THE Grounds & Reasons OF MONARCHY Considered. IN A Review of the SCOTCH Story, gathered out of their best Authours and Records. By J. H.

Corrected and Reprinted According to the Edenburgh Copy. Anno MDCL.


THere is nothing hath more confoun­ded knowledge a­mong men, then the recipro­call violences of the under­standing and the will; or, to speak plainly, the passion of the one and blindnesse of the other: Since some by chance [Page] or interest take up Principles whith they force the Under­standing by strained Argu­ments to maintain: Others by the Custome of some opi­nion so bewitch the will in­to confedracy, that they can never quit it after confutati­on; to remedy this, since I had purposed with my self to say somewhat to this point (which though it be but a small wyer, yet the great weight of civill felicitie lyes upon it) I knew no better method then to take the scales [Page] off the eyes of the Under­standing, and shew the Will how better to bring a­bout her great design of good: And in the prosecution of this, I would not skirmish with every Argument which had been a thing of immense slavery and not for every eye; but I choosed rather to strike at the foundations, that the understanding might loose his passion, and more freely consider upon what Quick-sands they lay; and in this I needed not to be posi­tive, [Page] because I take a task which most men-are rather happy in, that is, to sup­plant Errour rather then to assert Truth: Hence I con­sider King-ship simply, not troubling my self to main­tain any other form, or con­sider Oaths, Ends, changes of Government, or particu­lar necessitie or Reasons of safety: they being distinct Considerations and tasks by themselves. Now if this negative way satisfie not, I see no such great cause to be [Page] discouraged, for (I con­fesse) I do not perceive it so easie a thing to find an errour, and I had rather tell a man he was out of the way, then in endeavouring to lead him to the end of his journey, lead him further a­bout: and it is my opinion, that as Sceptiscime is not one­ly uselesse, but dangerous; if in setting our thoughts in a posture of defence, it makes us absolutely waver­ing and incredulous: so had I rather be Scepticall in my [Page] opinion, then maintain it up­on Grounds taken up and not demonstrated.

The second Part is meer­ly an instance as to the Argu­ments of the First, wherein I would not be understood to be a writer of an Epitome; (I have other imployments for my Time and Thoughts; and nobler too) but to set down a true Series by way of Example, and therefore I was onely to note Accesses and Recesses to Govern­ments, and the effects pro­ceeding [Page] from the persons of Governours, and here as I needed not much trouble the Chronologie: So lest it might be a bare Sceleton, I sprink­led some observations, that came to hand, and seem to afford either pleasure or use. Thus much left I might be misunderstood, I thought ne­cessary to premise.


The first Part.

I Have often thought it strange that among all the Governments, either past or being, the Mo­narchicall should so far in extent and number exceed the Popular, as that they could never yet come into comparison. I could never be per­swaded, but it was more happy for a people to be disposed of by a num­ber of persons jointly interested and [Page 2] concerned with them, then to be numbred as the herd and Inheri­tance of One to whose lust and mad­nesse they were absolutely subject; and that any man of the weakest reason and generosity would not rather choose for his habitation that piece of earth, whereon there were accesse to honour by virtue and no worth could be excluded; rather then that where all advancement should proceed from the will of one scarcely hearing and seeing with his own Organs, and gain'd for the most part by means lewd and indi­rect, and that in the end to amount to nothing else but a more splendid and dangerous slavery. To satisfie this, I considered how inscrutably Providence carryes on the turns and stops of all Governments, so that most people rather found them then made them; the constitutions of men, some not fit to be masters of [Page 3] their Liberty, some not capable, some not willing: the Ambition of setled Tyrants, who breaking their own bounds have brought in violent alterations, and lastly, civill discord, which have either corrupted or al­tered better settlements.

But these are observations, ra­ther then Arguments, and relate to fact, rather then reason. That which astonished me most was to see this Heroick learned Age, not onely not rising to thoughts of Li­berty, but in stead thereof foolish­ly turning their wits and swords a­gainst themselves in the maintenance of Them, whose slaves they are, and indeed they can be no weak causes that produce so long and settled a distemper though some of them I supposed, if not most of them, are these.

He knoweth nothing that know­eth not how superstitiously the [Page 4] generality of mankind is given to hold up traditions, and how perti­natious it is in the maintenance of its first prejudices, insomuch that a discovery or more refind reason is as insupportable to them, as the Sunne is to an eye newly brought cut of darknesse; hence opiniatri­trie (which is commonly propor­tioned to their ignorance) and a generous obstinacy sometimes to death and ruine: So that it is no marvell if we see many Gentle­men whose education enabled them onely to use their senses and first thoughts, so dazled with the splen­dor of a Court, prepossessed with the affection of a Prince, or be­witched with some subdolous fa­vour, That he chooseth rather any hazard then enchantment should be broke up. Others perhaps a degree above these, yet in respect of some Title stuck upon the Family (which [Page 5] hath been as fortunate a mysterie of Kingship as any other) or in re­reverence to some glorious former atchievements (minding not that in all these cases the people are the onely effective means, and the King onely imaginary) they think they should degenerate from bra­very in bringing on a change. O­thers are with-held by sloth and ti­merousnesse, either not daring or unwilling to be happy; some look­ing no further then their private welfare, indifferent for the multi­plication of publick evils. Others (and these the worst of all) out of pravity of nature sacrificing to their ambition and avarice, and in order to that, following any power con­curring with any Machinations, and upholding their Authours: whilst Princes themselves, (trained up in these Arts, or receiving them in Tradition) know how to wind all [Page 6] their humours to their own advan­tage, now foisting in the Divinity of their Titles into Pulpits, now a­muzing the People with magnifi­cencies and inter-ludes, now divert­ing their hot Spirits to some unpro­fitable forrain War (making way to their accursed ends of revenge or glory, with the effusion of that bloud which should be as dear to them as their own:) Now stroak­ing the People with some feeble but enforced Law (for which not­withstanding they will be paid;) and 'tis observed, the most notori­ous Tyrants have taken this course; Now giving up the eminentest of their Ministers (which they part with as indifferently as their Robes) unto the rage and fury of the People, so that they are com­manded and condemned by the same mouth, and the credulous and ignorant believing their King set o­ver [Page 7] them, sit still, and by degrees grow into quiet and admiration, e­specially if lulled a sleep with-some small continuance of peace (be it never so unjust, unsound, or dange­rous) as if the body politick could not languish of an internall disease, whilst its complexion is fresh and chearfull.

Those are the Reasons, which (if I conceive aright) have stupified the lesse knowing part of mankind, Now how the more searching part hath so odly miscarried, will fall un­der consideration.

First, then, we need not take the pains to demonstrate how easie a thing it is for men of acutenesse, not conversant in Civil things not one­ly to miscarry in the apprehension, but even in the judgement of them; for they instead of bringing the se­ries and reason of affairs into rule and method, use contrariwise to [Page 8] measure them by their own presup­posed speculation; and by that means become incapable of weighing rightly the various incidences and circumstances of businesses: For it is to be observed, that the Theorems of no Art or Profession are more easily found, or of difficulter pra­ctice, then those of Policy; so that it is no wonder if men meerly con­templative, fail so oft in the very laying of grounds, as we shall anon instance: now how fruitfull dain­ties are Errour and Absurdity, we all know. But more especially the contentions of contemplative men are most numerous, various and endlesse; for wrangling is with them an Art, and they are endued with that ungenerous shame never to acknowledge: Besides their prin­ciples are most times ill rivetted, and it is to be feared, that in their super­structions, they as often call in their [Page 9] imaginations, as their judgement to frame arguments. Besides, these men fighting onely with Pen, Ink, and Paper, seldome arrive at a means to decide the Quarrell, by which he that gains the last word is supposed Conquerour. Or the other leaves al­most as inglorious a conquest to the Victor as if he had been overthrown

That which I would say from all this, is, that the generality of spe­culative men, for the most part gui­ding their understandings by those notions which they find in Books: fall not seldome by this means into considerable Errours: For all Books, those I mean that are humane, and fall directly under consideration, ei­ther lay down Practicall things, and observations of King-ship, or some generall and universall Notions, or else controversially Assert Monar­chy against some opposers. Now in the two latter there are generally [Page 10] found two grand and insupportable fallacies, the first whereof is, that they fraudulently converse in gene­rals, and (to borrow the School-term) speak of that in the Ab­stract, which they should do in the Concret: As for example, where they should assert the particular right of this or that Prince, they cunningly or ignorantly lay out most of their discourse in generall about Monarchy, and not seldome weary and amaze the dispute, be­fore they come to the true Ground and stating of the Quarrel, whereby the Readers diverted by such pre­possession, and entangled by generall Notions of Authority, Power and Government, seldome descend into the consideration of particulars; where the great scruple and difficul­tie for the most part lies. So that a­ny King (be his accesse to the Go­vernment never so fraudulent and [Page 11] unjustifiable) becomes to be look'd on as sacred Authoritative, and by degrees begins to blush at the Attri­butes of Sacred Majesty, Grace, and Highnesse; or any other Terms that the servile flattery and witty Barbarity of Courtiers can give un­to them; nay some even of the wic­ked Roman Emperours, could be content to be saluted with Perenni­ties and Divinities, whereas if men would call their reasons into Coun­cel, they might find that these bla­zing Stars were opake Bodies, and shone onely by reflection: These men having no more then either the Cabal of their own state and di­stance. or the wretched Imposition upon the People cast on them; For would men divest the Authority from the Person, and then common­ly find it inconsiderable, if not posi­tively evil. And again, consider Au­thority in it self as a thing fixt, ve­ritable, [Page 12] immutable, and (when just­ly administred) sacred, they might find, that granting a Prince to be the most Regular Just person in all the World, yet many men as good, joyned with him, and intrusted, and concurring to the same end, might do much more good; and that to deny this, were to be as irrationall, as to deny that one Person could do no good at all. But however, this I take to be certain and demonstrable out of their own Principles, that Kings being onely to be considered in respect of the trust and power that lies on them, a number of men by as just means (to say not better) inve­sted with the same trust and power, are every jot as sacred, and of as much divine right as any Monarch is (the power being essentially the same united or divided, as if a Commission be to one or three) it will then result, that republicks may [Page 13] be as Just and Authoritative, as King-ships, and then their radicall Argument of the Jure Divino of King-ship is wholly enfeebled, and the other rendred equally as Sove­raign. And I am to note (but this is but transiently) the poornesse, or to say better, the Blasphemy of that Ar­gument, that flourishes out Kings as the Eclypes of Divinity, and vainly lavishes some Metaphysicks, to prove that all things have a natu­rall Tendencie to an Onenesse; nay, the itch of some merry wits, have carried them to run over most of the Attribuies (as some English Law­yers have talkt of the Legal, I must say phantasticall ubiquity and om­niscience of our Kings, though we see the contrary, and some Civilians about the Emperour, have gone be­fore them) whereas they should con­sider, that the immense simplicity of God flows out in its severall work­ings, [Page 14] with ineffable variety, God be­ing every-where and the same, or as the Platonists say, a Center in every part of his Circle, a Spirit without Quantity, Distance and Comprehen­sion; whereas man is a determinate narrow thing, who doing one thing, ceaseth to do another; and thinking of one thing, is forc'd to quit his for­mer thought. Now how fit he is to be a shade of this Archytipe, let any judge, unlesse he could be refined from his corporeity, and inlarged in­to a proportionable immensity. Be­sides, I know not whether it be safe to think or no, That as God, who for the most part, suits men with gifts sutable to the places to which he calls them, would in some mea­sure poure out his Spirit proporti­onate to these men, whereas as most commonly we find them, notwith­standing their extraordinary Ad­vantages, of society, education and [Page 15] Business, as weak men as any other, and good Princes being swayed by the advice of men, good and wise, and the bad seduced by men of their own inclinations; what else are all Monarchies, but in reallity Opti­maces for a few only essentially govern, under the name of one who is utterly as unable as the meanest of those over whom hee claimes su­periority.

