, ſince it was known, that even in the Palace there was no great appearance of reſentment; yet people moved by compaſſion for a Prelate of that merit, or by the horror of ſuch an aſſaſſination, conceived an averſion for the Colonna's, who were believed to be the Authors thereof.

On the other hand, the Colonna's were not vexed in their minds, that the action was believed to proceed from them, becauſe Cardinal Altieri not daring to ſhew any publick reſentment, it rendred them the more formidable, they were not vexed that there adherents publiſhed through Rome, that the Colonna's were powerful Lords, that they were able enough to hold the Baſon to the Nephews Beard (that is there way of ſpeaking; tenere il bacile all a barba) that they could arm ſuch a number of men for their defence, and call them to Rome with a whiſtle, that they had the protection of Crowns, and many other diſcourſes of Romiſh bravery.

Though ſuch diſcourſes were ridiculous with thoſe that know what the power of a Pope is in his States, and of Princes, who are reckoned upon but as his Subjects, eſpecially now adays: yet ſtill they made ſome impreſſions on the minds of the Roman people, who are alike inclinable to admire and to deſpiſe.

This made Cardinal Altieri ſend for ſeveral Troops of Horſe to come to Rome, under pretext of a Muſter; to the end he might awe the People, by letting them ſee, that the Pope, for all he is ſo peaceable a Prince, yet is never without Armed Men ready to obey the leaſt Signal. Some imagined, that they were called to back ſome enterpriſe againſt the Collonna's; but it was more probable that theſe men were aſſembled at Rome, to obſerve the countenance of the Collonna's, and to be ready to take ſome advantage upon them, if they had armed, or gone out of Town; ſince no new thing happening, ſome dayes after the Soldiers were ſent back to their Quarters.

And this was all the ſatisfaction that Mr. Altoviti had, for having ſacrifiſed himſelf to the Intrigues of the Palace; and all the conſequence of an action of ſo much noiſe. Some other Nephew of a Pope would not perhaps have ſtopt there; but it was enough for Altieri to gain the chief end which he propoſed to himſelf; and he thought it would ſufficiently humble the Colonna's, if he ſucceeded in the Marriage of the Lady Ceſarini.

The Colonna's and Sforza's laboured to gain the French Ambaſſadour, and the Duke Ceſarini, the one to hinder, and the others to get the Marriage concluded in their favours; for D. Lelio appeared no more upon the Stage, and that point Cardinal Altieri had already gained; but the Sforza's had this advantage beſides upon the Colonna's, that the young Lady had an inclination for D. Frederick: that the French Ambaſſadour gave them good words, and bid them make friends at Court for obtaining the Kings approbation, and that he would not oppoſe it. He did the ſame with the Colonna's which put Duke Ceſarini to that paſs, that he knew not what to do: nor what ſide to take, being beſides moved by the ſighs of a Neece, though by his promiſe engaged to the Colonna's.

As he was one day complaining of the importunities that were made to him upon the account of that Marriage, and that it was an addition to the trouble he ſuffered of being alwayes ſick a Bed; a perſon of merry humour that was preſent told him: 'Yſaith, my Lord Duke, to make them all friends, I adviſe you to Marry, and to take a Lady, that has wit and induſtry enough, to give you a Child in Nine Months time. This he ſaid familiarly and laughing, becauſe Duke Ceſarini could not ſo much as ſtir himſelf.

In fine, the Colonna's perceiving that all their Engines were fruitleſs: that Madamoiſell Ceſarini continued conſtant in her reſolution, that the French Ambaſſador ſtood neutral; that the King gave the Lady her liberty to take D. Frederick upon the conditions mentioned in the Teſtament; that the Sforza's were engaged in the French Faction: their laſt recourſe was to the Canon-Law.

Madamoiſel Ceſarini had made a Vow of Stability in the Convent where ſhe was bred. It muſt be decided if that Vow hindered her to marry, and if there was need of a Diſpenſation. His Holineſs, at the deſire of the Colonna's, named Commiſſioners to examine the quality of that Vow; who having conſulted, written, and deliberated thereupon, Judged, that kind of Bond was but a ſimple Promiſe before God, which had not the force of a Solemn Vow, and from which, her Confeſſor, Authoriſed by the Pope, might abſolve her. So that there remained no more to put an end to that perplexity, but to Joyn the two Parties by the Bond of Marriage. D. Frederick was already recalled from Germany, and had been ſome time at Rome, without appearing publickly, that he might not expoſe himſelf to ſome inſult of his Adverſaries. The French Ambaſſador, and Duke Ceſarini conſented to the Marriage; but, to pacifie the Colonna's, and comfort the Duke of Sonino, as Juſtice did require; having married the younger Siſter, upon the good faith and promiſe of the elder; it was agreed upon, that under the protection of the King of France, the childen of the two Siſters, ſhould ſhare amongſt them the Eſtate of the Duke Ceſarini their Unckle after his Death, or whenſoever he ſhould be pleaſed to reſign it.

And thus ye have the Cataſtrophe of a Play that made ſo much ſhew upon the moſt illuſtrious Theater of Chriſtendom; and though the Intrigue of a Marriage made the Plot, yet Love had a far leſs ſhare in it than Intereſt; and this is not to be wondred at, ſeeing the Scene is laid in a Countrey, where galantry yields commonly to policy.

Since the Marriage; the two Siſters and their Husbands are made good Friends by the authority of the moſt Chriſtian King, who hath taken theſe two Houſes into his Protection, whereof he hath given them an illuſtrious Mark, by the blew Ribbon wherewith he hath honoured them, as a teſtimony that they are the worthy inheritours of the Zeal, which the late Duke Ceſarini had for the Intereſts of the French Crown.

CHAP. III. The Intrigues of Cardinal Palazzi Altieri, in the Promotion of ſeveral Cardinals.

IF Men reflected on the Dignity of the Cardinalſhip, methinks that other wayes ſhould be thought on for attaining to it, than moſt part of thoſe, who have advanced to that dignity have followed.

Whatſoever People are pleaſed to ſay of that dignity, yet it is by it, that one enters into a Society, out of which, for a long time have been choſen the Popes, who, in the Language of the Court are the viſible heads of the Church, the Succeſſors of St. Peter, and the Vicars of Jeſus Chriſt.

So that there is none of thoſe who conſtitute that Sacred Colledge, that may not pretend to the Papacy; and by conſequent, that ought not to have ſuch qualities as are requiſite for governing the whole Church: or if there be ſome who ſeem naturally excluded from the Pontificate, by a practice brought into cuſtom, and which I blame not (becauſe I ought to ſuppoſe it (I am told) to be for the good of the Church) they have at leaſt the Prerogative of chooſing the Pope; and conſequently ought to be endowed with the zeal and knowledge neceſſary, for diſcerning of him that beſt deſerves the place.

I wave this, that the moſt important affaires of Chriſtendom are decided by them, in ſo many Congregations moſt wiſely eſtabliſhed: that their decrees in controverted points, are held to give repoſe to other Churches, tranquility to Conſciences; and in very many places, the meaſure to Civil Laws.

Nor do I pretend to inhaunce the eſteem due to that dignity, by the antiquity of its original, the greatneſs of its progreſs, and the ſanctity of illuſtrious men that have been raiſed to it; there are Books which treat of that at large. It is enough, which ſome (with what reaſon I know not) tell us, that the Cardinals are in place of the Seventy Diſciples, and that they are repreſented by the holy Elders that ſtood before the Throne.

It is matter then of aſtoniſhment that now a dayes that important place is no otherwayes conſidered, but as a Civil and Secular Dignity, and that moſt part are called to it by maximes ſo remote from the Sanctity of its primary Inſtitution.

It is not my deſign however, to obſerve in this place the wayes that are taken to attain to it, that would be to engage in too particular a Scrutiny. I will onely tell ye by the by, that the way of merit is leaſt followed by thoſe, who march towards the eminence whereof we ſpeak; whether it be that it is the leaſt ſucceſsful, or that it is the longeſt and moſt troubleſome rode: hence it is, that even at Rome, when any man, commendable for Virtue and Learning, comes to be promoted to the Purple, they commonly ſay, that he is gone to St. Peter by the Longara; that is, a long ſtreet that reaches from the Port Septimiana to the Hoſpital of the Holy Ghoſt, and the longeſt way to go to the Vatican.

In effect, if we would well examine thoſe who compoſe the Sacred Colledge, we ſhould find, that excepting the Cardinals which are called National, and are but few in number, it is filled, either by Genoeſes that have got into it, by buying the chief places of the Chamber, or by Florentines and Tuſcans by the Intereſt of Families, that have been allied to the Families of ſo many Popes, who have been almoſt ſucceſſively of the ſame Countrey: or by Romans or Romiſh, who are introduced by baſe and fauning compliances with the Popes Nephews; or, in a word, by ſome Milaneſes, or Neapolitans, who have been advanced out of meer Policy, that by their Faction they may obtain a Dominion in the States of the King of Spain.

In proſpect of this, Cardinal Altieri was no ſooner made Nephew to Clement the X. but he made it his whole buſineſs to raiſe himſelf Creatures.

There were three Cardinals places vacant in a ſhort time. It was believed at firſt, that in this promotion the Pope would call to mind the obligations that he had to the Houſe of Roſpiglioſi. Clement the IX. their Unckle preferred him to be Maſter of his Chamber, and afterward made him Cardinal: beſides, he had not been elected Pope, but becauſe he was his Creature, eſpecially by the Votes of the French Faction; inſomuch, that being obliged to the Houſe of Roſpiglioſi for what he was, Men were perſwaded with good ground that he would beſtow one of the vacant Hats on the ſame Houſe, which was otherwiſe very recommendable to the Holy See, by the conduct of the late Pope, and of his Kindred, during the time of ſo glorious and honourable a Papacy.

But men were deceived of their expectation; for, it was not the Pope that made Cardinals. Cardinal A • tieri would have Men of his own, and one of the Roſpiglioſi would have been the Popes: ſo that theſe three Hats were given to three Prelats who were at the diſpoſal of the Regnant, to Carpegna, Borromei, and Maſſini. The firſt was a Roman, Datary, and a Kinſman; the ſecond a Milaneſe, Secretary of State, and a Favorite; the third, a Roman, but by an antient habit, and ſecret engagement a Spaniard, and beſides a Friend of Altieri.

Some have ſaid, that the Pope, abſolutely againſt the will of his Nephew, named Boromei; but beſides that, the Holy Father was no fit perſon for conteſting about any thing; it is to be preſumed that Cardinal Alteri was not againſt it, becauſe his office made him depend on him, and that he was of the Spaniſh Faction, by the inclination of his Birth, and the Engagement of his Family.

The Roſpiglioſi's are then excluded from this Promotion: and becauſe that all good men murmured at it, that the Pope was therefore taxed of ingratitude; that the deceaſed Pope had done far more generouſly in reſpect of the Chigi's, having moade D. Sigiſmond Chigi Cardinal in the firſt Promotion; that the Roſpiglioſi's were men of ſufficient Merit, though the Pope had had no obligation to them; that granting the Roſpiglioſi's had nothing in them that deſerved conſideration, but the qualities of the Unckle; yet a Hat was due to the Memory of ſo holy a Man: but Cardinal Altieri uſed cunning to divert the Publick indignation, which by theſe rumours fell upon his Government.

He pretended, that Cardinal Roſpiglioſi himſelf oppoſed the good intentions his Holineſs had, of promoting one of his Brothers to be Cardinal.

This pretext had ſome colour. Cardinal Roſpiglioſi had three Brothers, one who married the daughter of Sieur Pallavicini, a rich Genoeſe, in conſideration of which Marriage, Mr. Pallavicini, Unckle to the Maid, was made Cardinal; another called D. Vincent, Commander of Santa Euphemia, who had been General of the Popes Gallies; and a third, D. Felix an Abbot. He had greater kindneſs for D. Felix the youngeſt of the three, than for D. Vincent, with whom he had never been well reconciled, ſince the Jealouſies that ſet them at variance, during the Pontificat of their Unckle. Some ill affected perſons at Court had fomented theſe Jealouſies betwixt the two brothers, that by their Diviſions they might govern Pope Clement the IX. And becauſe it was more eaſie for them to diſpoſe of Cardinal Roſpiglioſi, than of Vincent, they had alwayes kept him as much as they could from the knowledge of affairs; and for that end made uſe of the occaſion of the ſiege of Candie, to ſend him thither twice with the Popes Galleys, whilſt in the mean time they ſwayed the mind of the Cardinal at their pleaſures, entertaining him ſtill in Umbrages with his Brother. Inſomuch that after the death of Clement the the IX. the averſion that Cardinal Roſpiglioſi had for D. Vincent continued ſtill.

This was favourable for Cardinal Altieri. If D. Vincent, by the voice of his Friends, complained of the injuſtice done him, in forgetting him in the promotion; it was anſwered, that His Holineſs had the beſt intentions in the World for the Houſe of Roſpiglioſi; that he was troubled he could not give ſuch teſtimonies of it as he deſired; that his hands were tied by the bad underſtanding that was amongſt the Brothers; that he could not give the Hat to D. Vincent, without diſobliging the Cardinal his Brother; that neither could he declare himſelf for D. Felix without wronging D. Vincent. who was his elder Brother; that it behoved the Cardinal at leaſt to declare, on whom of the two he would have him beſtow it.

And the ſame reaſons were thought ſufficient to anſwer all that could be ſaid of the excluſion of the Roſpiglioſi's. But it was well known, that it was onely Cardinal Altieri his fault that the two Brothers were not reconciled together; that the onely way to unite them was to render them equal in dignity; that Cardinal Roſpiglioſi was a man of too much reaſon not to live in good intelligence with a Brother, whom he ſhould ſee every day in the ſame Chappels, the ſame Congregations, in the ſame habit, and in the Functions that are common to the whole Colledge, that was far from the thoughts of Altieri; he was well ſatisfied to make his beſt uſe of that bad intelligence, and even fomented it by ſome that had credit with Roſpiglioſi, becauſe that whilſt matters continued in that ſtate, he might delay the time, and not be engaged to give a Hat to that Houſe, and by conſequent might diſpoſe of the places that ſhould fall vacant in favours of his own Creatures. The better to cloak his deſign, when he found that the antipathy which the Cardinal had foul D. Vincent was come to that height, as that he ſhould ſay, he had rather have no Cardinal in his houſe, than to have D. Vincent one; he told him, that his Holineſs gave him the diſpoſal of a place in the Colledge, when any ſhould be void; and that it ſhould be his own fault if it were not filled by one of his Brothers.

