The Right Honble. Denzel Baron Holles of Ifield. Aetat. 78. Anc. 1676. Ob. 1679.

MEMOIRS OF DENZIL Lord HOLLES, Baron of Ifield in Sussex, From the Year 1641, to 1648.

LONDON, Printed for Tim. Goodwin at the Queen's Head against St. Dunstan's Church in Fleet­street. M.DC.XC.IX.

To His Grace JOHN Duke of Newcastle, &c.

May it please your Grace;

WHEN the follow­ing Papers of the famous Lord Hol­les, Your Great Uncle, hap­pen'd to fall into my Hands, [Page vi] I could not long deliberat whether they deserv'd a pub­lic View, and therefore in­tended to get them printed without any further Ceremo­ny; for the large share he had in the Transactions of those Times will as much engage others to read these Memoirs, as the Defence he was oblig'd to make for himself are a suffi­cient Reason for his writing them. But when I under­stood that Your Grace (out of the Love You bear to vir­tuous Actions, and Your Pi­ety towards so near a Relati­on) did order a stately Mo­nument to be erected at Dor­chester for this Illustrious Per­son, [Page vii] I was of opinion, that as well for that Reason, as be­cause in his Life-time he en­tertain'd an extraordinary Af­fection and Esteem for You, Your Name should in like manner be inscrib'd on this Monument which he has left of Himself to Posterity. The Justice of the thing, and the Sincerity of my Intentions, must be all my Apology to Your Grace for this Presum­tion: for the Public (of whom You deserv'd so well, and particularly in appearing early, like Your Noble An­cestors, for the Liberty of these Nations) will acknow­ledg it an Obligation; nor, [Page viii] if any thing should chance to be amiss, can I doubt but an easy Pardon will be granted to one who is, tho unknown, my Lord, with so profound a Respect, Your Grace's most humble Servant.


SUch as really desire to know the naked Truth, and propose for their chiefest aim the common good (which are certainly the best, tho not the greatest part of Mankind) have ever exprest a desire in their Writings of seeing the Me­moirs of all parties made public, as the most effectual means of framing a true General History: For in those places where nothing is licens'd to appear but what visibly tends to the advantage of one side, there can be no sincere represen­tation of Affairs, the basest Cowards must pass for the bravest Heroes, the worst of Villains for the greatest Saints, the most [Page x] Ignorant and Vicious for Men of Learning and Virtue, and the Enemies of their Coun­try for its Preservers and Friends. With­out consulting therefore the particular in­terest or reputation of any Faction, but on­ly the benefit of England in general, these Memoirs of the Great Lord Holles are communicated to the World, that by comparing them with those of Ludlow, and such as appear'd before, or will be publish'd hereafter relating to the same times, they may afford mutual Light to each other; and, after distinguishing the personal resentments or privat biasses of every one of 'em, the Truth wherein they are all found to agree (tho drest by them in different Garbs) may by som im­partial and skilful hand be related with more candor, clearness, and uniformity. What figure our Author made in the Par­liament and in the Wars, at home and a­broad, in his privat and public Capa­cities, is generally known, and needs not therefore be mention'd in this place. The account he gives of himself in the fol­lowing [Page xi] Papers is confirm'd by many li­ving Witnesses, as well as in the great­est part by other VVriters of the same Transactions. But whether the vehe­mence of his Stile, the barbarous Usage he receiv'd, his concern for the Pres­byterian Party, and his Displeasure at the King's misfortunes (to whom he was then an adherent and a friend) have not guided his Pencil to draw the lines of Cromwel's Face too strong, and the shadows too many, I refer to the judg­ment of the disinterested Reader, desi­ring him to allow all that is reasonably due to one in these or the like Circumstances. This caution iustice has oblig'd me to in­sert: For as to that tyrannical Usurper of the Supreme Administration, who prov'd so ungrateful to the Commonwealth, so treacherous to the King, and so fatal to­both, I think him bad enough painted in his own true Colours, without standing in need of exaggerating Rhetoric to make him look more odious or deform'd. I should write something here likewise with relation [Page xii] to General Fairfax, but that the properest place for it seems to be in a Preface to his own MEMORIAL, which is in good hands, and, it's hop'd, may be shortly expos'd to public view. How far soever King Charles the First's Enemies in England may look on themselves disoblig'd, or any of his Friends neglected by my Lord Hol­les, the Scots are surely beholding to him; for in his long Panegyric on that Nation, he has said more in their behalf than their own Historians have ever been able to offer. But in this and other mat­ters of the like nature we shall not antici­pate the Readers Curiosity or Iudgment: I shall therefore only acquaint him, that tho this Piece be entitul'd Memorials from the History it contains, yet in sub­stance it is an Apology for that Party who took up Arms, not to destroy the King, or alter the Constitution, but to restore the last, and oblige the former to rule accord­ing to Law.

To the Unparallel'd Couple, Mr. Oliver St. Iohn his Majesty's Sollicitor Gene­ral, and Mr. Oliver Cromwel the Parliament's Lieutenant General, the two grand De­signers of the Ruin of three Kingdoms.


AS You have been principal in ministring the matter of this Discourse, and gi­ving me the leisure of making it, by banishing me from my Coun­try and Business, so is it reason I should particularly address it to You. You will find in it some representation of the grosser Lines of your Features, those outward and notorious Enormities that make [Page xiv] You remarkable, and Your Pictures easie to be known; which cannot be expected here so fully to the Life as I could wish. He only can do that, whose Eye and Hand have been with You in Your se­cret Counsels, who has seen You at Your Meetings, Your Sabbaths, where You have laid by Your as­sumed Shapes (with which You cozen'd the World) and resumed Your own; imparting each to o­ther, and both of You to Your fellow Witches, the bottom of Your Designs, the policy of Your Act­ings, the turns of Your Contrivan­ces, all Your Falshoods, Cozen­ings, Villanies, and Cruelties, with Your full intentions to ruin the three Kingdoms. All I will say to You is no more than what St. Peter said to Simon the Sorcerer, Repent therefore of this Your wickedness, and pray God, if perhaps the thoughts of [Page xv] Your Hearts may be forgiven You. And if you have not Grace to pray for Your selves (as it may be You have not) I have the Charity to do it for You, but not Faith e­nough to trust You. So I remain, I thank God, not in Your Power, and as little at Your Service.

Denzil Holles.


PAge 15. line 22. read Cromwel. P. 39. l. 22. r. writ­ten. P. 43. l. 27. r. publick. P. 89. l. 7. dele Comma. L. 4. r. Many in. P. 96. l. 15. f. the r. their. P. 100, l. 18. l. as to say. P. 161. l. 8. dele not.


1. THE wisest of Men saw it to be a great Evil, that Servants should ride on Horses, and Princes walk as Servants on the Earth: An Evil now both seen and felt in our unhappy Kingdom. The mean­est of Men, the basest and vilest of the Nation, the lowest of the People have got the Power into their Hands; trampled upon the Crown; baffled and misused the Parliament; violated the Laws; destroy­ed or supprest the Nobility and Gentry of the Kingdom; oppress'd the Liberties of the People in general; broke in sunder all Bands and Tyes of Religion, Con­science, Duty, Loyalty, Faith, common Honesty, and good Manners; cast off all fear of God and Man; and now lord it over the Persons and Estates of all sorts and ranks of Men from the King on his Throne, to the Beggar in his Cottage: [Page 2] making their Will their Law; their Power their Rule; their hairbrain'd giddy phana­tical humour, and the setting up of a Babel of Confusion, the end of all their Actions. But how this misery is befallen us, the Kingdom brought so low, and so unwor­thily, unhappily, inconsiderately deliver'd over into such base and ignoble hands, the Parliament abused, betrayed, and now become in show and in name the Instru­ment of their Tyranny, but in truth it self made nothing; and (if the presence of the right Speaker be so essential to the being and acting of a Parliament, and so neces­sary, that Sir Edward Cook says in his In­stitutes the House cannot sit without him) then is there clearly at this present no Par­liament but an Assembly of Men, acted and moved by the Art and Malice of some few sitting among them, by the means of an Army, which those few, those Vipers of the Parliament, that have eaten out the Bowels of their Parent and destroyed her, raised (that is, abused the Parliament, ma­king them raise it) under colour of necessi­ty for the preservation of the Parliament and Kingdom; when in truth it was out of a design to make themselves Masters of both, that neither of them might ever en­joy Peace and Liberty more, to blast our Hopes, nip all the fair Blossoms of [Page 3] Reformation, dash in sunder all our pre­parations and endeavours for the establish­ing of a happy Peace; and so a glorious pro­mising Morning became a Day of darkness, a Day of treading down and perplexity: this, I say, will be worth the enquiry, and perhaps be no difficult thing to discover, and make so plain, that he who runs may read.

2. Yet I would not be conceived to attri­bute so much of Wisdom and Foresight to these Men, as to believe they had laid this whole Design, with the several Circum­stances and Steps of proceeding from the beginning; which not the Devil himself was so politick and foreknowing as to have done. But I am perswaded that they had it in their general Aim, and laid it as a foun­dation for all their Superstructures, to do as much mischief as they could, make the Disorder as great, the Change as universal as was possible, and still to improve all op­portunities, and occasions ex re natâ, put­ting on for more as they prevailed in any thing, till at last even beyond what either they could hope, or we could fear, their Design was brought to this perfection, as will appear by the sequel of this Discourse.

3. When in the beginning of this Par­liament, in the Year 1642. after some pro­gress in a Parliamentary way to the re­lieving [Page 4] of many of our Grievances, and reforming many Abuses both in Church and State (for which we were not suffi­ciently thankful) it pleased God, in his just Judgment, for the punishment of our Sins, to send a Spirit of Division between the King and the Parliament, and things grew to that height, as both of them appealed to the Sword to plead their Cause, and decide their Quarrel; the Members of Parliament, who then engaged, declared themselves to desire nothing but the settlement of the Kingdom, in the honour and greatness of the King, and in the happiness and safety of the People: And whensoever that could be obtained, to lay down the Sword, and submit again to the King's Scepter of Peace more willingly than ever they resisted his Force and Power. This I am sure was the ultimate end of many, I may say, of the chiefest of those who at that time appear­ed: upon which principle they first mo­ved, and from which they never departed; which made them at that time resolve to put their Lives into their hands, and offer them a Sacrifice to the welfare and hap­piness of their Prince and Country. I say Prince as well as Country, tho he per­haps look'd on them as his greatest Ene­mies; but they consider'd him as their Prince, whom Nature, Duty, the Com­mand [Page 5] of God, and the Laws of Men, obli­ged them to reverence, and to love as the Head and Father of the People; whose greatness consisted in his People's, and his People's in his; and therefore neither could be great, nor happy, one without the o­ther, which made those faithful ones put them both in the same Ballance, and rather adventure his displeasure by promoting the publick Cause, than (as they thought) his ruin by deserting it.

4. Whilst these Men acted in the simpli­city of their Hearts, there was another Ge­neration of Men, which, like the frozen Snake that lay in their Bosoms, seemed to desire but the same things with them, and that the same should have contented them, when it was nothing so; but they had fur­ther Designs, to destroy and cut off not a few, to make the Land an Aceldama, ru­in the King, and as many of the Nobility and Gentry as they could, alter the Govern­ment, have no order in the Church, nor power in the State over them. This was the Venom they harbour'd, which at first they were not warm enough to put forth: But it soon appeared by some evident Sym­toms, which discovered it to discerning Eyes, though many were very long abu­sed. For as the Devil can transform him­self into an Angel of Light; so they pre­tended [Page 6] Zeal in Religion, and to be publick Spirits, as if none were so holy and self-de­nying as they: and so insinuated them­selves into the good Opinion of Men; and, being bold and forward, got into all Im­ployments, engrossed the whole managing of the War (that is, the directive part of it, not the fighting) whilst others, who meant plainly, and honestly, went into their several Countries, desirous to see the business soon at an end; and, either by shewing the Sword, to have kept it in on both sides, or else, if God had otherwise determin'd that some Blood must be drawn, to adventure their own for speedy stopping the issue of it in the Kingdom.

5. This was the first step of those un­worthy Mens getting into power. When other Gentlemen of the House of Com­mons unluckily left it upon these occasi­ons, they then undertook the business, put themselves and their Creatures into all Committees, persons most of them before only known by their Faces, and esteemed for their Silence and Modesty. But they soon grew Bold and Impudent, domineer­ing not only over the rest of the House, but much more over others abroad, and by their Pride and Insolency contracting En­vy and Hatred to the Parliament.

[Page 7] 6. By this means they had power over all the Money of the Kingdom, pleasured and recompensed whom they would, which were none, be sure, but their Creatures, or such as would be theirs; and so made many Proselytes both within doors and without, increasing their Party exceeding­ly, which made them carry the business of the House as they would themselves: and made it easie to them, in all Debates con­cerning applications for Peace, to drive us to extremities, demanding unreasonable things, laying upon the King the Condi­tions of Naash, to thrust out his right Eye for a reproach; or, as the Devil did to our Saviour, to have him fall down and wor­ship them, lay his Honour at their Feet, his Life at their Mercy; while they, upon all occasions, revile and reproach him, give countenance and encouragement to all the bitter, scurrilous and unseemly Expressions against him, impeach the Queen, give her the usage (both in words and actions) one would not have done to the meanest Hand­maid of the Kingdom, tho the Wife, Daughter, and Sister of a King, the Mo­ther of our Prince, who is to sit upon the Throne, if these Men hinder him not▪ and all this, to make the distance wide, the wound deep, that there might be no closing, no binding up. Then was there [Page 8] nothing but expelling Members out of the House on the least information. If any of those Whelps did but bark against any one, and could but say he was busie in the Coun­try, nothing but sequestring, impeaching of Treason, turning Men and their Fami­lies, turning Wife and Children to starve: so many Committees and Sub-Committees of Examinations, Sequestrations, fifth and twentieth part, &c. made in City and Country, and some of the most factious, busy, beggarly men put in, as fittest Tools for such Masters to work by, to rake Men to the Bones, and take all advantages to ruin them.

7. This was a great breaking of heart to all honest Men, especially to those in the House, who being present and Eye­witnesses of the management of Affairs, easily discovered the drift of these persons, and opposed it all they could: which made those Blood-suckers conceive a mor­tal hatred against them, and in truth a­gainst all Gentlemen, as those who had too great an interest, and too large a stake of their own in the Kingdom, to ingage with them in their Design of perpetuating the War to an absolute confusion.

8. This made them look with a jealous Eye upon my Lord of Essex, who was Ge­neral of the Army, finding him not fit for [Page 9] their turn, as too desirous of Peace, and of maintaining Monarchy; and therefore they resolve to lay him aside, beginning to draw Supplies from him, neither providing Re­cruits, nor furnishing him with Money or Arms, (except sometimes for a pinch, when the necessity of their own preservation required it) clogging him all they could, countenancing and supporting who ever did oppose him: In the mean time carrying on the business of the House in a wild mad­ness, making Ordinances, like Draco's Laws, written in Blood, that no Man could be safe whom they had a mind to destroy, and their mind was to destroy all they could, by making so many desperate, to render things more irreconcileable, and cut off all hopes of Peace, which they were resolved to put by upon any terms, per fas aut nefas, if not by art and cunning, rather to use force than fail, and where the Fox's Skin would not reach, to take the Lion's; as to give one Instance for all.

9. The House of Lords in the Summer af­ter the beginning of our Troubles in 1643, having resolv'd to deliver themselves and the Kingdom from this Aegyptian Slavery, had prepared a Message to the King, with Overtures for an Accommodation, and sent it down to the House of Commons on a Saturday, where the major part seemed to [Page 10] be of the same mind, and after a long dis­pute and much opposition prevail'd to take it into consideration, made an entrance in­to it, agreed to some particulars, and it growing late, adjourned the further debate till Monday morning; against which time these Firebrands had set the City in a flame, as if there were a resolution to betray all to the King; and thereupon brought down a Rabble of their party, some thousands to the House of Commons door, who gave out threatning Speeches, and named a­mong themselves (but so as they might be heard) some Members of the House, whom they said they lookt upon as Enemies, and would pull out of the House; which did so terrifie many honest timorous Men, and gave that boldness to the others, as contra­ry to all order they resumed the Question that was settled on Saturday for going on with the business, and at last carried it by some Voices to have it laid aside: which was the highest strain of Insolency, the greatest violation of the Authority and Freedom (the two essential Ingredients) of a Parliament that before that time was ever known. Since, I confess, the Army has far outstrip'd it.

10. This made some persons cast about how a stop might be given to such violent proceedings, and to have other Counsels [Page 11] admitted, which probably would give some allay to those sharp and implacable Spirits: It appearing to be altogether impossible e­ver to obtain a Peace, whilst they were Ru­lers, who Phaeton like, were able to set the whole World on fire. It was therefore proposed that our Brethren of Scotland might be called in, who were known to be a wise People, lovers of Order, firm to Monarchy: who had twice before gone through the misfortune of taking up Arms, and wisely had laid them down; still con­tenting themselves with that which was necessary for their security, avoiding ex­tremities. Their wisdom and modera­tion, as was presumed, might then have delivered us from that precipice of misery and confusion, into which our Charioteers were hurrying us amain.

11. But these Men would none of it at that time; they hoped to be able to carry on the Work themselves, and meant to di­vide all the Spoil: which they had done if it had not pleased God to give them that check in the West, when their Army there was beaten through Sir Arthur Haslerig's default, one of their invincible Champi­ons. First, his ignorant foolhardiness, af­terwards his baseness and cowardise, who then found himself to be mortal (for before he thought himself invincible, and abso­lutely [Page 12] Stick-free and Shot-free, having had the good Fortune to be in a gallant Regi­ment, under Sir William Balfore, at Ken­ton-Field, and so not to run away) but, as himself did afterwards relate it, wink and strike, and bear down all before him. This made him so absolute a Souldier, as he thought Christendom had not his fel­low, and therefore would not be govern'd by his Commander in chief, in that Western Brigade, a gallant and discreet Gentleman; but would charge contrary to order, with­out sense or reason: and, finding that re­sistance which he did not expect, ran a­way as basely with all the Horse, leaving the Foot engaged. Presently afterwards the Town of Bristol was lost by the like Gallantry and good Soldiery of another of their Champions, who for it was condem­ned to die by a Council of War, and par­doned by my Lord of Essex, who was well requited for it afterwards both by this Gen­tleman and his Father.

12. Then our Masters, finding them­selves to be mortal too, began to be afraid; and now the Scots must be called in. So in all hast they send to them to come and help, with open Cry, Save us, or we perish. They promise any thing, offer any thing, do any thing for the present that the Scots would have them do: The Honour of Eng­land [Page 13] not thought of, Liberty of Conscience and the godly Party not mentioned: But all that was heard was the Covenant, U­niformity in Church-Government, uni­ting the Nations, never to make Peace without them, and a solemn Treaty for all this closed there, and presently ratified by the Parliament here.

13. But they meant afterwards to be e­ven with them, to perform nothing of what was de futuro to be done, to serve their turns by them, to make them instru­mental for their deliverance at that plunge, and then pick quarrels with them and send them home again with scorn and discon­tent, which they have since sufficiently la­boured to do, and went far towards it, and to the engaging of the two Kingdoms in Blood; if some persons had not interposed with more ingenuous and more moderate Counsels, to the happy success of whose Endeavours the piety, honesty, and mo­deration of the Scots themselves did very much contribute, concurring with them, and cooperating in all things which might promote a Peace, as shall be afterwards shewed in its due place: for this is but by the way.

14. Those Creatures of theirs whom they sent Commissioners into Scotland for that [Page 14] business, represented the state of Affairs to that Parliament clear otherwise than it was, endearing their own Party to them as the only sincere publick spirited Men, who desired such a Reformation as was a­greeable to their Government, and such a Peace as might be a joint safety and securi­ty to both Kingdoms, giving Characters of all others as Malignants, ill affected, averse to the Scotish Nation, opposers of a good understanding between the Kingdoms, and of their mutual assistance of each other.

15. With which prejudice of us the Scots were strongly possessed, at their com­ing in about Ianuary, 1643. and were in England some time before they were disa­bused. They were first made believe no­thing should be done without them, or their advice and consent. To that purpose a Committee of the two Kingdoms must be appointed for uniting the Councils, to or­der and direct the prosecution of the War, and for communicating and transacting all Affairs between the Kingdoms: In pack­ing whereof, and keeping out some per­sons whom our Masters did disaffect, they used such juggling, as never was heard of before in Parliament, and none but such Hocus-pocus's could have the Face to have done.

[Page 15] 16. Well, they carried it, and to work they go, bearing it very fair to the Scots, till they were got aloft again, and that with their help they had recovered and cleared the North, obtained that great Victory at Marston-Moor, in Iuly 1644, which without them they had never done. And however Lieutenant General Cromwel had the impudence and boldness to assume much of the honour of it to himself, or ra­ther, Herod like, to suffer others to mag­nifie him and adore him for it (for I can scarce believe he should be so impudent to give it out himself, so conscious as he must be of his own base cowardliness) those who did the principal Service that day, were Major General Lesley, who commanded the Scots Horse, Major General Crawford who was Major General to the Earl of Man­chester's Brigade, and Sir Thomas Fairfax, who, under his Father, commanded the Northern Brigade. But my friend Com­wel had neither part nor lot in the business: For I have several times heard it from Crawford's own mouth (and I think I shall not be mistaken if I say Cromwel himself has heard it from him; for he once said it aloud in Westminster-Hall, when Cromwel past by him, with a design he might hear him) that when the whole Army at Mar­ston-Moor was in a fair possibility to be ut­terly [Page 16] routed, and a great part of it run­ning, he saw the Body of Horse of that Brigade standing still, and to his seeming doubtful which way to charge, backward or forward, when he came up to them in a great passion, reviling them with the name of Poltroons and Cowards, and asked them if they would stand still and see the Day lost? Whereupon Cromwel shewed himself, and in a pitiful Voice said, Ma­jor General, what shall I do? he (begging pardon for what he said, not knowing he was there, towards whom he knew his distance as to his Superiour Officer) told him, Sir, if you charge not all is lost; Cromwel answered, he was wounded, and was not able to charge (his great wound being a little burn in the Neck by the acci­dental going off behind him of one of his Soldiers Pistols) then Crawford desired him to go off the Field, and sending one away with him (who very readily followed wholesom advice) led them on himself, which was not the duty of his Place, and as little for Cromwel's Honor, as it pro­ved to be much for the advancement of his and his Parties pernicious Designs. This I have but by relation, yet I easily believe it upon the Credit of the Re­porter, who was a Man of Honor, that was not ashamed nor afraid to publish it in [Page 17] all places. Besides, I have heard a parallel Story of his Valour from another person (Colonel Dalbier) not inferiour, neither in quality nor reputation, to Major General Crawford, who told me, That when Basing-House was storm'd, Cromwel, instead of leading on his Men, stood a good distance off, out of Gun-shot behind a Hedg. And something I can deliver of him upon my own knowledg, which makes passage for the easier belief of both these Relations, and assures me that that Man is as errand a Coward, as he is notoriously perfidious, am­bitious, and hypocritical. This was his base keeping out of the Field at Keinton Battel; where he with his Troop of Horse came not in, impudently and ridiculously affirming, the day after, That he had been all that day seeking the Army and place of Fight, tho his Quarters were but at a Village near hand, whence he could not find his way, nor be directed by his Ear, when the Ordnance was heard, as I have been credibly informed, 20 or 30 Miles off▪ so that certainly he is far from the Man he is taken for.

17. That day's work at Marston-Moor turned the Scales, and raised again the fortune of the Parliament, which till that day had very much declined: And these Men (who all this while stalked under the [Page 18] sides of the Parliament, and did but pre­tend the business of Reformation, and the Peoples Liberties, thereby to break the power of the King first, that afterwards they might, either by artifice or force, lay as low the Authority of Parliament, unless it would betray its truth, and yield to be in­strumental to them) did, after this, begin to put out their Horns, appear in their Co­lours, and, as they warmed more and more, to spit out their Venom against Monarchy, against Nobility and Gentry, against that Reformation with which they had former­ly held forth to the Scots, against the very Covenant, their Vows and Declarations wherewith they had abused God and the World.

18. Then did Cromwel declare himself to the Lord of Manchester, and indeed reveal'd the whole Design. First, His rancor a­gainst the Scots, as that he would as soon draw his Sword against them as against any of the King's Party. Then his hatred of the Nobility and House of Peers, wishing there was never a Lord in England, and saying, he loved such and such because they loved not Lords, and that it would not be well till he was but Mr. Montague. Third­ly, His intentions to hinder Peace, and that therefore he desired none to be of that Ar­my, but such as were of the Independent [Page 19] judgment, to interpose if a Peace were like to be made which agreed not with their hu­mours. All this remains upon Record in both Houses, being the Earl of Manchester's Charge against him. And let any one judg if this be not the very Plot which was then laid and since practised. Has not every particular been attempted by them? have they not fully compleated that which was chiefly aimed at? As that which will, and must certainly (if not prevented) bring on all the rest the hindering of Peace, that no ease nor quietness might be restored to the Kingdom. For when the Parliament was ready to disband the only Army then left, and so to free the Subject from all Payments and Taxes, that every one might return to his Vocation, and all differences between King and Parliament might be ended and reconciled in a parliamentary way; then did the Cadmean Brood turn their Swords against their fellow Subjects, and their Ma­sters the Parliament, which by open force they assault, make void, and unvote what they had voted concerning their Disbanding, put by all thoughts of Peace, and throw back the Kingdom, which was entring into the desired Haven of Peace and Happiness, into the deep Seas of Storms and Misery and Con­fusion, where I beseech God it perish not: But of all this anon.

[Page 20] 19. Things were not yet ripe; tho the Serpent's Eggs were laid by him in the Earl of Manchester's bosom, it was not time to hatch the Cockatrice. Therefore when it was by the Earl made known to the Hou­ses, their Party in the House of Commons did (more solito) with all the violence and injustice in the world smother and suppress it, quarrelling that the Lords had infring'd their Privileges, in desiring that might be examined by a Committee in both Houses, saying, The Lords ought not to meddle in it, because it concern'd a Commoner; whereas nothing was more ordinary throughout the whole proceeding of this Parliament in all their inquisitions. Yet by that means this was then stifled, the breach of Privilege re­ferr'd to a Committee of the House of Com­mons, and there the business died.

20. After this the Scots saw how they were cheated, and it came to be, though not an open breach, yet a great coldness be­tween them, a withdrawing of confidence, of familiarity, of Counsels. And the Scots then found that the other party had been misrepresented, being the Men who, in truth, did agree with them in Principles and in Design: Which was only to reform, not to alter; to regulate, and so to save, not to destroy. That they still carried a­bout with them the sense of their Allegi­ance [Page 21] and Duty to the person of the King, whom they did desire to see reinvested into his Throne and Kingly Government, with such a power, and in such a way, as might be good both for Him and the People, that thereby confusion, misery, and that disor­der which the Poet describes to have been in the first Chaos, and which we now see (not in a Fiction, but really feel and smart under) might be avoided.

21. By little and little the Scots and these latter came to a better understanding; at last they discover the horrid Practices and the whole Design of the others, who, in the mean time, drove it on, Iehu like, vi­olently bearing down, and destroying all that opposed them; for some opposition they found. They saw there was a strong Party in the House against them, between whom and the Soldiers who were under Command of my Lord of Essex, there was a good Correspondency; and these two, together with the Scots, were as a threefold Cord not to be broken by them: therefore they would untwist it, and so destroy them one after another.

22. The Earl of Essex must be the first who they found would not bow, and there­fore must break; for many applications had been made to see if he would stoop to their Lure. Great offers, large promises, all the [Page 22] glory of the Kingdom should be his, if he would but worship them, be (as they ter­med it) true to the Godly Party: but he was true to his Principles. Therefore they do what they can to make him odious, not paying his Army, to make it a Burden to the Country, and infamous; not giving him means of acting by Supplies and Pro­visions, so to be looked upon as a Drone or worse, or putting him upon such Actions as should break him, so to make him come off with dishonour.

23. As when he was about Oxford in the Summer 1644, he on one side of the Ri­ver, and Sir William Waller with his Bri­gade on the other; the King having then but a small force within the Town, and ei­ther not provided for a Siege, or not willing to be shut in with a light body of Horse, and I think some mounted Men, held them play and distracted them, being sometimes on the one side, sometimes on the other; which was easie for him to do, going through the Town, as he saw occasion, by the conveniency of the Gates: It being then known that he waited but his opportunity and advantage to slip by, or break through, our Grand Masters ordered my Lord of Es­sex, with a heavy body of an Army and a great train of Artillery, to attend his Ma­jesties motion, and Sir William Waller to go [Page 23] into the West, which they conceived would be an easie Task at that time to reduce the King's Party brought low, and so not able to send any Forces into those parts for their relief and encouragement.

24. This they knew would absolutely break my Lord of Essex, who must harass his Army to follow a light and moving Bo­dy; and if the King, which was probable enough, should chance to give him the slip, and get from him into the West, then was he ruin'd in his Reputation, and liable to a Question, and perhaps a further Prosecuti­on. It proved that his Majesty did get by them, and passed by Sir William Waller's Quarters on the other side, who, as soon as he knew it, marched after him, and gave no­tice to my Lord of Essex thereof; so as be­fore he knew any thing, Sir William Waller was got a days march before after the King. Then was it impossible for him to overtake them; and, being so much nearer the West, Sir William Waller engaged in the other Ser­vice, he, upon the Advice of his Council of War, resolved to bend that way, yet not to make such speed, but that he should receive other Orders from our Governors above, that he might comply with them. Accord­ingly he gave that Account to the Parlia­ment and Committee of the two King­doms, with his desire of their Directions.

[Page 24] They were so mad to see themselves defeat­ed of their Plot, that they would not for ma­ny days return him any answer at all; his disobedience was blown up, and trumpet­ed about by them and their Agents: Some of whom did not stick to say, It were better my Lord of Essex and his whole Army were lost and ruined, than the Parliament not o­beyed, and, that by their consents, he nor his Army should be look'd after or cared for more: A Maxim they have forgotten now in the case of Sir Thomas Fairfax and his Army's, not Disobedience but open Rebel­lion; but they were as good as their words then, and did most maliciously, wilfully, and treacherously (as to the Parliaments Cause, which they seemed to be zealous in) suffer General and Army to be lost, and the whole West left further out of the Parlia­ments reach than before.

