HAving by the Weekly occurrences of your pro­ceedings, not onely taken notice of the weigh­ty matters which you have of late chosen to be the subject of your Debates, such as never any Councell in this Kingdome are known to have taken into their cognizance, or consideration; but withall, discern'd the cheerfull and hospitable reception of one meane Persons advice, which pretended to have received some counsell from God to communicate to you: And having also as sincere a desire and zeale to your good, (testified by my daily prayers to God, that he will incline your hearts to thoughts of true Christian meeknesse and charity) and consequently, as deep an interest in the due management of your Affaires, as a­ny others; and as great an assurance, that what I shall say to you, proceeds from a peaceable, and an humble spirit; and which tends more immediately to your welfare, and honour, both before God and man, than any thing which is knowne of late to have been represented to you: And lastly, having among you some of the neerest of my bloud, whose eternall weale must needs be very deare and pretious to me; I am in the feare of God, and the prosecution and discharge of my duty and conscience, desirous to make this short addresse to you, to desire you, in the name, and in the bowels of Jesus Christ, and by all the obligations of Christian duty and Charity, to review some of the principles by which you seem to be acted, and whereon to ground the high en­terprises which you have now in hand.

[Page 2] And 1. whereas you seem to believe, that God by his Spirit hath put it into your hearts to do what hitherto you have done, and what now you professe to deliberate to doe further against His Majesty, and all others, who are now fallen into your hands; I beseech you to consider in the presence of that God, to whose directions and Spirit you pretend, what safe ground you have for so doing. For, I shall suppose that the plaine words of Scrip­ture are not that voice of the Spirit which is your onely guide in this matter: or if it be, I desire that Charity from you for my selfe and others, that you will point us out those Scriptures: and I must professe to believe you bound in duty to God, and man, and to your selves, to satisfie this desire, to produce that voice of the Spirit in the received Scriptures of God, which may say that to other Christians also which it appeares to doe to you. But if Gods Spirit be by you conceived to have spoken to you any o­ther way than in, or by some part of the written Word; then my second request is, that you will declare to others the ground of this your perswasion, that you have received any such Revela­tion from God; that so that pretended Spirit may according to the rules prescribed by God in his acknowledged Word be tried and examined regularly, whether it be of God, or no? before the subject-matter of such Revelation be believed infallible, or ac­cordingly built upon by you as your warrant or principle of a­cting any thing. For, there are evill Spirits that come into the world, and which many times are by God permitted to seduce men, and that they may doe so the better, they constantly pre­tend to come from God, and assume divine Authority to recom­mend and authorize their delusions; (a thing so ordinary in all Ages, that the Poet that would expresse the Imbroyling of a Kingdome, thinks he cannot doe it better then by bringing in Alecto, a Fury, with a Message from Heaven, to avenge such or such an injury.) And of these our Saviour forewarns us, and tells us, that we shall know them by their fruits; and so directs us to judge of the truth of their pretensions by the goodnesse and commendablenesse, at least, justifiablenesse of their actions, and not to judge of their actions by their pretences. And besides these evill spirits from without, there is also an evill spirit within, a great deale of disguised wickednesse in the heart of man, which when [Page 3] it remaines unmortified in those who believe themselves to be Gods chosen Saints, and taught by him, is very apt to be mistaken for an inclination of Gods Spirit, and a flame of zeale, when it is really the most contrary to it: and because there is so much dan­ger, that what is not fetcht from the acknowledged Word of God, may thus flow from one of these contrary principles: my next request is, that it be considered, whether when an Angel from Heaven, in case he should teach any other Doctrine, than what had been by Saint Paul preached to his Galathians, were-to be ana­thematized, and when the judgments are so fearfull, which are pronounced against them which shall adde to the Words of that Prophesie, which we now reteine under the title of the Apocalyps or Revelation (which being the last Writing which is knowne to be dictated by the Spirit, may very probably conteine a severe denuntiation against all those, who pretend to any Revelation or Prophesie after that, concerning the Christian Church) whether I say it be not a matter of fear and just apprehension, to all those, who shall affix or impose upon the Spirit of