Cardinal Roſpiglioſi accepted it with Thanks, and with a teſtimony of his inclination, for the Abbot Felix his youngeſt Brother. This ſtuck ſo in the thoughts of D. Vincent, that being enraged, he loſt both the health of his body and mind; which obliged his Relations to ſend him out of Rome, to their Countrey Houſe of Zagaru • lo, and then to Piſtoye, where, within a few dayes after he died.

But, it was a long time before Abbot Felix Roſpiglioſt came to his promotion; nothing ſpake for him but Merit, and that ſignified but little to the Regnant humor: beſides, Cardinal Altieri perceived, that by making of him Cardinal, he ought, in decency, to give him wherewith to maintain that dignity; becauſe the Roſpiglioſi's, the Nephews of the late Pope, were ſo honeſt men, that in ſtead of enriching themſelves under the Pontificat of their Unckle, they had much impaired the eſtate of their predeceſſors.

Another conjuncture beſides happened, which delayed the promotion of the Abbot Felix, and we are now inſenſibly engaged in another Intrigue of Promotions.

Monſieur d'Eſtrees Biſhop of Laon, had for a long time aſpired to a Cardinalſhip: in the time of Clement IX. he had been propoſed to that dignity by the nomination of the King of Portugal; he had long entertained at the Court of Rome the Abbot Bonfils, who was ſent thither for the affairs of the houſe of Vendome; and afterward Mr. Faucher, that he might double his offices; amongſt other things he repreſented to the Palace, the conſideration which the Holy See ought to have for the ſervices which the Houſe of Vendome actually rendred to Chriſtendom; that the Duke of Beaufort had ſacrifiſed himſelf at Candie for the common Cauſe; that the Cardinal of Vendome ſpared no means in ſeconding his Holineſs in his pious deſign of aſſiſting the Republick of Venice; and becauſe both theſe Brothers died, the Agents preſſed his Holineſs more vigorouſly than before, to comfort that afflicted Houſe; ſhewing him, that he could not do it better, than by giving a Hat to the Biſhop of Laon who was next of Kin, and the honorary Guardian of the young Princes of the Houſe of Vendome.

Yet they could not obtain that of Clement the IX. becauſe probably he thought he had done enough for the Crown of Portugal, that he admitted and owned the Ambaſſador of that Nation, againſt all the Factions of the Spaniards; and that he had declared null the Marriage contracted betwixt King Alphonſo and Mademoiſelle of Nemours, giving her thereby liberty to marry D. Pedro: probably alſo becauſe of other engagements, to which by civility and decorum he was obliged, ſeeing no fault could be ever found in his conduct; ſo that Clement the X. ſucceeding to him, the Biſhop of Laon renewed his Offices. The Cardinals of Eſte, and Ʋrſini, the one as Protector of Portugal, received orders to propoſe him to the new Pope, and the other as Protector of France, to joyn thereto the recommendation of his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty: but, all that did but little advance his affairs, and except ſome few good words, which they that know the genius of the Court of Rome, ought to take for a civil denyal, they left him in his pretenſions; they heard his inſtances, and ſhewed a diſpoſition to his deſires: for theſe are the myſterious maxims of the Palace, when they have a mind to keep men in a long expectation, or at length to weary them out, and make them take another courſe; which moſt people that have not full experience of that Court, cannot well dive into, but with a great deal of time.

This made the Biſhop of Laon, aſſiſted by the Miniſtry of Monſieur de Lionne (who underſtood Rome as well as any Miniſter that ever France had) find an honeſt pretext of going to Rome, that he might in perſon negotiate his own concern. He ſet upon his journey about the end of the Spring, in the year 1670. with the character of Miniſter of the Crown Extraordinary, for the affairs of the King. Having made a happy journey through Piedmont and Lombardie, where he received the honors due to his Merit and Character, excepting ſome formalities at Parma, whereat he ſhewed ſome diſcontent: Having been treated at Turin in a Royal manner as a kinſman; in a Ducal manner at Modena as a friend, at Bolonia, and all the State of the Pope, in an Eccleſiaſtical way as a Prelate; he arrived at Rome full of hopes of ſeeing himſelf quickly Cardinal.

But affairs were longer protracted than he expected, there were powerful men in France, and of high credit at Court; who were not altogether glad of his exaltation, either out of jealouſie of his grandeur, or becauſe it put by ſome other that aſpired to the ſame dignity; and they were ſo much the ſtronger that Mr. de Lionne, who was the beſt ſupport of the Biſhop of Laon, died in the heat of the affair. The Spaniards vigorouſly withſtood his deſigns, and proteſted they would never ſuffer him to be made Cardinal, unleſs they had one of their Nation, by reaſon of the equality, as they ſaid, that the Pope is obliged to obſerve in regard of Crowns: The moſt Chriſtian King thought it not fit to name him, becauſe he would thereby have loſt the nomination of another, which is due to him at preſent; he pretended that his recommendation joyned to the nomination of the King of Portugal, was enough to incline the Holy Father to ſatisfie him. Cardinal Altieri was attacked on all hands: if the Biſhop of Laon preſſed him to ſhew the effects of his Holineſs's promiſe; he had immediately the Miniſters of Spain on his top, who repreſented to him, that the Queen of Spain had the ſame pretenſions for making Father Nitard Cardinal at her recommendation, as the King of France had for the Biſhop of Laon.

We muſt know that Father Nitard a Jeſuit, was he whom the Queen of Spain ſent to Rome, to ſatisfie Don John of Auſtria and his party; and becauſe ſhe had with much reluctancy thus diſmiſſed him, being her Confeſſor, Confident, and Counſellor, ſhe was willing to honor that kind of exile by all the real marks of a conſtant friendſhip: After ſhe had removed the Marquis of Aſtorgas from his Ambaſſie at Rome, to the Vice-Royalty of Naples, ſhe uſed violence upon the retirement and modeſtie of that good Father, brought him out from among the Jeſuits, made him a Prelate, and gave him the chief charge of the affairs of the Crown of Spain: but the good will of that Princeſs reſted not there, ſhe would ſtill crown her work by adorning him with Purple; and himſelf laid hold on the conjuncture of the inſtances that the Biſhop of Laon made at the Palace; to advance at the ſame ſtep with him to the Cardinalſhip.

Ye ſee then two Prelats of two Crowns in the ſame pretenſions, and Cardinal Altieri in a great puzzle, he cannot content the Biſhop of Laon, without diſpleaſing Father Nitard; he cannot ſatisfie the demands of Portugal, and of the King of France, without offending the Queen Regent of Spain, or one Hat muſt coſt him two; and if he make the Biſhop of Laon Cardinal, he muſt at the ſame time do as much for Father Nitard: or, in fine, if he make neither of the two, he muſt incurr all their diſpleaſure alike. Nevertheleſs, he makes his advantage of theſe debates to gain time; and in the mean time, if the Biſhop of Laon preſs him, he tells him, that if he will find a way to ſatisfie Spain, he ſhall immediately have what he deſires: he follows the ſame courſe with Father Nitard, but that Father does not much importune him, he perceives that the Biſhop of Laon does his buſineſs for him, and it is enough for him only to make proteſtations, that he is in no haſte for a Cardinalſhip; but that he hopes they will not do that injuſtice to Spain, to give a Cardinal to France; and Spain not to have the ſame favour from the Holy See.

The Biſhop of Laon was not much concerned, provided he were Cardinal, though Father Nitard had likewiſe a Hat; but perceiving, that in agenting his own affairs, he laboured for Nitard, whilſt that Prelate did not at all ſollicite Altieri; he believed that Altieri conſpired with the Spaniards; that he himſelf had ſollicited them to make that inſtance, that he might rid himſelf of him; and that ſo it was but a colourable pretext of thoſe of the Palace; that they might ſhun the giving of ſatisfaction to the Crown of Portugal, to which they durſt not give an open refuſal.

By this artifice matters were delayed, and the Biſhop of Laon could not forbear to teſtifie his impatience. What Letters were not procured from France? What Offices were not imployed with the Pope, to beſeech him, with his kinſmen to gain them, with the Spaniards to make ſure of them? It is enough to tell you, that Mr. de Lionne managed the affair; he brought things ſo about, that the Duke d'Eſtrees was ſent Ambaſſador to Rome, who being entruſted with the affairs of the Crown in that Court; it is to be preſumed that there was not any that touched him nearer, than that affair wherein the King intereſted himſelf for his Brother, who had been made to ſpend there a year of noviciat for the Cardinalſhip, though his merit raiſed him above many others, that met not with the ſame difficulty.

Amongſt the Inſtructions that the Duke d'Eſtrees brought from France, none ſeemed of greater importance at that time, than the Propoſition he was to make to the Pope, for the reſtitution of the State of Caſtro, and Romciglione to the Duke of Parma.

It is not my deſign to diſcuſs that long affair in this place. It is enough for my purpoſe, to ſay that that Eſtate having been engaged to the Apoſtolick Chamber, and ſince incamerated, that is, annexed to the reſt of the Eccleſiaſtical State, by Pope Alexander the VII. The ſame Pope by the Treaty of Piſa, and by the Articles of reconciliation betwixt his Holineſs and the moſt Chriſtian King, obliged himſelf to reſtore it to the Duke of Parma, upon payment of the ſum of 1600000 Crowns and upwards, which the Houſe of Parma was indebted to the Apoſtolique Chamber, and for which it was mortgaged and incamerated. The death of Alexander the VII. prevented the repayment, and Clement the IX. eaſily waved the Treating of that affair, by the good intelligence that he entertained with France.

So that his Pontificate having been but ſhort, and being expired without any inſtance made to him concerning the Treaty of Piſa, and the repayment of the Money; to content the Duke of Parma, it behoved to be brought upon the Carpet under Clement the X.

But the French Ambaſſador had a particular intereſt to urge that affair briskly; for beſides the ſatisfaction of the Duke of Parma, he had hopes likewiſe to draw ſome advantage from it for the Cardinalſhip of his Brother, and for all other things that he might pretend to from the Palace, and the reaſon was this,

The reſtitution of Caſtro will be always an odious thing to the Popes, and a prejudice to the Eccleſiaſtick State; becauſe it will be a conceſſion, that the Popes may be deceived, the Eſtate of Caſtro having been incamerated and diſmcamerated by one and the ſame Pope, with advice of the ſame Cardinals, which uſhers in an infinite number of vexatious conſequences to the Court of Rome: beſides, it would place a Sovereign Prince at the Gates of Rome, and ſettle a Sanctuary for all the diſcontented; ſo that all Popes will as much as poſſibly they can excuſe themſelves from reſtoring it, and will diſown what Alexander the VII. did, that they may not leave an offenſive memory of their Papacy to the Holy See.

That being ſo, the Duke d'Eſtrees might very well promiſe himſelf, that Pope Clement the X. to avoid the reſtitution of Caſtro, would grant all that could be deſired of him in France: and indeed it was no ſooner propoſed, but that in ſo quaint a Court, the deſigne of it was preſently ſmelt out; that to ſtifle that propoſition, there needed no more; but to give a Hat to the Biſhop of Laon; that it was not of ſo much conſequence to the French King, whether Caſtro returned to the Duke of Parma or not, but that he would let matters go with mildneſs, provided, that in other things he were ſatisfied.

Nevertheleſs, the voices of the Cardinals and Prelates of the Court were divided: ſome of them were of opinion, that it would be better for the Holy See, to reſolve once for all to reſtore Caſtro: that when the French ſhould have that demand no more to make, they would be more free at Rome in the meaſures which ought to be taken with France; when otherwiſe it would always prove a thorn in their foot, and whenſoever the French King had a mind to have any thing granted him by the Court, he would preſently ſet on foot the propoſition of Caſtro; ſo that the reſtitution would put an end to that plea, and his Majeſty would have no more opportunity of accompanying his Ambaſſies with bravadoes.

Others were of the contrary opinion; that when the King of France ſhould fail of that means, he would find others; that if he had none elſe but what he pretends from his predeceſſors, of having protected the Holy See, yet he would not want pretexts to back his claims; that the ſtate of Avignon alone, which in ſome manner makes Rome depend on him, would give him opportunity enough, whenſoever he had a mind to ſhew his reſentments; that the liberties and immunities of his Kingdom, made him even powerful enough to pretend to more; that moreover, he might from time to time have what he deſired, without any loſs or expence to the Holy See. What did the Popes give away of the Revenues of the Church, by granting Hats, Indulgences, and the like favours? when on the other hand, the reſtitution of Caſtro would diſmember the Eccleſiaſtick State, beſides the prejudices before mentioned.

The Palace inclined to this laſt advice, which was to ſatisfie the Ambaſſador in the other points of his Inſtructions: but that the Pope might not be troubled with the buſineſs of Caſtro, during his Reign; he reſolved thereupon to take the opinions of all the Cardinals, aſſembled in full conſiſtory; which he did, and put the ſuffrages into a box well ſealed; cauſing them to be carried to the Treaſury in the Caſtle of St. Angelo, that he might have his recourſe to, and take his meaſures by them, when any new inſtance ſhould be made to him about that concern. This courſe was taken, that the voices might be given with more freedom, and that it might not be ſaid, they were carried by private intereſt; ſo that the diſcovery of this myſtery is to be expected at ſome other conjuncture: for it hath not been moved ſince, and my Lord Ambaſſador ſeemed to urge it no more: whence it was concluded, that he had had fair promiſes, as to what he was moſt concerned in.

The Biſhop of Laon ſeems now ſure of a Hat, but delays are dangerous: the Pope is old, what if he die? what if the King of France remit his inſtances? If his ſupports fail? If the King of Portugal change; he will find himſelf wide in his meaſures. Cardinal Altieri muſt therefore be urged to declare himſelf, and to promiſe to make him Cardinal at the firſt promotion: But Cardinal Altieri makes uſe of ſhifts; he ſees a neceſſity of giving three Hats, one to Roſpiglinſi; another to the Biſhop of Laon, and a third to Father Nitard; and amongſt all theſe three Cardinals to be named, there is not one that depends on him; one is for the faction of the late Pope, the other for France, and the laſt for Spain. Beſides, he perceives that theſe promotions are not upon the account of Crowns; that they are but bare recommendations, and not nominations; that within a little the Kings muſt be ſatisfied by a new promotion. He is nevertheleſs engaged; he prays the Biſhop of Laon to have patience; to find out ſome way to eaſe his Holineſs, who hath ſo good inclinations for him; and who would have certainly granted already all that he deſires and deſerves; if the Spaniards had not croſſed his good intentions; that he could not ſo much as yet acquit himſelf of the obligations he had to the houſe of Roſpiglioſi: In a word, he conjures him to think of ſome way himſelf of being made Cardinal at the firſt promotion, without offending the Family of Roſpiglioſi, or the Spaniards, and to propoſe the ſame to the Pope, which would doe him a ſingular pleaſure.

