[Page] THE TRVE INFORMER, Who in the following DISCOVRSE, OR COLLOQVIE, Discovereth unto the World the chiefe Causes of the sad Distempers in Great Brittany and Ireland, Deduced from their Originals.

‘Magna est Veritas, & prevalebit.’

And also, A Letter writ by Serjeant-Major KIRLE, to a Friend at VVinsor.

Printed in the Yeare, M. DC. XLIII.

AN Interlocutory Discourse betwixt Patricius and Peregrin, touching the Distractions of the Times, with the Causes of them.

Patricius.

GEntle Sir, you are well met, and welcome to England, I am heartily glad of your safe arrivall, hoping now to apprehend some happy opportunity whereby I may re­quite part of those worthy favours I received from you in divers places t'other side of the Sea.

Peregrin.

Sir, I am as joyfull to see you, as any friend I have upon the earth; but touching favours, they deserve not such an acknowledg­ment, I must confesse my selfe to be far in the arreare to you, there­fore you teach me what to speake in that point: But amongst other of­fices of friendship you have beene pleased to do me from time to time, I give you many thanks for the faithfull correspondence you have held with me since the time of our separation by intercourse of letters, the best sort of fuell to warme affection and to keep life in that noble vertue friend­ship, which they say abroad, is in danger to perish under this cold Insu­lary clime for want of practise.

Patr.

Truely, Sir, you should have had an account of matters hence more amply and frequently, but that of late it hath beene usuall, and allowed by authority, to intercept and breake open any letters; but private men need not complaine so much, since the dispatches of Am­bassadors, whose packets should be held as sacred as their persons, have beene commonly open'd, besides some outrages offered their houses and servants; nay, since their Majesties Letters under the cabine Sig­net have beene broke up, and other counterfeit ones printed and pub­lished in their names.

Pereg.
[Page 2]

Indeed I must confesse, the report hereof hath kept a great noyse abroad; and England hath suffered much in point of Nationall repute in this particular; for even among Barbarians it is held a kinde of sacriledge to open Letters; nay, it is held a baser kind of Burglary, than to breake into a House, Chamber, or Closet: for this is a plun­dring of outward things only, but hee who breaks open ones Letters, which are the Idea's of the minde, may bee said to rip up his brest, to plunder and rifle his very braine, and rob him of his most precious and secretest thoughts.

Patr.

Well, let us leave this dista stefull subject; when these fatall commotions cease, this custome, I hope, will be abhorred in England: But now, that you are newly arrived, and so happily met, I pray bee pleased to make me partaker of some forraigne newes, and how the squares goe betwixt France and Spaine, those two great wheeles, that draw after their motion (some more, some lesse) all the rest of the Westerne world: and when you have done, I willgive you account of the state of things in England.

Pereg.

I thought you had so abounded with domestick newes, that you had had no list or leisure to heare any forraigne; but to obey your commands, you know that I have beene any time this six yeares a wan­derer up and downe the world; and truly I could not set foot on any Christian shore that was in a perfect condition of peace, but it was en­gag'd either in a direct, auxiliary, or collaterall warre, or stan­ding upon its guard in continuall apprehensions and alarmes of feare: For, since that last flaming Usher of Gods vengeance, that direfull Comet of the yeare 1618. appear'd in the Heavens, some malig­nant and angry ill-aspected star hath had the predominance ever since, and by its malignant influxes, made strange unusuall impressions upon the humours of Subjects, by inciting them to such insurrections, re­volts, and tumults; which caused a Jewish Rabbi to say lately, that it seemes the grand Turke thrives extraordinarily in his devotions, it be­ing one of his prime prayers to Mahomet, that he should prevaile with God Almighty to continue dissentions still among Christian Princes. And truly as the case stands, one may say, that the Christian world is all in pieces; you know well with what fearefull fits of a high burning fea­ver poore Germany hath beene long shaken, which hath wrought a Le­thargie in some of her members, by wasting of the vitall spirits, which should diffuse themselves equally through that great body; and how [Page 3] she still fostereth a cold Northerne Guest within her bosome, and is [...] annuall feare of a worse from the Levant: In the Netherlands one shal [...] heare the half-sterved souldier murmure in every corner, and railing [...] ­gainst his King, and ready to mutiny for want of pay. In France you shall see the poore Asinine Peasant half weary of his life, his face be­ing so pitifully ground, ever and anon with new taxes. You know there are two Soveraigne Princes, who have a long time wandred up and downe in exile, being outed out of their own antient Patrimoniall Ter­ritories, and little hope yet God wot, of restoring them. The world knowes how Savoy is become of late a kinde of Province to France. Nay, Spaine, who hath beene so dexterous to put her neighbours to­gether by the eares, and to foment warre a farre off, to keepe her owne home secure, is now her selfe in the midst of two fearefull fires, kindled on both sides of her by quite-revolted Subjects, the Portugues and Catalan, and is so puzzled, she cannot tell what Saint to pray unto. The Venetian also, with the Pope, and all the Princes of Italy are arming apace; the Hollander only, Salamander-like, thrives in these flames; and as I have heard of some, that by a long habituall custome, could feed on poyson, and turne it to nourishment, so Hanse alone growes fat by these wars.

And being weary of eating my bread in such a distracted world a­broad, and hopeing to take some sweet repose in England, I finde that she is in as bad a case, if not worse, than any other. So much newes I give you in a lump, I will be more particular with you some other time, if you please to spare me now.

Patr.

I heare, not without much resentment, these pithy expressi­ons you have been pleased to make of the torn estate of Europe abroad, and since you mention that blazing star, I remember what a Noble Knight told me some yeares agoe, That the Astronomers, who lay senti­nel to watch the motion and aspect of that Comet, observed, that have­ing pointed at divers Climats, at last it seem'd to looke directly to these North-west Islands, in which posture it spent it selfe, and so extin­guished; as if thereby it meant to tell the world, that these islands should be the Stage whereupon the last Act of the Tragedie should be plai'd. And how many Scenes have passed already, both here and in Ireland, we know, God wot, by too too wofull experience.

Pereg.

There is a saying, When your neighbours house is on fire, by its light you may see in what danger your owne stands. And was England so [Page 4] blinde, as not to take warning by so many fearful combustions abroad: When I took my leave last of her, I left her in such a compleat condi­tion of happinesse, both in Court, Countrey, Citie and Sea, that she was the envie of all Europe, in so much, that that Golden Verse might be fitly applied to her then Golden times: ‘Mollia securae peragebant otia Gentes.’ The Court was never so glorious, being hansell'd every yeer almost with a new Royall Off-spring; the Gentrie no where more gallant and sportfull; the Citizen never more gorgeous and rich, and so abounding with treasure, bullion and buildings, that no age can parallel; Com­merce inward and outward was never at that height; the Customes in­creasing every yeer to admiration; the narrow Seas were never guard­ed with braver Ships, nor the Navie Royall for number of Vessels and Magazines of all sorts of materials was ever so well replenished; the Universities had never such golden dayes; and lastly, the Church did so flourish, that amongst the rest of the Reformed Churches of Christen­dom, I have heard her call'd the Church Triumphant.

Besides, Ireland was arriv'd almost to the same degree of prosperitie, for all the Arrerages of the Crown were paid, and not a peny sent hence for many yeers to maintain the standing Armie there, or for any other publique charge, as formerly; Traffique came to that monstrous height, that in few yeeres the Crown-customes came to be five times higher. In fine, Ireland was brought not onely to subsist of her selfe, but inabled to contribute towards the filling of the English Exche­quer, and to make some retribution of those vast expences the Crown of England hath been at any time these 400 yeers, to reduce her to civi­litie; her bogs were almost all dri'd up, and made good land, her mud­wals turn'd apace to Bricke in divers places; so that one Sommer that I fortun'd to be there, above 50. new Bricke-houses were built in one Town. But it hath been the fate of that Island to be oftentimes neer a condition of a setled happinesse, and yet to have some odde accident still intervene to crosse it.

In conclusion, there wanted nothing to make England and her uni­ted Crownes so exactly blessed, that she might have assumed the Title of one of the Fortunate Islands. Good Lord, how comes it to passe, that she is now fallen into such horrid distempers, and like a distracted bodie, laying hands upon her selfe, would thrust the sword of civill war into her own bowels? I beseech you, Sir, impart unto me the true [Page 5] cause of this change; for I know none so capable to do it as your selfe.

Patr.

Infandum Peregrine, jubes renovare dolorem.

First, Sir, in the generall you know, that it is with the Regions upon Earth, as it is with those of the Ayre [...] sometimes we have a clear azur'd skie, with soft gentle ventilations, and a sweet serenitie throughout the whole Hemisphete; at other times we know the face of the Hea­vens is overcast with frownes, with Frog vapours, and thicke cloudes of various shapes, which look like Monsters, hovering up and down, and break at last into thunder and fulgurations, and so disquiet and raise a kinde of war in the Aereal Common wealth. Just so in the Regions that are dispers'd up and down this earthly Globe, & peopled with men (which are but a composition of the Elements) you have sometimes a gentle calme of peace and quietude, with a generall tranquillitie all the Countrey over; at other times you have ugly mishapen cloudes of jea­lousies, feares and discontentments do rise up, which break out at last into acts of disobedience, rebellion, and furie. And as those Aereall Meteors and Monsters above are ingendered of those watery fogges and mists which are drawn up out of fenny and rotten low grounds here upon earth; so in the Region of the minde, the ill vapours which ascend to the brain from rotten and impostumated hearts, from desperate and male-contented humorists are the causes of all civill commotions and distempers in State. But they have much to answer for in the world to come (though they escape it in this) who for any private interest or respect whatsoever, either of Promotion, Vain glorie, Revenge, Malice, or Envie, will embroyle and plunge their own native Countrey in any publike ingagement or civill war, by putting a partition-wall betwixt their soveraigne Prince and their fellow Subjects. Truly, in mine opi­nion, these may be called the worst kinde of Betrayers of their Coun­tries: but I am too farre transported from satisfying your request in relating the true causes of these calamities: I will now fall to worke, and bring you to the very source of them.