God (or pretend to be revealed to them from that) any matter of Doctrine or Pra­ctice, which acknowledges not the Spirit of God speaking in the Scripture for its onely warrant or foundation. Or lastly, if from the Scriptures you conceive it may be proved, that any part of the Ʋnction mentioned there so farre belongs to you, that it shall surely lead you into all truth: then first, I beseech you to consider, whether you doe not oblige your selves by the same, or some o­ther Scripture to prove to others (and not onely your selves to be perswaded) that you are those speciall Saints of God, to whom that priviledge peculiarly belongs, and as clearly to de­monstrate that all others who conceive that that Unction teaches them directly the contrary to that which you professe to be taught by it, are impious Persons possest with that deluding Spi­rit, which I now desire you to beware of. And secondly, to exa­mine whether this differencing of your selves from others, this bearing witnesse to your selves, and judging others (beside that it will looke like an act of most Pharisaicall presumption, and the very thing, which from Simon Magus downward, hath been ob­served in all Hereticks, calling themselves the Spirituall, and all others Animal, carnall Men) will not be also a great injustice at [Page 4] this time toward them who pretend not to learne any thing from this Unction, but what they receive from the Doctrine of the Gospel, in those Books, which have in effect, and in the last result, the testimony of God from Heaven, that they are his true infallible Word, and dictate of his Spirit; and which desire to make no other use of this to their owne advantage, but onely topreserve them in a quiet possession of what by Law belongs to them, and a capacity of making good their Allegiance to Him, to whom they have often by Law been required to sweare it.

A second principle which I must desire you to review, is that, upon which you conclude that God hath borne testimony to your Cause by the many Victories which he hath given you: this concluding of yours, first, proceeds upon a premise directly false in matter of fact. For, you say that the King by taking up Armes made His appeale to Heaven, which 'tis most certain that He never did, (but onely used a strength which God put in his hands to repell them, whom He look'd on as His Subjects declining their duty to Him, and invading the setled Lawes, and never referred the right of the Cause to be judged by the successe of His Armes) nor indeed could rationally have occasion to doe so, any more than any one of you would make such appeale, when a violent Person should invade, what you conceive to be your undoubted right; nor could He religiously, or Christianly have done this, when those Lawes that allow'd of such appeales by Ordeale, or Duell, and the like, have been justly censured as unchristian and barbarous. Nay secondly, this concluding of yours will by the same reason infer that Christianity is not, and that Mahumetisme is the true Religion, because when the Turkes asserted one, and the Greek Church the other, and that difference begat a Warre betwixt them, 'tis cleare that the Turkes were successfull, and the Greeke Church was most sadly wasted and subdued by them, and so remaineth to this houre in that unreturn'd Captivity. Which will therefore be a fit opportunity to make you revert to the try­ing of that Spirit (which inclines you thus to argue) by this touch­stone. 1. By considering and examining whether in the written Word any thing be more frequent and visible than the sufferings of Gods people, the shedding the bloud of the Saints, the fastning all kind of cont [...]ties on such, particularly that reproach of [you [Page 5] bloudy man] upon David, who was a King after Gods heart, the sending or permitting an Host against the daily sacrifice to cast down the truth to the ground, and to practice and prosper. 2. Whether it were not Rabshekeh's Argument against the Peoples adhering to their lawfull King Hezekiah, that his Masters Armes had been invincible. 3. Whether that saddest fate of Nebuchadnezzar, who for conquering of Gods people, and others, was by God stiled his Hammer, and Battleaxe of the whole earth, may not be expected the finall lot of others also; first, to destroy men, and then to be cast out into the field, to inhabit among Beasts. 4. Whether it were not a crime complained of by the people of God, in those, which, when God was a little displeased, did as Adversaries, help forward their affliction. And 5. whether the Psalmist lay not the like ill character on all, who persecute those whom God hath smitten, and talke how they may vex them whom God hath wounded? By all which it is most evident, (without any necessity of defining or demonstrating any thing of the justice of the Cause) that most commonly the prosperity of Armes hath not been the lot of the most righteous, but that either the chastise­ment of the Sword is thought fit to be their discipline, or the comforts of peace (and not the triumphs of warre) their blessing in this life.

