THE greatest EMPIRES and Monarchs in the World, as well as Republicks have erected, and by their Authorities supported muni­cipal Cities, That is to say, they have either allowed, or given Au­thority by their Charters and Imperial Rescripts to great Towns, to choose their own Officers and Magistrates, and to govern themselves by their own Laws, so that their Laws were not contrary to the publick Laws of the Soveraign Authority.

They well knew by this means, that great Collective Bodies of their People would be go­verned more equally and virtuously, which would redound to the honour of the Monarch; for in that all powers have been continued by him with firm approbation and good liking or deri­ved from him: The wise and just administration [Page 2] of such powers and authorities, by this means bet­ter secured and provided for, would commend his Government and give him the hearts of his Peo­ple, and likewise make him a Prince of better and more virtuous Subjects.

For it is hardly possible, that Mankind should miscarry in their own hands. It is impossible, that there should be such a defection in the com­munities of men, from Wisdom and Virtue, that they should not acknowledge, honour and prefer them in whomsoever they are found and obser­ved, and choose such men into Office that are most conspicuous amongst them by such endowments, or at least such as have not disgraced themselves by their vices and folly.

If by a less heedful choice now and then by inadvertency or surprise a less worthy man is chosen into Office. They soon espy their mi­stake, and the mischiefs they suffer under such a Magistrate makes them more curious in their after-choice, and gives the succeeding Officer an ad­vantage of making himself more honourable by correcting the evils the negligence of a bad Magi­strate had occasioned.

They found by experience, that Governours appointed by the Court were ordinarily Op­pressers, sought not the Peoples good but their own gain and advantage: for that they had no dependance upon the people, but on the favour of the Court where no complaint could be heard against them. They received no trust from the People, nor were promoted by their [Page 3] esteem, they consequently were apt to behave themselves as if they owed them no duty, and lit­tle valued their opinion.

What can be expected in such Governours, but insolency and oppression, and an addictedness to serve their Court-Patron beyond what they owe to their Princes pleasure.

Law is neglected which is the publick will and pleasure of the Prince, and they govern themselves by the Secret whispers of the Courtier that pre­fers them.

Princes that were most absolute did take them­selves bound to govern by such measures, that were most expedient to procure the publique weal.

They therefore governed by Laws, and for the Honor of their high Authority they would not transgress them, they governed by Laws that were well advised Councels, from which they would not depart, and not by Extemporary re­solves. They knew that nothing did more con­duce to the happiness of the people, than to have the aptest men appointed to all Offices; they did not trust themselves, nor their Courtiers no­minations or recommendations to make Magi­strates in great Cities, but committed the choice of them to the people, and also gave Towns and Cities power and authority to make orders, and rules for the better governing of themselves agree­able to the publick Laws.

These powers constitute municipal Cities which have been always favoured by the best of Princes. [Page 4] The suppressing of Corporations and Communi­ties hath disgraced the Memory of bad Princes; so bad, that to name them would be a reproach to the best of Kings; it hath been practised by U­surpers and Conquerors, the better to subdue Countries to their pleasure. The Colledges & Socie­ties of Rome were a second time put down by Ju­lius Caesar, when he got to be perpetual Dictator, and was about to ravish the Roman liberty, but were by Augustus when he had assured the Go­vernment to himself by express Edict restored.

The Roman suppressed the free Cities in Ma­cedonia when they first Conquered it, & Mummius their Consul in Greece, when Conquered concilia omnia Achaiae Nationum & Phocensium & Boeto­rum aut in alia parte Greciae delevit, as Livy tells us: But after they had submitted to the Romans, Antiqua cuique Genti concilia restituta sunt; their Cities were restored to their Governments, Strabo.

But after this we are very unfortunate, that whilst we enjoy a Prince that hath assured us he will govern by Law, that no right or liber­ties shall be invaded: a Prince that wants no Power, that is not by unquestionable right and Law established upon him, any pretence should be found, from our unhappy divisions to make it seem convenient for maintaining the publick peace, that all Officers and Magistrates in Cor­porations must be made at the Courtiers nomi­nation, and that too precariously, and the Suc­cession such only as shall be by them approved. But whatever specious shew of convenience they [Page 5] may have in our present Divisions (which have arisen, and have been blown up since the Disco­very of the Popish Plot by the Conspirators them­selves) yet when we consider, that by this new Form of Corporations, it will be in the Power of a Popish Successor, to put the Government of all corporated Towns in England into the hands of Papists. This project appears to have such a direct tendency, and is so certain, and infallible a course to extirpate the reformed Religion establish­ed by Law: That upon a due consideration had of this unavoidable consequence of these Councels, His Majesty will retract them we doubt not, who hath solemnly declared he will support the Pro­testant Religion established by Law; And punish those officious persons, who have to the Scandal of His Majesties Government, by force or fraud surrender'd their old Charters to the purpose, to submit to such like unheard of modes of incor­poration, that are not onely inconsistent with the Ends of a Corporation at present, but threaten us with an immediate overthrow of the Protestant Religion in case of a Popish Successor.

It would be a sad Issue of the Discovery of the Popish Plot, if after the several endeavors and o­vert Agreements to consent to Laws for disabling him to change our Religion: There should in so short a time after that such a Power be given from our selves, as will more effectually enable him to extirpate the reformed Religion, than any Law that could be made for preventing thereof, could possible thereto disable him.

[Page 6]To what a madness and phrensy hath our heats, and animosities brought us. That one party of Protestants should practise to get the Govern­ment over another part in such sort and manner as will infallibly bring up the Papists into all Go­vernments in Cities and Corporation Towns, and in consequence thereof give us at the next Turn, a Parliament of Papists, and Red-coats.

But this is not all, for I know there are many that have no concern for Gods Religion, that have no other Religion but Loyalty, and believe the onely Diety is Earthly power and Soveraign Authority: Yet such have some conscience, that the antient Government ought to continue, and that attempts to change it are criminal in the Advisers.

I shall therefore add, that this new Mode of incorporating Cities and Towns, doth ipso facto, change the Government: For that one of the three States, an essential part of the Government, which is made up of the Representatives of the People, and ought to be chosen by the People, will by this means have five Sixths parts of such Representatives, upon the matter of the Courts nomination, and not of the Peoples choice. What will be the consequence of such a Parliament, I leave all considering men sadly to weigh and ponder, and whether this is not a change of the Government, let the Advisers thereof in time re­solve themselves.

Amongst Plutarchs Apothegmas I find this say­ing of Dionysius the Tyrant [...].