There is a packe of perverse People (composed for the most part of the scummy and simplest sort) multiplied in England, who by a kinde of naturall inclination, are opposite so point blanke to Monarchie in State, and Hierarchie in Church, that if they were in Heaven (whither 'tis to be feared they run a great hazard ever to enter, it being a Rule, that he who is rotten hearted to his King, can never be right hearted to his Greatour) I say, if these men were in Heaven, they would go near to [Page 6] repine at the Monarchicall Power of God Almighty himselfe, and at the degrees of Angels, and the postures of holinesse in the Church Tri­umphant. They call every Crotchet of the brain, tendernesse of consci­ence: which being well examined, is nothing else but a meer spirit of contradiction and disobedience (to all higher Powers) which posses­eth them. There are no Constitutions either Ecclesiasticall or Civill can please them, but they could cast both into such a mould, which their crack'd braines would fain devise, yet are never able to bring to any perfection; they are ever labouring to bring Religion to the dock, to be new trimm'd, but they would take down her fore-caste, and scarce allow her the Kings Armes to adorn her; they are great listners after any Court newes, and pricke up their eares when any thing is spoken of King, Queen, or Privie Counsellour, and are alwayes ready though upon loose trust, to take up any report whereby they may whi­sper in Conventicles and corners, and so traduce the Government. These great Zealots use to look upon themselves most cōmonly through multiplying glasses, which make them appear to be such huge Santons, that it renders them not onely uncharitable in their opinions of others, but Lucifcrian-like proud in their own conceit, insomuch that they seem to scorne all the world besides, believing that they are the onely Elect, whose soules worke according to the motion of the Spirit; that they are the Children of promise, whose faces alone look towards Heaven; they are more pleased with some new reach or fancie, (that may puzzle the pericranium) than a Frenchman is with some new fashion in cloath­ing; they are nearest to the nature of the Jew of any people upon earth, and will converse with him sooner than with some sort of Chri­stians; and as in the Pharisaicall Disposition they symbolise with the Jew, so in some of their Positions they jumpe pat with the Iesuit; for though they are both in the extremes, and as contrary one to the other as the scales of a Diameter, yet their opinions and practices are con­centrique to depresse Regall power; both of them would binde their Kings in chaines, and the Nobles in linkes of iron; they both deny all passive obedience, and as the one would have the morter of the Temple temper­ed with bloud, so the other would beat Religion into the brain with the Pole-axe. Their greatest master-piece of policie is to forge counterfeit newes, and to divulge and disperse it as farre as they can, to amuse the world, for the advancement of their Designes, and strengthening of their partie: but the Iesuit doth it more cunningly [Page 7] and modestly, for he fetcheth his newes from farre, so that before the falshood of it can be controll'd, his worke is commonly done, and the newes forgotten; but these later Polititians use to raise lyes hard by home, so that the grosnesse and palpablenesse of them is presently dis­covered. Besides, to avoid the extremes of the other, these later seem fall into flat prophanenesse, for they may be called a kinde of enemies to the very Name, Crosse, and Church of Christ. Touching the first, they repine at any reverence to be done unto it, though spontaneous, not coercive. For the second, which was held from the beginning to be the badge and banner of a Christian, they crie it up to be the marke of the beast; and for the last, they would have it to be neither beautifull, holy, nor amiable, which are the three main properties which God re­quires in his House. To conclude, when any comes to be season'd with this sower leaven, he seemes to degenerate presently from the nature and garbe of a Gentleman, and fals to be of a sordid and low disposition, narrow hearted, and close handed; to be timorous, cun­ning and jealous, and farre from the common freedom, and sweetnesse of morall societie, and from all generous and loyall thoughts towards his King and Countrey.

These, these have been the chiefest machinators, and engineers of these unhappy Divisions, who Viper like have torne the entrailes of their own mother, their dear Countrey; but there were other externe concurrent causes, and to finde them out, I must look Northward, for there the Cloud began to condense first;

You know Sir, the Scotish Nation were ever used to have their King personally resident amongst them; and though his late Majestie by reason of his age, bountie, and long breeding there, with other advantages, drew such extraordinary respect from them, that they continued in good conformitie; yet since his death, they have been overheard to mutter at the remotenesse and absence of their King, and that they should become now a kinde of Province by reason of such a distance: some of their Nobles and Gentrie found not at the English Court, nor at his Majesties Coronation in Edenburgh that countenance, familiaritie, bene­fit, and honours, which haply they expected, and 'tis well known who he was, that having been denied to be lorded, took a pet, and went dis­contented to his Countrey, hoping that some Title added to the wealth he had got abroad, should have purchased him more respect. These discontented parties tamper'd with the mercenary Preachers up and [Page 8] down Scotland, to obtrude to the People what Doctrines they put into their mouthes, so that the Pulpits every where rung of nothing but of invectives against certain obliquities and soloecismes (and I cannot tell what) in Government, and many glances they had upon the English Church; yet all this while there was not matter enough for an insur­rection, nor to dispose the Peoples hearts to a mutinie, untill by the policie (as some affirmed) of the said discontented partie, the English Ly­turgie was sent thither: this by the incitement of those fiery Pulpiteers, was cried up to be the greatest Idoll that possibly could be brought in­to their Kirk, insomuch that when it was first offer'd to be read, the wo­men and baser sort of mechanickes threw stooles and stones at the Bi­shops heads, and were ready to tear them in pieces: and here be­gan the storme. His Majestie having notice hereof, sent a most graci­ous Proclamation, signifying, that whereas he had recommended that Book to be practic'd amongst them, wherein he himselfe served God Almightie twice a day, he did it out of a pious endeavour to breed an uniformitie of publike Divine Service in all his Dominions, specially in that his native Kingdom. But since it had produced such dangerous effects, he was contented to revoke it absolutely; for it was never his purpose to presse the practise of the said Book upon the consciences of any, he did onely commend, not absolutely command the use of it: therefore he exhorted and required that every one unto whom it had given any scandall, should returne to his pristine obedience, and serve God as formerly, offering here with a gracious pardon, and to passe an Act of Amnestia for an abolition of all faults passed.

Peregr.

And would not this suffice? In naturall motions we finde that the cause being taken away, the effect ceaseth, and will not this hold in civill Actions?

Patr.

No, this would not serve the turne, but there was a further reach in it, and for an inch to take an ell: you know, the Scots since their single Lion came to quarter with our three, are much elevated in their spirits, more respected, employed and trusted abroad, and heigh­tened in their resolutions and aimes, and will questionlesse be dayly more and more. You have heard of a mine that reach'd from our Ex­checquer to Edenburgh. And I beleive you have not forgot Boccolinies balance, that was shewed us in Italie, wherein Lorenzo de Medici weigh­ed all the States of Christendom, and throwing in England amongst the rest, you know how much he made her to weigh lesse by this addi­tion. [Page 9] The former Proclamation I say, and Pardon would not suffice, but they took opportunitie to fish in those troubled waters, and vent their spleen further, by an utter extirpation of Episcopacie, and by trampling the Mitre under their feet, hoping to have some of the birds plumes, being pluckt, to feather their own nests; and they brought their worke about. Good Lord, what a deal of dirt was presently thrown into the Bishops faces by every rurall petty Clerke! what infamous Ballads were sung, what a thicke cloud of Epidemicall hatred hung suddenly over them, so farre, that a Dog with blacke and white spots was called a Bishop amongst them up and down the streets.

The chiefest Contrivers of this uproar, finding their Designe to go on so well, and perceiving the whole Countrey so eagerly bent against Bishops, (and what artifices and suggestions were us'd to render them so odious is incredible) but finding withall his Majestic unwilling to alter the Government his father (of so fresh and famous Memorie) had left him, and to which he had been sworne at his Coronation, they put themselves in Armes, and rais'd Forces to beat down the Mitre, with the Sword, if the Scepter would not do it. To the frontiers they came with a great Armie, (not halfe so great as was bruited) pretending they came as Petitioners (though they brought their Petition upon their Pikes point.) Some of the great ones about the King grew cold in the action: and what a Pacification was then shuffled up, and how a Par­liament was called thereupon in Scotland, with other passages, is a fitter subject for a storie than a discourse.

Peregr.

I could have wish'd two things, that either his Majestie had given them battail then, having the flower of his Nobilitie and Gentrie with him, who I understood came with all chearfulnesse and prompti­tude to attend him, or else that after the said Pacification, his Majestie had shaken off all jealousies, and with a royall freedom and a com­manding confidence gone amongst them to hansell their new Parlia­ment House at Edenburgh; for it is probable, it had averted those showers and cataracts of miseries which have fallen upon us since: but I pray Sir, proceed.

Patr.

As they say, There is no winde but blowes some bodie good, so it was thought, this Northerne Cloud did England some advantage, for a Parliament was summon'd hereupon; a Parliament do I call it? It was rather an Embryo of a Parliament, an Ephemeran of 20 dayes. In this sitting his Majestie declared unto both Houses the indignities he [Page 10] had received by his Scotch Subjects, and therefore purpos'd a supply to be made of 12 Subsidies to suppresse that Rebellion; and in lieu thereof he was willing to forbear and utterly abolish the Ship money, which he had reason to thinke legall at first, being advised thereunto by Noy his Attourney Generall, who had such a mighty repute in the Law; yet he would not rest there, but he advised further with his lear­ned Councell, who concurred in opinion with Noy; nor would he rest there also, but he had the approbation of all the Iudges singly, and af­terwards the major part of all the Twelve, joyntly upon a Demurre. This was enough to induce his conscience to hold it legall all this while; it was clearly proved that the monies levied this way, were employed to no other but the intended service, The guarding of the nar­row Seas; and not onely for that, but to preserve his right of Domini­on in them, being the fairest flower of his Crown, which was not one­ly discoursed of abroad, but began to be questioned: and touching danger, how could England be but in apparent dangers? considering how all her next neighbours were in actuall hostilitie, which made huge Fleets of Men of War, both French, Dunkerkers, Hamburgers and Hollanders to sail ever and anon in her Channels, and hard before her royall Chambers: nor came there one penny of that publike Contribu­tion to his private Coffers, but he added much of his own Demeanes for the maintenance of a Royall Fleet every Sommer: yet he was rea­dy to passe any Bill for the utter abolishing of the said Ship money, and for redressing of any other grievances, provided they would enable him to suppresse this Scots Rebellion: some say the House was incli­nable to comply with his Majesties demands, but (as the ill spirit would have it) that Parliament was suddenly broke up, and I would that they who gave that Counsell had been in Arabia, or beyond the Line, in their way to Madagascar, who neverthelesse have got to be in high re­quest with this present Parliament.

His Majestie being reduced to these streights, and resenting still the insolence of the Scot, proposed the businesse to his Privie Councell, who suddenly made up a considerable and most noble sum for his pre­sent supply, whereunto divers of his domesticke Servants and Officers did contribute. Amongst others who were active herein, the Earle of Strafford bestirr'd himselfe notably, and having got a Parliament to be called in Ireland, he went over, and with incredible celeritie raised 8000 men, who procured money of the Parliament to maintain them, [Page 11] and got over those angry Seas again in the compasse of lesse than six weekes. You may infer hence to what an exact uncontrollable obedi­ence he had reduced that Kingdom, as to bring about so great a worke with such a suddennesse and facilitie.

An Armie was also raised here, which marched to the North, and there fed upon the Kings pay a whole Sommer. The Scot was not idle all this while; but having punctuall intelligence of every thing that passed at Court, as farre as what was debated in the Cabinet Counsell, and spoken in the Bed-chamber, (and herein amongst many others, he had infinite advantage of us) He armed also, and preferring to make England the stage of the War, rather than his own Countrey, and to in­vade rather than to be invaded, He got over the Tweed, and found the passage open, and as it were made for him all the way till he came to the Tine, and though there was a considerable Armie of Horse and Foot at Newcastle, yet they never offered so much as to face him all the while. At Newburgh indeed there was a small skirmish; but the Eng­lish Foot would not fight, so Newcastle gates flew open to the Scot with­out any resistance at all, where it is thought he had more friends than foes, and who were their friends for this Invasion, I hope Time, and the Tribunall of Justice will one day discover.

His Majestie being then at Yorke, summoned all his Nobles to ap­pear, to advise with them in this exigence: Commissioners were ap­pointed on both sides, who met at Rippon, and how the hearts and cou­rage of some of the English Barons did boil within them, to be brought to so disadvantageous a Treatie with the Scot, you may well imagine. So the Treatie began, which the Scot would not conforme himselfe unto, unlesse he were made first Rectus in Curia, and the Proclamation wherein he was declared Traitour, revoked; alleadging it would be dishonourable for his Majestie to treat with Rebels. This Treatie was ad [...]ourned to London, where this present Parliament was summoned (which was one of the chiefest errands of the Scot, as some thinke, And thus farre by these sad and short degrees, have I faithfully led you along to know the true Originals of our calamities.

