The pre-eminance and pedigree of Parlement whereunto is added a vindication of some passages reflecting upon the author in a book call'd The popish royall favorite, pen'd and published by Mr. Prynne wherein he stiles him no frend [sic] to Parlements and a malignant, pag. 42 : with a clearing of som occurences in Spain at His Majesties being there, cited by the said Master Prynne out of the vocal forest / by J.H., Esq., one of the clerks of His Maiesties most honourable Privy-Councel.

The Pre-eminence of Parlement.

Sectio Prima.

I Am a free-born Subject of the Realm of England; wherby I claim as my native Inheritance, an undoubted right, propriety, and portion in the Laws of the Land: And this distinguisheth me from a Slave. I claim also an interest and common right in the High National Court of Parlement, and in the Power, the Priviledges and Jurisdiction therof, which I put in equal ballance with the Laws, in regard it is the Fountain whence they spring: And this I hold also to be a principal part of my Birth-right; which great Councel I honour, respect, value, and love in as high a degree as can be; as being the Bulwark of our Liberties, the main boundary and bank which keep us from slavery, from the inundations of tyrannical Rule, and unbounded Wil-government. And I hold my self obliged in a tye of indispensable obedience to conform and submit my self to whatsoever shall be transacted, concluded, and constituted by its authority in Church or State; whether it be by making, enlarging, altering, diminishing, disanulling, repealing, or reviving of any Law, Statute, Act, or Ordinance whatsoever, either touching matters Ecclesiasticall, Civil, Common, Capital, Criminal, Martial, Maritine, Municipal, or any other; of all which, the transcendent and uncontrolable Jurisdiction of that Court is capable to take cognizance.

Amongst the three things which the Athenian Captain thank'd the gods for, one was, That he was born a Grecian, and not a Barbarian. For such was the vanity of the Greeks, and after them of the Romans, in the flourish of their Monarchy, to arrogate all civility to themselves, and to term all the world besides Barbarians: So I may say to have cause to rejoyce, that I was born a vassall to the Crown of England; that I was born under so well moulded and tempered a Government, which indows the Subject with such Liberties and Infranchisements that bear up his natural courage, and keep him still in heart; such Liberties that fence and secure him eternally from the gripes and tallons of Tyranny: And all this may be imputed to the Authority and Wisdom of this High Court of Parlement, wherin ther is such a rare co ordination of power (though the Soverainty remaine still entire, and untransferable in the person of the Prince) ther is, I say, such a wholsom mixture 'twixt Monarchy, Optimacy, and Democracy; 'twixt Prince, Peers, and Communalty, during the time of consultation, that of so many distinct parts, by a rare co-operation and unanimity, they make but one Body Politic, (like that Sheaf of Arrows in the Emblem) one entire concentrical peece; and the results of their deliberations, but as so many harmonious diapasons arising from different strings. And what greater immunity and happines can ther be to a people, than to be liable to no Laws but what they make themselves? To be subject to no Contribution, Assessement, or any pecuniary levy whatsoever, but what they Vote, and voluntarily yeeld unto themselves? For in this compacted Politic Body, ther be all degrees of people represented; both the Mechanick, Tradesman, Merchant, and Yeoman, have their inclusive Vote, as well as the Gentry, in the persons of their Trustees, their Knights and Burgesses, in passing of all things. Nor is this Soverain Surintendent Councell an Epitome of this Kingdom onely, but it may be said to have a representation of the whole Universe; as I heard a fluent well-worded Knight deliver the last Parlement, who compared the beautifull composure of that High Court, to the great VVorke of God, the World it self: The King to the Sun, the Nobles to the fixed Stars, the Itinerant Judges and other Officers (that go upon Messages' twixt both Houses) to the Panets; the Clergy to the Element of fire; the Commons, to the solid Body of Earth, and the rest of the Elements. And to pursue this comparison a little farther; as the heavenly Bodies, when three of them meet in Conjunction, do use to produce som admirable effects in the Elementary World: So when these three States convene and assemble in one solemn great Junto, some notable and extraordinary things are brought forth, tending to the welfare of the whole Kingdom, our Microcosm.