The second Fallacy or paralo­gism is this, That men, while they Labour thus to support Monarchy tell us not what kind of Monarchy it is, and consequently gain no­thing, although we should grant, them the former proposition to be true; For what does it avail to acertain me of the Title of such a Prince, if I know not by what Title he holds, grant it were visible to me that such a man was markt out by providence to be my Go­vernour, [Page 16] yet if I cannot tell what kinde of one, whether absolute, mixt, limited, meerly Law-Execu­tive, or first in order, how shall I know to direct my Obedience? if he be absolute, my very naturall liberty is taken away from me, nor doe I know any power can make any man such; The Scripture hold­ing out just Limitations and re­strictions to all Governours. If mixt and limited, I must know the due temperature and bounds, or else he may usurpe or be mistaken, and I oppressed or injured. If Law-Executive, the power fundamen­tally resides not in him, but in the great Counsell, or them intrusted by the people, then I adore onely a shadow: Now if any Prince of Europe can really clear up these mistes, and shew the lines of his Government drawn fairly, and his Charter whole and Authentick, like [Page 17] that of Venice and the first Rome: For my part, Ile be the first man shall sweare him Allegiance, and the last that will preserve him. But you will finde that they will tell you in generall about their office, and in particular of their claimes of Succession, Inheritance and An­cestors, when look but three or foure stories back, and you will meet either some savage unnatur­all Intrusion (disguiz'd under some forc'd Title or inexistent Cognation) or else some violent alteration, or possibly some slender Oath or Ar­ticles hardly extorted and imperrfectly kept. Now if any man tha­will but run over these rules, and apply them to any History what­ever (as we shall exemplify in that which for the present we have pitcht upon) and not finde most Titles Ambiguous, the effects of former Monarchies (for where, in [Page 18] a Catalogue of forty Kings, can you almost shew me three good ones, but things meerly strugling to maintain their Titles and dome­stick Interest) ruinous to the peo­ple (who, for the most part, consi­dering them no otherwise then as to be Rescued from violent Confu­sion, not as they conduce to the po­sitive happinesse of a civil life) my small conversation in Books is ex­treamely false: And truly I con­ceive it may be the rationallest course to set any judgement aright, because it instructs by experience and effects, and grounds the judge­ment upon materiall observation, and not blindly gropes after no­tions and causes, which to him are Tantum non inscrutable, But of that anon: A main mistake under this Topick, hath been an erroneous Comparison and application of matters Civil and Military; for [Page 19] men observing that mixt Councels about Generals, Plurality, equa­lity of Commands, often and sud­den Military alterations, have brought on no small distempers and dangers to severall Govern­ments and attempts; Therefore they presently collect, that in Ci­vils also it is the safest to continue a Command in one-hand for the preventing of the like disturbances: But here they are deceived, Civill matters consist in long debate, great consideration, patient expectation and wary foresight, which is better to be found in a number of choice experienced heads, then in one single one, whose youth and vigor of Spirit innables him rather to Action, and fils him with that no­ble Temerity, which is commonly so happy in Martial things, which must be guided alwayes to prevent occasions (which are seldom to be [Page 20] found again, and which, mistaken, are to scarcely amended) Besides the ferocity of daring spirits, can hardly be bounded while they stand levell, so that it is no won­der if they extinguish all emula­tions, by putting the power into the hands of one, whereas in the Citty, it is quite otherwise; and Factions (unless they be Cruelly exorbitant) doe but poyse and ballance one another, and many times like the discord of humors upon the naturall Body, produce reall good to the Politicks. That slender conception, that nature seems to dress out a principality in most of her works, as among Birds, Bees, &c. is so slen­der (in regard they are no more chiefs then what they fancy them, but all their prepotency is meerly predatory or oppressive, and even Lyons, Elephants, Crocodiles and Eagles, have small inconsidera­be [Page 21] enemies, of which they stand in fear, and by which they are of­ten ruined) that the Recitall con­futes it; and if it were so, yet un­less they could prove their One man to be as much more excellent as those are, and that solely, I see not what it would advantage them, since to comply with the designe of Nature in one, they would con­trary it in others, where shee were equally concerned. But these Phy­lologicall and Rhetoricall Argu­ments, have not a little hindered the severer disquisition of reason and proposessed the more easy mindes with notions so much har­der to be layd aside, as they are more erronious and pleasing.

These are the fundamentall er­rours that have misled the judge­ment; now those which have mis­guided the conscience, have princi­pally proceeded from the mis-inter­pretation [Page 22] of Scripture, and there­fore seeming Sacred, have been less examined and doubted, as carrying the most authority. Thus in the old Testament, there being such fre­quent mention of Kings, which notwithstanding, were Given in wrath, they superstitiously hold forth, not only the necessity, but the impunity of Kings, whereas wee know not their powers and limita­tions, and it is in consequentiall to argue, That because Judea was so governed, wee should follow the paterne, when we find neither pre­cept consequence, nor necessity con­vincing. And it is mad to think that while the Spirit of God so freely and vehemently exclaimes against the iniquiries of men, that God would authorize it so far as to leave it in them unpunishable. As for the antiquity from Adam it is true, before his fall his domi­nion [Page 23] was large and wide, but it was over the Beasts (that after his fall learned to rebel against him) and aconomically not despotically over his wife and children, But what is this to Civil Government? In the new Testament (for I the brieflyer pass over this head, in re­gard it hath been so copiously treated upon by those under whose profession it falles, and that it doth not immediatly conduce to my de­signe) the principall hath been the meeknesse of Christ and his com­plyance with Civill powers, which certainly if he had been disposed to have resisted, he could as easily have overthrown, as with a few cords whip the buyers and sellers out of the Temple. But hee that was the wisdome of his Father, ra­ther thought fit to build up his Kingdom, which is never earthly, nor known of men of earth, in [Page 24] meeknes and obedience to civill powers, which are perpetually changed and hurried at the will of the first mover, otherwise he would never have concerned himself so much in giving dues to Caesar, and to God, what is Gods; intimating the distinct obediences owing by all men, as Christians, and Citizens, when granting Monarchy, the most and the onely Lawfull Govern­ment, yet every one knoweth, that knoweth any thing of the Roman story, that Augustus had no more Title to that Government, then any of those over whom he usur­ped, and that his accesse to Co­vernment was as fraudulent and violent as could be. Another is the mistaking of the Powers [...], when its clear, the Scripture speak­eth of it in a latitude, as extending it to all established Governments. Now men have falsly assumed that [Page 25] those powers were only meant of Kings; and what by an indiscreet collation of the places of the old, and violent restings of others of the new, they perfected the other grand mistake, which since it hath been al­ready cleared up (and as we said is but collaterall with us for the pre­sent) we shall no further mention.

As for the alleadged exam­ples and and speeches of primitive times, I see not much in them con­siderable, for through insurrections against Princes cannot be produ­ced, or rather much is said against them; we are to consider, that the Gospel of Christ (which was at that time not much defiled by the world) ingages not to any Domi­nation, but wholly taken up with its own extasies, spiritual delights and expectations, neglects all other affairs as strange and dange­rous. And more over (though I [Page 26] know what hath been said to the contrary) I cannot finde (after con­sideration of those Ages) any pro­bable ground how, if they would have risen, they could have Bodied. They were indeed numerous, but then they had Legionaries among them, and who knows not what an ineffectual thing a People is (be it never so desirous) when overawed by the Soldatesque: And they were a People (as greatness to God and man is different) not for their wordly power (for how few consi­derable Commanders were Con­verted in the first Ages?) but out of his own choice, so that it was not strange, if they could not do much. For God as he chose the weakest means in the planting of the Gospel, Fishermen; So, in the Primitive propagation he called the weaker men, though Christianity afterwards grew ample and Au­gust, [Page 27] and Kings were proud to give their names unto it.

As for the Fathers (granting them f [...]ee of their many Bastardi­zations, interpolations, and all those Errors and uncertainties which the process of time and fraud of men hath foysted into them) they are to be accepted as Witnesses, not as Judges, that is to say, they may prove matter of Fact, but none of their words matter of Right, especially if we consider their writings either Homilies, Commentaries, or controversies, which are ever directed to another end then this is, and they them­selves (men secluded from Business) are so much more unable to judge and resolve Civill controversies (as this is) in regard the unhappi­ness of the latter Times hath pro­duced many controversies: not know or thought of in their days, [Page 28] which falling directly under their profession, cannot receive any light or Authority from them.

Having considered Kingship, how well it hath appeared through the false lights of understanding, we shall now consider, whether (taking it by it self) its founda­tions be laid upon a Cylen­der or upon a Cube, and this me thinks we are the likeliest to do, if we consider them in their rights and uses, or to speak plainer; in their Legality and policy, so that if we finde that none of the wayes of the retaining of their Crowns can be Authenticall save one, and that one make against them, we shall finde we have no such just causes of blinde ado­ration or implicite enforcement to truckle under any of their Com­mands. And if again we discover that the Government it self is [Page 29] not so profitable as to the end of Civil happiness, but rather Dia­metrically opposite to it, we may suppose that men are either strange­ly obstinate, or else they might eradicate an error, which not onely offers so many prejudices to their understanding, but hath such an evil influence upon their out­ward well being.

We have then to consider, that for One man to rule over Ma­ny, there must necessarily be some right, though it be but colour­able; for either he must be cho­sen by the people as their Arbi­trator and Supream Judge, or else he must by force of Arms in­vade them, and bring them to obe­dience, which he by force preserving for his Sons of Successors, makes way for a third claim, which is Inheritance. A fourth, some have invented, though were it real, [Page 30] it is but a difference of the last, and I therefore shall mention it under that head. But to the Con­sideration.