Some Biaſs muſt be then thought upon for the promotion of the Biſhop of Laon that may not give offence to the other competitors, and may take all further excuſe from Cardinal Altieri. It was thought that no better expedient could be found out, than to demand for the Biſhop of Laon, the Hat which was promiſed to Cardinal Roſpiglioſi for one of his Brothers, and whereof of the Pope had aſſured him at the firſt promotion: by this means the Spaniards had nothing to object againſt the Pope; and the Roſpiglioſi's giving their conſent, all men ought to be ſatisfied. It was propoſed to Cardinal Roſpiglioſi; and that Cardinal who makes it his whole buſineſs to oblige, prevented the propoſition, and freely offered not only that, but if it were needful for the ſatisfaction of the King, he was ready to reſign his own; he goes to the Palace, propoſes it himſelf to Cardinal Altieri and the Pope; and ſollicites for the Biſhop of Laon with as much zeal as can be expected from any man in his own concerns.

What ſhifts and excuſes can now be found out in the Palace? yield they muſt: yet Cardinal Altieri however thinks of entrenching; he informs Cardinal Roſpiglioſi under-hand, that he would do well to conſider what engagement he put himſelf into; that he ſhould have a care not to do an injury to his Family, by renouncing his pretenſions; that he cannot juſtifie himſelf to his Brother when it comes to his turn to be made Cardinal, if he let ſlip the firſt promotion; if his Holineſs ſhould die before he beſtow a Hat on D. Felix Roſpiglioſi, his hopes will be loſt, becauſe another Pope will not be obliged to it; That ſo favourable a Declaration for a French Prelate, will put him in bad intelligence with the Spaniards: In a word, he makes uſe of all the arguments he can imagine, to ſhake or cool Cardinal Roſpiglioſi in his reſolutions; but perceiving no impreſſion to be made thereby on his mind, it behoved him, notwithſtanding all imaginable reluctancy, to promiſe to the Biſhop of Laon, that he ſhould be Cardinal at the firſt Promotion.

The day of promotion is not known by many, unleſs ſometimes the night before, or the morning when it is performed; and many times no body knows anything of it till after the conſiſtory.

When it was made known, that the Pope had appointed a conſiſtory to declare Cardinals, and to fill the vacant places, then preſently the Biſhop of Laon was talked on, as the firſt of thoſe that were to be promoted, without ſtaying till he ſhould be declared; he is waited upon, and complimented, and the great and ſpacious Palace of Farneze is hardly big enough to receive all that come to him.

But ſome hours after the Scene is changed, the Pope makes Cardinals; ſome he names, and reſerves one in pectore. The Biſhop of Laon is out of all patience, to ſee ſo long an expectation diſappointed, and ſo poſitive promiſes without effect; He complains highly; but they endeavour to appeaſe him, by aſſuring him that he is Cardinal in pectore; that the Pope, upon certain conſiderations, was hindred from declaring him, but that in time he will declare him: yet nothing can pacifie him; he writes to France and Portugal, and engages Cardinal Roſpiglioſi to joyn with him in his grievances. The King and Cardinal Roſpiglioſi have the ſame aſſurances given them, that the Biſhop of Laon is Cardinal from the day of the promotion; that the Pope has reſerved him in pectore; that he may be at quiet, and not doubt of it; but all this is not ſufficient to free the Biſhop of Laon from a deep melancholly.

Who can ſee into the Popes heart? and though one might ſee there the name of Ceſar D'Eſtrees Cardinal, who can promiſe but Cardinal Altieri by the abſolute power he has over the Pope, will not efface the characters? or give it out, that the Pope has a weak memory, as he hath ſo often done already, that he may at his pleaſure diſpoſe of all things? who is ignorant that theſe reſervations in pectore, are the ingines of the Court of Rome, to keep many Prelates in expectation at the ſame time? Who can promiſe, but that they will keep the Biſhop of Laon ſtill in hopes, until that either the death of the Pope, or ſome other conjuncture may give the Nephew Regnant opportunity of leaving, both the Biſhop of Laon and Roſpiglioſi in the mire.

All theſe reflexions concurring with the loſs of Mr de Lionne, who was ſhatched away by a very ſudden death, were ſtrong enough to overcome the conſtancy of a more patient man than the Biſhop of Laon, and to kindle a choler leſs ſuſceptible of ſlames than his.

Some were perſwaded that he would retire from Rome with his Brother the Ambaſſador, as has been practiſed upon like rencounters; others thought, that the reſtitution of Caſtro would be brought upon the ſtage again afreſh: but they judged it more convenient to continue their inſtances at Court, wherin they ran no riſque: whereas by taking the other courſe, beſides that they would have engaged the King; they ran hazard of loſing all.

They therefore patiently expected the fulfilling of the promiſes and aſſurances that were made to them, with ſo much the more encouragement, that notwithſtanding the death of Mr. de Lionne, and the effects of their enemies, yet the King ſtill ſupported them with his protection. But the promotion that was made the following winter, almoſt quite daſh'd all their hopes. For the better underſtanding of this matter, we muſt paſs to another Intrigue,

Monſieur de Bonzi, Biſhop of Beziers, being removed from the Ambaſſie of Venice to that of Poland, in very troubleſome times, performed ſo good ſervices to that Crown, that King Caſimir named him to the Cardinalſhip under Alexander the VII. But that Pope, who to the day of his death, had ſhunned all occaſions of ſhewing kindneſs to France, dying, without granting any thing to Poland, in the laſt promotion which he made for Crowns, that Prelate was diſappointed of his pretenſions. Under Clement the IX. the ſucceſſor of Alexander, he had his nomination renewed by the King, and the Cardinals Ʋrſini and Eſte were by very preſſing Letters from his Polonian Majeſty, charged with that affair: but that great Pope having other engagements, that inſenſibly drew him another way, even to the end of his Pontificate, which laſted not full two years and a half, matters continued as they were.

He had not hitherto made any better progreſs under the preſent Pontificat, tho King Michael Vignovieski upon his advancement to the Crown of Poland, confirmed the nomination of King Caſimir his predeceſſor.

He therefore nicked his time, thinking no opportunity more proper for ſucceeding in his deſigns than the preſent. His hopes were backed with many conſiderations: Cardinal Altieri was ſollicited by the King of Poland to do Juſtice to that Crown, after ſo many excluſions in the Promotions that had been made at the nomination of other Princes. The Emperour had the ſame right to make his inſtances for the Empire, becauſe neither the one nor other had had any Cardinals under Clement the Ninth. But that which wrought moſt for Mr. de Bonzi, was, that Cardinal Altieri, though he had no inclination to give a Hat to the Biſhop of Laon, yet he was unwilling to diſoblige the King of France. What courſe is then taken in favour of Mr. de Bonzi? they put Cardinal Altieri in head, that by giving Mr. de Bonzi a Hat, he'le ſatisfie Poland, and with the ſame hand give contentment to the King of France, who will have no ground to preſs ſo much for the Biſhop of Laon, when his Majeſty ſees one of his Subjects, and one of his Miniſters raiſed to the Cardinalſhip; that being an Italian, and Florentin by Nation, the Spaniards will have leſs cauſe of complaining; and that ſo one ſingle Hat will be worth him three, one, which, ſoon or late he muſt give to Mr. Bonzi, another that he was engaged to beſtow on the Biſhop of Laon, and a third which the Spaniards demanded for Father Nitard.

Some have given out, that the Adverſaries of the Biſhop of Laon made uſe of that artifice to bafle him, and that they incited Mr. de Bonzi to make his propoſition at the Palace, the more to ſtir up the Spaniards, who would not ſuffer the elevation of two French Prelats, advanced by Forreign Princes to their prejudice: ſo that if there was any ground in that conjecture, it was not the way to advance the affairs of Mr. de Bonzi, but to entangle him as well as the Biſhop of Laon.

Others ſaid, that the Cardinals Borromei and Carpegna conſpiring with Altieri, deviſed that clutter, to give the laſt blow to the pretenſions of the Biſhop of Laon.

However the matter was, it is certain Mr. de Bonzi at that time took very good meaſures, becauſe without much negotiation, he with three others was declared Cardinal, in the promotion whereof we have ſpoken, which was made in the month of February; the Pope having ſtill reſerved in peciore him, whom he had not named in the former promotion.

Many people were ſurpriſed when they ſaw Cardinals created, and no mention made of the Biſhop of Laon: no body could tell what to ſay of that Myſterie; but in general there were no great matters expected for that Prelate. His greateſt mortification was to be obliged to thank the Palace for the promotion of the Cardinal Bonzi; and to teſtifie his joy therefore, becauſe it was an advantage for the Crown: yet he performed it with much conſtancy, and made his private diſcontent give place to a publick rejoycing.

Cardinal Altieri in the mean time triumphed; he perſwaded himſelf that he had ſatisfied all parties: the Spaniards, in his opinion, had nothing to demand, ſeeing the Biſhop of Laon was not declared Cardinal: that the King of France would remit his ſollicitations, having given him a Cardinal, by ſatisfying the nomination of Poland. Thus he made his Accompts, but matters will not go ſo: and after the long turnings and windings that he hath made, the Biſhop of Laons Hat will coſt him four, two, which he hath already given to Poland and the Empire, and two, which muſt be given in the next promotion to the Biſhop of Laon and Father Nitard, that is to Portugal and Spain; without reckoning another which he will be ſtill indebted to the Crown of France in compenſation of the promotion of Nitard, which his Majeſty will pretend to be made at the nomination of Spain.

Hardly had Cardinal Altieri received the Compliments, which were made him on all hands, upon account of the laſt promotion, but that he was more vigorouſly than ever ſollicited by Portugal and France; to oblige him to make his holineſs declare in favour of the Biſhop of Laon, whom he had long reſerved in peciore. They repreſented to him, that it was too great an amuſement for a Prelate of his merit; that though no regard were had to the inſtances made on his behalfe, yet it was a thing due ſolely to the ſervices of the houſe of Vendome done for the Holy See: they added beſides the weight that the recommendation of the King of France ought to have, who was then about to begin a War ſo advantageous to Religion and the Church, by the Liberty which he was about to reſtore to the Catholicks in Holland, and which, by conſequent, would render the Pontificat of Clement the X. glorious to Poſterity. Why ſhould there ſo much difficulty be made to fill the Sacred Colledge with men illuſtrious for piety, learning and birth, preſented to the Pope by Princes, when ſome were cloathed in purple, who very often had no other recommendation but that of a baſe and ſervile compliance?

Cardinal Altieri could not diſguiſe his averſion againſt ſo many promotions, by which he made no Creatures: if the Pope ſhould come to die, what intereſt could he make in the Conclave without Electors at his devotion? What friendſhip could he find in the Cardinals that were not at all obliged to him, becauſe he made them againſt his Will? What party ſhould he take? What aſſiſtance expect in time of need, being at Rome without a Faction; in bad intelligence in France; and in Spain without advancement? the Cardinalſhip of the Biſhop of Laon begets him an enemy in the Colledge, and that dignity for the future will ſerve onely to make his enemy more powerful. The Hat of Father Nitard, which he cannot refuſe to the Queen Regent of Spain, raiſes him as many enemies in that Kingdom, as Father Nitard has envyers, that is to ſay, Don John of Auſtria, and the moſt part of the Grandees at Court, who obliged the Queen to ſend him away. Theſe reflections ſtrangely toſſed the mind of Altieri: but he muſt at length condeſcend; he is too far engaged; there are places void; and he is urged without intermiſſion.

In fine, after that the Biſhop of Laon had languiſhed in expectation almoſt two years, he is at laſt made Cardinal; and to juſtifie the good intentions of his holineſs, it is declared, that he is the perſon whom the Pope hath had in peciore almoſt a year; and ſo he is comforted by giving him the precedence before thoſe that were created ſince that time.

This is the upſhot of that ſo perplexed Intrigue; and, ſhould we tell the thoughts of the moſt diſintereſted of the Court of Rome; we might acknowledge with them, that the Nephew of a Pope might have come off with more ſatisfaction to all parties, and leſs diſadvantage to himſelf. He might, from the beginning, by granting a Hat to the nomination of Portugal, have done ſomewhat for the advantage of the Church with that Crown, and gotten from thence a conſiderable ſum of the Revenues of the Biſhopricks, which had been put under Sequeſtration during the long Vacation of that Countrey, to be employed in the neceſſities of Chriſtendom againſt the Turck, and the Spaniards could have found nothing to blame in that conduct.

Next he might, upon the reſignation that Cardinal Roſpiglioſi made, have given that Hat to the Biſhop of Laon, and all men would have applauded ſuch an action.

In fine, in the promotion of the Biſhop of Laon, when he came at length to have him declared Cardinal, he might have ſhewn ſome forwardneſs to make that reſolution ſeem more conſpicuous and free, which from the beginning to the end appeared all along forced and conſtrained.

But either his engagement with the Spaniards, to whom he owed his quality of Nephew, more than to any other, or his own intereſt, to make himſelf creatures, inclined him to do ſo: yet, in ſpight of his teeth, he ſaw four Hats go out of his hands, for which no man was obliged to him.

The Cardinalſhip of the Biſhop of Laon put off the promotion of D. Felix Roſpiglioſi, who had generouſly made over his place to him, ſo that France was obliged to ſollicite Cardinal Altieri, that ſo ſoon as he could he would have reſpect to the Houſe of Roſpiglioſi. And in ſolliciting of that Affair, the Duke and Cardinal d'Eſtrees gave the Palace no time to breath.

Fortune, it ſeems, never favoured the Nephew of a Pope, ſo much as Altieri; there have not been obſerved in many Ages, ſo many places vacant in the ſacred Colledge in ſo ſhort a time, as have been in the Pontificat of Clement the X. This has given occaſion to many of the Court of Rome to ſay, That a Juſt Judgment of Heaven was to be ſeen in the death of ſo many Cardinals, becauſe having choſen Clement the X. Pope, in the thoughts that he could not reign long, it ſeemed that in a ſhort time he ſhould bury all thoſe that had choſen him.

In leſs than three years, more than Fifteen were already dead, ſo that ſince the laſt promotion in a ſhort time there were places to be filled. One was demanded for the Abbot Felix Roſpiglioſi, and the merit of his family concurring with the Inſtances of the King of France; and, the Obligations that the Pope had to the memory of his Unckle, carried it at length over the conduct of Altieri, who was wholly addicted to the making of his Family, and profiting of the Benefices of the Cardinals that died, for the uſe of himſelf and his Nephews, as he would have been willing to have diſpoſed of their Hats to men at his devotion, if he had been ſuffered to do ſo.