HE that is never so little versed in the Annales of this Isle, will find that it hath bin her fate to be sour times conquered. I exclude the Scot; for the situation of his Countrey, and the quality of the Clime hath bin such an advantage and security to him, that neither the Roman Eagles would fly thither, for fear of Freezing their Wings; nor any other Nation attempt the work.

These so many Conquests must needs bring with them many tumblings and tossings, many disturbances and changes in Government; yet I have observed, that notwithstanding these tumblings, it retained still the form of a Monarchy, and somthing ther was alwaies that had an Analogy with the great Assembly the Parlement.

The first Conquest I find was made by Claudius Caesar; at which time (as som well observe) the Roman Ensigns and the Standard of Christ came in together. It is well known what Laws the Roman had; He had his Comitia, which bore a resemblance with our Convention in Parlement; the place of their meetings was called Praetorium, and the Laws which they enacted, Plebiscita.

The Saxon Conquest succeeded next, which were the English, ther being no name in Welsh or Irish for an Englishman, but Saxon, to this day. They governed by Parlement, though it were under other names; as Michel Sinoth, Michel Gemote, and Witenage Mote.

Ther are Records above a thousand yeers old, of these Parlements, in the Raigns of King Ina, Offa, Ethelbert, and the rest of the seven Kings during the Heptarchy. The British Kings also, who retain'd a great while som part of the Isle unconquered, governed and made Laws by a kind of Parlementary way; witness the famous Laws of Prince Howel, called Howel Dha, (the good Prince Howel) wherof ther are yet extant som Welsh Records. Parlements were also used after the Heptarchy by King Kenulphus, Alphred, and others; witness that renowned Parlement held at Grately by King Athelstan.

The third Conquest was by the Danes, and they govern'd also by such general Assemblies, (as they do to this day) witness that great and so much celebrated Parlement held by that mighty Monarch Canutus, who was King of England, Denmark, Norway, and other Regions 150 yeers before the compiling of Magna Charta; and this the learned in the Laws do hold to be one of the specialest, and most authentic peeces of Antiquity we have extant. Edward the Confessor made all his Laws thus, (and he was a great Legis-lator) which the Norman Conquerour (who liking none of his sons, made God Almighty his heir, bequeathing unto him this Island for a Legacy) did ratifie and establish, and digested them into one entire methodical Systeme, which being violated by Rufus, (who came to such a disastrous end, as to be shot to death in lieu of a Buck for his sacriledges) were restor'd by Henry the first, and so they continued in force till King John, whose raign is renowned for first confirming Magna Charta, the foundation of our Liberties ever since: Which may be compar'd to divers Outlandish Graffs set upon one English stock, or to a Posie of sundry fragrant Flowers; for the choisest of the British, the Roman, Saxon, Danish, and Norman Laws, being cull'd and pick'd out, and gathered as it were into one bundle, out of them the foresaid grand Charter was extracted: And the establishment of this great Charter was the work of a Parlement.