[Page 7]That is, the Laws of a City may be wrong­ed, but the Laws of nature cannot be violated; the nature of things will not change at plea­sure, the continuing of the old name doth not continue the old constitution after an essential change Res nolunt decipi. Nor will the Nation contentedly see the Government changed; we retain Loyalty enough to prevent it, and our loyalty is strengthned with our concern for our Religion, and a National interest against Pope­ry.

Our Enemies know, that they can never pre­vail and bring their design, of changing our Re­ligion, to effect; Without first changing the Go­vernment, and the present constitution of Par­liaments. To make the Nation therefore obedi­ent to their design, we are to have a Parlia­ment of their nomination by this new mode of incorporating Towns, Dr. Bradys President, fol. 249. of writs directed to the Sheriffe, to Sum­mon one Knight for a County, and one Citi­zen for a City, named in the writ in 27 E. 3. (which appears by the record it self not to be a Summons to Parliament) is not of weight e­nough to make it downright lawful for the King to name, who shall be of the House of Com­mons, Obliquandi sunt sinus by this side-wind they may gain the point. But to prepare the People for admitting this illusion to pass upon [Page 8] them, our latest Parliaments are to be dis­grac't.

A Cabal takes upon themselves to Censure and arraign their proceedings, and expose them to the Nation under what misrepresentations they please, because they would not be confin'd to their Will and pleasure, whereas every mans loyalty (certainly) is to be measured by his a­greeableness to their projects.

They endeavour to make the Nation believe that a convention of the best bred Gentlemen in England of the greatest fortunes, do not un­derstand the interest of the King and Kingdom, nor are so faithful to it as a few men got toge­ther by chance, that are accumulating honors, and making their fortunes by notable projects upon the Government. Tho unhappy they are, that they have not yet made themselves con­spicuous, either for their Wisdom or Virtue.

But whatever, that great Assembly resolves in any matters; That by the Laws and Customs of Parliament, fall under their deliberation (tho Kings have the liberty of dissenting, as they have likewise a liberty of dissenting from the Kings desires, for no Law can be made with­out them; and they who have the Power to give moneys, can deny it when askt) it is a Crime to Censure and blame them. And a [Page 9] Crime of a high nature, it must needs be in any Subject of this Government, for that it tends to the destruction of the Government it self.

But endeavours to lay them aside, is Treason against the King, his Crown and Dignity, for that it will make him a very mean King, or turn him into a Wicked and Miserable Tyrant. And therefore our best Kings have always had a high Regard to their Parliaments, and if it be a Crime to dishonor the King, it is so like­wise to disgrace Parliaments. And he is a dolt or a Papist, and a Traytor to the Government; that doth not thus conclude and determine.

If it be a Scandalum Magnatum to reproach a mean Judge, for erring and mistaking in his Office. It is insufferable, that a vile Pamphle­teer should revile the States of the Realm for the exercise of their high and uncontroulable Authority; such insolencies against the Govern­ment, ought not to be respited untill doomsday, or the Sitting of a Parliament. But ought im­mediatly to be prosecuted by every man that loves his Country, and the publick peace, to con­digne punishment.

But if these arts should prevail to bring about a change in our Government (as they cannot sure in the Reign of our present gracious King, who hath given us assurance in his publick declarati­ons [Page 10] against such fears) yet our Enemies know, that their numbers are not visibly great: And they can have no hopes of subduing the Nation to their Religion by their own numbers, and by their own proper strength.

They have therefore engaged a party of Pro­testants to their assistance, by raising in them ap­prehensions of a party of Protestants, which they call dissenters, as dangerous to the Government and the Church of England, against whom there­fore they ought in every thing to be contrary.

Many Protestants they have thus abused, and divided from the true intrest of the Church of England, and have engaged them in courses, that tend to her destruction under the pretext of their being contrary to her Enemies the dis­senters.

They are taught to hate a Presbyterian as a Jesuit, or to have as much kindness for a Jesuit as a Presbyterian, which will better serve the purpose of an Observator.

This Frace-maker and Scaramuchi to the vain youth of the nation, is ever enterchanging the Characters of men, disguising truth with colours of falshood, pleasantly deceiving you with the shiftings and turns of his inept Wit, and mak­ing himself merry with the abuse, confounding things of the most separate nature to embroyle [Page 11] us, to do us into confusion, and to make the Nations Tragedy.

If the Church of England had not been divi­ded by these Arts, and mingled with her Ene­mies; the Church of England united would have been able to have defended her self against all the Power of the Popish Faction, if it were much stronger than it is, and by an easy Temperament have in time cur'd the frowardness of the Dissen­ters, and accommodated the Schism, that the Papists, the irreconcileable Enemyes of our Religion at first occasion'd, and at present by these Methods manage and improve to its Destruction.

The Division that our Enemys have made a­mongst you, for this purpose, is that which op­poseth your Charter, and the continuance of your municipal rights, and in this, you of that Di­vision, do minister to their Design.

As many as are for destroying the Char­ter, are for no Parliament, or for the new de­signed Constitution of Parliaments, have more hatred against the Dissenters than Zeal against Popery. Their Loyalty is Slavery, their Religi­on the Princes pleasure.

They are not for a legal Defence of their Re­ligion, but abandon it, to neglect, mock us with Prayers and Tears, and expose us to Martyr­dom, [Page 12] plead for a Popish Successor, and are forward advocates against their Religion, Lives and Liberty, invite Tyranny, call for Persecution, seem fond of Fire and Faggot. Some of little understanding among you that thus behave your selves, are ex­cusable as misguided by som of your Ministers, who are in good earnest begging Preferments, Dignitys and Benefices for themselves, by offering and betraying up our Church to a voluntary Martyrdom. But these good men and merciful do not intend to singe a Finger of their own; It is enough for them to commend Martyrdom. The Honor they do thereby to the Christian Religi­on, doth deserve they should be exempted; It is too much in all reason both to do and suffer, and to exhibit both active and passive obedience.

It is wonderful that that cause, that could not yet draw one professed Popish Priest to write for it; tho' so much it is for their interest to have it defended, because it is not by any colour of rea­son to be defended, they can be any thing it seems, but Fools, for their Religion, and they will not so disgrace it: It is a wonder that that cause hath found Writers and Preachers for it of our Protestant Di­vines. But the Roman Priests have our Church in Derision, certainly for the sake of the dishonesty, weakness or folly of these men. The most fitting return to these men, is a scornful silence, or rather to note them with ignominy, for undertaking what the Roman Priests are asham'd of. That, [Page 13] which is too hard for the Learning and Wit of the Roman Clergy, to manage with any Advantage to their Design, some of our Church-men have under­taken without any moderate Talent of either to their own shame, & dishonor to our Church; nay she is like to perish dishonorably by this means, and her destruction is to come from her self. Besides the dis­honesty of such an undertaking is notorious in our Ministers. The Priests of the Popish Religion in France, did not write against the Exclusion of the King of Navarre from the Crown of France.

