Of the Emperour.

WE come now to wait on the Emperour, who retains still the Title of Caesar, and Semper Augustus: He also is stil'd Numen, Divus; and his Edicts are call'd Sancita Divalia, God-like Decrees. For many Descents the Empire continued in the Race of Iulius Caesar, until Domitius Nero's time; then the Name of Caesar grew to be Accidental, and given by way of Adoption to the Heir apparent of the Empire, whereas before he was call'd Princeps Iuventutis: and when the Western Empire came to be reviv'd in Charlemain, the next to succeed was term'd King of Italy, but now he is created King of the Romanes; which Institution was made by Charles the Fifth.

Iulius Caesar was the first who rais'd Rome to an Empire, though it cost him dear: for the Foundation thereof was cimented with his own blood, being assassinated in the Senat by his nearest Confidents in compassing that great work: whereby 'tis observable what an extraordinary kinde of Fate did betide that City: for as the first Foundation thereof was sprinkled with Blood when Romulus caus'd his Brother Rhemus to be put to death, when the first Walls thereof were erecting; so the Roman Empire was afterwards first raised by Caesar's Blood. And the Spiritual Empire she enjoys since, may also be said to have been raised by the Blood of Christian Martyrs, among whom above thirty of the first Bishops of Rome were of the number.

Now, if one should compare the present Roman Empire with the Old when it was at the highest flourish, the Parallel would bear no more proportion then a Wren (who yet is call'd in Latine Regulus, a little King) doth hold with an Eagle: for the Roman Monarchy when she was at the greatest pitch of Sublimity and Altitude of Puissance and Glory, may be said to have no Horizon, no Termination (as the Author hath it elsewhere) while she sate upon her seven Hills, she may be said to have overlooked the World. The City of Rome was then fifty Miles in circuit; five hundred thousand Free Citizens were computed to sleep within her Walls, by that famous Cense which Vopiscus speaks of. The Roman Eagle fixed his Talents upon the banks of Euphrates Eastward; on the Nile, and the Mountains of the Moon, South; on the Danube and Rhin Northward; and West, as far as the British and German Ocean. Her annual Revenues were computed at 150 Millions, whereof the Salary of her Legionary Soldiers amounted yearly to above 20 Millions, &c. But that high-soaring Eagle, who with fullsumm'd Wing flew so far, and may be said to have the Sun himself for her Companion, now with a few broken and tatter'd flaggy Plumes flies onely twixt Danube and the Rhin; and were she not impd with Austrian Fethers, she wold be as bald as a new-pluck'd Capon.

Yet for all this Fatal Stoop, had the Emperour at present all Germany entirely subject to himself, as he precedes in Title and Place, so he might haply compare in Power with any one Christian Prince: for Almaine or Teutony is a Continent of such a vast Expansion, that it might give the Law to any one single Kingdome in Europe were it subject to one Head. But the Emperour in statu quo nunc, may be said to be but Titulary Emperour of Germany: for of those Ten Circles where into it is divided, viz. Austria High and Low, Franconia, Bavaria, Saxonia, Westphalia, the Lower Circle of Saxony, the two Palatinats, and Burgundy, he hath no absolute Authority but onely in Austria, which is his Patrimonial Inheritance. The Government of the rest, though it be principally in the Emperour, 'tis diffusedly in the Dier or Imperial Parlement, but contractedly and actually in the seven Electors, who have a kinde of Ius Regale in them, as power of Life and Death, Coyning of Moneys, Levying of Men, and settling what Religion they please; it being a Rule and Prerogative among them, That Quilibet Imperii Status tantum possit in suo Territorio, quantum Imperator in toto Imperio: Every State of the Empire hath as much power in his own Territory, as the Emperour hath in the whole Empire. Yet they cannot make any League or Confederacy with any other Prince, but with this Reservation, That it be not prejudicial to the common Peace of the Empire.

Now we finde that there were many fatal Causes which concurred to bring the Roman Empire to so low an ebb: The first was the Translation of the Imperial Court from Rome to Bizantium or Constantinople, whereby the Eagle grew to be a Monster with two heads, the one looking Eastward, the other West: yet he of the East stil'd himself still for about 400 years The Roman Emperour, governing the West by Deputies; during which time, a world of tough Northern Nations broke into Italy to draw nearer the Sun; and there as well as in other places, took firm footing, until Charlemain chac'd them away, who first stil'd himself Emperour of the West by an Agreement made with Nicephorus at Constantinople: which Western Empire also received soon after a fatal Blow by the Partition that his Son Lewis the Debonnaire made to finde Portions for his three Sons; insomuch that the Roman Empire came to be coop'd up at last within the German Pale: and since that time it stands upon Historical Records, how from the Raign of Rodolph the first, above 200 Princes, States, and Imperial Cities, have dismembred and emancipated themselfs from the Empire; some by working upon the Emperours Necessities, and furnishing him with Tresure to support his Wars; and for their Moneys they had Immunities granted them equivalent to a Releasement from Subjection. Moreover, as the Popes Temporal Dominions most of them were Plumes taken from the Roman Eagle, so the change of Religion by the Lutherans did much weaken him, for many since revolted quite from him without paying any thing. the last were the Lituanians, the Swisses, and Geneva; the first fell from Charles the Fifth, who summoning them to their Obedience, and threatning else to reduce them by Arms, they returned this jeering Answer, That they believed his Horse wold tire before he could reach the Skirts of Lituania. And the Swisse falling from their Spiritual Obedience to the Pope, fell also from their Temporal Allegiance to the Emperour, and to have any thing to do with the Chamber of Spire.

Thus we see in part the Degrees and Causes of the Declination •… f the Roman Monarchy at first, and of the German Empire afterwards, which may be said to have shrunk from a great Lyon into a Cat-skin. But to know the principal cause, we must cast our eyes upward, and attribut all to the Will and high Plesure of the All-disposing Emperour of the Universe, who as he puts bounds to the raging Billows of the great Ocean, so he sers Boundaries and Periods to all Earthly Grandeurs.

Nevertheless, though in point of Power and Territories the Emperour be grown so weak and naked in comparison of what he was, yet in point of Precedence and Dignity he bears up still the same, being accounted the prime Potentat, and Prince paramount of Christendome. And well may all Christian Kings esteem him so, in regard that their Territories may be said to be but Branches of the great Roman Tree, which falling off, and taking new Roots, they began to taper up, and grow to be Regal Trees of themselfs. Great Britain, as she was the last that was reduced under the Roman Yoak, so she was the first who shook it off, and enfranchiz'd her self: which is no mean honour and advantage to her King in point of Precedence, as will appeer more at large in the ensuing Discourse.

Nor is the Emperour and his Ministers thus esteem'd among Christian Kings onely, but also by the Turk, who stiles him still the Roman Emperour, and next himself the greatest Monarch; reputing his Ambassadours accordingly, by allowing them to have Palaces in Constantinople the same side the Seraglio is on; and they go always concomitant with the Ottoman Court wheresoever it removes. They have the Precedence given them of the Ambassadors both of the Persian and Tartar, notwithstanding that the first holds himself the greatest Potentat upon Earth, having a custome duely observed, that after Dinner an Officer winds a Trumpet at his Court-gate towards the four parts of the world, to give notice to all other Princes that he hath Dined already, and so they may go now all to Dinner. And concerning the Persian, the example of the Lo. David Ungnadius shall serve, who being Ambassador in the Turks Court for the Emperour, and coming for Audience to the Duana, the Persian Ambassador had come before, and got the Chair; but Ungnadius offering to go away, the Gran Visier caus'd an upper Chair to be put for him. Another time at Mahomet the thirds Circumcision, which lasted 40 days, there being then in Constantinople the Ambassadors of the greatest Monarchs upon Earth, yet the Ambassador of Rodulphus the Emperour had the Precedence of them all.

All this is but Collateral to the main Designe of the intended Discourse, which aims chiefly at Kings, whereunto we now hasten; but we will first give a few Hints or Prolegomenas of the Original of Kingly Government.

Of Royalty, or Kingly Government.

THere is a Saying in France, Pape par voix, Empereur par Force, Roy par Nature: Pope by Choice, Emperour by Might, King by Nature, viz. Successive, and Hereditary Kings who ought to have the Precedence of Elective. Whence may be inferred, That Kingly Government is most agreeable to Nature. Now 'tis a tru and elegant Principle, That Naturam sequi est Deo obsequi; To follow Nature is to obey God.

Concerning the Character or Title of King, it is of a more ancient date then that of Emperour. For they who grope at Government before the Floud, speak of Kings in Chaldee and Egypt. Rome began with Kings, and it may be said, that it was more the Peeples Wantonness then Tarquin's which put them down. Afterwards the Name of Emperour was given to that person who was Commander in chief of the Army or Praetorian Bands, and Legionary Soldiers: it was not a Title of that Sublimity and Transcendence as it proved afterward. Among the Greek Authors the Names of Monarchs, Kings and Emperours are taken promiscuously: But all Writers that pretend to Policy, acknowledge that Kingly Government of all other as it is the most ancient, (and may be said to begin with Adam) so it hath most conformity with that of Heaven, whence the best patterns for all Humane Actions are to be fetch'd, and 'tis no presumption to do it. Moreover, of all kinde of Ruling Powers, Royalty is the prime; for in it, as the Civilians say, there is formalis, & completa gubernandi ratio, the most formal, and compleat Essence of Government. Royalty also hath the easiest, the fewest, and certainst Principles, (if any certain can be found) for there is no Knowledge so subject to confusion and incertitudes, as the Art for Man to govern Men; It could never yet be brought to a Science, which consists of general and tru Apodictical Demonstrations. The Reason may be, the various Inclinations, Caprichio's, and Humours of Peeple, proceeding from the diversity of Climes, and Coelestial Influences; as also, from that World of Contingencies which attend Human Negotiations; likewise from the diffring Positions of Earth, for those Laws and kinds of Government which may be proper for the Continent, will not fit an Insulary Peeple; nor those Laws of a Maritime Country can sute with meer Inland, or Mediterranean Territories: Therefore, that Gran Senior of all Knowledge, the Stagirite, whereas he useth to be constant to himself while he gives Maximes for other Sciences, when in his Politiques he comes to Human Government, and beats his Brain how to prescribe certain Rules conducing thereunto, He is not found onely at a loss, and wavering to himself, but he wraps his Scholars here and there in Clouds of Ambiguities. Nor can we blame him and others to rove up and down in that manner upon this subject, it being beyond the compass of Human Brain to enact such Laws may fit all times, prevent all accidents, and quadrat with the Genius of all Nations. Some Peeple are so fiery-mouth'd that they must be rid with a Bit, Curb, and Martingale; but a snaf •… le and gentle hand will serve to manage others: Now 'tis observ'd, that they who inhabit hard and barren Countries, are more easily govern'd then those who live in fat and luxurious Soyls, where being pamper'd with Plenty and Wealth, they are apt to grow wanton, and kick at, or overthrow their Riders.

Yet it may be said, that there is one certain and Universal Rule for Government, and to keep a Peeple in a constant and exact Obedience; and that Rule is, For the Soveraign Prince to have always a standing and visible actual Power in motion, as well to conserve as to curb a Peeple in case of any Commotion; And 'tis consentaneous to good Reason, that the Subject shold contribut for this general Protection, according to the saying, Defend me, and spend me; that so evry one may rest under his own Roofs, and sit at his own Fires in quietness and safety. In sum, All Statists concur in this, That there is an Awe due to a King, as well as Affection; He must be a Dread Soverain, as well as a Gracious; and that Goverment •… s best temper'd where a few Drams of Fear are blended with the Peeples Love. But now to our main Work.

Of the Antiquity of the King, and particularly of the Christian Kings in Great Britain, whereby we take A Jove Principium.—

IT is observed by most Annalists who write of Countries and Nations, that the Britains who were the Aborigenes, the Primitive Inhabitants, and may be said to be Connatural with this Iland it self, were by a special instinct much devoted to the contemplation of heavenly things: For the ancient Druydes that were the first Divines or Professors of Religion, (who in lieu of Monasteries or Colleges, were used to retire themselfs to Woods and solitary places to speculat the Works of God and Nature) were renowned far and near beyond the Seas; and the Emperour Iulius Caesar writes, that the Gaules (now French) were wont to come over to be instructed by the British Druydes, who, as he saith elsewhere, and is seconded by Cornelius Tacitus, (which spent part of his life here) had more pregnant capacities then the Gaules. Now, in those times ther were divers Martial Kings here, whereas they scarce make mention of any in Gallia. To avoid prolixity, we will instance onely in Boadicia that admired Virago, and Cataractus, who having maintain'd for many years this Kingdom from the Romanes more by the Bodies of Men, and pure Natural Valour, then by Arms, was at last carried Prisoner to Rome, where being not a whit daunted, he reproach'd the Romanes, (yet with a kind of complement) That he wondred how they having such stately Palaces at Rome, wold take such long hazardous Journeys to dwell in homely Houses of Clay, as those of Britain were in those days. Before the Romans raigned here, there had been very many Kings of this Iland, for Cassibelan whom Caesar speaks of, was the sixty third British King thereof; when it pleased the Father of Light to display the early Beams of Christianity in this Iland, which was very betimes: for, as Gregory the 15th says in his Letter to his late Majesty at that time in Spain, (which he was to receive in common civility as the Pope is also a Temporal Prince) No sooner did the Roman Eagle fly over hither, but the Standard of the Cross was inarborated and set up: I say, that then, which may be said to be in the nonage of the Church, Lucius Surius, call'd in British, Llei vab Coel Lucius, the Son of Coel, (who was King before him) sent to Eleutherius for his Laws to govern the Church by, who returned him this answer: Vicarius Dei estis in Regno vestro, Gentes vestri Regni pulli vestri sunt, &c. Habetis penes vos legem, & Fidem Christi; Habetis utram que paginam, &c. You are Gods Vicar in your Kingdome, your Peeple are your Chickins; you have the Law, and Faith of Christ; you have both the Testaments, &c. This King Lucius afterwards having frequent symptomes and fits of extraordinary Devotion, forsook all earthly Pomp and Plesure, and went on Pilgrimage to Rome, where he employed the remnant of his life in the Theory of holy things, and to study the Art of Mortification, as Venerable Bede and Baronius, with all Authors both Old and New, do affirm.

Now, this was a long tract of time before ther was any Christian King in France or Spain, or indeed any where else. 'Tis true, that St. Iames the Apostle was in Spain, but as the Story says, there were but nine persons that were converted; but in Great Britain it may be said, that as the Sun when he begins to appear and culminat in the East, doth as it were in a moment enlighten the whole Hemisphere; so the Rays of the Son of Righteousnes did with marvellous celerity and success (leaping over as it were many other Countries) illuminat this Western Iland first, insomuch that when Austin (whom many call The Apostle of the Saxons or English) arrived here some Ages after, ther were then in Bangor and elsewhere above 2000 Monks. He found the Pentateuch of Moses & the New Testament translated into British, as also a Form of Divine Service, which stand yet upon record. The huge Continent of Germany, with Norway and Denmark, with divers other Countries, acknowledg to have receiv'd the first light of Learning and of the Gospel from hence by Winfrid and Willebrod, as an ingenious German-Poet confesseth in these Numbers:

Haec tamen Arctois laus est aeterna Britannis, Quòd post Pannonicis vastatum incursibus Orbem Illa bonas Artes, & Graiae munera Linguae, Stellarum que vias, & magni sydera Coeli Observans, iterum turbatis intulit oris, Quin se Religio multùm debere Britannis Servata, & latè circum dispersa fatetur; Quis nomen Winfride tuum, quis munera nescit! Te Duce Germanis pietas se vera, Fides que Insinuans coepit ritus abolere prophanos; Quid non Alcuino facunda Lutetia debet? &c.

And as it is the consentient Opinion of all Antiquaries, That the first Christian King who ever raign'd in Europe was of this Ile, so the first Christian Emperour (Constantin the Great) came from her Bowels, being Son to Helena that renowned British Lady, who bears one of the first places in the Catalogue of Saints, and is called Elen luyddiog (the Warlike Helen) in Welc •… to this day.

These Premises being well weigh'd, this Conclusion may be deduc'd, That the King of Great Britain may well claim de Iure the title of The first Son of the Church. Therefore, under favor, it may be justly question'd why the next King Eastward shold assume it; for Clouis the first Christian King in France was neer upon 400 years after King Lucius, as all Historians do assert.

Moreover, tis well known that besides the title of Defendor of the Faith, (whereof we will speak hereafter) the title of Christianissimus was sent to Hen. 8. with much solemnity by Pope Iulius the second, accompanied with a Cap of Maintenance, and a Sword; which title was confirmed by Authority of the Lateran Council: which great transaction was solemnly publish'd in the Cathedral Church of St. Paul, and seconded with Justs and Tournements; yet this was but the renewing of an old Title, for among the Saxon Kings some were call'd so, and ther are Records yet extant that King Oswald and Edward the third were stil'd so.

We will conclude this Paragraph with this Observation, That Great Britain was the first Country in Europe who shook off the Roman Yoak, and rais'd some of the former old British Blood to be Kings again for many Descents, insomuch that the Romans here made but an Interregnum: And this was before any absolut King was elsewhere in Europe upon the declinings of the Empire, specially in France and Spain, who continued but Roman Provinces many years after. We will now to the second Paragraph.

Of the Independent, Absolut and Unhomageable Possessions and Authority, both Ecclesiastical and Temporal, of the King of Great Britain.

FRom the precedent Paragraph it appears, That Albion or Great Britain was a Royal Ile from the beginning, since there was any coalition or aggregations of mankind within her to govern. For in the body of the British Laws made by Mulmutius Dunwallo, which are yet to be read in fair British-Manuscripts, ther are these words, Un Goron arbennig y sydd y ynis Bridian; One Monarchical Crown is held in the Ile of Britain: Just according to the ancient Greek Poet:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Many Lords are not good, let there be but One.

Now from that time to this, the King of Britain had and hath as Souveraign and incontroulable a sway as any. 'Tis true that he admits others sometimes to share with him in Counsel, but not in Power: by a kind of Influence he gives Light and Command to others, but he himself receives none from any.

In the Neighbouring Monarchies it cannot be said so, and particularly in France and Spain, where it may be said ther is Regnum in regno, ther is another Power à Legatus de latere, that in a Court of Plea sways ore the Ecclesiastiques who make a considerable part of the Peeple. Touching the latter, the King of Spain is Feodary either to the Pope, the Emperour, or to France, for all the Countries he hath: The Kingdomes of Navarre and Granada were made Feodary to the Pope under Iulius the second: Aragon to Innocent the third, as also Sardinia in formula fiduciae. Sicilia is relevant from the Church, as also both the Indies and the Canary Ilands. For the Kingdome of Naples and Calabria he sends a Mule, with a Purse-full of Gold, as a Heriot to Rome evry year, (for fear of an Excommunication the next day) at the receit whereof the Pope says, Sufficiat pro hac vice. He holds the Dukedome of Milan from the Empire, and most of the Provinces in the Netherlands from France, whereof he is a double Peer, as he is Duke of Burgundy and Earl of Flanders. Now 'tis questionable among the Civilians, whether a Feodary or Homager may be call'd an Absolut Prince, specially when Appeals may be made from him to another Court, as the Spanish Clergy may from the King to Rome in divers cases.

The Kings of ENGLAND are free from Subordinations of that kind, as the Fundamental Laws of the Land, and all the ancient Learned Judges do evidence. 'Tis a Principle in the English Laws, (which is confirm'd by Baldus, and other great Forren Jurists) That Rex neminem habet in Dominiis suis nec Superiorem nec Parem: The King in his own Dominions hath neither Superior nor Equal, (He may be said to be both Caesar and Pompey.) There is another, Omnes sub Illo, Ille sub nullo; All under Him, He under none. Another yet, Satis habet Rex ad poenam quod Deum expectet Ultorem: 'Tis enough for the King that God is to be his Judge; which is expressed in this Distic:

Subditus in Regem peccat, Legem que Fidem que At Rex in Solum, Rex quia, nempe Deum.

Ther are divers others that are conducing hereunto; As, The King must not be put to do any thing per aspertè, but of his free plesure: The King never dies, but the Heir apparent is King Inchoative as soon as the former dies; and the Coronation is but a meer Ceremony not Essential: for divers Kings, as Hen. 5. and others, had Alleageance sworn unto them before they were Crowned. There are more Maximes yet, That the King can do no wrong, but his Ministers may, through whose mouths he pronounceth sentence. Moreover, Nullum tempus occurrit Regi, Ther's no Immemorial or Prescription against the King. It is High Treson not only to contrive, but to imagine ill against the King. By the Kings Prerogative Life it self may be leased, &c. But that Traverse twixt King Iohn and the Legat Pandolpho, when they say he transferred the Crown to the Pope, is much insisted upon: wherunto tis thus answered:

That ther are four great things whereof the Records cannot be found: The first is that wherin the Emperour Constantine gave Rome to the Pope; The second is that wherin Venice hath the Dominion of the Adriatic or Illyrian Gulph; The third is the Salique Law; The fourth is that Instrument wherby King Iohn pass'd over his Crown, and made the Pope Lord Paramount of England. Sir Thomas More, who was so far devoted to Rome that he is canoniz'd for one of her Martyrs, denieth absolutly that King Iohn either did or could make England Feudetary to the Pope, because without the consent of his Barons an Act so much prejudicial to his Royal Successors was not valid; and that the Peter-pence which they hold to be a Tribut relating to the foresaid Act, was but a meer Alms which was given by King Ina 500 years before. Moreover, put case ther had been such an Act, yet it stands upon good record that Innocentius the third did give a Release in these words; Per Praeceptum Domini Papae 7 Iulii Homagium relaxatur omninò. The Rome-scot also was but Regis larga benignitas, the Kings bountiful kindness.

Adde hereunto, that when the Pontificial Power was here at the highest pitch, no Legat de latere was allowed, but the Archbishop of Canterbury (his Subject) who by his Dignity is perpetual Legat de latere, He is Legatus natus (as he of Toledo is in Spain, and the Primat of Armagh in Ireland) and in point of Precedence, at the Council of Clermont anno 1096. a Prerogative was given him for ever to sit at all general Councils at the Popes right foot; Pope Urban at that time declaring in these terms, Includamus hun •… in Orbe nostro tanquam alterius Orbis Pontificem Maximum, Let us include him in our world as Pope of another world. 'Tis true, ther have been other Legats de latere upon extraordinary occasions admitted, but it was with the Kings leave, and with this Proviso, That he hath no Authority to hold Plea in the Realm prejudicial to the Laws thereof, or derogatory to the King.