Peregr.

Truly Sir, I must tell you, that to my knowledge these un­happy traverses with Scotland, have made the English suffer abroad very much in point of Nationall honour; therefore I wonder much that all this while there is none set a worke to make a solid Apologie for England in some communicable Language, (either in French or Latin) [Page 12] to rectifie the world into the truth of the thing, and to vindicate her, how she was bought and sold in this Expedition, considering what a partie the Scot had here, and how his comming in, was rather an Invi­tation than an Invasion, and I believe if it had been in many parts of the world besides, some of the Commanders had gone to the pot.

Patr.

It is the practise of some States I know, to make sacrifice of some eminent minister, for publike mistakes: but to follow the thred of of my Discourse. The Parliament being sate, His Majestie told them, That he was resolved to cast himselfe wholly upon the affection and fidelitie of his People, whereof they were the Representative Bodie; therefore He wished them to go roundly on to close up the ruptures that were made by this unfortunate War, and that the two Armies, one domestique, the other forreigne, which were gnawing the very bowels of the Kingdom, might be dismissed. Touching grievances of any kinde (and what State was there ever so pure, but some corruption might creep into it?) He was very ready to redresse them: concerning the Ship­money, He was willing to passe a Bill for the utter abolition of it, and to establish the propertie of the Subject; therefore he wished them not to spend too much time about that. And for Monopolies, he desired to have a list of them, and he would damne them all in one Proclamation: Touching ill Counsellours, either in Westminster Hall, or White Hall, either in Church or State, he was resolved to protect none, therefore he wish­ed that all jealousies and mis-understandings might vanish: This, with sundry other straines of princely grace he delivered unto them, but withall he told them, that they should be very cautious how they shook the frame of Government too farre, in regard it was like a Watch, which being put asunder, can never be made up again, if the least pin be left out.

So there were great hopes of a Calme, after that cold Northerne Storme, and that we should be suddenly rid of the Scot, but that was least intended, untill some Designes were brought about. The Earle of Strafford, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Iudges, and divers Monopolists are clapt up, and you know who took a timely flight to the other side of the sea: and in lieu of these, the Bishop of Lineolne is enlarged, Bastwick, Burton, and Prynne are brought into London, with a kinde of Hosanna. His Majestie gave way to all this, and to comply further with them, he took as it were into his bosome, I mean, he admitted to his Privie Counsell those Parliament Lords, who were held the greatest Zelots amongst them, that they might be witnesses of his secretest actions; [Page 13] and to one of them He gave one of the considerablest Offices of the Kingdom, by the resignation of another most deserving Lord, upon whom they could never fasten misdemeanour; yet this great new Of­ficer will come neither to the same Oratorie, Chappell, or Church, to joyne in Prayer with his Royall Master, nor communicate with him in any publike exercise of devotion; and may not this be called a true Recusancie? To another he gave one of the prime and most reposefull Offices about his own person at Court, and thereby he might be said to have given a Staffe to beat himselfe. Moreover, partly to give his Sub­jects an Evidence how firmely he was rooted in his Religion, and how much he desired the strengthening of it abroad; the Treatie of mar­riage went on 'twixt his eldest daughter and the young Prince of Orange. Hereunto may be added as a speciall Argument of compliance and grace, the passing of the Bill for a Trienniall Parliament; and lastly, (which is the greatest evidence that possibly can be imagined, of that reall trust and confidence he reposed in them) He passed the Act of Continuance.

Peregr.

Touching the Trienniall Parliament, there come some wholesome fruit out of it, for it will keep all Officers in awe, and ex­cite the Nobilitie, and young Gentrie of the Kingdom to studie, and understand the Government of the Land, and be able to sit and serve their Countrey in this great Senate; but for this Act of Continuance, I understand it not; Parliaments are good Physicke, but ill meat; they say abroad that England is turned hereby from a Monarchie to a Democracie, to a perpetuall kinde of Dictatorship; and whereas in former times there was an Heptarchie of seven Kings in her, They say now she hath seven­ty times seven. But in lieu of these unparallell'd Acts of grace and trust to the Parliament, what did the Parliament for the King all this while?

Patr.

They promised, specially upon the passing of the last Act, That they would make him the most glorious, the best beloved, and richest King that ever reigned in England: and this they did with deep protest­ings and asseverations. But there intervened an ill favoured accident which did much hurt, viz. A Discourse (for truly I thinke it was no more) which some green heads held to bring up the Northerne Armie, to checke the Puritan partie, and the rabble of the Citie: This kept a mighty noise, and you know who fled upon it, and much use was made of it to make that Cloud of Jealousie which was but of the breadth of an hand before, to appear as big as a mountain. Yet his Maiestie con­tinued still in passing Acts of Grace, and complying with them in eve­ry [Page 14] thing. He put over unto them the Earle of Strafford, who after a long costly Triall (wherein he carried himselfe with as much acute­nesse, dexteritie, and eloquence, as humane brain could be capable of for his defence) he was condemned to the Scaffold, and so made a sa­crifice to the Scot, who stayed chiefly for his head, which besides those vast summes of money, was given him to boot.

Peregr.

Touching the Earle of Strafford, 'tis true he was full of abi­litie, elocution, and confidence, and understood the Lawes of England as well as any, yet there were two things, I heard, wherein his wisdom was questioned; first, that having a charge readie against his chiefest Accusers, yet he suffered them to have the prioritie of sute, which if he had got, he had thereby made them Parties, and so incapable to be produced against him. Secondly, that during the time of his Triall, he applied not himselfe with that compliance to his Iury as well as to his Iudges, for he was observed to comply onely with the Lords, and not with the House of Commons.

Patr.

Howsoever, as some say, his Death was resolved upon, (si non per viam Iustitiae, saltem per viam expedientiae) which appeares in regard the proceedings against him are by a clause in the Act not to be produ­ced for a leading case or example to future ages and inferiour Courts. I blush to tell you how much the rabble of the Citie thirsted after his bloud, how they were suffer'd to strut up and down the streets before the Royall Court, and the Parliament it selfe, with impunitie; they cried out, that if the Common Law fail'd, club Law should knocke him down, and their insolencie came to that height, that the names of those Lords that would not doom him to death, should be given them to fix upon posts up and down; and this was the first tumult that happened this Parliament, whereof so many followed after their example, being not onely conniv'd at, but backed by Authoritie, for there were prohi­bitions sent from the Parliament, to hinder all processe against some of them.

These Myrmidons, as they termed themselves, were ready at a watch-word, so that one might say there was a kinde of discipline in disorder.

Peregr.

Were there any troubled for delivering their Votes in the Houses? I thought that freedom of opinion and speech, were one of the prime Priviledges of that great Nationall Senate.

Patr.

Yes, Those that were the Minions of the House before became now the subjects of popular malice and distraction, because against the [Page 15] dictamen of their consciences, they would not vote the Earle of Straf­ford to death, and renounce their owne judgements, and captivate it to the sense of others, yet they stood firme to their first grounds, that hee was a delinquent in a high nature, and incapable ever to beare o ffice in any of his Majesties dominions.

Per.

I perceive Sir by your speeches, that one of the chiefest causes of these combustions may be imputed to the Citie of London, which may be called the Metropolis of all these evils, and I little wonder at it, for it hath beene alwayes incident to all great Townes, when they grow rich and populous, to fall into acts of insolence, and to spurne at government; where so many pots (so many braines) are a boyling, there must needs be a great deale of froth, but let her looke to her self, for Majestie hath long armes, and may reach her at last. But the truth is, that London beares no proportion with the size of this Island, for ei­ther one should be larger, or the other lesse: London may be well com­pared to the liver of a cramm'd Italian goose, whose fatning emace­rates the rest of the whole body, and makes it grow leane and languish, and she may well be termed a goose now more than ever, for her feathers are pluck'd apace; but now that you have done with the Earle of Strafford, what is become of all the rest who were com­mitted?

Pat.

They are still in durance, and have continued so these two yeares and upward, yet are not proceeded against, nor brought to their answer to this very day, though al theCourts of Justice have been open ever since. Many hundreds more of the best sort of Subjects have beene suddenly clapt up, and no cause at all mentioned in many of their com­mitments, and new Prisons made of purpose for them, where they may be said to be buried alive, and so forgotten, as if there were no such men in the world: and how this can stand with Magna Charta, with the Petition of Right (to vindicate which, there was so much paines ta­ken the last Parliament) let any man of a sane judgement determine, Yet one of the Judges, who hath an empeachment of high treason still lying Dormant against him, though he be not Rectus in curia himselfe, is suffered to sit as Judge upon the highest tribunall of England, whereas another for a pretended misdemeanour onely is barr'd from sitting there. Others who were at first cryed up and branded to be the most infamous projectors and Monopoliz [...]s of the land, are not only got loose, but crept into favour, and made use of.

Per.
[Page 16]

Hath the House of Commons power to commit any but their owne members without Conference with the Lords? Or hath any Or­der or Ordinance of one of the Houses singly, or of both conjunctly, to enjoyne a virtuall binding power of generall obedience without the Royall consent.

Pat.

The power of Parliament, when King, Peeres and Commons, which is the whole Kingdome digested into one volume, is indefinite; but what either of both Houses can do of themselves singly, or joyntly, without the King who is the life of the Law, I dare not determine: e­specially when a visible faction reignes amongst them.

—tantas componere lites
nonopis est nostroe—

But for mine owne opinion, I think it is as impossible for them to make a Law without the King, as it was for Paracelsas to make a man without coition, either for abolishment of old, or establishment of new Lawes. The results of Parliament without the Royall consent, are as matches without fire; And it is an incontroulable principle, that the old Law must be our guide, till new be made, nor is any Act of the Subject justifiable, but what is warrantable by the old. But to proceed in the true discovery of these Domestick scistures, my Lord of Straf­ford being gone, we hop'd faire weather would follow, (He who was the cause of the tempest, being throwne over-boord) but unluckie mists of jealousie grew thicker and thicker; Yet the Scots were dismist, having had Fidlers fare, meat, drinke, and money, for eleven long moneths together. So his Majestie went to Scotland, where the Parli­ment there, did but aske and have any thing, though it be the unque­stionable prerogative of Majestie to grant or denie Petitions, and to sa­tisfie his conscience before any Councell.

But during his sojourne there, this formidable hideous Rebellion broke out in Ireland, which though it may be said to be but an old play newly reviv'd, yet the Scene was never so Tragicall and bloody as now: for the Barbarismes that have been committed there have been fo sanguinarie, and monstrously salvage, that I thinke posterity will hold them hyperbolicall. The Irish themselves affirm there concurr'd causes to kindle this fire. One was the taking off Straffords head, (who aw'd them more then any Deputy ever did) and that one of his Accu­sations should be to have used the Papists there too favourably. Se­condly, the rigorous proceedings and intended courses against the Pa­pists [Page 17] here in England. Lastly, the stopping of that Regiment of Irish, who was promised by his Majesties Royall word and letter to the King of Spaine, who relying upon that imployment, rather than to beg, steale, or sterve, turned Rebels: And that which hath aggravated the rebel­lion all this while, and heightned much the spirit of the Irish, is the in­troduction of the Scot, whom they hate in perfection above all people els, and the designe spoken of in our Parliament, to make an absolute Conquest, and Nationall Eradication of them, which hath made them to make vertue of necessity, and to be valiant against their wills.