Most certainly therefore it doth not become a Pro­testant Minister to tye his People to the Stake to kindle the Papists Fires, and to be their Hang-men and Executioners: To be Sollicitors for the Abo­lition of that Religion they profess, and are bound to teach and propagate.

But such men as these have helpt to make the Division of those Men, that are against Char­ters, and Governments of municipal Cityes and Towns, (which are the greatest defences against Popery) more numerous.

But to make the Number less, and to sift you to the Bran, I pray reflect a little.

For you cannot be ignorant of their devices, for the subverting of our antient Government, that Popery may steal in upon us and surprize us, [Page 14] which hath been in this last Age by various Methods of wickedness compassed. But all their devices have been hitherto defeated and frustra­ted. The City hath recovered out of the ashes, to which the Popish Fires reduced it: Armies have been disdanded, and their Plot against the Kings life detected, and brought into noon day-light, declared, prosecuted and punished by that very Parliament, that the Popish Conspirators attemp­ted to corrupt to betray our Government: But that they could never obtain from that Parlia­ment, though obliquely it gave them many Assistances. That Parliament was a Parliament of famous Loyalty. Yet they disbanded Armies, and never legitimated the Guards; detected the Pa­pists firing the City, opposed an alliance with France, addressed for a War, impeached obnoxious Ministers, D L. E D. &c. kept the purse of the Nation, opposed general indulgence, and the de­struction thereby intended by the Conspirators, of the Church of England, the Bulwark of the Protestant Religion, and declared the Popish Plot. Against this Parliament they could never have objected the mischiefs of that in forty one. If there was no other reason therefore for dissol­ving that Parliament, our Conspirators had, from this end only, sufficient reason to get it dissol­ved. Dissolve them they might, disgrace them with such imputations they could not. But the subsequent Parliaments, though consisting princi­pally of the same members, prosecuting the same [Page 15] design, acting by the same measures, and in the same methods for the preservation of our Govern­ment and Religion. Though with some accession of zeal, which the inveterate evil growing more bold, audacious and enterprizing did occasion and require; are therefore charged with designs upon the Government, and of all the Evils that fol­lowed forty one, again to be Acted over upon this Nation. And by this trick, and the de­ceivableness of mankind they have brought it about, that the Conspirators themselves have gotten the reputation with some abused men of the truly Loyal, even for their having Parlia­ments in contempt: And those that are truly so are charged for men factious and seditious, and of the forty one leaven, for that they esteem Parliaments to be part of the Government. Par­liaments themselves made odious or at least not desirable, and the true Government at least sus­pended, and ready to be abolished or made quite another thing, under the old name for the bet­ter subverting with some colour our antient Go­vernment and the English Liberty.

But whatever is pretended, the last Parlia­ments had no greater fault than this (viz.) That they did make some overtur's for reducing the Schismes, and making the terms of the Com­munion of our Church receptive of the dissen­ters, (least they should joyn with the Papists a­gainst her for such an indulgence, as would quite [Page 16] destroy our Church, and is utterly inconsistent with any national Church whatsoever,) this would have rendred the Popish conspiracy desperate. Since that a greater hatred hath been rais'd a­gainst the dissenters. And it is brought about that some Churchmen are grown angry there­fore with Parliaments, and are become willing they should be laid aside, as not friendly to their order, and it is no wonder if they have seduc'd some of you of less consideration to joyn with them in such sentiments.

Heavy things are laid to the charge of the Dissenters at present, though it is not long since they embraced them, and since that time they are not a jot the worse, save that they have shewed themselves steadily averse to Popery, and that they are not to be bribed off by any assu­rance of a common Indulgence. The Dissenters are represented and exposed as Enemies to the Church of England, for which the Conspirators have undoubtedly an unfeigned kindness (if you will believe them) they get them persecuted for her sake meerly, and as her Enemies.

But the truth is, these men have truly an ut­ter abhorrence against Popery and the Plot, and joyn forwardly and zealously against it.

This their commendable zeal against Popery the Conspirators give out, and make it believed [Page 17] is their zeal for their own peculiarities, for their dividing way, and for those things wherein they differ from us. They have affrighted the Church of England, with designs of those men against her, even in these their actings and appearings against Popery and the Plot. What these men endeavour against Popery, some that are of the Church of England do oppose for no other rea­son, but for that they desire it.

And they are contrary to those of the Church of England, with whom these Dissenters do con­curr, in any thing though never so conducible to the preservation of the Nation and our Reli­gion; and the Conspirators have now made and reckon'd, even such also of the adverse party Whigs and Fanaticks, and every thing they say or do is opposed, thwarted, contradicted and censured as disloyal and fanatical.

It is now come to pass, that no mans reason is regarded; the true state of things, and our present condition, the arts of our Enemies and their designs are not considered: But whatever we say or do is fanaticisme, savors of forty one. By this Artifice they tye together a sort of men amongst you that consider little, and make of them an obstinate party which they Act and manage, and engage in courses, which tend to their own and the publick ruin, with an utter neglect of Rights, Laws, and antient constitutions; nay, they endeavour to subvert them all, that [Page 18] they may more certainly and speedily arrive at the mischiefs designed by our Enemies. The greatest fear of the loss of your Charter and Ci­ty is from your selves.

Your Charter Government and Priviledges have no Enemies that can hurt them, but your selves, against you it is only that your Charter comes to be defended. So transported are some of you grown with the humor of opposition and con­tradiction, since the discovery of the Popish Plot, against some that are called Dissenters: Which is brought about by the ammusing arts, and impostures of the Conspirators: That you are become eager for the destroying of your Charter, because these Dissenters have concurred with the majority in defending it. Your Charter had ne­ver been attach'd if some of you had not been perswaded to be willing to forego it, and at the same time seem to be weary of the ancient Government, and careless of your Religion, and willing to part with them too, by the Embra­ceries of such Persons that fear a Parliament more than Doomsday. By the influences of these Men who are for making a New Government, because they cannot Live under the Old, you are made content to forego your Charter, and the Antient Government, the safeguard of our Religion and the English Liberty, for such new Establishments as these confiding Men will form [Page 19] and contrive for you: who will use you most certainly as your easiness doth deserve.