The third principle is, your perswasion that the community of the People is the Supreme power, and that the KING is inferiour to them, and to them accountable for His breach of Trust, of which you now affirme Him guilty. In this procedure of yours, there be many things worthy of your serious pondering: As whether 1. by Scripture: or 2. by Reason: or 3. by Story of times it can be concluded, that the Supreme Power was ever by God put into the hands of the community of the People. For the first way of concluding it, (the testimony of Scripture) I cannot but take no­tice of one place, which hath been produced to that purpose, 1 Pet. 2. 13. Be subject to every humane Ordinance, or Creature, or Creation, &c. This place I have some reason to believe to carry some weight with you, because it was 6 years since for the justi­fying the Cause against the King's party, produced by a Person of great dexterity, That very Person, who hath now undertaken to justifie your late proceedings so farre as not onely to clear them [Page 6] from all blame, but also to pretend to demonstrate the honour and worth of them, and to lift them up to an high pitch, not onely, 1. of a blessed victory (the highest that Christians are appointed to aspire to) of overcomming evill by doing good: but 2. of calling to mens minds the unparellable example of the Lord Jesus Christ, who went downe into the Chambers of death, from thence to bring up with him a lost world: and 3. of being a lineament of the face of Divine goodnesse, in the doing good to so many, as well Enemies, as Friends: and 4. deserving that place at the table of honour, which the Roman Orator saith, all Nations bestowed on the Assertors of their Countries liberties, even next to the immortall Gods themselves: and 5. of imi­tating the method of the warfare of Heaven, and seeking to reconcile a Nation to themselves by not imputing their unthankefulnesse. The largnesse and exorbitancy of these expressions I was my selfe so amaz'd at, that I cannot but mention them to you (by the way) as matters of horrour, which like the Peoples acclamation to Herod, or the Lycaonians to Paul and Barnabas, if they beget not in you a just indignation with the latter, may very probably bring the just fate of the former upon you, to be eaten up with Wormes, (after you have been thus deified) now, that you have no other visible Enemy but your selves, and such Flatterers, (that I say no worse) to appeare against you, having craved your pardon for this not unseasonable excursion, I return now to the view of that Scripture, produced from Saint Peter, to prove Kings to be a creation or creature of men, and so their power to be derived from the People. To which I Answer, 1. that there is a signall character in that very Text, that keeps it from concluding the supreme power to be originally in the People, not only by calling the King in the end of that Verse, Supreme; such as in Saint Pauls divinity, Rom. 13. are affirmed to be ordained of God, and so no humane Ordinance, but also by distinguishing the Governours, v. 14. from the King or Supreme, v. 13. by this that the Governours are sent by (i. e. have Commission from) the King, which might in like manner be also affirmed of the King, that He were sent by the People, if He were the Creature, or creation of them, but is not so much as intimated by that Apostle; but on the contrary, supremacy affixt to Him, and subjection commanded to be paid Him (not for the Peoples, but for the Lords sake) as subordina­tion [Page 7] to, and mission from the King, is affirm'd of all other Ma­gistrates. But then 2. to take away all colour of plea for popu­lacy from this Text, it is to be observed what is the meaning of the Greek word in the New Testament, which is there rendred [...] ordinance, or creature, or creation. That word when it is set in its largnesse without any restraint, signifies generally all mankind, Gentiles, as well as Jewes. Thus [the creation] and [the world] are all one, and [all the creation] (or every creature) Mar. 16. 15. the same with [the whole world] in the beginning of that Verse, and [all Nations] in the parallel places of Saint Matthew and Saint Luke. And thus Rom. 8. 19. [the expectation of the creature, or creation] is the hope which the heathen world had, that at the revelation of the gracious priviledges of the Messias, they (i. e. the Gentiles) also should be freed from the slavery of corruption (their villainous heathen sinnes) unto the liberty, &c. that true liberty not from obedience to Superiours, but from slavery to lusts and passions, which Christ came to bestow upon us; And so when v. 22. 