Per.

Indeed I heard that Act of staying the Irish Regiment, consi­dering how the Marquesses de Valada, and Malvezzi, and Don Alonso de Cardenas, who were all three Ambassadours here for the King of Spaine at that time, having by relyance upon the sacred word and let­ter of a King, imprested money, and provided shipping for their trans­port, and been at above 10000. Crowns charges, I say this act was very much censured abroad, to the dishonor of his Majesty, and our reproch.

Patr.

I am very sorry to heare it. Well Sir. His Majesty by his pre­sence having setled Scotland, was at his returne to London received with much joy, and exultation, but though he was brought in with a Hosanna at one end of the Towne, he found a Crucifige at the other: For at West­minster there was a Remonstrance fram'd, a worke of many weeks, and voted in the dead of night, when most of the moderate, and well-thoughted Members were retired to their rest, wherein with as much industry and artifice as could be, the least moat in government was ex­posed to publike view, from the first day of his Majesties inauguration to that very houre: Which Remonstrance as it did no good to the publike; but fill peoples heads with doubts, and their hearts with gall and retard the procedure of all businesse besides, so you may wel think, it could expect but cold entertainment with his Majesty, who hoped his great Councell according to their often deep protestations, had done something for his welcome home, that might have made him the best beloved King that ever was amongst his people.

Per.

'Tis true, there is no Government upon earth, made up of men, but is subject to corruption, there is no Court of Judicature so cleane, but some cobwebs may gather in it, unlesse an Act of Parliament could be made to free and exempt men from infirmities and errour; It cannot be denyed, but Scotland might have something to complaine of (though I thinke least of any) and so leapt first into the poole to bee [Page 18] cured; and what she fish'd besides in those troubled waters 'tis too well knowne. England also no doubt might have some grievances, which his Majestie freely offered, not only to redresse for the present, but to free her of all feares for the future, from falling into relapses of that kinde; but to redresse grievances by Armes, by plunging the whole Countrey into an intestine warre, this makes the remedy worse then the malady, it is as if one would goe about to cure a sick body by brea­king his head, or let him blood by giving him a dash on the nose; it is as mad a trick as his was who set the whol house a fire to roast his egs. But truly Sir, in my opinion; his Majesty at his returne from Scotland might have justly expected some Acts of compliance and gratitude from his Parliament, considering what unparalleld Acts of Grace he had passed before.

Pat.

His Majesty did not rest there, but complyed further with them by condeseending to an Act for putting down the Star-Chamber-Court, the High Commission, the Court of Honour; nay, he was contented his owne Privie Councell should be regulated, and his Forrests bounded not according to ancient Prerogative, but late custome; nay further, he pas­sed a Bill for the unvoting, and utter exclusion of the Spirituall Lords from the Parliament for ever, whereby it cannot be denyed, but by the casheering of twenty five votes at a clap, and by excluding the Recusant Lords besides (who subsist most by his grace) hee did not a little ener­vate his owne prerogative. Adde hereunto that having placed two wor­thy Gentlemen Lieutenants of the Tower, he removed them both one after another, and was content to put in one of their Election: And lastly, he trusted them with his greatest strength of all, with his Navie Royall, and called home that knowing Knight who had the guard of the narrow Seas so many yeares.

Per.

Truly Sir, I never remember to have heard or read of such no­table Acts of grace and confidence from any King: but would not all this suffice?

Pat.

No, But they demanded all the Land Souldiery and military strength of the Kingdome to be disposed of by them, and to be put in­to what posture, and in what Equipage, and under what Commanders they pleas'd; And this was the first thing his Majesty ever denyed them, yet he would have granted them this also for a limited time, but that would not serve the turn; Hereupon his Majestie grew a little sensi­ble, how they inch'd every day more and more upon his royall prero­gatives [Page 19] and intending to go to his Town of Hull to see his Magazine, he was in an hostile manner kept out, Canons mounted, Pistols cockt, and leveld at him. But whether that Knight did this out of his fidelitie to the Parliament, or out of an apprehension of fear that some about the King, being mov'd with the barbarousnesse of the action would have pistol'd him, I will not determine.

Peregr.

I have read of divers affronts of this kinde, that were offer'd to the French Kings, Rochel shut her gates more than once against Henry the great, and for the King now regnant, they did not onely shut him out of many of his Townes, but upon the gates of some of them, they writ in legible Characters Roy sans Foy, Ville sans peur, A faithlesse King, a fearlesse Town. Yet in the greatest heat of those Warres, there was never any Town refus'd to let in her King, provided he came attended onely with his own train, and besides other people abroad, I heard the Scoi's Nation did abhor that Act at Hull. But I pray Sir go on.

Patr.

His Majestie being thus shut out of one Town, he might justly suspect, that an attempt might be made to shut him in, in some other; therefore he made a motion to the Yorke shire Gentlemen, to have a guard for the preservation of His Person, which was done according­ly. But I am come too forward, I must go backe and tell you how the King was driven from Westminster. When his Majestie was returned from Scotland, he retir'd to Hampton Court, whence upon the Lord Maior's and the Cities humble sollicitation, he came backe to White-hall to keep his Christmas. But when the Bill against Bishops was in agitation, which businesse lasted near upon 10 weekes, a crue of bold sturdie Mechanicks, and Mariners, came from the Citie and ruffled be­fore White-hall, and Westminster-hall, and would have violated the Ab­bie of Westminster, so that for many nights a Court of guard was for­ced to be kept in the bodie of that Church, (the chiefest Sanctuarie of the Kingdom.) Moreover, His Maiestie having impeached some of the Members of both Houses, of high Treason, and being denied to have them delivered up, he went himselfe to the Lower House to demand them, assuring the House they should have as fair and legall a triall as ever men had. But as it pleased God, they were not there, but retir'd to Lon­don for refuge; the Londoners grew starke wilde thereupon, and notice being sent to all the adjacent Counties, this Act of the Kings (though it wanted no precedents of former times) was aggravated in the high­est degree that possibly could be. Hence you may easily inferre, what [Page 20] small security his Majesty had at White-hall, and what indignities hee might have exposed himselfe unto, by that which had passed already from the Rabble, who had vilified and cryed tush at his Proclamations, and disgorg'd other rebellious speeches with impunity, therefore hee retired to Hampton Court (as we read, our Saviour withdrew himselfe once from the multitude) thence to Windsor Castle, whence accompanying her Majestie, with his eldest daughter to the sea side for Holland, and ha­ving commanded the Prince to attend him against his returne at Green­wich, the Prince had beene surpriz'd and brought to London, had not the King come a little before. Thence he removed to Yorke, where hee kept his Court all the Sommer.

But to returne to London, the very next day after their Majesties de­parture, the Countrey about, especially Bucking hamshire being incited by the Citie and Parliament, came in great swarmes, and joyning with the London mechanicks, they ruffled up and downe the streets, and kept such a racket, making the fearfullest riot that ever I believe was heard of in Parliament time: so those Members which formerly were fled into the Citie, were brought to the House in a kinde of triumph, be­ing garded by land and water in warlike manner by these Champions: After this, sundry troopes of Horse came from all the shires neare ad­joyning to the Parliament, and Buckingham men were the first, who while they expressed their love to their Knight, forgot their sworne oath to their King, and instead of feathers they carried a Printed Pretestation in their hats, as the Londoners had done a little before upon the Pikes point.

Per.

This kept a foule noise beyond Sea I remember, so that upon the Rialto in Venice, it was sung up and downe, that a Midsommer Moon (though it was then midst of Winter) did raigne amongst the English, and you must thinke that it hath made the Venetian to shrinke in his shoulders, and to looke but il favourably upon us, since wee'l have none of his currans. But Sir, I heard much of that Protestation, I pray what was the substance of it,

Pat.

It was penn'd, and injoyn'd by the Parliament for every one to take, and it consisted of many parts, the first was, to maintaine the true Protestant religion against all Popish innovations, which word Popish (as some think) was scrued in of purpose for a loop-hole to let in any other innovation) the second was to maintaine the Prerogative and honour of the King; then the power and priviledge of Parliaments; and lastly, the propriety [Page 21] and liberty of the Subject; for the two first parts of this Protestation, the people up and downe seemed to have uttrly forgotten them, and con­tinue so still, as if their consciences had beene tyed only to the two last, and never was there a poore people so besotted, never was reason and common sense so baffled in any part of the world.

And now will I goe to attend his Majestie at Yorke, where as I told you before, being loth to part with his Sword, (though he had half par­ted with his Scepter before) by denying the Parliament an indefinite time to dispose of the Militia, (alleadging, that as the Word, so the thing was new) He sends forth his Commissions of Array according to the old law of England, which declares it to be the undoubted right, and Royall Signiory of the King, to arme or disarme any Subject. The Parliament sends out clean counter-mands for executing the said Militia; so by this clashing twixt the Commission of Array and the Militia, the first flash of this odious unnaturall war may be said to break out. The pulse of the Parliament beat's yet higher, they send an Admirall to the sea, not onely without, but expresly against the Kings speciall command. They had taken unto them a Military gard from the Citie for their protection, without his Majesties consent, who by the advice of the Lord Keeper and others, had offered them a very strong gard of Constables and o­ther Officers to attend them, which the laws usually allow; yet the raising of that gard in Yorkshire for the safegard of his Majesties person, was interpreted to be levying of warre against the Parliament, and so made a sufficient ground for them to raise an Armie, to appoint a Gene­rall, with whom they made publike Declarations to live and die. And they assumed power to conferre a new appellation of honour upon him, as if any could conferre honour but the King! And this Army was to be maintained out of the next contribution of all sorts of peo­ple; so a great masse of money and plate, was brought into the Guild-Hall, the Semstresse brought in her silver Thimble, the Chamber maid her Bodkin, the Cook his Spoones, and the Uintner his Bowles, and every one something to the advancement of so good a worke, as to wage war directly against the Sacred person of their Soveraigne, and to put the whole Countrey into a combustion.

Per.

Surely it is impossible that a rationall Christian people should grow so simple and sottish, as to be so far transported, without some co­lourable cause, therefore I pray tell me what that might be?

Patr.

The cause is made specious enough, and varnished over won­derfull [Page 22] cunningly; The people are made to believe they are in danger, and a prevention of that danger is promised, and by these plausible wayes the under­standing is wrought upon, and an affection to the cause is usher'd in, by aggra­vation of this danger, as one would draw a thred through a needles eye: This huge Bug-bear Danger, was like a monster of many heads, the two chiefest were these, That there was a plot to let in the Pope; And to cast the civil Government into a French frame; It is incredible to thinke how the Pulpits up and down London did ring of this, by brain-sicke Lectu­rers, of whom some were come from New England, others were pick'd out of purpose, and sent for from their own flocke in the Countrey, to possesse, or rather to poyson the hearts of the Londoners, to puzzle their intellectuals, and to intoxicate their braines by their powerfull gifts; It was punishable to preach of Peace, or of Caesars right, but the common subiect of the Pulpit was either Blasphemie against God, Disobedi­ence against the King, or Incitements to Sedition, Good Lord, what windy, frothy stuffe came from these fanaticke braines! These Phrene­tici Nebulones, (for King James gives them no better Character in his [...]) who may be said to be mad out of too much ignorance; who neverthelesse are come to that height of prophanenesse and pride, that they presume to father all their Doctrines, all their non-sence rap­tures and ravings upon the holy Spirit. Nor did the Pulpit onely helpe to kindle this fire, but the Presse also did contribute much fewell; What base scurrilous Pamphlets were cried up and down the streets, and dispersed in the Countrey? What palpable and horrid lyes were daily printed? How they multiplied in every corner in such plentie, that one might say there was a superfaetation of lyes, which continue unto this day! One while the King of Denmarke was comming over from the Sound; another while the king of France had an huge Armie about Calais design'd for England; another while there was an Armie of Irish Rebels comming over with the privitie of the King; another while a plot was cried up and down to burne London; another while there were subterranean invisible Troopes mustered under ground in Wales, and thousands of Papists armed in Lancashire, & divers reports of this nature were daily blown up, and though the Authors of them were worthles & mean futilous persons, yet the reports themselves had that credit as to be entertain'd and canvas'd in the high Court of Parlia­ment. But these false rumours produc'd one politicke effect (and it was the end indeed for which they were dispers'd) they did atemorize, [Page 23] and fill the peoples hearts with feares, and so dispose of them to up­roares and to part with money.