No Quo Warranto had ever been brought a­gainst your City to destroy your Corporation and Government, for petitioning His Majesty for a parliament in a time of a Popish Plot at home detected, but not duly punished nor prevented, when we are under the Fears of a Popish Suc­cessor, against which Parliaments have hereto­fore consulted how to secure our Religion, and of the growing power of France which every Man living apprehends; had not some for no other reason, but that they will be against Dis­senters disliked petitioning. Your dislike of pe­titioning is the only reason in the World for the unlawfulness of it. Without that it had been impossible to have had a Lawyers opinion, that a Petition to the King was unlawful; made in form as the Law directs or allows, for a thing lawful and necessary (viz.) that we might have our Government in use, when we had the greatest need of it, and that a Parliament might sit when we were under Evills scarce sufferable, that no Power or Authority but that of a Par­liament could redress. Lawyers have opinions to sell at any time, if they have the opinion of a forward and probable Dr, (tho' never so corrupt or corrupted to mistake) or of the many to countenance them, tho' they have not the least colour of reason to support them. And [Page 20] according to their Fee and Expectation they seem confident, must look assured, and tell you they have a very good Cause; this they can with some Face do, in case any Error or Mistake hath prevailed to deceive many.

You your selves being first deceived, they take money, and are not bound to disabuse you; e­specially when you are resolved not to change your opinion, and act agreeably.

But if that Petition had been assisted and pro­moted by your selves too, it might have pre­vailed; for the best of Kings do not refuse the universal Desires of the People, and the Nation had long since been discharged of all the Evils, that now disquiet us.

But by your dissent from it, it hath got the appearance of a Crime: And the Plotters have got this advantage upon us thereby, that His Majesty is not like to have any Petitions against them, since they are declar'd ungrateful to His Ma­jesty, and he is become more inaccessible. They have brought it about, that it is now accounted a fault to desire a Parliament, that only can and will redress our Grievances. I will shortly shew you how contrary you are herein to the provi­sion of our Law, and that you have herein de­prived as much as in you lyes, your fellow Sub­jects of their rights in the Government. By the [Page 21] Stat. of 4 Ed. 3. C. 14. 36 E. 3. C. 10. It is provided that Parliaments be holden once every Year, which are confirmed by an Act of this King call'd the Triennial Act. In 25 E. 3. Sta­tute of Provisors are contained these Words. That the right of the Crown of England, and that the Law of the said Realm is such, that upon the mischiefs and damages which happen to the Realm, the King ought and is bound by Oath with the accord of his People in his Parliament to make remedy, and Law, in removing the mis­chiefs and damages which thereof ensu'd.

King Ed. 1. did appoint certain select Persons of the Clergy and Laity, to examine the wrongs done to his People by his Ministers, in order to the redress thereof in the approaching Parlia­ment. 17 Ed. 3. Dors Memb. 2. In the 15th. of Ed. 3. a Declaration was openly made in the Par­liament, que chescum (saith the Rolls) que se sente grevez per le Rey ou ses Ministers ou autres que ils metroient lour petitions avants & ils averont bone & conenable remedy i. e. That all People which found themselves aggrieved in any mat­ter, even by the King himself, his Officers or others should bring forth their Petitions, and thereupon should have good and convenient remedy to them ordein'd Rot. Parl. 15 E. 3. Numb. 5. the like was done by the very Writ of Summons of Parliament 21 E. 3. part 2. Dors Memb. 9. and in open Parliament 37 Ed. [Page 22] 3. Rot. Parl. N. 2. The Divines, that have no care how to prevent the impendent Evils, will allow us at least Prayers and Tears. Sure then, then they ought to give us leave to petition the Throne, and shed the Tears of Suppliants at the Foot-stool of His Majesty. When they encourage men in their importuni­ties to God Almighty, by remembring the Pa­rable (that our Saviour used to that purpose) of the unjust Judge, that neither feared God nor reverenced man, and yet did right to the Widow at her importunity; sure they do allow petitioning his Vicegerent. We cannot believe they pray in secret to God Almighty, unless they will petition His Majesty openly for putting a stop to the incursions of Popery upon us.

Our Enemies the Papists cannot inwardly con­demn our Petitions as unlawful, tho' they are afraid of them; for that they may possibly ob­tain to prevent their Design.

A bloody Assassinate and Cut-throat is not made more cruel, by the wailings and passio­nate beseechings of the innocent Man for his Life. Though they give the Villain some trou­ble, and make it more uneasy to him to do the feat, by the regrets which he suffers from his Hu­manity, awakened by Pity, moving intreaties and expostulations.

[Page 23]But it is suspected you are like to have little success in your intentions, to destroy the Char­ter in Course of Law, to which you are per­versly acted by your displeasure against the Dis­senters, and others whom you causlesly hate and unreasonably oppose for their sake.

And therefore you have proceeded by the way of fact, and have procured that the great Offi­ces of the City are executed by Men not duly thereto chosen; for the bringing this about you have used such bad arts, as would quite destroy your credit and shut you out of all Commerce, if they were practised in your private dealings in your Trades and Occupations. If you seriously reflect and consider the methods that have been used for that purpose, and will allow the same Rule, which is observed by you in your private transactions and trade, for publick affairs and administration of publick rights (which are in their nature Sacred of a publick concern, the violation of them more hurtful, scandalous, and criminal) and in this, your Consideration al­so will lay aside your factious animosities against the other party, to which you have furiously made your selves opposite; you will be herein self condemn'd. I will not remember the parti­culars of fact they are fresh in your memory, and your own thoughts, (if any thing) must [Page 24] make you wise and recover your understand­ings.

But by this Course you have Evacuated your Charter in fact, and have already Officers of a Forreign nomination.

You have given trouble and disgrace to the Old Sheriffs, that were duly chosen to their Office, and acquitted themselves faithful to the Rights of the Charter, not only depriv'd them of the reward that is due to a faithful and stre­nuous discharge of so difficult an Office, but blame them and reproach them, and for their good deed sake, go about to deprive the City of a free choice of such Officers for the time to come. Who will be most gratifyed by these proceedings with little recollection you may ea­sily conclude.

They haue already condemned the Charter and City, and have executed the Magistrates in Effigie upon the Stage, in a Play called the Duke of Guise, frequently acted and applauded; in­tended most certainly to provoke the rabble in­to tumults and disorder. The Roman Priest had no success (God be thanked) when he anima­ted the People not to suffer these same Sheriffs to be carried through the City to the Tower Prisoners. Now the Poet hath undertaken for them being kicked three or four times a Week [Page 25] about the Stage to the Gallows, infamously ro­gued and rascalled, to try what he can do to­ward making the Charter forfeitable by some extravagancy and disorder of the People, which the Authority of the best governed Cities have not been able to prevent sometimes under far less provocations.