25. Sir Arthur Haslerig posted up to Lon­don, breathing out nothing but ruin and de­struction to the Earl of Essex, spoke it out in the hearing of several persons, That he would ruin him, or be ruined himself. His malice and violence was so great at the Committee of the two Kingdoms, where he and his Party were prevalent, that a re­port was thence brought down to the House of Commons, by which Sir William Waller was taken off from following the King, and [Page 25] by that means the King was left at liberty to bend his whole force for the West after my Lord of Essex, which he presently did. At last they left my Lord of Essex at liberty to proceed in that Western Expedition, but with a resolution to let him perish. He takes in Weymouth and some other Towns, goes on as far as Cornwal, whither the King's Forces follow him at the heels, cut off all provision from him, press upon him exceedingly, and put him to very great streights. He engaged in a Country inclo­sed with deep Ditches and strong Fences, that he could neither break through, nor march away; but sends Letter upon Let­ter, Messenger upon Messenger to the Par­liament, representing his Condition, and how easie it was with a small force sent up­on the back of the King's Army, if but on­ly a good Party of Horse, to stop their Provisions, and turn the Tables, streighten them and free him, than which certainly nothing had been more easie, and would have saved the Kingdom a Mass of Trea­sure, and thousands of good Mens lives, which the continuance of the War after that time did cost.

26. But our Masters did not desire then to see the War at an end; they had not the Sword in those hands they would have it for to break the King's forces, well know­ing [Page 26] they must then have had a Peace, and such a Peace as had carried with it an e­stablishment of the King's Government, a keeping up the Nobility and Gentry; all things must have returned into their pro­per Channel, and (the security of the Par­liament and Kingdom being provided for) the Law of the Land must have taken place, their Arbitrary Empire been at an end, and their Design wholly defeated.

27. Therefore my Lord of Essex must not be relieved, but sacrificed to their Am­bition, the King's Army must be yet pre­served, to give them a colour to new mo­del theirs, and put the Power into the base hands of their Creatures which should keep the Kingdom in a perpetual Bondage; and tho they ended the War with the King, yet never made Peace, but continued to grind the Faces and break the Backs of the People with Taxes and Free-Quarter, to maintain an Army when no Enemy was left; in a word, they govern by the Sword, the height of all Misery and Slavery that a­ny Land can undergo.

28. My Lord of Essex and his Army were by this means broken in Cornwal in the lat­ter end of that Summer, and the King seem­ed to gain a great Advantage, recover a great deal of Strength; but to nip that, they soon provided Force sufficient, it suit­ing [Page 27] with their Ends, that his Majesty should seem strong, but not be so. Therefore the Sol­diers of that Army which had lost their Arms in Cornwal are presently armed again, and two other Armies joined to them, the Earl of Manchester's and Sir W. W aller's, who gave the King's Forces a ruffle at Dennington, gain­ing some of the Works: Yet, when the King came with the remainder of his Strength, they did not think it convenient to put it to the trial of a Day, but suffered him to march away, when it had been a most easie thing to have prevented it: And even there, in all likelyhood, have made an end of the busi­ness, which was that they feared; and Sir Arthur Haslerig could come up to London, and into the House of Commons, all in beaten Buff, cross girt with Sword and Pistols as if he had been killing his thousands, when 'tis more probable, if there was any danger, that he had been crying under a Hedg, as he did at Cherrington Fight, bellowing out, Ah wo is me, all is lost! we are all undone! insomuch that a great Officer, a Scotch-man, finding him in that tune, wished him to go off the Field, and not stand gudding there (a Scotch term for crying) to dishearten the Soldiers: but in the House of Commons he feared nothing, none so fierce and valiant, without fear or wit; and there, like a great Soldier in that habit, gave a Relation of [Page 28] what had pass'd, highly extolling the gal­lantry and conduct of all the Commanders, the valour of the Soldiers, that no mortal Men could do more, that the best Soldiers in the world could not have hinder'd the King's marching off, and that it had been no wisdom to have adventur'd to fight, for that the King would be King still, and would soon have had another Army, tho they had gotten the better, but if he had beaten them, they had been utterly lost. This ser­ved the turn for that time, to cast a mist before the peoples eyes, and stop their mouths. Yet within very few Weeks after, this worthy Knight forgot all he had said: for it is by Cromwel laid as a Crime to the Earl of Manchester's Charge (whom they then meant to lay aside) that he was the cause they sought not with the King, and Sir Arthur is a principal Witness to make it good. But on the other side, the Earl of Manchester returns the Bill, charging Crom­wel, that it was his not obeying Orders, who being commanded as Lieutenant General of the Horse, to be ready at such a place by such an hour early in the Morning, came not till the Afternoon, and by many parti­culars makes it clear to have been only his fault.

29. And to say the truth, they could not else have carried on their Design of new mo­delling [Page 29] their Army, of which then there had been no need, and preventing a Peace which they feared might else have followed. For if the King had been too sore prest at that time, it was in their apprehensions probably he might have laid hold upon the Propositions for Peace, which were then ready, and sent to him to Oxford immedi­ately after.

30. Therefore now they set upon their great Work, projected long before, and which Cromwel had broken to my Lord of Manchester in the time of his greatness with him, when he thought him to be one of their own, that was to have an Army composed of those of the Independent Judgment, to in­terpose if there were like to be a Peace; on­ly their Presumption and Impudence was swell'd to be so much higher, as now, they would have no other Army but of them. Because they saw the danger was over; there being no Enemy to take the Field a­gainst them, but such an one as they had willingly set up and given time and means to get together: so as there would be no great need of fighting, that part having been acted by others; for they were never good at it, but excellent to assume the praise and reap the benefit, when others had done the work.

[Page 30] 31. Therefore the whole force of the King­dom must be theirs, in the hands of their Creatures; all the Noblemen and Gentlemen who had engaged in the beginning, and born the heat of the day, must be laid by, all these gallant Officers who had done the Parliament the best Service, indeed all, must be cashier'd: The Earl of Essex, the Earl of Manchester, Sir Philip Stapleton, Sir Wil­liam Waller, and the rest must be reduced, cast by as old Almanacks, in truth not fitted to their Meridian.

32. For this Feat the Juggle of a Self-de­nying Ordinance is found out, whereby it is ordained, that no Member of either House shall bear any Office Martial or Civil; which strikes them all out of Employment and Cromwel too, but for him they will soon find a Starting-hole.

33. Then there must be one body of an Army composed of so many thousand Horse and Foot out of the several Armies, which were to be reduced (as I remember some 20 or 21 thousand, which number they have since doubled or trebled for the ease of the Kingdom) the Officers to be named by the House, and a Committee appointed un­der the specious name of a Committee of Re­formation for this Work, by which they tear in sunder all their Forces, discontent all their best Officers and Soldiers, utterly dis­joynt [Page 31] the whole Frame of the Martial part of their Affairs, and, I dare say, put the King's Party in greater hopes of being able to make it good by the Sword, and less to apprehend the Consequence of not making a Peace at that time, than the gaining of a Battel would have done: nor in truth could it have any other Operation with rational Men.

24. So to work they go, and find difficulties enough. The Soldiers bore an affection to their old Officers, which made them unwil­ling to be reduced: Money there was not to give any reasonable satisfaction out of their Arrears to those who were to be ca­shier'd: But a fortnights pay was ordered, where many months were owing. Yet such was the obedience of those Officers (gallant Men, old Soldiers most of them) to the authority of Parliament (so un­like to the late rebellious Carriage and Inso­lency of our new Model, as shall be hereaf­ter shewed) that they submit to it, are con­tent to sit down themselves, and (which is more) use their interest to perswade the Soldiers to a Conformity. Some of the Horse who had served under my Lord of Essex were a little stiff, and made some shew of standing out in Hertfordshire, which our violent bloody new Modellers would have made advantage of presently to have faln on [Page 32] them, and put them to the Sword; but the Parliament followed more moderate Coun­sels, endeavouring to gain them through fair means, by sending down some of their old Officers to dispose them to a submission, which employment they declined not, but went and prevailed: to which my Lord of Essex himself contributed very much, an Example that this present young General Sir Thomas Fairfax would not follow when his Army was to be disbanded.

35. Yet such was the wickedness and des­perate madness of those Men, who thirsted after nothing but blood, mischief and con­fusion, that at the very same time when the Parliament was going a gentle way, Mr. St. Iohn the King's Solicitor (one who I think has as much of the Blood of this Kingdom to answer for, and has dipp'd as deep in all cunning pernicious Counsels, as any one man alive) wrote a Letter under-hand to the Committee of Hertfordshire (which is yet extant) that they should raise the Country and fall upon these men, to put all into blood, contrary to the desire and endeavour of the Parliament. A Villany never to be forgotten nor forgiven in any man, much less a Man of Law, who should better know what price the Law sets upon the life of e­very Subject, much more of many toge­ther, and of a whole County, which, if [Page 33] he had been obeyed, had run a great ha­zard.

36. But I wonder not at this or any other such passage from him, who could have the face to say in his Argument against my Lord of Strafford, That some persons were not to have Law given them, but be knockt on the head, no matter how: tho he knows it, or should know it, to be against the Laws both of God and Man, that any should be put to death before a legal Con­viction, however he may have practised the contrary since the beginning of these un­happy troubles: his composition being, it seems, like that Monster Emperor's Lu­tum Sanguine maceratum. And to less than an Emperor I would not parallel him, whose vast thoughts have carried him a­bove King and Parliament, to frame, new mould, alter, and destroy as he thinks good. This mixture in his nature makes his actings so fierce and cruel. I appeal to all who have seen and observ'd him this whole Par­liament, if, on all occasions, his Opinion did not still conclude in severiorem partem; if he ever stopt where there was any way to it before he came to blood, or to the destru­ction of Estate and Fortune: But let him pass.

37. To return to our business: Those Soldiers were by these means perswaded, [Page 34] and the new Army framed, Colonels and o­ther new Officers appointed, and for a Com­mander in chief Sir Thomas Fairfax is found out; one, as Sir Arthur Haslerig said, as if he had been hew'd out of the Block for them, sit for their turns to do whatever they will have him, without considering or being able to judg whether honourable or honest. In the passing his Commission they made the first plain discovery of their Intentions concerning the Person of the King: for with a great deal of violence and earnestness they prest it, and carried it, that the care of the preservation of his Person should be lest out, and that this Army should go out in the name of the Parliament alone, and not of King and Parliament, as it was before under my Lord of Essex, who other­wise would not have medled with it. But this General made no Bones, took it, and thanked them, resolved (as it seems) to do whatsoever those his Masters should bid him: for I'm sure he has, at their com­mand, led his Army since against the Par­liament, which he seemed to adore above all things upon Earth.

38. The next work was how again to get in my friend Cromwel; for he was to have the power, Sir Thomas Fairfax only the name of General; he to be the Figure, the other the Cypher. This was so gross [Page 35] and diametrically against the letter of the Self-denying Ordinance, that it put them to some trouble how to bring it about. For this Cromwel's Soldiers, forsooth, must muti­ny, and say they will have their Cromwel or they will not stir. Hereupon he must be sent down; no word then of cutting or hew­ing, or of forcing them to a submission, as in the case of the Earl of Essex's Soldiers; but they must have their wills. Yet for these very men had Cromwel undertaken before, when upon debate the inconveniency was objected which might follow by discontent­ing the common Soldiers, who would hard­ly be drawn to leave their old Officers and go under new, he could say, that his Soldiers had learn'd to obey the Parliament, to go or stay, fight or lay by the Sword up­on their command; which I know prevail'd with a great many to give their Vote with that Ordinance.

39. By this trick a little beginning was made towards the breach of it, which was soon made greater. For they caused a report to be spread, That the King was bending with his Forces towards the Isle of Ely, but none could save but Cromwel, who must be sent in all haste for that Service, and an Order of dis­pensation is made for a very few Months, two or three (I remember not well wh [...] ­ther) but with such protestations of that [Page 36] Party, that this was only for that Exigency, and that for the World they would not have the Ordinance impeached, as Mr. Sollicitor said; and that if no body would move for the calling him home at the expiration of that time, he would. But all this was to gull the House. Mr. Sollicitor had forgot his Protestation, and before that was out there is another Order for more Months, and so renewed from time to time, that at last this great Commander is riveted in the Army, and so fast riveted, as after all his Orders of continuance were at an end, he would keep his Command still, which he has done for several Months, and dos yet, not­withstanding that Ordinance, without any Order at all of the House for it.

40. There, now they have the Sword where they would have it, and resolve with it to cut all Knots they cannot untie; yet they desire to keep that Resolution behind the Curtain as long as they could, and would be thought very obedient to the Par­liament, hoping they should be always able to have it carried there according to their mind; and partly by the awe of their Pow­er, partly by hopes of reward and advan­tage, still to have the major Vote. Which was easie for them, having both Sword and Purse, and withal an impudence and bold­ness to reward all those who would sell their [Page 37] Consciences. For all such Members of the House, and others were sure to be prefer'd, have large Gifts given them out of the Commonwealth's Money, Arrears paid, Of­fices confer'd upon them, countenanced and protected against all Complaints and Prose­cutions, had they done never so unworthy, unjust, horrid actions, to the oppression of the Subject, and dishonour of the Parlia­ment. All others discountenanc'd, oppos'd, inquisitions set upon them, question'd, im­prison'd upon the least occasion, colours of Crimes many times for doing real good Ser­vice, and no favour nor justice for them: On­ly that the World might see which was the way to rise, and which to be sure to meet with contrary Winds and Storms, and so to make all men at least to hold Candles to these visible Saints.

41. But a Party in the House still trou­bled them, which saw their Juglings, their under hand dealings, suspected their De­signs, found what they drove at, and coun­termin'd them, oppos'd them, sometimes crost and defeated their Practices, always vext them, and did, in a great measure, di­vert and keep off Evil, tho the stream was so strong they could not attain and ef­fect the Good they desir'd.

42. This knot must be broken, and some of the persons removed, who are represent­ed [Page 38] to the Kingdom by these Men and their Agents, as those who were rotten at heart, not faithful to the Parliament, holding cor­respondence and intelligence with the King. This was upon Generals, only to prepare Mens minds to make passage for an appro­bation of any attempts to their prejudice, and give credit to such Lies and false Accu­sations as they should be able to set on foot: and all means are us'd to procure Witnesses to testifie any thing against them, Prisoners examin'd and encourag'd to say something, any scandalous desperate Rogues receiv'd and hearken'd to, Spies set to watch them, their goings out and comings in, what pla­ces they went to, what persons they visited or that visited them. Some of their Agents consest they have been two years together watching about some of our Houses, yet it pleased God to protect the Innocent, and, notwithstanding all these endeavours, it was never in their power to do any great mis­chief in this base unworthy way.

43. They came nearest to their Mark, when they had gotten the Lord Savil, a known infamous Impostor, to accuse me with keeping correspondence with my Lord Digby (of which he said he had notice given him by a Letter in Cypher from the Dutch­ess of Buckingham) and for what I did and said at Oxford, when I was amongst others [Page 39] sent thither to present Propositions to the King, where they had a sit Instrument to act for them, and say and swear any thing they would have him, who was at that ve­ry time employed by some of their princi­pal ones, to truck and drive a Treaty under­hand with some great persons at Oxford. For the chief among them had always Grace to try more ways then one to the Wood, and commonly not to row the way they look'd, willing enough to have made a good bargain for themselves at Court, and then have left their Whelps, their Zealots, to have mended themselves as they could, per­haps not despairing but to have perswaded them it was for their good, and the advance­ment of their Catholick Cause, so to have quieted them, and some little thing should have been done for their satisfaction. I did with my own Eyes see Letters, and so did several persons, Members of both Houses, some yet alive, some dead, witten by Savil to divers of great quality at Oxford, one to L. D. some to others, with only one Letter for their Names, where intelligence was gi­ven of the proceedings and intentions of the Parliament and their Army, many Proposi­tions made in the name of that Party and their Undertakings, and in the Close my Lord Savil to be Lord Treasurer, Mr. Soli­citor to be Lord Keeper, and others of their [Page 40] Faction to have several Offices of Honourand Trust. These Letters were seen likewise by my Lord Willoughby and Mr. Whitlock, who are yet alive, and can testifie it, and by the Earl of Essex, Sir Philip Stapleton, and Sir Christopher Wray, who are dead. Some of them were written by Savil's own hand, some copy'd out by a person of Honour, who was employ'd by him, and is yet alive to make it good: And when they play'd this Game themselves, and pretended, forsooth, a designupon Oxford, and to have the King's Army in the West deliver'd to them (which was all but collusion and deceit, to abuse the World, and colour their Correspondencies) then did they make Savil play the Villain and accuse me, whom they prosecuted with that height of malice and violence, with so much injustice and partiality, especially that Man of Law Mr. Sollicitor, who tho Mr. Whitlock had not only consented to, but joined in, and advised all that I had done at Oxford, and that Savil himself had laid it e­qually upon us both in his Information (it seems either not so wicked as his setters on, or not fully instructed by them) yet such was the Justice of that Man, as he would needs sever our Cases, and was not a shamed not only so to declare his Judgment, but press'd it and sollicited it, that the proceed­ings might be singly against me: whereby [Page 41] the eyes of many indifferent persons, Mem­bers of the House, were open'd, and their Spirits rais'd to an Indignation, insomuch that in spight of the Sollicitor and his Party, I was acquitted by the House.

44. This made them bethink themselves, begin to mistrust the House, and doubt if they should be able to carry things as for­merly: And thereupon resolve on a course, which some amongst them had formerly still oppos'd or declin'd, as Mr. Sollicitor by name, which was to have the vacant places of those they had thrust out filled up by a new Election, issuing out Writs for it un­der their new Great Seal. This they hoped would alter the Constitution of the House, and give them infallibly a majority of Votes. Accordingly in the long Summer Vacation of the year 1645, when very many of the Members were gone into their several Coun­tries, they fall upon that point of recruiting the House; and notwithstanding the thin­ness thereof, and its being surprised with that Debate, their Creatures most of them there (as they were always sure of some fif­ty Voices, persons whose only Employment was there to drudg and carry on their Ma­sters work, having thereby a greatness far above the Sphere they had formerly mov'd in; whereas the others were Gentlemen, who had Estates which requir'd their looking af­ter [Page 42] and all of them some Vocations, either for their particular business or pleasure, which made them less diligent, and many of them, as at other times, so then away) yet they carried it but by three Voices.

45. Then to work they go to canvass for Elections in all places, for the bringing in of such as should be wholly theirs. First, they did all they could to stop Writs from going any whither but where they were sure to have fit Men chosen for their turns, and many an unjust thing was done by them in that kind: Sometimes denying Writs, sometimes delaying till they had prepared all things, and made it, as they thought, cock-sure: Many times Committee-men in the Country, such as were their Creatures, appearing grossly, and bandying to carry Elections for them; sometimes they did it fairly by the power of the Army, causing Soldiers to be sent and quarter'd in the Towns where Elections were to be, awing and terrifying, sometimes abusing and offer­ing violence to the Electors. And when these undue Elections were complain'd of, and question'd at the Committee of Privi­leges, there appeared such palpable partiali­ty, so much injustice, such delays and tricks to vex Parties grieved and their Witnesses, such countenancing and defending those who had done the wrong, as it dishearten'd [Page 43] every body, and made many even sit down and give over prosecution.

46. Notwithstanding all this, and that by this means some persons unduly chosen were brought in, yet it prov'd, that far the greater part of those new Members deceiv'd the expectation of these Men. For tho they came into the House with as much pre­judice as was possible against the other mo­derate Party, who had always been repre­sented to them as persons ill affected, not faithful to the Parliament, obstructing all businesses that were for the good of the Kingdom, having Self-ends and ambitious designs of their own; when they came to sit in the House themselves, to see with their own eyes the carriage of things, understand the ways and drift both of the one and the o­ther Party, discern the tricks and violent proceedings of the one, and plainness and reality of the other; that all these aimed at was but to get a good Peace, see the Govern­ment settled both in Church and State, and make no advantages to themselves, have no share, nor desir'd none of the Moneys, look after no Offices nor Preserments; in a word, not seek themselves but the pulick; and those on the other side hinder and oppose the set­tling of the Government, and keep things in a distraction and confusion, not willing to put up the Sword, but continue the burdens [Page 44] and pressures of the Country, countenance the insolencies of Soldiers, bear them out in their abusing of Ministers, and other honest Men, who were for Church-Government, keep up factions and drive on interests in the House, put themselves, their Kindred and Friends into all places of power and pro­fit, share and divide among them the Com­mon-wealth's Money, by Gifts and Re­wards, and paying pretended Arrears; in a word, seek the ruin of the Kingdom, and the advancement of themselves and their Party; this made them change their Minds, and many of them to confess and acknow­ledg they had been abused.

47. But this was not the work of one day: Some time passed before they could make these clear discoveries and disabuse themselves; our grand Impostors kept them a good while at gaze, with putting jealou­sies into their heads against the Scots, as if the Scots had a design of making good their footing in this Kingdom, and that we who were of the other Party from them did carry on the Scotch Interest, and design'd to betray the Rights and Liberties of England; with which Engine they batter'd a long time, and made no small impression in many mens Minds.

48. For the next step they meant to make, was to fall foul with the Scots, and engage [Page 45] the Kingdoms one against another in Blood, which was the return they would give the Scots, as a reward of the good Service they had done them, coming to their help in time of need, when they were so low, so despairing of carrying on their work, and effecting what they had projected to them­selves, as that the chief of them a little be­fore were ready to run away, Ships prepa­red, good store of Treasure which they had shark'd, pack'd up to carry with them, or return'd beyond Sea by Bills of Exchange, and all things in a readiness for their remove, so well were they resolved to hazard, and (if need were) sacrifice themselves for their Country, tho they would be thought to be the only Patriots; but they had certainly left it in the lurch, if first my Lord of Essex had not done that memorable piece of Service in re­lieving Glocester (which was so gallantly defended by Major General Massey) and fighting the great Battel of Newbury. And a little before that the Kingdom of Scotland engaging in the Cause, sent in their Army to their assistance. My Lord of Essex, as has been shewed already, had his reward; he was cashier'd, and so was Major Gene­ral Massey, who since likewise is turn'd out of the House (being one of the eleven Mem­bers) and voted to be impeached of High Treason. And next the Scots must have [Page 46] theirs. The quarrelling with them, and endeavouring to destroy their Army, is what I must now speak of, as the Subject of the next Act in this Tragedy. The first en­deavour is to break the Scotish Army, by not paying it, which before, whilst they had need of it, or hopes that the Kingdom of Scotland might cooperate to the working of their Designs, they could be careful to do their utmost to satisfie, and to provide for it fitting Accommodations. But now they can let many months pass without sending them any Money, or taking any care for their sup­ply, or so much as affording them good words. One of these two effects they thought this would certainly produce, ei­ther the Soldiers to run away, perhaps mu­tiny, so the Army disband and fall to pie­ces, or else live upon Free-quarters, so by oppressing the Country to become odious, and the people rise against them. Nor were they wanting to give all encouragement so to do; Emissaries were sent out, and Agents employ'd in all places to stir up and imbitter mens Spirits. Many Complaints were, by their procurements, sent up to the Parlia­ment, and all means used to get hands to those Complaints, and strange things were suggested, vast Sums to be levy'd by them, so many thousand Pounds a week to be le­vy'd upon a County, unheard of Insolencies [Page 47] to be committed, Robbing, Killing, Ravishing, Riots, all manner of Villanies. This would come up with open cry, make a great noise, be received and heighten'd in the House of Commons with railing Speeches, bitter In­vectives, blown over the City and Kingdom to the disadvantage and reproach not only of the Army, but the Nation; in a word, all done that could be imagin'd to set Man, Woman and Child, and even the very Stones against them. The Commissioners of Scotland that were in London would ma­ny times send in their Papers to the Houses of Parliament, to shew the falshoods of those Reports, and desire that Committees might be sent down to join with theirs to examine these things; pressing that it ought to be so done by the Treaty between the two King­doms, and that there should always be a Committee of both Kingdoms with the Ar­my to govern it, to provide what was sit for the Soldiers, and prevent both disorders and misunderstandings: but it was not that which our Masters desir'd, and therefore they would send none.

49. The Members of the House who dislik'd those Courses, and saw the endea­vours that were us'd to cause a breach be­tween the two Nations, did yet desire, that if those relations were true, it might so ap­pear, and be represented not only to the [Page 48] General of the Army, and to that part of the Committee of Estates of Scotland which was in England (both those with the Parliament and those with the Army) but even to the Kingdom of Scotland, that there might be redress, the Offenders punish'd, and the Kingdom of England righted and satisfy'd: If false, that the raisers and contrivers of those Reports might be punish'd, and the Kingdom of Scotland repaired, which was the way to keep Peace between the Nations. And so sometimes they prevail'd, and got it order'd for an Examination, but never any thing could be made of it. Only at a Mar­ket-Town in Yorkshire there had been a Riot, and some Men killed; for which a Council of War had passed on the Offenders, and some (as I remember) were executed, some cashier'd. And for the raising those great Sums of Money, it is true, Money they did raise, or else their Soldiers must have starv'd: But for that exorbitancy of raising so many thousand Pounds a Week upon one County, it was a Scandal and false Lye, grounded upon notable Cheat and Collusion. For the Scots drawing their Quarters near together, which they did, as well for the better governing of their Army, as for the safety of it, knowing they had many back­friends, this made them lie heavy upon places, and exact the more Money and Pro­visions [Page 49] from those several Townships. Then did these Men who were employed to blow the Coals, and put all into a flame (if possi­ble) between the Country and the Scots, take the highest rate that was set upon any one of these Towns, and make a computation what it would come to upon the whole County at that proportion, which Sum they inform'd to be the charge upon that Coun­ty for the payment of the Scotish Army; and this must be made a great business and past for a truth, as if the Scots had rais'd so much Money, when in truth there was no such thing.

50. Yet let me not be thought to excuse and justifie all that the Soldiers of that Army have done upon the Country, and not to pity with a very tender Sense, the deep Suf­ferings of those Northern parts, the Scotish Army lying so long upon them on Free­quarter. I must be very ignorant of the carriage of an unpaid Army, if I did not be­lieve that many disorders were committed, many a poor Country-man exceedingly op­press'd and abus'd by the unruly Soldiers, and more by half taken and spoiled by them, than would have sufficed for their Pay and Entertainment, if it had been orderly raised and provided by the authority and care of the State which was to pay them. And so should I likewise have very small bowels towards my [Page 50] Country, England in general, and particu­larly those poor Counties, in one of which I receiv'd my being, if I did not grieve and mourn from the bottom of my Soul for the sad condition which did then overspread them, the poverty to which they are redu­ced, the ruin of so many Houses and Fami­lies, the Land lying in many places an unin­habited Wilderness, all over a face of misery and desolation. But then the more I am rai­sed to an indignation against them who were the cause of this, those who had rather suffer not one County or two, but all the Coun­ties in England, and two Kingdoms besides to perish and ruin, than they to fail of their Ends. So must all the North be made a Sa­crifice to their malice and revenge upon the Scotish Nation, and rather than not enforce the Scots to oppress those parts, hoping at last they would fall one upon another, they will suffer the Country to endure any Mise­ry; and not only so, but impudently and perfidiously wrest and misinterpret the Trea­ty themselves had made, and so put a great scorn thereon, to give greater provocations to the Scots: and thus they make themselves ridiculous and infamous to the World, and to all posterity, by a gross and palpable col­lusion.

51. For when the Commissioners of Scot­land and the General of the Army did so of­ten [Page 51] and earnestly move for Pay for the Sol­diers, representing that on the monthly Pay which was condition'd for and promi­sed, they have not of so many Months re­ceived any thing, and that it was impossi­ble to observe that Discipline in the Army which was requisite for the ease of the Coun­ty, because the Soldiers were unpaid, they had the face to say, that by the Treaty the Scots could not receive their Pay at present, because there was a Clause, that if any part thereof were behind, they should be allow­ed Interest for forbearance (which Interest was not to be presently paid neither, but af­terwards when the Peace was setled and the Kingdom more able) upon which these conscionable Logicians infer'd, that allow­ing Interest nothing could be demanded. So that which the Scots gave way to out of friendliness and confidence, to shew they would not exact upon our necessities, if at any time through the great occasions of ex­pence we were not able to give them their full Pay, is now made use of, and ungrate­fully turned upon them, to defer the pay­ment of any part: And this only to affront them, and make them desperate.

52. And as they deal with the Army, so did they with the State and Kingdom of Scotland, by putting neglects and indignities upon their Ministers, raising jealousies of [Page 52] them and of the whole Nation. For this they had their Robert Wright, and their un­known Knight to give intelligence of Cor­respondencies held by them with the Queen, of undertaking to do great matters for the King, Treaties with France, strange designs and practices against the Parliament, and e­very foot Letters of Information from some well-wishers abroad to Mr. Sollicitor, or Sir Henry Mildmay, or some other of that Gang, upon this strain. Then this is whisper'd a­bout, and these Letters go from hand to hand, and told as a secret in every bodies Ears, to make people afraid and mistrust e­ven their own Shadows, as if all were in danger. Sometimes the House must be ac­quainted with some of these things, or some person or other brought to the Bar to make some relation, as Sir Thomas Hanmore. Then the doors are shut, long winded Speeches made to set out our dangers, and great expe­ctations rais'd of strange discoveries, and all but a parturiunt montes. Yet this serves to make a noise, and they had Instruments abroad to improve it, and many hones well meaning men were cozen'd and stood at gaze, knew not what to think of their Brethren of Scot­land, nor yet of the Members of either House, and desir'd to have things more fair­ly carry'd towards them; and as they had had experience of their faithfulness former­ly [Page 53] so could they not be brought by such ar­tifices to have an ill opinion of them without better grounds for it, and therefore differ'd in the entertainment they gave to those a­larms, judging them false and causeless, ac­cordingly expressing themselves, diverting and breaking the desperate thrusts which these men made, and were therefore decry'd as Scotish, malignant, and prejudged in all they did or said.

53. The malice against the Scots rests not here, it carries them to discover and mani­fest slighting and neglecting, and (that not sufficiently provoking) a violent injuring and affronting of them. First, they vouch­safe not to answer the Papers they put into the House, some not at all, none presently (as formerly they were wont to do) nor in any convenient time: but make them wait days, and weeks, and months, for a return to what the Commissioners present from the Kingdom of Scotland, or from themselves in the name of that Kingdom.