Thus it appears that no Extern power hath any thing to do in Great Britain; and as the Pope, so the Peeple neither, whether consider'd Diffusively, Collectively, Representatively, or Vertually, partake any thing of the Souverain Power; ther is no power either Co-ordinat, Co-equal, Corrival, or Collateral with it. The Kings of England have had always by the known Laws of the Land a pure underived Power, not depending upon Pope or Peeple, or any other Prince whatsoever: They are Kings by the Grace of God, which implies no earthly Dependency. It stands upon good record, how King Ina in the Preamble to his Laws (for he was a great Legislator) begins, I Ina, by the Grace of God King, &c. and this was above a thousand years ago, about two hundred years before Charlemain, in whose time that stile of Dei Gratia came first in use in the Empire.

And as on Land the King of Great Britain hath such a Latitude and Independence of Supreme Power, so by Sea he hath the like; which is such, that (without disparagement, much less any injustice to any) I may avouch no other Prince hath the like. The greatest claim of Sea-Dominion that France makes, is to the Coasts of Armorica, or little Britany, and a few Leagues in the Mediterranean. The Spanish Laws are for the community, and free use of the Sea, challenging no Dominion at all. Ther are divers States in Italy that claim a particular command and propriety in some Seas; as the Duke of Tuscany challengeth a Dominion of the Tyrrhene Sea; the State of Genoa of the Ligustique; Venice claims a right to the Adriatic as (symbolically) to a Husband, for she marries him upon Ascention-day evry yeer, the Duke going in procession with great solemnity in the Buantoro to that purpose, and throwing a Ring into the water; and She hath power to do in that part of the Sea which she calls her Gulph, as much as she can do in Venice it self in point of laying Impositions and Gabels, and to cause what Mercantile ships she please to unlade their Cargazons at the City of Venice it self. God and Nature hath much favoured the King of Denmark with the command of a Neck of Sea, I mean the Sound, for it is the strongest Sinew of his Crown by the Tolls he receaves of those who pass and repass into the Baltik. He commands also at large the Norwegian or Hyperborean Sea. But among all, if we observe his Title, the King of Portugal hath a greater Maritime command then all these, which Title runs thus: Dom Manuel por Graca de Deos Rey, &c. Senhor de Guinee, & da Conquista, Navigacaon, & Comercio d' Etiopia, Arabia, Persia, & da India à Todos, &c. Don Emanuel by the Grace of God King, &c. Lord of Guiney, and of the Conquest, Navigation, and Commerce of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, &c.

These are the Princes who have most command of Sea, but they command only the Strands and Ports, or Maritime Tract. They cannot be said to command the Sea it self, as the King of Great Britain doth, for he commands no less then four Seas, which are circumfluent about his Territories; and the Law says, The Sea is of the Ligeance of the King as any other thing: He is Protector as well as Lord of them: He takes both the Dominion and Defence of them; also he scowres and secures them from Pyrats and Praedatory Rovers: He makes all ships, whether Merchants or Men of War, Forreners or Subjects, to dash their Colours, and strike their Topsayls not onely to his Castles, but to any of his ships Royal as they pass and repass. Which mark of Dominion the Republic of Venice hath not, though she also hath her Gallies always in cours to scowre and secure the Gulph from Cursaries and Robbers, which is one of the chief Regalia's St. Mark hath, though the Sea she thus commands be scarce 30 Leagues in extent, for it is but fourscore Italian Miles.

Nor doth the King of Great Britains Dominion terminat in his own Seas, but as most Civilians hold, it extends as far as the shoares of his Transmarin Neighbours, and as far North as the Artic Circle: which Grotius did once acknowledg, and publish to the world (though another Caprichio came into his head afterwards) in the Panegyrike he sent King Iames at his Inauguration, when he says,

——Rerum Natura Creatrix Divisit populos, & metas ipsa notavit; Sic juga Pyrenae, sic olim Rhenus, & Aspes Imperii mensura fuit. Te flumine nullo Detinuit, nulla nimbosi verticis arce, Sedtotum complexa Parens hic terminus ipsa Substitit, at que uno voluit sub limite claudi; Te sibi seposuit supremo in gurgite Nereus; Finis hic est qui fine caret, Quae meta Britannis Littora sunt aliis, Regni que accessio tanti est Quod ventis, velis que patet—

We will put a period to this Paragraph with a Request to the Reader, That having well weighed the Power of the King of Great Britain, and joyn'd that of the Sea with the Land, as also the Reasons of the preceding Paragraph with this, to judge whether it be fit that He shold go or come in the Arriere to any King whatsoever. We will now to the third Paragraph.

Touching the Eminence and Royal Dignity, the State, Grandeur and Titles of the King of Great Britain.

Corsetus, a known and well-accounted Author, divides Kings into Illustres, and Super-Illustres; He gives the King of England the second place among the Super-Illustres; and one of the Reasons are, that he is an Anointed King, whereas the King of Spain and others are not, unless the King of Spain may claim it as he entitles himself King of Ierusalem and Sicily; for besides the Kings of England and France, they two are onely capable of being Anointed. The King of England hath a Gift also to cure the Strumatical Disease, call'd therefore in England The Kings Evil, ab effectu sanationis, whereas in French 'tis call'd Les Ecrouelles, and Los Lamperones in Spanish, &c. Some have written that the King of England hath a Vertu to cure this Disease as he is King of France; but that's a vulgar Error: for King Edward the Confessor was us'd to heal that way, which was 300 years before.

Platina makes the King of England Filium Adoptivum Ecclesiae, the Emperour Filium Primogenitum, and the French King Filium natu minorem; One the Adopted Son, the other the First-born, the third the Cadet or younger Son.

Volaterranus is related by Philippus Honorius in a well-known Work of his call'd Praxis Politicae prudentiae, anno 1610. that Iulius 2. gave the Precedence to the English Ambassador before him of Spain. Hen. 2. was King of Ierusalem, and Edward 3. was made Perpetuus Vicarius Imper •… i, which is no mean Title.

The Spanish Ambassador never questioned the Precedence of the English Ambassador till in the Council of Basile; and touching the Contest twixt them in the Council of Constance, ther was at Lovain Anno 1517. a Book entituled, Nobilissima disputatio super dignitate & magnitudine Regnorum Britannici & Gallici habita ab utrius que Oratoribus in Concilio Constantiensi; where you see he puts Britains King before the French in the very Frontispice; and the chiefest Reasons asserted therein are found in this Discours.

Hen. 6. employed Thomas Polden Bishop of Chichester, with others, in quality of Ambassadors to the Council held at Siena, to claim his session, otherwise he would protest, and poursue the Protestation.

In the Raign of Hen. 6. ther was a Public Instrument put forth by Ericus King of Sweden and Denmark, wherein he puts England before France; which Instrument •… uns thus: Caveant omninò Mercatores & alii quicun que homines & subditi Reg. Angliae & Franciae ne de caetero sub poena amissionis vitae & Bonorum, visitare praesumant Terras Islandiae, Finmarchiae, Halghalandiae, seu alias quascun que Terras prohibitas, aut Portus illegales in Regnis Daniae, Sueciae & Norwegiae. An authentic Copy of this Instrument was brought by the Danish Ambassador to Breme 1562. and shew'd to the English Delegates there at that time from Queen Elizabeth about the great business of the Hans Towns.

In the Capitulations of Peace twixt Hen. 7. of England, and Iohn 2. of Denmark and Norway 1490. England is put before France: as for example: Sancitum est quod Mercatores, & Homines Ligii, Piscatores & quicun que alii Reg. Angliae & Franciae subditi liberè possint temporibus futuris in perpetuum ad Insulam Tyle i. e. Islandiam, &c.

Augustus de Cavallis, who is no obscure Author, infers the Queen of England from her Ancestors, both in respect of Inheritance, Conquest and Gift, to be Queen of France de Iure.

In the Treaty twixt Hen. the 7. and Philip of Castile 1506. the English Commissioners subsign'd first. As also in the Treaty of Marriage with Queen Mary, Anno 1533. the first Signature is given to the English Ambassadors.

When Queen Elizabeth employed the Earl of Derby, the Lord Cobham, Sir Iames Crofts, Doctor Dale, and Doctor Rogers in quality of Ambassadors, with their Assistants to Ostend, anno 1588. Dignitatis Praerogativa & incedendo & sedendo, The Prerogative of going and sitting was given her Ambassadors.

In the Treaty at Bullen twixt England and Spain for renewing the Burgundian League, Queen Elizabeth sent Sir Hen. Nevil, Sir Iohn Herbert, Robert Beale and Tho. Edmunds, who in their Instructions had command in no case to give Precedence to the Spanish Ambassadors; but being met, ther was a Contest happend: The English produc'd a Certificat procur'd privatly from Rome out of the Book of Ceremonies there, which according to the Canon giveth the Rule in such cases, That the King of England is to have place before the King of Castile; That the English quietly held this Right in the Councils of Basil, Constance, and others: They alledg'd also that the Kingdom of Castile (which is the Spaniards first Title) is but an upstart-in regard of England; for it had no Kings but Earls till the year 1017. Moreover, Pope Iulius 3. gave sentence for Hen. 7. of England against Ferdinand of Spain in this particular, &c.

Furthermore, for Eminency of Title, Great Britain is oftentimes calld an Empire by Forren Authors; nay, Pope Urban terms it a World of it self at the Council of Clermont almost a thousand years since, wherin the Archbishop of Canterbury is call'd Alteterius Orbis Papa, The Pope of another World: What wold he say now that Ireland and Scotland are added!

Some of the Saxon Kings stil'd themselfs Emperours, as Ego Ethelredus, Ego Edgarus Anglorum Induperator, &c. William the Conqueror writ, Ego Willielmus Rex Anglorum ab incarnatione Domini 1089. 2 Anno mei Imperii. This is found upon record in his Charter to the Monastery of Shaftsbury.

In Hen. 8. Raign, the eighth year thereof, England was declar'd an Empire in Parlement, where he had also these Epithets, Metuendissimus, Praepotentissimus; and London was call'd the Imperial Chamber.

But most memorable is that of King Edgar in the Charter that he gave the Church of Worcester; Which Charter is yet extant, and runs thus:

Altitonantis Dei largifluâ clementiâ, qui est Rex Regum, Ego Edgarus Anglorum Basileus, omnium que Regum, Insularum, Oceani que Britanniam circumjacentis, cunctarúm que Nationum quae infra Eam includuntur Imperator, & Dominus; Gratias ago ipsi Deo omnipotenti Regi meo qui meum Imperium sic ampliavit, & exaltavit super Regnum Patrum meorum; Qui licet Monarchiam totius Angliae adepti sunt à tempore Athelstani, qui primus Regnum Anglorum & omnes Nationes quae Britanniam incolunt, sibi Armis subegit, nullus tamen Illorum ultra ejus fines Imperium suum dilatare aggressus est. Mihi autem concessit propitia Divinitas cum Anglorum Imperio omnia Regna Insularum Oceani cum suis ferocissimis Regibus us que Norwegiam, Maximam que Partem Hiberniae cum sua nobilissima Civitate Dublinia Anglorum Regno subjugare. Quos etiam omnes meis Imperiis colla subdere, Dei favente gratia, Coegi. Quapropter ut Ego Christi Gloriam & laudem in Regno meo exaltare & ejus servitutem amplificare devotus disposui, & per meos Fideles Fautores Dunstanum Archiepiscopum, Ayeliolanum ac Oswaldum Archiepiscopos quos mihi Patres Spirituales, & Consiliarios elegi magna ex parte disposui, &c. Facta haec sunt anno Dom. 964. Indictione 8 Regni. Ego Alfrye Regina consensi, & signo Crucis confirmavi ✚.

This being so ancient a Record, and of so high a Tenure, I thought good to render it into English for the satisfaction of the Common Reader.

By the clemency of the high-thundring God, who is King of Kings, I Edgar King of the English, and of all Kings, of Ilands, and of the Ocean circumjacent to Britain, and of all Nations which are included within her, Emperour and Lord; I give thanks only to Almighty God my King, that he hath amplified and exalted my Empire above the Kingdome of my Fathers, who although they had obtain'd the Monarchy of all England from the time of Athelstan, who was the first that subdued the Kingdom of the English, and all Nations who inhabit Britain, yet none of them attempted to dilate his Empire beyond its bounds. But propitious Divinity hath granted unto me to subjugat, together with the Empire of the English, all the Kingdomes in the Iles of the Ocean, with their most ferocious Kings as far as Norway, and most part of Ireland, with her most Noble City of Dublin. All whom I compell'd to bow their Necks to my Commands, the Grace of God so favouring me, &c.

This King Edgar, though very little of stature, was so magnanimous and successful, that he was Row'd upon the River of Dee by four subjugated Kings, whereof Kennad King of Scots was one.

Ther is also a very remarkable and authentic story of King Canutus afterwards, who being upon Southampton-Strand at the flowing of the Sea, he sate in a Chair of State which was brought him upon the sands; and the Billows tossing and tumbling towards him, he gave the Sea this command: Thou art my Subject, and the Earth wheron I sit is mine, and ther was none yet that ever resisted my Command who went unpunish'd: Therefore I command Thee that Thou come not up upon my Earth, nor presume to wet the Garment, or the Body of thy Lord. But the Sea continuing his cours, dash'd and wetted his feet and thighs illfavouredly, without any reverence or fear: whereupon the King stepping back, declar'd, That none is worthy of the Name of a King, but only He whose Nod both Sea and Earth observd. And, as the story hath it, he never wore the Crown of Gold again, but being fix'd to a Cross, did consecrat it to the Image of our Saviour.

Ther have been also Titles of Dignity given to our Kings in the Abstract, (which hath more of State and Substance in it then the Concret) as Celsitudo Tua, Magnitudo Tua, given by the Pope in his Letters to Ed. 2. And Edward the 4. was us'd to write, Nostra Regia Majestas; though indeed that word Majestas began first in France, but in Hen. 2. Raign, (and sacra Majestas since.) Therefore Pope Leo gave it betimes to Hen. 8. in that famous Charter he sent him, when he commanded all Christians, that in their Directions to him for the future, after the word King, they shold stile him Defender of the Faith. Which great Charter sign'd by the Pope and 27 Cardinals, 1521. I thought proper and worthy to insert here, having procur'd a faithful Copy from the very Original.

Leo Episcopus servus servorum Dei, Charissimo in Christo Filio Henrico Angliae Regi, Fidei Defensori, Salutem, & Apostolicam benedictionem. Cum supernae dispositionis arbitrio, licet imparibus meritis, Universalis Ecclesiae regimini praesidentes ad hoc cordis nostri longè late que diffundimus cogitatus ut Fides Catholica sine qua nemo proficit ad salutem continuum suscipiat incrementum. Et ut ea quae pro cohibendis conatibus illam deprimere, aut pravis, mendacibus que commentis pervertere, & denigrare molientium sana Christi Fidelium praesertim Dignitate Regali fulgentium Doctrina sunt disposita continuis proficiant incrementis partes nostri Ministerii, & operam impendimus efficaces. Et sicut alii Romani Pontifices Praedecessores nostri Catholicos Principes, prout Rerum & temporum qualitas exigebat, specialibus favoribus prosequi consueverunt, Illos praesertim qui procellosis temporibus, & rabida Scismaticorum & Haereticorum fervente perfidia, solùm in Fidei serenitate, & devotione illibata sacrosanctae Romanae Ecclesiae immobiles perstiterunt; Verum etiam tanquam ipsius Ecclesiae legitimi Filii ac fortissimi Athletae Scismaticorum & Hereticorum insanis furoribus spiritaliter & temporaliter se opposuerunt.

Ita etiam nos Majestatem Tuam propter Excelsa & immortalia erga nos, & hanc sanctam sedem in qua Divina permissione sedemus, opera & gesta condignis & immortalibus praeconiis ac laudibus efferre desideramus, ac Ea sibi concedere propter quae invigilare debeat à grege Dominico lupos arcere, & putrida membra quae mysticum Christi Corpus inficiunt, ferro & materiali gladio abscindere, & nutantium corda fidelium in Fidei soliditate confirmare.

Sanè cum nuper dilectus Filius Iohannes Clerk Majestatis Tuae apud nos Orator in Consistorio nostro coram venerabilibus fratribus nostris sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinalibus, & compluribus aliis Romanae Curiae Praelatis Librum quem Majestas Tua Charitate quae omnia sedulò, & nihil perperam agit, Fidei que Catholicae zelo accensa, ac devotionus Erga nos & Hanc sanctam sedem fervore inflammata contra Errores diversorum Haereticorum saepiùs ab hac sancta sede damnatos, nuper que per Martinum Lutherum suscitatos, & innovatos, tanquam nobile & salutare quoddam Antidotum composuit, nobis examinandum, ac deinde Authoritate nostra approbandum obtulisset, ac luculenta oratione sua exposuisset, Majestatem tuam paratam ac dispositam esse, ut quemadmodum ver is rationibus, ac irrefragabilibus sacrae Scriturae ac Sanctorum Patrum authoritatibus, notorios Errores ejusdem Martini confutaverat: ita etiam omnes eos sequi, & defensare praesumentes totius Regni sui viribus, & Armis persequatur, nos que ejus Libri admirabilem quandam, & Coelestis gratiae rore conspersam Doctrinam diligenter, accurate que introspeximus, Omnipotenti Deo à quo omne Datum optimum, & omne Donum perfectum est, immensas gratias Egimus qui optimam, & ad omne bonum inclinatam mentem tuam inspirare, ei que tantam gratiam supernè infundere dignatus fuerit ut ea scriberes quibus sanctam ejus Fidem contra novum errorum damnatorum hujusmodi suscitatorem defenderes, & reliquos Reges & Principes Christianos Tuo exemplo invitares, ut & ipsi etiam Orthodoxae Fidei & veritatis Evangelicae veritati in periculum & discrimen adductae omni ope sua adesse, orportuné que favere vellet. Aequum autem esse consentes Eos qui pro Fidei Christi hujusmodi defensione pios labores susceperunt omni laude, & honore afficere, volentes que non solùm ea quae Majestas Tua contra •… undem Martinum Lutherum absolutissmâ Doctrinâ, nec minori Eloquentiā scripsit condignis laudibus Extollere, ac Magnificare, Autoritate que nostra approbare & confirmare, sedetiam Majestatem ipsam Tuam tali honore ac titulo decorare, ut nostris ac perpetuis futuris temporibus Christi Fideles omnes intelligant quam gratum acceptum que nobis fuerit Majestatis Tuae Munus, hoc praesertim tempore nobis oblatum.

Nos qui Petri quem Christus in Coelum ascensurus Vicarium suum in Terris reliquit, & cui curam sui Gregis reliquit, veri successores sumus, & in Hac sancta sede à qua omnes Dignitates ac Tituli emanant, sedemus, habita super hiis cum iisdem Fratribus nostris matura deliberatione de •… orum unanimi consilio & assensu Majestati Tuae Titulum Hunc, viz. Fidei Defensorem, &c. Et profectò Hujus Tituli excellentia, & dignitate ac singularibus meritis Tuis diligenter perpensis & consideratis, Nullum ne que dignius, ne que Majestati Tuae convenientius nomen excogitare potuissemus, quod quoties audies ac leges, toties propriae virtutis optimi que meriti Tui recordaberis. Nec hujusmodi Titulo intumesces, velin superbiam elevaberis, sed folita Tua prudentia humilior, & in Fide Christi ac devotione hujus sanctae sedis à qua exaltatus fueris, fortior, & constantior evades, ac in Domino bonorum omnium Largitore laetaberis perpetuum hoc ac immortale Gloriae Tuae Monumentum Posteris Tuis relinquere, Illis que viam ostendere, ut si Tali titulo ipsi quo que insigniri optabunt Talia etiam opera efficere praeclara que Majestatis Tuae vestigia sequi studeant, quam prout de nobis & dictâ sede optimè merita unà cum Uxore & Filiis, ac omnibus qui à Te, & ab illis nascentur nostra Benedictione in nomine Illius à quo illam concedendi potestas data est, larga & liberali manu benedicentes Altissimum Illum qui dixit Per me Reges regnant & Principes imperant, & in cujus manu corda sunt Regum, Rogamus, ac obsecramus ut eam in suo sancto proposito confirmet, ejus que devotionem multiplicet, & praeclaris pro sancta Fide gestis ita illustret, ac toti Orbi Terrarum conspicuam reddat, ut Iudicium quod de Ipsa fecimus, eam tam insigni Tit •… lo decorantes, à nemine falsum aut vanum judicari possit. Demùm mortalis hujus vitae finito curriculo sempiternae illius Gloriae consortem at que participem reddat.

Dat. Romae apud sanctum Petrum, Anno Incarnationis Dominicae millesimo, quingentesimo vicesimo primo, 5 Idus Octobris, Pontificatus nostri anno nono. Ego Leo Christ. Catholicae Ecclesiae Episcopus ss.

Then his Seal or Signet, engraven within, Sanctus Petrus, † Sanctus Paulus; and this Motto about, Ad Dominum cùm tribularer clamavi, & Exaudivit Me.

Then the subscription of 27 Cardinals on both sides of the Signet, the Cardinal-Bishops on the right-hand of the Signet, and close to it; then on their right-hand the Priests-Cardinals; and on the left side of the Signet (as it is accustomed in all Bulls, and other Public Instruments) the Deacon-Cardinals have their place, and precedence.

King Henry's Book against Luther was presented to the Pope in full Consistory by Sir Iohn Clerk, (then Ambassador at Rome for the King) with a long solemn Oration: the Original of which Book is yet to be seen in the Vatican at Rome, with this Inscription written with King Henries own hand:

Anglorum Rex Henricus Leoni X̄. mittit Hoc Opus, & Fidei testem, & Amicitiae. Henry King of the English sends this Work to Leo the Tenth, as a Witness both of Faith and Friendship.

And as the Kings of England themselfs have such super-eminent Titles, so their First-born Sons have a Title not inferior to any Royal Heir apparent in Christendome, which is Prince of Wales; and this Title is many years more ancient then that of Dauphin in France. Moreover, whereas other Kings Sons come so naked to the world that they have not of their own wherewith to buy them Clouts, or pay their Nurses, but what they have from their Parents, The First-born of the King of England, ipsissimo instante, the very same instant that he is born, is Duke of Cornwal, and is presuppos'd by the Law to have Liv •… ry and Seisin then given him of the said Duchy, with all the Lands, Rents and Honors therunto annex'd. Tis tru, that the conferring of the Title of Prince of Wales, depends meerly upon the Kings Plesure, which was done out of a Political consideration, to keep the Kings first Sons still in awe, and within the bounds of a greater Obedience.

Nor is there any Queen also lives in a greater State and Dignity, or hath more Prerogatives and greater Joyntures then the Queen of England: For though Aliens at first, and still under Couvert Baron, yet they may pourchase Lands by Fee-simple, They may make Leases and Grants without the King; They also must be petitiond unto first, before any can implead them in point of right.

We will proceed now to the fourth Paragraph.

Touching the Martial Exploits and Achievments which the Kings of Great Britain have performed from time to time, &c.