'tis added, that the whole creation groanes, &c. the cleare meaning is, that the Gentiles as well as Jewes did thus, as might be evidenced at large. Agreeable to this notion of the whole crea­tion, or every creature, is this same phrase (with the addition of humane, to take off all restraint, and to extend it as far as all man­kind) to be understood, and so the meaning of the precept of Saint Peter to his Jew Christians is clearly this and no more, that they must be obedient not onely to Christian Magistrates, but to Gentiles, Heathen also, (such as they should fall under in all their dispersions) i. e. to all whatsoever they were, and that for the Lords sake who constituted those Heathens also, as Saint Paul saith. If to this it shall be objected, that by this way of interpreting, the precept will be extended so, as to subject us to all Heathens, and not onely to Magistrates: I answer, that this, which is the onely objection against this interpretation, is of little force, and is an­swered, 1. by observing the word [be subject] which relating to Magistrates will require our obedience to none, but those, as v. 17. when he commands to honour all, it must be understood, all to whom honour belongs; Superiours, not Inferiours: or as, when ch. 5. 5. he commands them to be subject to one another, it must not be understood, that the Superiour must be subject to the [Page 8] Inferiour, as the Inferiour to the Superiour, but as the nature of the duty inforces to interpret, the Inferiour to be subject to the Superiour onely: and 2. by the' Apostles expresse enumeration of those to whom this obedience must be paid in the end of the Verse, to the King as Supreme; and then, v. 14. to Governours, as inferiour Magistrates sent by Him. That this is the full impor­tance of that place, may (if there be any need) farther appeare by the occasion of the Apostles discourse, which was the confu­ting of the vile sect of Christians then calling themselves Gno­sticks, (as a title of great perfection of knowledge in the Mysteries of Heaven) who taught the doctrine of liberty and manumission to Christian Subjects or Servants, from heathen (yea and Chri­stian) Masters, and Kings; To which false doctrine of theirs this Exhortation thus interpreted is directly contrary (and cannot otherwise be pertinent to it) and very coherent to that Admo­nition in the 12 ver. immediately preceding, of having their con­versation good among the Gentiles, that they might not speake ill of them as evill Doers; which they would be justly apt to doe, in case they should withdraw their obedience to their lawfull Princes, as soone as they were become Christians; which, by the way, laies a very ill character upon those, who by pretence of Christi­anity, or piety, seeke, or claime to themselves any other liberty, than what by the Lawes under which they are borne, doth con­festly belong unto them.

Having thus farre enlarged to cleare that testimony of Scrip­ture, and not knowing of any other which is thought favourable to your pretension, I shall, in stead of retorting the multitude of plaine places directly opposite, which will abundantly take away all force from this: proceed next to the second plea, that of Reason. And there I shall desire you to confider, 1. Whether if Adam had never fallen, and his posterity remained in the same innocence, they would not yet have been capable of positive pre­cepts in order to civill life; and consequently, whether in reason some one or more men should not have had superiority over all others, Parents over Children, and the like; and to this purpose, whether the divers Orders, and subordination of the Angels, that never fell, be not an evidence that even in state of innocence, God designed superiority, not equality. But then 2. The passions of [Page 9] men being through sin grown irregular, and so needing Rules and Lawes, and Rulers and Law-makers, it was both reasonable, that God should, and is most certaine that he did designe and appoint Government (as appears by what is said by God to the first Wo­man, and second Man, to Eve, Gen. 3. 16. and to Cain, Gen. 4. 7.) and so gave not all men that freedome which is the supposed foundation of that doctrine, which places supreme power in the People. And of any rationall person that yet thinks he did give this freedome to all mankind; I should but aske this one que­stion, Whether ever any man were by God or nature invested with power of his owne life; I meane, with power to take away his owne life, or to kill himselfe? In every thing else man may be believed to have a power over himselfe, over his body, to cut or lance it, when that is for his turne, and particularly over that freedome which naturally belongs to him; whatever the degree of that be, a man may by act of his owne will, part with it irre­versibly. Thus might the Jew under Gods owne government, give himself up wholly into the power of his Master, and