Peregr.

I know there be sundry sorts of Feares; there are Conscien­tious Feares, there are Pannik Feares, there are pusillanimous Feares, and there are politck Feares. The first sort of Fear proceeds from guilt of Conscience, which turnes often to phrensie. The second sort of Fear may be call'd a kinde of Chymera, 'tis some sudden surprizall or Con­sternation arising from an unexpected strange accident. Pusillanimous Fear makes a mountain of a molehill, and proceeds from povertie of spirit, and want of courage, and is a passion of abject and degenerous mindes, and may be call'd cowardise, and this Fear is alwayes accompa­nied with jealousie. Politicke fear, is a created forg'd Fear wrought in another, to bring some Designe about; and as we finde the Astronomers (the comparison is too good) do imagine such and such shapes and cir­cles in the Heavens, as Zodiak, Equinoctiall, Colures and Tropiques, with o­thers, though there be no such things really in nature, to make their conclusions good; so the politician doth often devise and invent false imaginarie Feares, to make his proceedings more plausible amongst the silly vulgar, and thereby to compasse his ends and as the Sun useth to appear farre bigger to us in the morning than at noon, when he is ex­alted to his Meridian, and the reason the philosophers use to give, is the interposition of the vapours which are commonly in the lower Regi­on, through which we look upon him, as we finde a piece of silver look bigger in a bucket of water than elsewhere, so the politician uses to cast strange mists of fear, and fogges of jealousie before the simple peoples eyes, to make the danger seem bigger: But truly Sir, this is one of the basest kindes of policie; nor can I believe there be any such politicians amongst the Cabalists of your Parliament; who pretend to be so busie about Gods worke, A glorious Reformation; and you know there is a good Text for it, that God needeth not the wicked man, He scornes to be beholding to Lyers to bring about his purposes: But I pray Sir, deal freely with me, Do you imagine there was a Designe to bring in the Masse again?

Patr.

The Masse? You may say, there was a plot to bring in Maho­met as soon, to bring in the Alchoran, or Talmud as soon, for I dare pawn my soul, the King is as cordiall a Protestant, as any that breathes under his three Crownes, which besides his publike deep Protestations, and his constant quotidian exemplary open practise, many other convince­ing [Page 24] private reasons induce me to believe, and it is in vain to thinke the Pope can take footing here to any purpose without the Kings leave. You know as well as I Sir, that of all the Reformed Churches in Christendom, the Lutheran retaines most of the Roman, both in his positions and practise, and comes much nearer unto him than we do, yet I have observed, that from the first day of his Reformation, to this, He is as averse, and as farre off from Rome, as the rigidest Calvinist that is; and shall I thinke, because there are some humble and handsome postures, and decent vestures revived in ourChurch, for they were never abolished, because the Communion Table stands in the East end where it ever stood since Christianitie came in all our Cathedrals, which should be a rule to all interiour Churches, which yet the Seperatist cries out to be an Innovation: because her Majestie hath a few simple Capu­chins, fewer than was allowed by the Matrimoniall Capitulations, whither to retire sometimes: Because Schismatickes were proceeded against with more care, and the Government of the Church borne up lately with more countenance, shall I believe that the Pope must pre­sently come in? shall I believe the weaknesse of our Religion to be such, as to be so easily shaken and overturn'd? Yet I believe there was a pernicious plot to introduce a new Religion, but what I pray? not Poperie, but Presbyterie, and with it to bring in the Doctrine of Bucha­nan and Knox, for civill Government, and so to cast our Church and State into a Scots mould.

Peregr.

Indeed, I heard the English much censur'd abroad for ensla­ving as it were their understanding and judgement in points of Religi­on to the Scot, whom they made Christians, and Reformed Christians first, and now for the English to run to them for a Religion, and that the Uniformite should proceed from them, they having disdain'd us for­merly, what a disparagement is it thinke you to the Anglican Church? This with other odde traverses, as the ecclipsing the glorie of the King, and bringing him backe to a kinde of minoritie, the tampering with his conscience, I will not say, the straining of it so farre, the depriving him of all kinde of propertie, the depressing of his Regall Power, wherein the honour of a Nation con [...]sts, and which the English were us'd to uphold more than any other, for no King hath more awfull at­tributes from his Subjects, as, Sacred Soveraigne, Gracious and Most Ex­cellent Majestie, nor any King so often prayed for, for in your morning Lyturgie he is five times prayed for, whereas other Princes are menti­oned [Page 25] but once or twice at most in theirs, I say this, with interception of letters, some incivilities offered Ambassadors, and the bold lavish spee­chees that were spoken of the greatest Queenes in Christendome, and his Majesties late withdrawing his Royall protection from some of his Merchant-Subiects in other Countries, hath made the English loose much ground in point of esteeme abroad, and to be the discourse, I will not say the scorne of other people. They sticke not to say, that there is now a worse maladie fallen upon their mindes, then fell upon their bo­dies about an age since by the Sweating sicknesse, which was peculiar only unto them, and found them out under all Climes. Others say, there is a [...] amongst them, that they are turn'd to Wolves, (as you know it is a common thing in Lapland,) and that the old Adage is verifyed in them, Homo homini Lupus. Nay our next neighbours give out, that the saying was never truer then now, Rex Anglorum, Rex Dia­bolorum. Nor is it a small disrepute to the English, that the word Caval­lier, which is an attribute that no Prince in Christendome will disdain, and is the common appellation of the Nobilitie and Gentry in most parts of the world, is now us'd, not only in Libels and frivilous Pam­phlets, but in publike Parliamentary Declarations, for a terme of re­proach. But truly Sir, what you have related touching the Pulpit and the Presse, transformes me into wonder, and I should want Faith to be­lieve it, did you not speake it upon your knowledge; but the English when they fall to worke upon a new humour, use to overdo all people.

Patr.

You have not yet the tith of what I could give you, you would little think that Coachmen, and Feltmakers, and Weavers were per­mitted to preach up and downe without controlement, and vent their venome against Church and State, to cry down our Hierarchie and Li­turgie, by most base and reviling speeches.

Per.

Touching your Lyturgie, I have heard it censured abroad by the rigidest Calvinists of Geneva and Dort, yet I never heard any other Cha­racter given of it, but that it is a most Pious, Pathetick, and perfect piece of devotion, both for the matter and forme of it, which I have beene a little curious to observe. It begins with some choise passages of holy Scripture, and a previous Declaration or Monitory to excite us to the worke in hand; The first addresse we make to God is by an humble and joynt Confession which is applyable to any conscience, and compre­hends in it all kind of sins. Then followeth a pronuntiation of Gods promises and pronesse to pardon and absolve us; Wee goe on to the [Page 26] Lords Prayer, which having beene dictated by our Saviour himselfe, we often use, and is as Amber throwne in amongst our Frankincense, to make the Sacrifice more precious and pleasing unto God. Then we pro­ceed to some choice Psalmes, and other portions of holy Scripture taken out of the old and new testament; Then we fall to the Symbole of saith, where of we make a solemne joynt confession in such a posture as shews a readinesse and resolution in us to defend it: and so to the Leta­ny, wherein the poore penitent peccant soule may be said to breath out her self into the bosome of her Saviour by tender ejaculations, by pan­ting groanes, and eviscerated ingeminations, and there is no sinne, no temptation whatsoever that humane frailtie is subject unto, but you shall finde a deliverance from it there; it is so full of Christian charity that there is no condition of people, but are remembred and prayed for there. Then we proceed by holy alternatif interlocutions (where­by we heare our selves speak as well as the minister) to some effectuall short prayers; because in long prayers the minde is subject to wander, as some Zelots now a dayes use to bring their Hearers into a Wildernesse by their Prayers, and into a Labyrinth by their Sermons. Then goe we on to the Decalogue, and if it be in a Cathedrall, there is time enough for the Hearer to examine himselfe, while the Musicke playes, where and when he broke any of Gods holy Commandements, and ask particular forgivenesse accordingly; Then after other choice portions of Scri­pture, and passages relating to our Redemption, and endearing unto us the merits of it, with a more particular Confession of our Faith, we are dismissed with a Benediction: so that this Lyturgie may be called an In­strument of many strings, whereon the sighing soule sends up various notes unto heaven. It is a posie made up of divers flowers, to make it the more fragrant in the nostrills of God. Now touching your Bishops I never knew yet any Protestant Church but could be content to have them, had they meanes to maintaine the Dignitie, which the Churches of France with others have not in regard the Reformation began first among the people, not at Court, as here it did in England: For unlesse there be some Supervisers of Gods house, endowed with eminent au­thoritie to check the fond fancies, and quench the false fatuous fires of every private spirit, and unlesse it be such an authoritie that may draw unto it a holy kinde of awe and obedience, what can be expected but confusion and Atheisme? You know what became of the Israelites when the wonted reverence to the Ark, and the Ephod, and the Priest, [Page 27] began to languish amongst them: For the braine of man is like a gar­den, which unlesse it be senced about with a wall or hedge, is subject you know to be annoyed by all kinde of beasts which will be ready to runne into it; so the braine unlesse it be restrain'd and bounded in holy things by rules of Canonicall authority, a thousand wilde opinions, and extravagant fancies will hourely rush into it: nor was there ever a­ny field so subject to produce Cockle and Darnell, as the braine is rank and ready to bring forth tares of Scisme and Heresie of a thousand sorts, unlesse after the first culture the sickle of Authority be applyed to grub up all such noisome weeds.

Pat.