TO proceed in this Paragraph, we must make Retrosvects a far off: we will begin with Brennus that bold Britain, who in the Government of Consuls took and sack'd Rome, (364 yeers before Christ) and did notable feats afterwards in Greece and Asia: insomuch that the Welch in honour of that Heroe their Country-man, call a King from his Name Brenin to this day. Cataracus overthrew a mighty Army of the Romanes, and Boadicia slew 70 thousand of them in one Battel, as their own stories declare. King Arthur is rank'd among the Nine Worthies, for he discomfited the Saxons in twelve several Battails, and erected the first Order of Knighthood.

There was one English King, and three Kings Sons went to the Wars of the Holy Land. What Exploits did Richard coeur de Lion perform there, so much to the envy of the King of France, who therfore returnd before him! He conquerd the Iland of Cyprus, where Marrying Berengaria, he transferrd the Kingdome to Guy Lusignan, who had right to the Crown of Ierusalem, which in exchange he resignd to King Richard.

But the French are they whom the English did so often rout, subdue and subjugat with the Grey-goose Wing, wherwith they did so often penetrat the very heart of France in so many glorious Victories that can be hardly paralleld, take all circumstances. We will instance in some of the most famous, and begin with that of Cressy the first great Battel.

The Fifth Paragraph. That the King of Great Britain hath as stout and strenuous sturdy Free-born Peeple to his Subjects as any other King, with as generous a Country, and Generality of Wealth.

I Will begin this Paragraph with a late eloquent Character that an Italian Nobleman the Count Alfonso Loschi of Vicenza gives both of the Peeple and the plenty of England in his late printed Volume, calld, Compendi Historici.

La popolatione d' Inghilterra è innumerabile, gli huonimi sono disposti, & ben organizati, grandi di corpo, di faccia serena, bianca, & rubicunda, nella guerra terribili, & audaci, nelle risolutioni precipitosi, & crudeli. Qe Donne riescono à Maraviglia belle, & gratiose & can la Leggiadria del vestito rapiscono I cuori. Inghilterra vanta non immeritamente titolo di Monarchia in expressione, & gieroglifico di che tiene il Re di sotto allo scettro la palla per figura della dominatione del mondo. Non cie Potentato che con armata maritima possa approdare à liti, à quali servendo per mura l' Oceano, & per isbarco sicurissimi, & arenosi recessi non vimprontano l'orme piedi stranieri, & se ben spesso con Intestine seditioni non havesse contro le proprie viscere rivolto le seditioni, & l'armi riuscirebbe indomabile, ne cisarebbe potenza sopra l'Inglese. L'aere salubre, ricchezze grandissime, li terreni fecondi, & minerali, li pascoli abondanti, & delicati, onde le lane d'Inghilterra tengono il primo luogo, &c.

Which Character coming from so indifferent a Judge, and so fresh an Author, and a Personage of so high a Wit and Quality, I thought worthy the rendring into English.

The Peeple of England are innumerable; the Men welldisposd, and organizd or limmd; tallish of stature, of comely Countenances, white, and reddish: they are terrible in the Wars, and bold, headlong and cruel in their resolutions. The Women are marvellously beutiful and handsome, and by the quaintness of their Dresses do ravish hearts. England not undeservedly glorieth of the Title of Monarchy, by the Expression and Hierogliphic that the King bears under his Scepter, which is a Globe or Ball that represents the Government of the world. Ther is no Potentat whatsoever that with any Naval power can approach his shores, wherunto the Ocean serving for a Wall, with most secure and sandy Recesses for disimbarking, the stranger cannot plant his foot. And if England did not use so often to turn the sword into her own Bowels by intestine seditions, she wold prove invincible, and ther wold be no power above the English. The Air is healthful, mighty Riches; the Soyl is plentiful, and abounding with Minerals; the Pasture luxurious and delicat, whence it proceeds that the English Wool is incomparable.

This new noble Author when he comes to deliver his Opinion of France and Spain, doth not speak half so much of either, nor of any Country els; for he treats of all the Kingdomes of Europe, and of other besides.

Now, it is taken pro concesso, tis a truth granted by all, that ther is no King hath more choice of lusty and stout Bodies to make soldiers of, then the King of Great Britain hath in his Dominions; ther is the English, Welch, Scots and Irish, Nations that keep still entire their innated spirits, and stoutness uncowd: And this may be imputed to the Policy and Moderation of Government, to the equal distribution of the VVealth and Plenty of the Country. For the Yeoman and Franklin goes well clad, hath wholsome Nutriment; and as a return of his Labor from the grateful Earth, hath wherwith to provide for his children that they may not encrease the number of Beggers. It is not so in some Countries, which made one say, (though ther may be some excess in the expression) That the Yeomen and Freeholders of Kent are able to buy half the Peasants of France. Such Subjects and such a Country the King of Great Britain commands; which made Eumenius in his famous and elegant Panegyric to Constantin the Great, to melt thus into her praises.

O fortunata & omnibus beatior Terris Britannia, quae Constantinum Caesarem prima vidisti; Meritò Te omnibus Coeli ac Soli dotibus Natura donavit, in qua nec hyemis est nimius rigor, nec aestatis ardor. In qua segetum est tanta foecunditas ut muneribus utrius que sufficiat & Cereris & Liberi. In qua nemora sine immanibus bestiis, Terra sine serpentibus noxiis. Pecorum mitium innumerabilis multitudo lacte distenta, & onusta velleribus, Certè quidem quod propter vitam diligitur longissimae dies, & nullae sine aliqua luce noctes, dum illa littorum extrema planities non attollit umbras, noctis que metam Coeli ac Syderum transit aspectus, ut Sol ipse qui nobis occidere videtur ibi appareat solummodo praeterire.

O most fortunat Britain, (saith Eumenius) more blessd then any other Country; which didst first see Constantin Caesar; Nature hath deservedly endowed thee with all Gifts both of Heaven and Earth. In thee neither the excessive cold of VVinter, nor the ardent heat of Summer doth offend the Inhabitant. Thou swell'st with such a secundity of all kind of Corn, that thou mayst be calld the Favorit of Ceres and Bacchus. Thy Groves are without savage rapacious Beasts, and thy Heaths without any poysonous Serpents. Thy Fields are covered with innumerable multitudes of mild Cretures▪ labouring with exuberance of Milk, and laden with rich Fleeces. For delightfulness of Life, thy days are very long, and no night but hath some glimpses of light: the glorious Sun which sets and goes down in other Regions, seems only to pass by thy Horizon.

From this temperatness of Clime and Fertility, may proceed the Well-favouredness, the Procerity, as also the Health and Longaevity of the Inhabitants; in regard Nature doth not finish her cours in the bodies of Males and Females so soon here as she doth in France and Spain. For tis observd by all strangers, that an English woman looks as fresh and beutiful at forty, as a French or Spanish at five and twenty; it being very ordinary for them to continue still teeming and prolifical when they are past fifty years. And for the Men, it wold be Registred for a Miracle in Spain or France to finde ten men of a thousand years, (one with another) as were found in Hereford about 60 years since, within two miles compass of the town, who were so vigorous, strong and spriteful, that they danced the Morice-dance in the Marketplace for many hours, with a Maid-Mariam of a hundred and three, and a Tabourer of a hundred and five years old.

From the Fertility and Generousness of the Earth, may proceed also the extraordinary Courage and Hardiness of the Peeple; which hath been so well known and felt in other Countries beyond the Seas, as the Examples in the former Paragraph do prove at so many signal and difficult famous Battails, where the English Army was never half so numerous in any they got, no not somtimes the third or fourth part in number to the Enemy; and such an esteem they had in France, that (as their own stories relate) when the Duke of Britany or Armorica was to encounter the French Army in a Battail, he thought it a Policy to clothe a whole Brigade of his Soldiers after the English mode, to make them appeer the more formidable to the French.

Nor doth that Primitive innate Courage languish a whit, or decline in them, (as some think the World doth) as we find it hath done in other Nations, as the Iew and Greek, with others, but it continueth still at the same height; as it appeerd in the year Eighty eight by Sea, as was said before, and in several Exploits in the Low-Country Wars, as Newport, the Retreat before Gaunt, &c. by Land. Likewise by fresher Examples in the late Civil Wars twixt King and Parlement, and since, wherin the Power, Strength and Wealth of England was never more discovered: For the late usurper (having such a Command over the Peeples purse, and never wanting money) made Spain and France strive who shold be his Confederat, as also the Hollander, the Swed, and others: I say, in those times the ancient stoutness of the English appeerd in many Traverses of War; as at Dunbar in Scotland, and by Sea against the Hollander, who were beaten and batterd into a Peace. What a hazardous peece of service was performed when we invaded Barbary at Tunis? but especially that desperat Exploit Blague did at the Canaries? The French King confest that the Brigade of English before Dunkirk, commanded by a little bold Britain, though not the fifth part of the Army, did contribut most to the late taking of that strong Praedatory Town. And the King of Portugal acknowledgd, that in this years great Defeat 1663. he gave Don Iohn of Austria neer Ebora, that Brigade of English who servd there, though not much considerable in number, did perform the toughest part of the service, and first shewd them the way of using the Rests of the Musquet to knock down the Enemy; which made the French-men cry out, Faisons comme les Anglois, Let's do as the English.

The Sixth Paragraph. Touching the Ancient and Long-lind Extraction, Decendency, and Bloud-Royal of the Kings of Great Britain, &c.

THe Races of Kings may be said to be like great Rivers, that stream out into divers large Channels and Arms, which become great Rivers of themselfs afterward: Or like huge Trees which use to stretch their Branches beyond the Ocean, where being inoculated and graffd, they make divers other Royal Trees to sprout out of them in Forren Soyls. Ther were divers Royal Ingraftings of this kind that Great Britain had with the chiefest Potentats, and some of them Imperial: The first was before the English took footing here, between the Emperour Constantius and Helene, a Britain born, and Mother to Constantine the Great, the first Christian Emperour: for this Iland was held in such high esteem by the Roman Emperours, (when they had almost all the world besides) that divers of them kept their Courts here; among whom Severus, and Constantius died at York: which City may deservedly vaunt of two things, viz. that two Roman Emperours were buried, and a third born in her, viz. Constantin the Great.

After the Saxons came, this Iland also continued in such a repute, that Ethelwolph Son to King Egbert, Anno 830. married the Lady Iudith, calld the Fair for her extraordinary Bewty, and Daughter to the Emperour Charles le Chauue, Granchilde to Charlemain. The Emperour Otho the Great married the Sister of King Athelstan, whose friendship was so much sought by all his Neighbouring Kings, that they wooed for it by rich Presents: which made the King of France send him the sword of Constantin the Great, in the Hilt wherof ther was one of the Nails that fastned Christ to the Cross: He sent him also the Spear of Charlemain. The King of Norway sent him a curious Ship, with a Gilt Stem, Purple Sayls, and the Deck garnishd all with Gold. The Emperour Otho his Brother-in-law sent him a Vessel of precious stones artificially made, wherein were Landskips with Vines, Corn and Reapers so much to the Life, that they seemd to move, and act, &c.

Ther have been eight Nuptial Conjunctions twixt Great Britain and France, (besides the Scots alliance with that Country.) The first was about the yeer 900. twixt Charles the first of France, and the Lady Ogine Daughter to Edward Son to King Alfred, that admired Saxon King, who is so famous in story for divers signal things: for He cleerd the whole Kingdome of the Danes, who had so much infested and harassd it. He Founded the University of Oxford, Anno 895. He was the first who divided England into Shires, Hundreds, and Weapontakes. He divided the Natural Day also into three parts; eight hours for Recreation, and matters concerning his Health, as sleep, &c. eight hours for Meditation and exercise of Piety; and eight hours in Council, and the publick Affairs of his Kingdome. He Founded also Shaftsbury-Abby, Winchester-Church, and Eldinsey-Monastery.

The second Marriage with France was twixt Hen. 3. of England, and the Lady Margaret Daughter to Lewis the seventh of France.

The third was between Edward the first, (that great Hero of his time) and the Lady Margaret, Daughter to Philip the Hardy of France.

The fourth twixt Edward the second and the Lady Isabel, eldest Daughter to Philip le Bell King of France, Mother to Edward the third of England, who by right of her claimd and carried afterwards the Crown of France.

The fifth was twixt King Richard the second, and the Lady Elizabeth, Daughter to Charles the sixth of France: but she was but his second Wife, for his first was the Lady Anne, Daughter to the Emperour Charles the Fourth.

The sixth was between Henry the fifth of England, and the Lady Katharine, another Daughter to Charles the sixth of France.

The seventh was twixt Lewis the twelfth of France, and the Lady Mary, second Daughter to King Henry the seventh of England.

The eighth and last Inoculation twixt the Rose and the Flower de Luce, was that of Charles the first of England, with the Lady Henrietta Maria of Bourbon, youngest Daughter to Henry the great of France. In which Matches England hath had six Daughters of France, and France two of England.

By the fourth Match twixt Ed. 2. and Isabel eldest Daughter to Philip le Bell, Edward the third of England being her eldest son, was Heir to the Crown of France; and demanding his Right therunto, he was answered, La Couronne de France n'est pas lièe à la quenouille, That the Crown of France was not tied to a Distaff: wherunto he replyed, That he would then tie it to his Sword; and he was as good as his word. But Henry the fifth some fourscore years after tied it faster, for he reducd Charles the sixth to such terms, that after his death he shold immediately possess the Crown and Kingdome of France, and that in the interim the Dauphin his son (afterwards Charles the seventh) shold be disinherited; That in the interim King Henry shold be Regent of France, (in regard the present King was sometimes crazd in his Intellectuals;) That he shold take to Wife the Lady Isabel, Daughter to the said Charles: All which Capitulations not onely the King, but the chiefest Peers and Nobility of France did consent unto, and ratifie by solemn Oath, obliging themselfs further to uphold and assist Henry of England, with his lawful Heirs and Successors, against Charles the Dauphin whom his Father had legally disinherited.

Hereupon Henry the fifth dying in France, (a Death much too soon and immature for so brave a man) his son Hen. 6. was proclaimd King of England and France in Paris: In which publick Proclamation, tis very observable how England had the precedence; and therupon the chiefest of the Officers of the Crown and Nobles swore Fealty and Alleageance unto him; divers of which Nobles grew afterwards Apostats, and joynd with the Dauphin.

Against Edward the thirds Right the Salique Law was alledgd, which they wold force and pin upon a Text of Scripture, Lilia ne que nent, &c. The Lilies neither spin, &c. But though King Edward had cut the Labels of that Law with a victorious sword, yet it was not quite cancelld: Nor indeed could it be possibly done, for it was but a kind of Chymera, a meer imaginary Law; and one of the Authentiqust French Historians Du Haillan hath no better opinion of it. They who are the greatest Champions of that Law, acknowledg that it was at first a particular Topical Law made at Salem, a place upon the Rhine, but they have stretchd it since to all France: As if the Law of Gavelkind, which is peculiar to Kent and other distinct places, shold be made to extend it self, and be in force all England over. But some ther are that will not allow any Essence at all to the Salique Law, no not to be a Local restraining Law to the foresaid place neer the Rhine; Therfore the same answer may be fit to be given un to the Assertors of It, as was given by the Venetians to the Pope, when ther happening a clash between them touching the Sea about Ancona, which they alledgd belongd to the Venetian Gulf wherof they had the Dominion, And the Pope demanding what warrant they had for it, twas answered, by a kinde of Sarcasine, If your Holines please to produce the Instrument wherby the Emperour Constantine the Great passd over the City of Rome to your predecessors, upon the back of that Grant your Holines will find Saint Marks Charter to the Souverainty of the Adriatique Gulph: whence an Intimation was made, that neither of the Charters had ever any being; which may be justly applied to the Salique Law. And besides that, du Haillan, though a French-man, in the first Volume of his History, confutes that Law. It is confirmd also that ther never was any such Law in France by the testimony of the Duke of Burgundy, who when Philippe le long was created King, he openly cryed out against his Creation, alledging that the Kingdom of France belonged then to Iane daughter unto Hutin King of France formerly: but to stop his mouth, Philip was forcd to make a Gift unto him of the Dukedom of Burgundy in dower with his eldest daughter.

But touching the Title of Henry the Fifth, which was confirmed by Solemne Agreement, and Sacramental Oaths, the French found out another Evasion. For it was avouchd, That the Kingdom of France goeth not by Descent or Inheritance, but by Succession, which is grounded not upon a Law but upon Custom; by vertu wherof the next of the Bloud Royal, be He of the furthest degree that may be to the kindred, succeedeth, not as lawful Heir, but as a Successor by Custom, not newly invented, but of long continuance, even from the time of Pharamond. But this newdevised Objection is refuted also by the foresaid Du Haillan one of the prime French Historiographers, and a French-man born, who reckons up a long Catalog of French Kings which did not succeed one another, but were chosen one after another.

Another Objection was also suggested, that Charles the sixth, who made the foresaid Contract with Henry of England, was no better then a Lunatique, though he had somtimes Lucida Intervalla. Wherunto it is answerd, that at the time when that Agreement passd He had a lucid interval, and was in his right wits and memory: Besides, the chiefest Nobility of the Realm were parties in ir, and did not only consent, but obligd themselfs by Oath to the performance of it.

Ther was a third Objection which kept a higher noise, viz. That the King of France cannot alienate the Demeanes, Rights, Titles, and Interests of the Crown, without the consent and suffrage of the Assembly of Three Estates, which was not had then, because a great part of the Peers, Nobles, and others were then absent. Whereunto tis answerd, That in claims which go by plurality of voices, it is not always necessary that all shold be present, if the greater and better part of them be there, specially if after Citation the rest absent themselfs: For although the point that concerneth All, shold be approvd by All; yet, as Civilians hold, when some or all may approve or disallow the things which concern Them, and They will not be present to shew their consent or dislike, their Absence shall not prejudice the stipulation of the Contract. And in this great business twixt two Kings, those who were away were Traytors to Charles the sixth, for they were in arms against him, by taking part with the Dauphin who was in Rebellion against his Father at that time; Therfore their absence could not in any respect prejudice the validity of so solemn a Contract wherupon depended Peace or War.

The fourth Objection carried more of pusillanimity with it, then strength of proof, viz. That when the foresaid Contract was made, the English had almost over-run all France, and that the King was coopd up in a corner of the country; Therfore whatsoever He did being done by fear, duresse and compulsion, was of no better force then a Covenant extorted by violence, or made in prison by a private man, which when he is at liberty he is not bound by Law to perform if it tend to his damage. To this tis answerd, That the case is far different twixt Souverain Princes and privat men, for between the one ther fall out but Processes and Suits in law if they disagree, or not perform what is a greed upon; But between Princes, bloud and Wars, fire and Sword, death and destruction somtimes of whole Countries and millions of human soules do Ensue: Therfore when a King by the propitiousness of Heven, and his own prowess, by the hazard of his life, loss of his peeple, with infinit pains and expence of Tresure, hath gaind a Victory by the justness of his Cause and Divine decree, or redu •… d his Enemy to a streight, All the Civilians concur in one unanimous opinion that he may make the best advantage he can of his good successes, and reduce his Enemy to what terms he please; And the Articles which shall then be capitulated, consented and sworn unto, are to be exactly performd; otherwise there wold be no end of any War. Now, rhe French Chroniclers themselfs acknowledg that Henry the 5. might at that conjuncture of time and fortune, have destroyed the whole Realm of France, and taken the King prisoner, or driven him quite out: But he was so far from doing so, that he sufferd him to enjoy the Kingdom while he livd, and by taking his daughter to wife made her Issue therby capable not only of the French, but also of the English Crown, with all the Dominions thereunto annexed. Whence some Authors observ that the English have bin usd in all Treaties and Stipulations to be over-reasonable, merciful, plain and downright; But the French crafty, double minded, inhumane, high and subdolous upon all advantages: Insomuch that tis a question which was sharper, the English blade, or the French brain.

I will conclude this digressive discours with another argument of the French, viz. That Charles the sixth could not legally disinherit his eldest son, being Hei •… apparent to the Crown of France. To this may be answerd, that neither Charles the sixth was rightful King, nor consequently his son heir apparent: for since Edward the third of England, all the French Kings were but Usurpers; they were Kings de facto, not de jure. Moreover ther are many Examples how the eldest sons of the Kings of France have bin disinherited: We read that Robert made his second son Henry King of France, by disinheriting Robert his eldest, who for compensation was made Duke of Burgundy. Lewis le Gros, with the consent of all the Peers and Estats of France, made also Lewis his second son King, and gave Robert his eldest the Earldom of Dreux. Dagobert made Clouis his second son King of France, by putting by Sigisbert his eldest son.

I have bin somwhat long in discours of this great Transaction twixt England and France, because the chief aim of this Work being at Precedence, the discerning Reader may regulat his judgment accordingly.

We will now go on to conclude this Paragraph, the main scope wherof being Antiquity, and continuance of Royal Bloud.

The Genealogical Tree of the Kings of this Iland, as all other Countries, hath had various Stems: the first were Britains (now calld Welsh) who may contend for Antiquity, and may be said to be coetaneous with the Iland it self, yea before it was an Iland; for ther want not some who hold that it was at first a continent, or a peninsula tied to Gallia by an Isthmos or neck of land stretching from Dover to Bullen: for the Rocks on both coasts being of a colour and shape, look as if they were slented one out of the other. Before the Romans took footing here, which was neer upon 200 yeers before they could do it peaceably, the Britains did still so bear up against them; wheras Gallia or France was fully conquerd in less then 10 yeers: I say, before the Roman Eagle fixd his talons here, ther had bin 65 Kings of the British Bloud: But then that Race being interrupted by the Romans for above 400 yeers, the Iland being freed of Them, some of the old British Bloud came to be Kings again, among whom some were very famous, as 〈◊〉 , and Arthur his son the chief Christian Worthy, who was the first Founder of Warlike honour conferrd upon his Knights of the Round Table. And this Race of the old British Kings lasted till the raign of Cadwallader, Anno 689; yet ther were Welsh Princes that swayd still (as among other Howel Dha the Great Legislator) and stood stoutly for their Liberty until the raign of Edw. 1. in whose raign Leol •… the last Prince of the British Bloud being slain in battel, his head was brought to King Edward, who commanded it to be crownd with I •… ie, confessing that he had met with more valour in the Welsh then the Scots, for he had fierce Wars with both. But Cadwallader being dead, the British Race was interrupted again (till Owea Tewdors time, who descended from Cadwallader, as shall be shewd) by a G •… rman peeple inhabiting the lower Circuit of Saxony, and so calld Saxons by the Welsh and Irish to this day. They had a 〈◊〉 a long time; but Egbert by conquest redu •… d them to a Monarchy, and he was the first who calld himself King of England.