by ha­ving his eare bored thorough, become from a Free-man, a Slave for ever, and generally thorow the whole world the course hath been the same, that he which is most free hath power over his owne liberty so to divest himself of it, as that it shall never re­vert to him againe; and our Savionr that is thought to have brought liberty into the world, doth yet, by the quality of most of his precepts, given to Christians by himselfe and his Apostles, marke out this condition of subjection to them, as that under which they were generally to live, and from which the Christian profession should be so farre from freeing them, that the strict practice of obedience to heathen Rulers or Masters, is oft prescri­bed as a speciall meanes to advance Christs maine end, to mag­nifie and promote the Gospel. But for power over a mans owne life no man can be believed to be borne with it, for if he were, he might then as lawfully kill himselfe (and if he might doe it law­fully, there are many cases which might make it prudent for him to do it at some times) as pul out an aking tooth, or dispose of his liberty or estate out of his owne possession; a thing which no Christian hath ever thought lawfull, but made this felonia de se, this self-murther, or felony against ones selfe, a crime, as contrary [Page 10] to the sixt Commandement, as the killing of any other man. Ha­ving proceeded thus farre, I shall now take that for granted, which, that I know of, is denied by none, I am sure, which is not denied in the publisht scheme of the designed Representative, viz. that the supreme power includes the power of life, (I meane not such an arbitrary power of killing whom they please without sinne, but a power of putting capitall Malefactors to death, and so a power over every (call it Subjects or Free-mans) life in case of capitall crime) And the granting of this (as 'tis too visible that it is by you a granted truth) being added to the former, doth to me irrefragably conclude, that the supreme power neither is, nor can be in the community of the People, or in their Representative, by force meerly of their originall or naturall liberty; The inference is cleare, because the power of life which is part of the Supremacy, is not part of that naturall liberty, and therefore is neither inhe­rent naturally in that community of men, (which is but, in other words, so many particular men together, indow'd with that power (and no more) which every man hath singly over himself) nor consequently by them communicable to any Representative. And by this also it appeares, that supreme Magistracy, whereso­ever 'tis truly placed, is the ordinance, and creation of God, (who alone hath power of all mens lives) and not of man, who hath no power of his owne, much lesse of any others life, any farther then he is a Representative, or Proxy, or Deputy of God, who hath that Power, not of the People, who have it not. For it is possible I may put you in mind of an evident truth, which perhaps you have not taken notice of; That, as the originall of Government in any particu­lar place cannot be imagined to be by any more than two waies, Either Gods designment, or the Peoples act; so in either of those two cases 'tis God onely, and not the People, that gives the power of the Sword, or power of Life to the Governour; when God him­selfe sets a King over men, 'tis so cleare that be thus impowers that King, that that need not be proved; and when the commu­nity of a People (suppose in the Originall, ten men in the freedome of nature) chuse one of themselves, or more to rule over them; 'tis cleare, they doe not invest him with more power than them­selves had; & that he that was thus chosen by them, hath the power of life over any of them (which they single, or all together in the [Page 11] community had not) must needs come from some other, and not from them; and if you will know from whom it comes, I an­swer, that it comes from Gods appointment (for the oeconomy of the world) that the supreme Magistrate shall as his Deputy have this power from God communicated to him, as an endowment ne­cessary to that power which is design'd to protect, and governe o­thers. And in case it were the act of the People, and not of God immediately, that designes or nominates the Person to that Of­fice, yet doth not this nomination bestow this power, but God who alone hath that power, bestowes it on him who is thus nomina­ted. In this case all that the People bestow, or part with by their act is their owne liberty, or that part of it of which they volunta­rily divest themselves, that they may by obedience empower him, whom they have set over them; & that they may reasonably part with for that greater benefit of protection from him, which, while he is obeyed by all, he may by their united