The Joy of the People, and of all honeſt men, upon the promotion of the Abbot Roſpiglioſi, is unexpreſſible, by reaſon of his good qualities, and the veneration wherein his Unckle Clement the Ninth was held: but they would not endure that Cardinal Altieri ſhould give him a Hat without a Hatband, to ſpeak in the Italian manner, that is to ſay, without crowning his merit with ſome Office or Benefice, to maintain his Dignity. And eſpecially when D. Vincent Roſpiglioſi died, it was thought ſtrange that he inveſted him not in the places of his Brother, having given the commandery of Santa Euphemia, which D. Vincent enjoyed, to a grand Nephew, ſon to Don Gaſparo Altieri, who was but then in the cradle.

Theſe were the chief promotions of that Reign. However there are others not a little curious; but, ſeeing to diſcourſe of them it behoved me to give an account of the Preſent State of the Court of Rome, it would carry me too far beyond my deſign.

CHAP. IV. The Intrigues of Cardinal Paluzzi Altieri with Princes and their Miniſters.

SInce the Popes began to divide the cares of the Papacy with their Kinſmen; theſe new Hercules's have found the weight of ſo ſparkling a heaven very eaſie and ſupportable: they were called but to give a hand, and they have thruſt ſo far in as to lend a ſhoulder for ſupporting the burden of that Great Machine.

The Popes, who are often elected in ſo great an age, or of ſo weak a conſtitution, that they can have no other thoughts but to ſpend the reſt of their dayes in quiet, are eaſily inclined to leave the management of affairs to thoſe that are neareſt them, in proſpect that theſe imployments make a ſettlement for their families, and procure them alliances, not onely with all Eccleſiaſtick perſons, but likewiſe with the Princes and Soverains of all Chriſtendom, whom they may oblige.

The charges of the Roman Court are divided amongſt the Kindred of the Pope; the Seculars commonly divide amongſt them the Government of the Eccleſiaſtick State; the neareſt and deareſt Relation will be made General of the Holy Church; another, Governour of the Caſtle of St. Angelo; another, General of the Galleys and of the Navy; and ſo charges are given according as they are more or leſs conſiderable to thoſe who are differently favoured and eſteemed.

But, the moſt important Office is that of Cardinal Nephew, or Cardinal Regnant: he it is that makes the fortune of the other Relations; he is alwayes where the Pope is, if we had not rather ſay, that the Pope is alwayes where the Nephew is: he diſpoſes of him abſolutely: nothing moves in the Palace but by his order, whether in regard of the Officers of the Palace, or of thoſe that are abroad: he is the head in all Counſels, preſent at all Congregations; he regulates the dayes of the Conſiſtories, of the Chappels, Viſits, and Audiences: and, in a word, it is on him that the Pope relies in all matters.

In ſo much that the Nephew of a Pope had need of a great ſufficiency, wiſely to manage all Affairs.

But, there is nothing more eſſential to his conduct, than to be able to take right meaſures with the Miniſters of Crowns and Princes: it is that which makes the glory of a Pontificat, all the honour of his Miniſtery, all the Grandeur and Joy of Rome, and very often the repoſe of Chriſtendome.

If we ſhould reflect on the reign of ſeveral Popes in theſe laſt ages, we would find the truth of this verified: we might obſerve ſome Pontificats full of ſplendour and glory, and others buried in obſcurity and lowneſs, ſome in an amiable tranquillity, calme, and peace; others in troubleſome broiles, diſturbances, and continual diſcontents: and if we inquire into the cauſe of this, we ſhall find, that all depends on the genius of the Nephews Regnant, and their particular conduct with Princes.

It is really difficult for a Popes Nephew to be able to obſerve alwayes juſt meaſures with ſo many Miniſters of a different humour, who have ſuch different intereſts, who live at Rome in continual jealouſies, and who labour alwayes to draw ſome advantage from the Holy See, by any way whatſoever, either in rendring themſelves uſeful, or in ſetting themſelves off more than others.

There is no Catholick Prince but entertains at Rome, either an Ambaſſadour, Reſident, or ſome Agent; and though their obedience and reſpect engaged them not to maintain as much as may be, a good correſpondence with the common Father, yet they would in policy be obliged to do it, that they may in the Court of Rome defend the intereſts of the Clergy and Monaſteries, which make a conſiderable part of their States, and ſupport the affairs which daily happen amongſt their Subjects in matter of Conſcience.

This is not the place to examine the intereſts of Soveraigns in that Court; or to compare them together, that we may judge of the conduct of the Miniſters that are entruſted with them; that alone would make a Book big enough. I onely ſay, that of all that are employed for the affairs of Countries ſubmitted to the Holy See, there are none that make any conſiderable ſigure, in reſpect of the Ambaſſadours of France and Spain.

The Emperour commonly is ſatisfied with a Protector for the propoſition of Churches; and if he have any urgent matter to be propoſed to his Holineſs, he does it either by the Miniſtery of a Cardinal, or by ſome Envoy Extraordinary.

Poland obſerves the ſame Maxim; and teſtifies either ſo much obedience, or ſo much indifferency, as to all that paſſes at Rome; that the King does not ſo much as name Cardinals of his Nation, though he might in his turn take the ſame courſe as other Crowns do.

Portugal keeps there for the moſt part a Reſident; and ſince the Pope was neceſſitated to own the ſeparation of that State from Spain, there have been but two Ambaſſadors from Portugal, who vaniſhed almoſt as ſoon as they appeared.

Amongſt all the Princes of Italy, the Republick of Venice cultivates moſt the intelligence of the Court of Rome, and next the great Duke of Tuſcany; but more becauſe of the vicinity of their countreys, than the importance of affairs that they have there to manage.

So that, we may ſay, that the Kings of France and Spain, are the two onely crowned heads, who concern themſelves in good earneſt in the affairs of Rome.

But with this difference; that the moſt Chriſtian King acts with Rome, as a Friend, who has no other obligation on him but that of civility and complaiſance, by reaſon of the liberties and immunities of the Church of France.

When on the other hand his Cathololick Majeſty carries it with Rome as an intereſted Aſſociate, becauſe he is cloſely tied and engaged to it by the Tribunal of the Inquiſition, and by the Eccleſiaſtick Juriſdiction, which gives abſolute authority to the Nuncio's and Judges of the Church, throughout the whole extent of his Dominions.

And that is the reaſon that the differences of France with Rome exceed not a kind of dryneſs that often happens amongſt Friends upon occaſion of ſome grudge, and which commonly yields to the pleaſure of a reconciliation. On the contrary, Spain either never breaks with Rome, or their ruptures are attended with ſome great blow and noiſe, as happens betwixt perſons intereſsed.

It may be ſaid, that the Jealouſies of theſe two Kings, has ſome Analogie with that of Jacob and Eſau: theſe two children endeavoured who could moſt, to attract all the Bleſſing of Iſaac their Father, they made uſe of all kind of artifice to ſupplant one another, and to make their condition better.

And the Pope is in no leſs perplexity than the good old man Iſaac was, how to content his two children. I will not enter upon the full application of the compariſon: it muſt not be ſaid that this common Father is ſo dim-ſighted as Iſaac was, that he cannot diſtinguiſh the Merit of theſe two Sons; that he knows not him to whom God has deſigned the birth-right; that he perceives not for which of the two it is, that their Mother has greateſt ſympathie and inclination; that is, whom the Church has cheriſhed moſt, and to whom ſhe hath alwayes given the preference: the Pope needs not to feel the hands of Jacob, that he may know him from Eſau, he knows it ſufficiently by many brave actions, from which the holy See has drawn moſt conſiderable advantages: he knows very well for whom he ought to declare himſelf, and to whom he ought to give the greater ſhare of his bleſſings. But the good Father fears to foment Jealouſies, and to put diviſion betwixt his two ſons by an open Declaration.

This is a figure of what daily happens at Rome; the Pope can do nothing in favour or conſideration of France, but that he is burdened with the complaints of Spain: And ſeeing the Catholick King is ſtronger in Italy, than his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty, by reaſon of the Kingdom of Naples, and Duchy of Milan; ſo has he a better ſhare of the bleſſings of the Earth, though with reluctancy of the Holy Father; that is to ſay, he carries it by politick intereſt, and the Pope muſt of neceſſity be a Spaniard in appearance, though he be French in his heart.

We might likewiſe add that Eſau was more uſeful to Iſaack than Jacob; that he brought his Father daily ſome prey from Hunting; that he laboured to ſatisfie the appetite of the old man; whilſt Jacob was wholly taken up about the affairs of his Family, and looking after his Flocks, without withdrawing from the boſom, or ſight of his Mother: So the King of Spain daily obliges the Pope by great ſums of Money, which Rome draws out of his Dominions; whereas the French King hath no other aim but to pleaſe the Church, to aſſiſt her inclinations, to extend and increaſe the number of her ſubjects, and in fine, to maintain the Family that depends thereon.

Having caſt an eye upon theſe reflexions, it may be eaſily judged, in what manner the Nephew of a Pope ought to order his Conduct with the Miniſters of Crowns.

He may lay down for maxims, that the intelligence of the Spaniards with Rome, is founded on Intereſt and Fear, that they never ask any thing which is not to be ſuſpected; that they uſe endeavours to procure the ſame liberties as France hath; that they cannot attain to that, without ſhaking off the yoke of Eccleſiaſtical Juriſdiction, which they have ſo often attempted; that moſt part of their demands are hurtful enterpriſes; and that by conſequence, nothing is to be granted to them, unleſs it be firſt well conſidered, if any prejudice may redound from it, to the authority of the Apoſtolick See.

That on the other hand, the correſpondence of France with Rome, hath no other foundation than love and reſpect; that their liberties, immunities, and priviledges, put them in a condition of not having moſt times their recourſe to Rome, but purely out of deference and reſpect; that theſe liberties free their demands from the ſuſpition of abuſe or noveltie; and that if the King or his Subjects make application to the Holy See; there is commonly more to be got, by granting, than by refuſing their demands, becauſe, that in granting them, they make matters paſs for favours, which otherwiſe they pretend to have by juſtice, when they come with any reluctancy.

That other Princes in imitation of the Spaniards, do all they can to enlarge their liberties, and eſpecially the Princes of Italy, with whom cloſer meaſures may be taken, becauſe they are in greater dependence on the Holy See.

It would he no hard matter for me to ſhow in the ſequel of this Hiſtory, that theſe maxims are very eſſential for the conduct of affairs in the Court of Rome; but I have confined my ſelf to the affairs of the preſent Pontificat.

Let us ſee then what meaſures Cardinal Altieri has taken in his Miniſtry with Princes.

He had great advantages for ſucceeding in it, he was become Nephew to a very aged Pope, of a mild and commodious humour, eaſie to be governed: he had the example of a glorious and wiſe Pontificat, under Clement the IX. who made it queſtioned, whether he was more French or Spaniard; but who left no doubt but that he was all to all: the private intereſt of his eſtabliſhment buſied him not much, ſeeing the faireſt Dignities ſhowred down upon his head, and the beſt bits fell into his mouth, as the Pamerlengat, and great Vicarſhip of Rome, with many conſiderable benefices, by the death of the Cardinals Ginetti, and Antonio Barbarini, beſides the Archbiſhoprick of Ravenna; wherewith the Pope provided him, at the opening of the Conclave. There was none at Court able to give him jealouſie, or to thwart his projects; the death of Cardinal Antonio left him quickly maſter of Rome; Cardinal Eſte, who alone could give the Popes Nephews enough to do, was retired home to Modena, where in a ſhort time he ended his troubles with his days; Cardinal Gabrieli was removed, as we have ſaid before; the alliance of his Houſe ſtrengthened his authority; and none were in the Palace but his own Creatures. There were no great affairs in agitation at Rome; and the Miniſtry of the three principal Catholick crowned Heads was diſcharged by Prelats, to wit, by the Cardinal Lantgrave of Heſſe, the Biſhop of Laon, and Father Nitard: Chriſtian Princes were in peace the two firſt years of his Miniſtry, except the King of Poland, who was engaged in war with the Turk; and if the King of France was then thinking of a War againſt the Hollanders, it was the faireſt conjuncture in the world for the Nephew of a Pope, to immortalize the memory of the Pontificat, by rendring it advantageous to the Church, and happy for Catholicks: and he had occaſion enough to pleaſe many men, by the frequent vacancies of ſo many places in the ſacred Colledge.

Here was a fair field to reap in; who does not now expect honourable Legations for Chriſtian Leagues, and Croiſado's?

But that is the leaſt thing in the thoughts of Cardinal Altieri; he was obſerved from the very beginning, to be very little addicted to affairs abroad, which be remitted wholly almoſt to the cares of Cardinal Frederick Borromei, then Secretary of State. He only applyed himſelf to the building of a ſumptuous Palace in Iſola, to procure rich Furniture for it, and to manage intelligences at Rome for Marriages, Charges, and other ſmall affairs that concerned either the Palace, or the Eccleſiaſtick State.

Nothing that is great, was to be ſeen in his Projects, nothing high in his Conduct.

Some were pleaſed to ſay, that he was but as yet a Novice in forreign affairs; that he had no experience in the Courts, and intereſts of Princes; that he had not advanced to the Sovereign power by Nunciatures and Legations; that he became Cardinal, by buying the place of Auditor of the Chamber; that he was made Nephew by a Caprice of fortune, and that ſo he could not acquire a perfect knowledge of what is fit to be known, for entring into commerce with Crowns; that it behoved him to wait till buſineſs formed him, and rendred him capable of greater matters.

Others to excuſe him, gave it out that Cardinal Borromei endeavoured ſecretly to diſcredit him with the Pope and Sovereigns, that ſo he might render himſelf more neceſſary to the Church, and gain the good Will and Liking of forreign Princes; that Borromei eaſily engaged the Pope in matters which he knew were not agreeable to Altieri, to draw upon him the diſpleaſure of Princes, by the repugnancy that he would ſhew, when the matter was of putting his Holineſs pleaſure in execution; that he laid the blame of all the diſſiculties which the Miniſters met with at the Palace, in proſecution of their Maſters affairs upon the Nephew; that Cardinal Altieri perceived it, but that he choſe rather to be a publick ſacrifice, than to diſpleaſe the Pope, by open reſentments againſt Borromei, for whom his Holineſs had eſteem and friendſhip: and by ſuch diſcourſes they excuſed his conduct.