Then that English Race al •… o of Kings had two short Interruptions, one by the Danes wherof ther raigned here three Kings, but all their raigns extended not to •… 5 yeers; Then by William of Normandy, and that Interruption •… asted about 40 yeers, till Henry the first married the lady Matilda daughter to Malcolme King of Scotland by the Lady Margaret sister to Edgar Athel •… g, wherby the English Bloud Royal was restord.

Then by a marvellous providence the British Royal Bloud after about 800 yeers Interruption was resto •… d by Owen Tewdor, who married the Queen Dowager Katherine, and so was Granfather to Hen. 7. which Tewdor by an exact 〈◊〉 that was made by the British Bards, and confirmed by the English Heralds, came lineally from the foresaid King Cadwallader and Leolin: so ther were three Kings, viz. Hen. 7. Hen. 8. Edw. 6. with two Queens, viz. Mary and Elizabeth, all Tewdors.

Then came in the Royal Race of Scotland by the Lady Margaret Tewdor eldest daughter to Hen. 7. and first branch of the two Roses.

Now, by a due computation made of the premises, it will be found, that (take British or English) the source and series of the Bloud Royal of England is above a thousand yeers since. And if from Cadwallader you go to the British Kings before the Romans interrupted the Royal succession therof, it will be neer upon 3000 yeers; which no kingdom •… ls can say. Moreover, the Bloud Royal of Scotland some hundreds of yeers before was incorporated in the British: for the mother of the first King of the Stuarts was a British Lady.

And as ther is a Register of 139 British and English Kings, so there is an exact Catalog of 110 Scots Kings: wheras all the three Races of the French Kings make but 64 Kings in all. Nor did any of those three Royal Races continue much above 300 yeers in a Bloud, but were quite extinguishd, both Merovingiens, Carlevingiens, and Capevingiens. The House of Valois extinguished in the late Queen Margaret, first wife to Hen. 4. And this present King is but the Third of the House of Bourbon.

Spain cannot say so much: for the furthest Line that Her Kings can draw, is not much above 500 yeers ago, from the Counts of Castile; nor was ther ever any King of Castile till the yeer 1017. And touching the House of Austria, it became Royal but about 300 yeers since.

To conclude this Paragraph, his present Majestie of Great Britain, in point of Royal Extraction and Linage, is the Greatest born Prince that any Age can produce. For wheras his Granfather and Father were allied only, if you regard Forren Consanguinity, to the House of Holstein, and that of Lorain; Charles the second of England bears in his Veins not only That Bloud, but also the Blouds of all the Great Princes of Christendom, being neerly linkd to the Houses of France and Bourbon, To the House of Austria, and consequently to the Emperour and Spain by the Maternal side, as also to the Dukes of Savoy and Florence. Moreover, He is neerly allied to the King of Denmark, and to all the prime Princes of Germany, as the Saxe, Brandenburg, Bavaria, the Palsgrave, &c.

The seventh Paragraph. Touching the Hospitality, and plentiful Kingly Court, with number of Officers and Stately Attendants of the King of Great Britain.

TIs ordinary for Latin Authors old and new, to break out into the praises of Great Britain, and their Elogiums are many: but lets hear what a great Greek Poet speaks of Her.

—— 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 No Ile did ever dare With Britain yet compare.

Among other Encomiums of England, she is much cried up for her wonderful fecundity and fulness of all things relating to the nourishment of mankinde, all things that Earth, Water or Air can afford: which (with the Divine benediction) must be imputed to the temper of the Clime; And besides, ther be gentle breezes that are conveyd from the circumfluent Seas, which refresh all kinde of animals both Brute and Rational. The clouds there may be truly said to drop fatness, dissolving into silver wholsom showers to soften and fertilize her Glebes: In December and Ianuary there is commonly Frost enough to knit and corroborate the joynts of the earth: In February ther is usually Snow enough to fill the Dikes, and like a gentle white rugg to cover her plowd fields, and keep the bed of the earth warm from the inclemency of the circumambient cold air. It is observd that ther is not such a multitude of Volatils any where: And touching her Seas, ther are not any wher so great variety of Fish swimming in such huge shoals like mountains, and taking their turns and seasons about the Iland once every yeer: Her fresh rivers are also full of them. Her Forests and Woods have not such ravenous beasts as other Countries use to have: yet ther are store of savage beasts for Recreation, as the Stagg, the Hind, the Hart, the Hare, the Otter, the Fox and Badger, &c. The bowels of the earth are no where so pregnant of Metals, Stone, and Fuel, &c. The Sun, which scorcheth other Countries, may be said but to warm the English soyl with his gentle rays. The Air is nothing so foggie and dull as in many other Regions, but cleerd and attenuated ever and anon with refreshing blasts. Nor is the body of the earth so subject to shaking Agues and Earth quakes, to trepidation and quakings, as other places are, which are full of sulphurous bituminous concavities. Touching store and superfluity of Corn, with all sorts of Grain, Britain in the times of the Romans was calld, as Tacitus says, the Barn and Granary of the Western world. Take all these particulars together, the Poet doth not much complement with England when he breaks thus into a Character of her.

Anglia Terra ferax, Tibi pax secura quietem, Multiplicem luxum merx Opulenta dedit. Tu nimio nec stricta gelu, nec sydere fervens, Clementi Coelo, temperié que places. Cùm pareret Natura parens, variásq favore Divideret dotes omnibus una locis, Sepofuit potiora Tibi, Matrem que professa Insula sis foelix, plena que pacis, ait, Quicquid amat luxus, quicquid desiderat usus, Ex Te proveniet vel aliunde Tibi.

This is the cause of that infinit Commerce she hath to all parts of the habitable earth as far as the Antipodes, and the incredible benefit which other Nations make of her Commodities; Insomuch that Guicciardine, an Author well to pass, relates that after the Articles of the Intercursus magnus were made with Flanders or the Netherlands, the Annual Trade amounted unto above twelve Millions Sterling, whereof the one half was in Woollen Manufactures, wherby the 17 Provinces did wonderfully improve in Negotiation and Wealth: Insomuch that the ground of the Order of the Golden Fleece established by the Duke of Burgundy, related to the English Wool, which proved so infinitely beneficial unto them.

From this marvelous exuberance and superfluity of substantial Staple-commodities proceed the luxe, the plenty and profuseness of the Inhabitants: for ther is no wher such frequent Invitations and Feasts in Town and Country; which made one say, That among others, England hath an Inchanting kind of quality, to make Forreners forget their own Countries, when they have once tasted of the sweetness therof. The Franklins, Yeomen or Freeholders live like Gentlemen, The Gentlemen and Esquires live like Noble-men, The Noble-men like Princes. The Lord Maior and Sheriffs of London have Tables most days of the week fit to entertain Kings.

Now, touching the Royal Court, which may be calld the Epitome of the whole Country, Ther is no King whatsoever lives in that height of magnificence and plenty. Ther was communibus annis servd in kind in provisions for his Majesties house by way of composition, 3790 quarters of Wheat; 1493 Oxen fat and lean; 7000 Muttons; 1231 Veals; 310 Porks; 410 Sturks; 26 Boars; 320 Flitches of Bacon; 6820 Lambs; 40 Barrels of Butter; 145 dozen of Geese; Capons cours 252 dozen; Hens 470 dozen; Pullets cours 750 dozen; Chickins cours 1470 dozen; Wax 3100 weight; sweet Butter 46640 pounds; Charcoals 1250 loads; Talwood, Billets, Faggots, 3950 loads; Herrings 60 barrels; Wine-cask from the Vintners 600 Tun, &c. Beer 1700 Tun, &c. This was for the first cours: Now for the second cours innumerable sorts of Fowl and Fish according to the season, which was exactly observd. This made Bodin the great Critique to confess, that considering all things, ther was not a more magnificent and plentiful Court upon earth. Now the riches and fatness of a Country shold be principally seen in the Kings house; and indeed the greatest glory of England appeers there, as all observing Forreners confess: and nothing conducd more to the continuance, increase and support of his power and honour, and which drew more awe and reverence from all peeple; all which are so requisit and essential to the prosperity of King and Peeple, as they cannot be wanting, but are and shold be perpetual attendants of the Soverain Prince. Now, this cannot be without the concurrence and service of the Peeple: Now, from all times the English were observd to be industrious, and make it their chief care to provide the best things for the Kings Court; according to that ancient, and no less eloquent speech of a great Lawyer: Domus Regis vigilia defendit omnium; Otium Illius labor omnium; Deliciae Illius industria omnium; Vacatio Illius occupatio omnium; Salus Illius periculum omnium; Honor Illius periculum omnium. The Kings House shold be the watchfulness of All; His recreations shold be the labor of All; His plesures shold be the inventions of All; His safety shold be the danger of All; His honor the object of All.

Now, the greatest cause of the honour and plenty of the Royal Court in England, were the Preemption, Pourvoyances and Compositions he had from evry County, which were so moderat, That they who have cryed them down, thinking it to be a great advantage and ease unto them, will find in time that they were no wiser then the Ass in the Fable (as a very judicious Gentleman observes) who thought to make his burden of Sponges the lighter by lying down with them in the water: For those Compositions, considering the smalness of them, and how many went to bear the burden, were scarce any weight at all, as will appeer by those Shires I shall produce for instances.

All the thirteen Shires of Wales were chargd but at one hundred and fourscore Sturks, which stood that whole Dominion but in three hundred and threescore pounds, wherof Anglesey, which hath 83 Parishes, payd but 5l. which amounts not to 15 pence evry Parish.

The County of Derby, which hath one hundred and six Parishes, payd but 254l. per an.

Worcestershire, which hath one hundred and two Parishes, was assessd at 495l. which is about three pounds seven shillings upon evry Parish.

Yorkshire, which hath 459 Parishes, besides many large Chapelries, was charged but with 495l. which was not two and twenty shillings upon evry Parish one with another.

Bedfordshire, which hath one hundred and sixteen Parishes, payed four hundred ninety seven pounds eight shillings four pence.

Cheshire, having sixty eight Parishes, was to furnish but 25 lean Oxen at the Kings price, viz. four marks a piece, &c. with other things, which came not to one pound nine shillings upon evry Parish.

Cornwal, having an hundred and sixty Parishes, did not bear so great a contribution as eight shillings upon evry Parish.

The County of Devon, which hath three hundred ninety four Parishes, paid no greater sum for evry yearly composition then ten shillings upon every Parish.

Herefordshire, having one hundred seventy six Parishes, made evry one to contribut no more then about twelve shillings six pence upon every Parish.

The huge County of Norfolk, which hath 660 Parishes, payd but one thousand ninety three pounds two shillings and eight pence; which in proportion comes not to one pound eleven shillings upon evry Parish.

Somersetshire, which hath 385 Parishes, payd seven hundred fifty five pounds fourteen shillings eight pence, which amounts to about 40 s. a Parish.

The County of Northampton, which contains 326 Parishes, payd towards Pourvoyance and Composition nine hundred ninety three pounds eighteen shillings four pence; which was for evry Parish little more then three pounds.

Lincolnshire, which hath 630 Parishes, payd one thousand one hundred seventy five pounds thirteen shillings and eight pence; which amounted to less then forty shillings a Parish.

Glocestershire, which hath 280 Parishes, payd four hundred twenty two pounds seven shillings and eight pence; which was not one pound eleven shillings per Parish.

Ther be other Counties, by reason of their vicinity to the Court, and being very great gainers for the vent of their commodities by the Kings constant Residence, with his Tribunals of Justice in his Imperial Chamber of London, were chargd deeper; as,

The County of Kent, which hath 398 Parishes, And is the common road of Ambassadors passing to and fro, as also where his Arsenals, Docks and Navie Royal lies, with four of his Cinq Ports, &c. payd three thousand three hundred thirty four pounds and six shillings.

The County of Sussex, which hath 112 Parishes, payd one thousand and sixteen pounds two shillings and six pence.

The County of Surrey, having 140 Parishes, payd one thousand seventy nine pounds and three pence.

Hertfordshire, which hath one hundred and twenty Parishes, payd one thousand two hundred fifty nine pounds nineteen shillings four pence.

The County of Essex, having 415 Parishes, for her neighbourhood to London and the Court, payd two thousand nine hundred thirty one pounds two shillings and two pence.

The County of Buckingham, which hath 185 Parishes, payd two thousand and forty pounds sixteen shillings and six pence.

Berkshire, having 140 Parishes, payd one thousand two hundred and fifty five pounds seventeen shillings and eight pence.

The County of Middlesex, which hath 73 Parishes besides what are in the Suburbs of London and Westminster, paid nine hundred seventeen pounds nineteen shillings per an. which was no great matter in point of proportion to the rest of the Counties, In regard of the great advantages this Shire hath by the propinquity and residence of the Kings Court, And so by letting and setting of Lands, Pasturages, Houses, Lodgings at highet rates, with the improving the prices of all other commodities.

The City of London, which hath such mighty benefits by the constant sojourn of the King, and of his principal Courts of Justice at Westminster-Hall, by the Records in the Tower, by the Inns of Court and Chancery, with variety of other advantages, as the Kings Custom-House, wherby she is swoln up to be so vast in Building, and to such infinit Rich •… s, that she swallows up the Trade of all the three Kingdoms; yet for all these advantages, she with the out-parts did contribut in Grocery ware for the service of the Kings House but about 2000 l. per annum. Nor did the Kings Brewers in London, and four miles compass about, pay but one half▪peny in every Bushel of Mault; which is now remitted: And what an inconsiderable small ease it is to so many Brewers, let any man judge.

Out of the Premises touching Compositions for Pourvoyances, this inference may be drawn, what a care and love our provident and prudent Progenitors bore to the honor of their King, his Court, and Houshould; And under favor I may say that these Royal Pourvoyances, and his tenures in Capite, were two of the fairest flowers in the English Crown, in lieu wherof it may be sayd ther is set in an ear of barly, with a Chimney-Wallflower; ther is froth and fume given in exchange, which doth so much sully the luster of it: for, as I intimated before, the state and plenty of the Court was accounted the greatest glory of the Crown of England, as Forren Authors of most Nations do acknowledg in their public Writings.

Now, wheras some do affirm that the yeerly benefit of the Excise doth make a full compensation for the Court of Wards, and tenures in Capite, out of which ther was also computed fifty thousand pounds yeerly towards the Diet at Court, It is too well known that the said Excise doth not make the King any Equivalent satisfaction for his Tenures alone (if well managd) much less for his Pourvoyances, Preemptions and Carriages: For ther was an exact account made by his Majesties special command, of the last yeers expence, that ther were Seventy three thousand six hundred and seven pounds fourteen shillings and seven pence spent more in the Court-diet, and provision of the Stables, then were in the time of Pourvoyance, besides the extraordinary charge of Carriages for his Removes, and Navy Royal.

Now, in expending those provisions that were servd into the Court by way of Pourvoyance and Composition, ther was the greatest care and Oeconomical good husbandry usd that possibly could be: for when ther were more Beefs and Muttons with other provisions servd in then the Court wanted, The faithful Officers of the Green-cloth caused them to be Sould, and with the moneys arising thence they were commonly usd to buy Napery, and other Houshold-things for the service of the Kings House, as also in paying the arrears of som of his Servants wages with the surplusages.

But now that we dance after the French Fiddle so fast, as we always did so for the back, and now begin to follow him also in things relating to the Belly, by Board-wages, &c. I wish the time may not come that we do not follow him too farr; As that one cannot put a grain of Salt in his pot unless he buy it of the King, wherby, in making Salt his own Commodity, the French King raiseth by the meer Gabel which ariseth thence above 20 millions of Livres evry yeer, which is two millions Sterling; which sum is twice more then the King of Great Britain hath from all Incoms whatsoever, as Crown-lands, Customes and Imposts, Excise and Chimney-money, with other perquisits and casualities: And as the French thus cannot put a grain of Salt in his pot, so the Spaniard cannot put a corn of Peper into his Olla unless he hath it from the King; Nor can he buy a pair of Cards or Dice to pass away the time withal, unless he hath them of the King; Nay, he cannot buy half a sheet of Paper to write either Bond or Bill, Acquittance or Receit, or other legal Instrument, but he must buy all of the King; Which adds millions to his yeerly Revenues: yet the peeple of Spain are cryed up for a free peeple.

But touching the Imposition of Excise (which is given the King for his Royal Tenures, and House-keeping) I well remember the time, that Excise was held such an abominable word, that my Lord Carleton but only for naming it once in the Parlement-House, (yet to no ill meaning at all) was violently cryed to the Bar; and, though a person of that eminence, as being then a Privie Counsellor, and principal Secretary of State, he hardly escapd being committed to the Tower. The Excise was then calld the Dutch Devil, because it came first from Holland, with other fine words, as plunder, storming, &c. which were all made free Denizons of England by that so longd-for Long Parlement. And observable it is, that the first imposing and use of Excise in England was to enable Rebels to make War against their King and Country.

Having thus briefly run over the Sumptuary part of the English Court, we will now proceed to the Servants and Officers, to the Attendance and State thereof, which comes not behind any other Court whatsoever: And this might be the ground of that ancient Proverb in England, and nowhere els, There is no Fishing to the Sea, nor Service to the Kings. The Court is the randevous of Vertu, of Cadets, and persons well qualified: It is the Scale by which they rise, the King being the fountain of Honour, as well as of Bounty. But before we come to speak of the Officers at Court, and of their Diet and Bouche, which by a pitiful corruption is vulgarly calld budg, wheras it is bouche a mouth; therfore it is a French phrase, Il a bouche à la Cour, He hath a mouth at Court, viz. he hath a Diet: I say, before we come to speak of the Dishes and Diet at Court, let the Reader take this small Advertisement in the way, that evry Dish at Court was computed to cost the King viis & modis at the years end 100 l. a dish: But now since the Preemption and Pourvoyance is taken away, evry dish doth stand in four times as much, at least.