obedience to his com­mands be able to afford them, and could not probably without it; now this giving up their liberties to one, or more, makes that man, or men a Ruler over them; and being a Ruler, to him be­longs (derived from God, not from them) that power of life, and death, which Gods forementioned decree hath enstated on the supreme power, or Ruler; who is therefore in that relation (of Avenger for wrath, or punishment) stiled by the Apostle, the Minister of God, Rom. 13. and not of the People. By this it ap­peares that (for the originall of power) the utmost that comes from the People, is that of which they have the power, till by some act of Gods, or their owne, they have parted with it, the liberty or power of their Persons (or in some sort and degree, as they shall part with it, of their bodies, or possessions in like manner) but not of their lives; For that other is of an higher origination; and therefore, supposing the power they had parted with, should, upon any emergent, revert to them againe, yet the power of life and death, or of the Sword can never revert, because it never pro­ceeded from them, but as the soule that came from God doth at the falling of the body back to its elements, or earth, from which it was first taken, returne to the hands of God that gave it, so the power of life, the prerogative first, and then the gift or investitute of God, must at the dlssolution of any Government, and the sup­posed [Page 12] posed reverting to its principles againe, returne to its proper fountaine, to God, and none but him. And to imagine it to di­volve to the community of the people, is the same unreasonable, as to conceive the immortall soule, that one beame of divinity (as this power of life and death is another) to accompany the car­casse to the grave also. I have insisted the longer on this to make the mistake the more palpable, and the more impossible not to be discerned by you; and if I could foresee any colour of reason, that could possibly pretend against this evidence, I should yet enlarge yours, and my owne trouble, to discover it; but being, I professe, unable to mention any thing, which the grounds, which are already laid, have not prevented: I shall now proceed to the third and last way of examining this truth.

By the history of times, and there I shall be forced to retract, at least to suspend the acknowledging of that, which, that I might examine it by reason, I was willing to suppose, but not grant, and shall now demand,

1. Whether by any authentick story it appeares, that there e­ver were any Nation or People in the world, who can be pre­sumed or proved to have had this supreme power vested in the whole community originally, or from their first comming toge­ther? or if so, whether Gods judgment so visibly interposed, and the example of his instituting of Judges, and of Kings, (neither of them accountable to the People) be not to be preferred before all such presidents?

2. If 'twere granted, that in some one, or more places the power hath been originally in the People, yet it will never appeare by the originalls of all, or of this Kingdome, that in all or in this it was so; or if men will still opiniate, and affirme against the e­vidence of the Lawes, and constitution of this Kingdome, and a­gainst those Oaths which have for so many yeares acknowledged the seat of the Supremacy in the King, and not in the People; yet that, which is so false in matter of fact, being taken for truth also, there will againe be matter of inquiry, in point of reason, which will deserve your farthermost serious pondering:

1. Whether, after that the People have upon deliberation, and from choice intrusted some one or more Persons (in any certaine course of succession by Law designed) to rule over them, and after [Page 13] the Law hath declared the person of that Supream Magistrate not to be accountable, but his Ministers only, (which may be a pru­dence of State, more advantagious to a peoples peace, then pos­sibly is well understood) whether, I say, in this case any number of men whatsoever, can, upon any pretence, re-call that Trust, and void that Law, by which that KING, and His Heires for ever, were constituted the Ruler of them? or if they might, whe­ther this were not most contrary to the end of all Government, quiet, and peace, and probably the parent of all confusion in the world, which is much worse than the hardest subjection?

Nay 2. if it should be ganted still, that the community of people have power to recall, or void that trust, yet 'twill be matter of more than doubt againe, whether at this time in this Kingdome there be any way for the whole community to act, or whether it can by any man be reasonably believed, that what is now done, is acted by the community of the People?