First therefore Election, sup­posing the people either finding themselves unable to weyld their own happiness, or for preventing of disorder, make choice of one to be set over them, it here in­stantly followeth, that Authority is in the people, and flowing from them; for choice argues a power, and being chosen elected a subor­dination to it, in the end, I mean, though not in every Act: Now there is none chosen but for some, end, or for some intentions reci­procall betwixt both partyes, for otherwise such a choice were but dotage, and consequently invalid: Now thus it will follow that those who pretend to King it up­on this Topick, must either shew a [Page 31] formal Election, which I think many Kings are not able to do, or if he can shew one, the Condi­tions and ends for which he was chosen. Now all parts being ei­ther implicite or explained, let him produce the Covenant, that it may be known whether he govern ac­cording to it or not, for if he trans­gresseth, he forfeits, and the other are disobliged. If the agreement be unwritten or intentional, either party is relatively tyed, and then if he do any thing against the wel­fare of the people (that Soveraing Law and end of all Governments:) The people may not onely justly suppose the form capitulation bro­ken, but even endeavour, by what possible means they can, to re­store themselves to their former rights: for why should the mak­ing of a Compact prejudice any when it is once broken; And here [Page 32] cometh in another fallacy, which the Assertors of Royalty have so flourished with, That an agreement between a people and one man, should inure, as the English Law­yers terme it, to his Descendants, when as it is to be considered, that the people choosing of one man, is commonly in consideration of his person and personal merit, which not being the same in his Son (as commonly Families in the Hori­zon are in the Meridian, the Foun­ders being braver then any that fol­low after them) that very intent is frustrated and ceaseth, and the People providing for the happiness of a few years, which are deter­minable with uncertainty of the latter part of the life of one man, run themselves and their posteri­ty into an eternal inconvenience (for any thing they know) of bad Go­vernours; neither if the people [Page 33] would never so formally agree with him that in regard of his me­rits or felicity of actions, his Son should be received in that place, yet would they not do it, that very pact expiring with the life of ei­ther: For my Father may leave me notionally a slave in a Tenure (a thing frequently with our Ance­stors) or as Civilians term it, it a Feodary, which I ā content with, in respect of the advantage it brings me, or because my own estate is to little to be independent, and therefore I think it good prudence to be sheltered under the prote­ction of the greater, but my na­turall Liberty, that is to say, to make my life as justly happy and advantagious to me as I can, he can no more give away from me then my understanding or eye­sight, for these are priviledges whih God and Nature hath endued [Page 34] me with, and these I cannot be denyed, but by him that will deny me a being. But to go on, Suppose a second Generation should accept the Son, and a third a Grandfire, yet this confirms not a fourth, and they very impo­litickly strengthen, and confirm the power by continuance, and in a manner with their own hands lay the Foundation of absoluteness; their Governours themselves grow­ing in Interests, increasing in A­liances and gleaning Forces, so it is very improbable but within a little they grow to big and formidable, and leave nothing of the Liberty save the name and (if they be less cunning) not that. A pertinent ex­ample of this, it is so near us, that I cannot pass it, we see in young Orange and the Low Countries at this day, who continuing his Pro­genitors for their signall services, [Page 35] and him for theirs, are now pu­nished for their generous and indi­screet rewarding of vertue, that their Liberty was lately blown up before they well perceived it to be undermined, and they are at charge to maintain their own op­pression. As for that formall ele­ction and stipulation, who sees not what a vain and ridiculous cheat it is, they coming with swords in their hands to demand the Sce­pter of a weak and stupid multi­tude that appears onely to gaze upon the Ceremonies, and whose refusal were ineffectual; but it is a gracious piece of the Caball of Tyrannie to deceive the People with Shadows, Fantasmes, and names of Liberty.

As for those that intrude in by force, they cannot certainly have a Fore-head to infer a right, they being but as the Pyrat said to [Page 36] Alexander, publique and more magnificent Robbers: certainly these are the Nimrods, the great Hunters, Gods scourges, and the burdens of the Earth; and whether they be Founders of Empires, or great Captains (as Boccalini di­stinguisheth them) ought rather to be remembred with horror and de­testation, then that undue reve­rence which they commonly meet with.

But these are they that lay the the foundations of Succession, and from these do the Successors claim, and enjoy with the lesse reluctance, Because the Regret of the violences and hate of the first, dayly weares out; whether it be by the conti­nuance of Peace, that charmes men into a love of ease, or that the conti­nuance of slavery enfeebles their mindes, that they rather chose to look at their present enjoyment, then [Page 37] reall happinesse, so that it is not strange if the Person of their op­pressour become in time adorable, and he himself think that confirmed and justified to him in the processe of time, which in the beginning he had no right to. But if he will con­sider the businesse a little higher, we might find that since neither the People (as we have proved before) have power to make themselves Vassals, nor the Intruders them­selves cannot pretend any just title; their Domination is meerly illegall, and apt to be shaked off with the first conveniencie, it being every whit as equitable, that these men should be judged Enemies of man­kind, and condemned to die the death of Parricides for usurping a power, as Nero for mis-using it. But I would fain ask the Regions Defenders, by what Law they can maintain Governments, to be inhe­rent [Page 38] in one, and to be transmitted to his Off spring? If they say by the Law of God I would again de­mand how they can make this Law appear to me? If they say that the Scripture holds forth the right and sacreity of Kings, I ask them again, How they know that God extends that Priviledge and authority to this King; if they say, that he is in­volved in the generall right, they do but run into the Circle; unlesse they can show me, that all his approches to Government were regular, and such as God was pleased with, or else God had by some signe and wonder declared his approbation of him; for without these two, they must make God an Authour of evil, which is impious, and pretend Commission for an unlawfull Act; and by the same right, any other may to an action never so unjust, it being no unusuall thing to borrow [Page 39] the face of Divinity, even upon some foul impostures, (as to forbear fur­ther instances) Numa his conference with Aegeria, Scipio's retirement into the Capitol, and Sertorius his white Hart.

Now, if they pretend the Law of Nature, they must demonstrate unto us, both that she endowed men with unequall freedome, and that she shaped out such a man to rule, whereas it appears on the contrary, that all men naturally are equall: for though Nature with a Noble variety hath made different the Features and Lineaments of men, yet as to freedome, till it be lost by some externall means, she hath made every one alike, and given them the same desires. But suppose she had intended such a Family for Government, and had given them some illustrious marks, as we read of some had (whether by the ima­gination [Page 40] of their mothers, or by de­ceit yet then would Nature fall into a double irregularity; first in desert­ing her method in making all free; and secondly in making her generall work meerly subservient, and secon­dary to her particular, which how contrary it is to that beautifull har­mony of hers, I need not much in­sist. Now if they say, they are Fa­thers of the People; as for that which they call themselves the Heads, inferring the People no more then a trunk, it's onely Meta­phoricall, and proves nothing: for they must remember, that since Fa­ther hath a Correllative upon which it depends, & upon whose removall it vanisheth, they themselves can­not bring any such; for by Physicall procreation they will not offer it. And for Metaphoricall dependence it will come to nothing, we seeing People languish when their Princes [Page 41] are fullest, and like Leeches, rather willing to burst then to fall off. And on the contrary the People upon the removall of a Prince, cheerfull and relieved. Now if there were such a strict union between these two, such a contrariety and antipathy could never appear: for certainly when any two persons endeavour to gain one upon another, there is an enmity what ever is pretended; besides, if these men would be Fathers, it were then their duty to do like Fathers, which is, to provide for, defend and cherish, whereas on the contrary, it is themselves that eat the bread out of the mouths of their Children, and through the groans of the poor. And whereas flattery hath said, that what they draw up in vapours they send down in showres, yet are we sure, such are for the most part un­fruitfull, if not ominous and infe­ctious: If they pretend the Law of [Page 42] Nations, it were well, they would declare unto us at first what this Law is, and whether generally a­greed on or no by Nations: if they say, yes, they must resolve whether explicitely or implicitely; if they say the former, let them produce them; if the latter, they must de­monstrate, that all Nations are a­greed in such and such Notions; now if all men of these Nations since every one must be of equall capaci­ty; when on the contrary, though the understandings of most men whom we know or have conversed with, seem to flee to some generall Maximes (yet unpolished, unnum­bered, and unmethodixed) yet we see many Nations differing from us in many things, which we think clearly, fundamentally and natural­ly true, neither do climate and edu­cation onely so diversitie the minds of men, but even their understand­ings, [Page 43] and the different wayes of thinking so distinguish them, though of one Countrey, that though we may please our selves in thinking that all mens thoughts follow the Fantasticall method of ours, yet we might find, if we were perfect­ly conversant with all men of the world, and well read in their wits (as we are not with half of them, no, nor any one man with the twen­tieth part) that there are scarce four or five axioms would be universally received. Now (for I have been the longer in this, by reason that this imaginary Law hath been so held up by the Civilians, and made the subterfuge of so many considerable disputes) if it be so weak as that we can scarce tell whether it be or no, for even that which we account the most sacred piece of it, the vio­lation of publick Messengers, the Taertar and Muscovite, unlesse [Page 44] withheld by fear, break it every day) What are the Arguments de­ducted from it? or if there were such a Law, what would it avail such a particular man, for why should other Nations impose a Go­vernour were they are not concern­ed; and if they pretend this Law, as to the preservations and impuni­ty of their persons, the same Answer will serve again, with this addition, That they make an offender unca­pable of punishment, it is but to give them a Commission to offend: Now if they run upon that distin­ction of Suspending onely, and not punishing (as if forsooth this kind of people must be preserved, though by the ruine of mankind, to imme­diate vengeance) Now, I say, That Suspension is really a punishment, and if his demerits can deserve that, I see not but that upon a proporti­onable increase, they may deserve [Page 45] Dethronization or Death, as clear­ly as two and two make four, and four make eight. If they alledge Positive or municipall Laws, and number Homages, they are not much the nearer, since that all such Laws are but Rivulets and Branches of those we before examined; and since we found that those speak so little in their favour, that which these do, cannot signifie much, especially since Princes, who are ever watchfull to prevail themselves of all occasions of this nature, can either by terrour or artifice draw assemblies or the major part, to their own Lure; nay, even the worst of them have not for­got to be solicitous in this case: but it must be set down, That whatso­ever positive Laws are repugnant to those generall, they are injurious, and ought to be repealed: And tru­ly it is a sad observation, that as Monarchs grow, either out of the [Page 46] weaknesse of Government, and (as I may say) pupillage, as Romulus and Theseus did at Rome and A­thens, or else out of the disease or depravation of them, as Caesar a­gain invaded Rome, so have the people been never more enamoured of them, then when manners were at the highest corruption, which e­ver gave accesse of strength to them; nor have they more distasted them, then when their Spirits and Disci­pline were the most brave and healthfull; so fatally disagreeing are true Liberty, which is the very source of Virtue and Generosity, and the impotent Domination of a Single Tyrant, who commonly Raign by no other means, then the discords of braver Citizens, who can neither indure Equality or Superi­ority among themselves, and rather admit a generall Vassalage, then just equality, or the vices of the baser, [Page 47] which reconcile them and concern them in a bad example. But suppose Succession a thing sacred and invio­lable, yet once break and interrupt it, it is little worth, either the Usur­per being to be acknowledged regu­lar, or the whole Series dash'd out of order: Nay, we see Aspirers themselves, either so blinded with their pretences, or with animosity, so crying their own up, that it is al­most impossible for any private judgement to do right in this case, themselves thwarting one another, and it not being in the power of na­ture that both should be right: But who can instance one Monarch, whose Crown is come to him by untainted Succession? and what Hi­story will not confirm the Example, I shall anon bring: Certainly though Succession were a thing that had not so little reason or being, yet I see not why men should with such [Page 48] a strange pertinacy defend it: Mat­ters of Government ought to be governed by prudence, but this is to put them into the hands of Fortune, when a Child uncapable or infirm, under the Regiment of a Nurse, must (possibly) be Supreme Go­vernour, and those whom either their Abilities or vertues fit for it, Subordinate or laid aside: But what if the person whom Necessity hath set at the Stern, be uncapable, Lu­natick, Weak or Vicious, is not this a good way to prevent Controver­sies? with all this enervates all good Councel, when a King should have need of Tutours, and that a masse of people should be com­manded by one who commands not himself, and when we scarce obey even excellent Princes, to adore sha­dows and weak ones.