Nor are the Laws of this Island onely, and the freedom of the Subject conserved by Parlement, but al the best policed Countryes of Europ have the like. The Germanes have their Diets, the Danes and Swedes the Riicks Dachs; the Spaniard calls his Parlement Las Cortes, and the French have (or should have at least) their Assembly of three States, though it be grown now in a manner obsolete, because the Authority therof was (by accident) devolv'd to the King And very remarkable it is, how this hapned; forwhen the English had taken such large sooting in most parts of France, having advanced as far as Orleans, and driven their then King Charls the seventh to Bourges in Berry: the Assembly of the three States in these pressures, being not able to meet after the usual manner in full Parlement, because the Country was unpassable the enemy having made such firm invasions up and down through the very bowels of the Kingdom; that power which formerly was inherent in the Parlementary Assembly, of making Laws, of assessing the Subject with Taxes, subsidiary levies, and other impositions, was transmitted to the King during the VVar; which continuing many yeers, that intrusted power by length of time grew as it were habitual in him, and could never after be re-assumed and taken from him; so that ever since, his Edicts countervail Acts of Parlement. And that which made the busines more seasable for the King, was, that the burthen fell most upon the Communalty (the Clergy and Nobility not feeling the weight of it) who were willing to see the Peasan pull'd down a little, because not many yeers before in that notable Rebellion, call'd La Iaquerie de Beauvoisin, which was suppressed by Charls the wise, the common people put themselves boldly in Arms against the Nobility and Gentry, to lessen their power. Add hereunto as an advantage to the work, that the next succeeding King Lewis the eleventh, was a close cunning Prince, and could well tell how to play his game, and draw water to his owne Mill; For amongst all the rest, he was said to be the first that put the Kings of France, Hors de page, out of their minority, or from being Pages any more, though therby he brought the poor Peasans to be worse than Lacquays.

VVith the fall, or at least the discontinuance, of that usuall Parlementary Assembly of the three States, the liberty of the French Nation utterly fell; the poor Roturier and Vineyard-man, with the rest of the Yeomanry, being reduced ever since to such an abject asinin condition, that they serve but as sponges for the King to squeeze when he list. Nevertheles, as that King hath an advantage hereby one way, to monarchize more absolutely, and never to want money, but to ballast his Purse when he will: so ther is another mighty inconvenience ariseth to him and his whole Kingdom another way; for this illegal peeling of the poor Peasan hath so dejected him, and cowed his native courage so much by the sense of poverty (which brings along with it a narrownes of soul) that he is little useful for the VVar: which puts the French King to make other Nations mercenary to him, to fill up his Infantry: Insomuch, that the Kingdom of France may be not unfitly compared to a body that hath all its blood drawn up into the Arms, Brest and Back, and scarce any left from the Girdle downwards, to cherish and bear up the lower parts, and keep them from starving.

All this seriously considered, ther cannot be a more proper and pregnant example than this of our next Neighbours, to prove how infinitely necessary the Parlement is, to assert, to prop up, and preserve the Public Liberty, and National Rights of a people, with the incolumity and welfare of a Countrey.

Nor doth the Subject onely reap benefit thus by Parlement, but the Prince (if it be well consider'd) hath equall advantage therby; It rendreth him a King of free and able men, which is far more glorious than to be a King of Slaves, Beggers, and Bankrupts Men that by their freedom, and competency of 〈◊〉 are kept still in heart to doe him service against any forrain force. And it is a true maxim in all States, that 'tis lesse danger and dishonour for the Prince to be poor, than his people: Rich Subjects can make their King rich when they please; if he gaine their hearts, he will quickly get their purses: Parlement encreaseth love and good intelligence' twixt him and his people; it acquaints him with the reality of things, and with the true state and diseases of his Kingdome; it brings him to the knowledg of his better sort of Subjects, and of their abilities, which he may employ accordingly upon all occasions; it provides for his Royall Issue, payes his debts, finds means to fill his Coffers: And it is no ill observation, The Parlementary-moneys (the great Aid) have prospered best with the Kings of England; it exceedingly raiseth his repute abroad, and enableth him to keep his foes in feare, his Subjects in awe, his Neighbours and Confederates in security, the three main things which go to aggrandize a Prince, and render him glorious. In sum, it is the Parlement that supports, and bears up the honour of his Crown, and settles his Throne in safety, which is the chief end of all their consultations; For whosoever is intrusted to be a Member of this High Court, carrieth with him a double capacity; he fits there as a Patriot, and as a Subject: As he is the one, the Countrey is his object, his duty being to vindicate the Publike Liberty, to make wholsom Laws, to put his hand to the pump, and stop the leaks of the great vessell of the State: to pry into and punish corruption and oppression, to improve and advance trade, to have the grievances of the place he serves for redressed, and cast about how to find somthing that may tend to the advantage of it.