For if (to that purpose) it be conceived, that the House of Commons is (or that the two Houses together are) the Represen­tative of all the People; Then first, it is to be considered that there is a great number of men in this Kingdome, that are not re­presented by these, and who never put (nor can by any interpre­tation be thought to have put) into their hands that Power, which is supposed to be in every free Commoner in this Kingdome. 2. That you your selves have exprest your opinion, that this, which now is, is an unequall Representative, and have on that consideration thought your selves obliged to propound another Forme. 3. 'Tis sure, that (whatever possibly might have been) yet they, that have ever till this time chosen Knights or Burgesses to the Parliament, did never actually put into their hands, as in­to their Representatives, all that power, which (in this case of the Peoples being the Supreme Power) is naturally supposed to be vested in them, but only a power of doing those things, for which the Writ (sent out under the Broad Seal) did command them to be returned, i. e. to consult with the King of the difficult affaires of the Kingdome, not to settle any part of it without, or against Him. And 4. 'Tis clear, that in such an acknowledged conjuncture of time as this is, a small (farre lesse) part of those that were returned by the Countries, cannot be said to be that entire com­pany, [Page 14] or body, by which the whole community is represented; Or if it be said, that the godly People of the Land, who by Petitions to the Generall, the Lord Fairfax have exprest their desires, that Justice be executed upon those, whom they call Delinquents, are to be reputed as the community of the People: then first, it will be clear, that those that have so Petitioned (beside, that they are most of the body of the Army) are not the thousandth part of the people of this Kingdome, and therefore cannot by any rule of Judgement or Estimation be reputed as the whole Community; and if this president might be admitted, that a few persons, under the title of the Godly, may pretend to the right of the whole, tis very well worth foreseeing, how dangerous such examples may prove to the peace of Posterity. 2. All the evidence of their godlinesse that we can perceive, is only their desiring liberty for themselves and others, and therefore Justice on those who stand in their way to that liberty; and I conceive it demonstrable that a quiet submission and obedience, and a desire not to cast off their duty, but still to continue under it, rather then to be their own carvers, or contrivers of liberty, is a farre surer signe of true god­linesse. And thirdly, there hath yet been no fair indifferent meanes used to know whether there be not farre greater numbers of such godly meek men, who would rather desire that the KING should be restored to His Government, then that any course should be taken by any, without, or against the KING. And the plain truth is, that if you will go on in the course you are in, and yet desire freely to appear, and be accounted the Conservers, and not Conquerours of the liberty of your Country-men, if you will not impose upon the people, as you say Kings have done; No­thing can be more sutable to those pretences, then to declare most publickly, that it shall be free for every man to subscribe, whe­ther he doth desire this totall change by you tendred in the draught of your Representative, or the continuance of the present established Government, (with an assurance of your submission thereunto.) 4. 'Tis (upon supposition that all power is originally in the People) most undeniable and clear, that nothing but the consent of each person (at least of a major part of the whole being convoked together) can divest any one, or more men of that their supposed Originall right; and consequently, that other mens [Page 15] saying that they are not Godly, and that themselves are so, can never exclude them from their Birthright; By which it will in­fallibly be concluded, that all those that have adhered to the KING all this time, or that favour'd the Votes of the two Houses, which resolved the KING's late Concessions at Newport to be a fit ground of peace (whatsoever censure or brand is by you set upon them) are as much to be considered to the making up the community of the People, as any others. And if so, Let it then be considered by all equall minded men, what a violation it is of those Rights, which you pretend to vindicate, what an invasion of the naturall freedome of your Brethren (by you acknowledged, the inheritance of each man) to force them against their wills, with their very great incommodation and detriment, to revert to that liberty, which is by you supposed to belong to all naturally, but without which we of this Nation have happily lived, under the farre greater advantages of Regall government. And yet so con­trary to this principle have you now proceeded, that when you have thus throwne us back into our first chaos againe, onely that you may reduce our liberty, you then immediately by your Re­presentative so bind us up, that we are not permitted, upon what­soever emergency, to cast our selves into any new forme, although the exchange should appeare never so advantageous, and gainfull to us; which besides that, it is an evidence of your inward feare, that the change now designed will be soone repented of againe, is certainly so farre from being an enlarging, that it is the retren­ching of our liberty, and denying us that freedome, of which the most barbarous and the most civilized People have been equally partakers, when subjection seemed better for their turnes. As beside the examples of the Servants in Exodus, which are there supposed sometimes to preferre their servitude to their Masters before the priviledge of the Sabbaticke yeare, we find practised by the Campanians, who voluntarily cast themselves at the feet, and surrendred themselves into the power of the Romans, to purchase thereby that right of being protected by them; & by many Barba­rians in Appia,, who sent Embassadours to Rome on purpose to pe­tition the favor of being receivd into the number of their subjects.