As for Boxhornius distinction of successive, wherein the next Heir [Page 49] must necessarily succeed out of the O­riginall right of the former, I would ask him, whether the Predecessour were a Possessour or usufructuary; if the former, all our former Argu­ments fall on him; if the latter, it makes not for his Successour, the people being owners; and be­sides, the distinction is one of his own Coyning, never pretended be­fore, upon the first controversie it is invalid, although the first founder had a right, as we have proved the contrary.

Having with what brevity I could, brought to an end my first intention. I shall now fall upon the second, which is the intrinsical va­lue and expediency of this Govern­ment, and some little comparison with others; but herein we shall be short, and onely so far as concerns this: And indeed it is a businesse so ticklish, that even Mr. Hobs in his de Cive, though he assured himself [Page 50] that the rest of his Book (which is principally erected to the assertion of Monarchy) is demonstrated, yet he doubts whether the Arguments which he brings to this businesse be so firm or no; And Malvezzi con­trarily remonstrates (in his discour­ses upon Tacitus) that Optimacies are clearly better then Monarchies, as to all advantages. And indeed if we look on their Arguments, they are either Flourishes, or meerly Conceptions, such are the reference and perfection of an Unity, which must needs work better and more naturally, as one simple cause (besides that it stills and restrains all other claims) then many co-or­dinate, whereas they never consider that though among many joynt Causes, there may be some jarring, yet like crosse wheels in an Engine, they tend to the regulation of the whole; What violent mischiefs are brought in by the contentions of [Page 51] Pretenders, Ambiguities of Titles, and lawlesse ambition of Aspirers, whereas in a setled Republick all this is clear; and in case any par­ticular man aspire, they know whom to joyn against and punish as a Common Enemy. As for that which alledges the advantage of se­cresie in businesse, it carries not much with it, in regard that under that even most pernicious designs may be carryed on; and for whol­some counsels (Bating some more nice Transactions) it matters not how much they be tost, among those who are so much entrusted and con­cerned in them, all crosse Designs being never in probability so feeble and ineffectuall, as when there are many eyes to over look them, and voyces to decry them. As for that expedition in which they say Mo­narchs are so happy, it may as well further a bad intention, as [Page 52] give effect to a just Councell, it depending on the judgement of a single man, to whose will and ends all must refer; whereas a select number of Entrusted persons may hasten every opportunity with a just slownesse as well as they, though indeed (unlesse it be in some Mili­tary Criticall minuts) I see not such an excellency in the swiftnesse of heady dispatch, precipitation in Councels being so dangerous and Ominous. As for what concerns pri­vate Suitors, they may as (if not more) speedily and effectually be answered in staid Re-publicks, as in the Court of a King, where Bribery and unworthy Favourites do not what is just, but what is desired.

With these and many others as considerable, which partly willing­ly, and partly in this penury of Books, forgettingly I passe, do they intend to strengthen this fantasticall [Page 53] and airie building; but as sly Con­troverters, many times leave out the principall Text or Argument, because should it be produced it could not be so easily answered; so these men tell us all the advantages of Monarchy, supposing them still well setled, and under men virtuous, but you shall never hear them talk of it, in Statu corrupto, under lewd Kings and unsetled Laws; they ne­ver let fall a word of the dangers of Inter-reigns, the minorities and vi­ces of Princes, Misgovernments, e­vil Councels, Ambitions, Ambigui­ties of Titles, and the Animosities and Calamities that follow them, the necessary Injustices and Op­pressions by which Monarchs (using the peoples wealth and bloud a­gainst them) hold them fast in their seats, and by some suspension of Di­vine Justice die not violently.

Whereas, other Governments e­stablished [Page 54] against all these evils, be­ing ever of vigour and just age set­led in their own right, freed from pretences, served by experienced and engaged Councels, and (as nothing under the Moon is perfect) some­times gaining and advantag'd in their Controversies, which have not seldome (as we may see in old Rome) brought forth good Laws and Aug­mentations of Freedome, whereas once declining from their purity and vigour; and (which is the effect of that) ravisht by an Invader, they languish in a brutish servitude (Mo­narchy being truly a disease of Go­vernment) and like Slaves, stupid with harshnesse and continuance of Slavery, wax old under it, till they either arrive at that period which God prescribes to all people and Governments, or else better Stars and Nephews awaken them out of that Lethargy, and restore them to [Page 55] their Pristine Liberty, and its Daughter happinesse.

But this is but to converse in No­tions, wandring, and ill abstract from things, let us now descend into pra­cticall observation and clearly ma­nifest out of the whole Series of Time and Actions, what circum­stances and events have either usher­ed or dog'd one race of Kings, That if there were all the justice in the world, that the Government of a Nation should be entailed upon one Family, yet certainly we could not grant it to such an one, whose Criminall lives and formidable deaths, have been evidences of Gods wrath upon it for so many Genera­tions.

And since no Countrey that I know, yields such an illustrious ex­ample of this as Scotland does, and it may be a charity to bring into the way such as are misled, I have pitch­ed [Page 56] upon the Scottish History, where­in as I have onely consulted their own Authours, as my fittest wit­nesses in this case; So have I (not as a just History, but as far as con­cerns this purpose) faithfully and as far as the thing would permit, with­out glosses represented it, so that a­ny calm understanding may deduce, that the vengeance which at the pre­sent is levell'd against the Nation, is but an attendant of this new intro­duc'd Person, and that he himself, though for the present he seems a Clog among his Frogs, and suffer them to play about him, yet God will suffer him (if the English Army prevent not) to turn Stork and de­vour them, while their cries shall not be heard, as those that (in dis­pight of the warning of Providence, and light of their own reasons, for their own corrupt Interest & greedy Ambition) brought these miseries upon themselves.

THE INSTANCE Out of the Scottish History, Which is the Second Part.

ANd now we come to our main businesse, which is the review of Story, wherein we may find such a direct and uninterrupted Se­ries, such mutuall Endearments be­tween Prince and People, and so many of them crowned with happy Reigns and quiet Deaths (two toge­ther scarce dying naturally) that we may conclude, that they have not [Page 58] onely the most reason, but a great deal of excellent Interest, who E­spouse the Person and Quarrell of the hopefull descendant of such a Family; nor shall we be so injurious to the glory of a Nation, proud with a Catalogue of Names and Kings, as to expunge a great part of their number; though some who have done it affirm, There can be no probability that they had any other being then what Hector Boyes, and the black Book of Pasley (out of which Buchanan had most of his materials) bestow on them, there being no mention of the name of Scot in any Authentick Writer, till Four hundred years after Christ: No, we shall no more envy these old Heroes unto them, then their placing the red Lion in the Dexter point of their Eschutcheon: But though we might in justice reject them as Fabulous and Monkish, [Page 59] yet since themselves acknowledge them, and they equally make a­gainst them, we shall run them over like veritable History: The first of this blessed race was Fergus, first Generall, and afterward got him­self made King, but no sooner cast away on the coast of Ireland but a contention arises about the validity of their Oath to him, and Uncles are appointed to succeed, which ar­gues it Elective; so Feritharis Bro­ther to Fergus is King, but his Ne­phew enters a Conspiracy against him, forces him to resigne and flie to the Isles, where he died. Fori­tharis dying soon after, was su­spected to be poisoned: after him comes in Main (Fergus second sonne) who with his sonne Dorna­dilla reigned quietly fifty seven years. But Reuther his sonne, not being of age, the people make his Uncle Nothat take the Govern­ment, [Page 60] but he misruling, Reuther, by the help of one Doualus, raised a party against him and beheads him; makes himself King with the indi­gnation of the People that he was not elected, so that by the kindred of Nothat he is fought with, taken and displaced, but afterward makes a party and regains: His son Thereus was too young, so that his Brother Rhoutha succeeded, but af­ter seventeen years was glad to re­signe. Well, Thereus reigns, but after six years declines to such lewd­nesse that they force him to flie, and govern by a Prorex after his death; Josina his Brother, and his Son Finan are Kings, and quietly die so.

But then comes Durst, one who slaies all the Nobility at a Banquet, and is by the People slain; after his death the validity of the Oath to Fergus is called in question, [Page 61] and the elective power vindicated; but at length Even his brother is admitted, who though he ruled va­liantly and well, yet he had Gillus a bastard Son, Vaser & Regni Cupidus: The next of the line are two Twins Docham and Dorgall (sons of Durst) they while they disputed of priority of age, are by the artifice of Gillus slain in a tu­mult; who makes a strong party, and seizing of a Hold, sayes he was made Supervisor by his Father, and so becomes King, cuts off all the race of Durst, but is after forc'd out of the Kingdom, and taken by Even the second his Successor (who was chosen by the People) and by him put to death in Ireland: after Even comes Eder: after Eder, his son Even the third, who for making a Law, that the Nobility should have the enjoyment of all new married women before they were touched [Page 62] by their husbands, was doomed to prison during his life & there stran­gled; his Successor was his Kins­man Metellan; after whom was elected Caratac, whom his brother Corbret succeeded; but then came Dardan (whom the Lords made take on him the Government, by reason of the nonage of Corbrets son) who for his lewdness was taken by the People and beheaded.

After him Corbret the second, whose Son Luctac for his lewdness was by the People put to death; then was elected Mogald, who following his vitious Predecessors steps, found his death like theirs, violent.

His Son Conar one of the Con­spirators against him succeeded, but mis-governing, was clapt in Prison and there dyed.

Ethodius his Sisters son succe­ded, who was slain in the night [Page 63] in his Chamber by his Piper.

His Son being a Minor, Satrael his brother was accepted who seek­ing to place the succession in his own line, grew so hatefull to the People, that not daring to come abroad, he was strangled in the night by his own servants, which made way for the youngest Bro­ther

Donald, who out-did the others vices by contrary vertues; and had a happy raign of one and twen­ty years.

Ethodiis the second, Son of the first of that name was next, a dull un-active Prince, Familiarum tu­multu occisus.

His Son Athirco promised fair, but deceived their expectati­ons with most horrid lewdness, and at length vitiated the daughters of Nathaloc a Nobleman, and caused them to be whipt before his eyes, [Page 64] but seeing himself surrounded by Conspirators, eluded their fury with his own sword; his Brother and Children being forced to flie to the Picts. Nathaloc turning his injury into ambition made himself King, and governed answerably, for he made most of the Nobility to be strangled, under the pre­tence of calling them to Councell, and was after slain by his own servants.