The Kings Court or Houshold. The Lord Great Chamberlain and Earl Marshal are rather Officers of State, and as it were extraneous in relation to the Houshold: so, in a manner, are the four Officers of the Crown who use to have Houses abroad, viz. The Lord Chancellor or Keeper of the Great Seal of England. The Lord high Tresurer. The Lord Privie Seal. The Lord high Admiral. But the properst Domestick Officers are as follow, viz. The Lord Steward of the Houshold, who hath allowed him evry day besides his Fee—32 dishes. The Tresurer of the Houshold 32 dishes; and besides his table he hath a Fee of—123 l. 14 s. 4 d. The Controuler, besides thirty two dishes a day, hath a Fee of—167 l. 17 s. 4 d. The Cofferer, besides his Table, hath—100 l. The principal Secretary of State hath besides his Table—100 l. The Secretary for the Latin Toung, Fee—40 l. The Secretary for the French Toung, Fee—66 l. 13 s. 4 d. The Clerks of the Signet, Fee every one—40 l. Four Clerks of the Privie Council, Fee evry one—50 l. Clerk of the Council in the Star-chamber, Fee—26 l. 13 s. 4 d. Two Clerks of the Parlement, Fee The first,—40 l. Two Clerks of the Parlement, Fee The second,—10 l. Clerk of the Market, Fee—20 l. Post-master, Fee—20 l. Thirty standing Posts appointed by the Post-master, evry one Fee—18 l. 5 s. Two Carriers To one—24 l. 3 s. 4 d. Two Carriers To the other—12 l. Officers above Stayrs. Lord Chamberlain of the Houshold, besides his Table of thirty two dishes a day, hath a Fee—100 l. The Groom of the Stole, who is always a Gentleman of the Bed-chamber, hath evry day—32 dishes. Vice-chamberlain, Fee—100 Marks. Knight-Marshal, Fee—100 Marks. The Gentlemen of the Privie Chamber, whose number is indefinite, Fee evry one—50 l. Three Gentlemen-Ushers of the Privie Chamber—30 l. Ten Grooms of the Privie Chamber, Fee apiece—20 l. Four Carvers, Fee evry one—50 Marks. Three Cup-bearers, Fee evry one—50 Marks. Four Sewers, Fee evry one—50 Marks. Four Escuyers of the Body, Fee evry one—50 Marks. Four Yeomen-Ushers, Fee evry one—9 l. 2 s. 6 d. Twelve Ordinary Grooms, Fee evry one—2 l. 13 s. 4 d. Four Pages, Fee evry one—2 l. Clerk of the Closet, Fee evry one—4 l. Four Messengers, Fee evry one—5 l. The Band of fifty Gentlemen-Pensioners, Fee for evry one—50 l. Standard-bearer to the Pensioners, Fee—100 Marks. The Guard. Captain of the Guard, fee besides a Livery-Gown—14 l. Two hundred ordinary Yeomen of the Guard, Fee—16l. 13s. 4d. Fifty extraordinary, 8 d. per diem—1 l. 13 s. 4 d. Standard-bearer to the Guard, Fee—100 Marks. Clerk of the Check, fee—100 Marks. The Great Wardrobe. The Master, his fee—100 l. Livery—15 l. Two Clerks, fee each—4 l. 6. 8 d. Rent-gatherer, fee—5 l. 0 s. 8 d. Four Taylors, fee evry one—9 l. 2 s. 6 d. Skinner, fee—18 l. 5 s. 0 d. Three Embroderers, fee evry one—18 l. 5 s. 0 d. The Butlary of England. Chief Butler, Fee—50 Marks. The Counting House. Four Clerks, fee evry one—44 l. 6 s. 8 d. Clerk to the Cofferer, fee—20 l. Yeoman, fee—5 l. Groom, fee—2 l. 13 s. 4 d. The Iewel-House. Master, his fee—50 l. Yeoman, his fee—6 l. Groom, his fee—2 l. 13 s. 4 d. The Green-cloth. I should have spoken before herof in point of precedence, It being a Court of Justice continually sitting in the Kings Palace; The chiefest wherof are the Lord Steward, the Tresurer, the Controwler, and Cofferer, the Master of the Houshold, two Clerks of the Green-cloth, and two Clerks Controwlers. Of these, the first three are usually of the Privy-Council; For unto This, being as some hold the first and ancient Court of Justice in England, is committed the Charge and surintendency of the Kings Court Royal for matter of government. It is called the Green-cloth, from the colour of the Carpet at which they sit, wheron the Kings Arms are embrodered, and on each side the Arms of the Counting House bearing verd, a Key and a Rod or white Staff argent saultie, signifying their power to reward or correct, as persons for their great prudence and experience thought fit to exercise both those functions. The Robes. Yeoman, fee—50 l. Groom, fee—2 l. 13 s. 4 d. Page, fee—2 l. Harbingers. Knight-Harbinger, fee—50 l. Four Harbingers, fee evry one—10 l. Thirty Yeomen of the Crown, fee evry one—6 l. 1 s. 8 d. The Beds. Five Marshals, fee evry one—11 l. 8 s. 1 d. ob. Four Sewers, fee evry one—11 l. 8 s. 1 d. ob. Two Survayors, fee evry one—11 l. 8 s. 1 d. ob. Two Yeomen, fee evry one—5 l. Clerk, fee—14 l. Two Grooms, fee evry one—2 l. 13 s. 4 d. Two Pages, fee evry one—2 l. The Pantry. Sergeants fee—11 l. 8 s. 1. ob. Four Yeomen, fee evry one—5 l. Four Grooms, fee evry one—2 l. 13 s. 4 d. Two Pages, fee evry one—2 l. Bread-bearer, fee—1 l. 10 s. 4 d. The Boteller. Yeoman, fee—5 l. Groom, fee—2 l. 13 s. 4 d. The Hall. Servitors sixteen, to four, fee—3 l. 8 s. 4 d. To the rest—2 l. 13 s. 4 d. The Buttry. Four Yeomen, fee evry one—5 l. Four Grooms, fee evry one—2 l. 13 s. 4 d. Two Pages, fee each—2 l. The Cellar. Sergeant, fee—11 l. 8 s. 1 d. ob. Seven Yeomen, fee evry one—5 l. Groom, fee—2 l. 13 s. 4 d. Two Pages, fee each—2 l. The Ewry. Sergeant, fee—11 l. 8 s. 1 d. ob Three Yeomen, fee evry one—5 l. Two Grooms, fee each—2 l. 13 s. 4 d. Two Pages, fee each—2 l. Three Clerks, fee evry one—11 l. 8 s. 1 d. ob. The Bake-house. Sergeant, fee—11 l. 8 s. 1 d. ob. Seven Yeomen, fee evry one—5 l. Two Grooms, fee evry one—2 l. 13 s. 4 d. Four Conducts, fee evry one per diem—4 d. The Kitchin. Two Master-Cooks, fee evry one—11 l. 8 s. 1 d. ob. Six Yeomen, fee evry one—5 l. Six Grooms, fee evry one—2 l. 13 s. 4 d. Eight Children, fee evry one—2 l. Galapines, apparel for them of the Hall, Kitchin, and Privie Kitchin—50 l. Surveyor of the Dresser, fee—22 l. 1 s. 3 d. To the Cooks at Easter in Larges—6 l. 13 s. 4 d. To the Scullery, Larges—1 l. To the Pastry, Larges—2 l. The Spicery. Clerk, fee—32 l. Yeoman, fee—5 l. The Pitcher-House. Two Yeomen, fee evry one—5 l. Two Grooms, fee evry one—2 l. 13 s. 4 d. Two Pages, fee evry one—2 l. The Chaundlery. Sargeant, fee—11 l. 8 s. 1 d. ob. Two Yeomen, fee each—5 l. Two Grooms, fee each—2 l. 13 s. 4 d. Two Pages, fee evry one—2 l. The Larder. Sergeant, fee—11 l. 8 s. 1 d. ob. Yeoman, fee—5 l. Two Grooms, fee evry one—2 l. 13 s. 4 d. Two Pages, fee evry one—2 l. The Boyling House. Two Yeomen, fee evry one—5 l. Three Grooms, fee evry one—2 l. 13 s. 4 d. Two Pages, fee—2 l. Clerk, fee—6 l. 13 s. 4 d. The Neatery. Yeoman-Pourvoyer of Salt Fish, fee—40 l. Yeoman-Pourvoyer of Fresh Fish, fee—7 l. 13 s. 4 d. Seven Yeomen-Pourvoyers of Oxen, Mutton, Veal, Lamb, &c. fee evry one—7 l. 13 s. 4 d. Four Grooms, fee evry one—2 l. 13 s. 4 d. Yeomen of the Store-house, fee—5 l. The Poultry. Sargeant, fee—11 l. 8 s. 1 d. ob. Clerk, fee—6 l. 13 s. 4 d. Four Yeomen-Pourvoyers, fee evry one—7 l. 13 s. 4 d. The Scalding House. Yeoman, fee—5 l. Two Grooms, fee each—2 l. 13 s. 4 d. Two Pages, fee each—2 l. The Pastry. Two Sergeants, fee each—11 l. 8 s. 1 d. ob. Clerk, fee—6 l. 13 s. 4 d. Two Yeomen, fee each—5 l. Four Grooms, fee evry one—2 l. 13 s. 4 d. Four Children or Pages, fee evry one—2 d. The Scullery. Three Yeomen, fee evry one—5 l. Two Grooms, fee each—2 l. 13 s. 4 d. Two Pages, fee each—2 l. Amners. Gentleman-Amner, fee—11 l. 8 s. 1 d. ob. Sub-Amner, fee—6 l. 16 s. 10 d. ob. Four Yeomen, fee evry one—5 l. Two Grooms, fee each—2 l. 13 s. 4 d. Chappel. Gentlemen of the Chappel, fee apiece—11 l. 8 s. 1 d. ob. Master of the Children, his fee—40 l. To the Children at high-Feast-Largesses—9 l. 13 s. 4 d. Allowance for their Breakfasts—16 l. The Laundry. Two Yeomen, fee each—5 l. Two Grooms, fee each—2 l. 13 s. 4 d. Two Pages, fee each—2 l. One Woman-Laundress, fee—10 l. The Wafry. Clerk, fee—6 l. 13 s. 4 d. Yeoman, fee—5 l. Groom, fee—2 l. 13 s. 4 d. The Wood-yard. Sergeant, fee—11 l. 8 s. 1 d. ob. Four Yeomen, fee evry one—5 l. Four Grooms, fee evry one—2 l. 13 s. 4 d. Two Pages, fee evry one—2 l. Two Wood-bearers, Largess to them at Midsummer, and to the Grooms of the Kings Hall—5 l. Six Porters and Scowrers, Largess at Easter—5 l. Porters of the Kings Gates. Three Yeomen, fee evry one—5 l. Three Grooms, fee evry one—2 l. 13 s. 4 d. Master of the Horse. Besides thirty two Dishes per diem, fee—100 l. In whose gift are, the chief Avenor, fee—40 l. Fourteen Escuyers, fee evry one—20 l. Clerk of the Stable, fee—16 l. 14 s. 7 d. Three Survayors, fee evry one—16 l. 14 s. 7 d. Sergeant of the Carriages, fee—22 l. 16 s. 3 d. Six Riders, fee evry one—30 l. Sixteen Foot-men, fee evry one—20 l. Eight Coach-men, fee evry one—18 l. 5 s. Yeoman of the St •… rrop, fee—13 l. 13 s. Three Sadlers, fee evry one—9 l. Six Litter-men, fee evry one—10 l. Four Yeomen-Pourvoyers—12 l. 10 s. Three Yeomen-Granators—13 l. Yeomen of the Male, fee—12 l. 13 s. 4 d. Sargeant-Ferrier, fee—20 l. 15 s. 8 d. Three Yeomen-Ferriers, fee—9 l. Yeoman-Bittmaker, fee—6 l. 1 s. 8 d. Yeomen of the close Cart, fee—12 l. 8 s. 1 d. ob. Sixty four Grooms, fee evry one—18 l. 5 s. The Tents. Master, fee—30 l. Controuler, fee—12 l. 3 s. 4 d. Clerk, fee—13 l. 6 s. 8 d. Keeper of the Tents, fee—10 l. Yeoman, his fee—9 l. 2 s. 6 d. Groom, his fee—5 l. Revels. Master, fee—100 l. Yeoman, fee—9 l. 2 s. 6 d. Four Masters of the Requests, fee a piece—100 l. Hunting. Master, fee—18 l. 5 s. Sargeant, fee—11 l. 8 s. 1 d. ob. Officers and others serving under the Master, Wages and Allowance for them—113 l. 6 s. 8 d. Harriers. Master, fee—18 l. 5 s. Officers and others subservient to the said Master, Wages and Allowance for them—79 l. 1 s. 8 d. Otter-hounds. Master, fee—13 l. 6 s. 8 d. Buck-hounds. Master, 12 d. per diem for himself, and to sundry Hunters serving at his appointment—50 l. Two Sargeants, fee each—20 l. Two Yeomen-Prickers, fee each—9 l. 2 s. 6 d. For meat for the Hounds to the Grooms—13 l. 6 s. 8 d. Musicians and Players. Sargeant-Trumpeter, fee—40 l. Sixteen Trumpeters, fee evry one—24 l. 6 s. 8 d. Two Luters, fee evry one—40 l. Two Harpers, fee evry one—19 l. 5 s. Eight Singers, fee evry one—6 l. 13 s. 4 d. Allowance to six Children for Singing—50 l. Rebeck, fee—28 l. 6 s. 8 d. Nine Minstrels—151 l. 15 s. 4 d. Six Sackbutts, fee evry one—24 l. 6 s. 8 d. Eight Viols, fee evry one—20 l. Three Drumsteds, fee evry one—18 l. 5 s. Two Players on the Flute, fee a piece—18 l. 5 s. Two Players on the Virginals, fee a piece—30 l. Seven Musician-strangers—183 l. 6 s. 8 d. Eight Players of Enterludes, fee evry one—3 l. 6 s. 8 d. Two Makers of Instruments, fees—30 l. Surgeons. Two Surgeons, fees between them—60 l. Two other, fees to both—40 l. Two more, fees between them—20 l. Three Physicians, fees evry one—100 l. Three Apothecaries, fee evry one—26 l. 13 s. 4 d. Astronomer, fee—20 l. The Kings Barge. Master, fee—16 l. 8 s. 1 d. Twenty five Water-men for the Barge, one—8 l. 1 s. 8 d. Another—6 l. 1 s. 8 d. The rest evry one—2 l. Artificers. Stationer, fee—26 l. 6 s. 8 d. Printer, fee—4 l. Cutler, fee—6 l. 1 s. 8 d. Weaver, fee—9 l. 2 s. 6 d. Wheelwright, fee—18 l. 5 s. Crossbow-maker, fee—6 l. 1 s. 8 d. Coach-maker, fee—10 l. Clock-maker, fee— •… 8 l. 5 s. Budget-maker, fee—6 l. 1 s. 8 d. Feather-dresser, fee—13 l. 6 s. 8 d. Lock-smith, fee—2 l. 13 s. 4 d. Arrowhead-maker, fee—6 l. 1 s. 8 d. Buckler-maker, fee—3 l. 0 s. 8 d. Handgun-maker, fee—24 l. 6 s. 8 d. Graver of Stones, fee—20 l. Sargeant-Painter, and others under him—100 l. Arbour-maker, and Planters of Trees—25 l. 10 s. Stillers of Waters, fee—40 l. Bowyer and Fletcher, fee a piece—9 l. 2 s. 6 d. Clock-keeper, fee—12 l. 13 s. 4 d. Keeper of the Libraries—13 l. 6 s. 8 d. The Kings Works. Surveyor, for himself, one Clerk, Boat-hire, and Riding-charges—142 l. 19 s. 2 d. Controuler of the Works, fee—18 l. One Clerk, fee—9 l. 2 s. 6 d. Clerk of the Engrossment of the pay-book—18 l. 5 s. Pourvoyor, fee with charge of a horse—18 l. 5 s. Paymaster, fee 12 d. per diem—18 l. 5 s. Keeper of the Store-house, fee—11 l. 8 s. 1 d. Clerk of the Check, fee 10 d. per diem—15 l. 4 s. 2 d. Clerk of the Controulment—10 l. 12 s. 11 d. Carpenter, fee per diem 12 d.—18 l. 5 s. Plummer, fee per diem 12 d.—18 l. 5 s. Mason, fee per diem 12 d.—18 l. 5 s. Joyner, fee—19 l. 9 s. Glasier, fee—36 l. 10 s. Survayor of the Mines, fee—36 l. 10 s. Devisor of the Buildings, fee—36 l. 10 s. Kings at Arms and Heralds. Garter Principal King at Arms, fee—40 l. Clarencieux King at Arms, fee—30 l. Norroy King at Arms, fee—20 l. Kings Heralds seven, fee evry one—13 l. 6 s. 8 d. Poursuyvants at Arms four, fee apiece—10 l. Sargeants at Arms twenty five, fee evry one—18 l. 5 s. Standard-bearer, fee—100 l. Banner-bearer, fee—100 l The Admiralty. Lord High Admiral of England, fee—300 Marks. Vice-Admiral, fee—100 Marks. Two Clerks fee of the one—18 l. 5 s. Two Clerks fee of the other—15 l. 1 s. 8 d. Boat-hire upon all occasions—10 l. Riding-charges during his travel, per diem—10 s. Tresurer of the Navie, fee—100 Marks. Two Clerks, fee 8 d. per diem—24 l. 6 s. 8 d. Riding-charges upon occasion per diem—6 s. 8 d. Master of the Ordnance, fee—100 Marks. Three Clerks, fee among them per diem—3 s. 4 d. Boat-hire upon all occasions—8 l. Riding-charges per diem—6 s. 8 d. Controuler of the Navie, fee—50 l. Two Clerks, each per diem—8 d. Boat-hire—8 l. Riding-costs per diem—4 s. Survayor, fee—40 l Two Clerks, each per diem—8 l. Riding-co •… ts per diem—4 s. Boat-hire upon all occasions—8 l. Clerk of the Ships, fee—33 l. 6 s. 8 d. Boat-hire upon all occasions—6 l. Riding-costs per diem—3 s. 4 d. Clerk of the Store-house at Deptford, fee—33 l. 13 s. 4 d. One Clerk subservient—6 l. Pilot, fee—20 l. Victualler of the Navie, fee—58 l. One Clerk, per diem—8 d. Riding-costs per diem—5 s. The Ordnance. Master of the Ordnance, fee—151 l. 11 s. 8 d. Two Clerks one per diem—10 d. Two Clerks the other—8 d. Surveyor, fee—36 l. 10 s. One Clerk, per diem—8 d. Riding-costs per diem—6 s. Lieutenant of the Ordnance, fee—100 Marks. One Clerk, per diem—8 d. Boat-hire upon all occasions—8 l. Riding-costs—0 s. 0 d. Keeper of the great Store, fee—40 l. Clerk, per diem—8 d. Riding-costs—0 s. 0 d. Keeper of the small Store, fee—40 Marks. Riding-costs—0 s. 0 d. Clerk of the Deliveries, fee—20 l. Master-Gunner of England, fee per diem—2 s. 6 d. 〈◊〉 -maker, fee per diem 12 d.—18 l. 5 s. Saltpe •… er-maker, fee—18 l. 5 s. Two Gun-founders—33 l. 9 s. 2 d. Gun-smith, fee 6 d. per diem—9 l. 2 s. 6 d. Engin-Artificer, fee per diem 4 d.—6 l. 1 s. 8 d. Master-Carpenter, fee per diem 8 d.—12 l. 3 s. 4 d. Ordinary Gunners or Cannoneers, one hundred and nine, fee—1161 l. 18 s. 4 d. Yeoman of the Ordnance, fee per diem 9 d.—13 l. 14 s. 1 d. The Tower of London. Constables fee—100 l Lieutenants fee—200 l. Porters fee—9 l. 2 s. 6 d. Yeomen-Waiters or Warders, fee—9 l. 2 s. 6 d. Allowance for Fuel—6 l. 13 s. 4 d. Keeper of the Lions, &c. fee—36 l. 14 s. 6 d. Carpenter, fee—12 l. 3 s. 4 d. Keeper of the Wardrobe, fee—12 l. 13 s. 4 d The Armary. Master of the Armary, fee—31 l. 18 s. 9 d. Armarers under the Master, twenty, one at—36 l. Five, evry one at—20 l. Three, evry one at—15 l. The rest evry one at—9 l. 2 s. 6 d. The Mint. Master, or Tresurer of the Mint, fee—100 l. Controuler of the Mint, fee—100 Marks. Assay-master, fee—100 Marks. Clerk of the Mint, fee—10 l. Auditor of the Mint, fee—44 l. 6 s. 8 d. Allowance for Paper, 〈◊〉 , and other necessaries—10 l. Teller of the Money, fee—33 l. 6 s. 8 d. Survayor of the Melting-house, fee—26 l. 13 s. 4 d. Clerk of the Irons, fee—13 l. 6 s. 8 d. Chief Graver, fee—30 l. Chief Finer, fee—10 l. Sinker of Irons, fee—10 l. Three Melters, fee evry one—13 l. 6 s. 8 d. Two Branchers, fee evry one—13 l. 6 s. 8 d. Pourvoyer, fee—10 l. Pot-maker, fee—10 l. Porter, fee—10 l. Diet to all these Officers by the week—1 l. 10 s. The high Court of Chancery. Lord Chancellor, or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England, fee per diem 23 s.—419 l. For his attendance in the Star-chamber—200 l. More by name of Annuity—300 l. Robes out of the Wardrobe—40 l. Wine out of the Butlery twelve Tuns—72 l. Wax out of the Wardrobe—17 l. Sum. allocat. per an.—1048 l. Master of the Rolls, fee—34 l. 15 s. 8 d. Livery out of the Hamper—28 l. 8 s. 4 d. Masters of the Chancery, fee apiece—6 l. 13 s. 4 d. Clerk of the Crown, fee—20 l. Livery for Summer and Winter—26 l. 13 s. 4 d. Protonotary, fee—33 l. 13 s. 4 d. Clerk of the Hamper, fee—43 l. 13 s. 4 d. Annuity—40 l. Livery for himself and his Clerk—6 l. 13 s. 4 d. Controuler of the Hamper, fee—10 l. Enrollers of Evidences, fee—20 l. Seal, fee—6 l. 16 s. 10 l. Livery— •… 0 s. Sargeant at Arms, fee—18 l. 5 s. Cryer, Fee and Livery—7 l. 16 s. 10 d. Chafer of Wax—7 l. 6 s. 7 d. Necessary charges of Wax, Parchment, Paper, Riding Coats, and other yearly Expences—220 l. The Privie Seal. Lord Keeper of the Privie Seal, fee per diem—1 l. Allowd for his Table at Court—345 l. Clerks of the Privie Seal, fee apiece—50 l. Four Masters of the Requests, fee apiece—100 l. The Kings Bench. Lord Chief Justice of the Kings Bench, who holds his place onely by a short Writ, not by Patent as others do, for his Fee, Reward and Robes—208 l. 6 s. 8 d. Wine two Tuns—10 l. Allowance for Justice of Assize—20 l. To three Justices assistants, Fee, Reward, and Robes apiece—128 l. 6 s. 8 d. Allowance to evry one as Justice of Assize—20 l. Clerk of the Crown, fee—10 l. Livery out of the Wardrobe—6 l. 13 s. 4 d. Protonotary, fee—26 l. 13 s. 4 d. Keeper of the Writs and Rolls, fee—8 l. Cryer, fee—6 l. 13 s. 4 d. The Common Pleas. Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, Fee. Reward and Robes—141 l. 13 s. 4 d. Wine out of the Butlery, two Tuns—8l. Allowance for keeping the Assize of the Augmentation-Court—12l. 10s. Allowance for Justice of Assize—20l. Three coadjutant Justices, Fee, Reward and Robes to evry one—128l. 6s. 8d. Allowance for being Justices of Assize—20l. Attorney-General, fee—61l. Allowance for being Justice of Assize—20l. Sollicitor-General, fee—50l. Keeper of the Writs and Rolls, fee—4l. Four Sargeants at Law, to each Fee, Rewards and Robes—26l. 6s. 8d. Allowance as Justice of Assize—20l. Allowance for keeping the Assizes of the Court of Augmentations—12l. 6s. 8d. Cryer, fee—5l. Chief Officers of the Kings Revenues, and of the Exchequer. The Lord High Tresurer of England, fee—368l. Robes out of the Wardrobe—15l. 7s. 8d. Wine so many Tuns Impost free—0l. 0s. 0d. Allowance for Diet—0l. 0s. 0d. Chancellor of the Exchequer, fee—113l. 6s. 8d. Livery out of the Wardrobe—12l. 17s. 4d. Tuns of Wine Impost free—0l. 0s. 0d. Officers of the Exchequer-Court. Lord Chief Baron, fee—100l. Livery out of the Wardrobe—12l. 17s. 4d. Allowance for being Justice of Assize—20l. Tuns of Wine Impost free—0l. 0s. 0d. The Barons of the Exchequer, to each fee—46l. 13s. 4d. Livery out of the Wardrobe—12l. 17s. 4d. Allowance for being Justices of Assize—20l. Other Officers of the Exchequer. The Kings Remembrancer, fee—55l. 17s. 4d. Livery out of the Wardrobe—4l. 12s. 4d. The Lord Tresurers Remembrancer, fee—46l. 2s. 1d. Livery out of the Wardrobe—2l. 13s. 4d. Clerk of the Pipe, fee—65l. 4s. 2d. Livery, &c.—2l. 13s. 4d. Under-Tresurer of the Exchequer, fee—73l. 6s. 8d. Livery, &c.—4l. 6s. 8d. Seven Auditors, fee evry one—10l. Forren Opposers, fee—16l. 13s. 4d. Clerk of the Extreats, fee—15l. Clerk of the Pleas, fee—5l. Clerk of the Summons, fee—4l. Two Marshals, fee apiece—4l. Two Deputy-Chamberlains, fees apiece—2l. 10s. Two Secondaries in the Kings Remembrancers Office, fee evry one—8l. Two Secondaries in the Pipe-Office, fee—5l. Four Secondaries in the Tresurers Remembrancers Office, fee evry one—4l. Clerks of the Tallies, fee evry one—17l. 10s. Clerk of the Pell, fee—17l. 10s. Four Tellers, fee evry one—13l. 13s. 4d. Clerk in the Pipe-Office for offring Amercements, fee—9l. 13s. 4d. Clerk in the Office of the Kings Remembrancer, fee for writing the Fines, Issues and Amercements due to the King evry year—15l. 6s. 8d. Clerk in the Office of the Tresurers Remembrancer, fee for offering the Amercements—6l. Clerk in the Office of the Pleas, fee—3l. The four Ushers of the Court of Exchequer for their fees, in delivery of Processes, and for Paper, Wax, and other necessaries by them provided, and bought for the Officers of the Court amongst them—140l. Four Porters, Livery to evry one—4s. Two Joyners for Tallies, fees apiece—10l. Two Deputy-Chamberlains to write the controulment of the Pell, fees apiece—6l. One Clerk to write the Tallies of Controulment, fee—9l. One Porter of the Baggs, and Keeper of the Tresure-House-Keys, fee—6l. 6s. 8d. Four Messengers, fee per diem—4d. ob. The Grooms of the Receits fee by Rewards and Allowances—2l. To the Tresurers, and Chamberlains Officers, allowd for Parchment—6l. Three Ushers of the Receits, Fees, for Diet, Wax, Paper, Parchment, &c.—60l. The Court of First-fruits and Tenths. Chancellor, fee—200 Marks. Diet-money—100l. Hire for a house for himself, and for the Records—9l. Tresurer, fee—20l. Diet-money—10l. House-rent—10l. A Deputy—4l. A Clerk—6l. 13s. 4d. Attorney, fee—26l. 13s. 4d. Auditor, fee—20l. Diet-money—51l. 10s. One Clerk—6l. 3s. 4d. Other Allowances and Expences. Clerk of the Court, fee—40l. Keeper of the Records, fee—20l. Messenger, fee—2l. 10s. 7d. Allowance—13l. 6s. 8d. Usher, fee—2l. 10s. 7d. Allowance—3l. 6s. 8d. The Dutchy of Lancaster. Chancellor, and Allowance with 4l. for Paper, Ink and Parchment—142l. 16s. Survayor, Fee, and Allowance—66l. 13s. 4d. Attorney, Fee, and Allowance—38l. 10s. 4d. Clerk of the Court, Fee and Allowance—27l. 10s. 4d. Messenger, Fee besides Riding costs—10l. Assistants in the said Court. One Attorney for the Dutchy in the Exchequer, fee—100l. Attorney likewise in the Chancery, fee—20l. To the Usher of the Receits in the Exchequer, fee—20l. Four learned men in the Law retained for Counsel for the said Dutchy, fee evry one—7l. 6s. 8d. Besides Auditors, Receivers, &c. The Presidential Court in Wales, or the Council of the Marches. Lord President, Diet for himself and Council per an.—1040l. Divers Counsellors, to some—100 Marks. To others—50l. To others—40l. Secretary, his fee—13l. 6s. 8d. Atturney, fee—13l. 6s. 8d. Sollicitor, fee—10l. Surveyor, fee—6l. 13s. 4d.