I have insisted the longer upon this, in obedience to your owne invitation; which was also a great motive and encouragement to [Page 18] make this whole addresse to you, and gives me assurance of your kind reception of it.

The last principle to be review'd is this, That there having been much bloud spilt in this Kingdome in the late Warres, there must now be some sacrifice offer'd to God (i. e. some more bloud shed) for the expiation of that sinne of bloudguiltinesse, before God can be pacified, or reconciled to the Land. On which particu­lar, it will first be worth your serious enquiry, how it should ap­peare that that great issue of bloud, let out in the late Warres (which hath with great reason been lookt on, as the sharpest of Gods plagues, and the saddest part of punishment of the former sinnes of this Nation) is now the maine, and onely sinne of the Land, with which God is not reconciled: Or 2. if it were suppo­sed to be so, yet how it can be thought that a generall Reforma­tion of that sinne, an humiliation before God for it, through the whole Land, and a resolution never to spill one drop more, were not a more Christian probable meanes to pacifie God, than the proceeding in cold bloud to the effusion of more: The bloud of men being never thought a fit sacrifice for any, but the evill Spi­rit; and peaceable-mindednesse, and charity, and the contrite heart being the speciall, if not onely sacrifices, which we find mention'd in the Gospel. Or 3. how it can appeare that if God require any such sacrifice, you, or any but those whom the knowne Lawes of the Land have placed in a Tribunall (and that legally erected for such cognizances) have any right to put your selves into the office of Gentile Priests, as the onely Persons appointed to slay that sa­crifice. Nay 4. it will be worth your observing, that Christ dis­claimed the office of a Judge, and thereby rendred very unfit for any of you to put your selves unto that office by vertue of no o­ther title, but that of being his Disciples. And lastly, it is worth your saddest thought, Whether by your present Councell, and the necessity by you supposed of changing the former Government, it doe not now appeare, that the defence of the established Lawes was on the KING's part the occasion of His taking Armes, and on Your parts, the designe of altering those Lawes, and intro­ducing others more sutable to your inclinations. And if now by a civill or martiall course, in an arbitrary way of triall, contrary to the Lawes established, it should be by you thought fit to pro­ceed [Page 19] to bloud against those whom engagements have been for the defence of those establisht Lawes: Let it be consider'd, how im­politick this may be, and what matter of discouragement to all that shall be intrusted with the managery, or defence of future Go­vernment: Which single consideration will, I hope, abate much of your designed severity. But if God should permit you to go on undisturb'd to the shedding of more bloud, as the Jewes did from other lower acts to the crucifying their King: How possible were it, not onely that this should prove the provoking of God to de­liver you up for ever to your owne hearts lusts, but be to the whole Nation a filling up the measure of our iniquities, and the forerunner of all the calamities, that can befall a People.

Having mention'd the weaknesse, and falliblenesse of these few principles, I shall leave you to the farther consideration of the frailnesse, and danger of those superstructures, which shall be e­rected on any, or all of these. And if there were never a God in the world to avenge them, yet the experience now before your eyes, how easie it is for principles taken up for mens present ad­vantages to prove within a while most disadvantageous, and per­nicious to them (as the weapons of a disarmed man turn'd into his owne breast) may infuse into you that feare and temper, that cau­tion, and moderation, and timely wisdome, which the Authour of this Addresse may be otherwise too unskilful to impresse on you: Who yet, if he might any way be usefull to you, doth professe to be ready to contribute his utmost endeavour to your service, if it be but thereby to demonstrate to you, how just it is for him (and what a duty, and obligation of charity toward you) to intercede daily at the throne of grace, that God would mollifie your hearts toward the KING, and all His conscientious faithfull Subjects, or else interpose his hand, to rescue His Royall Person out of your power; believing confidently, that, if God have any remainders of mercy for this Kingdome, or the true Protestant profession in it, he will in his good time heare and answer this prayer of all true Englishmen, and among them of