54. The Committee of the two King­doms is now no more in esteem, than (as they say) a Saint without a Holiday: That which before did manage all the great busi­ness, which was looked upon with so much reverence, even as a sacred thing, pray'd for in the Churches like the Lords in the Coun­cil, had all the `trust, all the power, not on­ly [Page 54] in matters of War, which were wholly left to them by the ordinance of their Con­stitution; but all other business of conse­quence, as framing propositions for Peace, and all Addresses to his Majesty, all Nego­tiations with foreign States, whatsoever did in any high degree concern the Parliament or Kingdom, was still referred to them, and what they did, passed for Law, was seldom or never alter'd in the House. But now the Tide was turn'd, they had nothing to do. Sir Thomas Fairfax was discharg'd of his subordination to them, and left to himself, to do as he saw cause with his Army. They of the Committee, who were of that Faction, seldom or never came to it; so that the Commissioners of Scotland, and the other Members of it, did come and at­tend three or four days one after another, sometimes oftner, to no purpose, and no Committee could sit for want of a number: nay, they prevail'd so far, as now to vilifie and shew their neglect or jealousie of the Scotish Commissioners. They would some­times get business referred to the Members of both Houses that were of that Commit­tee, with their Exclusion.

55. To provoke them yet more, they Break through the Law of Nations, which in all places in the World give protection to publick Ministers employed by any Prince [Page 55] or State, so as neither their Servants or Goods, and especially not their Letters, which are of greater consequence, and more immedi­ately concern the Honour and Interest both of their Masters and them, ought to be in a­ny sort touch'd or stop'd; yet the Packets of the Commissioners of Scotland must be intercepted, and their Letters broke open. This done several times in a secret and pri­vate manner, the Letters suppressed and never heard of more, which was a great wrong and injury to that Kingdom; yet cannot be said to be an affront, because it was not avowed. But they have likewise done it openly and avowedly in a most inse­lent way: Once they set a Captain, one Massey, at the Guards by London, knowing the Commissioners were sending an Express into Scotland; and this Captain (who de­serves to be made an Example for it, and his Masters too who set him to work) stops the Gentleman who was sent with the Pac­ket, takes the very Letters they had writ­ten to the Committee of Estates, reads them, and keeps the Messenger Prisoner upon the Guard, which was the highest affront, the greatest violation of the publick Faith, the greatest scandal to all Princes, States, and even Societies of Men, the basest unwor­thiest dealing with a Nation, to whom we were engag'd by Amity, League, Cove­nant, [Page 56] common Interest, and all Bonds of Gratitude for the good we had receiv'd from them, that ever was heard of, or read in a­ny Story, or I think ever will be again. Yet was this fellow, by the power and in­terest of these Men, protected in the House of Commons: So far from being punish'd, when the Scotish Commissioners made their Complaint, that when the Lords had com­mitted him for it, they made the House set him at liberty, and quarrel with the Lords for breaking their Privileges, in committing one who was under examination of their Committee: for they had refer'd the busi­ness to a Committee, in truth not to do the Kingdom of Scotland any right in pu­nishing the Offender, but affront it the more in protecting him.

56. One would think now these had bid fair for an absolute breach with Scotland, but they are not satisfy'd yet; one thing more they will do which they are confident will do the feat. It is this; At the coming in of the Scots, they had born them in hand, they desir'd nothing but the uniting of the Nations: That therefore they would never make Peace without their advice and con­sent; and that as they desir'd a conjunction of Forces and Counsels for prosecution of the War, so whensoever a Peace was made, they desir'd a conjunction of Counsels and Inte­rests [Page 57] for the preservation thereof, that so the Kingdoms, interwoven one with another, might be a mutual strength and security one to another. Therefore in framing the pro­positions for Peace presented to the King at Oxford, and treated on at Vxbridg, which was done at the Committee of the two King­doms, they make it one proposition, That some Commissioners from Scotland should be joined with ours in the power of the Militia of this Kingdom, and converse some of ours with theirs in their Kingdom, and so bring it to the House. Where my self, and many more, who truly desir'd the joyning of the Nations in love and good understanding to perpetuity, opposed it, fearing that joining them in that power would prove a dividing of affection, which should be best set, and so preserved by keeping several their several Interests. But those carry'd it, and what we fear'd prov'd true: it being afterward made an occasion of great endeavours to set the two Kingdoms farther asunder, and cer­tainly was first done by them out of that de­sign.

57. For now when the propositions were to be sent again to the King to Newcastle, that Party took their rise upon that proposition to have them all review'd, and changed al­most all in them that look'd towards the Scots, and gave themselves liberty, as they [Page 58] had a large Field, to shew the inconvenien­cies of admitting another Kingdom to share power in this. And much was done and said reflecting upon Scotland, and against all such intermixtures. Then those who shew­ed their dislike of it before, and would not have had it done when it was to do, being now done, did not desire at that time to have it undone, in truth, unwilling there should be any altering of the propositions at all; not knowing where these Men would stop, if once they began to change any part: And therefore offer'd this consideration, that though before it had been no wrong or un­kindness to our Brethren not to have admit­ted them to such a Copartnership, which they apprehended would prove rather a pre­judice than otherwise, but being now in, they thought it might be ill taken to thrust them out, and argue a jealousie and change of Affection, according to the Rule, Tur­pius ejicitur quam non admittitur, &c. But for that very reason were these Men the more earnest for it, that it might be ill taken, that it might argue a jealousie, that the Scots might see by it, that the countenance, of the Parliament was not to them as be­fore, and that the Ligament being untied, by which the two Kingdoms did seem to be bound up together, they might fall in sun­der, and the breach be the greater. O the [Page 59] wickedness of these Men, that thirsted after nothing but to see the two Kingdoms wel­tering in that blood which they must let out of one another's Veins! But that does the more commend the goodness, piety, wis­dom, and moderation of our Brethren of Scotland, which prevented it; for notwith­standing all these provocations, all these in­juries and affronts, they were stedfast, they were unmoveable in their resolutions to promote the Peace of England. They said they came in to help it, they will not be made Instruments to destroy it: They had bound themselves in a Covenant before God, and in a Treaty with their Brethren of En­gland, to endeavour by all good ways and means a happy Settlement and Reformation both in Church and State: The art and ma­lice of their Enemies, and the Enemies of Peace, shall not engage them to become in any sort an occasion of hindering it. There­fore they deny themselves, they renounce their own interest, they quit all pretensions, and agree with the Parliament in those alte­rations, aand thereby defeat the expectation of those who hop'd to see, not only the pro­positions of Peace laid aside upon that occa­sion, but that Scotland should have born the blame, both of not making Peace with the King, and also of all the Miseries which must have followed upon both Kingdoms by a rupture and breach between 'em.

[Page 60] 58. When they saw they could not by Art and underhand-dealing compass this Breach, that neither the Scots would be pro­voked to declare against the Parliament, and so the War begin on that side; nor could they engage the Northern Counties to fall upon them: If either of which had taken, they had still kept themselves behind the Curtain, and hid the Arm which had thrown the Stone; they had seem'd, alas, innocent well-meaning Men, and yet the mischief befallen which they had contriv'd. But ra­ther than fail they will throw of the Vizard, and come downright with open face, to the executing their Design. They set on their Teazers, as Haslerig, Mildmay, Martin, and many others, to move, That Sir Thomas Fairfax might go down with his Army to protect those Northern Counties, and re­lieve them from the oppression of the Scots, a pretty way of protection and giving ease, to send an Army into a Country. We see how this Army eases the Country now, to the breaking both of their backs and hearts. But, could they have gotten a Vote for this, their work had been done, and we should soon have heard of mischief and felt it: The animosity between those two Armies had instantly put them and the Kingdoms into blood, for which, no question, Sir Thomas Fairfax had his Instructions, but the House [Page 61] would never give way to it, tho with earnest­ness prest many times by that Party. And when they saw they could not prevail, the presumptions are very strong, that they would have had the Army to have march'd thi­ther without the Parliament's order: for the Scots had an alarm of the Army's moving towards them, and their Commissioners so inform'd the House, with a protestation a­gainst it, upon which there was a stop, with a denial and disavowment of their ha­ving any such intention. Yet certainly there was an attempt, and it is said, orders out for part of the Army to move that way; but God be thanked it went no further, for that would have been a sad business.

59. Before I go off this matter, I must do that right to Col. Pointz, who command­ed the Northern Forces, as to attribute to his care and vigilancy, and his discreet or­dering of his business, a great part of our happiness, that all that mischief was pre­vented which was so earnestly endeavour'd to be pull'd on us, by engaging the Country and Scotish Army in quarrel and bloodshed; and that was his Crime with these Men to be for it, since so unjustly put out of his Command, after they had stir'd up the un­ruly Rabble of the Agitators, to take him by violence out of his House at York, being as absolutely in his Command as Fairfax was [Page 62] in his: Meerly doing it by an act of power, force, and violence, breaking through all Rules of Justice, Equity, and Honesty, bringing him a Prisoner to the Army, not suffering him so much as to put on his Clothes, or speak to his Wife, or any Friend, but use him as if he had been the greatest Traytor in the world, when Sir Thomas Fairfax could not pretend to the least jurisdiction over him, not any thing could be laid to his charge. Such is their hatred of every honest Man, who stands in their way to their pernicious designs.

60. Their next hope was, that the Sco­tish Army would not go out of the King­dom at the desire of the Parliament; so bloo­dy Noses would be upon that occasion: and I must give them their due, there was no failure in them, to do all that was possible to have kept them in still only to quarrel with them, but with a seeming to desire nothing so much as their going. Very for­ward they were to get the Vote of the Par­liament that they should be gone; but to inable them to go they would not help, ra­ther hinder, and hang on all the weights they could. To say the truth, they had some ground to believe, First, That they would not go, Secondly, That they could not, if they would; for the Scots had a co­lour, if not just reason to have refus'd.

[Page 63] 61. By the Covenant and Treaty, the two Kingdoms had bound themselves before God and one to another, as one intire Bo­dy, to prosecute the Cause (these are the ve­ry words of the Declaration of both Houses to the State of the united Provinces, which Declaration Mr. Sollicitor himself penn'd, therefore they must hold it Canonical) and that neither Kingdom should lay down Arms till the Ends mention'd in the Covenant and Treaty were obtain'd. If then in this Cause the Forces of both Kingdoms made but one intire Body, the Scots had a good Plea, Why will you send us away and dis­band us wholly? This proceeding is not e­qual, the Body must suffer, and cannot act as an intire Body if one whole Member be cut off; or if there be no more need of act­ing, if the Ends be obtain'd for which the Body was constituted, and therefore you send us away, then why do you keep up your own Army, the other part of this Bo­dy? This had certainly been strong reason, which Mr. Sollicitor would have been puzled to answer.

62. Besides, the Scots had cause enough to have their jealousie prompt them, that it was not safe for them to depart with their Army, lay by their Swords, and leave stand­ing in this Kingdom so great a Force, which they knew to be so ill affected to them, and [Page 64] might act to their prejudice; and the King being in their power, perhaps force both him and the Parliament to a Peace disadvan­tageous to Scotland, and differing from those grounds upon which, by the Kingdom of England, they were engag'd in this Quarrel: or else make no Peace at all, but interpose (as Cromwel to the Earl of Manchester) to hinder it, and themselves govern by the Sword, not only to the prejudice of Scotland, but also ruin of England. One may swear there was ground enough for such a fear; for since it hath prov'd so to purpose. But according to the old Rule, they who mean well themselves, are not suspicious of others. The Scots had no thoughts but of setling a Peace, laying down of Arms, calling the People, and all things to revert into their old Channel; therefore they were willing to be gone and return into their own Coun­try, in confidence that after their departure, the Army under Sir Thomas Fairfax should likewise presently be disbanded, since there was no more need of any Army at all, so they were willing to go.

63. But then the question was if they would go or not, and how the Soldiers would be dispos'd to march out, who had not been paid of so many Months, insomuch as the Scotish Commissioners gave in an account of some 800000 l. Arrears. Here our Gal­lants [Page 65] hop'd they had them upon the Hip, and should surely give them a fall. Then they thrust on some of their little Northern Beagles, as Mr. Blaxton, and others, to in­form what high Sums they had rais'd up­on the Country; upon which they con­clude the Scotish Army was in their debt, and therefore they would come to an ac­count with them, which had been a sure way to have kept them in the Kingdom five or six months longer. But to help that, our just Pay-masters said the Army should march away, and some persons be left be­hind to see all accounts adjusted: which had requir'd very good Rhetorick to have made it Justice, especially to have appear'd so to the Scotish Soldiers: for to have sent them away without Money, and then ask the Country-man what the Soldiers had taken, when he might say what he thought [...] good, the Soldier not there to answer for himself▪ and yet his Pay to be thereby determin'd, would have been but hard measure. But the Rhetorick had been, Sir Thomas Fair­fax to have gone down with his Army, which should have made it just, and easie, and every thing; for this was it they desir'd to bring it to, as it was often mov'd and press'd by them.

64. At last the well-wishers to Peace with much ado prevail'd in the House, and [Page 66] it was carry'd to offer the Scots a gross Sum for all, so to part fair, and avoid the delay and disputes of an account, to which they presently agreed. Then the question was what Sum. Here again we had a strong debate: For our Incendiaries hung by every twig, sticking fast to their Principles to dis­satisfie the Scots, and break with them (if possible) upon any point; pretending the poverty of the Kingdom, and the great Sums the Scots had rais'd, and therefore they would give but 100000 l. which they knew was all one with a hundred Shillings, as to the satisfying of the Soldiers for marching away. In the end, after many debates in the House, and passages to and again with the Scotch Commissioners, the lowest Sum that could be agreed unto by the Commissi­oners was 400000 l. two in hand, and the other two after some time, with a pro­testation of theirs, that the Army would not be satisfy'd with less, nor inabled to march, which was motive enough for these Men to deny it; for if they could have wrought the dissatisfaction of the Army, so as to have refus'd to go, it was where they would have it. Whereupon 'twas op­pos'd by them with all the power they had, but in the end the better part, that is the mo­derate Party, who were the Peace-makers, those that labour'd to keep things even and [Page 67] fair between the two Kingdoms, carry'd it: And the sum was voted, and all things agreed upon, tho with difficulty (for they fought it out and lost it by Inches) then the Scots declar'd they would march out by such a day.

65. Yet had our Boutefeus one hope left, which was to quarrel at last about the per­son of the King▪ believing the Scots would certainly have taken his Majesty with them into Scotland. This they knew had been ground sufficient, and would have engag'd all England against them, giving a confirma­tion to all the jealousies formerly rais'd, and occasion'd a thousand more: And had cer­tainly more advantag'd the designs of those who thirsted after the destruction of the King first, the Scots next, and then all such as desir'd Peace within this Kingdom, and have made them a smoother way to their damnable Ends, the altering of the Govern­ment, and bringing in a confusion both in Church and State, than any thing that could have happen'd: And the two Kingdoms had been together in blood, the author of the mischief undiscover'd, mask'd over with the glorious pretences of zealously vindicating the honesty and interest of England, and e­very breach of Covenant and Treaty in this Cause, which made them with so much pe­remptoriness and incivility, and in truth in­justice▪ [Page 68] demand that the Scots would deli­ver up his Majesty, who had an equal inte­rest in his Royal Person with the Kindom of England, he being equally King of both, and an equal interest in the closing and bind­ing up the unhappy differences which were between him and both his Kingdoms, they having been engag'd in that Quarrel at the entreaty of England, and made up to­gether with an intire Body with England (as is before shewed) for the prosecution of it. Therefore they had no more reason to trust us with the King than we had them; and as much were they concern'd in all that related to his Majesty's Person, so as they had ground enough to have dis­puted it, and out of that hope was it press'd by the others. But the wisdom of the Sco­tish Nation foresaw the inconveniencies which must have necessarily follow'd, had they been positive at that time, how they had plaid their Enemies game to their own ru­in, and even ruin to his Majesty. Therefore they made for him the best conditions they could, that is for the safety and honour of his Person, and to avoid greater mischiefs, were necessitated to leave him in England, and so march away. Which they did in February 1646.

66. Here then the very mouth of Ini­quity was stopt, Malice it self had nothing [Page 69] to say to give the least blemish to the faith­fulness and reality of the Kingdom of Scot­land, the clearness of their Proceedings, their zeal for Peace, without self-seeking and self-ends, to make advantage of the mi­series and misfortunes of England. This gave such a reputation to them, and to those that appear'd for them (that is, so far for them, as to endeavour the doing of them right, and prevent the practices of those who sought all means of doing them wrong) and gave such a blow to the other violent Party, so broke their power, and lessen'd their authority in the Parliament, as it made way for obtaining those resolutions which were presently taken for disbanding Sir Thomas Fairfax's Army. Till when, by the fomenting jealousies against the Scots, and a­gainst all moderate and well affected persons, as if their designs were to betray the Cause, deliver over the Honour, and Interest, and Strength of England, into the hands of the Scots, they prevail'd so far, generally upon the affection of the people, and especially upon many well-meaning (but not so well discerning) persons, Members of Parlia­ment, as they were able to suppress all good motions tending towards Peace, all endea­vours of smoothing those rugged ways that their violence had put all things in, and to swell up that Independent Army, like the [Page 70] Spleen in the Body by the concourse of all ill humours, to the ruin and consumption of the Body it self: And yet other Forces ca­shier'd, as Major General Massey's Brigade, which had done all the Service in the West, of which those Drones robb'd the sweet, get­ting the honour and advantage of it to them­selves. That tho that Army was com­pos'd for the most part of factious Sectaries, except some few gallant Men that were scat­ter'd here and there amongst them, as Co­lonel Greves, Colonel Thomas Sheffield, Sir Robert Pye, Colonel Herbert, Colonel But­ler, Quarter-Master General Fincher, and other Officers of Quality, and Gentlemen of the Life-Guard, who had formerly serv'd under my L [...]d of Essex, and Sir William Waller, and in other parts of the Kingdom, to whom they did the honour of letting them perform all the Action which that Army had to do, and who every one of them af­terward left it, when it left its obedience to the Parliament and fidelity to the King­dom, and that they grew to be not only an unnecessary grievous burden in respect of charge, but also a let and hinderance to the setling all Government both civil and eccle­siastical, neither submitting themselves to order of Parliament, nor permitting others where they could hinder it; but giving countenance to all disorders, especially in [Page 71] the Church, as breaking open the Church doors, doing most unseemly barbarous things, indeed not fit to be related either to mo­dest or Christian Ears, and in time of Di­vine Service interrupting Ministers as they were preaching, miscalling, reviling them, sometimes pulling them down by violence, beating and abusing them, getting into the Pulpits themselves, and venting either ridi­culous or scandalous things, false and perni­cious Doctrins, countenancing and publish­ing seditious Pamphlets (for which they had a Press that follow'd the Army) decry­ing both King and Parliament and all Au­thority, infusing a rebellious Spirit into the people, under the pretence of Liberty and Freedom. All this notwithstanding while the Scotish Army was in the Kingdom. Such things were whisper'd, such jealousies and fears rais'd, as these inconveniencies were not only dispens'd with, but the Ar­my supported and cherish'd as if they had been tutelary Gods, those who must have protected and deliver'd us from all danger, and all that the Parliament and Kingdom could do, little enough to feed and maintain them, tho an excrescence that drew away the whole nourishment of the Body, and starv'd it.

67. But afterwards when the Kingdom saw how they had been abus'd, made to fear [Page 72] where no fear was, and were come to them­selves, they soon grew to feel the weight of that which lay upon them, and seek for ease. Then City and Country could petition the Parliament for disbanding the Army, com­plain of their intolerable disorders and irre­gularities, and the Parliament was well dis­pos'd for it, who now likewise discover'd the art and malice of the Independent Party, a Spirit they had rais'd which they would gladly lay, and consider'd, that as such an Army was dangerous, so none at all was needful, that Ireland wanted what we had too much of, Soldiers.

68. Besides, they well saw that whilst that Army stood, they should never be able to relieve Ireland to any purpose, the stock of the Kingdom was swallow'd up in their maintenance; and tho for the space of a whole year there had not been an Enemy in the Field, nor Town possess'd by any to find them employment, yet they recruited daily, all care being taken for sending them Pay, Arms, Provision, Clothes, with all other necessaries, as if they were every day upon hard and dangerous Service, when they did nothing but trouble and oppress the Coun­try [...] so as notwithstanding their glorious pretences of fighting for Conscience, not Pay, sacrificing themselves to God and the Kingdom's Cause, none of them would stir [Page 73] to help the poor Protestants in that King­dom, but even hinder'd what they could all others from going.

69. Which appear'd by Colonel Ham­mond's Capitulation, being design'd for the Service of Dublin, who tho he were but an Ensign to Sir Simon Harcourt in the begin­ing of those Wars, now a Colonel of the new Model, stood upon his pantoufles, That he would not be oblig'd for longer than two or three Months, have all his Pay be­fore hand, Victuals for six Months tho he would stay but two, be absolute Command­er of all the Forces there, have a proportion of Money over and above for contingent occasions put into what hands he would appoint, a Fleet of Ships to transport him, wait upon him, and be at his disposing, not to stir without his leave, in truth he must be Admiral and General; such Terms as no Prince or foreign State that had but given an assistance could have stood upon higher. This was the obedient conscientious Army; but most Men were satisfy'd if it was not disbanded Ireland must be lost, and England undone.

70. The Parliament therefore taking in­to their consideration the necessity of relie­ving that dying Kingdom, after long debate, and much opposition from all that Party, came at last to a resolution in May 1647, [Page 74] and vote, that a certain proportion of Foot and Horse should forthwith be transported into Ireland (as I remember seven Regi­ments of Foot, of which four I am certain were to be taken out of the Army) they further vote, that no Foot should be con­tinu'd in England, but those that were to be for the necessary defence of the Garisons, and that about five thousand Horse and Dra­goons should remain under Pay in this King­dom, for quieting and preventing any stir or trouble, either within or from abroad, to interrupt proceedings till a settlement of Affairs: Peoples Minds after such Commo­tions being, like the Sea after a Storm, un­quiet for some time tho the wind be abated. Those Men would have had a far greater number, and press'd it earnestly, saying, We laid by our strength that all might be deliver'd back into the King's hands; and tho even this proportion seem'd very great to discreet and moderate Men, yet they pitch'd upon it, partly to stop the mouths of these Railers, and give satisfaction to all in­different persons, who look'd not so far into business, and were apt enough to be misled into jealousies and suspicions, and partly be­cause they well hop'd it would be but for some short time that this charge should be continu'd upon the Kingdom.

[Page 75] 71. Here then is the Ax first laid to the root of this broad spreading Tree, the Ar­my; a dismal Cypress, the shadow and dropping whereof were so pernicious as to darken all the comfortable beams of our Sun-shine of Peace, and suffer no good thing to prosper near it; this vext the Children of darkness, who now must cast about, shake Heaven and Earth, raise all the black Spirits of Hell, confound Sea and Land, and all the Elements, rather than permit this to take place.

72. The Parliament goes on with this work, refers it to the Committee of Lords and Commons at Derby-house, to see those Votes concerning Ireland put in execution. The eleven Members were almost all of them of that Committee, who may say Hinc illae Lacrimae. For doing their parts, toge­ther with the rest, in discharge of the duty and trust which lay upon them to take care of that poor Kingdom, and discovering the designs of the Army to frustrate all the good designs of the Parliament, they incur the mortal hatred of the Party and Army which have driven them from their Homes, and Country, and City of London, without the privity or consent of the House of Par­liament. The Earl of Warwick, the Lord Dacres, Sir William Waller, Sir Iohn Clot­worthy, Major General Massey, and Mr. Sal­loway, [Page 76] are the persons employ'd. These la­bour to dispose Officers and Soldiers to a compliance with the necessities of Ireland; but at the very first were receiv'd with a mutinous acclamation amongst the Officers whom they had call'd together, some of them crying out, One and all, and the whole Company disturb'd and distemper'd. So as finding it not convenient to deal with them together in a body, they desir'd, that such as had a sense of the miserable condition of that Kingdom, and a will to ingage for the relief of it, would repair to them to their Lodgings, which very many did, Colonels and Lieutenant Colonels, and other Offi­cers, and undertook for themselves, and a ve­ry considerable number of their Soldiers, a­bout 1500, or 2000, casting themselves wholly upon the Parliament for their condi­tions. The rest of the Officers and Soldiers of the Army doing all that was possible to obstruct the Service, decrying the Employ­ment, railing upon, misusing, threatning, and thereby discourage those who engag'd, calling them deserters of the Army and of their General, and by great offers and assu­rance of better conditions to stay with them keeping of others.

73. And at that very time did some of the Officers meet and prepare a Petition, to­gether with a Representation, in the name [Page 77] of the whole Army, That before disbanding there might be an Act of Indemnity with the King's royal Assent to it; that Auditors might speedily repair to the Army to cas [...] up their Accounts for their Service from the beginning; that none who had serv'd volun­tarily in that Army should be compel'd to go out of the Kingdom; that till disbanded, Money might be sent down for their supply. This was a fair beginning of the godly Ar­my's taking care for Ireland, and of those good Officers proceedings, so obedient to the Parliament, as meerly for that they had been made choice of and put into the rooms of far better Men than themselves; now for­sooth, when the Parliament would have some of them go for Ireland, they will put the whole Army into a Mutiny.

74. For an Army, or any part of it, to join in a Petition, tho but for Pay, when their Superiors (that Authority which they are to obey) require any Duty to be per­form'd, or Service to be done by them, as the present relieving of Ireland was, this, I think, by the Rules of War, has in all Armies been held a Mutiny, and the Au­thors, at least, punish'd with death. Here to be sure it shall mutiny to purpose, and not disband according to the resolutions of Parliament; they put them not only to pe­tition in this mutinous way, but to desire [Page 78] impossibilities, as Tacitus says, Non ut asse­querentur sed causam seditioni, not to rest sa­tisfy'd with former Ordinances, and the ge­neral care taken for all who had serv'd in these unhappy Wars, but to demand a par­ticular Act of Indemnity with his Maje­sty's approbation, not that they car'd for him, or meant ever to see him again in power to enact any thing, which their pro­ceedings since have made clear to all mens understandings (though some discern'd it very well to be their principle and their drift from the beginning) but they knew this would take up time, could not possibly be so soon done, and would elude all endea­vours of disbanding. So for Auditors to go and cast up their Accounts was the work of many Months, and a strange demand for this godly obedient Army to make, who, by their own sayings, were not Mercenary, but had taken up Arms in judgment and conscience, and out of love and duty to the Parliament, not for their Pay. Their other demand is as good, and is as much as to say, as that the Parliament should send none of them for Ireland, they who were the Parlia­ments Army, who, as Mr. Cromwel made us believe, would go with a word to any part of the World, whither the Parliament would please to send them; and therefore the other Armies and Major General Massey's Forces [Page 79] must be cashier'd (those who certainly would have gone) to make way for their en­tertainment. These now who had receiv'd the Pay of the Kingdom so long, the sole Army, which, like Pharaoh's lean Kine, had eaten all the rest, and had the Sword of the Parliament singly and wholly in their hands, stand upon terms, and will not be compell'd to go, that is, will not go; for they know none is compell'd for Ireland, nor was there any thought of it, since many were willing to ingage in that War who were not so in this; but this was enough to possess the Army with a prejudice against the imployment, and against the intentions and proceedings of Parliament.

75. This Petition and other of their pra­ctices so interrupted the business, that our Commissioners at their return inform'd both Houses of it, who yet were so tender of conceiving or expressing any great dislike of the contrivers and promoters of the Peti­tion for obstructing the Service of Ireland, and distempering the Army, and that those who had but been drawn in it should not find themselves lessen'd in their good Opi­nion, who resolv'd to pass by all, and pu­nish none, except such as should mutinously persist in the promoting of it. They sent like­wise up for some of the Officers that had more notoriously appear'd therein, and in discou­raging [Page 80] and abusing them who offer'd themselves in the Irish Service: Whose miscarriage, though it was very gross, and the answers of some of them at the House of Commons Bar mere collusion and equivo­cation (as by name Lieutenant Colonel Pride's, who being charg'd with causing the Petition to be read at the head of his Regiment, deny'd it stoutly, because, it seems, it was but at the head of every Com­pany, the Regiment not being drawn up together) notwithstanding all this, the House willing to bury what was past, and hoping it would have gain'd them to a bet­ter obedience for the future, sent them down again, rather with respect than otherwise, acquiescing with their denyal. And this very act of Clemency was turn'd against them; and afterwards when the Army came to do their work barefac'd, no longer to excuse but justifie that Petition, nay, make the Parliament criminous for questi­oning it, they upbraided the House with sending up for the Officers from their Charge, when they had nothing to say to them.

76. The necessity of disbanding more and more appearing, it hastens the resolutions for it; whereupon it was order'd, that Of­ficers and Soldiers should have six weeks Pay of their Arrears, and so be disbanded, [Page 81] those that would be taken in for Ireland to have six weeks more advance. The Parlia­ment at first pitch'd upon no greater Sum, it being the highest that had yet been given to any. Major General Massey's Brigade, which had been much longer without Pay, and had done better Service, had no more. The other Armies under my Lord of Essex, and Sir William Waller, which had likewise done more work, the chief and main of it all, as having had a stronger Force to grap­ple with, and yet had receiv'd less Wages, were put off with a fortnights Pay. This made the Parliament think this proportion sufficient; yet afterwards they of them­selves increas'd it to two months, which was more than any had before. Supposing then there would be no question of a com­pliance, they proceed to perfect what was further necessary for the supply of Ireland, and safety of England.

77. For England they appointed what Regiments of Horse and Dragoons shall stand, settle the Garisons, name Sir Thomas Fairfax General of all the Forces under Pay, which was sufficient Honour for him for the Service he had done; and shew'd that they had no meaning to dismiss those with re­proach who had serv'd them, as they were falsely scandaliz'd.

[Page 82] 78. For Ireland, they make Serjeant Ma­jor General Skippon Commander in Chief, with the Title of Field Marshal, and Major General Massey Lieutenant General of the Horse; recommended it to the care of the Committee at Derby house, to prepare all things necessary for the forwarding of that Service, and draw off such of the Army as were willing to go: for the distempers there continu'd, those who had declar'd themselves being affronted, discourag'd, and many of them debaucht from that Service.