Touching the Presidential Court in the North, where ther was usd to be also a Lord President, four of the Learned Counsel, a Secretary and other Officers, the King saves nere upon 2000l. per an.

The like sum or therabouts is savd by the Court of Wards, though the loss which the Crown of England hath receavd therby in point of honour by Tenures in Capite, and Royal Pourvoyances, &c. be invaluable; which makes our next Forren Neighbours in a kinde of jeer (and the best of their wit lies in jeering) to say, that all the Noblemen and Gentry of England, since Tenure in Capite was taken away, are become little better then Roturiers, then Yeomen that hold in Soccage.

The former Catalog of Court-Officers was delivered to King Iames at his first coming in, And ther may be some alterations since. Now ther is a mighty number of other Officers belonging to the Crown: as Auditors, Receavors, Surveyors, Escheators, Customers; Governors and Constables of Castles, Keepers of Forts, Points and Bulwarks; Rangers of Forests; Keepers of Chaces, Parks and Woods, &c. which wold make a Volume of it self, and is not so proper to the designe of this subject, which aims principally at the Menial and domestick servants attending at Court, though we have bin transported as we went along to other Offices.

Out of the premises this result may be drawn, that besides the unparallelld plenty, fatness and hospitality of the English Court in point of provision, and munition de Bouche, as the Frenchman calls it, Ther is no Court in Christendom servd with more punctual attendance and state; wheras if you cross ore the Chanel, and take a view of the next transmarin Court, one shall see common Laquays, Scullions, and greasie Galopins bring meat to the very rayls of the Kings Table: And touching the Spanish Court, tis so pitifully thin at dinner and supper-time, that one wold think he were in some Monastery of Capuchins: But go to either of their Kitchins, one may break his neck as soon as break his Fast. While I was writing this, a plesant Repartie came into my memory that happend twixt that worthy and warlike British Knight Sir Roger Williams, (who being General of an English Army in France, Henry the Great confessd to be a better Soldier then himself) Sir Roger being at an Ordinary in Antwerp, where among others ther was a Spanish Alferez who began to speak much of the dainty Fruits and Salades of his Country, Sir Roger let him go on a good while, and at last answered bluntly, 'Tis tru Sir we have not such Lemons, Orenges, and Pomegranats which you have in Spain, but we have in England good Chines of Beef, and Sirloyns of Veal, &c. We have the meat, and you have but sauce for our meat. I will close up this Paragraph with this humble Advertisement; That it highly concerns the common interest of the English Nation to introduce again, and revive the most ancient and legal usage of his Majesties just rights of Preemption, and Pourvoyance or compositions for them; Otherwise it is impossible for him to keep a Court any thing sutable to a King of Great Britain.

The Eighth Paragraph. Touching the diversity of Nations, and diffring Original Mother-Tongs, with other Dialects, that are under the Dominions of the King of Great Britain: As also, Of the variety of Royal Recreations, number of Palaces, Forests, Chaces and Parks, which belong to the Crown, &c.

THe greatest Antiquaries and Linguists that treat of Tongs, and of their Originals, do affirm that ther are eleven Maternal Tongs throughout all Europe, which are 1. the Greek, 2. the Latin, 3. the High-Dutch, Teutonick or German, 4. the Slavonian, which hath two Characters, both a Greek and Dalmatian character, which come neer the shape of the Latin; Then ther is 5. the British or Welsh Toung; 6. Irish; 7. The Bascuence or Cantabrian, which is the reliques of the old Spanish, or Iberian toung; 8. the Albanian, of a peeple who inhabit about the mountains of Epirus; 9. the Hungarian, which came into Europe out of Asia with the Huns; 10. Is that of Finland, neer to which is that of Lapland in the North of Sweden; 11. Is that of the Cosacks, and Tartars. Of all these the Slavonian is of largest extent; for it is observed that three and twenty several Nations speak it.

Now, The French King hath not one Mother, and pure inde •… Toung spoken in all his Dominions; they are but dialects, Languages or Speeches derivd from other Toungs: The purest French, which is spoken at Court, and upon the river of Loire, is but a dialect of the Roman or Latin Toung; so is the Walloon, the Provensal, the Gascoon, the Limosin, and others: That of Bearn is but a Dialect of the Bascuence and Gascon; That of Britany or Armorica is but a dialect of the ancient British continued so wonderfully in Wales after so many revolutions and changes of diffring Nations to this day.

Indeed the King of Spain hath an old Maternal Toung under his Dominions, which is the Cantabrian or Bascuence; all the rest are but several Idiomes or Dialects derived from the Latin, and inlayd with a multitude of Morisco words. The Castilian, the Portugues, the Catalan, the Valenciano, are Dialects of the Latin.

But the King of Great Britain hath two pure ancient Mother-Toungs within his Dominions; which is the British, or old Comraecan Toung; And the Irish or Hibernian Toung, which are subsistent of themselfs, and have no derivation or affinity at all with any other Toung. Ther are six Dialects also spoken in his Kingdomes; The English, which is a dialect of the Saxon or high-Dutch; Ther is the Scotish, which is a sub-dialect of the English; Ther is the Mankmen, or they of the Ile of Man, which is also a sub-dialect of the Welsh. Ther is the Highlander or Redshank, which is a dialect of the British and Irish; Ther is the Cornish, which is a dialect of the Welsh; And the Language of Iersey and Gernsey (the only remains that are left us of Normandy) which is a dialect of the French. Now, It cannot be soberly denied but that it is an addition of Honour to the King of Great Britain to have more Mother-Toungs (reservd yet in his Dominions, and as it were unconquerd) then his two Neighbour-Kings.

Touching variety of Palaces, and change of Royal Mansions, he may compare, if not out-go any of the other Kings: For within half a days journey of London he hath eight several Houses, and divers elswhere; wheras the French King hath but the Louvre, Fountainbleau, Bois de Vincennes, St. Germain de Laye, and Madrid, a small ruinous pile of stones which Francis the first causd to be erected in commemoration of his captivity so many yeers in Madrid in Spain in a small Brick House, wherinto ther was a low little dore built by the command of the Emperour Charles the fifth, of purpose to make the King stoop when he entred; which he observing, because he should not bow his head, went in backward, putting in his bum first.

The King of Spain hath but his Palace, and La Casa de buen retiro in Madrid; he hath Aranjuez with the Pardo between Madrid and the Escurial; where he hath a Royal House, yet it is but a Cantle of a Monastery, tis but the handle of a Gridiron, which that great structure resembles, in memory of the Martyr St Laurence; Philip the second having bin forced, for the advantage of avenues to batter down a Convent dedicated to that Saint a little before the battail of St Quinten, where he provd Victorious against the French; and to perform a Vow he then made, he built the Monastery of Saint Laurence at the Escurial.

Now, touching all the foresaid Palaces in France and Spain, Winsore-Castle may compare with any for Magnitude, Majesty and State; As Sir Thomas Roe, who had bin Ambassador at the great Mogors Court, at the Seraglio of the Gran Senior, at the German Emperours, at the French, Polonian, Danish and Swedish Courts; I say, Sir Thomae Roe did confidently and knowingly affirm, that Winsor-Castle may not only compare, but have the precedence of all the rest, in point of Grandeur, Majesty, Situation and Stateliness.

Moreover, the King of Great Britain hath Lodges, and other places of plesure without number; In regard of so many Forests, •… haces and Parks that are annexd to the Crown. Touching Forests, ther is no Potentat on Earth hath so many, I may truly avouch. Now, a Forest is a Franchise of so Princely a tenure, that according to the Laws of England none but the King himself can have a Forest; if he chance to pass one over to a subject, tis no more Forest, but a Frank Chase. A Forest hath peculiar Laws of her own to take cognizance of, and punish all Trespasses: A Forest hath her Court of Attachments, or Swainmote-Court where matters are as legally pleadable as at Westminster-Hall. The Hart, the Hind, the Hare, the Bore, and the Wolf, are Forest-beasts; The Buck, the Doe, the Fox, the Matron, the Roe, belong to a Chace and Park. And all these kind of Recreations the King of Great Britain hath in so many Forests, wherof ther are in England (besides thirteen Chaces, and seven hundred eighty one Parks) these whose names follow alphabetically.

Forests name. County. 1. Applegarth Ebor. N. Rid. 2. Arundel Sussex. 3. Ashdown. Susses. 4. Bear-Forest. Hamp. 5. Birnwood Buck. 6. Blackmore. Wilt. 7. Blethvay. Radnor. 8. Bowland. Lanc. 9. Braden. Wilt. 10. Buckholt. Hamp. 11. Cantselly.   12. Cardith. Caermar. 13. Chur. Hamp. 14. Charnwood. Leicester. 15. Chul. Wilt. 16. Coidrath. Pembr. 17. Copland. Cumb. 18. Dallington Suff. 19. Dartmore. Devon. 20. Delamere. Chesh. 21. Dene. Gloc. 22. Dereford. Salop. 23. Waterdown Suss. 24. Exmere. Devon. 25. Feckenham. Wigorn. 26. The Forest. Cardig. 27. Fromselwood. Somers. 28. Gaiternack. Wilt. 29. Gautry. Ebor. 30. Gillingham. Dors. 31. Hatfield. Essex. 32. Harwood. Salop. 33. Haye. Heref. 34. Holt. Dors. 35. Huckstow.   36. Inglewood. Cumb. 37. Knaresburg. Ebor. 38. Kings wood. Gloc. 39. Knuckles. Radnor. 40. Leicester. Leicest. 41. St. Leonards. Suss. 42. Lounsdale.   43. Lowes. Northumb. 44. Lune. Ebor. 45. Leyfield. Rutl. 46. Mallerstang. Westm. 47. Mocktry. Salop. 48. Narborth. Pemb. 49. Neroch. Som. 50. New Forest. Hamp. 51. New Forest. Ebor. 52. Peak. Derb. 53. Pewsham. Wilt. 54. Pickring. Ebor. 55. Radnor. Radnor. 56. Roscob. Card. 57. Rockingham. Northam. 58. Sapler.   59. Savernack. Wilt. 60. Sherwood. Notingh. 61. Selwood. Som. 62. Saucy. North. 63. Wabridg. Hunt. 64. Waltham. Essex. 65. West Forest. Hamp. 66. Westward. Cumb. 67. Whichwood. Oxf. 68. Winfield. Westm. 69. Whitehart.   70. Whittlewood. Northam. 71. Whitway.   72. Wyersdale. Lanc. 73. Winsore. Bark. 74. Wolmer.   75. Wood. Ebor. 76. Worth. Suss. 77. Wutmer. Hamp.

This is the old number of Forests in England (wherof a few, as Blackmore in Wiltshire, with others, are deforested) which Forests cannot by the Laws be in any ones hands but the Kings; and the reason is, because none hath power to grant a Commission for Justice in Eire but the King, which Iustice is to keep a Court evry three yeers once, but the Swainmoot-Court evry one yeer thrice. Forests were at first for the Kings Princely delight, Venery and plesure, meerd with unremoveable marks and boundaries; And the old Law is, Omnis homo abstinent a Venariis meis super poenam vitae: It was capital to hunt in any of the Kings Forests without leave.

Now, if one shold make the Perambulation of all France and Spain, he will not find half the number of Forests in both Kingdoms: And whether this be not a notable advantage to the King of Great Britain in point of Honour, let any unpassionat and sober-minded man determine.

The Ninth Paragraph. Touching the Prudential Laws and Constitutions of Great Britain, relating to Prince and Peeple: As also, The Eminence and Variety of Honours which the King can confer, &c.

VVHat the Arteries, Nerfs and Cartilages are to the Body Natural, the same are Laws to the Political; they are the Ligaments of a Kingdom, which connect and tie all sorts of peeple, though of so many different humors, in one Goverment, and under one Souverain head.

The Common Law of England, though in some things it differs from the Civil, by which most parts of Europe are governd, yet it hath the rationability and justness, the general notions and aym of the Civil Law, which is to preserve evry one in the possession of his own, and the Souverain Prince in honour, power and Safety. The main quarrel against it, is, that it wants Method, and that it is not reducible to any, or capable to be digested into such a Pandect as the Civil Law is. Wherunto it may be answered, That the Common Law of England hath for its grounds 1. Custome, 2. Iudicial Records, And 3. Acts of Parlement or Statuts. The two later being declarations of the Common or Customary Law of the Land, are methodizd and digested to order, as the book of Statuts, &c. whence the Sheriffs, the Justices of peace, and Constables, with other Officers, may learn their duties, and how to execut their places, and any subject els may know how to keep himself within the bounds of his obedience. But the Common Law of the Land consisting of Cases, Precedents and Judgments, as also of Immemorial and Uninterrupted Municipal Customs, which being no Written Things, Therfore it is no wonder that the professors therof have not bin so curious, to attempt hitherto the Methodizing of that Art which consists most of Custom and Usage; yet fair Essays are made daily for better retaining the same in memory, by putting particular Cases under general Rules, wherof ther are divers Volums frequently publishd of late yeers.

Now, the Laws of England look two ways, either upon the Souverain Prince, or upon the peeple: Touching the later, ther is no Law upon earth so careful and tender of a mans life (or livelihood) be he the meanest subject under the Crown, as the Common Law of England is: For wheras in other Countries a single Judge and Witness may take away ones life (or estate) wherof the one may be subornd, the other corrupted; tis not so in England, but besides Witnesses and Judges, ther be two sorts of Iuries, one the Grand Inquest, which consists of twenty four Gentlemen, or able Freeholders, to consider by a previous consultation of all Bills of Inditement to be preferd to the Judicial Court, which upon strict examination they either approve, and transfer to the Court by writing upon the Bill, Billa vera; or they disallow it by writing Ignoramus. Such causes as they approve, if they concern Life and Death, are further referrd to another Iury to consider of, because the case is of such importance; but others of lighter moment, are upon their allowance fined by the Bench without more ado, Except the party traverse the Inditement, or chalenge it for insufficiencie, or remove the Cause to a higher Court by a Certiorari, in which two former cases it is referrd to another Jury, and in the later transmitted to a higher; and presently upon the allowance of this Bill by the Grand Inquest, the party is said to be Indited; but such as they disallow are deliverd to the Bench, by whom they are forthwith cancelld or torn. The Indited party being to stand afterwards at the Bar, and desiring to be tryed by God and his Country, ther is a Petty Jury empannelld of Twelve, who bear the publick repute of honest men; and the Law of England is so indulgent of life, that the prisoner may challenge or except against any to such a number; and withal a Butcher, who is inurd to bloud and slaughter, is incapable by the Law to be a Jury-man for life. So the said Jury, after a strict and painful examination of the Fact, with all the least circumstances therof, deliver their Verdict according to their consciences, wherby the Judg doth acquit or condemn the party according to the quality of the offence: nor can any pecuniary Mulct satisfie for the life of any, as it is in other Countries. And as the Common Law of England is thus so tender of humane life, so it is as cautious, indulgent and careful of the livelihood and propriety of the meanest subject in the Land, which in case of controversie is done also by Jury, and put home to the Consciences of twelve indifferent good men, and not left only to the breast and opinion of any one Judge, be he never so learned, and incorrupt. The English Law likewise favors Widows and Orphans, and the poor have Counsel appointed them gratis, &c.

It appeers out of the premisses what a great regard the Common Law of England, the Lex Terrae, hath to the lifes and properties of the peeple in point of Justice. Now in point of Reverence and Loyalty to the Souverain Prince (which is more pertinent to this disourse) ther is no Law hath higher regards likewise that way, nor also to his honour and dignity, to his welfare and safety, to his Royal Prerogatives and glory, which Prerogatives intrinsecally stick, and are inherent in the Crown, yet are they, and the Liberties of the Subject determined, and bound by the Law. The Laws of England make the King their Protector; and reason good, for they are his own Productions, tis he that puts life into them; They bear such reverence to his person, that in his Presence none can be seizd, or violently layd hands on, or arrested, his very presence being a Protection for the time: He who giveth but a blow to any in his Court, the Law adjudgeth him to loose his Right hand. The Law sayth that the King hath his Title to the Imperial Crown of Great Britain, and to his Kingly Office and power, not as a fiduciary thing conveyed from the peeple, but by inherent birthright, and inalienable heritage immediatly from God, from Nature, and from the fundamental Constitutions of the Land: He hath not only Ius paternum, a paternal power over his subjects, but Ius despoticum & herile: he hath dominion over them, which Dominion is devolvd upon him gratiâ Dei, by Divine dispensation and favour. Ther is no Alleageance or Fealty due to any other power but to the King. The Law is so careful of the sacred person of the King, that it reacheth unto the very thoughts, and restrains them from machination of any evil against him: For the Law says it is Treson to Imagine mischief against the King, much more to attempt, act and execute it.

The Common Law of England makes the King the Supreme and independent Governour, And all other persons derive their power and authority from him, either by his Royal Writ, Patent or Commission. The Law presupposeth that he sits not only at the Kings Bench, but in other Courts of Judicature; for the Writs go, Teste meipso: And because the Law sayth that the King must govern in Mercie and Justice, the sole power of Pardoning is in Him.

Moreover, the power of Coinage is only in the King, with the enhancing or decrying the price of money: He is the sole Gran Master of the Mint; wheras in France others partake with the King in this high Prerogative: Nor doth any Kings Face shine in purer Metal; for it shines onely in pure Gold and Silver, and that of the finest Standard, Mixture and Allay of any in Europe: wheras I have seen and felt the face of the French King in Copper and Brass, with other mixt mongrel stuff; As also of the King of Spain's, though he terms himself the Monark of Gold and Silver Mines; yet the common currant Coyn twixt Merchant and Mechanick is Copper, wherin the Hollander by his cunning hath done him a world of mischief from time to time, by counterfaiting that Copper Coyn, and •… oysting it in by divers artifices; as in a ship laden with Lead and Tin, ther wold be somtimes divers Sows of Lead hollowed and crammd with quartils, as also in hollowed Masts, with other inventions; Insomuch that one time, when all the Vellon or Copper Coin was calld in, and a scrutiny made how much had bin coynd, ther were many millions more found to be brought in, and counterfaited, then had bin stampd in the Kings Mint.

By the Common Law of the Land, the King of Great Britain hath three Royal Ensignes which cannot belong to any other: He hath the Crown, the Scepter, and the (Polemical) Sword, (as I have mentiond in another Treatise, and is proper to touch here.) By the first, He reigns; by the second he makes Laws; by the third, viz. the Sword, He protects them. Concerning the Crown, or Royal Diadem, the Laws of England assert, that it descends upon his head by a right Hereditary line, though through d •… vers ancient Royal Races, wherof some were Conquerors. The Crown is His, as much as any mans Cap's his own; And ther is no Crown stuck with fairer Flowers, I mean Royal Prerogatives, wherof divers were spoken of before.

Concerning the Scepter, it may be calld an Individual Copartner, or a Royal Appendix to the Crown: It doth capacitate the King to Enact Laws: for before his Assent, all the Results and Determinations of Parlement are but Bills; they may be said to be but abortive things, and meer Embryos; nay, they have no life at all in them, till the King by his breath infuseth vigour and animation into them; and the ancient Custom was for the King to touch them with the Scepter, then they are Laws, and have a virtue in them to impose an universal obligation upon all sorts of peeple. Now, it is an undeniable Principle of the Law of England, That nothing can be generally binding without the Kings Royal Assent, nor doth the Law take notice of any thing without it: This makes Them to be calld afterwards the Kings Laws; and the Judges are said to deliver the Kings Iudgments: nay, he himself is always Lord Chief Justice of England, which Title is not assumable by any Subject. Now, before an English Law is made, ther is mature and mighty long deliberation goes before: for first the business is agitated and canvasd many days in the House of Commons (which represents all the peeple of England) till it comes to the ripeness of a Bill: The Bill being drawn, is read thrice in the House; and having passd the brunt of all Exception, tis engrossd and transmitted to the Lords; and there also tis read thrice, and debated with much deliberation: Then by concurrence of both Houses tis presented to the King, who consults with his Learned Counsel whether ther be any thing therin derogatory to his Prerogatives: if not, He gives his Royal Assent, and then tis created a Law, and generally binding. Touching the power of the Sword, it is more proper to treat of it in the next Paragraph.

Moreover, the Lex Terrae, the Common Law of England makes the King the Fountain of Honour; nay, without any disparagement or offence be it spoken, He can confer Honor upon other Kings, and Souverain Princes, as he is Souverain of the Order of Saint George, wherof ther have bin eight Emperors; five Kings of the French, four of Spain, seven of Portugal, two of the Scots, four of Denmark, three of Naples, one of Poland, and another of Sweden; two Dukes of Urbine, one of Millain, one of Ferrara, one of Savoy, one of Calabria, one of Holland, one of Gueldres; four Princes of Orenge, seven Counts Palatin of the Rhin; two Dukes of Brunswick, two of Holstain, one of Brandenburgh, and one Duke of Wittenberg, with divers other Forren Princes.