After his death, Athirco's chil­dren were called back, and Findor his son, being of excellent hopes, accepted; who made good what his youth promised; he beat in sun­dry Battels Donald the Islander, who seeing he could not prevail by force, sent two, as Renegadoes, to the King, who (being not ac­cepted) conspire with his Brother, by whose means one of them slew him with a hunting spear when he was a hunting.

[Page 65] His brother Donald succeeds (the youngest of the three) who about to revenge his Brothers death hears the Islander is entred Murray: whom he encountring with unequal forces, is taken prisoner with thir­ty of the Nobility, and whether of grief, or his wounds, dyes in Prison.

The Islander, that had before assumed the name, now assumed the power (the Nobles, by rea­son of their kindred prisoners, being overawed) this man wanting no­thing of an exquisite Tyrant, was, after twelve years Butcheries, slain by Cratherinth son of Findor, who under a disguise found address and opportunity. The brave Tyranni­cide was universally accepted, and gave no cause of repentance, his Raign is famous, for a War begun between the Scots and Picts about a Dog (as that between the Tro­jans [Page 66] and Italians for a white Hart) and the defect on of Carausius from Dioclesian which happened in his time.

His Kinsman Fyncormach suc­ceeded, worthy of memory for litt­le but the piety of the Culdys (an order of Religious men of that time overborn by others succeeding) hee being dead, three sonnes of his three brothers contended; Romach as the eldest strengthned by his al­liance with the Picts, with their as­sistance seized on it, forcing others to fly, but proving cruell, the No­bility conspired and slew him.

Angusian, another pretender, succeeds who being assailed by Ne­ctam King of the Picts, who came to revenge Romach, routed his Ar­my in a pitcht battel, but Nectham coming again he was routed and both he and Nectham slaine.

Tethelmac, the third pretender [Page 67] came next, who beating the Picts, and wasting their fields; Hergust when he saw there could be no ad­vantage by the sword, suborned two Picts to murther him, who drawing to conspiracy, the Piper that lay in his Chamber (as the manner was then) he at the ap­pointed time admitted them, and there slew him.

The next was Even son of Fin­cormac, who was slain in a Battell with the Picts, to the almost extir­pation and banishment of the Scots; but at the last the Picts taking di­staste at the Romans entred into a secret League with the Scots, and agreed that Fergus, (whose, Uncle the last King was) being then in banishment, and of a Militari breeding and inclination should be chosen King: with him the Danes maintained a long War with the Romanes, and pulled down the [Page 68] Picts wall, at last he and the King of Picts were in one day slain in a battell against them; This mans ac­cess to Government was strange, ignotus Rex ab ignoto populo accer­situs, and may be thought temera­rious; he having no Land for his People, and the Roman Name ini­micall, yet founded he a Monar­chy, there having been Kings ever since; and we are to note, this is the first man that the sounder writ­ers will allow to be reall and not fabulous. Him succeded his son Engenius (whose Grandfather Gra­hame had all the power) a War­like Prince whom some say slain, some dead of a disease. After him his Brother Dongard, who after the spending of five superstitious years, left the Crown (as they call it) to his youngest Brother Constantine; who from a good private man turned a lew Prince, and was slain [Page 69] by a Nobleman, whose daughter he had ravished; he was succeeded by Congall Constantines son, who came a tolerable good Prince to a loose people, and having spent some two and twenty years in slight ex­cursions against the Saxons, left the rule to his Brother Goran, who notwithstanding he made a good League against the Brittains, which much conduced to his and the Peo­ples settlement, yet they in requi­tal, after thirty four years, made away with him; which brought in Eugenius the third of that name, the son of Congall, who was strong­ly suspected to have a hand in his death, insomuch that Gorans wi­dow was forced to flie into Ireland with her children: This man in thirty three years time did nothing but Reign, and make short incur­sions upon the Borders; he left the rule to his Brother Congall, a Mo­nastical, [Page 70] Superstitious and unactive Prince, who Reigned ten years. Kynnatell his Brother was desi­gned for Successor, but Aydan the son of Goran laid his claime, but was content to suspend in re­spect of the age and diseases of Kynnatell, which after fourteen moneths took him out of the world and cleared the Controversie, and Aydan by the consent of Columba (a Priest that Governed all in those dayes) came to be King; a man that after thirty four years turbulently spent, being beaten by the Saxons and struck with the death of Columba dyed of grief.

After him was chosen Kenneth, who hath left nothing behinde him but his name. Then came Eugenius the fourth, son of Aydan (so irre­gular is the Scots succession that we see it inverted by usurpation or cross elections in every two or three [Page 71] Generations) this man left an am­biguous fame, for Hector, sayes he was peaceable, the Manuscript im­placably severe, he Reigned sixteen years, and left his sonne Ferchard Successour, who endeavouring to heighten the Prerogative by the dis­sentions of the Nobility, was on the contrary impeached by them, and called to an account, which he de­nying was clapt in Prison, where he himself saved the Executioner a la­bour: So that his Brother Donald succeeded, who being taken up with the Piety of those dayes, left no­thing memorable, save that he in Person interpreted Scots Sermons unto the Saxons: He was follow­ed by his Nephew Ferchard, sonne of the first of that name, a thing like a King in nothing but his exor­bitancies, who in hunting was woun­ded by a Wolf, which cast him into a Feaver, wherein he not observing [Page 72] the imposed Temperance, brought upon himself the lowsie disease, upon which discomforted, he was by the perswasion of Colman (a Religious man) brought out in his bed cove­red with Hair-cloth, where he made a publick acknowledgement to the People, and soon after died. Mald­win, Donalds son followed, who af­ter a twenty years ignoble Reign was strangled by his Wife. Euge­nius the Fift succeed, son (they say) of King Dongard, though the Chronologie seem to refute it: This man spent five years in slight incur­sions, and was succeeded by Euge­nius the Sixt, son of Ferchard: This man is famous for a little learning, as the times went; and the prodigie of raining of bloud seven dayes, all Lacticinia turning into bloud. Amberkelleth nephew to Eu­genius the Fift, succeeded this rude Prince, while he was discharging [Page 73] the burden of Nature, was slain by an arrow from an unknown hand. Eugenius the Seventh followed, who being attempted by Conspira­tours, had his new-married Wife slain in bed beside him; for which he being accused produced the mur­derers before his triall, and was ac­quitted, and so ended the rest of his 17. years in peace, recommending unto the People Mordack, son of Amberkelleth, who continuing a blank raigne, or it may be a happy one, in regard it was peaceable, left it to Etfyn, son of Eugenius the se­venth; the first part of his reigne was peaceable; but Age obliging him to put the Government into the hands of four of his servants, it hapned to him, as it doth to other Princes, whose fortunes decay com­monly with their strength, that it was very unhappy and turbulent: Which miseries, Eugenius the [Page 74] Eighth, son of Mordack restrained; but he it seems, having a nature fit­ter to appease tumults, then to enjoy rest, at the first enjoyment of peace, broke into such lewdnesse, that the Nobility at a meeting stabb'd him, and made way for Fergus the sonne of Etfyn, one like his Predecessour in manner, death, and continuance of reigne, which was three years; the onely dissimilitude was, that the latter's Wife brought his death; for which, others being impeached, she stept in and confessed it, and to elude punishment, punished her self with a knife. Soluath, son of Eugenius the Eighth, followed him, who though his gout made him of lesse Action, yet it made his prudence more visible, and himself not illaudable, his death brought in Achaius the son of Etfyn, whose reign was innobled with an Irish War, and many learned men, besides the [Page 75] assistance, lent Hungus to fight a­gainst the Northumbrians, whom he beat in famous battell, which (if I may mention the matter) was presignified to Hungus in a dream; Saint Andrew appearing to him, and assuring him of it, and in the time of the battell, a white Crosse, (that which the Heraulds call a Sal­tier, and we see commonly in the Scots Banners) appeared in the Sky; and this I think to have been the occasion of that bearing, and an order of Knights of Saint An­drew, sometimes in reputation in Scotland, but extinguished for ought I can perceive, before the time of James the Sixth, though the Collar and Pendent of it are at this day worn about the Scots Arms. To this man Congal his Cousin suc­ceeded, who left nothing behind him but five years to stretch out the account of time. Dongal the son of [Page 76] Soluath came next, who being of a nature fierce and insupportable, there was an endeavour to set up Alpine son of Achaius, which de­signe by Alpine himself was fru­strated, which made the King wil­linger to assist Alpine in his pre­tension to the Kingdome of Picts, in the which attempt he was drown­ed, and left unto Alpine that which he before had so nobly refused, who making use of the former raised an Army, beat the Picts in many signall Victories; but at last was slain by them, leaving his name to the place of his death, and the Kingdome to his son Kenneth. This man seeing the People broken with the late War, and unwilling to fight, drew on by this subtilty, invites the No­bility to dinner, and after plying them with drink till midnight, leaves them sleeping on the floor (as the manner was) and then [Page 77] hanging Fish-skins about the wals of the Chamber, and making one speak through a trunk, and call them to Warre: they waking, and half asleep, supposed something of Divinity to be in it, and the next morning not onely consented to War, but (so strange is deluded imagination,) with unspeakable courage fell upon the Enemy, and put them to the rout: which being confirmed by other great Victories, utterly ruined the Pictish Name. This man may be added to the two Ferguses, and truly may be said to be the Founder of the Scots Em­pire, not onely in making that the middle of his Dominion, which was once the bounds: But in con­firming his acquests with good Laws, having opportunitie of a long peace which was Sixteen years, his whole time of Government be­ing Twenty. This was he that pla­ced [Page 78] that Stone, famous for that illu­sory Prophesie, Ni fallat fatum &c. (which first was brought our of Spain and Ireland, and from thence to Argyle) at Scown; where he put it in a Chair, in which all his Suc­cessours (till Edward the First brought it away) were crowned, and since that, all the Kings of England, till the happinesse of our Common-wealth made it uselesse. His Brother Donald was his Succes­sour, a man made up of extreamities of virtues and vices, no man had more bravery in the field, nor more vice at home, which increasing with his years, the Nobility put him in prison, where either for fear or scorn, he put an end to his dayes, leaving behind him his brother Constantine, a man wanting nothing of him but his vices, who struggling with a po­tent Enemy, (for the Picts had cal­led in the Danes) and driving them [Page 79] much into despair (a bravery that hath not seldome ruin'd many ex­cellent Captains) was taken by them, put into a little Cave, and there slain. He was succeeded by Ethus his brother, who had all his eldest brothers vices, and none of his seconds virtues; Nature it seems, making two extremes, and a middle in the three Brethren: This man vo­luptuous and cowardly, was forced to resigne; or, as others say, died of wounds received in a Duell from his Successour, who was Gregory son of Dongal, who was not onely an excellent man, but an excellent Prince, that both recovered what the others had lost, and victoriously traversed the Nothern Counties of England, and a great part of Ire­land, whose King a Minor, and in his power, he generously made no advantage of, but setled his Coun­trey, and provided faithfull and a­ble [Page 80] Guardians for him. These things justly yield him the name of Great: Donald son of Constantine the second by his recommendation, succeeded in his power and virtues, notwithstanding some say he was removed by poyson: Next was Constantine the third, son of Ethus, an unstable person, who assisted the Danes, which none of his Predeces­sours would do, and after they had deserted him basely, yet yielded them succours, consisting of the chief of the Scots Nobility, which with the whole Danish Army were routed by the Saxons; this struck him so, that he retired amongst the Culdys (which were as the Greek Caloyers, or Romish Monks at this day) and there buried himself alive: After him was Milcom, son of Donald the third, who though a good Prince, and well skill'd in the arts of peace, was slain by a Con­spiracy [Page 81] of those to whom his virtue was burthensome: His Successour was Judulf (by what title I find not) who fighting with the Danes, that with a Navy unexpectedly came into the Frith, was slain: Duffe his son succeeds, famous for an acci­dent, which if it be true, seems near­ly distant from a fable; He was suddenly afflicted by a sweating disease, by which he painfully lan­guish'd, yet no body could find the cause, till at last a Girl, that had scattered some words after torments, confessed that her mother and some other women, had made an Image of wax, whirh, as it wasted, the King should waste, by sweating much; the place being diligently searched, it was found accordingly; so the Image being broke, he in­stantly recovered: That which di­sturbed his five years Reign, was the turbulency of the Northern peo­ple, [Page 82] whom, when he had reduced and taken, with intent to make ex­emplary punishment, Donald the Commander of the Castle of For­resse, where he then lay, interceded for some of them, but being repulst, and exasperated by his wife, after he had made all his servants drunk­en, flew him in his bed, and buried him under a little bridge, (lest the cutting of turfs might bewray a grave) near Kilross Abbey; though others say, he turned aside a River, and after he had buried him, suffer­ed it to take its former Channel: Culen the son of Induffe, by the E­lection of Parliament, or Conven­tion of People succeeded, good onely in this one Action of inqui­ring and punishing his Predeces­sours death, but after, by the neg­lect of Discipline, and the exquisit­nesse of his vices, became a monster, and so continued three years, till [Page 83] being weakned and exhausted in his body, and vext with perpetuall dis­eases he was summoned by the Par­liament, and in the way, was slain by a Thane (so they then called Lieutenants of Counties) whose daughter he had ravished.