Yet this most ancient dignitie of Bishops is traduced and vilifi­ed by every shallow-pated petty Clerke, and not so much out of a true zeale, as out of envie that they are not the like. And touching our Ly­turgie, whereof you have beene pleas'd to give so exact a Character, people are come to that height of impiety, that in some places it hath beene drowned, in other places burnt, in some places torn in peeces to serve for the basest uses, nay it hath beene preached publikely in Pul­pit, That it is a peece forged in the divels shop, and yet the impious foule mouthd Babbler never was so much as questioned for it. Nor did the Church only eccho with these blasphemies; but the Presse was as preg­nant to produce every day some Monster either against Ecclesiasticall, or Secular government. I am ashamed to tell you how some bold Pam­phleters in a discourse of a sheet or two, would presume to question, to dispute of, and determine the extent of Monarchik jurisdiction, what sturdie doubts, what saucie Quaeries they put, what odd frivolous di­stinctions they fram'd, That the King though he was Gods Anointed, yet he was mans appointed: That he had the commanding, not the disposing power: That he was set to rule over, not to over rule the people; That he was King by humane choice, not by divine Charter; That he was not King by the grace of God, so much as by the suffrage of the people; That he was a Creature and production of the Parliament: That he had no im­plicite trust, nor peculiar propertie in any thing; That populus est potior Rege: That Grex lege, lex. est Rege potentior; That the King was singulis major, universis minor, whereas a successive Monarch—Uno minor est love—Sometimes they would bring instances from the States of Holland, sometimes from the Republike of Venice, and apply them to Absolute and Independant Royaltie; But I finde that the dis­course and Inferences of these Grand Statists were bottomed upon [Page 28] foure false foundations, viz. That the King of whom they speake must be either a Minor, an Idiot, an insufferable tyrant, or that the King­dome they mean, is Elective; None of all which is appliable, either to our most gracious and excellently quallified King, or to his re­nowned Kingdom, which hath been alwayes reputed an ancient suc­cessive Monarchie, governed by one supreme, undeposeable and in­dependent Head, having the Dignitie, the Royall State, and Power of an Imperiall Crown, and being responsible to none but to God Al­mightie and his own conscience for his actions, and unto whom a Bodie Politicke compacted of Prelates, Peeres, and all degrees of people is naturally subject; but this is a theme of that transcendencie, that it re­quires a serious and solid Tractat, rather than such a slender Discourse as this to handle.

But I pray excuse me Sir, that I have stept aside thus from the Road of my main narration; I told you before, how the clashing 'twixt the Commission of Array, and the Militia, put all things in disarray through­out the whole Kingdom; The Parliament as they had taken the first Militarie guard, so they began to arme first, and was it not high time then for his Majestie to do something think you? yet he assayed by all wayes imaginable to prevent a War, and to conquer by a passive forti­tude, by cunctation, and longanimitie. How many overtures for an ac­commodation did he make? How many Proclamations of Pardon? How many elaborate Declarations breathing nothing but clemencie, sweetnesse and truth did drop from his own imperious invincible pen, which will remain upon Record unto all Ages, as so many Monu­ments to his eternall glorie? Yet some ill spirit stept still in, between his Grace and the abused Subject, for by the peremptorie Order of Parliament (O monstrous thing!) the said Proclamations of Grace, and other his Majesties Declarations were prohibited to be read, fear­ing that the strength and truth of them would have had a virtue to un­blinde, or rather unbewitch (for Rebellion is as the sin of witchcraft), the poor besotted people? What deep Protestations, and holy Vowes did he reiterate, that the main of his Designes was to preserve the true Pro­cestant Religion, the known Lawes of the Land, and the just Priviledges of Parliament? How often did he dehort and wooe the Citie of Lon­don (his Imperial Chamber) from such violent courses, so that she may justly be upbraided with the same words, as the Prince of peace upbraided Jerusalem withall: London, London, How often would I have gathered thee, [Page 29] as an hen doth her chickens under her wings, yet thou wouldest not?

How often did He descend to acknowledge the manner of demand­ing the one and five Members in his publike Remonstrances? And if there was an errour in his proceedings, how oft did he desire his Great Councell to direct him in a course how to go on in the Em­peachment? which they never did, but would reserve the priviledge to themselves to be Judge and Partie.

Peregr.

Can your Parliament protect high Treason? I am sure the character of an Ambassadour cannot, which the late French Ambassa­dour (who for his time play'd his Cards more cunningly than ever Count Gondomer did) knew well; and therefore, as I heard some French men say, he got letters of Revocation before his designed time: But it seemes strange to me, that the King who is the Protectour of the Law, and Fountain of Justice, cannot have the benefit of the Law Him­selfe, which the meanest of his Vassals can claim by right of inheri­tance; 'tis strange, I say, that the Law should be a dead letter to him who is the Life of the Law, but that for omission of some puntillio in the forme of the Processe, the charge of high Treason should be so slight­ly wav'd, speçially Treason of so universall concernmen [...], that it may be call'd a complication of many Treasons; for if in every petty State it be high Treason to treat onely with any Forraigne Power without the privitie of the Prince, it must needs be Treason of an higher nature actually to bring them in; and hereof I could alleadge you many pre­gnant instances, antient and moderne, but that I do not desire to inter­rupt you in your Relation.

Patr.

The Parliament, as I told you before, armed apace, it was not fitting then his Majestie should sit idle; therefore he summons those Nobles and others, who had an immediate relation unto him by office or service, to attend him at Yorke, according to their particular obliga­tion and Oath: but it seemes the Parliament assumed power to di­spence with those Oathes, and excuse their attendance, which dispen­sation prevailed with some (tender) consciences; yet the Great Seal posted to Court, and after it most of the Nobles of the Land, and the flower of the Gentrie, with many of the prime Members of the Com­mons House; so that were it not for the locall priviledge, the Parlia­ment, for number of Members, might be said to be ever since about the King: These Nobles and Gentlemen resenting his Majesties case, and what practices there were on foot to alter the Government both of [Page 30] Church and State, not onely advised his Majestie to a royall War for defence of his Crown and Dignitie, but contributed very cheerfully, and have stood constant to the worke ever since.

Peregr.

They have good reason for it, for the securitie of the Nobi­litie and Gentrie depends upon the strength of the Crown, otherwise popular Government would rush in like a torrent upon them. But sure­ly those Nobles, and those Parliament Gentlemen, and others, some of whom I understand, were reputed the wisest and best weigh'd men for experience and parts thorowout the whole Kingdom, and were cried up in other Parliaments to be the most zealous Patriots for the proprietie and freedom of the Subject, would never have stucke so firmely to His Majestie, had they not known the bottome of his De­signes, that it was farre from his thoughts to bring in the Pope or French Government; for thereby they should have betrayed their own poste­ritie, and made their children slaves.

Patr.

To my knowledge, these Nobles and Gentlemen are still the very same as they were in former Parliaments, wherein they were so cried up for the truest lovers of their Countrey, and best Common-wealths men; yet now they are branded, and Voted to be Seducers and Traitors, because according to their Oathes and consciences, they adhere to the King their Master and Liege-Lord, for maintenance of that Religion they were baptized and bred in. Those most Orthodox and painfull Divines, which till the Parliament began, were accounted the precisest sort of Protestants, are now cried down for Papists, though they continue still the very same men, both for opinions and preaching, and are no more Papists, than I am a Pytbagorean. In fine, a true English Protestant is put now in the same scale with a Papist, and made Synonyma's. And truly these unhappy Schismatickes could not devise how to cast a greater infamie upon the English Protestant, than they have done of late by these monstrous imputations; they would fasten upon him such opinions which never entred into his thoughts, they would know ones heart better than himselfe, and so would be greater Kardiognostickes than God Almightie.

But to draw to a Conclusion; the Parliaments Armie multiplied apace in London, the Kings but slowly in the North, so that when he displayed his Royall Standard at Nottingham, his Forces were not any thing considerable, so that if the Parliaments Generall had then advan­ced towards him from Northamptou, he had put him to a very great [Page 31] strait; they encreased something at Derby and Stafford, but when hee was come to Shrewsbury, the Welch-men came running downe the mountaines in such multitudes, that their example did much animate the English; so that his Army in lesse than a moneth that the Court continued in Shrewesbury, came to neere upon twenty thousand Horse and Foot; nor was it a small advantage to his Majesties affaires, that the Nephew-Princes came over so opportunely. The first encounter Prince Rupert had with the Parliaments forces was at Worcester, where he defeated the flower of their Cavalrie, and gave them a smart blow. At Shrewsbury his Majestie tooke a resolution to march with his whole Armie towards London, but after seven dayes march he understood the Parliaments forces were within six miles side long of him, and so many miles he went out of his road to find them out, and face them: Upon a Sunday morning he was himself betimes on Edge-Hill, where the E­nemies Colours plainly appear'd in the vale before Keinton; it was past two in the after-noon before all his Infantery could get to the bottom, who upon sight of the Enemies Colours ran as merrily down the hil, as if they had gone to a morris-dance. So his Majestie himselfe being Ge­neralissimo, gave command the great Ordnance should flie for a defi­ance: so the battell began, which lasted above three houres; and as some French and Dutch Commanders told me, they never remembred to have seene a more furious fight for the time in all the German warres. Prince Rupert pursued the Enemies Horse like a whirle-winde neere up­on three miles, and had there beene day enough, when he came back to the infanterie, in all probabilitie a totall defeat had beene given them: So that the same accident may bee said to fall out here, as happened in that famous battell at Lewis, in Henry the thirds time, where the Prince of Wales (afterwards Edward the first) was so eager, and went so far (by excesse of courage) from the body of the Army in pursu­ance of the Londoners. His Majestie (to his deserved and never-dy­ing glory) comported himself like another Caesar all the while, by riding about and encouraging the Souldiers, by exposing his person often to the reach of a Musket-buller, and lying in the field all that bleake night in his Coach. Notwithstanding that many lying pamphlets were pur­posely printed here, to make the world believe, that he had retired him­selfe all the time of the fight; what partiall Reports were made in the Guild-hall to the Londoners, and by what persons, I am ashamed to tell you: But that his Majestie was victorious that day (a day which [Page 32] I never thought to have seene in England) there be many convincing arguments to prove it; for besides the great odds of men which fell on their side, and Cannons they lost, some of their Ordnance were naild by the Kings Troopes the next morning after, in the very face of their armie. Moreover the King advanced forward the next day to his former road, and tooke Banbury presently after; but the Parliamenteers went backwards, and so from that day to this, His Majestie continueth Master of the field. 'Tis true, that in some places, as at Farnham, Winche­ster, and Chichester, they have prevailed since, but no considerable part of the Royall Army was there to make opposition; and I blush to tell you, how unworthily the Law of Armes was violated in all those places.

Perig.

Good Lord, how can the soules of those men that were in the Parliaments Army at Keinton Battell, dispense with the Oaths of Su­premacie and Alleageance, besides the Protestation you speak of, they have taken to preserve the Person, honour, and prerogative of the King, when they thus actually bandy against his Person, and appeare in bat­tell with all the engines of hostility against him.

Pat.

I would be loth to exchange consciences with them, and bog­gle so with God Almighty; but these men by a new kind of Metaphysick have found out a way to abstract the Person of the King from his Office to make his Soveraigntie a kinde of Platonick Idea hovering in the aire, while they visibly attempt to asiail and destroy his person (and Progeny) by small and great shot, and seek him out amongst his Life Guard with fire, and sword; yet they give out they fight not only not against him, but for him, and that their army is more loyall to him than his owne; who, they say, fight only for the name King, though they have his per­son really amongst them, commanding and directing: Thus they make him a strange kind of Amphibium, they make him in one instant a King and no King of the same Individuum; a power which the Casuists affirm God Almighty never assumd to himself, to do any thing that implys a con­tradiction.

Pereg.

Noble Sir, you make my heart to pant within me, by the Pa­thetick relation you have beene pleased to make mee of these ruthfull times; But one thing seemes to me to be no lesse than a miracle, how his Majestie hath beene able to subsist all this while, considering the infinite advantages the adverse partie hath had of him; for they have all the tenable places and townes of strength, both by Land and Sea; They have the Navie Royall, they have all the Ammunition and Armes [Page 33] of the Crowne, they have all the imposts and Customes, Poundage and Tonnage (which they levie contrary to their former Protestation before the Bill be passed) they have the Exchequer at their devotion, and all the Revenue of the King, Queene and Prince, and lastly, they have the Citie of London, which may be called a Magazin of money and Men, where there is a ready supply and superfluitie of all things, that may feed, clothe, or make men gay to put them in heart and resolution: Truly considering all these advantages, with divers others on their side, and the disadvantages on the Kings, it turnes me into a lump of asto­nishment, how his Majestie could beare up all this while, and keepe to­gether so many Armies, and be still master of the field.