79. This was faithfully perform'd by the Committee (that is, by part of it) for some of them, as the Sollicitor, Cromwel, Sir Ar­thur Haslerig, and those of that gang would not attend, but the others did. And if I may speak it without vanity, it being one of the great Crimes with which the eleven Members stand charg'd, by their care and in­dustry, they put the whole business into such a way, not only doing their best endeavours to have sent over the Forces that should have gone out of the Army, but sending over o­thers also, as Colonel Iones, and those Re­giments which went to Dublin, and supply­ing the best they could my Lord Inchiqueen, and those Forces which were there before, with such necessaries as they could provide, that by the blessing of God the foundation was laid for all the good which has since [Page 83] befallen that Kingdom, and for the great advantages which those gallant Men have gotten upon the Rebels, notwithstanding the little assistance they have since receiv'd, having, in truth, been rather hinder'd than helpt; for every body knows the malice which is born them by that Party which now bears sway, what discouragements my Lord Inchiqueen has labour'd under, and the small regard had of Colonel Iones. Yet they have subsisted, and not only pre­serv'd but advanc'd very much the English Interest, with Honour to themselves, and shame to these unworthy Men who are so little sensible of the conditions of the poor Protestants there, preferring their particu­lar revenge and prosecution of their damna­ble End before all that is of Honour and Ju­stice, and either of duty to God and their Country, or compassion to their distressed Brethren.

80. The Officers in the mean time play their parts below in the Army, they had al­ready engag'd the Soldiers to stand upon Pay, an Act of Indemnity, and some other Immunities, plausible things to make them all of a piece, enter into a kind of a league and combination one with another, and so become fit to receive any other impression, and unite upon it. Therefore now they go a step further, to incense them against the [Page 84] Parliament, misrepresenting all passages and proceedings to them, as if the intention were to force them for Ireland, and therefore starve them or dismiss them with shame, and expose them to question and trouble for what they had done in the Wars; so enga­ging them to persist upon their demands in that Petition, and ask reparation of the Parliament for wrong done them by the Commissioners sent down for the business of Ireland, and other Members of the House, whom they had characteriz'd to be Ene­mies to the Army, whereby they put them into such a distemper, as all thoughts of du­ty and obedience were cast off, nothing so odious as the Parliament, nothing would sa­tisfie but revenge.

81. When they had wrought the Feat, Sir Thomas Fairfax himself came to London upon pretence of taking Physick; Cromwel, Ireton, Fleetwood, Rainsborough, who were Members of the House of Commons as well as principal Officers of the Army, keep the House, that the Soldiers might be left to themselves to fire the more, run up to ex­tremes, and put themselves into a posture to carry on their work of Rebellion with a high and violent hand, which had been so handsomly done: for either they must have appear'd in it and join'd with the Soldiers, which had been too gross, or have stop'd it [Page 85] in the beginning, crush'd the Serpent in the Egg, which had been most easie, but was contrary to their design. So now they give the business time to foment, and the Rebel­lion to grow to some head, that afterwards when they should come amongst them (for they could not but expect the Parliament would send them down) they might seem to be carry'd with the violence, and to give some way for preventing greater inconveni­ences, and to keep them from extremities till the Monster was form'd, and got to that strength as to protect it self and them, when they might without danger declare for it, which they afterwards did. In the mean time disclaiming it, blaming the Sol­diers at that distance (as Cromwel did open­ly in the House, protesting, for his part, he would stick to the Parliament) whilst under­hand they sent them encouragements and di­rections; for nothing was done there, but by advice and countenance from London, where the whole business was so laid, the Rebellion resolv'd upon, and the Officers that were in town so deeply engag'd, that when the full time was come for putting things in execution, my friend Cromwel, who had been sent down by the Parliament to do good Offices, was come up again with­out doing any, and he who had made those solemn publick Protestations with some [Page 86] great Imprecations on himself if he fail'd in his performance, did, notwithstanding, pri­vily convey thence his Goods (which many of the Independents likewise did, leaving Ci­ty and Parliament as mark'd out for destru­ction) and then without leave of the House (after some Members missing him and fear­ing him gone, had mov'd to have him sent for; whereupon he being, as it seems, not yet gone, and having notice of it, came and shew'd himself a little in the House) did steal away that evening, I may say run away post down to the Army, and presently join in the Subscription of a rebellious Letter, whereof I shall speak anon. But let him take heed those Imprecations fall not upon him, which many times God remembers, and takes Men at their word, meeting with them in their dissembling wishes, when themselves least think of them, perhaps have forgot that ever they made them. This by the way.

82. For the present the thing pitch'd up­on was to set up a kind of Council (like the supreme Council of the Irish Rebels, but that those were most of them persons of birth and degree, these ex faece populi) un­der the name of Agitators. Two (as I take it) were chosen out of every Regi­ment, at first, I think, but common Sol­diers (tho afterwards some Officers were [Page 87] added) to transact this business. These now, forsooth, seem to acknowledg no Officer, but to rule and dispose of all things as they think good. They take into con­sideration what is fit to be done, what not, and give their orders accordingly, examine and censure the Orders and Votes of Parlia­ment, receive all Complaints, give the re­dress, send out their Warrants and Com­mands, write their Letters, exercise a ge­neral power over all, set up a new form of Government in the Army, and in the end are instrumental to their Masters to possess themselves of his Majesty's Person, subdue Parliament, City, and Kingdom, and be re­veng'd upon all those who had formerly gi­ven any disturbance to the carrying on of their design, till such time as the work was done which they had set them to do. But then Mr. Cromwel and his Officers could give a stop to their proceedings. And when the Agitators thought to do as formerly, and finish'd what they were made to believ [...] should be the Catastrophe of their Trage­dy, which was the destruction of the King, and alteration of the Government, Coun­sels not being at that time so dispos'd, nor the time ripe for the execution, they soon found their Locks were cut, and (the influ­ence of their Superiors ceasing) their strength fail'd, so as they brought but confusion to them­selves; [Page 88] three of the chief were condemn'd to die for mutiny, but Cromwel being a mer­ciful Prince would take but one, who was shot to death, the rest reduced to subjecti­on and obedience, their Council Table dis­solv'd, and their Castles in the Air Vanish'd to smoak. But these things fell out long af­ter, for a time they triumph, act all, drive on the design; Cromwel and his fellows standing behind the Curtain, laught in their sleeves, and pleas'd themselves to see the Game which they had packt, play so well.

83. The first Act of these new Rulers, was a Letter sent to their three principal Officers, who were then in London, and in­nocent persons, God knows, knew nothing of all this, Sir Thomas Fairfax, Lieutenant General Cromwel, and Serjeant Major Gene­ral Skippon. For this last, to do him right, I think that at that time he was innocent indeed; but afterwards I must avow it, he, together with the help of Mr. Marshal a Mi­n [...]er, contributed more to the success of their Villanies, betraying the Parliament and City into their hands, than all that Cromwel, the Sollicitor, Ireton, and the rest of the Crew did or could do, and no que­stion will be sufficiently rewarded for it by them; for they are good at it to pay dear out of the publick Store for any man's Con­science that will be sold, and may be useful to them.

[Page 89] 84. This Letter was an exclamation a­gainst the Parliament, false and untrue Complaints of wrongs done to the Soldiers at Assizes in the Counties, a protestation a­gainst the Irish Expedition, calling it a de­sign to break the Army, declaring if any of these three Commanders should engage, their averseness to it (tho one of them, Skippon, was by the Parliament appoint­ed, and had accepted it) in plain English saying they would not disband, nor receive any other propositions from the Parliament till their expectations were satisfy'd. Three of the Agitators brought it, and Skippon ac­quainted the House with it; they were sent for, and carry'd themselves at the Bar in a slighting braving manner, refusing to answer such questions as the Speaker, by order of the House, ask'd them; saying they were em­ploy'd by the Army, and could not without leave from thence discover any thing. Many the House resenting this high affront, were earnest to have them severely punish'd; but that Party stood as stifly for them, insomuch that the worthy Burgess of Newcastle, Mr. Warmworth, stood up and said he would have them committed indeed, but it should be to the best Inn of the Town, and good Sack and Sugar provided them, which was as ridiculous, as 'twas a bold and insolent scorn put upon the Parliament; at last even [Page 90] Mr. Skippon himself excused them, said they were honest Men, and wisht they might not be too severely dealt with: whereupon the House flatted, let them go without pu­nishment, and by tameness encreas'd their madness and presumption. Where as had they serv'd them as Mr. Cromwel after wards did their fellows, hang'd one of them (they all well deserving it) it might probably have given a stop to their Career, and pre­vented a great deal of mischief, which has since befallen the Kingdom by their means.

85. All that we did (whether it was Fate or Design I know not, but it prov'd our Ruin) was to command down to the Army the Officers that were Members of the House, such as were in town, and the General himself. I say, I know not if there were a design in it; because afterwards up­on just such another occasion, we sent Sir Henry Vane the younger, Mr. Scawen, and some others, which I am sure was a thing laid; and this wrought the same effect as that did, even put them together the better to contrive and lay their business, joining the counsels of the Officers to the actings of the Agitators, so to hatch that horrid Rebellion which soon after broke out, to the utter ru­in (if God's hand of mercy interpose not) of Parliament and Kingdom. They were sent to allay the distempers, and to prevent [Page 91] inconveniencies, but how they discharg'd that trust will soon appear.

86. Instead of discountenancing, repro­ving, and suppressing that disposition to mu­tiny, that standing upon terms with the Parliament, those Meetings and Consultati­ons by which the ill humour was nourish'd, and instead of perswading them to a fitting obedience and submission, and laying the Regiments farther asunder to lessen and a­bate the contagion, they gave them occasion to encrease their distempers and vent them, by asking them what they will have, calling the Officers together, and sending them to their several Regiments to be inform'd of their designs; and by drawing them together already so indispos'd and inflam'd, inflame them the more. A strange way of quieting an Army that was in a way to Rebellion, and had begun to set up a new Government amongst themselves by their Agitators, which sped accordingly, and produced the effect that they desir'd, a representation of Grievances, in which the whole Army now join'd and engag'd, except some few gallant Men, both Officers and Soldiers, who de­tested those proceedings.

87. This Representation is brought up to the House by Lieutenant General Cromwel, and Colonel Fleetwood, who had the faces to say (just as the Representation begins) That [Page 92] the Army was quiet and free from any visi­ble distemper, which was only to amuse us. But then it expostulates with the Parliament the making of the foremention'd Declarati­on, sending for up and questioning those per­sons who had been complain'd of for obstruct­ing the Service of Ireland, justifies them, taxes the Commissioners of Parliament, and other Members of the House, for doing ill offices to the Army, stands upon all the particulars of the first Petition.

88. The House was very much dissatis­fy'd with these proceedings, and if ever it deny'd it self, did it then: for it was willing to give the Army satisfaction in all things possible, to free the Kingdom of that burden, even dispensing with their own Honours.

89. They pass several Ordinances for In­demnity, freeing from pressing the relief of maim'd Soldiers, Widows, and Orphans, with such alterations and amendments as the Army desir'd. Concerning the proposition of Pay upon disbanding, which was eight weeks, they conceiv'd it could not be in­larg'd, in regard of the great present ex­pence to which they were necessitated for the supply of Ireland; That the two hundred thousand Pounds, which for those two occa­sions were then borrow'd of the City of Lon­don, would scarce serve.

[Page 93] 90. Therefore upon these terms both Houses concluded the disbanding, begin with the Foot, and appoint to every Regi­ment, as they lay quarter'd, a Rendevous at some Town near, where they were to lay down their Arms, receive their Money, and have Passes to their several homes. Those that would engage for Ireland to march to some other place near hand, there to receive Advance-money and further Or­ders.

91. The several Ordinances and Orders were sent to Sir Thomas Fairfax, who then had his head quarters at Bury; and two Lords and four Commoners were appointed Commissioners to repair to the several pla­ces appointed for disbanding, with Money, and directions to see the Service perform'd, and assist Sir Thomas Fairfax in it, who was desir'd to issue out his Orders for the Regi­ments drawing to those places.

92. Then it was refer'd to a Committee of the Army to put into a way, the sta­ting of the Accounts, both of Officers and Soldiers; and where more than two Months appear'd to be due, the Commission Officer was to receive his Debenter from the Com­mittee and Treasurer of the Army, it be­ing appointed where he should be paid. The inferior Officer and common Sol­dier was to have his security upon the Ex­cise. [Page 94] Let any Man now judg if the Army had any cause to complain, if all was not done that with any colour of reason and mo­desty could be expected.

93. Our Commissioners, who were the Earl of Warwick, the Lord De la Ware, Sir Gilbert Gerard, Mr. Grinston, and two o­thers, went to Chelmsford the first of Iune, the Rendevous appointed for the General's Regiment, whither the Lieutenant Colonel came, Lieutenant Colonel Iackson, an ho­nest and gallant Man, with a resolution to conform to the Order of Parliament; but a Command comes from the General to the Regiment to march another way for draw­ing the Quarter near together.

94. For upon the 29th of May, when the Votes were sending down for disbanding, Sir Thomas Fairfax had call'd a Council of War of the factious Officers (the honest Of­ficers who were for submitting to the Par­liament, and a quiet disbanding, having be­fore been most of them abus'd, and forc'd a­way by the violence of the Soldiers and commands of the Agitators, he conniving at it) where they resolve upon an humble Ad­vice to his Excellency, That since their Grievances were not at all satisfy'd, and Jealousies were very great, it would not be safe to disband, but rather draw the Army into a close posture (there being a great [Page 95] propensity in the Soldiers to a general Ren­devous) and then resume the consideration of their Grievances, and of the Votes for disbanding, suspending, for the present a­ny proceedings upon these Votes; which advice his Excellency follows. So the Par­liament commands to disband, Sir Thomas to march away, and draw to a Rendevous: Fit he should be obey'd.

95. At the very same time Colonel Rains­borough dos the like with his Regiment which was at Petersfield in Hampshire, de­sign'd for Iersey, and so far upon the way, himself being attending the House of Com­mons, of which he was a Member, and pretending to prepare for that Employment which had been entrusted to him; but in truth to give his Soldiers opportunity to mutiny, as the rest of the Army did; who, to give them more time for it, would not presently acquaint the House with the In­telligence he had receiv'd of their disorder, but having it in the morning kept it to him­self till towards the evening, even denying his knowledg of any such thing, when Sir William Lewis inform'd the House of it, and about five or six a Clock in the Afternoon (the House then by accident sitting, as these deportments of the Army gave them cause sufficient) spoke of it, said they were in a great distemper, resolv'd not to march to [Page 96] the Sea side, but return to Oxford; where­upon being sent down to quiet them, and reduce them to obedience, he went imme­diately, but put himself at the head of them, and instead of taking care for Iersey, march'd to Oxford first, so to the Army; and none more violent in the Rebellion than he: for which good Service, and joyning with the Agitators in their highest exorbi­tancies for the destruction of the King and altering of Government, and particularly in a Petition for taking away the House of Lords, the House of Commons since made him Vice Admiral. And the Lords, to the eternizing the honour for their gentle tame dispositions, consented.

96. But one thing was yet wanting (as they thought) for the carrying on their de­sign, and amusing the poor people of Eng­land with an expectation of their settling a Peace, so to make them sit still and look on, whilst they trampled upon Parliament, City and Kingdom, which was to be possest of the King's P [...]rson, and make the world believe they would bring him up to his Parliament, and set him on his Throne. For this it seems a meeting was appointed at Lieute­nant General Cromwel's, upon the thirtieth of May, where it is resolv'd, That Cornet Ioyce should, with a Party of Horse, go to Holmby and seize upon his Majesty, which [Page 97] is presently executed, and given out, that others had the like design, which they had prevented. At first it must seem only to be the act of Mr. Ioyce, Cromwel protested he knew nothing of it (tho he was the Man appointed it to be done, as appears by what has been recited, taken out of some of their own Authors, one that calls himself Sirrah Niho, and others) Sir Thomas Fairfax writes a Letter to the House, professes the same for himself as in the presence of God, with a large undertaking for the rest of his Officers, and the body of the Army. And perhaps he said true, I would fain be so charitable as to believe it; nor indeed do I think the good Man is privy to all their Plots, he must have no more than what they are pleas'd to carve and chew for him, but must swallow all, and own them when they come abroad. Here then they have the King, Ioyce drives away the Guards, forc'd Colonel Greaves to fly, whom else they threaten'd to kill, for no man's life must stand in their way (Mur­der being no Sin in the visible Saints) car­ries away his Majesty and the Commissioners that attend him Prisoners, and immediately sends up a Letter to certifie what he had done, with directions it should be deliver'd to Cromwel, and he absent, to Sir Arthur Haslerig, or Colonel Fleetwood, which was given to Colonel Fleetwood, as one Lieute­nant [Page 96] [...] [Page 97] [...] [Page 98] Markham inform'd the House, saying, the Messenger that brought it told him so: nor did Sir Arthur Haslerig make a clear an­swer when he was ask'd concerning it in the House, Colonel Fleetwood being at that time gone to the Army, so as he could not be ex­amin'd.

97. By this trick they hope to catch the people, and so find no resistance to their traiterous proceedings; yet they will not trust only to Jugling, they will play a sure Game, and have power in their hands to go through the work, and make their way if it will not be given. Therefore the Army must be put into a posture for it, they have the Soldiers already, they must have Artil­lery and Ammunition; so at the same meet­ing Cromwel likewise appoints Ioyce (as the same Authors relate) to repair to Oxford, se­cure that Garison, the Magazine and Train of Artillery which had there lain many Months, the Army having had nothing to do, and so no use for it, which there­fore the Parliament had then order'd to be remov'd and brought back to the Tower, the place where all Stores are kept. But those who were sent down by the Parlia­ment for that purpose, were by these Mu­tineers beaten and wounded, the Magazine and Train kept away by force, and besides, some 3 or 4000 l. in Money taken from [Page 99] them, which they had carry'd down for dis­banding of the Regiment there in Garison. And now they think they have all in their own hands, the Fish is catcht, they may throw away the Net. They begin there­forre to appear in their own Colours; Crom­wel, Ireton, with the rest of the Cabal, and Sir Thomas Fairfax in the last place (who, tho he be General, is not to lead, but will be sure to follow close) may not lay aside their innocency and their ignorance (for all this while they knew nothing) and put themselves in the head of the Agitators, own all they have done, and at Triploe Heath, near Cambridg, appoint a general Rende­vous, there to declare themselves, and a­vowedly enter into the Confederacy.

96. At this Rendevous was fram'd that solemn Engagement, wherein, they say, they look upon the resolutions of the Parlia­ment for their disbanding, as proceeding from malicious and mischievous Principles and Intentions, and not without carnal and bloody purposes. That therefore they are resolv'd not to appear at the places thereto appointed, and then declare, agree, and pro­mise to and with each other, That till they have such satisfaction in all their Grievances, and such security for the future as shall be agreed on at a Council, consisting of the general Officers, with two Commission Of­ficers [Page 100] and two Soldiers to be chosen for each Regiment, they will not disband or di­vide, nor suffer themselves to be disbanded or divided. And this is one result of that meeting of the godly obedient Army, this the fruit of the new Model, and of all the great undertakings of that man of God (as his Disciples call'd him) Lieutenant Gene­ral Cromwel in their behalf.

99. They likewise frame there another submissive business, which they call'd an humble. Representation of the dissatisfaction of the Army, in relation to the late resolu­tion for so sudden disbanding, where they are more large in their humble cudgeling of the Parliament, and do it to that purpose, with a scorn of all that had been offer'd to their satisfaction, say, The private Soldiers will not regard what is behind of Pay after disbanding, implying all must be had, re­quire further security for the Officers Ar­rears, as Forest Lands, and the revenues of Cathedrals, quarrel with the ordinances past for Indemnity, exemption form Pres­sing, &c. expostulate about the Declaration against their seditious Petition yet standing in force, demand reparation for questioning their mutinous Officers, and will have it a­gainst those Members of the House who had done but their duty, and discharg'd their Consciences in that particular, declare [Page 101] plainly, That tho all their Grievances were duly consider'd, it were nothing except those persons were censur'd, calling them Men of desperate Principles, Incendiaries, that must not continue to be their Judges, that is, must not sit in Parliament, and much more of this nature, which in contempt they send up to the House. These are they that fight for privilege of Parliament, who have made a Covenant with God and Man so to do, and well they perform it; those they mislike must be thrust out by head and shoulders, and such as remain, if they be not obedient to them, shall be serv'd with the same sauce: And this is to make a free Par­liament. Was there ever a more perfidious breach of Duty, did Rebellion it self ever outdo it, can any Man think? Yet let us go a little further with them, and we shall see greater abominations than these.

100. All this while they seem'd to de­sire only things concerning themselves, tho very unfittingly and wickedly, both for matter and manner; yet not to meddle with any thing else concerning settling the business of the Kingdom, which in many Messages and Declarations they still protest­ed against, saying (as Sir Thomas Fairfax wrote up from Cambridg) That whatever was suggested or suspected, they would leave all such matters to the wisdom of the [Page 102] Parliament. But now Tempora mutantur, they have power in their hands, and the Kingdom shall feel it; the Parliament shall not only give them what they will have, but do what they will have done, or smart for it. They make the world believe they will set the King on his Throne and in his Rights, the People in their Liberties, the Parliament in its Duty, and a Golden Age is like to follow.

101. To this end they march up in a ho­stile way towards London, bring his Majesty along with them from Royston. Sir Thomas Fairfax, Cromwel, Ireton, and the rest of the Officers, write a Letter to the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council, telling them, That the sum of what they have desir'd of the Parliament, is a satis­faction to their demands as Soldiers, a reparation upon those that have improv'd advantages (as they falsely say) by false sug­gestions and misrepresentations to the de­struction of the Army, and endeavour'd to engage the Kingdom in a new War. That the things they insist upon as English Men, are a settlement of the Peace of the Kingdom, and of the Liberties of the Subject, which they say they have as much right to demand as their Money, or other common Interest of Soldiers, and that the honest People of England are full of the sense of Ruin and Mi­sery, [Page 103] should they disband before. That for the obtaining of these things, they are draw­ing near the City, and declare, That if the City appear not against them, nor provoke them, they will give no offence; but if they do, they call God to witness they are free, and have wash'd off the Ruin which will befal it: that they will lose all rather than not be righted of the Men they aim at, there­fore desire, that like fellow Subjects and Bre­thren, the Citizens would follicite the Par­liament in their behaf.

102. Here they first take upon them openly to intermeddle with the business of the Kingdom, contrary to all the former Declarations and Protestations; but their words nor yet their vows were ever any rule to know their meaning by: as Hammond told the King concerning Cromwel, so is it with all those visible Saints, have they pro­mis'd, vow'd, sworn never so much, call'd God and Man to witness, if the condition of their Catholick Cause so alter, that what they have so promis'd and sworn be no longer expedient for them, a pretended En­thusiasm, a new Light shall give a dispensa­tion, and they will do clean contrary, yet all out of tenderness of Conscience; well, they are now in strength and power, and will make use of it to turn all upside down.

[Page 104] 103. The poor Parliament all this while is sitting upon addle Eggs, take a great deal of pains, like Children, to build Castles of Cards, a puff from their faithful Army blows it all down. It is true, that at first, upon return of their Commissioners, who were sent down to disband, and had brought them an account of the scorn put upon them, how instead of the Regiments coming to the Rendevous appointed, a Command from Sir Thomas Fairfax fetch'd them clear another away; how the train of Artillery was seiz'd upon at Oxford, the Money which should have disbanded a Regiment taken away by force, and the Servants whom they had employ'd, beaten and wounded; this did with good reason startle them; ma­ny of the Members express'd a sharp and se­vere Sense of it; the House was taking vi­gorous and honourable Resolutions, tho op­pos'd with might and main by all the Inde­pendent Party, who prevail'd but little, be­ing now a known engag'd Faction, till Ser­jeant Major General Skippon stood up, a Presbyterian, one who had seem'd to dislike those factious ways before his last going down to the Army, who was nominated Commander in chief for the Irish Expediti­on, had receiv'd a gift of a thousand Pounds by way of encouragement to go, but now was willing enough to stay at home with [Page 105] it; he, forsooth, in a grave way, with a doleful Countenance, and lamentable Voice, makes a long Speech to exhort to moderation, and to bear with the Infirmities of a zealous conscientious Army which had done so much good Service. Therefore it was his opinion we should humble our selves before God, appoint a day of Fasting, and do those things which the Army desir'd, give them their full Pay, alter the Ordinance according as they propos'd, and he was perswaded in his Conscience they would then be satis­fy'd; however they were not to be pro­vok'd, for they were a form'd Body which would be upon us before we were aware. This knockt us on the head, especially his last Argument, a demonstration [...]; so it is, they are strong, they will fall upon you; timorous Men, as he knew many of those were he had to deal with, could make no re­ply to it.

104. But had he done his duty, given warning of those preparations and intenti­ons sooner, when he was below with the Army so long, and could not choose but discern it, the House would not have been so surpris'd, would have provided against it in time, but now fear took away the use of reason. They look'd upon the Army as e­ven at their doors, Hannibal ad portas, and all of them Children of Anak, armed Giants not to be resisted.

[Page 106] 105. Whereas in truth there was no such cause of fear. As they in the Army had more Cause carrying about them so much guilt, as I am confident they had as great a share of apprehension. But they presum'd upon their Agents among us, they knew we had them with us both in Parliament and City who would betray us, possess'd with the like evil Spirit as Ahab's Prophets were; we should prevail, otherwise we were not in so despicable a condition. The Parliament had not yet utterly lost their reputation, the Image of Authority was not wholly defaced in them, they had a stock intire and untoucht of 200000 l. provided for disbanding the Ar­my, and service of Ireland, multitude of Of­ficers and gallant Soldiers about the Town, who had always fought gallantly, and obey'd readily, had little reason to be in love with the Army which had unhors'd them, so it is likely would have engag'd chearfully and done good service. The City was high in the opinion of the People for courage and resolution, firmness to the Parliament, zeal in the Cause, hatred of Independency, dis­like of the Army, and a Purse to make all good, give Sinews and Strength to that side with which they should close, and had par­ticularly presented many Petitions to the House for those very things which they were doing, and the Army only came to un­do; [Page 107] which were in order to a Peace, resto­ring the King, settling the Government both in Church and State, and giving ease and quietness to the Kingdom, so as they were in truth already engag'd with us, and wait­ed but a Summons to declare themselves, when by this unfortunate Man's interposi­tion at that time (to whom chiefly and to his Chaplain Marshal, we must attribute all the Evil that has since befallen King and Kingdom) all was dasht; instead of a gene­rous resistance to the insolencies of perfidious Servants, vindicating the honour of the Parliament, discharging the trust that lay upon them to preserve a poor People from being ruin'd and inslav'd to a rebellious Ar­my, they deliver up themselves and King­dom to the will of their Enemies, prosti­tute all to the Lust of heady and violent Men, suffer Mr. Cromwel to saddle, ride, switch, and spur them at his pleasure.

106. For we instantly fell as low as dirt, vote the common Soldier his full Pay, the Officers a Month more (that is in all three Months) upon disbanding or engaging for Ireland, take all our Ordinances in pieces, change and alter them according to their minds, and (which is worst of all) expunge our Declaration against that mutinous Peti­tion, cry Peccavimus to save a whipping, but all would not do.

[Page 108] 107. In so much that when our Commis­sioners were sent down to the Army at Triplo Heath, to give an account of our du­tiful complyance, they would not vouchsafe to hear them, but when they offer'd to read the Votes, cry out, Justice, Justice, a Note that Cromwel and Ireton had taught them to sing, being done by their directions, as some of their own Disciples falling our with them, have since discover'd; which was by Mr. Scawen, who was one of those were sent, reported back to the House, in such a gastly fearful manner (only to terrifie us and make us more supple) he saying, the Army was so strong, so unanimous, so re­solv'd, as the poor Presbyterians hearts fell an Inch lower, and the Independents made themselves merry with it. Then forsooth the Houses must send down Members to a­bide with the Army as with a Power inde­pendent, or a third Estate, improve all advan­tages and opportunities, to give good im­pressions of the actions and intentions of the poor Parliament, and, like Benhadad's Ser­vants, catch at any thing of comfort which might fall; these were Sir Henry Vane the younger, Serjeant Major General Skippon, Mr. Scawen, and Mr. Povey.

108. In the mean time the Army is marching, draws nearer and nearer to the City, where, as well as in the Parliament, Men [Page 109] were between hopes and fears; looking upon what was done sufficient to appease them, what then offer'd, what they always intended for doing right to the Army; and in truth to all persons, they could not but hope as well. But seeing the postures and proceedings of the other side, there was more cause of fear, till at last that Letter came to the City of which I spoke before, which satisfy'd our doubtings; and when the Citizens who were sent from the Common Council brought it to the Par­liament, the horror and indignation of such an Impiety, so great a Presumption, so ma­nifest a Rebellion, awaken'd us to see our danger, and master'd those fears which had been given us to awe us from resistance, so as both Houses and City resolv'd to put themselves in a posture of defence, appoint­ed a Committee of Lords and Commons to go into the City, call the Committee of the Militia of London to them, and jointly and severally do what was necessary for our com­mon safety.

109. The Committee went and did their parts, but they found Ioab's hand every where; the Army had so plaid Absalom, pre­tending an intention to settle Peace imme­diately, correct the exorbitances with which the people had been oppress'd and abus'd, restore the King, with such other plausible things; and their Agents had so industri­ously [Page 110] improv'd their Interests, some false Brothers in the City, as Alderman Foulks, and Alderman Gibbs, so cunningly wrought upon mens Minds, sometimes upon their Fears, setting out the strength and power of the Army, which threaten'd nothing but ruin; sometimes upon their hopes and de­sires of Peace, gilding over their proceed­ings, as all done in order to it; sometimes upon the dislike of the present condition, assuring them all Taxes and Payments would by this means be taken off; sometimes upon their credulity, making them believe, that those Persons whom the Army had in their eyes to remove, were not so well affected to the publick, but had particular Ends and Designs of their own, to arm Reformadoes, and set up the power of another Sword to rule and govern by, so to continue the Miseries and Burdens of the People: by which Falshoods and Juglings, those two chiefly, like Iannes and Iambres, had gene­rally bewitcht the City, and lull'd it into a security, withstanding those who had no o­ther thought than to deliver their Brethren and themselves from that subjection and vas­salage to which they were then design'd, and are since brought. As the Citizens re­solv'd not to stir, but look'd on to see what this Army would do; some few did ap­pear, rather to make objection and hinder [Page 111] the business than help it; and tho many good orders were made for putting the City into a posture to defend it self, none were obey'd: so on all hands the poor Parliament, and Kingdom, and City it self were betray'd, and left to the mercy of the Army, whose mercy we shall soon see was Cruelty it self, Injustice, Oppression, Violence, and Rebellion in the highest degree.