But this ought not to move the Citizens, when he hath so malitiously and mischievously repre­sented the King, and the Kings Son, nay and his favorite the Duke too, to whom he gives the worst strokes of his unlucky fancy.

He puts the King under the person of H. 3d. of France, who appeared in the head of the Parisian Massacre. The Kings Son under the person of the Duke of Guise, who concerted it with the Queen Mother of France, and was slain in that very place by the righteous judgment of God, where he and the Queen Mother had first contrived it.

The Duke of Guise ought to have represented a great Prince, that had inserved to some most dete­stable Villany, to please the rage or lust of a Ty­rant.

Such great Courtiers have been often sacrifi­ced to appease the furies of the Tyrants guilty [Page 26] conscience, to expiate for his Sin, and to attone the People.

Besides that a Tyrant naturally stands in fear of Ministers of mighty wickedness: he is always obnoxious to them, he is a slave to them, as long as they live they remember him of his guilt, and awe him: These wicked Slaves be­come most imperious masters. They drag him to greater evils for their own impunity, than they first perpetrated for his pleasure and their own ambition.

But such are best given up to publick Ju­stice. But by no means to be assassinated. Un­till this age, never before, was an assassination invited, commended and encouraged upon a pub­lick Theatre.

It is no wonder, that Trimmers (so they call men of some moderation of that party) displease them: For they seem to have Designs for which it behoves them to know their men, they must be perfectly wicked or perfectly deceived of the Catiline make, bold and without understanding, that can adhere to men that publiquely profess Murthers, and applaud the Design.

Caius Caesar (to give unto Caesar the things that are Caesars) was in the Catiline Conspiracy, and then the word was he that is not with us is a­gainst [Page 27] us, for the instruments of wickedness must be men, that are resolute and forward, and with­out consideration; or they will deceive the design, and relent when they enterprize.

But when he was made Dictator and had some pretences, and a probability by means less wick­ed and mischievous to arrive at the Govern­ment, his words was he that is not against us is with us. But to Pompey only it belonged, and to his cause or the like cause; to the Defenders of antient established Governments, of the English Monarchy and Liberties, to say they that are not with us are against us, in internecino bello in at­tacks upon Government, medii pro hostibus ha­bentur neutral men are Tray-tors, and assist by their indifferency to the Destruction of the Go­vernment. As many as applaud this play ought to be put under sureties of the peace, and yet not one Warrant that we hear of yet granted by the Lord Chief Justice.

But it is not a Duke of Guise to be assassina­ted, a Turbulent, wicked and haughty Courtier. But an innocent and gentle Prince, as well as brave and renowned for noble Atchievements; A Prince that hath no fault, but that he is the Kings Son, and the best too of all his Sons; such a Son as would have made the best of Em­perors happy.

[Page 28]Except it be that the People honor him and love him, and every where publiquely and lowd­ly shew it. But this they do, for that the best People of England have no other way left to shew their Loyalty to the King, and love to their Religion and Government, in long intervals of Parliament than by prosecuting his Son, for the sake of the King and his own merit, with all the demonstrations of the highest esteem.

But he hath not used his Patron Duke much better, for he hath put him under a most dismal and unfortunate Character of a Successor, exclu­ded from the Crown by Act of State for his Re­ligion, who fought his way to the Crown, chang'd his Religion, and dyed by the Hand of a Roman Assassinate.

It is enough to make his great Dukes cou­rage quail, to find himself under such an un­lucky and disastrous representation, and thus personated. Besides he hath offered a justifica­tion of an Act of Exclusion against a Popish Successor in a Protestant Kingdom, by remem­bring what was done against the King of Navar.

The Popish Religion in France did de facto by Act of State exclude a Protestant Prince, who is under no obligation from his Religion, to destroy his Popish Subjects.

[Page 29]Though a Popish Prince is to destroy his Pro­testant Subjects.

A Popish Prince to a Protestant Kingdom, without more must be the most insufferable Ty­rant, and exceed the Character that any story can furnish for that sort of monster. And yet all the while to himself a religious and an ap­plauded Prince; discharged from the tortures that ordinarily tear and rend the hearts of the most cruel Princes, and make them as uneasy to themselves as they are to their Subjects, and sometimes prevail so far as to lay some restraints upon their wicked minds.

But this his Patron will impute to his want of Judgment, for this Poets Hero's are common­ly such Monsters as Theseus and Hercules are, renowned throughout all Ages for destroying,

But to excuse him, this man hath forsaken his post, and entered upon an other province. To the Observator it belongs to confound truth and falshood, and by his false colors and impo­stures to put out the Eyes of the People, and leave them without understanding.

But our Poet hath not so much art left him as to frame any thing agreeable, or very-similar [Page 30] to amuse the People, or wherewith to deceive them.

His Province is to corrupt the manners of the Nation and lay wast their morals, his understand­ing is clapt, and his brains are vitiated, and he is to rot the Age.

His endeavors are more happily applyed to extinguish the little remains of the virtue of the Age by bold impieties, and befooling Religion by impious and inept Rhimes; to confound virtue and vice, good and evil; and leave us without consciences.

And thus we are prepared for destruction.

But to give the World a tast of his Atheism and Impiety, I shall recite two of his Verses, as reci­ted upon the Stage viz.

For Conscience, and Heavens fear, Religious rules They are all State bells to toll in pious fools.

which I have done the rather, that some ho­nest Judge or Justice may direct a process against this bold impious man: or some honest Surro­gate or Official may find leasure to proceed ex officio against him, notwithstanding at present, they are so incumbered with the Dissenters.

[Page 31]Such publick Blasphemies against Religion, never went unpunished in any Country or Age but this.

But I have made too long a digression, but that it carries with it some instructions towards the preserving of the honor of your August Ci­ty. viz.

That you do not hereafter authorize the Stage to expose and revile your great Officers and Offi­ces, by the indignities your selves do them; whilst the Papists clap their hands and triumph at your publick disgraces; and in the hopes they conceive thereby of the ruine of your Govern­ment, as if that were as sure and certain to them, as it is to us without doubt that they once fir­ed it.

And further, for that it was fit to set forth to the World of what Spirit our Enemies are, how they intend to attach us: As also how bold they are with His Majesty, what false and dis­honorable representations they make of him, and present to the World upon a publick Theatre; which I must confess hath moved me with some passion.