But he must not forget that he sits ther also as a S •••• ct, and according to that capacity, he must apply himse •• to do his Soveraigns busines, to provide not onely •• r his publike, but his personal wants; to bear up the lustre and glory of his Court; to consider what occasions of extraordinary expences he may have, by encrease of Royall Issue, or maintenance of any of them abroad; to enable him to vindicate any affront or indignity that might be offered to his Person, Crown, or Dignity, by any forrain State or Kingdom; to consult what may enlarge his honour, contentment and pleasure. And as the French Tacitus (Comines) hath it, the English Nation was used to be more forward and zealous in this particular than any other, according to that ancient eloquent speech of a great Lawyers, Domus Regis vigilia defendit omnium, otium illius labor omnium, deliciae illius industria omnium, vacatio illius occupatio omnium▪ salus illius periculum omnium, honor illius objectum omnium. Every one should stand Centinell to defend the Kings Houses, his safety should be the danger of all, his pleasures the industry of all, his ease should be the labour of all, his honour the object of all.

Out of these premisses this conclusion may be easily deduced, that, The principal Founntain whence the King derives his happines and safety, is his Parlement: It is that great Conduit-Pipe which conveighs unto him his peoples bounty and gratitude; the truest Looking-Glasse wherein he discerns their loves; now the Subjects love hath bin alwayes accounted the prime Cittadel of a Prince. In his Parlement he appears as the Sun in the Meridian, in the altitude of his glory, in his highest State Royal, as the Law tels us.

Therfore whosoever is avers or disaffected to this Soveraign Law making Court, cannot have his heart well planted within him: He can be neither good Subject, nor good Patriot; and therfore unworthy to breathe English air, or have any benefit, advantage, or protection from the Laws.

Sectio Secunda.

BY that which hath been spoken, which is the language of my heart, I hope no indifferent judicious Reader will doubt of the cordiall affection, of the high respects and due reverence I bear to Parlement, as being the wholsomest constitution (and done by the highest and happiest reach of policy) that ever was established in this Island, to perpetuate the happines therof: Therfore I must tell that Gentleman who was Author of a Book entituled The Popish Royall Favorite, (lately Printed and exposed to the world) that he offers me very hard measure; nay, he doth me apparent wrong, to tearm me therin No frend to Parlement, and a Malignant; A character, which as I deserve it not, so I disdain it.

For the first part of his charge, I would have him know, that I am as much a frend, and as real an affectionate humble servant & votary to the Parlement, as possibly he can be, and will live and die with these affections about me: And I could wish, that he were Secretary of my thoughts a while; or if I may take the boldnes to apply that comparison His late Majestie used in a famous speech to one of his Parlements, I could wish ther were a Crystall VVindow in my Brest, through which the world might espie the inward motions and palpitations of my heart; then would he be certified of the sincerity of this protestation.

For the second part of his charge, to be a Malignant, I must confesse to have som Malignity that lurks within me, much against my will, but it is no malignity of mind, it is amongst the humours, not in my intellectuals. And I beleeve, there is no naturall man, let him have his humours never so well ballanced, but hath som of this malignity reigning within him; For as long as we are composed of the four Elements, whence these humours are derived, and with whom they symbolize in qualities; which Elements the Philosophers hold to be in a restlesse contention amongst themselves (and the Stoick thought that the world subsisted by this innate mutuall strife) as long, I say, as the four humours, in imitation of their principles (the Elements) are in perpetuall reluctancy and combate for praedominancy, ther must be some malignity lodg'd within us, as adusted choler, and the like; whereof I had late experience in a dangerous fit of sicknes it pleased God to lay upon me, which the Physitians told me proceeded from the malignant hypocondriacal effects of melancholy; having been so long in this Saturnine black condition of close imprisonment, and buried a live between the VVals of this fatal Fleet. These kinds of malignities, I confes are very rife in me, and they are not onely incident, but connaturall to every man according to his complexion: And were it not for this incessant strugling and enmity amongst the humours for mastery, which produceth such malignant effects in us, our souls would be loth ever to depart from our bodies, or to abandon this mansion of clay.