110. They now thunder upon us with Remonstrances, Declarations, Letters, and Messages every day, commanding one day one thing, next day another, making us vote and unvote, do and undo; and when they had made us do some ugly thing, jeer us, and say, our doing justifies their desi­ring it, as they serv'd us concerning all we had granted for Pay, expunging our De­claration, passing the Ordinances for In­demnity against Pressing, and the like. They tell us in their Representation of the 14th of Iune, That our resuming the con­sideration of these things, as to their further satisfaction, dos much justifie their desires and proceedings so far; and therefore they then proceed further, and say, They desire full and equal satisfaction, not only for them­selves, but for all the Soldiery throughout the Kingdom, who have concurr'd or will con­cur with them; so ingage all against the Parliament, and contract such a debt as [Page 112] has broken the back of the Commonwealth, and now say they are not a mercenary Ar­my to serve the arbitrary power of the State, but that they took up Arms in Judg­ment and Conscience (notwithstanding they have receiv'd more Pay than all the Armies in the Kingdom, and yet liv'd most of Spoil and free Quarter) therefore they are resolv'd to assert and vindicate the power and rights of the Kingdom, and say, That what they do is short of the proceed­ings of other Nations, to things of a higher nature than as yet they had pretended to, in­stancing in the Netherlands and Scotland. For the present they require, that the Houses be purg'd, those who have appear'd against them not to be theirs and the Kingdom's Judg­es, whose names they say they will speedi­ly give in; they tell the Parliament what kind of Men they will have preferr'd to power and trust in the Commonwealth; then (which was a Crime some six weeks before, to move in Parliament and in a Parliamentary way, so as that sagacious Gentleman Mr Gurden, stood up in a rage, and said it smelt of Oxford, and it was much decryed by all the Crew, but is now of pub­lick merit, and very pious, coming from their Masters the Army) they will have a determinate period of time set to this Par­liament, some provision to be made for the [Page 113] continuance of future Parliaments. And when his Majesty shall have given his Concur­rence to these and all other things that shall be propos'd for the liberties of the People, the Militia, and peace of the Kingdom, then his Rights and of his Posterity to be consi­der'd. They will have the Rights of the People clear'd for freedom of Petitioning, and such as are imprison'd for pretended Misdemeanours to be speedily try'd, and have reparations if they have suffer'd wrong­fully; the power given to Committees, and deputy Lieutenants to be taken into conside­ration. The Kingdom to be publickly sa­tisfy'd in point of Accounts, and after pub­lick Justice done upon some of the excepted Persons, that there be an Act of Oblivion. Then they conclude that these things done, tho there be many other particulars, yet (which certainly was merely out of their great goodness and grace, like that of the modest Spaniard with his no quiero mas) they will ask no more, but leave the rest to the wisdom and justice of the Parliament; and this they say they find to be the concurrent sense of the People, by their Petitions pre­sented to the General, wherein (as in all the rest) they play the arrant Impostors and Mountebanks, being as impudent, false, cunning, bloody, proud, and ambitious as the Devil himself, their grand Master. [Page 114] They will have us believe the Sense of the People joyn'd with them, and that they pe­tition'd for these things; when their own fellow Witches have since discover'd how Cromwel himself drew those Petitions, sent them about into the Countries, had his A­gents to promote them with mellifluous en­amouring promises (as the expression is) so got some Independents to subscribe them, and perhaps some few more that they had cozen'd; which serv'd the turn, and made their wise General engage himself with them, saying, That what he wanted in ex­pression of his devotion to their Service, should be supply'd in action, as Mr. Iohn Lawmind informs in his Putney Projects.

111. The Parliament is now brought to a fine pass, made a notable free Parliament, but we must believe it to be so, because Cromwel's Army says it, and speed as well as our first Parents believing the Serpent, that told them eating the Apple would make them as Gods, wise, and happy. The Army on the other side triumphs, drives on like Iehu, bears down all before it, carries about the King as a Prisoner to shew him, and make that use of him, which the Philistines would have done with the Ark, prevail against all opposition; and truly that and their power together did make them prevail.

[Page 115] 112. Their next work is, charging ele­ven Persons, Members of the House of Com­mons, particularly by name, but with gene­ral things; for particulars they were not provided with, as their friend Iohn Law­mind says, who uses these words, the par­ticular matter of their Charge was to seek after they had in general charg'd them: And another of their Disciples, Sirrah Nico▪ says, That Cromwel confess'd at Colebrook, he had nothing against Sir Iohn Maynard, yet he must be put in amongst the rest, on­ly because he was a busie Man against him and his faction; so you see these Thieves falling out some truth comes to light.

113. With this general Charge there comes another Paper from his Excellency and the Army under his Command, requi­ring the Members impeach'd may be forth­with suspended sitting in the House, and a months Pay to be immediately sent down to the Army for a present supply; and of these things to know the resolution by the next Thursday at the furthest, which was within two days. They require further▪ That the Officers who had deserted the Ar­my (as they call'd it, but in truth who had left them for their Rebellion, and en­gag'd for Ireland) should have no more of their Arrears paid them till the Army was first satisfy'd: And to be sure the Parlia­ment [Page 116] should have none to defend them, They command them to raise no new For­ces within the Kingdom, nor invite, nor ad­mit any from other parts; the reason, or at least the colour for this was, because the Committee of Safety, at such a time as in obedience to the Order of Parliament they had endeavour'd to have put the City in a condition to defend the Parliament and it self, had consider'd of raising some Force, but never any thing was put in execution, nor one Man listed: And tho the Parlia­ment and City did assure them there was no proceeding in it, which they might then ve­ry likely believe, and in good manners have acquiesc'd, yet such was either their fear, by reason of guilt, or their scorn of the Par­liament, and petulancy to shew how they slighted what they said or declar'd, as they would not believe them, but threap them down that there was listing still, and quarrel with them about it, to such a height were they then grown, and others to that tame­ness.

114. This pass'd about the 15th of Iune. The Hou [...]e took these things into considera­tion, obey'd in all but that concerning the Members; wherein they came to a resolu­tion, That upon such a general Charge they could not in Justice proceed against them, nor suspend them, therefore desire to know [Page 117] what they could charge them with in par­ticular. They further consider'd how un­handsome it was, the King should be so hurry'd up and down with the Army, and that if he were at some of his own Houses near London, application might be made to him jointly by them and the Scotish Com­missioners, in order to Peace; whereupon, tho it was mightily oppos'd by the Indepen­dent Party, yet they voted his Majesty should be desir'd to come to his Mannor House at Richmond.

115. Here the Scholars had broken out a little into rebellion against their School­masters the Army, and soon they were lash'd for it. For on the 23d of June comes a ratling Lesson, a Remonstrance from his Ex­cellency, full of sharp and scoffing Expressi­ons, and ends with a lusty Menace, tells them, The voting of the King to Richmond is but in pursuance of the former design upon him at Holmby, and to put his Majesty with­in the reach of those Men, who had already listed considerable numbers of Horse and Foot about London; therefore wishes them, as they tender the welfare of the Kingdom, and the avoiding of jealousies and other in­conveniencies in the Army, to resume again the consideration of that business, and not propose any place for him nearer London than they would have the head Quarters of [Page 118] the Army: then to ingratiate themselves with the King and his Party, and make him willing to stay with them (till their design was ripe to dispose of him otherwise, as it was afterwards) they take notice of some scandalous information, by the pro­curement forsooth of eleven Members and others of their Party, as if his Majesty were kept a Prisoner among them, which they say is most false and contrary to their Prin­ciples (as has appear'd since by what Sir Thomas Fairfax commanded to be done to the King in the Isle of Wight, upon his Ma­jesty's answer to the four Bills, without or­der of Parliament, like a great Prince, Ex mero motu & certa scientia, tho it was af­terwards approv'd of and justify'd Ex parte post) but as yet they are harmless Saints and good Subjects, all for the King. Therefore they take occasion to declare there, That they desire a just freedom for his Majesty and those of his Party, and profess they do not see how there can be a firm Peace, with­out a due consideration of and provision for the Rights of himself, his Royal Family and late Partakers. O ye Hypocrites, then with Honey for him in their Mouths, and War in their Hearts!

116. For the expunging of the Declara­tion, they say, they acknowledg the Justice of the House in it, but should rather have [Page 119] been satisfy'd with the Parliaments decla­ring how and by whom they had been mis­inform'd and surpriz'd, and that it is an ap­parent dishonour to them to pass such a De­claration, and soon after without alteration in the pretended ground and cause of it (for shame of the world) to expunge it: I con­fess they say true in this, but the old Pro­verb is, true Jests are bitter Jests.

117. Then for the Members, they insist to have them forthwith suspended upon the general Charge, saying, they would wil­lingly proceed to particulars, if they might be encourag'd by the Justice of the House for suspending them for what it self knows, as having been done there, which they say they cannot prove without breaking the privileges of Parliament: Therefore they advise a necessary expedient for prevention of the like for the future, That in the House of Commons dissenting Members may enter their Dissent, as they do in the House of Peers, with a Protestation, and say, They offer these things from their good wishes to the privileges of Parliament, to render them more lasting by being more innocent.

118. Was ever Parliament so abus'd? First, they must, because the Army will have it so, give a Judgment upon persons before they know any fault by them, only to encougrage their accusers to tell the fault, [Page 120] for which that Judgment is already given; first punish, then enquire; Hallifax Law, and Army Justice. And this no less than of suspension, where not only the Parties them­selves have a mark of ignominy put upon'em, are dispossest of the execution of that Trust which their Country has reposed in them, but the places they serve for, Towns and Counties are punish'd, depriv'd of their Representatives in Parliament, and conse­quently of their suffrages there which they give by them. Then what must this be for? even for what was done and said in the House (for so it is laid) contrary to all pro­ceedings and privileges of Parliament, which will have no man question'd for that afterwards; upon this ground, That if he had done amiss, the House would at that time have checkt it; and they not finding fault then, for any other to do it, must needs reflect upon their Wisdom and Integrity, as if they approv'd of what was ill, or could not discern it. And lastly, for my young Masters to jeer them with their good wish­es to have their privileges less nocent, and then dare to propound so great an alteration in the very fundamental constitution of the House of Commons, where the minor part is involv'd in the major, and both make but one intire Agent in all they do, where there is no particularizing of persons, not any [Page 121] one Member to be so much as nam'd, where all is acted as by one Man, that which must bind the whole Kingdom to be establish'd by the united consent of it, there to make such a rent and division as to introduce dis­senting Protestations, only to foment Faction and Parties, and by troubling the Fountain, to corrupt all the Streams, is the most tran­scending presumption that ever was heard of.

119. But that which in my opinion car­ry'd most of injustice in it self, and dishonour to the Parliament, was the requiring them to discharge and disperse those, who upon their orders of invitation and encouragement to engage for Ireland, had left the Army, quitted the advantages they might have had in joining in that Rebellion, and wholly cast themselves upon the Parliament, as Sir Ro­bert Pye's Men, Colonel Graves's, Colonel Butlers, Captain Farmers, Lieutenat Co­lonel Iacksons, the Captain, and many of the Soldiers of the Life-Guard, and others quarter'd in Kent and Surry, the greater part of the two Regiments under Colonel Herbert and Colonel Kempson, quarter'd about Worcester and Evesham; these honest, gallant, faithful, stout Men, both Officers and Soldiers, for their obedience to the Par­liament, zeal to Ireland, must be abus'd and ruin'd, the Parliament it self made to eat [Page 122] its own words, break its faith, deceive them who trusted it, deliver them up, make them Anathema's: for what? because the Army says they are Deserters, and raisers of a new War, but in truth, for complying with their Commands, refusing to join in a Rebellion against them, being willing to adventure their lives against the Rebels of Ireland.

120. Never was such a violence and scorn put upon a single person, or any society of Men, much less a Parliament, to make it act its own shame and confusion, except by that Italian, who to be reveng'd on his Ene­my, got him at advantage, bad him deny Jesus Christ, and acknowledg him his Sa­viour, or he should die presently, which the wretch doing to save his life, he then stabs him to the heart, and says, Go thy ways, I am now reveng'd upon Body and Soul. So the Army threaten'd the Parliament, if all these things foremention'd were not done (and likewise the poor Reformadoes put out of the City, who had offer'd them­selves, and were ready to run all dangers for theirs and the City's preservation) and done by the next Thursday night, that then they should be forc'd to take such a course extra­ordinary, as God should enable them and direct them to.

121. And when the Parliament had done it (as they did all but suspending their [Page 123] Members) had retracted that Vote concern­ing the King's coming to Richmond (which the Lords did first at Mr. Marshal's earnest sollicitation, as I have heard, who at that time could not have prevail'd so with the House of Commons) prostituting their Ho­nours, renouncing whatever would be of strength and safety to them, casting them­selves down naked, helpless and hopeless, at the proud feet of their domineering Masters, it is all to no purpose, it dos but encourage those merciless Men to trample the more upon them, like the Task-masters of Egypt, double the tale of their Bricks.

122. For this was a resolution taken, no­thing should satisfie, nay not be accepted with a good look, a smile, whilst the eleven Members sat in the House; while Mordecai stood in the Gate and bowed not, proud Haman cannot be pleas'd, therefore he must die: The eleven Members must out. The House of Commons will not do it, Mr. Ioyce and his Agitators shall. For this Sir Thomas Fairfax takes up his Quarter at Vxbridg, some of his Forces advance within three or four Miles of Westminster, he sends his War­rants for Provisions into the very Suburbs, a Party of Horse is commanded to be ready at a Rendevouze, to march up to the Parlia­ment, then here is the Case of the eleven Members; stay, a violence shall be offer'd [Page 124] upon the House, the Members pull'd out by the Ears, and then Actum est de Parliamento, I may say de Parliamentis, farewel this and all Parliaments.

123. Those Gentlemen therefore think it best, rather than a breach should be made upon their occasion, that through their sides the Parliament should be stuck to the very heart, and die for ever, to make it their own act of forbearing the House. And therefore they told the House, they saw they were in that condition they could neither protect them nor themselves; that if they would not do as Achish did to David, who bid him be gone because the Princes of the Philistins lov'd him not, yet that they would at their humble suit and desire be pleas'd to give them leave to withdraw, and to such as desir'd it, Passes to go beyond Sea, which at last they did agree to, tho truly I must say, unwillingly; but which all said, they look'd upon it as a good Service done to the House for preventing greater inconvenien­ces.

124. Upon this they forbore, and staid, I think, a week or better, expecting if the Army would send in a particular Charge a­gainst all or any of them; which not doing, but instead of that writing up a Letter to commend their Modesty, they then peti­tion'd the House, that they would send to [Page 125] the Army to know what particulars they laid to their charge, and prefix them some conve­nient time to do it in: Which the House did, giving them about a week. And one would have thought a short day might have serv'd. That accusing Members in such a manner, with such a noise, as if they had been so cri­minous, that as Mr. Sollicitor said by his Beasts of prey, which were not to have Law given them, but be knockt in the head, so they were not worthy of Justice, nor of privilege of Parliament, nor of common hu­manity, much less to be us'd with some re­spect, like Gentlemen who had so long, and some of them serv'd their Country so often in Parliament, and more faithfully than e­ver any of the Army party did, or will do there or any where else. But all Bonds of du­ty and civil society must be broken through to come at their destruction; they must needs have known some notorious things by them which might readily be produc'd. But it seems they were not so provided, the particular matter of their Charge was yet to seek (as their fellow Mr. Iohn Lawmind says) they were then hunting out for Ar­ticles, sending about for Witnesses to testifie any thing, promise, bribe, threaten, but all would not do: several persons came to me, informing how they had been sollicited to inform against me; one Lewis told me [Page 126] they had been tampering with him; one Westcomb acquainted me how one Pain had been sent for by Rushworth his Excellency's excellent Secretary, to the same purpose, who lodg'd him in his Chamber, gave him an Angel the first time; that he went these­cond time, and this Westcomb with him, and then had a Horse given him worth ten Pounds, and the promise of some Place in the Army, for which it is presum'd he did some acceptable Service. It seems these Saints were put hard to it; well, the first day pass'd and no Charge came in, they de­sir'd longer time, and promis'd it should be ready by such a day, and I think the day af­ter it did come: And if I be not very par­tial to my self, as in this I believe I am not, after all this travelling of the Mountains, out comes ridiculus Mus.

125. I will not repeat all the particulars here, they are in print and our answer to them, which I hope satisfies all Men; besides another answer we put into the House, more upon the formality of a legal Plea, which it seems satisfy'd them, for they never proceeded further, nor did the Army prosecute, but the House order'd the Speaker to give us Passes according to our de­sires.

126. I will but make this observation up­on some of them, That they and their Par­ty [Page 127] acted those very things which they laid to our charge; and what was false as to us, was really true in them.

127. One thing was holding a Corre­spondency with the King and his Party, which of all Men they ought not to have objected, doing what they did even at that very time; for suppose it never so great a Crime, it ill becomes the Devil to find fault with the Collier for being black: they treat with his Majesty, have some of his Servants present at their Councils of War to debate and prepare things, frame proposals for set­tling the whole business of the Kingdom; and if their own Writers, Prophets of their own, tell true, capitulate for Honours and Preferments, Cromwel to have a blew Rib­bon, be an Earl, his Son to be of the Bed-Chamber to the Prince, Ireton some great Officer in Ireland. Now admit all true they said of us, was it to be compar'd to this? is it not a Decimo sexto to their Folio, a Mole-hill to their Mountain? And I de­sire it may be taken notice of, that in all the Charge there is not a word of the Plot to fetch the King from Holmby, bring him to London, or put him at the head of the Ar­my, which they made the groundwork of all their Villanies, pretending some of us (in truth underhand, and in their Pamphlets naming me) to have had such an intention; [Page 128] and that what they did was by way of pre­vention. Is it likely this would have been o­mitted if there had been the least colour of truth for it? but Truth was what they ever least look'd after in all their Speeches and Actions, caring only to serve a turn, gain an advantage by cozening the world, and then cast about how to make it good by power, or amuse Men with some new Cheat, that the last might be forgotten.

128. They accuse us of infringing, and endeavouring to overthrow the Liberties and Rights of the Subject in arbitrary and op­pressive ways, and by indirect and corrupt practices to delay and obstruct Justice. These are the words in their general Charge. Now I appeal to all Men, and even to their own Consciences, who say this, whether of the two, they or their Party, or we in the House of Commons, upon all occasions, were for violence, oppression, and ruin, to destroy all that came before them, sequester Estates, impose great Fines, imprison, starve, sometimes take away life, make Men offen­ders for a word, take all advantages, wrest and strain up to the height of all their penal Ordinances; and who they were that had the hand in making all those penal Ordinan­ces, so severe for Sequestrations, so high for Compositions, so insnaring and bloody for making new Treasons, and little things to [Page 129] be capital Crimes; that no Man almost was safe, free from question, and few or none question'd but sure to be destroy'd. How many Ministers wre pull'd out of their Li­vings for very small faults? how many Per­sons made Delinquents, their Estates torn in pieces, themselves, their Wives and Chil­dren turn'd to beggery, and ready to starve for no great offences, at least that for which they did not deserve so severe a punishment? What Committees were set up? That of Haberdashers Hall, to pill and poll Men, put them to an Oath as ill as that ex officio to make them discover their Estates, and ex­pose themselves to their merciless carving out a fifth and twentieth part, which was the un­doing of many, even fetching in some of the Members of the House to whom they had a displeasure, and generally all Men who had crossd or oppos'd them in any thing: that of Goldsmiths Hall, to impose Fines to the ruin of many of the best Families of En­gland: that of Sequestrations, where the very intention of the Houses was perverted, that Committee being first propos'd and made only for great and notorious Offenders, but afterwards came to be worse than any Spanish Inquisition, few escaping that were ever question'd; I dare say Serjeant Wild the Chairman, and Mr. Nicklis the Lawyer, and some few more Bloodhounds, who always [Page 130] attended there, never gave their Votes for the freeing of scarce any one person; and then the delay there is worse than the condemna­tion, making suitors wait one, two years, and commonly be sequester'd at last. The Committee of Examinations where Mr. Miles Corbet kept his Justice Seat, which was worth something to his Clerk, if not to him, what a continual Horse Fair it was? even like Dooms-day it self, to judg per­sons of all sorts and sexes.

129. Did not that Faction put on all these things? did not we still oppose, hinder it all we could? how earnestly and how of­ten have we mov'd the putting down those Committees? that of Sequestration, that of Haberdashers Hall. Those in the Counties sometimes got orders of the House for that purpose, brought in Ordinances, and still by some art or other of theirs put by when it was thought in a manner settled, so as the Go­vernment might have return'd to Sheriffs, Justices of Peace, Grand Juries, and other Ministers of Justice in that subordination which the Law had establish'd. Was any preserv'd and deliver'd out of his trouble, that we or some of us had not a hand in it? Were we not call'd the moderate Party? branded with that Title (for they held it a crime) were we not said to favour Malig­nants? when in truth we had respect to the [Page 131] Parliament, that it should not be made the Instrument of those mens Lusts, and con­tract that Odium which only could ruin it, and upon which this very Party, being themselves the cause of it, took the advan­tage to master and subdue it, they in the beginning of their Rebellion exclaiming a­gainst the Parliament for those things, and therewith possessing the Country, which themselves and their Faction made it do. Who but they drew all business into the Par­liament, especially when themselves or their Friends were any thing concern'd? And had they not an Art of delaying men, and ma­king them attend when they could not mis­chief them by dispatching the business? were any more violent in an arbitrary way of pro­ceeding than they? nay, were any so but they? could a Mayor, or Officer, or a Burgess for Parliament be chosen almost in any Town of England, but with their leaves and ac­cording to their likings? And on the other side, did not we press to have all things left to the Law of the land, and to the antient and ordinary course? yet they accuse us to be the troublers of Israel, and themselves would be thought to be the restorers, just as the Wolf in the Fable charg'd the Lamb with troubling the Waters.

130. They charge us beside with having a great power upon the Treasure of the [Page 132] Kingdom, disposing of the publick Monies, inriching our selves, and say in many of their Declarations, that we would embroil the Land in a new War, that we might not be called to an account for them. O the impudence! They know that themselves only and their Creatures had power over the Monies, and medled in Money matters, well licking their Fingers; for they know they shar'd and divided amongst themselves all the Fat of the Land, the Treasure, the Offices, the King's Revenue, the Revenue of the Church, the Estates of so great a part of the Nobility and Gentry, whom they had made Delinquents, and we, not one of us had any thing to do in all this; Mr. Re­corder I think only was of the Committee of the King's Revenue, but very seldom came thither. And did not they make use of the price in their hands? And did they not like charitable persons begin at home, give Gifts and Offices to all their own Party, to some upon mere Grace, as the thousands to Mr. Blaxton, a thousand Pound to Mr. Pury (besides a good Office) as much to Mr. Hodges of Glocestershire, to Alderman Pennington, who had conceal'd three thou­sand Pounds of Sir Iohn Pennington's which he had in his hands, for which, by their or­dinance, he should have forfeited the treble, and had he been a friend to the eleven Mem­bers [Page 133] should not have been spar'd; they did not only forgive him that, but gave him that three thousand Pounds, and three thousand Pounds more, which was upon the City's turning him out of their Militia, and pre­sently made him be put in again. The Speaker had Money given him, I know not how much, 6000 l. at one time (as I re­member) was made Master of the Rolls, Chancellor of the Dutchy, and a good while Keeper; Mr. Sollicitor was, besides his being Sollicitor, the King's Attorny, and about two years one of the Lord Keepers, got infinitely by the Pardons upon Compo­sitions, which was a device only to fill his Coffers, and had a thousand Pounds given him at the expiration of his Commission for the Great Seal. So had all his fellow Com­missioners, Mr. Brown, Mr. Prideaux, and Serjeant Wild, each their thousand Pound besides the profits of the Seal; Mr. Prideaux also made himself Post-master of England, being but the Chairman of a Sub-Commit­tee to the Grand-Committee of Grievances, where my Lord of Warwick and Burlamachi were contesting about the place, which was there represented as a publick Grievance, tho my Lord of Warwick's Grant prov'd not to be so; but this worthy Gentleman be­ing one of the Committee, and in the Chair, who was to hear both, and report their [Page 134] Cases to the Grand Committee, from whence it was to come to the House, finding it a convenient Employment, worth some 24, or 2500 l. per Annum, eas'd them of it, took it himself, and has kept it ever since. Mr. Serjeant Wild was trusted with some Mo­ney by the Lady Thornborough's Father for the use of his Daughter, and took occasion upon her going to Oxford, pretending she had got possession of his Estate, to get a fair Ordinance of both Houses to have that Mo­ney given to himself; but sure found some good Law for it, as he did for hanging of Captain Burley; and being excellent at it, no question would find Law to hang the e­leven Members, were there a whole dozen of them, and me highest for writing this, which he would prove to be a greater Trea­son than any in the Statute of the 25th of Edward the 3d; and when I come within his power, I will forgive it him, let him hang as many, and get as much of the Com­monwealths Money as he can in the mean time. But I will say this for him, the Elders of Iezreel that found a Law to put Naboth to death, were but fools to him. Then how many of their small Prophets were prefer'd, that Man of Conscience Alderman Hoil, that worthy Lawyer Mr. Nicklis, Sir Wil­liam Allison, Mr. Love, Mr. Lenthal the Speaker's Son, these two made six Clerks; [Page 135] Mr. Lisle, Master of St. Cross's, Mr. Miles Corbet, Colonel White, a Colonel that ne­ver was in the Field with his Regiment, Mr. Allen the Goldsmith; all of them, and I know not how many more, in places of great profit, some in the Courts of Westmin­ster, others made Treasurers of their Armies, as Allen and White; the latter also made Clerk of the Assizes in the Northern Cir­cuit, worth 5 or 600 l. per Annum. Crom­wel has 2500 l. per Annum, Sir Peter Went­worth a Gentleman's Estate for half the va­lue, settled likewise by Ordinance, tho the Gentleman (whose delinquency was per­haps aggravated, because he would not sell him that Land which he had long desir'd, like Naboth's Vineyard) offer'd to pay the Money to the State as the Fine for his Com­position, which by the rules of their own proceedings could not in Justice have been deny'd him. I remember we put by the Ordinance two or three times, but I hear it is since past, which makes me mention it here.

131. To some for reparation of Losses. So Mr. Cornelius Holland, who had some in­feriour place in the Prince's Houshold (which certainly he was not born to, the height of his ambition reaching no further in the beginning than to be Sir Henry Vane's Man) was in recompence set over the [Page 136] King's Children, above my Lady of Dorset, and had the managing of their Houshold some three or four years; then they gave him the King's Pastures in Buckinghamshire for twenty one years, worth to him de claro some 15 or 1600 l. per Annum. Sir William Strickland for the burning of his House in Yorkshire, has a Gentleman's Estate in Kent of a good value. Mr. Henry Herbert had 3000 l. given him out of my Lord of Worcester's Woods, and Sir Iohn Winter's. The Lord Say, in lieu of the Mastership of the Wards, which by his power since the beginning of this Parliament he had wrested from the Lord Cottington, had 10000 l. and for part of the Money (I think 4000 l. of it) had Hanworth House, with the Lands a­bout it, which was worth, as they say, 14000 l. Colonel Fleetwood was by way of Sequestra­tion put into the Remembrancers place of the Court of Wards, which his Brother held, and by going to Oxford lost it; upon the putting down of the Court he had 3000 l. recompense: multitudes there are more of this kind.

132. To some for pretended Arrears; as to Sir Arthur Haslerig 7000 l. who had earn'd it well at the Devizes and Cherrington. To the Lord Fairfax, Sir William Constable, Sir William Brereton, great Sums. To Colo­nel Thompson 2000 l. for his wooden Leg, [Page 137] which nothing but a Cannon could have helpt him to, for he would never come with­in Musket shot. To Colonel Purefoy and his Son Colonel Boswel, some 1500 l. each; and so to many more.

133. To some to buy their Voices, make them Proselytes. To Mr. Weston, Son to the Earl of Portland, the reviving an ar­rear of a Pension which was his Ladies, and if I be not deceiv'd, had been discontinu'd for many years: The Debenter, as I remem­ber, was 4000 l. To the Lord Grey of Gro­by (who had before been zealous for my Lord of Essex, as he had good reason for the respects he had receiv'd from him) a consi­derable Sum, which I well remember not, to be paid him out of such discoveries of De­linquents Estates as he should make; where­upon he and his Terriers were long attend­ing the Committee of Examinations, in the prosecution still of some Game or other, till his Sum was made up. To Mr. Scawen, one who formerly had not very well lik'd of their ways, 2000 l. How many of the Lords that could not be heard before, nor their Petitions scarce vouchsafed to be read, when they tackt about and voted with them, were then presently consider'd, and good propor­tions allow'd them; nay, they were so im­pudent as some of them would not stick to give it for a reason openly in the House, [Page 138] why they would not grant their desires, that they took notice how they gave their Votes: Mr. Gourden is the Man I have heard say so several times; this was an excellent way to make a free Parliament, for the Mem­bers to be honest and discharge their Consci­ences.

134. Then for Accounts; I would fain know what Accounts they have pass'd: Let any Man peruse my Lord Fairfax's and Sir William Constable's, I hear they are strange ones for the great Sums they have finger'd: And I am sure the Committee of Accounts did complain, that their Sub-Committees were beaten in Staffordshire, where Mr. Purefoy and Mr. Boswel should have acted, and would not.

135. Upon the whole matter, I would have our Accusers say so much by one of us: I confess, I am sorry to discover this of them, it being much against my nature, but I am forc'd to it for my vindication. I may say with the Apostle, They have compell'd me, and not only so to recriminate, but even to glory a little in some thing. Have any of us ever refus'd to account, who were liable to it? Sir William Lewis did account for the Monys he receiv'd, being Governor of Ports­mouth, so fairly and satisfactorily, as that the Committee of Accounts made a special report of it to the House, to be (as they [Page 139] said) an Example to others for his care and just dealing in managing the States Monies which came to his hands. Major General Massey I am sure was sollicitous to perfect his accounts, which if or no he had done before they drove him away I know not. Sir Wil­liam Waller and Colonel Long finish'd theirs. Sir Philip Stapleton never touch'd but his personal Pay, yet did account, and had but forty Shillings a day, being Lieutenant Ge­neral of the Horse under my Lord of Essex, who was Generalissimo, when Sir Arthur Haslerig had five Pounds for commanding the Horse under Sir William Waller, a Place inferior to his, and had been at no charge, having liv'd still upon Sir William Waller, and gotten well all along the Imployment. Sir William Waller had his Arrears after his subordinate Officer; Sir Arthur had led the way, who broke the Ice for his General and all the rest. Sir Philip Stapleton had also his, a very small one for so eminent an Offi­cer, in regard his allowance was no greater; it came to about 1700 l. having left the be­nefit of his whole Estate during all the Wars, which Haslerig did not, if his Neigh­bours in Leicestershire say true, that his Grounds have continu'd full stock'd all this while, better than ever they were before, so safe and well protected (as I have heard) that his Neighbours when there was danger, [Page 140] would send their Cattel thither; I confess, I understand not the mystery.