Some there were, that would have had the indifferency of Cardinal Altieri, paſs for a politick Fetch: they ſaid that Rome uſed firſt to be ſollicited, before it medled in the affairs of Princes; that Innocent the X. found the benefit of following that maxime, (Che il mondo ſi governa da ſe;) that the world ſhould govern it ſelf, and that the only way is to let it goe as it goes; what meaſures were to be taken with the Crown of Spain, under the Government of a Regent, a Pupil, and ſeveral Miniſters, who had not too good intelligence among themſelves? what was to be done with the moſt Chriſtian King, unleſs it were to attract the jealouſie of all other Chriſtian Princes, who could not already endure his too great power? In a word, that the Court of Rome could gain nothing with Potentates when they prevented them; that on the contrary they would make their advantage with them by valuing dear their correſpondence to the deſires of his Holineſs; as they had many inſtances on ſeveral occaſions, where the Holy See had always remitted of its Rights and Authority, by Indulgences, Favours, and priviledges, which it had been obliged to grant to ſeveral Princes.

So that he did very well not to meddle in the intereſts and affairs of Princes.

But to ſpeak the truth, theſe reflexions had but little force with knowing men, to juſtifie the honour of Altieri.

In the firſt place, though he had not paſſed through the employments which prepare men for the management of forreign affairs, yet it is known that the Italian Nation has naturally a great talent for Negotiation, and that they wonderfully ſucceed in it, provided they apply themſelves a little thereunto: other Nephews have been known young enough, who left a glorious memory of their Miniſtry, and who had with honor diſpatched greateſt affairs in moſt troubleſome times, as the Farneſe's, the Borromei's, Aldobrandini's, Borgheſes, and the Barberini's.

As to what was ſaid of Cardinal Borromei, Secretary of State; it is certain, Altieri had no much liking to him, perhaps, becauſe he was a man of too great merit, that he alone clouded him with the Pope, and was the only perſon in whom his Holyneſs put greateſt confidence, as he had ſufficiently teſtified, by honouring him with the charge of Secretary of State, and ſhortly after with a Cardinals Hat: but however Borromei was a Miniſter ſubordinate to the Nephew, without whom, by conſequence, he could do or act nothing; and matters abroad going ill, the fault would be imputed to none but the chief mover; beſides, ſince the death of Borromei, matters are gone far worſe than before.

As to the Romiſh maxime, of letting the world goe as it goes, and the riſque that the Holy See runs, of loſing rather than gaining, when that Court entangles it ſelf in the affairs of Princes, many things might be ſaid, but it is ſufficient at preſent to averr openly, that that maxim is low and unworthy of a Univerſal Biſhop, who by that very name is obliged to take care of the neceſſities of Chriſtendom; that it is a pernicious maxime, introduced only by thoſe, or for thoſe, who mind nothing in the Papacy, but that which flatters Vanity, Avarice, and Senſualitie: that it is prophane, and for thoſe only, of whom the Royal Prophet ſpeaks with diſdain, in laboribus hominum non ſunt; who avoid taking a ſhare in the labour and care, to which humane ſtate is obnoxious; that the Holy See never proſpered ſo well, as with Emperors and Kings, to whom it hath had its recourſe; whence came the Patrimony of St. Peter? from whence the Hexarchat of Ravenna and Romania? from whence all the Lands and Territories of the Eccleſiaſtick State? from whence, in a word, the maintaining of the obedience, and homage rendred to the Church? if not from their correſpondence and good intelligence with Chriſtian Princes? what have the Popes ever given them of theirs? What have Monarchs ever demanded of them, unleſs it be ſome indults for providing and preſenting to the Benefices of their Dominions? Some Tithes for the preſſing neceſſities of Religion? Some Indulgences for the edification of their people? But what Benefices are better filled than thoſe to which theſe Princes preſent? What Money better employed than what has been granted them upon the Rents of the Church? And what Spiritual Treaſures better beſtowed, than what has been given to people who have ſo much reſpect and veneration for Holy things? ſo that all theſe ſhadows diſappearing, and theſe pretexts ceaſing in the Nephew of a Pope, and eſpecially as to Cardinal Altieri, it was concluded that for great affairs his Talent was not great; that all his ambition was confined to the making of his Family by Romiſh Intrigues; and that he had no ſtomach as the Spaniards ſay, Por digerir los boccones grandes, to digeſt great pieces.

In effect, if we impartially conſider, either that he hath let ſlip ſo many fair opportunities of ſignalizing himſelf, or that he has brought upon himſelf ſo many unlucky hits, without thinking on them; we may eaſily judge, that he hath been as indifferent for the one, as improvident againſt the others. Let us ſee then both the chief opportunities of renoun, which he hath failed to embrace; and the occaſions of diſquiet and perplexity, into which he hath thrown himſelf, that we may make good a truth which will juſtifie a great many, without doing wrong to his conduct.

We muſt lay down for a ground then, the ſtate of the affairs of Europe, at the beginning of that Pontificat, to wit, France and Spain at peace together, the enterpriſes of the Turk againſt Poland; and the preparations of France againſt Holland.

What projects might Cardinal Altieri have had in that conjuncture? or rather what might he not have undertaken? if the matter was to aſſiſt Poland againſt the Turk; what means were wanting to him, Peace being between the Crowns of France and Spain? or if that peace ſeemed overcaſt by ſome clouds of jealouſies and fears, there was no difficulty to confirm a ſerenity in all the climats of Chriſtendom, before theſe clouds gathered more, and grew thicker, and before they broke out in thunder and lightning in many places of the world, as ſince they have done.

What advances did he make for the aſſiſtance of Poland? what Legations for the union of Chriſtian Princes? what Negotiations to make them turn their Arms againſt the Common Enemy? he made no other ſtep, than the raiſing of vaſt ſums of Money of the Benefices of Italy, whereof he very ſlowly ſent to the Republick of Poland, Fifty thouſand Crowns. A Cardinal of great virtue, ſcandalized at the lukewarmneſs of Altieri, ſent him a conſiderable ſum of his own Money to awaken him, and to excite him to make ſome brisk attempt, in favour of a Kingdom expoſed as a prey to Infidels; but that ſecret reproof of backwardneſs, made no great impreſſion on him. Caminitz was already carried by the Turks, before the Poles were in any condition to make head againſt them; and to compleat their misfortunes, King Michael being dead, the Kingdom was divided about the election of a ſucceſſor to the Crown. Cardinal Altieri beſtirred himſelf a little, but at the inſtigation of the houſe of Auſtria, and to the end he might back the deſigns of the Spaniards, who were for Prince Charles of Lorrain his ſucceeding to the Crown, in hopes of making him marry the Queen Dowager of Poland, Siſter to the Emperor; He cauſed great offers to be made of Money and aſſiſtance, that he might overcome the difficulty, which the Poles might make, by reaſon of the lowneſs of Prince Charles, as to fortune; who depended in a great meaſure on the Court of Vienna, and who was not like to have means of ſupporting the Crown under the preſſing Circumſtances i • lay under. Monſieur Bonvizi the Nuncio, was the life of his deſignes in Poland, as he had formerly been at Cologne: that Prelate who has been always reputed to have a great Heart and ſmall Head, was as ſucceſleſs in the one place, as he had been in the other; there was but little regard had for the Packt-Offices of Rome: the Nuncio's propoſition was laid aſide, and John Sobieſki was choſe a King, a man capable to maintain the Crown, both by his conſummated prudence, and Heroick courage.

So that the whole Intrigue was uſeleſs, and ſerved only to diſgrace the Holy See, in the perſon of Altieri, to beget an averſion in ſeveral Princes concerned in that Declaration, and to expoſe his Miniſtry to the compaſſion of his friends, and to the deriſion and hatred of his adverſaries.

In truth, if we ſhould enlarge in our reflexions upon that Conduct, his meaſures would ſeem very obſcure: what obliged him in an affair of that conſequence, to tranſgreſs the bounds of Neutrality, which renders the Pope alike venerable to all parties; which makes him Umpire amongſt all Chriſtian Princes; and which places him in the midſt of Sovereigns, as the Sun is among the Planets, to give impartially his light to all the celeſtial bodies, according as they draw near, or are at diſtance from him, for the different participation thereof?

Or if he had a mind to leave that neutrality to gain a Crowned Head, why did he not aſſure himſelf well firſt of the ſucceſs of his enterprize? it is true, if it had ſucceeded, it would have been of great advantage to him; but he had but few inſtances of free people, that have ever been willing to accept of a King from the hands of Popes. If they have ſometimes given Kings to the kingdom of Naples, they had the Sovereign Dominion; but he had leſs reaſon to promiſe himſelf that from the Republick of Poland, which profeſſes a liberty ſo nice, that it will not ſo much as accept of Cardinals of that Nation from Rome, becauſe that Dignity puts them on a dependence on forreign Princes.

Inſomuch, that they who otherwiſe know the humor of Cardinal Altieri, not to be very undertaking, and that he is more ready to Ward than make a Paſs, could find no other cauſe of that procedure, but an exceſſive compliance with the Spaniards; wherein he may have this comfort, that he is not the only Miniſter or Kinſman of a Pope, who hath been out of his meaſures, in following too implicitely the counſels of the Spaniards.

After the election of the King of Poland, one may imagine that that Prince had but little obligation to the Court of Rome, and eſpecially to Cardinal Altieri; ſo that it was rationally to be believed, that this Nephew in good policie, yea, even in civility and decorum, would take all ways to procure the good Will of a Sovereign, who had ſome reaſon not to be well ſatisfied with him, becauſe his Faction was againſt him in the Diet,

His Majeſty of Poland gave him a fair opportunity for this; by naming the Biſhop of Marſeilles to a Cardinalſhip, who would not be perſwaded that there ſhould immediately be diſpatched a Gentleman of his Holineſs's, or Cardinal Altier's Chamber, to carry a Cardinals Hat to the King of Poland, or be diſpoſed of by him, as he thought beſt, that by ſuch a courteous carriage he might gain the favours of ſo generous a Prince, and ſo uſeful as the King of Poland is, in a State where there are different opinions about matters of Religion.

But Cardinal Altieri's eyes are ſtill ſhut, he cannot but liſten to the Spaniards; they make him believe that the election of General Sobieski to be King of Poland, cannot ſubſiſt; that it was not formal, that confuſion and precipitancy hath more concurred to it, than mature deliberation; that it will meet with oppoſition; that thoſe of Lithuania have not given their conſent thereto: that that Prince is married, and that the Republick will have a Lord that may marry the Queen Dowager of Poland; that the Poles are ſtill doubtful whether that election will ſtand good; that they are divided among themſelves; and that they may every minute change their reſolution: theſe were the amuſements, whereof the Spaniards made uſe in general, to diſſwade Cardinal Altieri from complying with the new King of Poland: and as to the particular of the nomination of the Biſhop of Marſeilles, they inſinuate to him, that France endeavours to get into the poſſeſſion of having Cardinals at their devotion, by the nomination of, forreign Crowns; that he is obliged in intereſt to oppoſe ſuch an abuſe; that the Pope ought to obſerve an equality betwixt Spain and France; that the Catholick King will have ground of being offended, if by ſuch ways French Cardinals be daily made at Rome; that Poland may be ſatisfied, that the promotion of Cardinal Bonzi has been ſuffered to paſs without obſtruction; that if the Biſhop of Marſeilles be made Cardinal, Spain will pretend to the ſame Compenſation as in the promotion of the Biſhop of Laon; that is, that they muſt likewiſe have a Cardinal; that nevertheleſs, to ſatisfie the King of Poland, and not to reject his propoſal, he might willingly accept the nomination for any other perſon his Majeſty pleaſed, excepting a Frenchman.

Cardinal Altieri eaſily embraced the Spaniards Counſel, he had a great inclination for them; and though the Biſhop of Marſeilles in his journey into Italy, (whither the King had ſent him, to endeavor an accommodation betwixt the great Ducheſs of Tuſcany and the great Duke her Husband) made a progreſs to Rome, and by his good qualities left favourable impreſſions for his fortune; nevertheleſs he had the ill luck to have been named by a King for whom the Spaniards had no liking; in a time when the Nephew Regnant was in very bad correſpondence with the Miniſters of France, and in a conjuncture when Cardinal Ʋrſini Protector of Poland, was not in too much credit at the Palace, becauſe he had engaged in the Intrigues of the Marriage of the Princeſs Ceſarini.

Altieri then took the courſe the Spaniards had propoſed to him; he wrote a Letter to the King of Poland, ſending therewith a Brief to his Holineſs, in which, having accepted of his nomination, he prayed him to afford his Holineſs the means of giving him content, as it was his purpoſe and deſire to do, without mentioning the cauſe that oppoſed the fulfilling of his demands, as to the Biſhop of Marſeilles: to theſe Letters he added private Inſtructions to the Nuncio, that he ſhould acquaint the King, that the Jealouſie of the Spaniards was an impediment to the promotion of the Biſhop of Marſeilles; that his Majeſty would oblige his Holineſs, if he would caſt his eyes upon ſome Neutral Perſon, with whom all parties might be ſatisfied; that that condeſcention would ſtill engage his Holineſs to uſe endeavors for the eaſe of the Kingdom of Poland from the preſſures under which it lay.

The King was very ill pleaſed at the way how the Court of Rome uſed him: it ſeemed ſtrange to him how theſe men, who ſet alwayes to work to advance another to the Crown, ſhould have ſtill the Countenance to refuſe him a Hat at the inſtigation of thoſe who were jealous of his greatneſs; that they had the baſeneſs to barter and truck with him by ſelfiſh propoſitions below the greatneſs of his mind, as well as the dignity of the Apoſtolick See: that they ſhould take the liberty to contradict the choice he had made of one who was very dear unto him upon many conſiderations, and who ought to be more ſo to the Court of Rome by his merit and virtue. He reremained conſtant in the Nomination of the Biſhop of Marſeilles; and Altieri to this preſent has forborn as much as he could, to give him that reaſonable ſatisfaction, by protracting the promotion of Crowns.

There has been nothing conſpicuous in all this conduct of Altieri with Poland, but a paſſion to content the Spaniards, or at leaſt a deſire not to diſpleaſe them; and though that has ſome colour in the eyes of thoſe who endeavour to excuſe him, ſaying, It is impoſſible for a Popes Nephew to preſerve the favour of all parties; that it is ſufficient to adhere to the chief branches of the Tree, and to keep himſelf in good intelligence with Spain, who have more means of offending, and leſs facility to forget and pardon: yet more quaint Politicians could have given a counſel, whereby Altieri might have had the advantage, of contenting his Majeſty of Poland, without offending the Spaniards; and that is, to have perſwaded the Pope to have prevented the demand of the King of Poland, upon his aſſumption to the Crown, by offering him a Hat, to be diſpoſed of in favours of whom he pleaſed: the Spaniards would have had nothing to ſay againſt that engagement; and then if the King of Poland had named the Biſhop of Marſeilles, their mouthes would have been ſtopped, by telling them, that the Pope could not excuſe himſelf from fulfilling what he had abſolutely promiſed, not foreſeeing that his Majeſty of Poland would nominate the Biſhop of Marſeilles.