I have now some mistakes to remove that I observe abuse you, and make you think that it is in your power to destroy your Franchises. I come to defend your Charter against your rea­son and understanding; though against your will there is nothing can be said if it be perempto­ry and obstinate: But that it can have no ef­fect [Page 32] in Law it will be criminal and punisha­ble.

The mistakes are these.

That the Excommunication of Dissenters ren­der them uncapable of suffrage and voice in the election of your Officers.

That by thrusting them from a right of Suf­frage a Common Council may be had, that will dispose of the Charter. And that the Common Council have authority to destroy it.

Which are both mistakes. And I shall like­wise make out to you, that the Sherifalties of Lon­don and Middlesex, are in the City by course of Common Law, or by Statute Law, and are not of the nature of a voluntary grant from the Crown of a meer right, nor can they be considered as a property that is alienable, for if they were so, they might lawfully be regranted by those in whom the right is.

So that they cannot be displac'd but by Act of Parliament, tho the consent of every Citizen were thereunto had.

And first, that excommunicate Dissenters have a right to choose City Officers notwithstanding their excommunication is evident.

For that excommunication forfeits no private right. If a Plaintiff excommunicate sues, his ex­communication is pleaded in delay only and not in abatement of the writ. But outlawry pleaded a­bates the writ, and barrs the Action.

[Page 33]If a Mayor sues in his incorporate capacity, a plea of excommunication is not allowable to stay pro­ceedings, for that its a publick right that he pre­tends to, but excommunication of an Executor will stay the Suit, tho he sues in another right; no excommunication is to be pleaded in delay of the process in judicial writs, as in Quare non admist, or in a scire facias upon a judgment, because the right is ascertained by the judgment, and it is not militant as in an original action.

And tho it be allowed, that a person Excommu­nicate may be challenged if he be returned upon a Jury, which is said in some of our old Books, as Sir Edw. Cook observes. Littleton fol. 158. a. yet that was in the time of the tyranny of the Papal Church, which was wont to doom to damnation, such as were guilty of the least contradiction against her order, as if perfectly wicked; or where the person challenged was Excommunicate by the greater Excommunication, which declared the person so Excommunicate perfectly wicked an Apostate from the Faith and Rule of the Christian Religion, Such is not the present Excommunication of Dis­senters.

Yet there is a difference between refusing to ac­cept of a man to an Office, such is the nature of the challenge of a Jury man, and between the exclu­ding a man from his right and franchise in a matter, in which the Community also hath a right.

By what we have said, it is clear that by Excom­munication no right is forfeited, no publick right [Page 34] is delayed no stated right is prejudiced. That the right of suffrage is the right of the person, and also the right of the Community. That at this day Sir Edw. Cook seems to think that Excommunication is no matter of challenge to a Jury man; and if it were it cannot preclude a right, tho it makes a man incompetent, or not so fit to be voluntary called forth and preferred to execute a charge. It is very clear therefore, that for Excommunication no man ought to be thrust from his right of suffrage and the Franchise of a Citizen.

And well is it, that the Law is so or else there had remained a lurking mischief behind in our Law as mischievous almost, as the writ for burning of Hereticks lately abrogated, for

As soon as we can get a set of Popish Clergy, it is but interpreting the doctrine of the Church of England, as Sancta Clara hath done to the sence of the Council of Trent, and thereby make the do­ctrine of the Trent Council the doctrine of the Church of England, and then every Protestant must immediatly incurr Excommunication. Now if thereby we should loose our franchises and the rights of Freemen, the Papists would have the Go­vernment, and we used as Slaves and Villains for ever; and by this slight without a Law or Parlia­ment, on their side the Religion of the nation may be chang'd.

It is very extraordinary, that when this mis­chief cannot happen to us by Law. We are making Presidents against our selves, for the Pa­pists [Page 35] their proceeding against us, in such sort as is now proceeded against the Dissenters; for whom I am not making an apology, the Evils that we sustain at present by their occasion, will not give me leave to be so kind unto them. But let us not make hard resolutions against our selves, when we know not how soon we our selves may fall into their case. Only this I have to say for them, you have no reason to be angry with them, for that they have not complyed with the Popish interest for obtaining indulgence, and exemption to themselves from the penal Laws; much less have you reason to neglect the Defence of your Government and Religion, be­cause they adhere steadily to it. But if they had not so behaved themselves, we should not have wanted an honest man of sence amongst you, to have divided from the interest of the City, and its antient Rights.

Neither is it in the Power of a Common Coun­cil, whoever they be that are sworn of that bo­dy, and however elected, inclined or disposed, to derogate by any Act of theirs from any of the Cities Rights and Franchises. They are not the Body in whom the Rights and Franchises of the City are vested. The stile of purchase is the May­or and Commonalty of the City of London, and the most modern stile in use is the Mayor Com­monalty and Citizens of the City of London.

Their beginning is of a much later date than the Citys Charters of Corporation, they were first [Page 36] erected and have receiv'd several alterations by con­stitutions made in the Common Hall. Their busi­ness and trust is to manage and defend, govern and protect, as Committees, the Rights of the City, and make by Laws which are controulable notwith­standing, and sometimes have stood in need of con­firmation by the Common Hall. And this consi­dered they are put under an Oath to give good and true Counsel, touching the Common-weal of the City, and that for favor of any man they shall main­tain no singular profit against the Common profit of the City.

They can do nothing validly in prejudice of the Citys Rights and Franchises: And if they have any conscience of a limited trust under an Oath to be observed and kept, they will not attempt it.

Perhaps the dissolving of this great Corporation will be too adventurous an undertaking, for that it may be charged with the extinguishment of ma­ny excellent Laws for the advantage of Trade, for the better Government of the City, and the custo­mary Provision for Wives and Children; upon which security & provision by their customs, marri­ages have been made w^ch will be thereby defeated. Besides the number of Orphans that will be despe­rately undone, there being no fund of stock left to pay them, as they are almost undone already by banckrupting the fund of City credit (which would everlastingly have made good payment to their Or­phans) By the impending Quo Warranto. A very spreading and fore calamity, and to be remembred [Page 37] with the Bankers case which put many thousand Persons well stated to starving and great Necessi­ties without relenting.