136. Here is all concerning matters of Accounts and Arrears of the eleven Mem­bers, the rest medled not with any of the States Monies, some of them have refus'd to receive what the House had given them up­on much juster grounds than all the preten­ces of the others that had so much. I my self for my Sufferings after the Parliament 3d. Car. which continu'd many years, cost me some thousands of Pounds, and preju­dic'd me more, had five thousand Pounds given me by the House for my reparation. I refus'd it, and said, I would not receive a Penny till the publick debts were paid. Let any of them say so much. I desire who ever shall chance to read this, to pardon me this folly, I do not mean for not taking the Mo­ney, but seeming to boast of it. I must a­gain repeat the Apostle's words, I am be­come a Fool in glorying, but they have compel'd me. It is true, I had paid for a Fine impos'd in the King's Bench, which I laid down in ready Money out of my Purse, a thousand Marks: This in the time of these troubles, when my whole Estate was kept from me in the West, that for three years or thereabouts I receiv'd thence not one Farthing, was reimburs'd to me.

[Page 141] 137. Now I appeal to the world, whe­ther our accusers, or we the poor eleven Members, so decry'd, so oppress'd, were the more guilty, who they were, who had gotten, cozen'd, oppress'd, were indeed the Traitors. If he did not say as truly as he did wittily, if they had not had more men than matter against us, they had been the Traitors themselves, which many of their own Disciples have upon the matter confess'd and publish'd, saying, they were to seek for matter; only we were a Beam in their Eyes: And their great Apostle Lil­burn himself says, the great aim was but to pull down those who stood in the way of their preferment.

138. Here is our Crime, I will ask par­don of God for my failings, even in the per­formance of all these duties, where I serv'd my Country best, but not of the Parliament from whence I desire no favour. Let them put upon me the severest disquisition, either concerning those things then charg'd, or the great. Treason since committed, of endea­vouring to defend my self, the Parliament, the City, from a rebellious, unjust, oppres­sing Army, which against all Laws of God and Man, came to force us, for which I stand voted to be impeach'd of Treason, and am outed the House, of which I shall treat presently.

[Page 142] 139. But first I shall shew the Steps to it. The Army now did all, the Parliament was but a Cypher, only cry'd Amen to what the Councils of War had determin'd. They make themselves an absolute third Estate, have Commissioners residing with them from the Parliament, Agents from his Ma­jesty, and abuse both sufficiently; as solemn­ly treated with as if no Subjects, but a Bo­dy subordinate to neither, vested with an Independent Authority, claiming only from God and their Sword. The whole business of the Kingdom is there now agitated, and the engagement of the Army is the Standard by which all propositions must be measur'd. If any thing be offer'd by the Parliament which they like not, it is presently answer'd not to stand with their solemn Engagement. Many meetings there were, great consulta­tions and debates upon certain proposals for settling of a Peace, and securing the Rights and Liberties of the People.

140. Notwithstanding this, while these things are in agitation, after all their affront­ing, baffling, forcing the Parliament, march­ing up against it and the City, contrary to their orders, by which they were not to come nearer than within forty Miles of Lon­don, they will have them own them for their Army, undertake to provide for their maintenance, and immediately send down [Page 143] a months Pay, yet will not be subject to them in any thing. All this is done, Mr. Marshal the Minister being a principal In­strument for them, who was still going and coming between Westminster and the head Quarters, or at the Parliament doors sollici­ting the Members of both Houses, perswa­ding them by all manner of arguments, sometimes assurances, sometimes terrifyings, to agree to those things which the Army desir'd; and this not in order to the setting up of Presbytery, in which he had formerly been so zealous (for the Presbyters were not then Trump, and he meant to whine therefore to put out them to take in better Cards for his turn) Afterwards they send to repeal the Ordinance for the Militia of London, which had been settled upon many and long debates, to stand for one whole year, and renew the former expir'd Ordi­nance for establishing the old Committee, which was the year before.

141. It is but ask and have, that is pre­sently done; and truly I think it was a de­sign of the Army, merely to provoke the City, engage them to do something, ex­press a dislike perhaps, fly out, and give them an occasion to offer some violence should they persist; or if yield after a little ill favour'dly shewing their teeth, then to put such things upon them, so yoke them, [Page 144] break their strength, trample upon their Li­berties and Privileges, as they should not be able afterwards upon any occasion to raise them disturbance, and make oppositi­on to whatever they should set on foot, tho never so grievous and displeasing to the whole Kingdom; for they thought not them­selves secure whilst the City stood unbro­ken.

142. Their Plot took, the City was ve­ry much mov'd at this sudden Act of the Houses, in the altering their Militia, with­out so much as giving them notice to hear what they could say in a point so nearly concerning them. They look upon it as an Infringement of their Charter (granted and confirm'd to them by so many Kings succes­sively, by which they were still to have the power of their own Militia) as a shaking of the foundation of all their security for those vast sums of Money they had lent, which depended only upon Ordinances: and the easie and sudden repealing of this, gave them cause to fear they might be serv'd so in the rest.

143. Whereupon at their Common Council they agreed upon a Petition to the Houses, informing them of the distem­pers in the City upon the change they had made, and beseeching them to reestablish it as it was before; which was presented by [Page 145] the Sheriffs, some of the Aldermen, and of the Members of the Common Council in a fair and submissive way. But the Parlia­ment durst do nothing without the leave of their Masters, only give them good words, and so hop'd to slide over the business. Then some young Men, Apprentices and others, appear'd, pressing hard, who would not be satisfy'd till it was done; which the Houses sticking at, the young Men insisting, drew a great concourse of people, putting things into some heat, so as at last they prevail'd, and the Militia was again settled according to their desire: upon which they went a­way returning to their homes, only some of the younger and more unruly sort re­main'd, among whom some idle people (and perhaps not well affected) Soldiers and others, and I have heard some of the Independents even belonging to the Army, thrust them­selves, and put the multitude, disorderly e­nough before, into great distempers, who then would make the Houses do this and the other thing, vote the King's coming to Lon­don, the calling in of the eleven Members, and I know not what else, would not suffer the Parliament Men either of the one House or the other, to stir till all was voted and pass'd which they desir'd, keeping them there till I think nine of the clock at night; [Page 146] when the Common Council hearing of these disorders, sent down the Sheriffs of London and some of the Aldermen to appease them, which they did. This was upon Monday the 26th of Iuly. The Houses adjourn'd themselves, the House of Peers to Friday, the Commons house to the next day. The City had against the next day, which was Tuesday, taken order to prevent such fur­ther inconveniences by unruly people as­sembling about Westminster, which before they could not well do, in regard their Mi­litia was unsettled by the alteration that the new Ordinance upon the Armies command had made, and I heard sent down a Message to the House of Commons to assure them of it; but Mr. Speaker was so hasty to adjourn till the Friday, perhaps because the rather he would not receive that Message which had half spoil'd the Plot, that he would scarce stay till it was a House; and some of the sacti­ous crying to adjourn, he did so, tho many cry'd out against it, who could not be heard.

144. By the Friday the two Speakers, the Earl of Manchester of the Peers, and Mr. Lenthal of the Commons, instead of giving their attendance according to their duty up­on the Houses, with eight Lords and fifty [Page 147] eight Commoners, were run down to the Army, there enter into an engagement, bearing date the 4th of August, to live and die with it, upon pretence of a force and violence to the Parliament, but in truth by a Conspiracy with the Army, design'd and laid principally by Mr. Saint Iohn the Sol­licitor, as appears by a Letter sent from Rushworth, Sir Thomas Fairfax's Secretary, to the Speaker, with no name in it, but the latter part of it written with his own hand, advising him not to appear at the House on Friday morning, but to take counsel of Mr. Sollicitor, who would tell him what was fit to be done, assuring him the Army would all lie in the dirt or protect them who were their friends. This, as I remember, was the effect of the Letter, yet remaining in one of the Houses; which, no doubt, came from Sir Thomas Fairfax, and Mr. Cromwel, and the rest of those Governors undertaking so for the Army, and shews who was the man that must give the Orders, and direct what was to be done by the House, and then may well be suppos'd to be the Author of all. The ground of this Engagement is made to be a Declaration of the Armies shewing the reasons of their advance to­wards London, as full of falshood as it is of malice against the eleven poor Members, [Page 148] and in truth intended only against them, who are by it said to be the cause of all that had been done in the City; that therefore they were resolv'd to march up to London, expecting the well affected people of the City would either put us in safe custody, or deliver us up to them, stuffing up the whole Declaration with falshoods and lies, as well in the narrative part as in the comment up­on it; they pretend, That to carry on our former evil designs, and preserve our selves from the hand of Justice, we had endea­vour'd to cast the Kingdom into a new War, and to that end had procur'd an under hand listing of Reformadoes, and continu'd a wicked and treasonable Combination, which we caus'd several persons to enter into, That this could not be done in the time of the old Commissioners for the Militia, and there­fore the new were made, who many of them were very intimate with us, which was a just cause for the Army to have them chang'd again: That thereupon the tumult was abetted and fomented by us to violate the Parliament, and force it into our hands, which makes them require that we may be in that manner deliver'd up; and declar'd all that was done in the Houses that day or af­terwards, till those fugitive Members should return again, null and void (so here the Army [Page 149] takes upon it to declare what Votes shall stand good, what not; and this is for the honour and freedom of the Parliament, that which those worthy Patriots would live and die upon) And besides, they say they were labouring after the settlement of the King­dom, and had even brought it to perfection, the particular proposals ready to be sent to the Parliament for a final conclusion of all our troubles; which conclusion of our trou­bles, in truth, nothing in the sight of Man could have hinder'd, but this cursed practice of violence upon the Parliament, which ve­ry thing in them was as cursed a High Trea­son as could be committed, a mercenary Ar­my rais'd by the Parliament, all of them from the General (except what he may have in expectation after his Father's death) to the meanest Centinal, not able to make a thousand Pounds a year Lands, most of the Colonels and Officers mean Tradesmen, Brew­ers, Taylors, Goldsmiths, Shoemakers, and the like; a notable Dunghil, if one would rake into it, to find out their several Pedigrees: these to rebel against their Masters, put con­ditions upon them, upon the King and whole Kingdom, make their Will a Rule, that all the Interests of King, Parliament, and Kingdom must be squared by, which they are not asham'd to declare here to the world.

[Page 150] 145. And this pious Declaration do these worthy Lords and Commons receive with much approbation, and with much thank­fulness to God in the first place, and next under him to the ever faithful Army; and so became, like the Proselites which the Scribes and Pharisees made, twofold more the Children of Hell than themselves, more criminous, and guilty of a greater Treason, as having broken a higher Trust, being themselves part of the Parliament which they deserted and betray'd; a wound given in the more noble and vital parts, tearing the Bowels, and piercing to the very Heart. Whereas the Army were but Servants, out­ward and ministerial parts, so to be look'd upon, and so punish'd; Slaves were crucify'd, but Citizens that betray'd were extermina­ted, they and their posterity, and the whole City turn'd into mourning, sensible of the loss as the Body when depriv'd of a principal Member.

146. They should have remembred, that even at the time of the pretended force which they would have men believe to have driven them away, the House lay under a greater force, and themselves were greater Slaves to the lusts of the Army which trampled [Page 151] upon their Necks, made them more con­temptible than the smallest Court of Guard that had but a Corporal to command it, to eat their words, their Declarations, Orders, Ordinances, break their Faith, betray and destroy all that serv'd them faithfully, give thanks for being cudgel'd and abus'd, pray and pay, and be glad it would be accepted; should not every Member have been sensi­ble of such violations and injuries done to the Body? But some will say it was as these Men will have it, who were like the sin­ful lusts in the Soul, quiet and well pleas'd, while the strong man the Devil keeps the house: So they were satisfy'd with all that was done, because it was according to their Minds, conducing to their Ends. If it be so, and that they will be Slaves, let them be Slaves still, for they deserve no better. The Army was the fittest place for them, as Brutus said of those he took Prisoners at the first Battel of Philippi, Let them go, says he, they are greater Captives in their own Camp under Cesar and Anthony than here.

147. They might likewise have consi­der'd, that the force upon the Parliament from the Army, as it was greater, so to have been a more horrid crime, of more dangerous consequence to the Kingdom, and [Page 152] more destructive to the being of Parliaments than that from the Apprentices; which is, in my opinion, very clear. This of the Ap­prentices being a sudden tumultuary thing of young idle people without design, and without that obligation; indeed but an ef­fect of the other, both as following their example, and also as occasion'd by the just offence which they had given the City: whereas the Army was a form'd deep laid design of revenge upon them they call'd their Enemies, of domination over the Parliament and Kingdom, carry'd on both with power and cunning, laying the foundation of a perpetual Tyranny by a company of hir'd Servants, that had receiv'd more wages ten times than their work deserv'd, and now betray'd the trust reposed in them, rising a­gainst their Masters, whose own Swords they turn'd upon their breasts, to force them to do most dishonourable, unjust, infamous actions, deliver up themselves and the King­dom to their wills. So as take the act of the Apprentices at the worst, it is ex malis minimum, and that of those fugitive Mem­bers at the best, which is, that they were really under a force, and under a fear, they did vitare Charibdim incidere in Scyllam, and leap (as the old Proverb is) out of the Fry­ingpan into the Fire, wherein they were un­fortunate; [Page 153] and well would it be for them in the day of their accounts if it were but for­tune, but it is too apparent to have been in some of them a propens'd Malice and dete­stable Combination.

148. As for what they lay to the eleven Members, with all the aggravations in that Declaration, I will not answer it as Mr. Na­thaniel Fines did Mr. Walker's Charge a­gainst him, to say only thou liest, and quote along the Margin, First, Second, Third, and Fourth Lie. But this I will say to dis­prove it, affirming it upon the word of a Gentleman, and faith of an honest Man (I think I may speak as much for the whole number) I was not in the City all the time those businesses were in agitation, knew no­thing of the Petitions nor actings in the Common Council, nothing of the City's en­gagement, never saw it till two or three days after it was printed, had not the least thought of the Apprentices coming down to Westminster, nor notice of it till the very day at eleven of the Clock when they were already there. We had appointed four days before to meet that day at dinner at the Bell in Kingstreet, there to even our Reck­onings, because we had made a common Purse for Lawyers Fees and other charges, [Page 154] in preparing our answer for the House, then to take our leaves one of another, resolving to go several ways, some beyond Sea, some into the Country. As I was going into my Coach (there was with me Sir Philip Sta­pleton, Sir William Waller, Major General Massey, and Mr. Long) one brought us word of the hubbub at the House, whereupon we resolv'd not to go, and parted companies upon it; but presently Sir William Lewis's Footman came to tell us, his Master and Mr. Nichols were staying for us at the Bell; upon which Sir Philip Stapleton, Sir Wil­liam Waller, and my self (who were yet to­gether) went thither, but hearing more of the disorder about Westminster Hall, we would not stay so much as to make an end of our Dinners, but presently came away. I mention this particular because I know they have made a great matter of that meet­ing, as if it was to be near hand, to receive information, and send instructions according to occasion, when we were as innocent of it as any of those who cry out most against us; nay more, if it be true what is so con­fidently reported, as I said before, that there were Independents most busie amongst that unruly multitude.

149. Here we have seen what those wor­thy [Page 155] Members did at the Army, and upon what ground, and besides what little rea­son they had to go away upon the pretended force, which was a sudden thing, then past, and care taken it should be no more, and they lying before under a greater force, which they purposely now ran again into, to continue it the longer upon themselves and the Kingdom. Now let us see what in the mean time was doing at London.

150. The Houses met according to the adjournment upon Friday the 30th of Iuly, some six or sevenscore in the House of Com­mons, and as great a number of Lords in their House as of those who went to the Ar­my, but all mute, neither having their Speaker, for whom they sent about to seek, waiting till they had certain information how they had dispos'd of themselves; then they fell into consideration of what was to be done, and that offer'd it self, which in truth was obvious to every man's reason, to chuse other Speakers. For the Lords House there could be no question, it was every day's practice, their Speaker being but pro tempore, and changeable at pleasure; so they make choice of my Lord Willoughby of Par­ham. For the House of Commons, it lay not so above ground, their Speaker being a [Page 156] settled Officer, made with great Formali­ties, and not so moveable at pleasure; but that he cannot be at all remov'd upon no oc­casion, not for misdemeanour (as it is not esteem'd for a Speaker to be honest, or to be so powerful by his compliance with the ma­jor or the more active part of the House, to be born out in his Knaveries, as some have the luck of it) or if he desert the House as Mr. Lenthal lately did, or be disabled by sickness, or any other accident, I think no Man will say. For then what Act of continuance will be of avail to keep up the Parliament, since it would depend upon the will of one Man, or the uncertainty of his health, to frustrate all such provisions, and at any time to set a period to a Parliament?

151. Therefore they proceed to the choice of their Speaker, and pitch upon Mr. Hen­ry Pelham, who, according to the custom, is presented at the Lords House Bar, brought in by my Lord of Pembrook in his Robes, and there receiv'd.

152. They then go on upon the business of the House, take into consideration the Letter spoken of sent by Rushworth to Mr. Lenthal the late Speaker, which discover'd the intention of the Army to march up a­gainst [Page 157] the City; whereupon they order a Letter to be written to the General, signi­fying in what quietness they sat, and that therefore he should not advance his Quarters any nearer.

153. They afterwards order the eleven Members to come and give their attendance, who were presently sent for, and some o­thers that had been forc'd by the Army to forbear the House.

154. For amongst other enormous pro­ceedings of the Army, one was, upon pre­tence that some sat there who had born Arms against the Parliament, or abetted the other side, they make the House enjoin some Gentlemen to present a state of their Case upon certain Votes then pass'd, which put an incapacity upon such as were com­prehended in them under a heavy penalty if they forbore not the House of themselves, so compelling them either to accuse them­selves against all rule of Justice, and the ve­ry law of Nature, undergoing the greatest hazard that could be; for if they fail'd in a tittle, as very well one might in a thing done three or four years before, or that any Knave would come and swear something a­gainst him, they underwent the penalty, [Page 158] or else to deprive themselves of their rights of sitting in the House, and so the Town or County which had chosen him lose the ser­vice of their Burgess or Knight; indeed this was a heinous villany, but they are guilty of so many that one drowns another.

155. They pass a Vote, that the King may be humbly desir'd to come to his own house at Richmond, that so the Hou­ses of Parliament and Commissioners of Scotland might have access to him, to pro­pose what was necessary for settling the Peace of the Kingdom, himself be in a place of safety out of the hands and pow­er of the Army, whose fair shews towards him they had cause to suspect to be no other than the kisses of Iudas, to betray and ruin both him and the Kingdom: and accordingly Messengers were sent to attend him with it, but the Army frustrated all those endeavours.

156. Some other things were pass'd that day, and lest the Parliament should be wanting to it self in doing what was pos­sible for its defence and the Citys, in case the Army should not stop upon their Let­ter, the Committee of Safety is reviv'd, and order'd, as before, to join with the [Page 159] Militia, and provide for their protection; and all but need, for Sir Thomas Fairfax and his two Councils of War, the Mem­bers and the Officers, would not vouch­safe to read the Letter, but march on Rabshekah like, threatning ruin and destru­ction; yet was there no such thought to­wards them, our End being not vim in­ferre, but repellere, get such a strength a­bout us as might only defend, not offend. To that end those Forces which were quar­ter'd further off in Kent and Surrey, as Sir Robert Pye's Company, Colonel Graves's, and some others, were commanded to draw near the City, not offering or intending any act of hostility, when upon a sudden, the Sunday morning the 2d of August, a Party of Horse, about two Regiments, commanded, as I take it, by one Desbo­rough a Major, fell into Deptford, where were some half a score of Sir Robert Pye's Soldiers who had staid behind the rest to discharge the Quarters, and most inhuman­ly and basely butcher'd those poor Men as many as they could light of, killing besides any that look'd like a Soldier whom they found upon the way, some within a stones cast of the works of Southwark. This, as it was a most barbarous and bloody Mur­der (which will bring down vengeance [Page 160] upon their heads soon or late, that tho they should escape the hand of Justice here, the hand of God will certainly overtake them) so did it something awaken the City to see their own danger, and a little quicken their pace to draw the Ordnance upon their Works, and man them some­thing better; but in truth not much. For I may say they were a people prepar'd for ruin and slavery, Gibbs and Fowks princi­pally had bewitch'd them; and Agents for the Army who were up and down, weak­en'd Mens hearts and hands, so as nothing was done to any purpose for putting them into a way of safety, or possibility of de­liverance. All were desirous equally of Peace, but not all equally afraid of Danger; those who fear'd it most were the great­est cause of it: and some good well mean­ing Men of the Assembly, Mr. Herbert Pal­mer and others, whom Mr. Marshal had wrought upon and perswaded to come to the Houses first, as being Ministers and Am­bassadors of Peace, to perswade to Peace, and then to the Common Council to do the like to them; which did but dishearten and discourage those who were apt enough to fear, being not so fully ready to resist a power that was coming upon them, and did hinder the preparations. To say the [Page 161] truth all was done that could be to hin­der and little to help. Insomuch as at that very time when the Army was marching up for their destruction, about 49000 l. which had formerly been or­der'd to be sent down for the Army's drawing off further from the City, could not be privily convey'd out of Town by Sir Iohn Wollaston, and some others, in which Mr. Scawen and Mr. Allen Mem­bers of the House, had a principal hand, which was as great a blow to Parliament and City as could be given; for it serv'd to keep the Soldiers together, and unite them for marching up, whereas before there were high discontents amongst them, and it weaken'd us, even taking away so much of our blood, that which at that time we principally stood in need of.

157. The Parliament did all that could be desir'd, yet still with a resolution to endeavour the ways of preventing extre­mities. Those Commissioners of theirs who were at the Army had in a man­ner disavowed them, for never any thing came from them to the Houses; and Mr. Skippon, when the City sent to him to come and take the conduct and manage­ment [Page 162] of their business, a duty they might very well have expected from him, he was so far from performing it as he ab­solutely refus'd except he might have an assurance from the Parliament, and from them, to return again to the Ar­my if he lik'd not his conditions, which was a great ingratitude to those who had deserv'd so well of him, and an unwor­thy complyance with them who had for­merly neglected him.

158. A Message was resolv'd upon to be sent to the Army, to see if they could be stopp'd from coming in that manner to endanger putting all into blood; Mr. Swifen and Mr. Ashurst as I remem­ber were nominated, the rest I have for­got. The like was also prepar'd in the City, and more quickly executed; upon Tuesday Alderman Gibbs, Mr. Noel, and some other Aldermen and Common Coun­cilmen were appointed to go with it. And they soon return'd, not with an Olive branch, but with a heavy doom to the honour of the City, freedom of the Par­liament, and safety of the poor eleven Members in the first place, and next of all that had engag'd in the defence of the City. The Keys of the City (if I [Page 163] misremember not) must be deliver'd to his Excellency, all the Works from the Thames side to Islington Fort demolisht, the eleven Members secur'd or given up, and all the Reformados and Officers like­wise who were ready to have fought for them. This was as worthily by the Common Council yielded to, their Am­bassadors notably promoting it. The e­leven Members were not yet seiz'd nor deliver'd, but as bad, left to shift for themselves, no care at all taken for their preservation, tho the City had now this last time wholly embark'd in their trou­ble, and engag'd them in their business, petitioning the House of Commons to enjoin them to attend the Service of the House, themselves not at all moving in, or desiring it: Nay, they did not so much as provide for Major General Massey, whom they had made their Commander in chief; but like Isachar bow'd under the Burden, betray'd themselves and all that had to do with them.

159. Here was an end of the Parlia­ment, and in truth of the C [...]y, all whose Glory is laid in the [...]ust; and as it was high before in reputation both at home and abroad, so is it now be­come [Page 164] a hissing and reproach to all that see it or hear of it. The next day Sir Thomas Fairfax sends to take possession, and the day after that marches in state, bringing with him those deserting Lords and Commons, and the Earl of Manche­ster and Mr. Lenthal, the two pretended Speakers, not vouchsafing to look upon the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, who were there with the Recorder, provided with a Speech for his entertainment, which he did not so well deserve, as they did that scorn then put upon them.

160. He goes strait to the Houses, put those two Men in the Speakers pla­ces, who had no more right to them than himself, and has ever since con­tinu'd them there by force, and keep­ing out the true Speakers; which the Lord Willoughby is to the Peers (that House being under an adjournment, and not sitting when the Intruder came in, so not in a capacity to admit him) and Mr. Pelham to the Commons, who had been legally chosen when the House was free and under no force; the other ha­ving deserted, which is of all Crimes the greatest.

[Page 165] 161. So as without him it is no House, but an Assembly of Men acting under the Army without lawful authority; some of them by a combination and agreement with the Army, but far the greater part by a terror and an awe from it, and therefore to be look'd upon accordingly; and que­stionless many of them continuing there out of a good intent, like so many Hu­shais, only to defeat the pernicious Coun­sels of those Achitophels who had design'd the destruction of David, the ruin of ho­nest Men, and even the trouble and con­fusion of the whole Israel of God, Church and State. These are so far from deser­ving thereby either to become the object of blame or pardon, as they merit ex­ceedingly, are worthy the praise both of present and future times; but to be con­sider'd rather as faithful Patriots, that act out of necessity in an extraordina­ry way, stand in the Gap to keep off mischief, than as Members of Parliament able or indeed qualify'd to exercise any parliamentary Power for the good of the Kingdom; the House having been di­sturb'd, and for the time suppress'd by a real Force, not feign'd and imaginary as the other was; and while this force con­tinues, [Page 166] not suffer'd to come together, but as soon as it ceases will return of it self to be as it was before.

162. For there is a difference between these two Cases, one the Parliaments act­ing under a force, remaining still to be a Parliament, which dos not annual it, nor the Acts it dos; but makes them fit to be repeal'd, yet standing good pro tem­pore.

163. Many of our best Laws have been so made (when Armies have been on foot) and afterwards declar'd good in a free Parliament; and what then done did appear to be inconvenient and unjust, was by subsequent Parliaments re­peal'd. So is it fit that what was compel'd to be done by the Apprentices and others in that tumultuous way, the Monday that the force was, should be repeal'd, as not fit to be continu'd. And so all that has been done a great while, under the pow­er and force of the Army, since it first rebel'd and gave Laws to the Parliament, is as fit, if not more, to be hereafter re­peal'd; and questionless will, if ever the Parliament come to be free again. Nay, even these pretenders do us that right, [Page 167] as finding the proceedings of the Parlia­ment after their desertion not sutable to their Ends, but against them, by an Ordinance to repeal and declare them null; which otherwise had not been needful, seeing they would fall of themselves, be­ing Crimes in their own nature as pro­ceeding from an usurp'd Authority. This is one case; the other is, when a force proceeds so far and so high as not to suffer a Parliament to be, gives it such a wound as for the time it cannot act, but must cease, even as a wounded Bo­dy that lies in a Trance without sense or motion: But when that force is over, and the Spirits recollected, it returns to it self to do the functions of life, move and act as formerly. It is but like a Pa­renthesis in a Sentence, and remains one and the same as if the Parenthesis were not at all.

164. But to return where I left. This General, a setter up and puller down of Parliaments, has a Chair set him in ei­ther House, where first in the Lords House, then in the Commons, those pre­tended Speakers make Speeches to him, giving him thanks for all, approving his Declaration of the Reasons of his coming [Page 168] to London, desiring him to go on in ta­king care for the security of the King­dom, and to appoint a Guard for the Parliament. Than which there was ne­ver any thing more base; but Mr. Len­thal exceeded, being both base and pro­phane, applying a Higgaior Selah to this last act of his Excellency, who as wise­ly took it. Then that the prophaness might be compleat, and God mock'd as well as Men abus'd, they appoint the Thursday after for a day of Thanksgiving, and fitted it with Preachers, Mr. Marshal and Mr. Nye, Simeon and Levi, where they say Marshal outwent all that had gone before him, and his Brother Nye was a mo­dest Presbyterian in comparison of him; but that Apostate went beyond Ela, making this deliverance a greater one than the Gunpowder Treason, as I have been cre­dibly inform'd by those that heard him. And some few days after, Sir Thomas Fair­fax and the whole Army marcht in tri­umph with Lawrel in their Hats as Con­querors, through the subdu'd City of Lon­don, to shew it was at his mercy; which was an airy vanity I confess above my understanding, and might have rais'd a spirit of Indignation, not so easily to have been laid. But a higher insolency [Page 169] of an Army compos'd of so mean peo­ple, and a more patient humble submis­sion and bearing of a great and popu­lous City, but a little before so full of honour and greatness, was, I think, ne­ver heard of.

165. And now the Houses fall to vo­ting, the Lords leading the way, and outdoing the Commons, as much as Mr. Lenthal outdid the Earl of Manchester in the Thanksgiving, or Mr. Marshal did Mr. Nye in the thanksgiving Sermon. They make Sir Thomas Fairfax Genera­lissimo, Commander in chief of all the Forces in the Kingdom, and Constable of the Tower, otherwise signifying Mr. O­liver Cromwel, of whom Sir Thomas was the shadow; they thank his Excellency over again for his care of the safety of the City and Parliament, Risum teneatis a­mici; leave it wholly to him to appoint what Guards he thinks fit for their se­curity, Sed quis custodiet custodes? give a months Pay for a gratuity to the Army for their many good Services, which is praemium nequitiae; then set up the Star Chamber, the High Commission, the Spa­nish Inquisition, in one Committee of ten Lords and twenty Commoners (read o­ver but their names, and you will swear [Page 170] it, except for four of the Commoners, who are very unequally yok'd, sixteen against them) to sit in the painted Chamber de die in diem, to examine the business of the Mu­tiny, and of forcing the Houses.