Then came Kenneth, brother to Duff (though the forepart of his Keign was totally unlike his) who being invaded by the Danes, beat them in that famous battel, which was won by three Hays, husband­men (from whom all the Hays now give three shields gules) who with their Sythes reinforced the lost bat­tel, but in his latter time he lost this reputation, by poysoning Milcolm sonne of Duff, to preserve the Crown for a son of his name, though of lesse merit (for sayes Bucanan, They use to choose the fittest, not the nearest) which being done, he got ordained in a Parliament, that the [Page 84] Succession should be lineall, the Son should inherit, and be called Prince of Scots; and if he were a minor, be governed by some wise man (here comes the pretence of Succession, whereas before it was clearly Elective) and at fifteen, he should choose his Guardian him­self; But the Divine vengeance, which seldome, even in this life, pas­ses by murther, overtook him; for he was insnared by a Lady, whose son he had caused to be executed, and slain by an arrow out of an ambush she had laid. Constantine the son of Culen, notwithstanding all the artifice of Kenneth, by his reasoning against the Act, perswa­ded most of the Nobility to make him King, to that Milcolm the son of Kenneth and he made up two factions, which tore the Kingdome, till at length Milcoms Bastard Bro­ther (himself being in Englaend as­sisting [Page 85] the Danes) fought him rout­ed his Army, and with the losse of his own life, took away his, they dying of mutuall wounds. Grime, of whose birth they do not certain­ly agree, was chosen by the Constan­tinians, who made a good party, but at intercession of Forard (an accounted Rabbi of the times) they at last agreed, Grime being to enjoy the Kingdome for his life, after which Milcolumb should succeed, his fathers Law standing in force; but he after declining into lewdnesse, cruelty and spoil (as Princes drunk with greatnesse and prosperity use to do) the people called back Mil­columb, who rather receiving battel then giving it (for it was upon A­scention day, his principall Holy­day) routed his Forces, wounded himself, took him, pulled out his eyes, which altogether made an end of his life, all factions and [Page 86] humours being reconciled.

Milcolumb, who with various Fortune fought many signall Battels with the Danes, who under their King Sueno had invaded in his latter end he grew to such Covetousness and Oppression, that all Authours agree he was murthered, though they disagree of the manner; some say, by Confederacy with his ser­vants; some, by his Kinsmen and Competitours; some, by the friends of a maid, whom he had ravished. Donald his Grandchild succeeded, a good natur'd and unactive Prince, who with a stratagem of sleepy drink, destroyed a Danish Army that had invaded and distressed him, but at last being insnared by his Kinsman Mackbeth (who was pricked forward by Ambition, and a former vision of three women of a Sour-humane shape, whereof one saluted him, Thane of Angus, ano­ther [Page 87] of Murray the third King) he was beheaded.

The severity and cruelty of Mackbeth was so known, that both the sons of the murthered King were forced to retire, and yield to the times, whilest he courted the Nobi­lity with largesses: The first ten years he spent virtuously, but the re­mainder was so savage and Tyran­nicall, that Macduff Thone of Fife fled into England to Milcolm, son of Donald, who by his perswasions, and the assistance of the King of England, enterd Scotland, where he found such great accessions to his party, that Mackbeth was forced to fly, his death is hid in a such a mist of Fables, that it is not cer­tainly known.

Milcolumb, the third of that name, now being quietly seated, was the first that brought in those gay inventions and distinctions of Ho­nours, [Page 88] Dukes, Marquesses (that now are become so ayery, that some carry them from places, to which they have as little relation as any, as Island in America, and other from Cottages and Dovecoats) his first trouble was Forfar Mackbeths son, who claimed the Crown, but was soon after cut off: some war he had with that William, whom we call falsly the Conquerour, some with his own People, which, by the Intercession of the Bishops, were taken up: At length, quarrelling with our William the second, he laid Siege to Alnwick Castle, which be­ing forced to extremity, a Knight came out with the Keys on a Spear, as to present them to him, and yield the Castle, but he not with due heed receving them, was runne through the eye and slain; some from hence derive the name of Piercy (how truly I know not) his [Page 89] sonne and Successour Edward fol­lowing his revenge too hotly, recei­ved some wounds, of which, within a few dayes, he died.

Donald Bane (that is white) who had fled into the Isles for fear of Mackbeth, promised them to the Kings of Norway, if he would pro­cure him to be King, which was done with ease, as the times then stood, but this Usurper being hated by the People, who generally loved the memory of Milcomb, they set Duncan Milcombs Bastard a­gainst him, who forced him to re­tire to his Isles; Duncan a Military man, shewed himself unfit for Go­vernment, so, Donald waiting all advantages, caused him to be be­headed, and restored himself; but his Reign was so turbulent, the Islanders and English invading on both sides, that they called in Ed­gar sonne of Milcolmb, then in [Page 90] England, who, with small assistan­ces, possest himself, all men desert­ing Donald, who being taken and brought to the King died in Prison. Edgar secure by his virtues, and strengthened by the English alli­ance, spent nine years virtuously and peaceably, and gave the People leave to breathe and rest after so much trouble and bloudshed. His Brother Alexander, sirnamed A­cer, or the fierce, succeeded, the be­ginning of whose Reign, being di­sturbed by a Rebellion, he speedily met them at the Spay, which being a swift River, and the Enemy on the other side, he offered himself to foard on horse-back but Alexander Car taking the imployment from him, foarded the River with such courage, that the Enemy fled, and were quiet. The rest of his Reign some say he had the name of Acer, for that some Conspiratours [Page 91] being by the fraud of Chamberlain, admitted into his Chamber, he casu­ally waking first, slew the Cham­berlain, and after six of the Con­spiratours, not ceasing to pursue the rest, till he had slain most of them with his own hands, this with the building of some Abbeys, and se­venteen years Reign, is all we know of him.

His Brother David succeeded, one whose profuse prodigality upon the Abbeys brought the revenew of the Crown (so prevalent was the superstition of those dayes) almost to nothing, he had many battels with our Stephen about the title of Maud the Empresse, and having lost his excellent wife and hopefull Sonne in the flower of their dayes, he left the Kingdome to his Grand­children, the eldest whereof was David a simple King, baffled, and led up and down into France by [Page 92] our Henry the second, which brought them to such contempt, that he was vext by frequent Insur­rections, especially them of Mur­ray, whom he almost extirpated; the latter part of his Reign was spent in building of Monasteries, he himself tyed by a Vow of Cha­stity, would never marry, but left his Successor his brother William, who expostulating for the Earldom of Northumberland gave occasion for a War, in which he was surpri­zed and taken, but afterwards re­least upon his doing Homage for the Kingdom of Scotland to King Henry, of whom he acknowled­ged to hold it, and puting in Cau­tion the Castles of Roxborough (once strong, now nothing but ruins) Barwick, Edinburgh, Ster­ling, all which notwithstand­ing was after released by Ri­chard Ceur de Lyon, who was then [Page 93] upon an expedition to the Holy War, from whence returning, both he, and David Earl of Huntington, brother to the King of Scots were taken Prisoners: the rest of his Reign (saving the rebuilding of Saint Johnstone, which had been destroyed by the waters, whereby he lost his eldest Son;) and some Treaties with our King John was little worth the memory; only you will wonder that a Scottish King could Reign fourty nine years and dye in peace.

Alexander his sonne succeeded, famous for little, save some Expe­ditions against our King John, some Insurrections, and a Reign two years longer then his Fathers. His sonne was the third of that name, a boy of eight years old, whose Minority was infested with the tur­bulent Cumins, who at riper age, being called to accompt, not onely [Page 94] refused, but surprized him at Ster­ling, governing him at their plea­sure; but soon after he was awaked by a furious Invasion of Acho King of Norway (under the pre­tence of some Islands given him by Mackbeth) whom he forced to accept a Peace and spent the latter part amidst the turbulencies of the Priests (drunk at that time with their wealth and ease) and at last having seen the continued funerals of his Sons, David, Alexander, his wife, and his daughter, he him­self with a fall from his horse broke his neck, leaving of all his race, onely a Grand-childe by his daugh­ter, which dyed soon after.

This mans family being extin­guished, they were forced to run to to another Line, which that we may see how happy, expedient, imme­diate Succession is for the Peace of the Kingdom, and what miseries it [Page 95] prevents; I shall as briefly and as pertinently as I can, set down.