Pat.

I confesse Sir, it is a just subject for wonderment, and we must a­scribe it principally to God Almighty, who is the protectour of his A­nointed, for his hand hath manifestly appear'd in the conduct of his af­faires, He hath beene the Pilot, who hath sate at the helme ever since this storme began, and will doubtlesse continue to steere his course till he waft him to safe harbour againe; Adde hereunto, that his Majestie for his owne part, hath beene wonderfully stirring, and indefatigable both for his body and minde; and what notable things Her Majestie hath done, and what she hath suffered, is fitter for a Chronicle, then such a simple Discourse.

Hereunto may be added besides, that his Majestie hath three parts of foure of the Pceres, and prime Gentry of the Kingdome firme unto him, and they will venture hard, before they will come under a popu­lar government and corporations; or let in Knox or Calvin to under­mine this Church and State.

Pereg.

Truly Sir amongst other Countries, I extreamely longed to see England, and am no sooner come, but I am surfetted of her alreadie, I doubt the old prophecie touching this Island is come now to be verified. That the Churchman was, the Lawer is, and the Soul­dier shall be. I am afraid the English have seene their best dayes; for I finde a generall kind of infatuation, a totall Eclipse of reason amongst most of them; and commonly a generall infatuation precedes the perditi­on of a people, like a fish, that putrifieth first in the head; They say a­broad, Tis the Scots turne now to be a great Nation. Therefore I will trusse up my baggage and over againe, after I have enjoied you some daies, and received your commands.

Patr.
[Page 34]

Dear Sir, If you seriously resolve to crosse the Seas again so soon, I may chance bear you companie, for as you have since the short time of your sojourne here judiciously observed a nationall defection of reason in the people of this Island, which makes her so active in her own ruine; so by longer experience, and by infallible Symptomes, I finde a strange kinde of Vertigo to have seized upon her, which I fear will turne to the falling Sicknesse, or such a Phrensie, that will make her to dash out her own braines; Nor are her miseries, I fear, come yet to the full; It is the method of the Almightie, when he pleases to punish a people, to begin with roddes, to go on with scourges, and if they will not do, he hath Scorpions for them; therefore, I will breathe any where sooner than here: for what securitie or contentment can one receive in that Countrey, where Religion and Justice, the two grand Doriqne Columnes which support every State, are fallen down? which makes all conditions of men, all professions and Trades to go here daily to utter ruine. The Church man growes every day more despica­ble, as if he had no propertie in any thing, nor is there any way left him to recover his Tithe, but by costly troublesome sutes. The Civili­an, a brave learned profession, hath already made his last Will; and the Common Lawyers case is little better; the Courtier cannot get his Pension; the Gentleman cannot recover his rents, but either they are sequestred by an high hand of unexampted power, or else the poor Te­nant is so heavily assess'd or plundered, that he is disabled to pay them in; all kinde of Commerce both domesticke and forraigne visibly de­cayes, and fals more and more, into the hands of strangers (to the no small dishonour of the wisedome of this Nation;) nor can the Trades­man recover his debts, Parliamentary Protections continue still in such numbers, so that it is a greater Priviledge now to be a Footman to the meanest of the Lower House, than to be of the Kings Bed-Chamber: Prentises run away from their Masters, and against their fa­thers intent turne Souldiers, and for money, which is the soul of Trade, I believe since the beginning of this Parliament, above one halfe of the Treasure of the Kingdom is either conveyed to the other side of the Sea, or buried under ground, whence it must be new digg'd up again. Moreover, all things are here grown Arbitrary, (yet that word took off the Earle of Straffords head) Religion, Law, and Allea­geance is grown Arbitrary; nor dares the Iudge upon the Tribunall (according to his Oath) do justice, but he is over-awed by Ordinance, [Page 35] or else the least intimation of the sense of the Lower House is sufficient to enjoyne him the contrary, so that now, more than ever, it may be said here,—Terras Astraa reliquit. Peace also hath rov'd up and down this Island, and cannot get a place to lay her head on; she hoped to have had entertainment in Yorkshire, by the agreement of the best Gentlemen in the Country; but an Ordinance of Parliament beat her out of doores, then she thought to rest in Cheshire, and by a solemne Cove­nant she was promised to be preserved there; the principall Agents of that Covenant having protested every one upon the word of a Gentle­man, and as they did desire to prosper, both themselves, their tenants and friends, should strictly observe it; but the like Ordinance of Parlia­ment battered down that Agreement.

Then she thought to take footing in the West, and first in Dorsetshire, then in Cornwall and Devonshire, and by the holy tie of the blessed Sa­crament, she was promised to be preserved there; but another Ordi­nance of Parliament is pursuing her, to dispense with the Commissio­ners of the said Agreement for their Oathes. Lastly, his Majestie is mainly endeavouring to bring her in again thorowout the whole Land; but the furious, phrenetique Schismatickes will have none of her; for as one of them (besides a thousand instances more) preach'd in one of the most populous Congregations about the Citie, It were better that London streets ran with bloud, and that dead carkasses were piled up as high as the battlements of Pauls, than peace should be now brought in. And now that Peace is shut out, Learning is upon point of despair, her Colledges are become Courts of guard, and Mars lieth in Mercuries bed. Ho­nour also, with her Court, lieth in the dust; the Cobler may confront the Knight, the Boor the Baron, and there is no Judiciall way of satisfaction; which makes Monarchie fear she hath no long time of abode here, Publike faith also, though she had but newly set up for her selfe, is sud­denly become Bankrupt, and how could she choose? for more of the Kingdomes Treasure hath been spent within these thirty moneths, than was spent in four-score yeares before; but she hopes to piece up her selfe again, by the ruines of the Church; but let her take heed of that, for those goods have been fatall to many thousand families in this Kingdom: yet she thinkes much, that those publike summes which were given to suppresse one Rebellion (in Ireland) should be imployed to maintain another Rebellion (in England) And lastly, me thinkes, I see Religion in torne ragged weeds, and with slubber'd eyes, sitting upon Weeping Crosse, and wringing her hands, to see her chiefest Temple [Page 36] (Pauls Church) where God Almightie was us'd to be serv'd constantly thrice a day, and was the Rendezvouz, & as it were the Mother Church, standing open to receive all commers and strangers, to be now shut up, and made onely a thorow-fare for Porters; to see those scaffolds, the expence of so many thousand pounds, to lie a rotting; to see her chiefest lights like to be extinguished; to see her famous learned Di­vines dragg'd to prison, and utterly depriv'd of the benefit of the Common Law, their inheritance: Me thinkes, I say, I see Religion packing up, and preparing to leave this Island quite, crying out, that this is a Countrey fitter for Atheists than Christians to live in; for God Almightie is here made the greatest Malignant, in regard his House is plunder'd more than any. There is no Court left to reforme Heresie, no Court to punish any Church Officer, and to make him at­tend his Cure, no Court to punish Fornication, Adulterie, or Incest; Me thinkes I hear Her crie out against these her Grand Reformers (or Refiners rather) that they have put division 'twixt all degrees of persons. They have put division 'twixt husband and wife, 'twixt mother and childe: the son seekes his fathers bloud in open field, one brother seekes to cut the others throat; they have put division 'twixt Master and Servant, 'twixt Land-lord and Tenant; nay, they have a long time put a sea of separation 'twixt King and Queen; and they labour more and more to put division 'twixt the Head and the Members, 'twixt his Majestie and his politicall Spouse, his Kingdom; and lastly, they have plung'd one of the flourishingst Kingdomes of Europe in a War without end; for though a Peace may be plaster'd over for the time, I fear it wil be but like a fire cover'd with ashes, which will break out again, as long as these fierie Schismatickes have any strength in this Island, so that all the pre­misses considered, if Turke or Tartar, or all the infernall spirits and Ca­codaemons of Hell had broken in amongst us, they could not have done poor England more mischiefe. Sir, I pray excuse this homely imper­fect relation, I have a thousand things more to impart unto you when we may breathe freer aire; for here we are come to that slaverie, that one is in danger to have his very thoughts plundered; therefore if you please to accept of my companie, I will over with you by Gods helpe, as soon as it may stand with your conveniencie, but you must not dis­cover me to be an Englishman abroad, for so I may be jear'd at and kickt in the streets; I will go under another name, and am fix'd in this reso­lution, never to breathe English aire again, untill the King recovers his Scepter, and the People their Senses.

A Letter writ by Sergeant-Major KIRLE, to a Friend at Windsor.

Sir,

YOu were pleased to command a constant account from me, as the onely requitall you would receive for ad­mitting me an Officer in the Parliament Armie; and though divers things have come from us, which have been either doubted or contradicted, and seem to have no other credit than the Close Committee; yet what I am now a­bout to tell you, shall run none of those dangers, but that with a great deal of confidence you may report, both in publique to the House, and in private [...]o my friends, that I am now at Oxford; nor shall your wonder last long, for by that time I have declared upon what grounds at first I undertook that service, and upon what reasons I have since deserted it, I shall without doubt (where there is Charitie or Reason) free my selfe from the imputation of dishonour, and undeceive others that are, as I was, seduced.

About the time these distempers began here, I returned from ser­ving the Swede in Germanie, and the States of Holland; in both which Countries, I cannot without vanitie say, I did nothing to the disho­nour of mine own: as this absence made me ignorant of the conditi­on of the Kingdom, so it rendred me more inclinable to receive an imployment from the Parliament: for though neither my youth, nor this profession are curious after the affaires of State; yet so common were the grievances in that unhappy conjuncture of time, when I went abroad, that I retain'd the same impressions in me at my comming home, especially when I saw the complaints remain, but did not know that the Causes were taken away: thus possessed with prejudice, it was no hard thing for me to believe, that the pretences of War, (in them­so specious) and the imployment therein, to be full of Honour, Justice, and Pietie; and that there needed not the importunitie of my nearest friends, or an argument from the necessitie their former severitie had cast upon me, nor an invitation from your selfe, to seek for the prefer­ferment you speedily procured me.

[Page 38] How I behaved my selse, while I was of your mind, and in that ser­vice, will be best judged by those, that know that from a Lieutenant I was soone preferred to be Captaine of a Troop raised to my hand: and shortly after, to be Sergeant-Major to the Earle of Stamfords Re­giment of Horse: what prisoners I took, what contribution I brought in, what places and Townes I secured, appeares by the testimony gi­ven of me, and the thankes I received from you. It is not therefore ne­cessity has made me leave you to goe to the King, from whom you have taken not only His revenues which should give Him bread, but the be­nevolences (as far as in you lies) of His people that should maintaine His Army. It is not ambition, to forsake a certaine benefit for an un­certaine imployment, and (in justice) as doubtfull a pardon: it is not malice for any particular neglect or injury, for I must confesse no man received greater kindnesse from his superiour Officers, or more ample thankes from your selves then I have done; no civill humane respect, but a perfect discoverie of those false lights, that have hitherto misled me, and the deepe apprehension of the horrour which attends the per­severing in such errours.