166. So far the Lords lead and the Commons follow; but in another Vote they go by themselves a good while, that all things done by the Members since as they injuriously and falsly pre­tend) the Speakers and other Members were driven away from the Parliament, be annull'd, and of no effect, and declar'd to have been so at the making thereof. The Commons can't agree to this, but put off the debare to another time. Some sense of honour there was amongst them, and of the dangerous consequence of such a Vote, besides the unreasonableness and injustice, taking away the Authority by which those Votes were made, and so exposing to question and ruin all such as were at the passing of them, or had acted by them. Many days debates were spent upon it, but it could not be car­ry'd the House of Commons would be a House of Commons still; and as they represent the people of England, so as­sert their Liberties, if they were left to themselves, and not overaw'd by the pow­er of the Army.

[Page 171] 167. Therefore the Agitators must to work again with an humble Address to his Excellency, and some Proposals on behalf of the Kingdom and the Army: First, That all those that have fat at Westminster, usurping a parliamentary Authority, since the forcible expulsion of the Parliament, may immediately be excluded the House. Secondly, That those Members who have adher'd to that pretended Parliament, may be also ex­cluded under a penalty if they presume to sit. Thirdly, That all former Votes against disaffected Members may be put in execution. And this is to make a free Parliament, for those Rogues to deter­mine who shall sit, who shall not, and how they shall be punish'd who diso­bey them. These Lords and Commoners deserve well of Parliament and Kingdom, that ran away from the Parliament, and went to the Army for this.

168. Sir Thomas Fairfax and the Coun­cil of War answer presently, for it is but a Song of two parts, making one harmony, all set by the same hand. A Remonstrance is forthwith produc'd and sent to both Houses the 18th of August, [Page 172] a sorrowful Ditty for the poor House of Commons, which tells them plainly, af­ter a long deduction of all passages, just lying over the same Lies again, That those Members which sat during the absence of the Speakers, are guilty of the prosecution and maintenance of the said treasonable engagement and violence, and therefore must not be their Judges (but their adverse Party shall be theirs, which is Army Justice) That they might have been made Prisoners of War; wherefore they protest and declare, if they hereaf­ter intrude themselves to sit in Parlia­ment, they can no longer suffer it, but will take some speedy effectual course, that both they and others guilty of the same practices may be brought to con­dign punishment.

169. And they back this Remonstrance (for which the Lords return a Letter of approbation and great thanks to his Ex­cellency for his continu'd care of the ho­nour and freedom of Parliament) with a Party of a thousand Horse drawn up to Hide-Park; Cromwel and Ireton making menacing Speeches in the House, and Guards out of the Army besetting the doors and avenues. By all which means, [Page 173] and the terror of their surly impeaching looks (as some of the Pamphleteers ob­serve it) many of the Members were driven away, and the poor House forc'd the 20th of August, to pass the Ordinance for declaring all Votes, Orders, and Or­dinances, made in one or both Houses from Iuly 26 till August 6, null and void. And now they are a free Parliament, or as Haslerig told them the next day after the eleven Members were with­drawn, a glorious Parliament, in truth no Parliament, but they are what Mr. Cromwel will have them to be.

170. Then they lay about them, im­peach seven Lords of High Treason, spa­ring only my Lord of Pembrook. They proceed against some of their own Mem­bers, suspend Mr. Bainton, put Commis­sary Copley and Mr. Recorder out of the House, whom they commit to the Tow­er for high Misdemeanours, expel like­wise Sir Iohn Maynard, and send him to the Tower. The rest of the eleven Members upon the City's delivering up it self and the Parliament to the will of the Army, having sent for their Passes which the House had order'd and up­on them withdrawn themselves into fo­reign [Page 174] parts, the Lord Mayor and some of the Aldermen were likewise imprison'd in the Tower, and charg'd with Trea­son: And all honest Men persecuted, threaten'd, and therefore fled and scat­ter'd, some one way and some another; and these are the effects of a free Par­liament.

171. The Lieutenant of the Tower, Colonel West, an honest and gallant Man, after he had been at charge to treat and entertain Sir Thomas Fairfax, coming to take possession of his Place as Constable, was by that worthy General, by way of thankfulness for his good entertain­ment, turn'd out: And an Independent, one Tichburn a Linen Draper, put in, which was done with so much insolen­cy and scorn of the City, as when his favourite Alderman Gibbs had prepar'd a long winded Speech in the name of the City, who crav'd it as a Boon and Act of Grace, that he would keep in the old Lieutenant, he cut him off short, and bid him speak no more of it. Indeed it had been against his Instructions, and the Maxim of his Master Cromwel and all that faction, which is to suffer none in any power save such as are theirs Body and Soul, and put all others out.

[Page 175] 172. So Colonel Pointz was seiz'd up­on, and by force fetch'd out of his Com­mand in the North; Major General Mas­sey must not continue in his of the West; Captain Patten turn'd out of his Vice Admiralship, and Rainsborough put in; Colonel Carne out of the Government of the Isle of Wight, and Hammond in his room. The Self-denying Ordinance was a trick for this purpose. In the begin­ing of these troubles Sir William Lewis not agreeing with their Palate, being Go­vernour of Portsmouth, they make the Earl of Essex, who was then General, send for him, upon a supposition that he was a favourer of Malignants, and of ma­ny other things; which being examin'd by the Committee of Safety, he gave so good an account of himself, as the Com­mittee could not do less than write a Letter in his justification to the Gene­ral, leaving it to him to repair him as he thought fit. Then some of these honest Men, who themselves had subscrib'd to it, sent a Letter privately to my Lord of Essex, by which they advis'd his not sending him back to Portsmouth; which jugling of theirs he receiv'd with indig­nation, and wish'd Sir William Lewis to [Page 176] return to his Command: but he seeing what Men he had to deal with, quitted the Employment; and to say the truth, he only can be happy who has nothing to do with them, except it be in punish­ing them according to their demerits.

173. They have now they think both Houses to their minds, ready to do what­soever they please. Accordingly the House of Commons orders those of the eleven Members, who were beyond Sea upon their Passes, which gave them liberty of tra­velling six Months, to appear the 16th of October, taking no course to have them summon'd, only notice to be given at their Houses, or places of their last abode, where few of us had any Servants, my self only an old Porter and a Maid or two.

174. Then they go on to the publick business, such work as the Army had cut out for them. Which were certain Pro­posals that Sir Thomas Fairfax and the Council of War had sent them the 1st of August, sign'd by Iohn Rushworth Secre­tary, now far above Iohn Brown and Hen­ry Elsing. In these they [...] down a new platform of Government, an Vtopia of [Page 177] their own, take upon them to alter all, give Rules to all, cajole the King, claw with the people, cheat both, never intend­ing good to either. The reading of the Articles themselves which are in print will satisfie every body; they need no Comment, and are so many, and of so vast a comprehension, as to treat of them all, to shew the absurdities, contradictions, impossibilities, unreasonableness, which many of them contain, would swell this to too big a Volume. I will only speak to some few, and shew how they dissolve the whole frame of this Monarchy, taking a sunder every part, pulling out every pin and new making it. First, The constitu­tions and proceedings of Parliaments, pro­jecting new things for their beginnings, continuances, and endings, for the electi­ons of Members, privileges and customs of the Houses, which they had violated before de facto, but now must be alter'd de jure. The Militia of the Kingdom, where they will have a General appointed to command it, Pay setled to maintain it, a Council of State to superintend it, which signifies to establish by Act of Parliament this holy Army, the Council of War, and General Cromwel. Then matters of the Church, where they will have no power [Page 178] exercis'd to preserve Religion and Piety; they would have Bishops so they may be just Cyphers, and all Acts to be repeal'd, which hinder Men from being Atheists or Independents; for no body must be en­joyn'd to come to the Church, and there may be Meetings to practise any thing of superstition and folly, the Covenant must be laid aside. In sum, it is to take away all Government and set up Independency. They propose a new way for making grand Jury-men, Justices of Peace, and Sheriffs. When these and many other things which they mention are settled, which will take up time enough, then the King, Queen, and Royal Issue to be restor'd, which is as much as just nothing. Next they make the people believe they do as great matters for them, will have a liberty of petition­ing, which is but to make way for schis­matical seditious Petitions; for if any Pe­tition stick at their Diana, none so fierce to punish. Who more than they against all the Petitions from London and the Counties for disbanding of the Army, and complaining of their factious ways? how eager were they against the Petitions pro­moted in the City in the beginning, for which Benion was fined, and many trou­bled; and some Petitions out of Kent, for [Page 179] which some Gentlemen were committed? How barbarously did they fall upon some poor women which came one time to West­minster petitioning for Peace, command­ing a Troop of Horse to run over them, the Train'd Bands to shoot at them, where­by many were wounded and some kill'd? Yet the world must think they will have it free for all to petition. Then they will have the Excise taken off from some Com­modities whereon the poor people live, and a time limited for taking off the whole; which was but to please and amuse them till they had got the mastery of those who they thought stood in their way: but being Masters themselves, they soon sent out a Command (more now than any Pro­clamation or Ordinance) to forbid all Sol­diers any way to interrupt the levying of the Excise, orany other Tax charg'd by the Parliament, which they had made merely instrumental to poll the people for the support of them and their Faction. They will have no Tythes to be paid, and so Ministers to be starv'd for in truth they would have no Ministers at all, or ra­ther no Ministery; like Iulian the Apo­state, take away presbyterium not presbyte­ros: for Ministers that will be subservient to them, like Mr. Marshal, shall be much [Page 180] made of. The rules and course of Law must be reduc'd; indeed they will need no Law, for they will rule by the Sword, and the Councils of War shall supply all Courts of Justice. Prisoners for debt, if they have not wherewith to pay, must be freed; so we may be sure few debts shall be satisfy'd, for it is an easie thing so to convey or conceal an Estate, as nothing visible will be left for doing right to Cre­ditors. None must be compell'd to answer to questions tending to the accusing them­selves or their nearest Relations in crimi­nal Causes, witness their Orders to make men under great Penalties state their Case in no less matter than Treason; therefore this is understood to extend only to the pri­vilege of their own Faction. We must al­ter all Statutes and Customs of Corporati­ons, and of imposing Oaths which may be constru'd to the molestation of religious people, that is, Independents, for all o­thers are Greeks and Barbarians. Yet these men, in how many Letters and Declara­tions do they say and protest, they have no thought of setting up Independency, nor to meddle with any thing but what concerns the Soldiery, and leave all the rest to the wisdom of the Parliament. Indeed they conclude their Proposals with what con­cerns [Page 181] the Soldiery: That provision may be made for payment of Arrears to the Ar­my, and the rest of the Soldiers of the Kingdom who have concurr'd with them in their late proceedings: and in the next place, of the publick debts and damages of the Kingdom, which they have taken a course that the Parliament shall never satisfie, having caus'd such a debt to the Soldiers, and so insupportable a charge for the maintenance of the Army, which is to be satisfy'd in the first place before other debts to the rest of the Kingdom, that the Subject is not able to bear it, but is ut­terly ruin'd.

175. To some of these Heads they say they will offer some speedy particulars in the nature of Rules, of good use to the publick: Rules indeed, from which, and from the Rulers, good Lord deliver us. But here you see they compile a work like the second part of Solomon's, treating from the Cedar in Lebanon to the Hysop on the Wall; of all degrees and conditi­ons, from the King that should be on the Throne to the Beggar in Prison. And since they have brought both ends toge­ther, so now we have a free Parliament and a free Kingdom.

[Page 182] 176. Every day produces some effects of their tyranny and power, like another Africk, some Monster, tho they were not without their difficulties to wrestle with and overcome. For to bring so absolute a Bondage upon a people that was free be­fore, could not be without many heats and colds. They had the King to deal with, whom they must in some measure satisfie and perswade that they had good intentions for him, to restore and main­tain him in a power and dignity sutable to his Royal Person and Office, from which the truth and bottom of their design did differ toto coelo: they had the King's Party, whom they must entertain in hopes and expectation, and then cozen; they had the Parliament which must be kept under, brought to obedience, and a total subser­vience to their will and command. They had the generality of the people, who were for Government and Monarchy founded upon Peace (as they had reason) desirous to be eas'd of their Burdens and Taxes, with hopes whereof the Army had fed them, but it stood not with their Interest to procure it them. They had lastly their own faction which troubled them most of all, being violent, impatient, not to be [Page 183] gain'd to go the pace of their Grandees, and wait the revolutions of time, which they desir'd might have taken place, for the same things to be effected which even those headstrong furious people coveted, but with more ease, advantage, and great­ness to themselves.

177. For they apprehended it very dangerous to fall presently upon his Maje­sty and break with him, seeing the in­clinations of the people towards him, and he at liberty for all persons to have access unto him, whom he might confer with, inform, and dispose according to occasion, perhaps take some resolutions which they apprehended might turn to their preju­dice. Besides, they knew not how the Scotish Nation might then declare and engage, which with the help of those whom they had already discontented by their injustice and oppression in the execu­tion of their particular malice and revenge, and those whom they should discontent by frustrating their expectation, having born them in hand with hopes of Peace and freedom from Taxes, must needs have given a great interruption to their proceed­ings, and even shake the foundation of their whole design; therefore they must [Page 184] work in another way, make his Maje­sty believe they will do great things for him, so to receive rather an advantage than hinderance from his influence upon the affections of the Kingdom. To this end were all those applications to him by Cromwel, Ireton, and the rest of their Crea­tures and Instruments, in framing of the proposals, appearing for his interest in the House, seeming to desire his restitution, being now turn'd absolute Courtiers. They knew it would at last come all to one with that which they have since done to him. For, coming to a settlement with his concurrence, they had the power, he but vanam imaginem; and what of lustre and quietness had been contributed by his Ma­jesty's conjunction, would but have serv'd to have confirm'd and heighten'd their authority, all had been but Stilts to raise them above the rest of the Kingdom and himself likewise; so as it had been in their power (as well as we are sure it had been in their will) to destroy him afterwards, he should have only been a little longer repriev'd, as Vlysses was by Polyphemus to be devour'd at last.

178. But the Party would not give way to this; hatred to the King, envy and jea­lousies [Page 185] against their aspiring Leaders, and a violent desire of having the work done at once, lay all persons and things level on the sudden, bring forth their mon­strous conceptions all at one birth, made them break out, flye in their faces, disco­ver many of their villanies, and, as ap­pears by that business of Lilburn and Wild­man, even resolve to take Cromwel out of the way, and murder him for an Apo­state.

179. When Cromwel, Ireton, and the rest saw this, and that this madness of the inferiour sort of their Disciples, which had formerly rais'd them, supported them, and lately given them the advantage of their Enemies, victory over the Parlia­ment, and a superiority over all the King­dom, would now be their ruin, if either they clos'd throughly with the King (for then their Party would forsake them, turn against them, and they knew they had so well merited of King and Kingdom, as not to expect to be preserv'd in greatness, either for honesty or abilities) or if the King continu'd at liberty at Hampton-Court, or any other place, where freedom of resort might be to him, and opportuni­ties taken and improv'd to meet with and [Page 186] prevent all their attempts, that then it would be impossible to carry on their bu­siness in an open and declar'd way of vio­lence against him. They saw a necessity of removing him, and making sure his per­son; that done, they thought they might be bold to do and say what they would, and own a second time the actings and re­solutions of the Agitators.

180. The difficulty was how to bring this about, to cozen the King so as to make him act it himself, and flie into the Cage; carry him by force they durst not, it would be unhandsom, it might be dan­gerous: They use this stratagem, height­en and sharpen underhand the mad hu­mour of their Party against him, to have it break out all manner of ways, in threat­ning Speeches, Pamphlets; some consulta­tions that whilst his Majesty liv'd in Eng­land he could not be safe; meetings to consider and come to some resolutions of taking him out of the way: the Army is a­gain disquiet, the Officers not obey'd, all things tending to mutiny, and some vio­lent eruption. Then dos Mr. Cromwel and his Cabinet Council seem to be ex­treamly solicitous of the safety of his Ma­jesty's person, cause some discoveries to be [Page 187] given him of his danger, express great in­dignation and trouble in the House, in the Army, and other places against these pro­ceedings, act their parts so to the life, as the Life of a Man must go to make up the disguise: an Agitator whom at a Council of War, with two more, they condemned, was shot to death; so as the King could not but have a great con­fidence in these Men to believe that they were really for his preservation. At last Cromwel writes a Letter to Whalley (who commands the Guards about his Majesty's Person) to be shewn his Majesty; and o­ther informations are likewise brought him, to make him believe that if he es­cap'd not presently he will be murder'd; and he is advis'd to go to the Isle of Wight, where they had beforehand provided him a Jaylor, Colonel Hammond, one for whom they said they could answer, that there his Majesty would be in safety, and they a­ble to serve him.

181. Here they have the King safe e­nough, and now the Army is presently quiet, the Agitators as obedient as Lambs, and Councils of War are set up again to act as formerly. And Sir Thomas Fair­fax, with their advice, sets out a Remon­strance [Page 188] to give satisfaction to the Army, which he concludes with a Protestation, to adhere to, conduct, live and die with the Army in the prosecution of some things there express'd; as namely, To obtain a present provision for constant Pay, stating of Accounts, security for Arrears, with an effectual and speedy course to raise Monies, a period to be set to this Parlia­ment, provision for future Parliaments, the certainty of their meeting, sitting, and ending, the freedom and equality of E­lections, and other things which he had the impudence and boldness to publish in print.

182. And now instead of the Proposals, they intend to send the four Bills to his Majesty to sign, which done, they would treat with him. By these Bills the Army was to be establish'd, which was the En­glish of that for the Militia; and by ano­ther of them they would make sure, that the countenance of the Parliament and the acting of the Army should never be sepa­rated; which was the intent of that for power of adjourning. So as if at any time the just sense of Indignation, of so many Indignities and Injuries offer'd by the Ar­my to all ranks of Men, Magistrates both [Page 189] supreme and subordinate, people of all conditions and degrees should stir them up to some endeavours of casting off this iron Yoke; their Party in Parliament, with their Speaker Mr. Lenthal's help, should presently be ready to adjourn to the Army, then damn and destroy all the world by colour of Law and power of the Sword; so King and Kingdom must be subject to a perpetual slavery by Act of Parliament.

183. The Scots were laid aside in this Address to his Majesty, contrary to the Treaty, and contrary to the Covenant. By the Treaty there ought to have been no application for Peace but with their advice and consent; here the Scots did not only not advise nor consent, but pro­test against it. By the Covenant all were bound to keep united, firm and close one to another, not to suffer themselves to be divided; here these Men do divide from the whole Kingdom of Scotland, make a rent and breach between the Kingdoms in settling of the Peace, the very end both of Treaty and Covenant.

184. And for that subterfuge, that it is against the privilege of Parliament that [Page 190] any out of the Houses should interpose, or have any thing to do with Bills, it is a mere cavil, Fig-leaves which cover not their nakedness; for that would have been no more against Privilege, than was the whole transaction of business in carrying on of the War, and managing other great concernments of Parliament and King­dom, wherein the Scots all along were ad­mitted to participate in Counsel and Inte­rest.

185. The King refusing to sign these Bills, Hammond, by Sir Thomas Fairfax's single order, claps him up a Prisoner, re­moves all his Servants. It seems by this time they had forgot their Remonstrance of the 23d of Iune, where they say it is against their principles to imprison the King, and that there can be no Peace without due consideration of his Maje­sty's Rights: But then was then, and now is now. It was then necessary for the good of their Affairs to seem graci­ous, desirous of Peace, and of restoring the King. Now they appear in their own colours, their nature having no re­straint; nay, Sir Thomas Fairfax's Com­mand is so absolute and sacred, as Cap­tain Burley was hang'd for endeavouring [Page 191] to oppose it, there being at that time no other pretence for his Majesty's Imprison­ment, but because Sir Thomas Fairfax had commanded it: it is true, that upon his signification to the Houses of what he had done, it was approv'd of and confirm'd.

186. All this while a rigorous hand is continu'd against the impeach'd Lords who were under the Black Rod, the Gentlemen of the House of Commons, the Lord Mayor and Aldermen in the Tower, who had been kept Prisoners so many Months, upon a general Impeach­ment, and no particular Charge against them. It was often endeavour'd in the House to have pass'd the Articles which were brought in against the Lord Wil­loughby, to be a leading Case to the rest. Where I cannot pass by, that I find he is charg'd with Treason for levying War against the King, and this done by the same persons that imprison the King, and had hang'd Burley for levying War for him: One may see they will find matter to hang on all hands. Many debates were had on this business, and at last it was resolv'd to lay the Articles aside.

187. The seven Lords still press'd for [Page 192] their Trial, the House of Peers as often sent down to the House of Commons to give them notice of it; and no Charge coming up, they set them at liberty. The Common Council likewise petition'd for the liberty of their Members in the Tow­er; which the Army took so heinously, as that and the laying aside of the Charge against the Lord Willoughby, together with a Vote which had pass'd for disband­ing the supernumerary Forces, produce a thundring Remonstrance of December the 7th, casting in the Parliaments teeth their delays and neglects: That the Army had with patience waited four Months upon them: That finding such obstructi­ons in matters of supply, and such un­worthy requital, they apprehended God upbraids their care to preserve a people given up to their own destruction: That they could, to speak Amen, with the power and advantages God had put into their hands (for so is their expression) have put the Army and other Forces en­gag'd with it into such a posture as to have assur'd themselves of Pay, and made their opposers have follow'd them with offers of satisfaction: That now all busi­ness seems to be wrapt up in one bare Vote, That all supernumery Forces should [Page 193] be disbanded, which Vote they say they cannot imagine to be absolute and sove­raign: They offer as their final advice, that 40000 l. more per mensem be added to the 60000 l. that is in all 100000 l. a Month. That for the more sure and rea­dy payment, the Force [...] may be imme­diately assign'd to several Counties, out of whose Taxes they shall be paid, and the General have power to make those distributions. And many things more they offer, or rather order for the pay­ment of the Soldiers so peremptorily, as if it be not granted and pass'd effectually by the end of that present week, they say they can give no longer account of the Army in a regular way; but if they find not satisfaction in their judgments, must take some extraordinary ways of power. Then they come and vent their malice against the City, of which they say they have been so tender; witness their carriage in their late advance to­wards it, notwithstanding provocations, their innocent march through it, their patient waiting for their long due Ar­rears. But now Justice forces them to desire that (the adjacent Counties being undone, and the whole Kingdom groan­ing under the oppressions of free Quarter, [Page 194] whilst the City, which occasions all, is free of it) there be no longer stop to the drawing thither of the Army: That be­sides levying the arrear of the Tax, it make reparation to the parts adjacent of 100000 l. damage: That if they be ne­cessitated or call'd on by the County, they must on their behalf demand of the City to the full: They earnestly desire that the proceedings against the Citizens and o­thers impeach'd may be hasten'd, and that out of their Fines and Confiscations some part of reparation be made to the Coun­try. Then they say they see not how the Parliament can sit in safety in the Army should never so little withdraw, when they find the Common Council, thro the Parliament and Army's lenity, take the boldness already, in the face of both, to intercede for the release and acquittal, or rather justification of those impeach'd Per­sons, who are but fellow Delinquents to most of that Council: That the conside­ration of this, and the renew'd confidence of Mr. Gwin, and other Members, par­takers in the same things, who presume to sit in the House, makes them fear, that through lenity and moderation, so much of the same Leven is left behind, as even the worst of the eleven Members (notwith­standing [Page 195] their double Crimes) may be again call'd for in, unless the House by some exclusive resolutions and proceedings do timely prevent the same.

188. Indeed these are gracious Princes, full of lenity and moderation, by their own sayings; but they dwell by ill Neigh­bours, that they must commend them­selves, for no body else will do it. The Parliament is beholden to them, they tell them their faults, bid them not trust so much to their Votes, which are not ab­solute nor soveraign; let them know what is their duty to do, and give a short day to perform it in, lest they should be idle, and a worse thing fall upon them. The Country is beholden to them, who now know the worst of it; 100000 l. to be monthly rais'd to ease them of Taxes, and the Excise according to promise: but then they have to help them, reparation from the City for former damages, and the per­sons appointed out of whose Estates it must be paid by way of Fine or Confiscation, whether they prove guilty or no; and they are not wanting in their expressions to the City of their tenderness of it, wherefore they give good instance, com­ing against it with Banners display'd, [Page 196] Horse and Foot armed, Cannon loaden, and only take possession of their Works and of the Tower, change their Militia, take from them Westminster and South­wark, commit their Mayor and principal Aldermen, yet doing the City no hurt (like the Fryer in Chaucer, who would have but of the Capon the Liver, and of a Pig the head, yet nothing for him should be dead) then marching through it so innocently, only putting that scorn upon them which none of their Kings ever did when most provok'd; that to have en­dur'd a plundering had been more honou­rable: Then waited so patiently for their Arrears, when they had a great part of the 200000 l. which the City had lent for their disbanding, had taken that Mo­ney, yet would not disband, and destroy'd Trade by their late Rebellion; and now having so long lain upon free quarter all about, that they had made Provisions excessive dear, and almost famish'd the City, to express a desire to come and quarter in it, which sure was for their good, only Justice made them move they should pay 100000 l. for reparation to the Country; that their best Members, greatest Aldermen, and others, and their Lord Mayor, whom they had caus'd to [Page 197] be unjustly committed, should be as un­justly fin'd and ruin'd; and then charge so honourable a Court as the Common Council with Treason.

189. Then for the eleven Members, how much they are beholden to them is beyond expression, all their Remonstran­ces, as well as this make it appear; here they desir'd only they might have a Writ of ease from attending the Parliament a­ny more, out of their abounding care for the freedom of Parliaments, and the free sitting and voting of the Members.

190. And they will be sure to have all put in execution, the refractory House of Commons shall make them wait no longer. A Regiment or two of Foot march and quarter in White-Hall, as ma­ny Horse in the Mews (they having pro­vided another Lodging for the King, therefore making bold with his Maje­sty's House) and then they think they can take a course both with the Parlia­ment and City; which in truth they do full handsomly.

191. For presently they make them resume the consideration of the Charge [Page 198] against the Lord Willoughby, and pass it, and likewise against the rest of those Lords, and Sir Iohn Maynard; carry it up to the House of Lords, and demand the recommitting of those Lords, and putting them to their answer. Sir Ar­thur Haslerig, the now worthy Gover­nor of Newcastle, staid in town from go­ing to take possession of his Command, only to do this feat; so to make good what he before said, when they could not upon a long debate, and the laying out of all their strength and power, car­ry the Impeachment, that it was no matter, the Army should impeach them all.

192. A little after the Lord Grey of Groby sets on foot the motion concern­ing those of the eleven Members who were beyond Sea, having had Passes to travel for six Months, and most of them written or sent to the Speaker and other Gentlemen of the House, to desire the fa­vor of a longer continuance, in regard it was winter, and ill crossing the Seas; but if it would not be granted, upon significa­tion of their pleasure, they would imme­diately return. They had likewise (upon occasion of the Order of Summons) writ­ten [Page 199] of the uncertain report they had heard of such a thing long after it was done, that if notice had been given them of it, they had not fail'd to appear, and would if they might be certify'd that the House continu'd in the same resolution; so con­fident were they of their innocency, tho they knew the malice of their Enemies, and their violence and force upon the Par­liament: But proceedings since have made it clear what Justice they should have found. For notwithstanding all this, those Horse and Foot were so powerful an argument against them, backing the Remonstrance for the exclusive resoluti­on, that it was carry'd to expel them the House, and Impeachments order'd to be brought in. A parallel proceeding to this was never known in Parliament, where it has not been refus'd to any, especially who were beyond Sea, or in truth any where absent upon leave, to give a further day upon non-appearance the first; and in our Case there was a great deal more reason, considering the season of the year, the occasion of our departure (then look'd upon as a merit) our readiness to obey upon the first Sum­mons. All this writes but their Injustice and our Oppression in the more Capital Letters.

[Page 200] 193. I am now coming to the Ca­tastrophe of this Tragedy, the last and most horrid Act. The Parliament forc'd to do that which is unnatural against the being of Parliament, the end for which it is call'd, which has rationem formae in all moral things; that is, to declare they will make no further address or application to the King, receive none from him, nor suffer it in others; which is, as if a Limb should cut it self off from the Body, and thereby deprive it self of life and nou­rishment: For the communication be­tween the King and Parliament is that which gives it being and life. It is call'd by the King, ad colloquium habendum & tractatum cum proceribus Regni, &c. They are the words of the Writ which brings them together. Now there is Colloquium & Tractatus cut off, which was the first unhappy breach between his Majesty and this Parliament, and which the Parlia­ment found themselves grieved at, that he had withdrawn himself from them, so as they could not repair unto him for ad­vice and counsel. And in all our Declara­tions and Messages in the beginning, until these people (who it seems had projected from the first what they have now acted) [Page 201] got to the Helm, and steer'd us into this violent tempestuous Course, that we nei­ther see our Pole, nor use our Compass; we still desir'd, press'd, endeavour'd his Majesty's return to his Parliament: But they say he shall not return, the Regal Power they have assum'd, they will keep it and exercise it. They will no longer be fellow Subjects with the rest of the Kingdom, but Lords and Masters. Those whom they represent, and whose substi­tutes they are, they will put under their foot; as if an Ambassadour should re­nounce the Prince that sent him, and say he will make his own Dignity real and o­riginal, which is but representative and deriv'd, take away the substance and yet the shadow remain: certainly this is ex­ceedingly against nature, and will turn all upside down; yet this disorder must be made perpetual, put out of all possi­bility of recovery, like Death, from which there can be no returning. For admit the King would grant all that they have desir'd or can desire, give them all imaginable security for it, it is im­possible it should be made known, and so cannot be receiv'd, and by consequence our Peace never be settled; which is cast­ing the Kingdom into a mortal disease, putting it past cure, past hope.

[Page 202] 194. To shew by what Magick this Spirit is rais'd, you have his fellow De­vil immediately call'd up by a Council of War; a Declaration comes from his Excellency and the general Council of the Army from Windsor, bearing date the 9th of Ianuary, presented to the House the 11th by Sir Hardress Waller, where­in they give their approbation of the Votes, say the Parliament in that Address to the King, with the four Bills, could go no lower without denying that which God, in the issue of War, had born such te­stimony unto: That they account that great business of a settlement to the King­dom, and security to the publick interest thereof, by and with the King's concur­rence, to be brought to so clear a trial, as that upon the King's denyal, they can see no further hopes of settlement and security that way; therefore upon the consideration of that denyal, added to so many other such Votes as had been pass'd that no further application should be made to him, &c. They do freely and unanimously declare for themselves and the Army, that they are resolv'd firmly to adhere with and stand by the Par­liament in the things so voted, and in [Page 203] what shall be further necessary for the prosecution thereof, and for the settling and securing the Parliament and King­dom without the King, and against the King, or any other that shall hereafter partake with him.