Now what malignity my Accuser means, I know not; if he means malignity of spirit, as som antipathy or ill impression upon the mind, arising from disaffection, hatred, or rancor, with a desire of some destructive revenge, he is mightily deceiv'd in me; I malign or hate no Creature that ever God made, but the Devill, who is the Author of all malignity; and therfore is most commonly called in French le Malin Asprit the malignant spirit. Every night before I go to bed, I have the grace, I thank God for it, to forgive all the world, and not to harbour, or let roost in my bosom the least malignant thought; yet none can deny, but the aspersions which this my Accuser casts upon me, were enough to make me a malignant towards him; yet it could never have the power to do it: For I have prevail'd with my self to forgive him this his wrong censure of me, issuing rather from his not-knowledg of me, than from malice; for we never mingled speech, or saw one another in our lives, to my remembrance: which makes me wonder the more, that a Professor of the Law, as he is, should pronounce such a positive sentence against me so slightly. But me thinks I over-hear him say, That the precedent discourse of Parlement is involv'd in generals, and the Topique Axiom tels us, that Dolus versatur in universalibus, ther is double dealing in universals: His meaning is, that I am no friend to this present Parlement (though he speaks in the plural number Parlements) and consequently, he concludes me a Malignant. Therin, I must tell him also, that I am traduc'd, and I am confident it will be never prov'd against me, from any Actions, words, or letters (though divers of mine have bin intercepted) or any other misdemeanor, though som things are father'd upon me which never drop'd from my Quill. Alas, how unworthy and uncapable am I to censure the proceedings of that great Senate, that high Synedrion, wherin the wisdom of the whole State is epitomized? It were a presumption in me, of the highest nature that could be: It is enough for me to pray for the prosperous success of their consultations: And as I hold it my duty, so I have good reason so to do, in regard I am to have my share in the happines; And could the utmost of my poor endeavours, by any ministerial humble office (and somtimes the meanest Boatswain may help to preserve the Ship from sinking) be so happy, as to contribute any thing to advance that great work (which I am in despair to do, while I am thus under hatches in this Fleet) I would esteem it the greatest honour that possibly could befall me, as I hold it now to be my greatest disaster, to have faln so heavily under an affliction of this nature, and to be made a sacrifice to publike fame, than which ther is no other proof, nor that yet urg'd against me, or any thing else produc'd after so long, so long captivity, which hath brought me to such a low ebbe, and put me so far behind in the course of my poor fortunes, and indeed more than half undon me. For although my whole life (since I was left to my self to swim, as they say, without bladders) has bin nothing else but a continued succession of crosses, and that ther are but few red letters found (God wot) in the Almanack of my Age, (for which I account not my self a whit the lesse happy;) yet this cross has carried with it a greater weight; it hath bin of a larger extent, longer continuance, and lighted heavier upon me than any other; and as I have present patience to bear it, so I hope for subsequent grace to make use of it accordingly, that my old Motto may be still confirmed, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .

HE produceth my attestation for som passages in Spain, at His Majesties being ther, and he quotes me aright, which obligeth me to him: And I hope all his quotations, wherin he is so extraordinarily copious and elaborate in all his works, are so; yet I must tell him, that those interchangeable Letters which passed between His Majesty and the Pope, which were originally couch'd in Latine, the language wherin all Nations treat with Rome, and the Empire with all the Princes thereof; those Letters, I say, are adulterated in many places, which I impute not to him, but to the French Chroniclen, from whom he took them in trust. The truth of that busines is this: The world knows ther was a tedious treaty of an Alliance 'twixt the Infanta Dona Maria (who now is Empresse) and His Majesty, which in regard of the slow affected pace of the Spaniard, lasted about ten yeers, as that in Henry the sevenths time, 'twixt Prince Arthur and (afterwards) Queen Katherine, was spun out above seven: To quicken, or rather to consummate the work, His Majesty made that adventurous journey through the whole Continent of France into Spain; which voyage, though ther was a great deal of gallantry in it (whereof all posterity will ring, untill it turn at last to a Romance) yet it prov'd the bane of the busines, which 'tis not the arrand of so poor a Pamphlet as this to unfold. His Majesty being ther arriv'd, the ignorant common people cryed out, the Prince of Wales came thither to make himself a Christian. The Pope writ to the Inquisitor General, and others, to use all industry they could to reduce him to the Roman Religion; And one of Olivares first complements to him, was, That he doubted not but that His Highnes came thither to change His Religion: Wherunto he made a short answer, That he came not thither for a Religion, but for a Wife. Ther were extraordinay processions made, and other artifices us'd by protraction of things to make him stay ther of purpose till the Spring folllowing, to work upon him the better: And the Infanta her self desir'd him (which was esteem'd the greatest favour he received from her all the while) to visit the Nun of Carion; hoping that the said Nun, who was so much cryed up for miracles, might have wrought one upon him; but her art failed her, nor was His Highnesse so weak a subject to worke upon, according to His late Majesties speech to Doctor Mawe and Wren, who when they came to kisse his hands, before they went to Spain to attend the Prince their Master, He wished them to have a care of Buckingham; as touching his Son Charls, he apprehended no fear at all of him; for he knew him to be so well grounded a Protestant, that nothing could shake him in his Religion. The Arabian Proverb is, That the Sun never soiles in his passage, though his Beams reverberate never so strongly, and dwell never so long upon the Myry lake of Maeotis, the black Turf'd Moors of Holland, the Aguish Woose of Kent and Essex, or any other place, be it never so dirty. Though Spain be a hot Country, yet one may passe and repasse through the very Center of it, and never be Sun-burnt, if he carry with him a Bongrace, and such a one His Majesty had.

Well, after His Majesties arrival to Madrid, the treaty of Marriage went on still, (though hee told them at his first coming, that he came not thither like an Ambassadour, to treat of Marriage; but as a Prince, to fetch home a Wife;) and in regard they were of different Religions, it could not be done without a dispensation from the Pope, and the Pope would grant none, unlesse some Capitulations were stipulated in favour of the Romish Catholics in England, (the same in substance were agreed on with France. Well, when the dispensation came, which was negotiated solely by the King of Spains Ministers; because His Majesty would have as little to do as might be with Rome, Pope Gregory the fifteenth, who died a little after, sent His Majesty a Letter, which was delivered by the Nuncio, wherof an answer was sent a while after: Which Letters were imprinted and exposed to the view of the world, because His Majesty would not have people whisper, that the busines was carried in a clandestine manner. And truly besides this, I do not know of any Letter, or Message, or Complement, that ever pass'd 'twixt His Majesty and the Pope, afore or after; som addresses peradventure might be made to the Cardinals, to whom the drawing of those matrimonial dispatches was referred, to quicken the work; but this was only by way of civil negotiation.