I must confesse (though you would little thinke it) that Master Sedg­wicke, Chaplaine to that Regiment, first opened my eyes, and moved me to that reflection upon my self, which set me since in the right way; not by his perswasions or conversion, (for I can assure you, you may still confide in him) but by the Spirit (not that pretended to of meeknesse and peace, but) of fury and madnesse; he revealed the mystery of this war, and in his inspired rage, brake the shell, Religion, safety of the King, Libertie and proprietie; and shewed us the kernell, Atheisme, Anarchie, Arbitrary government and confusion what was meant else by his sawcie and impertinent talking to God Almightie, whom he see­med rather to command than intreat? what was meant else by his tra­ducing the King and cursing him, while he seemed to pray for him? and presently with a tone as gentle as his language magnifie the Wor­thies the Estates assembled in Parliament; what was meant else by in­couraging violence, and sharing in things plundered? nor had one man given me a just prejudice of the cause, but that I saw the whole lump of these pseudo clergie, seasoned with the same leaven, who hate (and so instruct the people) an innocent ceremony, but thirst after blood; who abhorre learning and Bishops, but adore ignorance and division; who while they are severe (and therein they doe well) against drunken­nesse [Page 39] and adultery, they make robbery, rebellion, sacriledge, and mur­der become vertues, because they are in order to effect their designes; and truly I had not trusted my eares, if the same and much more had not beene confirmed by my eyes; for those few regiments then with us were a perfect modell of the whole Armie, and most certaine I am, that all the Officers of no one Company were all of the same opinion what Religion they fought for: some loved the booke of Common-Prayer and Bishops, others were zealous for extemporary prayers and Elders, another thought Bishops so many Elders, and Elders so many Bishops, and therefore they fought to set Jesus Christ in his Throne, meaning independencie: Some liked the Chaplaine of the Regiment, another thought his Corporall preached better; some had so much of the spi­rit they wanted courage, and when they should fight, thought it better to pray, or els declared it was revealed unto them they should be bea­ten, and to fulfill the prophecy, threw downe their armes; and one would thinke, that every companie had been raised out of the severall Congregations of Amsterdam; who wanted not Scripture for every mutinie; who plunder and call it Gods providence, who if they can­not prove any of qualitie to be a Papist, yet as he is a Gentleman he shal want grace; and that is title enough to possesse the estates of all that are more richer than themselves: and in truth had it not beene for this per­swasion, you might have made riots, but not a war; for under the pro­mise of malignants estates are included, not onely those that directly take part with the King, but all those too that shall not concur with you in all things: hence it is that those were thought merito­rious, who voted Bishops out of the House of Peeres, but are become Malignants, because they will not put them out of the Church: hence some that contributed with a large hand to this war, received marks of favour, but are become Malignants, because they will not give all that they are worth: hence those that in tumults cried for justice were wor­thy of thanks, but are become Malignants, because they will not helpe to depose the King. I shall not need to tell what dishonourable and in­direct meanes have beene used to these ends, what burdens have beene laid upon weak consciences of some men by Divines, what preferment have beene promised to some, what threatnings have beene used to o­thers; the sending of Horses, Monie, Plate, shall expiate for past sins, or cover others which by their busie emissaries they have found out, and will otherwise discover: he that has power in his Countrie and will use [Page 40] it for you may oppresse his neighbour, who must not sue him because he is in their service, and if he would be revenged; it is no hard thing to procure a warrant and the Sergeants man, and lay him up till he find an accusation, to produce one he never meanes to prove. I could instance in divers, who have beene by these allurements, invited to this war, and so to the ruine both of themselves and families; nor can I forget that more obvious artifice, which has made the Presse the fruitfull Mother of many Bastards; when the taking three Scouts in an Alehouse, has beene made at London, a Castle and the defeat of a Regiment, and Cler. Parl. has made the Pamphlet sell for a truth: when a defeat has beene voted a victory, and to amuse the People an Order has beene made, that God should be thanked for it, and indeed the Officers at last found that to tell truth when they had the worst, sometimes en­dangered their casheering, alwaies procured them an ill opinion, and when they saved the labour of doing the contrary, they were the better used, and therefore of late have justly wracked betwixt this Scylla and Charibdis, while they rather complied with their humour then obeyed truth, so that Religion is but the reverent name for blood and ruine: and it is most evident, it was onely used as a disguise, that we might with the more ease devoure one another, which nature otherwise would forbid us to doe.

Next to this nothing wrought more upon me, then that strange my­sterie, that fighting for the safety of the King was shooting at Him; as at Edge-bill and elsewhere, where I thanke God I was not; for sure the apprehension is so horrid unto me, that had I been in that action, the wounds of my conscience would never have beene healed. I am told the lawes are very severe not only against those that raise armes against the Crowne, and offer violence to the person of the King, but extend e­ven to the intentions, words and thoughts: certaine I am, Religion and Nature ranke Treason and Rebellion among the fowlest sinnes, and followes them with the worst of punishments; and doubtlesse Ravailliac might as well have excused his bloody fact, by saying the King was in his way, when he stabbed him, as those that justifie these late actions, by saying his Majestie was among their enemies, when he was on his owne ground and amongst his own Servants. And who ever shall con­sider what his Majestie has done before this war began, in reparation of these errours past, what calumnies and reproaches he hath suffered since (injuries not to be born by private spirits how beyond hope and expe­ctation [Page 41] His Armie rise from being despised to be justly feared; and lastly, what royall promises, and sacred Protestations He has so oft­en and so solemnly made, cannot but renounce Charitie and Ho­nour, or else he must believe and trust His Majestie, resent his suffer­ings, and acknowledge the miraculous hand of God in his preser­vation.

But I confesse the reason of complaining against you for using the King no better, seemes to grow lesse, whilest the Subject is in a much worse condition. Lawes we have indeed, but they are so little exer­cised, that shortly they will be buried in the places of those late risen Fundamentals, which no man yet could ere discover where they lay; when for the Libertie of the Subject, there is such good provision made, that whereas one Gaole was enough for a whole Countie, now there is more than one almost in every Parish; when the superscripti­on of a Letter (and may be that fained too) the information of a ma­litious neighbour, a fear, a jealousie, deprives many of their libertie, some of their lives; most of their healths and fortunes; when the petitioning for Lawes established, and for Peace (without which we can enjoy neither Lawes nor Truth) are become (with the crime of Loyaltie) the onely things punished; and with such a severitie that as no condition, so no age is spared; the Youth entring into the world, and having undergone the labour of an Apprentiship, instead of being made free of the Citie, are to serve again in a prison; and those reve­rend Aldermen, who have gone through the severall Offices of Lon­don with honour, stooping under the weight of many yeares, and the infirmities thereof, have been drawn from their hospitable houses, (and some from their beds, where extreme age had kept them many yeares before) to loathsome prisons, from thence at midnight in cold and stormie weather, in a little Boat to Gravesend, and from thence to the unwholesome aire of some Port-town, that they might not live long, to bewayle that banishment from their dear wives and chil­dren.

And herein I acknowledge the greatest Justice, for Proprietie has no Priviledge above Libertie; for being lately at London I found Pri­sons and Plundering went hand in hand, and it is worth the observing how these Disbursements like hastie weeds, grew on a sudden to so great an height; as first a gentle Benevolence, then Subscription, then sending in Plate, next Taxations by an Order, at last the twentieth [Page 42] part by an Ordinance; besides those smaller diversions of Under­writing for Ireland, and spending it in this War, of gathering for the distressed Protestants of that Nation, and bestowing that Charitie upon the Ministers of our own, whose seditious Sermons, had brought a just povertie upon them; of sequestring estates and Benefices, of taking Portions, and keeping Orphans upon Publique Faith, of seizing the Stockes of Churches, till by the same Publique Faith, they build or repair the same; and doubtlesse were not my thoughts more for the generall, than my private interest, I might easily and by authoritie grow rich with the spoiles of that Proprietie you seem to defend, and as others be gallant with the overplus taken for the twentieth part; who likewise by an Order take the Coach-horses of persons of quali­tie, and use them afterwards in their visits, and to Tavernes for the ser­vice of the Common-wealth.

I had not made instance in so many particulars, but to justifie my selfe thereby to all the world for what I have now done, which upon these considerations will be rather approved than condemned, by any that have not wholly given up their reason unto Faction, for doubtlesse dishonour is fixt upon levitie, ambition, cowardize, upon the persist­ing in that course which by conscience is declared unjust & irreligious. The breach of Articles renders void all Covenants, much more when that which is contracted for, is not onely altered but subverted. They were but pretences not realities I have hitherto served under, & Justice and Honour commands me to leave them. Some Souldiers take Ho­nour in so large a sense, that if they took pay under the Turke they would not desert him: the comparison is not amisse: but sure where there is such an indifferencie, as to serve any for pay, Religion is no part of their Honour, but if they be of the Mahometan perswasion, I shall not blame them to be true to that service, no more than I do those here, if their consciences tell them decencie and order is Antichristi­an, and Authoritie and Magistracie Heathenish: for certain I am, there is nothing more base and unworthy a Gentleman and a Christian, than to forsake the dictates of his own reason and conscience, to per­sist in an erroneous way, because he has already entred into it: If this false opinion of Honour should be received as Orthodox, it will be in the power of every subtle Sophister, and cheating Mountebanke, to ingage men for ever in ignoble actions, because they brought them once to an opinion that conduced thereunto. And lastly, whereas the [Page 43] end of War is Peace, what hope can there be of a reconciliation, or that those that have got the Regal and supreme power into their hands, should ever leave that which they have usurped, to resume that which they were borne to; or that the Officers of that Armie should consent to a Peace as long as they can have supplies of money: since that then a great part from being Colonels and Captaines, must again betake themselves to their aprons and shops, and instead of receiving pay, must bethinke themselves how to satisfie their beguiled Creditours: for my part, I am borne to no inconsiderable fortune, and as I abhorre my name should be branded with Treason, or that forfeited by a con­fiscation, so am I as loath we should ever be reduced to have a paritie in either (which is aimed at) or have both buried in the ruines of this miserable Nation.

I do protest, had none of these promises wrought upon me, yet the very sight of His Majesties Armie would have done it; the discipline, unanimitic, and exact obedience thereof, the excellent conversation of so many gallant and noble personages who know no other emulati­on than that of Honour, who dare do any thing but what is base, and (on my soul) daily expresse heartie desires of Peace (not out of any de­fect in the Armie) but to prevent the ruine, and procure the happinesse of their Countrey. To conclude, what English Gentlemen that ever heard of the ancient Honour of this Kingdom, or would preserve that of himselfe and familie, can tamely see our courage (terrible some­times to forreigne Nations) basely degenerate into a Rebellion against our naturall Prince, to whom malice it selfe can object no crime, and therefore casts upon Him the faults of others, and since it cannot touch His Person, quarrels at his Crown: you see Him powerfull at the head of His Armie, and may see Him glorious in His Throne of Peace, you ought not to doubt His Justice, and (if you will) you may (as I have done) obtain His mercie.

Sir, I have freely told you my sense, if it hath any proportion to yours and so incline you to that effect it hath wrought in me, I shall take it (next to the condition I am in) as the greatest happinesse, and if I be so fortunate, since in these dangerous times you cannot safely convey it by Letters, let me know it by your publishing this, whereby also you may happily benefit others, and certainly oblige

Your humble Servant, R. K.
FINIS.

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