195. And in this I believe them, be­ing (I am confident) the only truth has proceeded from them in all their Decla­rations or Proposals, with relation to his Majesty. I would remember them, if 'twere to any purpose, of some of their former professions, That it was against their principles to imprison the King, that no Peace could be lasting without him, and the like. But they can blow hot and cold, as the fellow in the Fable, to make all the Satyrs, and almost the Devil himself abhor them, as afraid to be outdone by them in his own art of lying and dissembling. Therefore I shall not trouble my self any more with blazoning their Coat Armour, which is nothing but false colours and base me­tals: Their Impostures, Contradictions, Falshoods, Hypocrisies, and damnable De­lusions being beyond all Heraldry, not to be trick'd within the compass of any Scut­cheon.

[Page 204] 196. I will only add one Scene more of this last Act, represented in the House of Commons. I do not hear that the House of Peers have had any part in it. But the Commons, like the Consistory of Rome, have spent much time since in hunt­ing out the Premises, to infer the Conclu­sion formerly agreed upon, a Declaration, or rather rhetorical Invective, to perswade mens Affections, not convince their Judg­ments of those enormities in the King, which should justly merit, and so justi­fie the resolutions taken concerning him. The particulars are such, as truly I cannot name withont horror, Auferat oblivio si potest, si non, silentium tegat: I would forget that ever such a thing was done by the Parliament. I will only say this of that Faction (for I look upon it mere­ly as their act and their Army's, who have forc'd the House to it, as they have to all the rest since the breaking out of their Rebellion, the owning them, pay­ing them, voting their continuance, ex­pelling, committing, impeaching their own Members, the Lord Mayor and Al­dermen of the City of London, doing what not for the encreasing their own shame, and setting up their Diana, that Idol of [Page 205] confusion) That if they themselves be­lieve that to be true which they there relate, they are excellent good Patriots, and notable Justices, to see and not see faults for their own advantage. For if the King would have agreed to such Con­ditions as they propos'd to him, and such a Settlement as had been in order to their Ends, to have continu'd an Omnipotency in them and ruin'd the rest of the King­dom, these things had been all dispens'd with, sacrific'd to their greatness, and the advancement of their Dagon; then nothing but Hosannah's in their mouths, no Peace could be lasting without due consideration of his Rights; far was it from them to have a thought of imprisoning him; he had been their good King, and they his and our gracious Masters. But now that his Majesty had discover'd their aims, and would not contribute to them, he is an Anathema, guilty of such and so many crimes, as not to be found scarce in any one person; and now these Men of Belial can say he shall not reign over us. For the things themselves, I doubt not but there are those who knowing the Arca­na Imperii, will give satisfaction to the world by a faithful and clear manifesta­tion of his Majesty's Actions and Coun­sels [Page 206] relating to them. I who stand be­low and at distance, as I cannot have the knowledg of such high things, so will not presume to meddle with them, only upon the general say, that methinks in reason those things cannot be; for to destroy the Protestants in France, whose preservation must needs be as a content­ment to the Soul of a Protestant King, so a strength and advantage to his In­terest, were strange State-policy. And as for the Rebellion of Ireland, to cut off so great a Limb from himself, pluck off one of the three Flowers of his Crown, is, methinks, to be Felo de se. To speak nothing of that concerning King Iames, an act so monstrous as not to be suspect­ed in a Heathen, not to be found in hea­thenish Rome, much less in a Christian; truly I cannot, as a rational Man, bring my judgment to admit of a belief of those things; and then certainly Charity obliges to hope better, believe better of any Man, much more of a King, and of our own King, whom Solomon tells us we are not to curse, no, not in thought, much less, which Iob blames, tell him, and tell the world he is wicked and un­godly, least of all when there is not a clear an undeniable proof. And even [Page 207] their expressions in their Declaration are not positive, as if the subject matter were only allegatum, not at all probatum, and rather set forth ad captandum populum, to gain, if possible, an approbation of the vulgar of what they had done, than that they conceiv'd it would find credit with rational and judicious Men, or that them­selves thought it to be a truth. For the other things, as Knighthood, Ship-money, &c. any thing by which the Subject has been oppress'd and his Purse pick'd, they of all Men should not find fault, whose little Finger has been heavier than the Loins of Monarchy. What was all that in comparison of free Quarter, Excise, and even the 100000 l. a Month, which they say they must have for the main­tenance of the Army? those were but Flea-bitings to these. At the worst one may say, we were then chastis'd with Whips, but now with Scorpions.

197. And so I hope I have made good what I undertook in the beginning, ha­ving made it appear, that England is become, by the actings of these Men, that Monster whose shape is perverted, the head standing where the feet, and the feet where the head should be, mean [Page 208] Men mounted aloft, and all that is or should be great, Lacqueying it after them: The authority of the Magistrate suppress'd, and the will of particular persons made the Law of the Kingdom, Justice obstructed, and Violence in the room of it; King and Parliament trodden under foot, and an Army insulting over the Persons and Estates of the Subject; so as we may take up the Psalmist's Complaint, That the very Foundations are destroy'd, and what then can the Righteous do?

198. I will conclude all with this short Epiphonema: If such a complica­ted Treason as this, which they have design'd and carry'd on all along, con­sisting of so many several parts, by be­traying all the Trusts Men can be capa­ble of, as Subjects to their King, Servants to their Masters, an Army to them that rais'd and paid them, English Men to their Country, and which is more, Christians to their God, bound up yet in a more particular obligation by Covenant, Vows, and Protestations; all these Relations thrown aside, nothing of Duty, Consci­ence, or Morality to stand in the way, that could either be remov'd or over­come, [Page 209] eluded or broken through. If, I say, a Treason rais'd up to this height, by so many several steps of Hypocrisie, Trea­chery, Perfidiousness, Injustice, Violence, and Cruelty, can be made good, and the Actors prosper, blessing themselves in their success, sacrificing to their Nets and Gins, by which they have snar'd and destroy'd all their opposers: And on the other side, if no blessing must be on the good endeavours of those who on­ly had propos'd to themselves Bonum pub­licum, had nothing in particular in their Eye, sought nothing for themselves, but to find their safety compris'd and contain'd in the happiness and wel­fare of the King, Parliament, and King­dom; like the honest Passengers that seek their preservation in saving the Ship they sail in (as I can speak it for a truth, take the God of Heaven for Witness, and defie all the Men on Earth to dis­prove it) that I for my part (and I hope the same of those other persons of Ho­nour, Members of both Houses, with whom I have cooperated, and now par­take in their sufferings) never had other end: Let the Earl of Manchester speak, who has been present at and privy to all our Consultations, and is now join'd and engag'd with the Army, and those [Page 210] other Men who carry on this pernicious design, where, besides the universal de­solation of the whole Kingdom, there is a particularity against me for my ruin and destruction, and therefore I doubt not but he will say all he knows: Let Mr. Reynolds of the House of Commons, who went a long time and a great way with us, but is since fallen off and become throughly theirs; the same I say of Co­lonel Harvy, who was long enough in our Ears, and in our Bosoms, to bottom all our thoughts, know all our desires. If these or any other, even that malici­ous and treacherous Lord Savil, can say, that at any time, upon any occasion, I propos'd any thing that look'd towards a self End, the driving of any particular Interest, setting up of any Party, but merely to prevent these fearful Precipi­ces into which the Kingdom is fallen, by the art and practices of these Ene­mies of Peace, and to attain such a set­tlement, as all honest moderate Men might have found in it both security and satisfaction: If they can, let them speak; and if they prove one tittle, I will put my Mouth in the dust, I will bear my punishment, and expect mercy neither from God nor Man; nay, even in rela­tion to the Army, and those persons who [Page 211] have a long time sought my ruin, if all I desir'd and aim'd at in disbanding that schismatical factious Soldiery, in carrying on the business of the House in opposi­tion to that Party, and even in this last great Treason of levying War against King, Parliament, and Kingdom (as they stile it) which was only to do my best endeavour to defend them and my self from a rebellious Army that was march­ing up for all our destructions, contrary to the Orders of both Houses, against whom it first rebell'd instead of an obe­dient disbanding; then cudgel'd them to own it for their Army, forc'd the City into a trouble, and shew of opposition to what it had made the Parliament do; then took that occasion to march both against it and the Parliament. If not­withstanding all this, in what I did, I had any thought of personal revenge, or to do the least hurt to any particular person in case we had prevail'd, but on­ly to return into the way whence we were put out, of a free quiet Parliamentary proceeding, to accomplish the great work of settling the Peace both of Church and State, let me perish; and God, who is the searcher of hearts, knows I now speak nothing but truth.

[Page 212] 199. Well then, I say, if all our en­deavours must, like an untimely birth, come to nothing, our hope be cut off, our persons destroy'd, our integrity, in­nocency, fidelity, question'd and decry'd, our good names traduc'd, torn in sunder, our memories made to stink to all po­sterity, by the false calumnies of our malicious Enemies, and their power in suppressing truth, and which is worst (for all this is but particular) the ge­neral, the publick, the Common wealth, once in so fair a way of recovery, at the eve of a happy day, to be rid of Armies, enjoy a Peace, hear no more of the In­struments of War, but see a blessed com­posure of all unhappy differences, reap the fruits of Justice and Mercy; and up­on a sudden to find all this but as the hungry man's Dream, who is the more empty when he awakes, so instead of this solid happiness to embrace a Cloud, have nothing but the empty promises of a false deceitful Army, and be cast back into a greater gulf of misery and con­fusion than all the enemies in the World could have brought it into, and the lat­ter end to be far worse than the begin­ning:

[Page 213] 200. If this be our Portion, were I a Heathen, I should say with Brutus when he meant to kill himself, seeing the assertors of publick Liberty over­come and ruin'd, and the Invaders prevail and conquer, O misera virtus! eras igitur fabula, seu verba; ego te ut rem colebam & exercebam, tu autem fortu­nae serviebas. But being a Christian, I am taught another Lesson, to know that nothing comes by chance. God, who dos all things in number, weight, and measure, orders and disposes all as may most make for his own Honour, and the good of his Church and Chil­dren, to which even the wickedness of the wicked, and these Disorders will con­duce, tho the wit of Man cannot fa­thom it: therefore I will lay my Hand upon my Mouth, and not once whis­per, because the Lord has done it, on­ly take up St. Paul's admiration, and with it end, crying out, O Altitudo! O the Depth of the Riches both of the Wisdom and Knowledg of God! How unsearchable are his Iudgments, and his Ways past finding out!


AN Alphabetical Table.

  • Accommodation with the King propos'd by the Lords, and laid aside by the ma­lignant Party of the Commons. p. 9, 10.
  • Agitators set up by the Army, their Actions. 86, 87. Receive some check from Crom­wel. 87, 88. Write a Letter against the Parliament. 88, 89. The Insolence of those that brought it. 89. Their extra­vagant Proposals to Sir Tho. Fairfax in relation to the Parliament, &c. 171.
  • Allen, Treasurer of the Army. 135. Con­cern'd in conveying away a great Sum of Money design'd for the Army. 161.
  • Army forsaken of divers brave Officers when it left its Obedience to the Parliament. 70. Countenanc'd great Disorders in Churches, &c 71. Petitions from City and Coun­try to have it disbanded. 72. Recruits daily, tho it had no Enemy to oppose. 72. Hinders the Relief of Ireland. 73, 76, 79, [Page] 83. Voted to be disbanded but what was ne­cessary for Garisons, &c. 74. Some of its Officers mutiny. 76. Petition for an In­demnity before disbanding, &c. 77, 78. Incens'd by the Officers against the Parlia­ment. 83, 84. Are rather incourag'd than discountenanc'd by the Officers that were sent to appease them. 91. Their Re­presentation to the Parliament. 91, 92. Address their General against disbanding. 94, 95. Enter into an Ingagement not to disband. 99. Their Representation, in which they censure the Parliament's Acti­ons with Contempt. 100, 101, 111. In­termeddle with the Business of the King­dom contrary to their Protestations. 103. Refuse to hear the Parliament's Votes, tho in their own favour, aud march towards the City. 108. Their high Pretences for the good of the People, &c. 110, 112, 149. Make the Parliament do what they please. 111. Require a Period to be put to it. 112. Their insolent Demands of it. 113, 115, 116, 163. Their specious Pretences for the King. 118. Vpbraid the Parliament for doing what they forc'd 'em to. 119. Their pretended Care for the Privileges of Par­liament. ibid. Manage all Affairs of the Kingdom. 142, &c. Are compos'd of mean Officers, &c. 149. Their extrava­gant Proposals to the Parliament in relati­on [Page] to Church and State. 177—181. Their Remonstrance, Decemb. 7. 1648. against the Parliament, 192 — 195. which is descanted on. 195 — 197. Make the Parliament act against it self; set up for Lords and Masters, &c. 200, 201.
  • Army Party, their Actions and Aims. 1, 5. How they got into Power. 6. Their V­sage of the King, Queen, &c. 7. Are for the Covenant, &c. 13. Misrepresent Affairs to the Scots. 14. Begin to shew themselves after Marston-moor Fight. 18. Oppose the Lords for medling with a Com­moner. 20, 56. Against putting an end to the War. 25, 29. Govern by the Sword, &c. 26. Oppos'd by an honest Party in the House. ibid. Frustrated in their Ex­pectation of some they had got chosen. 43, 44. Indeavour to set the two Kingdoms against each other, 45. and the Country against the Scots. 49. Amuse the House with strange things against them. 52. Break the Law of Nations with relation to the Scots Commissioners. 54, 55, 56. Ioin some Scots Commissioners to the English in the Power of the Militia, but with an ill design, 57. which they would afterwards have alter'd. 58. Would have the Army march into the North against the Scots without the Parliament's Order. 61. Hin­der the Scots going out of England, tho [Page] they pretended to be for it. 62. Quarrel with 'em about the Person of the King. 67, 68. Their Designs frustrated by the Scots Prudence. 69. Seize upon the King's Person. 96. Their Letter to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London con­cerning their Demands of the Parliament. 102. Their large share in the Treasure of the Kingdom. 132—137. Their Ac­counts extravagant. 138, 139. Their Remonstrance concerning the Members that sat during the Speaker's Absence. 172. Draw up a Party of Horse to back it. ibid. Turn out Officers that were against them, &c. 175. The Difficulties they had to en­counter. 182, 183. Cajole the King, &c. 184. The means they us'd to get rid of him. 185, 186. Procure his going to the Isle of Wight. 187. Send him four Bills to sign. 188. Their Declaration from Windsor concerning no further Ad­dress to him, 200. descanted on. 201, &c.
  • Ashurst Mr. sent with a Message from the Parliament to the Army. 162.
  • BLaxton imploy'd by the Army Party to give account what Sums the Scots had rais'd of the Country. 65.
  • Bristol lost; its Governour condemn'd, but pardon'd. 12.
  • [Page] Burley Captain hang'd by Fairfax's Or­der. 190.
  • CHarles King of England, his Forces ruffled at Dennington. 27. His Safe­ty not regarded by the Army Party. 34. Is deliver'd up to the English by the Scots. 68. His Person seiz'd by the Army. 96. Is made a Prisoner in the Isle of Wight on re­fusing the four Bills. 190.
  • Clotworthy Sir John, one of the Committee at Derby-house. 75.
  • Commissioners of Scotland endeavour to un­deceive the English Parliament in relation to their Army. 47. Move for Pay for their Soldiers. 50, 51. Slighted by the Army Party. 54. Their Packets and Letters intercepted and broke open. 55. Give in an account of Arrears due to their Army. 64.
  • Committee at Derby-house to see the Parlia­ments Votes concerning Ireland executed. 75. Labour to dispose the Army to go thi­ther. 76.
  • —of Haberdashers-Hall, Goldsmiths-Hall, &c. misus'd by the Army to the ru­in of many. 129.
  • —of the two Kingdoms. 14. Is out of esteem, tho all Affairs of Moment had [Page] been transacted by them, &c. 53, 54.
  • Committee of Reformation. 30.
  • Corbet Mr. M [...]es, Iustice at the Committee of Examinations. 130.
  • Covenant between the two Kingdoms, the ends of it not answer'd by sending away the Scots, without disbanding the English Army. 63.
  • Crawford Major General, his Service at Marstonmoor. 15, 16.
  • Cromwel, his Cowardice at Marstonmoor, Basinghouse, and Keinton. 17. His Rancor against the Scots, and Hatred of the Nobility. 18. His Soldiers mutiny, that he may escape the self-denying Ordi­nance. 35. Is dispens'd with for two or three Months, but after keeps in for good and all, without an Order of the House. 36. Keeps from the Army to give 'em opportu­nity of doing their Mischief. 84. His Policy and Hypocrisy in relation to the Dis­orders of the Army. 85. Sent down to 'em, but to no purpose. ibid. Leaves the Parliament, and joins with the Army. 86. Orders the King to be seiz'd, but denies it, 97. and the Magazine at Oxford to be secur'd. 98. Appoints a general Rende­vouz near Cambridg, and justifies what the Agitators had done. 99. Gets Peti­tions of his own drawing sign'd by several Counties. 114. His Pension. 135. Writes a Letter to Whalley to be shewn the King. 187.
  • [Page]DAcres, Lord, one of the Committee at Derby-house. 75.
  • Delaware, Lord, one of the Commissioners for disbanding the Army. 94.
  • Desborough, Major, with two Regiments, falls upon some of Sir Robert Pye's Men at Deptford, and barbarously murders them. 159.
  • ELections vacant, by an Artifice voted to be filled up. 41. Vnfairly made by the malignant Party. 42.
  • Eleven Members incur the Hatred of the Ar­my for doing their Duty. 75. Their Care and Industry with relation to Ireland, was the Foundation of the good Successes in that Kingdom. 82. Have a general Charge exhibited against them by the Army, who require they should be suspended sitting in the House. 115, 119. Remarks on their Case. 120, 123. Withdraw from the House to prevent Inconveniences. 124. No particular Charge against them; the ill Practices of their Enemies to ruin them. 125, 126. Accus'd by the Army of hold­ing Correspondence with the King, &c. [Page] which is descanted on. 127, 128, &c. Largely vindicated; 130, 131, &c. 140, 141. The Army's Declaration against them, 148, 149. which is largely descant­ed on. 150, &c. Are vindicated from the Disorders that happened at Westminster from the Rabble, &c. 153, 154. Order'd by the House to make good their places. 157. Forsaken by the City, who had espous'd their Cause. 163. Their unparallel'd Case. 199.
  • Essex, Earl, suspected and laid aside by the Army Party. 8, 9, 21, 30. Is order'd to attend his Majesty's Motions. 22, 23. His ill Success in the West. 24, 25. His Ruin design'd by Haslerig. 24. Relief refus'd to be sent him. 25. His Army willingly disband. 31, 32.
  • FAirfax, Sir Thomas, commands at Marstonmoor under his Father. 15. Is made General. 34. His Commission ran only in the name of the Parliament. ibid. Is discharg'd of Subordination to the Committee of both Kingdoms. 54. Design'd to be sent with his Army to pro­tect the Northern Counties. 60. Receives Orders about disbanding. 93. Causes his Regiment to march another way. 94. In­nocent as to seizing the King. 97. His [Page] Remonstrance concerning the King's being voted to Richmond. 117. Takes up his Quarters at Uxbridg. 123. Marches to London in State, and puts in the old Speakers, 164. by whom he is complement­ed and addressed. 167. Marches through the City in Triumph. 168. Voted by both Houses General of all the Forces, and Con­stable of the Tower. 169. His Remon­strance for satisfaction of the Army. 188. His Order concerning the King, &c. at the Isle of Wight. 190.
  • Fleetwood, Colonel, concern'd in seizing the King. 97. His Place and Pension. 136.
  • Foulks, Alderman of London, promotes the Interest of the Army. 110, 160.
  • GIbbs, Alderman of London, promotes the Interest of the Army, 110, 160. Sent with a Message to the Army. 162. Interrupted by Fairfax in a Speech he was making to him. 174.
  • Grey of Grooby, Lord, is gratified by the Army. 137. Against the eleven Members. 198.
  • Gurden, Mr. against the Parliament's ha­ving a Period put to it. 112.
  • [Page]HAmmond, Colonel, his unreasonable Demands on being design'd for Ire­land. 73.
  • Haslerig, Sir Arthur, his ill Success in the West. 11. His Rashness, &c. 12. His Excuse for the King's not being attack'd at Dennington, Cowardice, Vain-glory, &c. 27, 28. Is concern'd in seizing the King. 97, 98. His Pension. 136. His great Pay. 139. Stays in Town, tho Gover­nour of Newcastle, to do a feat for the Army. 198.
  • Holland, Mr. Cornelius, his Gratuity from the Army Party. 135.
  • Holles, Mr. Denzil, accus'd by Savil of cor­responding with the Lord Digby. 38, 40. Is prosecuted with great Violence by the Sol­licitor St. John. 40. Acquitted by the House. 41. Concern'd in the Uxbridg-Treaty. 57. His Generosity as to the pub­lick Money. 140.
  • JAckson, Lieutenant Colonel, submits to the Parliament in order to disband. 94. Independents; Army, &c. mostly compos'd of them. 29.
  • [Page] Joyce, Cornet, seizes the King at Holmby, with the Commissioners that attended him. 97. Order'd to seize the Magazine at Oxford. 98.
  • Ireland not to be reliev'd while the Army was kept up here. 72. Relief voted them by the Parliament. 74. About 2000 wil­ling to go, the rest hinder it all they can. 76. Such as were willing to relieve it, voted Deserters by the Army; 115. who require they should be discharg'd, tho or­der'd thither by the Parliament. 121.
  • Ireton keeps from the Army to give them op­portunity to do their Mischief. 84.
  • Lenthal, Speaker of the Commons, his good Places, &c. 133. Forsakes the House, and joins with the Army. 146, 147. Is put into his Place again by Fairfax. 164.
  • Lesley, his Service at Marstonmoor. 15.
  • Lewis, Sir William, Governour of Ports­mouth, his fair Accounts, &c. 138, 139, 175.
  • Lilburn against the eleven Members. 141.
  • London for the Parliament, and against the Army, &c. 106. Resent the Parliament's altering their Militia by the Influence of the Army. 143, &c. Alarm'd by the Ar­my. 160.
  • Lords, several forsake the House, and join with the Army. 146, 147. The House chuse a new Speaker on the other's leaving [Page] 'em. 155. Outdo the Commons in Ho­nour of Sir Tho. Fairfax. 169. Their Vote concerning what was acted by the Houses when forsaken by their Speakers, disagreed to by the Commons. 170. Seven of 'em impeach'd of High Treason by the Army. 173, 191. Are set at liberty. 192.
  • MAnchester, Earl, his Charge against Cromwel. 18, 19, 28. Laid aside by the Army. 30. Is Speaker of the House of Lords, whom he forsakes, and joins the Army. 146, 147. Is put into his Place again by Sir Tho. Fairfax. 164.
  • Marshal, Chaplain to Skippon, too instru­mental in the Evils of this Kingdom. 107, 143. Preaches before the Parliament, and extols Sir Tho. Fairfax's Expedition, &c. 168.
  • Marstonmoor Fight had not been obtain'd but for the Scots. 15.
  • Massey, Captain, stops an Express sending to Scotland; committed by the Lords for it, but set at liberty. 55, 56.
  • Massey, Major General, his Brigade ca­shier'd, tho it had done the greatest Service in the West. 70. Is one of the Committee at Derby-house. 75. Is made Lieute­nant General of the Horse in Ireland. 82. [Page] Forsaken by the City. 163.
  • Maynard, Sir John, one of the eleven Mem­bers, tho nothing against him. 115. Ex­pel'd the House, and sent to the Tower. 173.
  • Members of Parliament, what their Design in taking up Arms. 4. Are misrepresented by the Army. 38. Some of 'em discover the Designs of the Army against the Scots. 53.
  • Mildmay, Sir Henry, has Letters sent him against the Scots. 52.
  • Model of the Army, &c. 30.
  • NEwcastle; Propositions sent to the King there, gave occasion to the Ar­my Party to review 'em all, &c. 57.
  • Nicklis, Mr. the Lawyer, concern'd in the Committee of Sequestrations. 129.
  • Noel, Mr. sent with a Message from the Parliament to the Army. 162.
  • North of England suffers by the Scots Army, thro the Practice of the Army Party here. 49, 50.
  • Nye, Mr. preaches a Thanksgiving-Sermon before the Commons on Sir Tho. Fairfax's coming to London. 168.
  • [Page]OXford; Magazine there kept by the Army from the Parliament. 98.
  • PAlmer, Mr. Herbert, influenc'd by Mar­shal. 160.
  • Parliament vote the disbanding of the Army. 74. Send for some Officers that had pro­moted the Petition against it. 79. Their Clemency to 'em ill requited. 80. Settle the Arrears of the Army. 81. Make Sir Tho. Fairfax General of all their Forces. ibid. Order the Officers down to the Ar­my, but to their own Ruin. 90. Too fa­vourable to the Army. 92. Appoint a Rendevouz for the Foot in order to dis­band. 93. About to take a severe Course with the Army Party, but prevented by Skippon. 104. Forc'd to comply with the Army. 107, 111, 116. Resolve to de­fend themselves and the City against the Army. 109, 159. Vote the King to Rich­mond. 117, 158. Made a mere Cypher by the Army. 142, &c. Indeavour to pre­vent Extremities. 162. Their Case stated as to the Force put upon 'em, and being de­serted by their Speaker. 165—167. Ap­point [Page] a Committee to inquire concerning that Force. 169. Disagree with the Lords about what the Houses had done when for­saken by their Speakers. 170. Afterwards forc'd to comply. 173. Constrain'd to act against it self by refusing to make any fur­ther Address to the King, &c. 200.
  • Pelham, Mr. Henry, chose Speaker of the Commons in the room of Lenthal. 156.
  • Pennington, Alderman of London, favour'd and rewarded by the Army Party. 132, 133.
  • Petitions from an Army to their Superiors, when requir'd to do Service, always deem'd a Mutiny. 77.
  • Pointz, Colonel, his Care and Vigilance to prevent the Mischiefs design'd by the Army Party in the North, for which he was put out of command. 61. Taken by Violence out of his House by the Agitators. ibid. Inhumanly treated by 'em. 62.
  • Pride, Colonel, his Equivocation at the Bar of the House about petitioning against dis­banding. 80.
  • Prideaux, Mr. of the Army Party, made himself Postmaster of England. 133.
  • RAbble threaten the House of Commons, to cause 'em to pass several Votes 145.
  • Rainsborough Colonel, his Regiment re­fuses [Page] to march for Jersey, which he con­nives at; yet afterwards made Vice-Admi­ral. 95, 96.
  • Riot in Yorkshire. 48.
  • Rushworth, Secretary to Sir Tho. Fairfax, his acting against the eleven Members. 126. His Letter to the Speaker against appearing at the House. 147. Signs Proposals to the Parliament concerning a new Form of Government. 176.
  • SAint John, Mr. Oliver, his Character; his underhand Letter to the Committee of Hertfordshire, &c. 32. His violent and bloody Nature. 33. Breaks his Pro­testation as to Cromwel's being dispens'd with from the self-denying Ordinance. 36. His Places of Profit, &c. 133.
  • Salloway, Mr. one of the Committee at Der­by-house. 75.
  • Savil, Lord, an Impostor. 38. Writes Let­ters to several Great Men against the Par­liament. 39.
  • Say, Lord, rewarded by the Army Party. 136.
  • Scawen, Mr. brings a sad account of the temper of the Army. 108. His Pension. 137. Concern'd in conveying away a great Sum order'd for the Army. 161.
  • Scots propos'd to be call'd in, but obstructed by [Page] the Malignants; their Character. 11, 13. After call'd in. 12. Made use of only for a pinch. 13. Impos'd on by the Malig­nants. 14. Discover the good Intentions of the honest Party in England. 20, 21. Are represented as having a design to make good their footing here. 44. Their Army ill requited. 46, 65. Are vindicated as to raising of Money in the North on Free Quarter. 48. Their Pay kept back. 51. Their Ministers of State suspected by the Army Party here, to hold Correspondences with the Queen, &c. 51, 52. Their Pa­pers in the House of Commons here, not an­swer'd. 53. Their Piety, Moderation, &c. 59. Had no ground to disband their Ar­my, unless the English did. 63, 64. Have a great Sum voted 'em, tho with great op­position. 66. Deliver up the King to the English. 68. Whereby they gain Repu­tation. 69. Are laid aside in the Army's Address to the King at the Isle of Wight. 189.
  • Self-denying Ordinance. 30.
  • Sequestrations, &c. 8.
  • Skippon, Major General, made Commander in chief in Ireland. 82. Instrumental in betraying the Parliament, &c. 88. Ex­cuses the Agitators. 90. Prevents the Parliament's proceeding against the Army Party, and how. 104, 105. Refuses to [Page] obey the Parliament's Order, but on certain Conditions. 161, 162.
  • Stapleton, Sir Philip, laid aside by the Ar­my. 30. His moderate Pay, &c. 139.
  • Swifen, Mr. imploy'd by the Parliament to the Army. 162.
  • TIchburn, a Linen-draper, made Con­stable of the Tower by Sir Tho. Fairfax. 174.
  • VANE, Sir Henry, one of the Parlia­ment's Commissioners with the Ar­my. 108.
  • Uxbridg, Treaty there. 57.
  • WAller, Sir William, order'd from Ox­ford into the West. 22. Laid aside by the Army. 30. Is one of the Commit­tee at Derby-house. 75.
  • Warmworth, Mr. his insolent and ridicu­lous Speech concerning the Adjutators. 89.
  • Warwick, Earl, one of the Committee at Derby-house. 75. One of the Commissi­oners for disbanding the Army. 94.
  • [Page] Wentworth, Sir Peter, gets an Estate for half the value. 135.
  • West, Colonel, discharg'd by Fairfax from being Constable of the Tower. 174.
  • Weston, Earl of Portland's Son, his Re­ward from the Army. 137.
  • White, Colonel, his Places in the Army, &c. 135.
  • Wild, Serjeant, Chairman in the Committee of Sequestrations. 129. Gets an Ordi­nance for the Lady Thornborough's Mo­ney; is a great Enemy to the eleven Mem­bers. 134.
  • Willoughby of Parham, Lord, chose Speaker by the Lords. 155. Charg'd with Treason by the Army. 191.
  • Wollaston, Sir John, conveys a great Sum away, which was order'd for the Army. 161.
  • Wright, Robert, made use of to give In­telligence of the Scots, &c. 52.

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