Now, among all Orders purely Military, ther is not any now remaining in the Christian world, either more ancient or honorable then the Noble Order of Saint George, wherof the Garter is a Symbole; therfore are they calld Equites periscelidis, Knights of the most Noble Order of the Garter; which Order was first instituted by that Victorious King Edward the third, (who was offerd to be Emperour) Anno 1350. which was threescore yeers wanting one before the Institution of the French Order of S. Michael by Lewis the eleventh; and 229 yeers before the Order of St. Esprit by Henry the third; and full fourscore yeers before the erection of the Order of the Golden Fleece by Philip Duke of Burgundy: It is also 209 more ancient then the Order of the Knights of the Elephant, which was devisd by the Kings of Denmark; and much more then that of Amaranta excogitated by Sweden, &c. Now observable it is, that among all these Orders, l'ordre del toison d'or, the Order of the Golden Fleece related to the English Wools which were transported to Flanders by our Merchants, wherby all the Provinces adjoyning did so infinitly enrich themselfs: And this Order of the Golden Fleece, as it is one of the highest Esteem, so it hath most affinity with our Order of St. George in point of Regulation, as also that ther are so few of it. For our Order is accounted far the Nobler, because it hath constantly kept it self to the same number of Knights, viz. 26. since the primitive Institution; wheras the French Orders have multiplied so fast in number of Knights, that one said the Order of the French Knighthoods are now become Collers for every Ass to wear about his neck.

And as this high Order of St. George hath the precedence of all other now worn by any King, in point of Antiquity; so the ground and designe of it was very Noble: For when the first Idea of erecting a new Order of Knighthood entred into the head of the foresaid Heroick King Edward the third, his thoughts reflected upon King Arthur, who indeed was the first founder of Knighthood not only among Christians, but of any other Nation upon earth, As also the first King who gave Royal Arms, His Coat being Azure, nine Crowns Or, marshalld 3. 3. 2. and 1. Afterwards the Saxon Kings gave Arms; And Edward the Confessors Coat was Azure, a Cross patence between four Martelets Or. And as King Arthurs Round Table, which is yet to be seen at Winchester, had seats for twenty six Knights; so it seems King Edward proportiond his number. Now, the occasion of it was, That he having resolvd upon a War with France for attaining that Crown, which was due unto him by his Mothers side, He conceavd it advantageous to invite and engage to his party such as were of a Martial spirit, And to that end erected a round Table at Windsore, in imitation of King Arthur, where they were entertaind with Tilts and Tournements, magnificent Feasts, and other Princely ways to unite and encourage them. Philip de Valois, who was in possession of the Crown of France, went about to countermine him by erecting also the like Table in his Court, and so drew many gallant and adventurous spirits that way, and some out of England; so that King Edward not finding this designe answerable to his mind, he fell on another, such as might prove more adherent and binding unto Him; to which end he establishd this high Order of Chivalry consisting of twenty six persons of eminent note, wherof He Himself and his Successors Kings of England were to be perpetual Souverains: All of them were to be men of Heroick parts, and such as shold be obligd by Oath and Honour to adhere unto Him upon all occasions; which might be the probablest cause that he made the Garter for a Badg therof to be fastned about the left leg with a Buckle of Gold to be continually worn; therfore are They stild Equites Periscelidis, (as was touchd before) which hath its Etymologie from the Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that is, Crura ambiens, girding about the knee; which al •… udes that those Knights shold be bound in one League and Confederation of love and affection severally one unto another, and all of them in joynt service to the Souverain. Some ther are who are of opinion, that the Garter was given because that in a Battle where King Edward provd Victorious, he had given the word Garter for a Signal: Others in a derogatory way wold ground it upon the Countess of Salisburies Garter falling off from her in a dance, and so taken up by the King: But the Black Book in Winsore (which deserves most faith in this point) gives the first Reason for it. Among other Laws that were enacted in the Chapter when this Order was first raysd, one was, That evry Knight by solemn Oath upon the Evangelists was sworn to defend the Honor and Quarrels, the Rights and Lordship of the Souvrain, &c. Such a Sacramental Oath the Knights of the Bath also take, which is, To love their Sovrain above all earthly cretures, and for his right and dignity to live and die, &c. Therfore, I have often stood astonishd at the largeness of the consciences of some Knights of both these Orders, who besides other astringing Oaths, as those of Allegeance, Supremacy, &c. could dispense with them All in the late Rebellion so far, as not only not to adhere to their Sovrain Liege-Lord and King, when his life was sought for by small and great Shots, with other instruments of open hostility and slaughter, but to appeer for, to serve and stick unto the contrary party all the while: Truly under favor, I wold▪be-loth to exchange souls with them. We will put a period to this Discours of the ancient Noble Order of St. George with a signal observation of Bodin's: Decretum fuit in Collegio Equitum Periscelidis in Anglia ponere stemmata Regis Francorum ante caetera omnia post Principem Ordinis: It was decreed in the College of the Knights of the Garter in England, to put the Stems of the King of the French before all other except the Prince of the Order. And the reason I conceive was, that Philip the second whiles King of England was formerly put before. But Bodin was herin deceavd, for the Emperours Arms (wherof ther have bin eight of the Order) go before, and have the precedence.

Out of the premises may be deducd this cleer Conclusion, as a Meridian Truth, that the Common Law of England in all things ayms at the Honour and glory, the power and authority, the Safeness and incolumity of the Sovrain Prince, more then the Laws of any Country: And wheras we had some touches before, how the Common Law, which is peculiar only to England, hath the rationability of the Civil Law, though not so digested to Method, in regard it consists most of Custom, Cases and presidents; we will conclude this Paragraph with some principles wherin they both agree; As, Actori incumbit onus probandi, The proof lies on the Accuser: Nemo oportet esse sapientior legibus, No man ought to think himself wiser then the Laws: Ubi lex non distinguit, ibi non est distinguendum; We must not distinguish where the Law doth not: Accessorium non ducit, sed sequitur suum principale, The Accessory doth not lead but follow the principal: Volenti non fit injuria, No wrong can be done to him who is willing: Agentes & Consentientes pari poena plectuntur, Actor and consenter are to be punished alike: Apices Iuris non sunt Iura, The punctilios of the Law is no Law: Nemo potest esse Iudex in propria causa, No man can be Judge in his own cause: Caveat Emptor, Let the Buyer beware: Contraria allegans non est audiendus, Who alledgeth contraries is not to be heard: Cujus est dare ejus est disponere, The Giver may dispose of his gift as he pleaseth: Quilibet in Arte sua est credendus, Evry one is to be believed in his own Art: Potestas derivativa non potest esse major primitiva, A Commissioner cannot have greater power then He who gave him the Commission: Dies Dominicus non est Iuridicus, The Lords day is no day of Law: Dormit aliquando Lex, moritur nunquam, The Law may sleep a while, but never die: Dilationes in Lege sunt odiosae, Delays in Law are odious: Facinus quot inquinat aequat, All are principals in a crime: Generale nihil certi implicat, No certitude can be had out of generals: Ignorantia non excusat Legem, Ignorance of the Law doth not excuse the breach of it: Lex non cogit ad impossibilia, The Law doth not tie us to impossibilities: Lex est summa Ratio, The Law is the highest Reason: Lex citius tolerat privatum damnum quàm publicum malum, The Law tolerats a privat damage rather then a publick: Mala Grammatica non vitiat Chartam, False Latin doth not destroy a Deed: Linea Recta semper praefertur transversali, A right Descent is always preferrd before a Collateral in kinred: Nemo debet his puniri pro uno delicto, No man is to be punishd twice for one offence: Nemo potest plus juris in alium conferre quàm Ipse habet, No man can transfer a greater power to any other, then he hath himself: Nemo tenetur prodere seipsum, No man is bound to betray himself: Omnia quae movent ad mortem sunt Deo danda, All things which cause death are forfeit to God: Qui non habet in aere, luat in corpore, Where the purse cannot, let the body suffer: Qui peccat ebrius, luat sobrius, Who offends when he is drunk, let him be punishd when he is sober: Qui sentit commodum, sentire debet & onus, Who receive the benefit, ought to feel the burden: Quod semel meum est, ampliùs meum non est, That which was mine, is none of mine: Stat praesumptio donec probetur in contrarium, A presumption stands till the contrary be provd: Ubi non est principal is ibi non potest esse accessarius, Where ther's no principal ther can be no Accessary: Unumquodque dissolvitur eo ligamine quo ligatur, Evry thing is untyed as it is bound: Par in parem non habet Imperium, Equals cannot command one another: Nemo dat quod non habet: No man can give that which he hath not: And this doth hold also in Heraldry; therfore the Knighthoods (with other Honors) that Cromwel was so free to confer, are void in Law, because he was never Knight himself.

By these few Principles, with multitudes more, it appeers that the Common Law hath much affinity with the Civil; wherof ther are as learned Professors in England as any where els.

Whence it may be inferrd, that the King of Great Britain is supplied with more helps for the administration of Justice then any Nation in the world besides. For in regard that England is an Iland having such a great Trade at Sea, and so great dealing with divers other Nations; Having also besides Land-matters both Temporal, Ecclesiastical and Maritime, which are not so proper for the Common Law, He allows of the Civil Law answerable to the quality of the Case, which hath bin practised in England beyond the memory of man, or the reach of any Record. And though ther happen oft some Emulations and high Contests betwixt these two Professions, yet such hath bin the prudence of the Souvrain Prince to keep them both in as equal a Balance as could be, and not to suffer the one to insult or encroach upon the other, but to have the same freedom of study and practice to the universal good of Forreners, as well as of his own Subjects.

And so much concerning the National Law, and Prudential Constitutions of England.

The Tenth and last Paragraph. Touching the greatness of Power, of Military Might and Puissance by Land and Sea, as well Defensive as Offensive, &c. of the King of Great Britain.

THe Duke of Rohan in his Book calld Les Interests des Princes, The Interests of Princes, saith, that England is like a great Animal that cannot die unless he kill himself. He acknowledgeth Her also to be Latroise •… e Puissance, the third Power of Christendom: But by the Arguments that shall be producd in this Paragraph, I believe it will appeer to any discerning and unbiassd. Reader that England, taking her Kingdoms annexd along, with her strength at Sea as well as shore, will be inferior to none.

Ther was a Comparison made long since, That Gallia & Hispania sunt quasi lances in Europae libra, & Anglia est lingula sive libripendens; That France and Spain were as the Scales of the great Balance of Europe, and that England was the Toung or Beam of the Balance, which keeps it in aequilibrio, in an even counterpoise, that neither side shold be trab •… ccant. This hath bin often verified, specially in the Raign of Henry the eighth, whose Motto was, Cui adhaereo praeest, He to whom I adhere prevails. He wold somtimes make Francis the first to weigh down, somtimes Charles the fifth: And touching the former, He acknowledgd King Henry under God to be the chiefest Deliverer of Him and his Children from his captivity in Spain; And so likewise did Pope Clement, when he was freed from the Castle of St. Angelo, where Charles the Emperour had coopd him up, Therfore was Henry of England calld Liberator Orbis by the whole Confistory at Rome, as he was before Protector of the great Clementine League, And indeed the Arbiter of all Christendom in his time.

Touching the Martial Might of the King of Great Britain, we will first examine that of England, which we must distinguish into Intrinsecal or Terrene, And into Extrinsecal or Maritime. Concerning the first, ther are five Counties alone can put into the Field fourty thousand men, all armd; for so many are listed in the Muster-makers Book as Traind-Band-men, viz. the County of York 12000; Kent 8000; Norfolk, 〈◊〉 and Devonshire above 6000 apiece; And the rest of the Counties, whereof ther are fourty seven, may have twice as many at least; which come to a hundred and twenty thousand Soldiers e •… olld, and ready upon all occasions either for general service, or privat in the Counties where they are, for assisting the Sheriff and other Officers in the execution of the Law, in case of any resistance; therfore are they calld Posse Comitatu •… . The power of the County. So that in time of peace England alone hath an hundred and twenty thousand Soldiers enrolld, besides those in Ireland and Scotland: And in time of War, the late bloudy Rebellion (bleeding yet in the purses and estates of many thousand poor Cavaliers) hath sufficiently tryed the strength (and wealth) of England: For ther was a computation made at one time of those that were in actual Arms for King and Parlement, and they came to neer upon two hundred thousand fighting men under Commission, wherof ther were about fifty thousand Horse and Dragoons: And I do not remember to have read that in the time of the famous Ligue in France ther were so many, take in strangers and all.

Hence we see that the King of Great Britain may be said to have a constant standing Army in time of peace, of which he hath the sole disposing: For the Sword is his as much as the Scepter and the Crown, which are inalienable from his power, and incommunicable to any other but by his Royal Commissions: And indeed tis the Sword that makes all Kings powerful; The Crown and the Scepter are but impotent, and poor unweildy things; they are but naked Indefensible badges without it. Ther's none so filly as to think ther's meant hereby an ordinary single sword, such as evry one carrieth by his side; Or some Imaginary thing, or Chymera of a sword; No, tis the publik Polemical Sword of the whole Nation; It may be calld an Aggregative or compound Sword, made up of all the Ammunition, the Artillery, Pikes, Muskets, Helmets, Headpeeces, with all kind of armes small and great; It reacheth to all the Military strengths both by Land and Sea, to all tenable places, as Castles, Forts, Bulwarks, within and about the whole Iland: The Kings of England have had the sole power of this Sword, and the Law gives it them by vertue of their Royal Signory from all times: The very Law doth gird it to their sides; They employ it for repelling all Forren force, For vindicating all Forren wrongs and affronts, For suppressing all intestine Tumults and Rebellions, And to protect and secure the weal of the whole Body politick. The peeple of England (represented in Parlement) were never capable to manage this Sword, the Fundamental Constitutions of the Country flatly denieth it them; This Sword is fit only to hang at the Kings side, as the Great Seal hangs at his girdle, being as it were the key of the whole Kingdom: and it is recorded of the Emperour Charlemain, that he carried his Great Seal always embossd upon the pommel of his Sword; which signified that he was ready to make good and maintain what he had Seald.

Now, to let the Peeple have the Sword, is to put it into a Madmans hand: And one of the pregnantst Forren examples to prove this, is that notorious Popular insurrection in France calld La Iaquerie de Beauvoisin, when the Peasans and Mechanicks had a designe to wrest it out of the Kings hand, for to depress all the Peers and Noblesse of the Kingdom: and the Rebellion had grown to such a strength, that it was like to take effect, had not the Prelats and Churchmen stuck close to the King and the Nobility: but afterwards, poor hare-braind things, they desired the King upon bended knee to take the Sword again.

The Civilians, (who in all points are not so great frends to Royalty as the Common Law is) assert, That ther are six Praerogatives which belong to a Souvrain Prince: 1. Armamenta Army: 2. Potestas Iudicatoria, power of Judicature: 3. Potestas vitae & necis, power of life and death: 4. Bona adespota, masterless goods: 5. Census, the numbring of the people: 6. Monetarum valor, the raising or abating the value of the publick Coyn. Among these Regalias we finde that Arming, which in effect is nothing els but the Kings Sword, is one, and as I said before, tis as proper and peculiar to his Person, and to be soly on his side, as the Crown on his Head, or the Scepter in his hand, and of greater importance then either: For by those two he draws only a voluntary love, and an opinion from his Subjects; but by the Sword (as threed thorow a Needles eye) he draws a Reverential Fear and aw. Now, these two mixd with the other, are the best Ingredients of Government. With the Sword he confers Honors, as dubbing of Knights, &c. From this Sword all the chiefest Magistrates have their authority; The Lord Deputy of Ireland, the Lords Mayors of London and York have their Swords by deputation from Him; and when he entreth any place Corporat, the first thing which is presented unto him is the Sword.

Nor doth the point of this Sword pass thorow the diameter, and reach only to evry corner of his own Dominions, but it extends beyond the Seas, as well to preserve his Subjects from oppression, and denial of Justice, as to vindicat publike wrongs and affronts, to make good the Interests of his Crown, as also to assist his Confederats and friends. And this publick Sword is so inseparable from him, that by the Law of the Land he cannot ungird himself of it, or transfer it to any other; for that were to desert the protection of his peeple, which is point blank against his Coronation-Oath, and Office. Therfore the very Proposition it self, that the Long Parlement made to his late Majesty to have the Militia passd over unto them, was no less then High Treason: for nothing could be more derogatory to his Kingly Honor, which they had protested so solemnly to maintain by their so many publick Instruments and Oaths.

We proceed now from the Rural Power, or Country-campane of the King of Great Britain, to his Oppidan Strength; And first of his Court at Westminster, where ther are 200 goodly tall men of his Gard; Then he hath a Band of Pensioners, who are Gentlemen of quality and wealth. Moreover, he hath 3000 Foot, and 1000 Horse, for his Life-Gard, besides divers Garisons in sundry Towns.

And now we make our entrance into the City of London, that huge Magazin of Men and Might; A City that may well compare with any in France or Spain not only for Power, but for any thing els, and in some particulars may haply go beyond them, and deserve a Precedence, as shall be shewd. Nor doth this Power extend only to her own Self-protection, but it may be made use of for any part of the Kingdome upon any Civil Insurrection, or otherwise, as it shall please the Sovrain Prince (and no other whatsoever) to employ it.

The City of London is like a fair Quiver of keen strong Arrows for the King to draw forth upon all occasions, for his own and his peeples preservation: For besides twelve thousand choice gallant Citizens in London and Westminster, with the Hamlets of the Tower, who are enrolld, and always ready, and have their Arms fixd for Honor and Defence, ther may be, as appears by divers Censes and Computations which have bin made, about two hundred thousand choice able men raisd for service if necessity requires, and the City will scarce sensibly miss them; nor are Seamen, Mariners and Water-men meant to be of this number.

The Kings of France and Spain, I may well avouch, have not any such Town or City: That which is most capable of comparison with London is Paris, for which she hath many advantages, for she is a Cité, Ville and Université, she is a City, a Town and an University, as also the chiefest Residence of the French King.

But lets go a little to particulars, and first to the Populousness of both Cities. They say that the Parishes of St. Eustace and St. Innocent which lie about the centre of Paris, have above one hundred thousand Communicants in them alone; and that by the last Cense which was made, ther were neer upon a million of humane Souls in City and Suburbs, wherof the sixth part are made up of Strangers and Church-men, which the King cannot make use of upon Military occasions: But look a little forward it will appeer that London hath above a Million of souls.

For largeness and magnitude tis tru, that Paris hath the advantage of an Orbicular Figure, which is most capacious of any: But by the judgment of those Mathematicians who have taken a survay of both Cities, if London were cast into a Circle she wold be altogether as big as Paris. Touching publick Buildings, tis tru, that the Louvre is a vast Fabrick, and the like is not found in London; but tis the only Court the French King hath in the City, wheras in London ther are four Royal Seats, with two Parks annex'd to them. I hope the Bastille will not offer to compare with the Tower of London, nor the River of Seine with the Thames; much less I believe will Paris offer to make any comparison with London in point of Traffick, and Societies of Noble adventuring Merchants, who trade on both sides of the earth as far as the Antipodes; And divers Kings have been of their Corporations. Nor will the Provost of Paris I think offer to compare with the Lord Mayor of London, being the prime Man in England upon the decease of the King until another be proclaimed. The City of London hath divers other advantages not only of Paris, but of any other City of Europe take them all together; which for a more methodical proceeding we will particularize as they are found in my Londinopolis; which being so proper to this Paragraph, I thought fit to insert here, and being well considered, it will be found that London need not vail to any City under the Sun.

1. For conveniency of Situation, and salubrity of Air. 2. For strictness of Government both Nocturnal and Diurnal. 3. For the Magnificence of the Chief Magistrates. 4. For Regulation of all Trades Domestik and Forren. 5. For variety of Professions and Artisans. 6. For a greater number of Corporations and Halls. 7. For plenty of all provisions that Air, Earth or Water can afford. 8. For Springs, Aqueducts, and other conveyances of fresh wholsome Waters. 9. For Universality of Trade, and Bravery of the Adventurers. 10. For solidity and richness of Native Commodities. 11. For Artillery, Ammunition, Docks, and a number of Military and stout well-arm'd Citizens. 12. For an ancient and glorious large Temple. 13. For an admirable mighty great Bridge. 14. For a noble and straight Navigable River. 15. For a cheerful and wholesome green circumjacent Soyle. 16. For Hospitality and Festival publik Meetings of Corporations, and other Societies to increase love, and good intelligence between Neighbours. 17. For all sorts of Boats by Water, and number of Coaches by Land for the accommodation of Passengers. 18. For sundry kinds of Reliefs for the Poor and Lame. 19. For various kinds of honest corporal Recreations and Pastimes. 20. For the number of Humane Souls.

Tis confessd that many of these conveniences may be found in other Cities, which taken singly may exceed London in some; but take them all together she may vie with the best of them, and run no great hazard.

Concerning the first advantage, which is convenience of situation, and salubrity of Air, the wisdome of the old Britains our Ancestors is to be much commended for the election of the place in point of the benignity of the Hevens, with the temperature and influences therof, wherin London is as happy as any other City under the Skies. Some hold that that City is best situated which resembleth a Camels back, who hath by nature protuberancies and bunches; so a City shold be seated upon small Hillocks or rising Grounds: It is just the posture of London, for she is built upon the sides, flanks, and tops of divers small Hillocks lying neer the banks of a great Navigable River, being incompassd about with delightful green Medows and Fields on all sides: She is at so fitting a distance from the Sea, that no Forren Invasion can surprize her but she must have notice therof. The quality of her soyle is Gravel and Sand, which is held to be the wholsomst for habitation, and conduceth much to the goodness of the Air, though it useth to be barren: but that barrenness is remedied by Art and Composts, insomuch that round about the City, within the distance of a mile or two, one may behold two or three thousand milchd Cows a grazing evry day of the week, besides number of other Beasts.

Touching the second advantage, which is a strict and constant cours of Government, ther's no place goes beyond Her, or indeed can equal Her, take night and day together. And wheras in Paris one dare not pass the Pont-Neuf, with any place els, after Ten a clock at night without danger, one may pass through London-streets as safely as in the day time; ther being Constables and their Watch up and down to secure Passengers: yet they must give good account of their being abroad so late, ther being strict Laws against Noctivagation.

Touching the Magnificence, Gravity, and State of the chief Magistrate, neither the Pretor of Rome, nor Prefect of Milan; neither the Procurators of St. Mark in Venice, or their Podesta's in other Cities; neither the Provost of Paris, or the Mark-grave of Antwerp, or any other Oppidan Magistrate goes beyond the Lord-Mayor and Sheriffs of London, if one go to the variety of their Robes, somtimes Scarlet richly surrd, somtimes Purple, somtimes Violet and Puke. What gallant Shows are therby Water and Land the day that the new Lord-Mayor is sworn! What a huge Feast and Banquet is provided for him!

Touching the Regulation of all sorts of Trade, and Laws for the improvement therof, the City of London hath not her fellow.

Touching variety of Artisans, London abounds with all sorts. Tis tru, that mingling with Forreners hath much advantagd her herin: But those strangers themselfs confess that the English having got an Invention, use to improve it and bring it to a greater perfection.