But, at Rome, they want not skill to find out biaſſes, when they have a mind to do things with good grace; nor excuſes neither when they have any reluctancy: and as to what is ſaid, touching the difficulty that the Nephew of a Pope meets with, in giving content to all parties, I could make appear, that there is nothing more eaſie for an impartial and unprejudiced Nephew, whereof we have freſh inſtances in the Pontificat of Clement the Ninth, and in the conduct of his Relations.

We ſhall leave it to the World to Judge of the whole piece by this Pattern, and to time to diſcover the bad texture of it; that we may proceed to make reflexions on ſome other occaſions, wherein that Cardinal Nephew might have made appear his zeal and wiſdom, and by illuſtrious actions, have raiſed the glory of his Unckles Papacy, and the honour of his own Miniſtery.

There was no man but knew what great preparations the French King made for a War againſt the Hollanders, that he might endeavour to reduce that Republick to their natural duty, of acknowledging, that in part it holds of his Crown, both the ground of its liberty, and the eſtabliſhment of its fortune. It is likewiſe known, that with the ſame hand the King would reſtore the liberty of the Catholick Religion, in a Countrey where it is had in horrour.

In fine, the effects of this was ſhortly ſeen, by a great many Churches reconſecrated, both in the Towns and Countrey of four Provinces, conquered within the ſpace of a few weeks.

All Catholicks triumphed at the progreſs of the moſt Chriſtian Kings Arms; and many gave publick thanks to Heaven for the ſucceſs.

What is it Cardinal Altieri will not do, to give marks of his Joy and Acknowledgments? What honour will accrue to his Miniſtery, and his Unckles Pontificat, when ſucceeding ages ſhall ſee in the Annalls, Holland reduced to the obedience of the Holy See, or at leaſt the liberty of Religion reeſtabliſhed under Pope Clement the X, and the Kingdom of Jeſus Chriſt ſo ſenſibly enlarged under the reign of Altieri? What Feſtivals, What Publick Rejoycings, What Inſcriptions, What Medals, to render ſuch actions immortal? if Pope Pius the Fifth left engraven on Medalls the Victory of Lepanto, which coſt ſo much to the Holy See and to all Chriſtendom, without much fruit: What will not Clement the X. do, for the ſwift courſe of ſo many Victories with ſo little blood, attended with conſiderable advantages? If Clement the Eighth filled Rome with Marbles, which carried the memory of the return of Henry the Fourth into the boſome of the Church; What ought not Clement the Tenth to do for the reduction of Holland? If Pope Barbarini abridged the Ocean into a Baſon, in form of a Bark, which he cauſed to be made at the foot of Mount Pincius, where ſtands a Convent of French Minims, in memory of the taking of Rochel; What Illuſtrious Monuments will not Pope Altieri leave to poſterity, not for one ſingle Town, but for ſo many conquered Provinces? In fine, if Popes, in conjunctures of leſs importance and glory, have contributed to their uttermoſt for the maintaining of armes, whenſoever they thought Religion therein concerned; either in furniſhing of men and Money; or elſe by Legations, wherein they employed Prelates of greateſt worth: if their Nephews have abandoned their own intereſts, if they have gone themſelves in perſon; What efforts are there not to be expected from Cardinal Altieri, for advancing the progreſs of Holland?

Let us obſerve his conduct. In the year 1671, the moſt Chriſtian King ſends the Abbot Bardi-magalotti to the Princes of Italy, to treat with them about the raiſing of an Italian Regiment, to be entertained by his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty amongſt his foreign Forces: I might ſay ſomewhat of the different diſpoſitions he found ſeveral Princes in, according as they ſtood variouſly affected towards that propoſition, led by the Maximes of a Countrey, where Sovereigns are obliged to be cautious in their meaſures for preſerving their liberty, without offending of thoſe who are more powerful than themſelves.

But we ſhall handle that at length in a ſeparate treaty. The Abbot Bardi without doubt might expect any thing of Cardinal Altieri; he could not be ignorant of the deſign theſe Forces were to be employed in; and what ſecrecie ſoever was obſerved in the Kings Counſils, yet all Italy was already filled with a rumour, that the cloud that was a gathering would break out upon Holland. Nevertheleſs he had the greateſt difficulty in the world to obtain leave to leavie men in the Eccleſiaſtick State; nor was it granted but on moſt diſadvantageous conditions, becauſe no Tradeſman, Maſter, or Journey-man, could be liſted, nor were Drums to be beaten up. So that there remained none to be liſted but Vagabonds, who might ſafely run away, after they had taken the Kings Money, the Authority of the King having no force there: the reſt of the Princes of Italy following the example of Rome; and having ſuffered the Levies to be made within their States, upon the ſame and no other conditions, it is no wonder if Italy was quickly full of deſerters, and that they who remained, did afterward ſo little honour to their Nation.

From that very time it was perceived, that with reluctancy he concurred with the deſigns of the King, ſo far from ſhewing himſelf forward to ſecond them; and that the Jealouſie of the Spaniards prevailed more on him, than all the conſiderations of the glory and advantage of the Holy See. I wave the artifices that were employed to diſſwade many Gentlemen, who on ſuch occaſion would have been willing to have ſerved their apprentiſhip in the trade of War under ſuch a King; ſome of whom I know and could name.

But let us trace the Politicks of Cardinal Altieri: perhaps he hath done nothing hitherto, becauſe he knew not where all the preparations of the War were to be employed; he is to be excuſed, the King conceales his projects, all Soveraigns are in ſuſpence expecting the iſſue. Who knows but theſe numerous Forces may paſs the Alpes? if that Fleet may not bend its courſe towards Italy?

It may be he reſerves himſelf to make ſome generous declaration, when he ſhall ſee the King march againſt Holland; when he ſhall underſtand that he cauſes Churches to be opened and conſecrated in ſo many conquered places; when he ſhall be informed that Eccleſiaſtick Princes are reſtored to their States, which were uſurped by a Proteſtant Republick: then ſome ſignal mark of reſentment is to be expected from the Court of Rome, and ſome great teſtimony of correſpondence with the actions of a Monarch, that labours more for the Church than for himſelf.

In a ſmall time they had the news at Rome of all that I have ſaid of the progreſs of the French Forces, but nothing of what might have been expected from Cardinal Altieri appeares: The French Ambaſſador daily carried him the news of ſome Conqueſt, and he ſeemed inſenſible at the general good fortune of all Catholicks: he underſtood that the Waters made way to the Iſraelites; that the Egyptians were buried in them; that the enemies fled before the face of the God of Iſrael; and he was either deaf or dumb, as to Songs of Joy, and publick Thankſgivings.

He ſtops not there, he cannot diſguiſe his ſecret reluctancy to the advices he receives of ſo many Victories; he leſſens the glory of them as much as poſſibly he can: and had he had power over the ſame that was publiſhed by all mouths, he would have condemned it to perpetual ſilence.

Theſe are no exaggerations; they are real truths, all the Court of Rome, and all Italy it ſelf knew what happened one day, when he was told of the paſſage over the Rhine, and of the brave exploits that accompanied, and followed that famous action, He threw it away as a Grecian Fable, and would not believe one word of it: He ſaid publickly that there was no ſuch thing; and that he had better intelligence how affairs went. The French Ambaſſador was offended at this obſtinacy: A Miniſter of that quality is obliged to make good what he ſays: and ſeeing his ſteps are well obſerved, eſpecially at Rome; ſo ought he to take good heed how he walkes: it would be a diſhonour to his Character to give out any thing that muſt be again retracted; though the Spaniards are not ſo ſcrupulous in ſuch matters, witneſs the news that Cardinal Nitard a few Moneths agoe brought to the Palace, of an imaginary Victory obtained by the Spaniards in the Sicilian Sea.

It behoved then the Duke D'Eſtrees to know of Cardinal Altieri himſelf, from whence he could have news contrary to what he had told. Altieri was in a puzle: on the one ſide he was unwilling to diſcover a little commerce that he entertained with Bonviſi, at that time Nuncio at Cologne: on the other ſide, he muſt ſatisfie the Ambaſſador at France, who complained, that there was ſo little eſteem teſtified for actions that were ſo advantageous to Religion; and, Who would have made appear his Reſentments, if he had not had the ſatisfaction which he juſtly pretended to have: In ſo much, that Altieri was obliged to ſhow him a Letter of the Nuncio Bonviſi, by which was diſcovered their Plot, and little Intrigue, to leſſen the Reputation of the Kings actions, and to put off the publick Rejoycings: that Letter came not into the hands of any man, but the ſubſtance of it was known; it ſpake not of the particular actions of the times, but onely bore, that all that was publiſhed of the Grandeurs of France, was not to be believed; that his Conqueſts commonly would but prove a blaze of Straw, and that there was not much to be built upon them; that all the Princes of Germany began already to ſtir; that the King of England would withdraw; that Spain and the whole Empire would unite, and that ſo all the progreſſes of the moſt Chriſtian King were like to turn to ſmoak. This Letter of Bonviſi made the Sentiments of Altieri apparent enough, becauſe a Miniſter at a diſtance from his Maſter, makes it his whole ſtudy to ſecond his thoughts, but that appeared more clearly afterward; for Bonviſi finding himſelf charged by Altieri, was conſtrained, for his own Juſtification, to ſay, that he did nothing but by his order, and direction.

The truth is, the actions of the moſt Chriſtian King, eſpecially in the firſt Campagne againſt Holland, will hardly be believed in future ages: but it will be ſtill more incredible that the Nephew of a Pope hath been ſo inſenſible of the great good that redounded therefrom to the Holy See, that he would receive the news with indifference, nay even with reluctancy; that he ſuffered it to be ſaid in Rome, that the Popes Palace was Dutchified, for that was the word all the Town over; though it did not in the leaſt move him, becauſe he was conſcious to himſelf that he gave ground for ſuch a report; that he was not ſenſible of his own, nor of his Unckles honour; that he had ſacrificed it to the Spaniards who were Jealous of the greatneſs of France. Some excuſed him upon the account of the bad intelligence that was betwixt him and the Duke d'Eſtree, they ſaid, that theſe two did what they could to ſerve one another daily ſome trick, as a mark of their ſpight. But, What policy is there in that, not to diſtinguiſh the private averſion that one hath for a Miniſter, from the obligation that is due to the Maſter whom he ſerves? Would he not have done far better both for the Pope and himſelf, to have entertained an intelligence with the moſt Chriſtian King, notwithſtanding all the diſcontents that he pretended to receive from the Ambaſſadour? Was not that a powerful means to have thrown the wrong upthe Ambaſſadour himſelf, which has ſucceeded with other Nephews, when they had any variance with his Majeſties Miniſters.

It muſt be acknowledged then, that Cardinal Altieri hath ſhewn but very little conduct in drawing advantage from the War in Holland; and far leſs zeal for the glory of the Pontificate, and of his own reign; of which no cauſe can be given but a too great deference to the ſentiments or Spain, and an intire dependency of its Miniſters, which have made him forget the part of the perſon he repreſents, that he may act theirs, to the expence of his honour, and perhaps of his repoſe.

This likewiſe hath made him let ſlip another conjuncture, wherein he might have ſignalized himſelf as much, as in the preceding.

It is known, that after the great advantages gained on Holland, it was an eaſie matter to have hindered the fire from ſpreading, as it hath done ſince amongſt moſt of Chriſtian Princes: the King of France, though encouraged by ſo much fortunate ſucceſs, was ſtill ſo much Maſter of himſelf, as to put a ſtop to the carriere of his Victories: he had enough in his hands to do himſelf and his Allies Juſtice, by bringing down thoſe that had provoked him: the United Provinces would have willingly conſented to it, England had withdrawn; the Princes of the Empire ſaw nothing to be got by a rupture, what Jealouſie ſoever they had of the neighbourhood of the French Forces.

The Soveraigns ſtood looking at one another, there was time enough to have brought them to an accommodation, the queſtion was onely to find a Mediator: None durſt be the firſt to break and declare; at Rome the Miniſters of the Emperour, the moſt Chriſtian and Catholick Kings were obſerved to confer together at the breaking up of Chappels, and other Aſſemblies where they were; In the mean time it was publickly talked at the Palace, that the Treaty of Munſter was to be broken; that the Emperor, Princes of Germany, and Spain, were ready to declare War: but that delayed a long time, and it ſeemed they expected ſome Umpire to make them Friends.

How happy an occaſion for the Nephew of a Pope to beſtir himſelf for peace! Were not Nuncio's extraordinary, or Legats to be expected then abroad? the Aldobrandini and Barbarini, forſook their repoſe and intereſts for Reconciliations of leſs conſequence; they have been ſeen paſs Seas and Mountains for affairs leſs conſiderable to Chriſtendom: not to ſpeak of other Nephews, and of Popes themſelves, who have teſtified zeal for the Union of Chriſtian Princes. What advantage would it have been to have hindered that rupture before it broke forth? the exerciſe of the Catholick Religion remained free in Holland, at leaſt in the Provinces where it was already reſtored; the Arms of the French King would be turned againſt the Turks; Poland would be ſecured from the Invaſion of Infidels: In a word, all people would have enjoyed the tranquillity which ſince they have loſt.

Cardinal Altieri makes no reflexion on all theſe things; all his Intrigues at that time were confined to a ſecond Marriage for his Family. He would once more nave the Duke of Anticoli Marry a Maid of his Family, and all his care is taken up in building of a Palace, whoſe Magnificence obſcures one of the ſtatelieſt Churches in Rome.

But a more powerful cauſe than this wrought upon his mind, to take him off from the thoughts of endeavouring to proprocure peace, and of quenching the fire that broke out ſnortly after. The Spaniards ſuggeſt to him, that that peace will be of no advantage to Chriſtendome; that the King of France having done his buſineſs with the Hollanders, will turn his Arms againſt the Spaniſh Netherlands, or againſt the Empire, or ſome other of his Neighbours; that the King of England had already withdrawn himſelf; that the Emperor, and whole Empire, ſtood for them; that they will force the moſt Chriſtian King to reſtore what he hath taken from his neighbours; and that in a word, it was the common intereſt of all Soveraign Princes, and of the Pope himſelf, to keep France in play and cut out work for his Forces, which began equally to be ſuſpected byall.