They made a War without the advise of Parlia­ment, they were unsuccesful as Sea, and made de­predations at Land, by this great Numbers of the Kings subjects, suffered the worst calamitys of War in time of our Land peace. It is better to be kill'd out-right than to live and starve: They were used as in the State of War tho Subjects of the most equal Government in the World in its constitution. The Parliament is blam'd for discountenancing loans of money upon the Credit of the Crown, but these men prohibited and disabled them. But our mo­dern men to make all sure, have again banck­rupted the Credit of the great Seal; have taken a­way the planck, w^ch was allow'd to keep these poor wretches from sinking after the wreck made by their Predecessors. They have vacated the great Seal, that made provision for their interest money without any fear or dread of that fate, that hap­pend among their Predecessors, for in this too they govern us according to Law.

The consideration of these Evils (since they have ways at present to bring whom they please into the offices of authority and trust in the City) will per­swade them perhaps to attempt no farther alterati­on in the Cities rights, then their dismissing them­selves for ever of the right of choosing Sherifs for the Counties of London and Middlesex. But this is so far from being done by any Authority in the [Page 38] Common Council, that it cannot be done by the unanimous assent of the Common Hall, nor by the consent of every of the Citizens and Free-men.

No more than a County can displace from its self the Choice of a Coroner, which being placed there by the Common Law, nothing but an Act of Par­liament can remove.

Which will plainly appear by the short History of Sheriffs, which I shall here subjoyn. The She­riffs in the time of the Saxons, were choosen by the Freeholders in the County Courts. The Saxon Laws were confirmed by the first William, as ap­pears by the Chronicon Leitchfeldense, cited by Mr. Lambert in his Archajonomia page 158. But this Right of the Counties to choose their Sheriffs, was arbitrarily disturbed by a plenitude of power in the confused and troubled times of William Rufus H. 1. King Stephen. But it appears by the Re­cords of H. 3. time, some Counties still retained their Antient rights, and choose their Sheriffs. By the 28 Ed. 1. The Counties were restored to or confirmed in Their Antient rights of choosing She­riffs, where the Shriefalties had not been before granted in Fee, which were granted by En­croachment of power minus justè, but by this Law such grants were confirmed.

By the Statute of 9. Ed. 2. It was ordained, that the Sheriffs should be assigned by the Chancellor, Treasurer, Barons of the Exchequer, and the Ju­stices. This Statute is interpreted not to extend to these Shrieffalties that were granted in Fee. But [Page 39] such are intended excepted: As it hath been always un­derstood, that particular rights are not extinguished by ge­neral Laws. This is the Accompt of the History of the Law of Shrieffalties in General.

To discend to the Sheriffs of London, William the Conque­ror soon after this Confirmation of the Laws of England, (in Parliament by his Baronage, which then made the En­glish Parliaments) whereby the Counties were confirmed in their Rights to choose their Sheriffs grants by his Charter confirmed in Parliament Civibus Londini totam dictam Civi­tatem & Vicecomitatum L. K. Arch. Lond. fol. 120. That is, he grants that they shall continue a City and County, and the right of chosing Sheriffs shall continue to them. That which was their right before become by his Charter bet­ter established. An antient prudence and caution of Sub­jects in transacting with their Kings, us'd more especially by our Ancestors (viz) to have their Right and Laws by way of Grant & Charter from the Crown; for those Mighty Kings that will not be confin'd by Laws, yet have held them­selves bound by their Charters and Grants. Which made our Ancestors put the Confirmation of their most precious Laws and Rights under that form, for their better Esta­blishment. And this Charter of King William was to the like purpose, that he should not by his power break in upon the Rights of the County of the City of London, of making their Sheriffs or other the Rights of the City.

By this it appears, that the making Sheriffs belongs to the City by a Common Law right, by an Appointment of the Common Law, as to their particular never yet chang'd by any Statute Law, nor can this right therefore be alter­ed or displac't, but by Act of Parliament.

The Sheriffalty of Middlesex was granted by H: 1. to the City upon this reason, the better to enable the City to [Page 40] keep the Peace, for many Murders, Rapins and Villanies be­ing committed on the City, the Offenders would thereupon fly into Middlesex, and the Citizens having no power of Ju­risdiction in that County, the Offenders often escaped.

This Charter hath been confirmed amongst other their Charters, by several Acts of Parliament. The consequence whereof is, that the Sheriffalty of Middlesex is not to be dis­plac't from the City, but by Act of Parliament, which is thus remonstrated.

A grant made by the Crown (confirmed in Parliament) of any Estate, profit or emolument whatsoever, which can amount to no more than a creating or transferring a right, that right may certainly be surrendred or regranted to the Crown, or as the proprietor pleaseth.

But the grant of an authority or power confirmed by Act of Parliament, that refers to administration of justice, a grant of such a Nature as this is under such an inducement, as is contained in the mentioned grant of the Sheriffs of Mid­dlesex to the City of London, doth not only create a right but gives an authority, directs how a publick Office shall be administred, and is a Law for governing that matter, and consequently makes a perpetuity of that office in the City, and it is not in the Power of the City to transfer or extinguish it, or innovate the Direction and Order of the Law therein so made and provided.

The Sheriffalty of Middlesex is become upon the matter appendant to the Sheriffalty of London, or to speak more pro­perly vnited.

The Sheriffs of London are always Sheriffs of Middlesex, and are not choosen thereto by a distinct question in the Common Hall.

But for that it is not generally understood how a Corpo­ration or Society of men may discorporate and dissolve them­selves, [Page 41] and least an inconsiderable minority which shall pre­tend themselves the Majority, and though but two hundred say they more than three thousand, and take upon them­selves to dissolve the Corporation of the City.

Tho their skill in Arithmetick is better than their Honesty, I shall shortly discourse how a Society of Men may be dis­solved

A greater number cannot dissolve a body politick, every man hath a Negative against a dissolution of that Body whereof he is a member, tho he is to be concluded by the majority in a­ny matter determinable, and governable by that Society. A Majority doth not determine a less number in the state of nature, every mans particular consent was necessary to make him a member of any society, and so it is to unmember him. That a majority concludes the less number is by the agree­ment of all that enter into that society, without which no society can subsist. But whether they shall continue to be a society or no is a question, in which the members of that so­ciety do admit themselves at liberty, and act at that time as in the state of nature, and therefore the Majority cannot bind the few in this Question▪ and dissolve the Society.

No man can be a member of any Society without his own consent. But every Member of a Society gives his Faith ip­so facto by becoming so, to every one of that Society, to sup­port and maintain it.

No man can propound any question without Leave, first had of the Society for dissolving that Society, for to do it otherwise is to transgress against the Faith, that he owes to the Comunalty.