Touching Corporations, Halls, Fraternities, Guilds, and Societies, London hath not any Superiour; witness the twelve great Companies, out of which one is elected yeerly to be Lord Mayor, with threescore several Companies of Citizens besides. And touching all sorts of Opificers, and variety of industrious ways to improve all kinde of Manufactures, and therby gain an honest livelyhood and proportion of Riches, London may be calld (as Luca is in Italy) a Hive of Bees, or a Hill of Ants, which have always been accounted the Emblemes of Industry and Providence.

Touching abundance, and plenty of all kind of Provisions, as Flesh, Fish, Fowl, Fruits, Fuel, variety of Drinks and Wines, with any other Commodity that may conduce to Plesure and Delight as well as to supply Necessity, London may glory to be as well servd as any City under Heven. A knowing Spaniard said, that he thought Eastcheap-shambles alone vended more Flesh then is spent one week with another in all the Court of Spain. Gascon Wines drink better in London then at Bourdeaux: Canary Wines better then at Lancerote: Rhenish Wines better then at Backrag. Nor doth London abound with all things for the Belly alone, but also for the Back, either to keep it warm, or make it gay. What varieties of Woollen Stuffs are found in evry Shop! What rich Broad-Clothes! some being wrought to that height of perfection, that some have been made of Ten pounds a Yard in price. But our unlucky English-Schismatiques pretending to flee for persecution of conscience, have set up their Looms, and shewd the Hollanders the way, to the great detriment of their own Country.

Concerning wholsome sweet Springs, and cleer Waters, London may be said to have as good Blood running through her Veins as any other, by those Aqueducts, Conduits, and conveyances of fresh Waters round about to serve for all Uses. What an Herculean work was that of Sir Hugh Middletons to bring the River of Ware threescore miles by Compasses to run through her streets, and refresh her houses, as also to preserve them from firing! for which ther are divers ingenious useful Engines besides.

Concerning Universality of Trade, ther is no City upon the surface of the earth goes beyond Her; For ther are no Seas that any of the two and thirty winds blow upon from the Artik to the Antartik Pole, from the Orient to the setting Sun, but London by her Navigations findes them out, and makes rich returns by way of Barter or Emption.

Touching solid and useful Wares that she hath of her own, what a substantial Commodity, and of what high esteem all the world over is her Cloth, her Kersies, and divers kinds of Woollen Manufactures? Adde herunto her Lead and Tin, which she transmutes to Forren Gold and Silver.

For Healthful Corporal Recreations, and harmless Pastimes, London may go in the Van to any place that ever I saw: Go and walk in her Fields, you shall see some shooting at long Marks, some at short; some bowling upon cheerful pleasant Greens, some upon Bares and Alleys; some wrastling, some throwing the Bar, some the Stone; some Jumping, some Running; some with their Dogs in Duck-ponds, some at a Bear-baiting, some at the Bull; some Riding upon Naggs, some in Coaches to take the fresh Air; some at Stool-ball, others at Kittle-pins; with variety of other.

For a stately Cathedral Temple, and general Dome of Devotion, the time was, and I hope will be yet within a few years, that London did not yeild to any City in this particular; Saint Pauls Church being esteemd by all Nations to be one of the eminentst & visiblest Temples, one of the most glorious piles of stones that ever was reard, taking all the Dimensions together, with the conspicuous site thereof, being about the centre of the City, and upon a rising Ground. She hath also this singular property to be founded upon Faith, by having a large Parish-Church of that name supporting her, and directly under her Chancel.

Touching a rare huge Bridge, and Navigable River, London is not inferiour to any other City whatsoever. Concerning the first, what a rich Rent hath it to preserve it self yearly! what a vast Magazin of Corn is ther always in the Bridge-house against a Dearth! (as well as in many other places.) What a number of Officers look to the reparations therof, and are hansomly maintaind therby! Touching the second, viz. The River of Thames, she hath not her peer, if regard be had to the length and straightness of her cours running from West to East, without so many Meanders as other Rivers have; Her convenient distance from the Sea to prevent all Surprisals; The Amoenity of the Soyle on both Banks; The wholsomness of her water, which makes the best Beer in the world, being so much transported by other Nations, and sold as dear as Wine; The diversity of her Fish, the fatness of her Mudd, &c.

For number of Humane Souls in City and Suburbs, London is nothing inferior to Paris, whose last Cense, as is said before, came to about a Million: But in the year 1636. command being sent to the Lord Mayor to make a scrutiny what number of strangers were in the City, he took occasion therby to make a general Cense; And ther were of Men, Women and Children neer upon seven hundred thousand that livd within the Bars of his Jurisdiction. And this being 27 years ago, tis thought that London hath since more by the third part in all probable conjecture. Now for Westminster, the Strand, Bedford Berry, St. Martins-lane, Long-acre, Drury-lane, St. Giles of the Field, High Holborn, with divers other thick-peepled places which are so contiguous, and make one entire peece with London it self, I say take all these Buildings together, the forenamed number of Seven hundred thousand may well be thought to be double so many. Touching the shape of London, I find nothing to assimilat it unto more properly then to a Lawrel Leaf that is far more long then tis broad, which may be a cause she doth not appeer so populous as Paris, her passengers not encountring so often as they wold if she were of a round Figure. Touching her length, take all Buildings that are adjoyning one to another from the utmost point of Westminster to the utmost point beyond the Tower, she may be well thought to be five Miles long, about half so much in latitude, and in Circuit about twelve Italian miles.

To conclude, touching the Defensive and Offensive Power of the City of London in point of Arms of all sorts, of Artillery, Ammunition, Arsenals, and Docks on both sides the River, Her Traind Citizens and expert Firelocks, neither France or Spain hath her equal.

It is recorded that in King Stephens Raign the City of London raisd 60000 Foot, and 20000 Horse: how many more were she able to do now in case of necessity? For to compare her in statu quo nunc to what she was then, were to compare a Giant to a Dwarf in point of proportion and strength. The Record hath it also that Anno 1293. London was able to put out a Fleet of 95 Ships to scowre and secure the Seas from Depredations and Pyrates, &c. which she was often usd to do.

Such an Imperial Chamber, such, such a potent and well appointed City hath the King of Great Britain always at his command: And if some of the Roman Emperours about Fifteen hundred years ago in their Diplomata's or Edicts stild her Augusta, (which was always a name of Magnificence and State) how much more may she deserve that name in the condition she now is arrivd unto!

Thus have we discoursd, though in weak imperfect Expressions, of the Power and Military Might of the King of Great Britain, not including all this while his two Kingdoms of Scotland and Ireland, which being cast into the Balance may make his Power so much more.

Touching his Maritime Power, tis spoken of in another Paragraph going before; wherunto we will add, that the King of Great Britain hath such a Haven that neither France or Spain, or indeed any part of the world can parallel, which is Milford Haven, wherof the most famous ancient Authors, not only Latin but Greek, make most honourable mention, calling it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the thousand foorded Haven. One other passage we will adde, which is but fresh, that besides the reducing of the Hollander, the very last year a few of the King of Great Britains Frigats did beat those desperat Pyrats of Barbary into a Peace, wheras neither France or the Dutch could do it: And this year those few English that are in Tanger did also force Guyland the great Morocco Rebel to Articles of Peace.

As I was writing this, me thought I had whisperd in my ear, that the French King hath one kind of Power that transcends any of the King of Great Britains, which is, that he may impose what Taxes he please upon the peeple by his Edicts alone. Tis tru he can, and he may thank the English for that power; for when they had coopd him up in a corner of France, (in Berry) the Victorious English being Masters of the rest, That Power which before was in the Assembly of the three Estates of laying Impositions, was invested in the King himself pro tempore during the Wars because the three Estates could not assemble: But this Power makes him a King of Slaves rather then of Free Subjects; and if they may be calld Subjects, they are Subjects of an Asinin condition which cannot have any tru manly courage in them, or a competency of wealth to bear it up; which is the cause that though France be a rich and self-sufficient Country, yet some think ther are more Beggers in Her then in all Christendome besides. Now, it is a Principle in the Civil Law, That Dominum habere nobiliorem confert ad dignitatem Vassalorum, & nobiliorum habere populum confert ad nobilitatem Principis; To have the nobler Lord conduceth to the dignity of the Vassal, and to have the nobler Peeple conduceth to the dignity of the Prince. By this Axiome the King of Great Britain is the more Noble, because he is Lord of a free-born wealthy peeple, and not of Slaves and Beggers. Yet it cannot be denied but that it is one of the greatest advantages of power and repute for a King to be Rich, (provided he come not to be so by grinding the faces of his Subjects.) The Republik of Venice and the Seat of Genoa carry that high esteem in the world, because the one hath the Tresury of Saint Mark, and the other the Bank of St. George. The Duke of Florence is stild the Grand Duke more then other Dukes who have larger Territories, because he hath always a rich Tresury.

Therfore I will draw towards a conclusion of this Paragraph with this most humble Intimation to the great Council of England now Prorogued, that at their Re-access they wold please to consider; that wheras the fame of being Rich, and to have the Coffers of his Crown well ballasted, conduceth so much to the Repute of a King, and so by Reflexions upon the whole Nation, As also to make Him redoubtable both abroad and at home; And wheras the contrary fame exposeth him to contempt, Insultings and Pasquils, (as some frisking French Wits have bin lately too busie and bold that way) and likewise our Neighbour Hans who daily offers us such insolencies: which makes me think of an Italian Proverb, which though homely, yet it comes home to this purpose, Cavagliero (ò Principe) senza quatrini, è come un muro senza croce da tutti scompisciato; A Cavalier (or Prince) without money, is like a Wall without a Cross for evry one to draw upon: Therfore I am bold to reiterat the foresaid humble Intimation (I will not presume to say Advice, though it may be well calld so) to the Honorable House of Commons when They reassemble, That in their great Wisedoms they wold have a sense of the present condition in this particular of their King so miraculously restord unto Us by a pure Act of the Omnipotent: And that wheras the Two Neighbouring Kings have of late yeers enhancd their Revenues and Incomes far higher then they were formerly, They wold be pleasd to think it not only agreeable to the Rules of tru Policie, but most necessary for the Honor and safety of the whole Nation, to make the Monarck of Great Britain to correspond and bear up in a hansome proportion this way with either of Them, as He doth in all other things besides.

A Corollary to what hath bin said in this first Section IN the preceding Paragraphs it appeers by luculent and cleer proofs, how the King of Great Britain Had to his Predecessor the first Christian King that ever was upon earth. He had to his Predecessor the first Christian Emperour (and Empress.) He had to his Predecessor the first Christian Worthy, and the first Erector of Military Knighthood. He had to his Predecessors some of the most victorious Kings that ever were. His Predecessors were the first who freed themselfs from the Roman Yoke both in Temporals at first, and in Spirituals afterwards. It hath appeerd how He is Sovrain of the Noblest Order of Knighthood that any King hath. It hath appeerd that his Ambassadors had the Precedence given Them in divers General Councils. It hath appeerd how the King of Great Britain hath as Freeborn and valiant Subjects as any other. It hath appeerd that He hath the most plentiful and hospitable Court of any other King. That He hath as independent Authority as any other King. It hath appeerd that He hath the stoutest Men of War, The Noblest Haven, The Inaccessiblest Coasts, with the greatest Command and Power at Sea of any other.

Which makes the English Merchants to be so highly respected abroad above other Nations, having more Privileges at the entrance of the Baltik in the Sound, as also in Hamborough and Holland, where they have Houses like Palaces provided for them gratis, and free from Excise. In Ligorne, in Constantinople, and the gran Mosco, they are more esteemd then any other Merchants: And tis well known how his Subjects the Scots have the privilege of Preemption in the Vintage at Bourdeaux, with divers other Immunities in France above other Nations.

Wherfore if any King may be calld 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , tis the King of Great Britain, to whom that famous Verse of the Father of Poets may be applyed:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , A Scepter is given Thee to be Honord by all.

To these particulars we will subjoyn the Reasons that Sir Henry Nevill with the rest of the English Ambassadors sent by Queen Elizabeth in a joynt Legantine Commission to Bullen in France to negotiat with Don Balthasar de Zuniga, and others sent Ambassadors from Philip the second of Spain and the Archduke Albertus; I say, we will insert here the Reasons which the English Ambassadors gave then for prerogative and right of Antecedence, in the contest that happend then with those of Spain, by a Remonstrance which they sent the said Ambassadors in these words, as tis extracted out of the Record it self.

Illustres & Magnifici Domini,

Perlegimus scriptum quod Illustres & Magnificae personae vestrae ad nos heri miserunt, & Illa capita quae substitutionis potestatem, & sigilli vigorem attingunt statuimus non ulteriùs prosequi, confidentes de sinceritate serenissimi Domini Archiducis, & acquiescentes integritate Illustrium & Magnificarum vestrarum personarum quae nobis pollicentur bonam fidem in hoc quod agitur negotio summo cum candore & humanitate conjunctum. Clausulam vero quam in serenissimi Archiducis Commissione omissam esse superiùs demonstravimus, quàm primùm commodum que videbitur quod polltcitae sunt vestrae illustres & magnificae personae petimus inserendum.

Quod verò illustres & magnificae vestrae personae asserunt insolitum & novum videri quod proposuimus de Praerogativa & Praecedentiae dignitate serenissimae Reginae Dominae nostrae semper debita, non possumus dissimulare, nos valde mirari illud viris vestrae conditionis, eruditionis & judicii novum esse & insolitum, quod universo orbi terrarum notum est, & celebratissimum. Res enim est exploratissima quod Regio Hispanica cum distributa fuerit in diversa Regna, & devoluta in manus Regis Ferdinandi & Reginae Isabellae, Regum que Granatae insuper ei adjunctum, unà cum caeteris partibus Indiarum Occidentalium orta est contentio speciosè magis quàm solidè recte que fundata de Praecedendi dignitate cum Regno Anglorum tempore quo Papatum occupavit▪ Alexander ejus nomini sextus natione Hispanus, quae perducta ad tempora Iulii secundi. Volatarranus Author imprimis bonus, Historiographus Italus nullo privato beneficio Angliae obstrictus, qui que eodem tempore Romae vixit, ea de causa quemadmodum Res actae, gestae que fuerunt probè potuit intelligere, de hac Re ita refert. Inter Oratores Henrici septimi Regis Angliae & Hispaniae Regis inter sacra sedendo orta est contentio quae etiam sub Alexandrio caeperat. Iulius Locum honoratissimum Anglis pro tempore adjudicavit, quod quidem Ius, & praerogativam Regis Angliae possidentes tenuerunt us que ad tempora Caroli quinti Imperatoris qui licet ratione Caesareae Majestatis supremam sedem dignitatis inter▪ Principes 〈◊〉 , Illud tamen privilegium ad posteros suos in praejudicium aliorum Principum transmittere non potuit. Ideó que post obitum ejus quaestio illa Praecedentiae ad eosdem terminos unde ante digresserat reversa est. Cum igitur Reges Angliae semper tenuerunt priorem, & augustiorem sedem prae singulis illis Regibus priusquàm Regna eorum in unum reducta fuerint, reductis que in unum inde que ea de requaestione motâ jus suum ex sententia Papae retinuerint de quo nullo unquam tempore aut occasione cesserunt: Extra controversiam igitur putamus illud de Iure pertinere ad Coronam Angliae, utcun que propagata & amplifica sunt Territoria & Dominia Regni Hispaniae quod recta rerum aestimatione nihil valet aut valere debet inter Christianos Principes ad hanc Praecedentiae quaestionem: Alioqui plurimi Reges & Principes assumerent sibi Praecedentiam in multos alios Principes quibus jam & liberè & libenter concedunt.

Amplius de haec praesenti controversia de Praecedentiae dignitate hoc ipso tempore aliud est quod se non indignè offert judici is vestris examinandum, nempe quodunus è nobis quem serenissima Regina Domina nostra ad hunc tractatum pacis concludendum elegit, Legatus ejus est qui quotidie residet apud Christianissimum, quam dignitatem unà cum omnibus Praerogativis quae eam comitantur retinet quoad in Regno Galliae commoratur. Primus vero è vobis licet sit Legatus Catholici Regis apud serenissimum Archiducem cùm jam sit extra territorium Archiducis, qualitatem eam, dignitatem que exui: censemus quo que nostrum in quo multiplicata ista dignitas elucet, & dominatur Iure praeferendum unicui que qui singulari & nudo titulo deputati scilicet ad tractatum pacis inductus prodit. Vobis igitur si placeat quaestio ista alto silentio praetermittatur, haec que praerogativa de qua agitur maneat habitet que in serenissima Regina Domina nostra ad quam Iure spectat, pertinetque. Ita alacrioribus animis ad conventum, colloquium que cujus causà huc accessimus feremur. Ista omnia pro prudentia & moderatione vestrarum illustrium & magnificarum dominationum petimus amicè & candidè accipi, ut quae profecta sunt ab observantiis & religione officii nostri, non à studio tempus consumendi aut contentionis excitandae. Datum Boloniae 26 Maii, stylo veteri 1600.

Renderd thus in English. Illustrious and Magnificent Lords,

We have read through the Writing which your illustrious and magnificent Persons sent us yesterday; and touching those heads which appertain to the power of your substitutition, and the vigor of the Seal, we have resolvd not to prosecut further, confiding in the sincerity of the most serene the Lord Archduke, and acquiescing in the integrity of your illustrious and magnificent Persons, which doth promise us a good faith in the business we are to agitat with the greatest candor and humanity that may be. And touching the Clause we demonstrated before, we desire it may be inserted as soon and as conveniently it may be, as your illustrious and magnificent Persons have promised.

And wheras your illustrious and magnificent Persons assert, that it is unusuall and new what we proposd concerning the Prerogative and dignity of Precedence due always to the most serene Queen our Mistress, we cannot dissemble, but we much wonder that that shold seem new and unusal to men of your condition, learning and judgment, which is so well known, and most celebrous to all the world. For it is a most explored truth, That the Region of Spain distributed to divers Kingdoms, when it was devolvd to the hands of King Ferdinand and Isabella, wherunto the Kingdome of Granada was adjoyned, and the West-Indies, a Contention did arise more speciously then solidly and rightly grounded, touching the dignity of Precedence with the King of England at that time, when Alexander the sixth, who was a Spaniard born, held the Papacy, which continued to the time of Iulius the second: and Volaterranus a special good Author, and an Italian Historiographer, being not engagd to England for any privat benefit, and one that was well capable to know how matters passd, and were transacted, doth relate that betwixt the Ambassadors of Henry the seventh King of England, and the Ambassador of Spain, a contention did arise about Precedence of session in the Church, and Iulius adjudgd the most honourable place to the English; which Right and Prerogative the Kings of England possessd until the time of the Emperour Charles the fifth, who in regard of Caesarean Majesty, had the supreme place among all Princes. But he could not transmit that privilege to his posterity, to the prejudice of other Princes: Therfore after his decease, that question of Precedence returnd to those terms whence it had formerly digressd. Since therfore the Kings of England always held priority of place and session of those several Kings before their Kingdomes were reducd to one, a question being movd therabouts, they have retaind their Right by the Popes sentence, and never yeilded it upon occasion. Therfore without controversie we think that Right to appertain still to the Crown of England notwithstanding that the Territories and Dominions of the Kingdome of Spain be propagated and amplified, which in the right estimation of things prevails not, or ought to prevail twixt Christian Princes touching this question; For then other Kings and Princes would assume a right of Precedence above others, to whom now they grant it, ever and anon, if their Dominions increase.

Moreover, touching this present controversie about Precedence, ther is another thing which doth not unworthily offer it self to be examined by your Judgements, which is, That one of Us which the most serene Queen our Mistress hath chosen her Ambassador to conclude this Treaty of Peace, is one who daily resides in that quality in the Court of the most Christian King; which Dignity with all Prerogatives he retains as long as he sojourns in France. But the first of you, although he be Ambassador to the Catholick King with the most serene Archduke, and being out of the Dominions therof, he puts off that quality and dignity. We think also that our Ambassador in whom this Dignity is multiplyed, and shines more, ought by right to be preferred before any that is appointed by a single and bare title onely for this great Treaty.

Therfore if you please, let this Question be pretermitted with deep silence, and let this Prerogative remain, and dwell in the most serene Queen our Mistress, to whom it justly belongs and appertains; so we shall more cheerfully apyly our selfs to the business for which we are come. All this we desire may be candidly and frendly accepted according to the prudence and moderation of your illustrious and magnificent Lordships, as proceeding from the Observances, and Religion of our Office, not with any dessein to consume time, or raise contentions. Bullen 26 Maii, 1600.

Henry Nevil, Iohn Harbert, &c.

The Spanish Ambassadors made an answer herunto, which we reserve for the third Section, wherin the Arguments of Spain for Precedence are set down, wherof one of the strongest he urgeth is the Multiplication and encrease of Dominions, which according to Besoldus and Cassaneus, with other great Civilian Jurists, is no Argument at all, in regard it doth not hold among ordinary Nobility. As for example: He of Arundel is first Earl in England; He of Angus in Scotland; And He of Kildare in Ireland, by the Laws of Heraldry and Hereditary Right: Put case that some other of their fellow Earls in either Kingdome shold grow richer, and have more Mannors, Possessions and Lordships, yet they will not offer to take place or precedence; so the Argument may hold A minori ad majus: For if it be so among Noble-men, much more shold this Rule have validity among Souvrain Princes.

I will go on with a passage that happend in Paris a little above twenty years since. Hugo Grotius residing at Paris in quality of Ambassador for the Crown of Sweden, attempted to make his Coaches go before those of the Earl of Leicester, pretending a right of Precedence, because the King of Sweden whom he represented, was King of the ancient Goths and Vandals, &c. which was, under favor, but a feeble Argument, For ther were Kings of Great Britain thousands of years before the Goths or Vandals were scarce known to the Christian world; nor do any stories make mention of them until a little after the declinings of the Roman Empire, about the year 350 from the Incarnation, nor came they to be Christians till a long time after; And it is the Position of Grotius himself in his Book de Iure Belli, Inter Reges qu •… primo Christianismum professi sunt praecedunt, Who first professd Christianity ought to precede. Moreover, the King of Denmark entitles himself King of the Goths and Vandals as well. But my Lord of Leicester carried himself so like himself, that our Swedish Ambassador was put behind with a Disgrace somewhat answerable to his Presumption, and to the explosion of the Spectators.

Now, Let the prudent and unpassionat Reader weigh with leasure the foregoing Particulars, and reserve his Judgement till he hath run through the Reasons and Arguments of the other two Kings in order to a Precedency.

Tis time now to cross over to France, and produce the Arguments of that King, faithfully extracted out of the most receavd and celebrated Authors who assert his Right to sit next the Emperour upon all occasions, As Cassanaeus, Ferhaut, Besoldus, Carolus de Grasseliis, Hierome Bignon, Pierre Matthieu, &c.