David, brother to King Wil­liam, had three daughters. Mar­garet marryed to Allan, Lord of Galloway, Isabell marryed to Ro­bert Bruce, Lord of Annadale and Cleveland; Ada marryed to Henry Hastings, Earl of Huntington now Allan begot on his wife Dorna­dilla married to John Baliall after King of Scotland, and other two daughters, Bruce on his wife Ro­bert Bruce, Earle of Carick, (ha­ving married the heretrix thereof,) as for Huntington he desisted his claime; The question is, whether Balial in right of the eldest daugh­ter, or Bruce being come of the se­cond (but a man) should have the Crown, he being in the same de­gree, and of the more worthy sex; the Controversie being tost up and down, at last was referred to Ed­ward [Page 96] the first of that name of En­gland he thinking to fish in these troubled waters, stirs up eight other Competitors, the more to entangle the business, and with twenty four Councellors, half English, half Scots, and abundance of Lawyers, fit enough to per­plex the matter, so handled the bu­siness, after cunning delayes, that at length he secretly tampers with Bruce (who was then conceived to have the better right of the busi­nesse) that if he would acknow­ledge the Crown of him, he would adjudge it for him, but he gene­rously answering that he valued a Crown at a less rate, then for it to put his Countrey under a Forraign yoke; he made the same motion to Baliall, who accepted it; and so we have a King again, by what right we all see, but it is good rea­son to think that Kings, come they [Page 97] by their power never so unjustly, may justly keep it.

Baliall having thus got a Crown as unhappily kept it, for no sooner was he Crowned, and had done ho­nage to Edward, but the Aberne­thys having slain Macduffe Earl of Fife, he not onely pardoned them, but gave them a peice of land in controversie, whereupon Macduffs brother complainis against him to Edward, who makes him rise from his seat at Parliament and go to the bar, he hereupon enraged, denyes Edward assistance against the French, and renounses his homage, Edward hereupon comes to Ber­wick takes and kils seaven thosand, most of the Nobility of Fife and Lowthian, and after gave them a great defeat at Dunbar, whose Castle instantly surrendred: After this, he marched to Montrosse, where Baliall resined himself and [Page 98] Crown, all the Nobility giving Homage to Edward, Baliall is sent prisoner to London, and from thence after a years detention into France. Whilest Edward was pos­sest of all Scotland, one William Wallace arose, who being a pri­vate man, bestirred himself in the Calamity of his Countrey, and gave the English severall notable foyles. Edward coming again with an Army, beat him (that was over­come with envy and emulation as well as power, upon which he laid by his Command, and never acted after, but slight Incursions) but the English being beaten at Roslin, Edward comes in again, takes Sterling, and makes them all ren­der homage; but at length Bruce, seeing all his promises nothing but smoak, enters into League with Cumen to get the Kingdome; but being betrayed by him to Edward, [Page 99] he stabbed Cumen at Drumfreis, and made himself King. This man though he came with disadvan­tage, yet wanted neither patience, courage, nor conduct; so that af­ter he had miserably lurk'd in the mountains, he came down, and ga­thering together some force, gave our Edward the second such a de­feat near Sterling, as Scotland ne­ver gave the like to our Nation, and continued war with various for­tune with the Third, till at last, age and Leprosie brought him to his grave. His son David a Boy of eight years, inherited that which he with so much danger obtained, and wisdom kept; In his minority he was governed by Thomas Randolf Earl of Murray, whose severity in punishing was no lesse dreaded then His valor had been honoured, but he soon after dying of poyson, and Edward Balial, son of John, com­ing [Page 100] with a Fleet, and strengthend with the assistance of the English, and some Robbers, the Governour the Earl of Mar was put to the rout, so that Balial makes himself King, and David was glad to retire into France; Amidst these parties (Edward the third backing Balial) was Scotland pitifully torn, and the Bruces in a manner extinguished, till Robert (after King) with them of Argyle and his own Familie and Friends, begin to renew the Claim, and bring it into a War again, which was carried on by Andrew Murray the Governour, and after by himself; that David after nine years banishment durst return, where making often Incursions, he at length in the fourth year of his return, march'd into England, and in the Bishoprick of Durham was routed, fled to an obscure Bridge, shewed to this day by the Inhabi­tants, [Page 101] where he was by Iohn Cop­land taken prisoner, where he con­tinued nine years, and in the thirty ninth yeare of his Reigne died.

Robert his sisters son, whom he had intended to put by, succeeds, and first brought the Stewarts (which at this day are a plague to the Nation) into play: This man after he was King, whether it were age or sloth, did little; but his Lieu­tenants and the English were perpe­tually in Action; he left his King­dom to John his Bastard Son by the Lady More his Concubine, whom he married, either to Legit­timate the three Children (as the manner was then) he had by her, or else for old acquaintance (his Wife and her Husband dying much about a time) this John would be Crown­ed by the name of Robert (his own they say, being unhappie for Kings) a wretched unactive Prince, [Page 102] lame, and onely governed by his brother Walter, who having Da­vid the Prince, upon the complaint of some exorbitancies, delivered to him to take care of, made him to be starv'd; upon which the King in­tending to send his Son James into France, the Boy was taken at Flamburgh, and kept by our Henry the Fourth; upon the hearing of which, his Father swounded, and soon after died: His reign was me­morable for nothing, but his break­ing with George Earl of March, to whose daughter, upon the pay­ment of a great part of her portion (which he never would repay) he had promised his Son David for an husband: to take the Daughter of Douglas who had a greater, which occasioned the Earl of March to make many in-rodes with our Henry Hot-spur; and a famous Duel of three hundred men a piece, [Page 103] whereof of the one side ten remain­ed, and of the other one, which was the onely way to appease the dead­ly Feuds of two Families: The Inter-reign was governed by Ro­bert, who enjoying the power, he had too much coveted, little mind­ed the libertie of his Nephew, one­ly he sent some Auxiliaries into France, who, they say, behaved themselves worthily; and his sloth­full Son Mordac, who making his Sons so bold with indulgence, that one of them kill'd a Faulcon on his fist, which he denied to give him; he in revenge procured the Parlia­ment to ransom the King, who had been eighteen years prisoner. This James was the first of that Name, and though he was an excellent Prince, yet had a troublesom Reign; first in regard of a great Pension raised for his Ransome, next for Domestick [Page 104] Commotions, and lastly for raising of money, which though the Reve­nue was exhausted, was called Co­vetousnesse, which having offended Robert Graham, he conspired with the Earl of Athol, slew him in his Chamber, his Wife receiving two wounds, endeavouring to defend him.

This James left the second, a boy of six years, whose infancy by the mis-guidance of the Governour, made a miserable People, and be­trayed the Earl Douglas to death, and almost all that great Family to ruine; but being supplanted by ano­ther Earl Douglas, the King in his just age suffered minority under him, who upon displeasure rebelled, and was kill'd by the Kings own hand; afterwards having his middle years perpetually molested with Ci­vill broils, yet going to assist the Duke of York against Henry the [Page 105] Sixth, he was diverted by an Eng­lish Gentleman, that counterfeited himself a Nuncio (which I menti­on out of a Manuscript, because I do not remember it in our Stories) and broke up his Army: soon after besieging Roxburgh, he was slain by the bursting of a Cannon in the twenty ninth year of his Age.

James the Third left a Boy of seven years, governed by his Mo­the, afterwards the Boyds through the perswasions of Astrologers and Witches to whom he was strongly addicted, he declined to Cruelty, which so inraged the Nobility, that headed by his son, they conspired a­gainst him, routing his Forces near Sterling, wherein he flying to a Mill, and asking for a Confessor, a Priest came, who told him, that though he was no good Priest, yet he was a good Leech, and with that stabb'd him to the heart: A Parli­ament [Page 106] approved his death, and or­dered Indemnities to all that had sought against him.

James the Fourth, a Boy of fif­teen years, is made King, Governed by the murtherers of his Father, a prodigall vain-glorious Prince slain at Floddon Field or as some suppose at Kelsey, by the Humes, which (as the Manuscript alledges) seems more probability, in regard that the Iron Belt (a Ring to which he added e­very year) which he wore in repent­ance for the death of his Father, was never found, and there were ma­ny the day of the Battell habited like him. His Successor was his son, James the Fifth of that Name, a Boy of not above two years of age; under whose minority, what by the Mis-government of Tutors, what by the factions of the Nobi­lity, Scotland was wasted almost in­to famine and solitude, yet in his [Page 107] just age, he proved an industrious Prince, but could not so satisfie the Nobility but he and they continued in a mutuall hate, till that barbarous execution of young Hamilton, so fill'd him with remorse, (he dream-that Hamilton came and cut off his Arms, and threatned after to cut off his Head) and displeased the people. that he could not make his Army fight with the English then in Scot­land, whereupon he dyed of grief, having heard the death of his two sons, who dyed at the instant of his Dream, and leaving a Daughter of five dayes old, whom he never saw.

This was that Mary, under whose minority (by the weaknesse of the Governour, and ambition of the Cardinall) the Kingdome felt all those woes that are threatned to them whose King is a Child. Till at length the prevalency of the English [Page 108] Arms (awakes for her Cause) brought the great designe of send­ing her into France to perfection, so at five years old she was t [...]ansport­ed, and at fifteen married to the Daulphin Francis, after King, (whilest her mother, daughter of the Guise, in her Regency, exercised all Rage against the Professours of the pure Religion then in the dawn) who after two years, left her a childlesse Widow, so that at eigh­teen she returned into Scotland to succeed her Mother (then newly dead) in her exorbitoncies.

This young Couple in the trans­port of their Nuptiall solemnities, took the Arms and Title of Eng­land; which indiscreet Ambition we may suppose first quickned the jealousie of Elizabeth against her, which after kindled so great a flame.

In Scotland she shewed what a [Page 109] strange influence loose education hath upon youth, and that weaker Sex, all the French effeminacies came over with her, the Court lost that little severity which was left. David Rize was the onely Fa­vourite, and it too much feared, had those enjoyments which no woman can give, but she that gives away her honour and chastity.

But a little after, Henry Lord Darnly, coming with Matthew Earl of Lenox his father into Scot­land, she cast an eye upon him, and married him. Whether it were to strengthen her pretension to Eng­land, he being come of Henry the Sevenths Daughter, as we shall tell anon, or for to colour her Adulte­ries, and hide the shame of an im­pregnation, (though some have whispered, that she never concei­ved, and that the son was supposi­titious) or some Phrenzy of affe­ction [Page 110] drew her that way; certain it is she soon declined her affection to her husband, and encreased it to David (he being her perpetuall Companion at Board, and man­aging all Affairs, whilst the King with a contemptible train was sent away) insomuch that some of the Nobility that could not digest this, entred a Conspiracy, which the king headed, and slew him in her Cham­ber.

This turn'd all the neglect of her Husband into rage, so that her chiefest businesse was to appease her Favorites Ghost with the slaughter of her Husband; poyson was first attempted, but it being (it seems) too weak, or his youth overcoming it, that expectation failed. But the Devil and Bothwel furnish'd her with another that succeeded, she in­tices him being so sick, that they were forc'd to bring him in an horse­litter [Page 111] to Edenburgh, where she che­risht him extreemly, till the credu­lous young man began to lay aside suspition, and hope better; so she puts him in a ruinous House near the Palace, from whence no news can be had, brings in her own bed, and lyes in the House with him; and at length when the Designe was ripe, causes him one Sunday night, with his servant, to be strangled, thrown out of the window, and the House blown up with Gun-powder, her own rich bed having been before se­cretly conveyed away. This and o­ther performances made her favour upon Bothwel so hot, that she must marry him, the onely obstacle was, he had a Wife already; but she was compell'd to sue for a Divorce, which (so great Persons being con­cern'd) it was a wonder, was in granting so long as ten dayes. Well, she marries but the more honest no­bilitie [Page 112] amazed at those exorbitances, gather together, and with arms in hands begin to expostulate: The new-married people are forc'd to make back Southwards, where find­ing but slender assistances, and the Queen foolishly coming from Dun­bar to Leith, was glad at last to de­lay a parley till her Dear was esca­ped and then (clad in an old totter­ed coat) to yield her self a pri­soner.