When such a Question is with Leave of the Society pro­pounded, a Majority cannot dissolve that Society as to the Dissenters, and these that are willing to continue it. But [Page 42] such Majority at the most (if that) have but a Leave to go out of that Society & dismember themselves, w^ch seems to be yielded them implicitly, in giving leave to put the Question.

But if such Question be put without leave, first had of the Comunalty, the propounder deserves a punishment to be in­flicted upon him.

If the minority be big enough to maintain & support the ends of the Corporation, the minority is still the Corpo­ration.

If any single Person is unwilling the Society should be dissolved, and this Corporation is under the Government of any greater Society of Men, as a Corporation within a Polity, this single person may require, and prosecute the re­volters from the Society to abide in that Community.

These societies of men, that are form'd by the soveraign Authority cannot dissolve or make the terms of their Soci­ety and the Order and Rule of governing them, other than is appointed by the Charter of Incorporation.

Nay it is a Question whether a King can change it, who hath not the Power of making Laws.

For the terms of their Society, their Order and Rule of Government is the Condition of Incorporating, and upon these terms they consent to be incorporated, no man by our Law is compellable to be incorporated against his own liking.

Roll. 1. Rep. Baggs Case.

And agreeable hereto changes in the Government of the City of London, from the first Charters have been made by Acts of Parliament. Acts of Parliament was made for the Division of a Ward, and for altering the Election and Con­tinuance of the Office of an Alderman for Life, whereas in the first Charters they were choosen annually, and not to be choosen the next Year; I shall here transcribe the Acts themselves, which are not printed but supplied to me by [Page 43] my worthy Friend Mr. Petyt, whose enquiry nothing, that is notable in our Records hath escaped.

The Commons in the Parliament 7. R. 2. prayed the King for the maintenance of peace and tranquility in the City of London for the time to come, by reason that all the Aldermen were choosen from year to year at the Feast of St. Gregory the Pope, and none of them could be re-e­lected for the year ensuing, and others put in their places to the great endamagement of the City. The Commons therefore pray the King to grant to the Mayor, and Commons of the City and their Successors in that present Parliament, that the Aldermen to be e­lected from year to year at the said Feast franchement Ezluz be freely choosen, and that of the most sufficient persons, and good fame, of those who had been Aldermen, as others, per le Gardes de la Citee by the Wards of the City. Saving to the Wards their free Election in manner afore­said: To which the King answer'd Le Roy le voet & Grante, to endure so long as good Government should be in the City, by reason of that clause. Rot. Parl. 7^o. R. 2^ds Numb. 24.

In the Parliament 17^o. R. 2^di Numb. 25. It was ordain­ed, that the Aldermen should not be removed Sanz honest & reasonable causes, without reasonable Cause.

In the same Parliament Numb. 27. upon the Petition of the Mayor Aldermen and Commons in the said City, by rea­son of the greatness of the Ward of Farringdon, which was too great to be governed by one Alderman. The King grants that les Gents de la dite Gard of Farringdon within, might choose one Alderman, and those of Farringdon without ano­ther, and that both those Aldermen so choosen should not be removed Si non per cause reasonable, as it was ordained by the King in Parliament to the Aldermen of the said City.

[Page 44]But though the Government of such Societies and Cor­porations may be changed by Law. Yet no Law can change the Government of Kingdoms and Common-wealths, and alter the terms of Government and Obedience established: nothing can do this but chance, and time, violence, and an irresistible Power.

But every English man ought from the Nature of his Allegiance, to defend the English Monarchy with his Life under the Authority of the Government, and the protecti­on of Laws.

To conclude, the best way to shew our Loyalty to the King is to think honorably of His Majesty, to account his Person Sacred as it is, and himself impeccable, for so our Government hath made him by imputation, which is the highest Prerogative of the Crown, and a notable instance of the wisdom of our Government.

We heartily bewail the unhappy death of the late King. But detest that it should be made a pretense to change our Government. They are very bad men that raise on the one side in the People a [...] or King-dread, and on the otherside in the King a [...] or People dread from his deplorable death.

Such passions indeed respectively possess the People, and Successors of Tyrants, and work the woo of the People or the abolition of the Kingly Government: But most unna­tural these confounding apprehensions are, from the death of a good King bitterly bewail'd by almost all of his sub­jection.

It is too unreasonable, that we should offer up our antient [Page 45] Government, our pretious liberties, our Religion it self (in the defence of which he dyed) to attone for the guilt of an inconsiderable part of the Nation, that was engaged in that detestable fact, and are since gone to their proper place. This is hard that we must loose our Government and have no more English Kings, to expiate for their guilt.

We do not shew our Loyalty, but discover an ignominious baseness; if we yeeld up our rights at the perswasion of a Courtier, who tells us it is for the Kings Service: when he is thereby promoting his own advantages and projects, and shifting for indeminity upon the ruin of the Government. Plutarch in his treatise [...]. base sneaking says that the As [...]ticks became slaves, because they could not pronounce the word NO, and gave denyal to Sycohants and flat­terers.

If these Courtiers, really and honestly thought it were for His Majesties Service, that all Authorities and Dignities in the Government should be held precaciously of the Crown, they ought to hold their honors and session in Par­liament by the same tenure, for that those that shall inherit to them may be wiser than themselves, for this there way is their folly, and their posterities (I hope) will not approve their doings.

When our Preachers exhort to obedience, they ought not to be heard if they press us beyond the terms of obedience, that the Government hath established. And we may duti­fully insist (notwithstanding) to have the benefit of such Laws, that the power of the Government can make to pre­serve us in the peaceable enjoyment of our Religion, when we have a Protestant King.

When they exhort us to Christian patience, they should not forget to tell the People, that they are not bound to suffer, but where the Christian virtue of Fortitude is per­fected, [Page 46] and not else but as Christian charity doth direct. But they ought not by any means to abuse the People, with a vain amuzement, that a Popish Successor will protect the Church of England.

I shall end with the words of King Solomon, Proverbs 24. My Son fear thou the Lord, and the King, and meddle not with them that are given to change, for their Calamity shall arise suddenly, and who knoweth the Ruine of them both? It is not good to have respect of Persons in Judgment. He that saith unto the wicked thou art righteous, him shall the People curse, Nati­ons shall abhor him. But to them that rebuke him shall be de­light, and a good Blessing shall come upon them. If thou faint in the day of adversity, thy strength is small. If thou forbear to deliver them that are drawn unto death, and those that are ready to be slain: If thou saist behold we knew it not; doth not he that pondereth the Heart consider it? and he that keepeth thy Soul, doth not he know it, and shall not he render to every Man accord­ing to his Works?