It was no hard matter for them to make impreſſion on the mind of Altieri, who had already fully eſpouſed their party, and who could not diſguiſe his ſecret diſcontent for the bitter morſels the French Ambaſſador had made him ſwallow. Inſomuch, that with much indifferency he let ſlip a conjuncture, wherein he might have gained ſo much eſteem; by diverting the inconveniences of a War, the commotions whereof are at preſent ſo fatal, both to the Intereſt of the Church, and the repoſe of all Europe: and, as he had teſtified but little Joy for the Conqueſts which the moſt Chriſtian King had made for the Church in the United Provinces, ſo he ſhewed but little grief, either for the loſſes that followed, when his Majeſty united all his Forces to defend himſelf againſt his enemies.

And theſe are, in my opinion, the moſt conſiderable overtures, whereby Cardinal Paluzzi-Altieri might have acquired glory and reputation.

But, all this hath contributed, not onely to make him loſe ſo many fair occaſions, but likewiſe to draw upon himſelf troubles; which we ſhall preſently ſpeak of.

When in the beginning of this Pontificat, men ſaw Cardinal Paluzzi, inveſted in the name of Altieri, the quality of Nephew, and by conſequence in the authority that is annexed to it, they had ground to be perſwaded, that if his Miniſtry would not be very illuſtrious, it would at leaſt prove peaceable and quiet; it was preſ • med that a Nephew by Favour, or Adoption, and not by Nature or Blood, which expoſed him for that reaſon to the envy of many, would ſo behave himſelf, that no man might have cauſe to except againſt him; that therefore he would make it his ſtudy to give content to allay, or at leaſt to avoid the occaſions of miſunderſtanding with the Miniſters of Princes. But fortune has this inſeparable property, that if ſhe raiſe a man all of a ſuddain, ſhe makes him forget what he owes, both to himſelf, and the reſt of mankind.

Cardinal Altieri is without doubt, a man of Wit and Senſe; but it is quickly found, that ſetting aſide his own Family, all other men were nothing to him. Pride or Vanity did not raiſe in him ſentiments of contempt; but his forwardneſs to make his Family, made him forget the conſiderations of the rank which he held; all that he looked upon in the Papacy, was the great age of the Pope, and the means of making the beſt of his time for raiſing his Relations; and becauſe he was perſwaded that his Reign would not laſt long, he reſolved to make the beſt uſe of it he could: that made him take ſhort meaſures, to make Hay whilſt the Sun did ſhine; and upon that principle he wholly neglected Forreign affairs, that he might apply himſelf to Domeſtick.

It is no wonder then, that he made it his buſineſs to delay the granting of the demands that were made to him, that by the protracting of time, he might be diſingaged from his promiſe, if the Pope ſhould die, whilſt in the interim he made uſe of the time for the advancement of his own intereſts.

For my part, this ſeems to me to have been the chief aim of his Conduct, which is ſufficiently to be diſcovered in his moſt remarkable actions: for what could he expect, for inſtance; from the difficulties that he ſtarted upon the promotion of the Biſhop of Laon, from the delays he ſpun out in that of the Abbot Roſpiglioſi, as he does ſtill in the promotion of the Biſhop of Marſeilles; yea, and in the nomination of Crowns? unleſs it be, that the Pope who is old, happening to die, he may be exempted from giving them ſatisfaction, whilſt in the mean time he fils the vacant places with others, who are at his Devotion.

This maxime of making Hay whilſt the Sun ſhines, is very common in Italy and Spain; where men truſt much to time; and it often ſucceeds with Northern Nations, whom the Italians entertain with good words, and amuſe with trifles, until they be tired out with the length of time and delays, which to them is inſupportable; that ſo they may either remit their pretenſions, or that the face of affairs being changed by time, there remains no more engagement on either ſide.

Cardinal Altieri had found the benefit of that policy, if the Reign of Clement the X. had laſted but two or three years, he had already in a ſhort time made both himſelf and his Family; he had obtained for himſelf a Revenue of an hundred thouſand Crowns a year, by Charges, Benefices, and Penſions: Dom. Gaſparo Altieri his Brother, had almoſt as much; he had ſtrengthened his Family by the alliances which we have mentioned before; and though he had not many creatures in the ſacred Colledge, moſt of the Cardinals whom he had raiſed, being but little obliged to him for their promotion; and none of thoſe in whom he could confide, being Papable; yet it might have been eaſie for him to make a party in a Conclave, either by owning the Spaniſh Faction, or liſting himſelf among the Squadron Volant: if without the Eccleſiaſtick he had no good correſpondence with Princes, yet he had carried himſelf ſo cunningly, as not to fall into open variance with them: So that if the Pope had died within that time, Altieri was warm enough, without being entangled with Soveraigns; and he was free from the reproach of having neglected the paſt conjunctures, becauſe the ſhort continuance of the Pope, would have ſerved him for an excuſe.

But he forſaw not the conſequences, which that conduct, which only looks to the preſent, draws after it.

So that bad policy can only be attributed to ſo many troubleſome affairs, that many Miniſters in divers times, and in ſeveral ſtates have drawn upon themſelves: and not to trouble our ſelves with other examples; we have a very formal and freſh inſtance of this in the perſon of Cardinal Altieri, upon occaſion of the late conteſt he hath had with the Miniſters of Crowns, and eſpecially with the Ambaſſador of France.

It was no trouble to him on many occaſions, to diſcontent the Sacred Colledge, by refuſing ſeveral Cardinals, the Favours or Benefices that they demanded for their Creatures, applying them all to himſelf; or having diſpoſed of them, only by the way of traffick that was ſetled in the Palace: yea, and in many rencounters, it was but the leaſt of his ſtudy to comply with the Spaniards; and though he was wholly theirs, yet he hath let them ſee, that intereſt alone regulates his inclinations. But the Princes of Italy have but little cauſe to be ſatisfied with him; and in a word, all Chriſtendom ſtands amazed at his indifferency and coldneſs in the moſt preſſing neceſſities. On all occaſions he hath ſhewed himſelf againſt France; but particularly in the proviſion of the Generalſhip of the Order of St. Lazarus.

That Dignity had been for ſome time vacant, and I pretend not to decide whoſe right it was to preſent to it; it is enough that the moſt Chriſtian King had a deſign of uniting that Order, and of erecting it into a new one, according to the Model that had been made to the King: ſo that his Majeſty having already given a head to the Order, Cardinal Altieri judging that to be an enterpriſe againſt the Rights of the Roman Court, was in ſome trouble, on whom he ſhould confer that Dignity, tho Rome be full of poor Churchmen, that ſeek their fortune; yet there are but few French there in reſpect of other Nations. The good Order of the French Clergy joyned to the priviledges of the Gallican Church, and the rights of Patronage, hinders them from wandring over the Alps; and takes from them all hopes of making any advantage there, unleſs it be ſome Bretons, who obtain Curacies in their Provinces, though with much trouble, and moſt times without other ſucceſs, than the carrying home with them proviſions, the ſeeds of everlaſting Law-ſuits: ſome Gaſcons are likewiſe there, though with as bad fortune as the others.

Inſomuch that there was no man that would accept of being Abbot and General of St. Lazarus, for fear of falling into ſome inconveniencies, by an action that might diſpleaſe the King: Cardinal Altieri made uſe of a Gaſcon Prieſt, who went by the Title of Abbot de la Colombiere, for filling of that place: having cauſed many fair offers of protection and ſupport to be made to him, if he did accept it; the good Churchman being but a Novice in the affairs of ſo quaint a Court as that of Rome, and who beſides had no Eſtate, ſued for the Abby, and obtained it againſt the advice of all the wiſe men of the Court, except the party of Altieri, who on the contrary, encouraged him, and puffed him up with fair hopes.

The Duke d'Eſtrees exaſperated againſt thoſe who ſerved as inſtruments to the enterpriſes of Altieri, could not refrain ſhewing his reſentments: he ſent for the Scrivener that drew up the Petition, and having ſeverely chid him, cauſed him to be put in priſon; La Colombiere met with no better uſage, he was forced to lay down his pretended Benefice. But Altieri remaining firm, and the Datary refuſing to admit of his demiſſion; he retired to the Popes Palace, where he ſtayed until his departure, ſubſiſting by ſome aſſiſtance that he had from the Apoſtolick Palace. Some days after that, Altieri by abſolute authority, cauſed the Scrivener to be relieved from priſon, and complained highly of the liberty the Ambaſſador had taken, as of an attempt againſt the authority of the Soveraign, and againſt one, upon whom he had no juriſdiction. Since that time La Colombiere, contrary to the counſel of his friends, returning into France, whether he had found that they were weary at the Palace of furniſhing him expences, or that he hoped to draw ſome Benefice from the Court, expoſed himſelf to the mortification of being ſhut up in the Baſtile, where he continues at preſent.

And thus was that little debate in the year 1672. carried on, wherein waving the reflexions that might be made on the conduct of the Ambaſſador, who had all reaſon in the world to be offended; the boldneſs of theſe two little inconſiderable perſons of the Nation, which made them tranſgreſs the duty and reſpect due unto ſuch a Miniſter, cannot but be blamed; a Spaniard or Italian would have been careful not to have done the like.

I thought it my duty to leave the whole matter to the conſideration of diſintereſſed perſons, that they may obſerve the manner of Altieri's carriage, who might have let that matter ſleep without any prejudice to the Holy See, and ſtaytill he ſhould be ſollicited from France; for the confirmation of the Kings deſign concerning the order of St, Lazarus, at which time he might have come off with more advantage, without increaſing the diſcontents of the Duke d' Eſtrees, yea, and of the King himſelf, who then beſtowed himſelf ſo uſefully for Religion, by the great exploits of his firſt Campagne in Holland.

This harſh proceeding was quickly followed by what happened, upon occaſion of the Marriage of the Lady Ceſarini, wherein the Ambaſſador concerned himſelf as much for baffling Cardinal Altieri, and croſſing his Intrigues, as for any other conſideration that he could have in that marriage, as has been mentioned before.

Much about the ſame time, the Duke d' Eſtrees diſcovered the puny commerce that was entertained between Altieri, and Bonviſi, the Nuncio at Cologne, whereof we have likewiſe ſpoken. And ſhortly after Altieri made appear his repugnancy, to the promotion of the Biſhop of Marſeilles, upon the nomination of the King of Poland.

All theſe thwartings of Cardinal Altieri with the French Ambaſſador, and his obſtinacy towards that Crown, appeared to many people ſo ſtrange, that they believed, and even gave it out, that the Nephew Regnant would not have proceeded to ſo many extremities, without the aſſiſtance of ſome one or other at Court, who backed him in his reſolutions againſt the Duke d' Eſtrees: they could not comprenend how the humour of Altieri, ſo averſe from engaging in any difficult matter, that he even avoided coming to an open rupture with the Colonna's, though the Popes Subjects, could reſolve to ſtand it out ſo long againſt the Miniſter of ſo powerful a Monarch, who makes the greateſt ſhew at Rome, they concluded that he muſt needs have ſome body about his Majeſty, with whom he entertained ſecret intelligence: and they have been curious enough, to confirm themſelves in their thoughts, as to make an exact ſearch of thoſe who might be ill-affected towards the Duke d' Eſtrees, and have drawn therefrom ſuch conſequences as they pleaſed.

But all theſe imaginations are vain chimera's. The moſt Chriſtian King is more faithfully ſerved by all, who have any hand in his affairs, than that any about his Majeſty can have the thoughts of exerciſing their private paſſion, to the prejudice of the affairs of ſuch a Maſter: and beſides the ſmall ſucceſs of other Negotiations, evinces that Cardinal Altieri complies as little with the Miniſters that are at the Court of France, as with thoſe that are at the Court of Rome, a ſure mark that he takes no great care to engage them.

It muſt be then concluded, that his conduct, in regard of France, is indeed ſomewhat ſtrange; and that the reaſon of it muſt needs proceed from an old habit, hereditary almoſt to the Court of Rome, where they have always promiſed themſelves anything from the facility of the French, in forgetting what is paſt, or from a generoſity that makes them think it below them to take exceptions at things which they meet with in a Court made up of Churchmen.

And ſo much in reſpect of France. As for Spain, if that Nation has no great cauſe to complain, ſo neither have they much to brag on, of Cardinal Altieri, it is apparent what he did, to excuſe himſelf from making Father Nitard Cardinal, with the Cardinal d' Eſtrees; and the vaſt penſions wherewith he chargeth the vacant Benefices in the Dominions of the Catholick King, ſufficiently prove, that his friendſhip is not without intereſt: it is nevertheleſs to be acknowledged, that he hath been always inclined to the houſe of Auſtria, witneſs his readineſs to engage in the matter of the election of the King of Poland, and his willingneſs to follow the motions of the Miniſters of Spain, who diſſwaded him from concerning himſelf in the cauſe of the Prince of Fuſtemberg, though named to the Cardinalſhip by his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty, and accepted by the Pope: In a word, he hath in all conjunctures ſhewed, at leaſt a fear of offending, if he had no deſire to oblige them.

Other Sovereigns have found him reſerved enough at firſt, when they preſented themſelves to him, or intended to engage him to declare himſelf in matters that were liable to controverſie; but when they preſſed him home, they obtained what they demanded; and ſo carried their pretenſions, without being obliged to him. In this manner he carried himſelf with the Venetians, about the diſpute of the Bank of the River Po; with the Great Duke, concerning the affair of the valley of Chiana; with the Genoeſe, in the matter of the Inquiſitor of Genoa; with the Duke of Savoy, touching the difficulty of the Nunciature of Monſieur Durazzi; and even with the Colonna's, though the Popes Subjects, about the marriage of the Lady Ceſarini.

All theſe Lords have made appear, that he has no ſtrength, but againſt thoſe who retreat at his firſt reſiſtance; and that he eaſily yields, when he finds himſelf in the leaſt put to it, though the honor of his Miniſtry be ſomewhat concerned in it, eſpecially when he engages himſelf in matters that he cannot maintain. So that, if the Court of France had thought fit to ſtand it out with him; when he undertook to recall the Nuncio Bargellini, contrary to their inclination, that Prelate being well beloved there, all that could have been deſired might have been obtained. If it had been thought convenient to have preſſed him, concerning the reſtitution of Caſtro, in favour of the Duke of Parma, the affair had been ended.

And if he hath condeſcended in all other occaſions, wherein his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty has been willing to teſtifie a real concern, ſo it would be no hard matter to have ſatisfaction from him in the preſent conjuncture of affairs.