Being brought to Edenburgh, and used rather with hate of her former enormities, then pity of her fortune, she received a message, that she must either resign the Crown to her son James (that was born in the time of her marriage with Darnby) or else they would proceed to ano­ther Election, and was forc'd to o­bey: So the Child then in his Cra­dle was acknowledged James the Sixth, better known afterwards [Page 113] by the Title of Great Brittain.

The wretched mother flying af­ter into England, was entertained (though with a Guard) by Queen Elizabeth, but after that being sub­orned by the Papists, and exaspera­ted by the Guizes, she entered into plots and machinations, so inconsi­stent with the safety of England, that by an Act of Parliament she was condemned to death, which she after received by an hatchet at Fo­thering-gay Castle.

The infancy of her son was at­tended with those Domestick evils that accompany minority of Kings: In his youth he took to wife the Daughter of Denmark (a woman I hear little of, saving that Chara­cter Salust gives Sempronia, she could saltare elegantius quam nec­esse est probae) with whom he sup­posing the Earl Gowry too much in League, caused him and his [Page 114] brother to be slain at their own House whither he was invited, he giving out, that they had an intent to murther him, and that by miracle, and the assistance of some men (whom he had instru­cted for that purpose, and taught their tale) he escap'd. For this De­liverance (or to say better assa­sination) he Blasphemed God with a solemne Thanksgiving once a year all the remainder of his life.

Happy had it been for us, if our fore fathers had laid hold of that happy opportunity of Elizabeths death (in which the Teuthors took a period) to have performed that which (perchance in due punish­ment) hath cost us so much blood and sweat, and not have bowed under the sway of a Stranger, (disdained by the most generous and wise at that time, and one­ly supported by the Faction of some [Page 115] and sloth of others) who brought but a slender title, and (however the assentation of the times cryed him up a Solomo) weak commen­dations for such an advancement.

The Former stood thus, Marga­ret, eldest daughter to Henry the Seventh, was married to James the Fourth, whole Son, James the Fifth, had Mary the Mother of James the Sixth. Margaret after her first Husbands death, martyrs Archibald Douglas, Earl of An­gus, who upon her begot Marga­ret, wife of Matthew Earl of Le­nox, and Mother of that Henry Darnly, whose Tragical end we just now mentioned. Now upon this slender Title, and our internal dis­sentions (for the Cecilians and Es­sezians, for several ends, made per­petual applications) got Jammy from a Revenew of 30000. li. to one of almost two Millions, though [Page 116] there were others that had as fair pretences (what else can any of them make) the Statute of 25. Ed. 3 expresly excluding Forreigners from the Crown? and so the Children of Charls Brandon by Mary the Se­cond Daughter, Dowager of France, being next to come in. And the Lady Arbella, being sprung from a third Husband, (the Lord Stewart) of the said Margaret, and by a Male Lyne, carried surely a formidable pretention (it should seem) that even that iniquitie which was personally inherent to her, made her dayes very unhappy and most part captive, and her death ('tis thought) somewhat too early, so cruel are the Persecutions of cow­ardly minds, even against the weak­est and most unprotected innocence.

And indeed his right to the Crown was so satisfactorie even to the most judicious of those days; [Page 117] that Tobie Matthew having a suit about some priviledges which he claimed to his Bishoprick (which was then Durham) wherein the King opposed him; having one day stated the Case before some of his friends, and they seeming to approve of it; yes, sayes he, I could wish he had but half so good a Title to the Crown; and 'tis known that some speeches of Sir Walter Rawley, too generous and English for the times, was that which brought him to Trial and Condemnation for a feigned crime, and afterwards so fa­cilitated that barbarous design of Gundamar, to cut of his head for a crime, for which he was condemned fourteen years before, and which by the Commissions he after received (according to the opinion of the then Lord Chancellour, and the greatest Lawyars) was in Law par­doned.

[Page 118] This may besides our purpose, but we could not sever this Consi­deration, unless we would draw him with an half face, and leave as much in umbrage as we expressed. That which most solemnized his Person, was, first the consideration of his adhering to the Protestant Religion, whereas we are to consi­der that those slieght velitations he had with Bellarmine and the Ro­manists, tended rather to make his own Authoritie more intrinsecally intense, and venerable, then to con­fute any thing they said, for he had before shakt them off, as to For­reign Jurisdiction, and for matter of Poperie, it appeared in his latter time that he was no such enemie to it, both by his own Compliances with the Spanish Ambassadours, the design of the Spanish Match (in which his Son was personally im­barkt) and the slow assistances sent [Page 119] to his Daughter, in whose safetie and protectiod Protestantism was at that time so much concerned.

For his knowledge, he had some glancings and niblings, which the severitie of the excellent Buchanan, fore'd into him in his younger time, and after conversatian somewhat polisht, but though I bear not so great a contempt to his other works, as Ben. Johnson did to his Poetrie, yet if they among many o­thers were a going to the fire, they would not be one of the first I should rescue, as possibly expecting more severe and refin'd judgement in many other. And knowing that he that had so many able Wits at command, might easily give their their Oracles through his mouth: but suppose the things generous and fit to live (as I am not yet convin­ced) yet what commendations is this to a King (who should have o­ther [Page 120] ausinesse then spinning and weaving fine Theories, and enga­ging in School Ciquaneries) which was well understood by Henry the fourth, who hearing some men cele­brate him with these Attributes; yea (answers he very tartly) He is a fine King, and writes little Books.

'Tis true, he was a good droll, and possibly after Greek Wine somewhat factious. But for sub­stantiall and Heroick Wisdome, I have not heard any great instances; he himself used to brag of his king­craft, which was not to felicifie his People, and prosecute the ends of a good King; but to scrue up the Pre­rogative, divert Parliaments from the due disquisition and prosecution of their freedoms, and to break them up at pleasure, and indeed his rendition of the Cautionary Towns of the Low Countreys, and that for [Page 121] so small a sum, shewed him a person not so quick-sighted, and unfit to be overreach'd.

For his peaceable Reigne, Ho­nourable and just Quarrels he want­ed not, but sloth and cowardize withheld him, and indeed the ease and luxury of those times, foment­ed and nourished those lurking and pestilent humours, which afterwards so dangerously broke out in his Sons Reign.

We shall not trouble his ashes with the mention of his Personall faults, onely, if we may compare Gods Judgements with apparant sinnes; we may find the latter end of his life, neither fortunate nor com­fortable unto him, His wife distast­ed by him, and some say, languish­ing of a foul disease; his eldest son dying, Nimis apertis indiciis, of Poyson, and that as is feared by a hand too much allied: His second [Page 122] (with whom he ever had a secret Antipathy) scarce returned from a mad and dangerous voyage; His daughter (all that was left of that sex) banish'd, with her numerous issue, out of her husbands Domi­nion, and living in miserable exile; and lastly, himself dying of a vio­lent death (by poyson) in which his Son was more then suspected to have an hand, as may be infer'd by Buckinghams Plea, that he did it by the Command of the then Prince; his own dissolution of the Parlia­ment that took in hand to examine it; and lastly, his indifferency at Buck­inghams death (though he pretended all love to him alive) as glad to be rid of so dangerous and so conside­rable a Partner of his guilt; yet the Mitred Parasites of those times, could say, one went to Heaven in Noahs Ark, the other in Eli­sha's chariot, he dying of a pretend­ed [Page 123] Feaver, she (as they said) of a dropsie.

Charles having now obtain'd his Brothers inheritance, carried himself in managing of it, like one that gain'd it as he did. The first of his Acts, was that glorious attempt upon the Isle of Rhee. The next that Noble and Christianly betray­ing of Rochell, and consequently in a manner the whole Protestant in­terest in France. The middle of his Reign was heightening of Prero­gative and Prelacy, and conform­ing our Churches to the pattern of Rome; till at last just indignation brought in his Subjects of Scotland into England, and so forc'd him to call a Parliament; which though he shamelesly say in the first line of the Book (call'd his) was out of his own inclination to Parliaments, yet how well he lik'd them may appear by his first tampering with [Page 124] his own Army in the North, to sur­prize and dissolve them, then the Scots (who at that time were Court-proof) then raising up the Irish Rebellion, which hath wasted Millions of lives; and lastly, open secession from Westminster, and ho­stility against the two Houses, which maintain'd a first and second sharp War, which had almost ruined the Nation, had not Providence in a manner immediately interposed and rescued us to liberty, and made us such signall Instruments of his vengeance, that all wicked Kings may tremble at the example.

In a word never was man so resolute and obstinate in a Tyrannie, never people more strangely besotted with it, to paint the Image of David with his face, and Blasphemously para­lel him with Christ, would make one at first thought think him a [Page 125] Saint: But to compare his Prote­stations and actions; his actions of the day, his actions of the night, his Protestant Religion, and his Court­ing of Pope, and obedience to his wife, we may justly say, he was one of the most consummate in the Arts of Tyranny that ever was. And it could be no other then Gods hand that arrested him in the heighth of his Designs and greatnesse, and cut off him and his Familie, making good his own Imprecations upon his own head.

Our Scene is again in Scotland, who hath accepted his Son, whom for distinction sake, we will be con­tent to call Charls the Second. Cer­tainly these People were strangely blind as to Gods judgement perpe­tually poured out upon a Familie, or else to their own interest, to ad­mit the spray of such a stock; one that hath so little to commend him, [Page 126] and so great improbabilitie for their designs and happiness, a Popish (or very near it) education, if not Reli­gion too (however for the present he may seem to dissemble it, France, the Jesuites and his Mother good means of such improvement) the dangerous Maxims of his Father, (besides the revenge he ows his death, of which he will never total­ly acquit the Scots) his hate to the whole Nation, his sence of Mon­trosse his death; his backwardnesse to come to them till all other means failed (both his Forreign begg'd Assistances, his Propositions to the Pope, and Commissions to Mon­trosse) and lastly, his late running away to his old friends in the North; so that any man may see this his Compliance to be but Hi­strionical and forc'd, and that as soon as he hath led them into the snare, and got power into his own [Page 127] hands, so as he may appear in his own visage; he will be a scourge up­on them for their gross hypocrisie, and leave them a sad instance to all Nations, how dangerous it is to espouse such an interest, which God with so visible and severe a hand fights against, carried on by, and for the support of a Tyrannizing Nobi­litie and Clergie, and wherein the poor People are blindly led on by those affrighting (but false and un­grounded) pretensions of perfidy and perjury, and made instrumen­tall with their own estates and bloud, for the enslaving and ruining themselves.


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