Now touching that Responsory Letter from His Majesty, it was not other than a Complement in the severest interpretation, and such formalities pass 'twixt the Crown of England, and the great Turk, and divers Heathen Princes. The Pope writ first, and no man can deny, but by all moral rules, and in common humane civility His Majesty was bound to answer it, specially considering how punctual they are in those Countries to correspond in this kind, how exact they are in repaying visits, and the performance of such Ceremonies: And had this compliance bin omitted, it might have made very ill impressions, as the posture of things stood then; for it had prejudiced the great work in hand, I mean, the Match, which was then in the heat and hight of agitation: His Majesties person was ther engag'd, and so it was no time to give the least offence. They that are never so little vers'd in business abroad, do know that ther must be addresses, compliances, and formalities of this nature (according to the Italian Proverb, That one must somtimes light a candle to the Devil) us'd in the carriage of matters of State, as this great business was, wheron the eyes of all Christendom were so greedily fix'd: A business which was like to bring with it such an universall good, as the restitution of the Palatinate, the quenching of those hideous fiers in Germany, and the establishing of a peace through all the Christian World.

I hope none will take offence, that in this particular which comes within the compas of my knowledg, being upon the Stage when this Scene was acted, I do this right to the King my Master, in displaying the Truth, and putting her forth in her own colours, a rare thing in these dayes.

TOuching the Vocal Forest, an allegorical Discourse, that goes abroad under my name, a good while before the beginning of this Parlement, which this Gentleman cites (and that very faithfully) I understand ther be som that mutter at certain passages therin, by putting ill glosses upon the Text, and taking with the left hand what I offer with the right: (Nor is it a wonder for Trees which lye open, and stand exposed to all weathers, to be nipt) But I desire this favour, which in common justice, I am sure in the Court of Chancery, cannot be denied me, it being the priviledg of evry Author, and a received maxim through the World, Cujus est condere, ejus est interpretari; I say, I crave this favour, to have leave to expound my own Text, and I doubt not then but to rectifie any one in his opinion of me, and that in lieu of the Plums which I give him from those Trees, he will not throw the stones at me.

Moreover, I desire those that are over critical Censurers of that Peece, to know, that as in Divinity it is a rule, Scriptura parabolica non est argumentativa; so it is in all other kind of knowledg, Parables (wherof that Discourse is composed) though pressed never so hard, prove nothi • g. Ther is another Rule also, That Parables must be gently used, like a Nurses Brest; which if you press too hard, you shall have bloud in stead of milk.

But as the Author of the Vocal Forest thinks he • ath done, neither his Countrey, nor the Commonwealth of Learning any prejudice therby; (That maiden fancy having received so good entertainment and respect abroad, as to bee translated into divers Languages, and to gain the public approbation of som famous Universities.) So hee makes this humble protest unto all the World, that though the design of that discourse was partly Satyrical (which peradventure induc'd the Author to shrowd it of purpose under the shadows of Trees; and wher should Satyres be, but amongst Trees?) yet it never entred into his imagination to let fall from him the least thing that might give any offence to the High and Honorable Court of Parlement, wherof he had the honor to be once a Member, and hopes he may be thonght worthy again: And were he guilty of such an offence, or piacle rather, he thinks he should never forgive himself, though he were appointed his own Judge. If ther occur any passage therin, that may admit a hard construction, let the Reader observe, That the Author doth not positively assert, or passe a judgement on any thing in that Discourse which consists principally of concise, cursory narrations of the choisest Occurrences and Criticisms of State, according as the pulse of time did beat then: And matters of State, as al • other sublunary things, are subject to alterations, contingencies and change, which makes the opinions an • minds of men vary accordingly; not one among • twenty is the same man to day as he was four yeer • ago, in point of judgement, which turns and alter • according to the circumstance and successe of things▪ And it is a true saying, whereof we find common experience, Posterior dies est prioris Magister. The da • following is the former dayes Schoolmaster. Then another Aphorism, The wisdome of one day is foolis • nes to another, and 'twill be so as long as ther is man left in the World.

I will conclude with this modest request to that Gentleman of the long Robe; That having unpassionately perus'd what I have written in this small Discourse, in penning wherof my conscience guided my quill all along as well as my hand, he would please to be so charitable and just, as to reverse that harsh sentence upon me, To be no Frend to Parlements, and a Malignant.

FINIS.