He carried himſelf until the year 1674. in ſuch a manner, that if he neglected to make friends, yet he drew upon himſelf no open enemies; if he took no great care to content people; provided his private concerns went well, becauſe he had no other proſpect in a ſhort liv'd Pontificat; ſo thoſe that were diſcontented, forbore to ſhew their reſentments, upon the ſame conſideration, that matters could not go long ſo. Moreover, he entertained one party with fair promiſes, and ſupported the other with diſſimulation; the conjuncture being likewiſe favourable to him in a time of War and Rupture amongſt Chriſtian Princes, who avoided the occaſions of cutting themſelves out work at Rome, or elſewhere, having enough to do at home.

So that the Nephew Regnant might, according to the ſaying, godere il papato, enjoy the Papacy at his eaſe; if he had not given a general provocation to all to declare againſt him.

And this happened by an Edict which he cauſed to publiſh and poſt up, concerning the Cuſtoms and Duties of all Commodities, Proviſions, Victuals, or other things that are paid at their entry into the Towns of Italy.

Cardinals, forreign Miniſters and their Families or Domeſticks, are exempted from that duty of Entry, for the things they ſtand in need of, and are ſent them in from abroad: but ſome there are who extend that priviledge, farther than it ſhould reach, abuſing it; by managing ſome little underhand traffick, either by bringing in Goods under their names, or by giving Letters or Patents which are called of Familiaritie, by virtue whereof, they, who have them, enjoy the priviledge, as if they were the ſervants of ſuch an Ambaſſador, or ſuch a Cardinal.

The Farmers of the Cuſtoms have often complained of theſe abuſes, have demanded abatements of their Farm, and have repreſented the prejudice that ariſes to the Apoſtolick chamber, from the knavery practiſed by ſeveral Officers of Cardinals and Ambaſſadors in that matter. It hath been often conſidered, how that abuſe might be remedied: but no means could be as yet found out, which did not occaſion complaints, quarrels, and very many times violences againſt the Officers of the Cuſtom-houſe of Rome, who have been badly uſed, or threatened by the priviledged.

About the end of the year 1674. Cardinal Altieri perceiving that the year following, which was the Holy year; there would be great confluence of people at Rome, who would flock thither from all parts, to gain the univerſal Jubile; and that by conſequence, more Goods and Proviſions than commonly, would be brought thither; had a mind to make his advantage of the Cuſtoms, and conſiderably, to raiſe the Farm of them: the chief Farmer offered him a good ſum of Money, with a conſiderable parcel of Wine, which in Italy is called Paraguanto, if for that year he would revoke the priviledges and exemptions, granted to perſons of all quality and conditions. Preſently came abroad a very ample Edict, conform to the intention of the former, and was poſted up on the uſual places of the City, without acquainting thoſe that are concerned therein.

The whole Colledge of Cardinals, all the forreign Miniſters with their ſervants, who by the Edict were deprived of their priviledges, are ſurprized at ſuch an innovation: they make preſently great noiſe, enter into conferences, and unite together; Cardinal Altieri takes no notice of any thing, but lets them grumble and ſtir: he is told that Rome is in a general confuſion; is threatened with ſome dangerous revolution; and he makes anſwer, that the Pope is Maſter at home: Meſſengers are ſent to the Palace, to carry the grievances directly to his Holineſs, and under various pretexts, he hinders them from having Audience.

The Ambaſſadors of the Emperor, the moſt Chriſtian King, the Catholick King, and of the Republick of Venice, finding him ſo inſenſible of their firſt motions, agree to goe with their Retinues, in company together, to an extraordinary Audience of his Holineſs, without dependance on the Cardinal Nephew, and reſolve to be heard at what rate ſoever: they ſet out at the ſame time, go to the Pallace of Montecavallo, and there preſent themſelves; but, Altieri, who was there, being informed of their March, cauſes the Gates to be ſhut, and the Chains drawn croſs the Streets: he complains of that new way of coming to Audience, without acquainting either the Pope or himſelf; that it is a ſurpriſe, an aſſault, a kind of violence, and of moſt dangerous conſequence to the reſpect that is due to the Popes perſon, and the auguſt place that contains ſo ſacred a pledge.

The Ambaſſadours return full of indignation, have their meetings together, and conſult to attaque the Cardinal Nephew in the moſt ſenſible part of his Nepotiſme; they reſolve to take no more notice of him in the Affairs of their Miniſtery; to deprive him of the honour they do him, in communicating to him the reſult of their ordinary Audiences; and, in fine, to look upon him no other wayes but as another private Cardinal of the Colledge. With this Project they intend to acquaint their Maſters; and that it may not ſeem a thing affected to gratifie a private Paſſion, or to put a trick upon the Nephew, they all engage to ſigne the Copy of the Relation which they ſhould ſend to their ſeveral Maſters, with this formality, that the Relation which ſhould go to France ſhould be ſigned by Cardinal Langrave, the Emperors Ambaſſador, Cardinal Nitard the Spaniſh Ambaſſador, and the Ambaſſador of Venice; that that which was to be ſent to Spain, ſhould be ſigned by the Duke d'Eſtrees, and the others; and, in the ſame manner the reſt that ſhould be ſent to Germany and Venice. That was an expedient, to avoid the difficulty of Signing all the ſame Relation, which could not be done, becauſe the Ambaſſador of Spain would not have Signed under the French Ambaſſadour, who is in poſſeſſion of the firſt place.

Theſe things thus performed, and the Miniſters being approved by their Maſters, as to what they had reſolved: in the firſt Audience which they had at the Palace, they repreſented to the Pope, the cauſes which they had of diſcontent, the Actions of the Nephew in prejudice of their Priviledges; the abuſes to which he engaged the authority as well as goodneſs of his Holineſs: the Injury done to their Character, and the reſentment they were forced to teſtifie of it, without hurting their reſpect and duty towards the Holy See, which their Maſters knew well to diſtinguiſh from the bad Government of Cardinal Altieri: they declared to his Holineſs, that they pretended not to do violence to his inclination, and to the affection he had for Cardinal Altieri, but that they could do very well without depending on him, in the exerciſe of their miniſtery, whereof he had evidenced ſo ſmall eſteem, by all his proceedings, in what had already paſt.

The Pope laboured as much as in him lay to pacifie them; and to Juſtifie the Edict, he repreſented to them the great neceſſities of the Apoſtolick Chamber, engaged in more than Eight and forty Millions of Gold at his coming to the Pontificat; that the ſuſpenſion of the Priviledges and Exemptions, was onely for the Holy year, which engaged the Chamber ſtill to more extraordinary charges: and that moreover Cardinal Altieri and he, had ſhewen their Moderation, becauſe that under his Reign the Eccleſiaſtick State had not been charged with any new impoſition, a thing which has not happened under many Popes of theſe laſt Ages.

Theſe, and ſuch like Diſcourſes of the Pope, which tended onely to Juſtifie the Nephew, had not the effect which he could have wiſhed. The Audiences being ended, the Ambaſſadours returned home without going to the Apartment of the Nephew, as the cuſtom is; treated no more with him about any buſineſs; and took from him the name of Altieri, calling him onely Paluzzi in the Titles they gave him, when occaſion offered of ſpeaking to him.

This continued for ſome time, but the Nephew fearing the conſequences of an affair of that nature, and finding that it drew upon him the contempt of all the Roman Court, and even of the People, who, when they are diſcontented, many times imitate the more powerful, that they may ſhake off their obedience; that Potentates gave no more anſwers to his Letters, wherewith he accompanied the Briefs of his Holineſs; that, in fine, being no more reſpected of the great Men, he became the object of the Peoples deriſion, or the compaſſion of his Friends: he cauſed a Congregation to be eſtabliſhed of unſuſpected Cardinals, to conſider of the means of giving ſatisfaction to the Forreign Miniſters, with as much ſafety to his honour as poſſibly could be had.

I may ſay by the by, that they commonly refer to Congregations, affairs that they would have prolonged, and I never ſaw any thing determined by them: they are compoſed of Men that affect neutrality; but, who are however naturally more inclined to thoſe who have given them the Commiſſion: if any of them abſent themſelves, whole moneths paſs over before they meet again, and if death, or any accident carry any one of them off, time is required to agree upon another to be put into the place of him that is gone; in a word, the Papacy commonly expires before they conclude any thing, let the matter of their Deputation be never ſo eaſie.

The Congregation that Altieri appointed for the ſatisfaction of the Ambaſſadors, propoſed ſeveral expedients, to which they agreed not; when the revocation of the Edict was propoſed, they ſaid, that that would be reckoned no ſatisfaction to them, ſeeing the Pope was obliged to do ſo in Juſtice, and that though he would not revoke it, yet there were but few Officers of the Cuſtoms that durſt yenture to put it in execution againſt the Miniſters.

In effect, whether the Cuſtomers had orders from the Palace, to deſiſt from executing it, or that they feared ſome harſh uſage, they altered nothing in the matter of exemptions: And, one day, ſome Packs and Boxes being ſent to Cardinal Sforza, and the Carriers being gone to diſcharge and put them into the Cuſtom-houſe; his Eminence was offended that they were not ſent ſoon enough home to him; he himſelf went to the Cuſtom-houſe, and cauſed them to be carried away, threatning the Popes Officers, without any notice taken thereof in the Palace.

Whilſt the Congregation was buſie in managing ſome accommodation; the Ambaſſadours contrived among themſelves wayes to highten more and more their pretenſions, and vex the Nephew; they not onely forbore treating with him, but alſo if they met him in the Town, they cauſed not their Coaches to ſtop, as the cuſtom is, but went on without compliment or ceremony. So that Cardinal Altieri being one day gone abroad to make ſome viſit, and perceiving the French Ambaſſadors Coach coming at a diſtance, he cauſed the Toſſels to be quickly taken off his Horſes, that he might paſs incognito, and ſo avoid the ſhame of ſeeing the Ambaſſador paſs by without receiving the uſual civility.

That which ſurpriſed him moſt, was, the ſtedfaſtneſs of all the Miniſters linked together to croſs him, in a time when the Princes their Maſters were ſo hot in action againſt one another; he could not comprehend how the Ambaſſadors of the Emperor and Spain continued ſo addicted to ſecond the French Miniſter, who was the moſt incenſed of all, and who drave the matter fartheſt.

He let the debate reſt ſome time, to ſee if they would give over, but perceiving that he gained nothing by that courſe, he endeavoured underhand to draw off from the party the Cardinals of Heſſe and Nitard; they deſired time to communicate the propoſitions that were made them, to Madrid and Vienna, that they might thereupon have the opinions of their Princes, who had concerned themſelves in the difference. Nevertheleſs the matter coming into negotiation on each ſide, they yielded all of a ſudden, and condeſcended to the accommodation which they had diſputed, and wherein they found no other advantage, at leaſt that hath been apparent, but a weak proteſtation of Cardinal Nitard, that it was never in his thoughts to offend them, and that he was diſpleaſed at what had paſſed, which he did in a viſit that was rendered him by the Ambaſſadors of the Emperor and Spain, where they owned him for the Popes Nephew, and in that quality treated with him.

They proceeded not in that, without imparting their reſolution to the Ambaſſadors of France and Venice, and it was no difficult matter for them to draw the latter into their party, who might very lawfully reſt contented with the ſatisfaction that pleaſed the other two: But, the Duke d'Eſtrees let them take their courſe, and told them that his Maſter had other pretenſions and motives not to be content with the conduct of Altieri; that though the ſatisfaction which they accepted were ſufficient to repare what had happened upon the account of the • dict (which nevertheleſs he could hardly be perſwaded of) yet he would not admit of it, unleſs he had the other ſatisfactions which the King pretended to be his due.

It is not known by what Maxim of policy the Miniſters of Spain ſo ſuddenly remitted their pretenſions, ſeeing they have the eſteem not to let go their hold eaſily, and to be more firm and ſtedfaſt than the French, eſpecially in matter of reſentment and revenge; the Politicks of that change, after ſo publick and ſolemn declarations, cannot be obſerved. All that can be ſaid of it, is, that by ſo low a compliance they intended to make their Court, and leave the Duke d'Eſtrees in the lurch.

Some, without any ground, have been pleaſed to ſay, that Cardinal Altieri gained the Spaniards, by giving them hopes of aſſiſting them under-hand for the recovery of Meſſina, or that at leaſt they yielded eaſily to him, that by gaining the Pope in condeſcending to Altieri, they believed they might hamper the Duke d'Eſtrees, and put him in the wrong, giving out that the French Nation is never content, that they are troubleſome every where, and inſupportable in all places where they can have footing. This they put the Italians in head of; but they are not now adayes ſo apt to believe theſe ſuggeſtions; ſeeing it is a Proverb with them, that Sono morti tutti i mutti franceſi, e tutti i ſavy ſpagnuoli: That all the French Fooles are dead, and all the Wiſe Spaniards.

They have proofes of this by the reputation and wiſe conduct which the King has held at Rome for ſome time, wherein that Court has perceived that there is nothing now to be got of the French, by the Maxim heretofore obſerved, of tiring them out by length of time, and ſo prevailing on their natural impatience.

This hath made Cardinal Altieri yield, and to uſe the recommendations and interceſſions of Friends with his Majeſty, in the preſent affaires; from which, good ſucceſs may be expected, if the Pope live any time, and when he ſhall die, it will give a great ſtroak for the ſatisfaction of his Majeſty, in a Court which is wholly governed by example, and in the moſt important deliberations looks alwayes back to what hath been done in times paſt.

CHAP. VI. Of the Conduct of Cardinals, and Miniſters, and on what foot they ſtand in the Court of Rome.

IT was my deſire to have continued my reflexions on the Conduct of Cardinal Altieri; but juſt, as I was thinking to trace his proceedings, the death of Clement the X. which gives another face to the whole Court of Rome, hath likewiſe put that Cardinal and his affairs in a different poſture from what they were before: ſo that the firſt deſigne which related to matters that are not of this time, would be uſeleſs, and could not now be performed.

That obliges me to turn mine eyes on that, which, in my opinion, is moſt remarkable at all times in the Court of Rome, and eſpecially during the vacancy of the See. This will be a diverſion full of Inſtruction for thoſe, who either have not ſeen that Court, or who have ſpent ſome time there, without reflecting on what occurs in it, as it is the caſe of many men.

That Court, as we have ſaid, is compoſed of Cardinals and Miniſters.

The Cardinals may be divided into a certain number of Parties, which have their ſeveral Heads.

The Miniſters are divided into Domeſtick, and Forreign.