A Defence of the Scots abdicating Darien including an answer to the defence of the Scots settlement there / authore Brittano sed Dunensi.

A DEFENCE OF THE SCOTS ABDICATING DARIEN: Including An ANSWER TO THE DEFENCE OF THE Scots SETTLEMENT there.

Authore BRITANNO ſed Dunenſi

Vitaret caelum Phaeton ſi viveret & quos, Optaret ſtulte Tangere nollet equos. Ovid. de Triſt.

Printed in the Year, 1700.

To the Right Worſhipful, THE COURT of DIRECTORS OF THE Scots Affrican and Indian Company; The DEFENCE of the Scots Abdicating of DARIEN, IS Humbly DEDICATED. Right Worſhipful GENTLEMEN,

THE immenſe Priviledges and Immunities, wherewith your preſent Sovereign, and indulgent Father, WILLIAM the Second, hath inveſted your Company, by that Octroy of the Year, 1695, argues his good Inclinations towards you ſo far, that whilſt he was in the warmest Trenches of Namure, (and not ſure but that Act might be his laſt Legacy) authoriz'd you and your Succeſſors to Plant, and maintain Colonies in whatever Part, or Parts of Aſia, Affrica and America you pleas'd, provided theſe Places or Territories were not the Propriety of ſuch European Princes or States, as were in Alliance of Amity with His Majeſty; and freed you for the Space of Twenty One Years, from all Duties on the Product of ſuch Plantations, &c. You were not only impower'd to defend your Colonies and Trade by Force of Arms, but likewiſe had His Majeſty's Promiſe to interpoſe the Regal Authority, to do you Right, in caſe you were diſturb'd in ſuch Legal Poſſeſſion or Trade, and that at the publick Charge (to be preſum'd) of the Ancient Kingdom.

His Majeſty having thus granted you ſo large and glorious a Patent, no to be paralell'd by that of any Company or Society in the Ʋniverſe; much leſs by any of his Royal Anceſtors, your Native or Ʋnforeign Kings; both the preſent and after Ages will expect that the ſame ſhould be tranſmitted by you, the preſent Directors, to your Succeſſors, without any Stain or Blemiſh that may incur the Hazard of a Forfeiture: And that by your Management, your Children may reap the Benefits of it, with the ſame, if not with more Advantages.

This emboldens the Author (who was the firſt Perſon employ'd in your Service for your Foreign Expedition, and the firſt who left it) to lay the following Sheets at your Feet. And he takes upon him to put you in Mind, that if you had not miſapply'd the Money intruſted to your Management (the Want whereof is ſo much felt at Home by the great Number of needy Perſons, who expected their Dividends before now.) And if you had liſten'd to the wholeſome Advice of Mr. Douglaſs, an eminent and experienc'd Man in India, who offer'd himſelf for your Pilot, and his Subſtance for your Security, which was more than the Three beſt Shares in your Capital Stock; and had not been bewitch'd to the Golden Dreams of Paterſon the Pedlar, Tub-preacher, and at laſt Whimſical Projector; you might e'er now have been poſſeſt of a good Colony in India, where no Body could diſturb you: And not have run on an Airy Project, which (altho' you ſhould have met with an Oppoſition from the Spaniard) four times your Capital Stock could not have brought to any reaſonable Pitch of Anſwering the End. And had you been Maſters of ſo much Management and Temper, as to have ſav'd that Fifty Thouſand Pounds, which you ſquander'd away on thoſe Six Hulks you built at Amſterdam and Hamburgh, purely to make a Noiſe there of your Proceedings, whereby you thought to decoy the innocent Dutch Men, or at leaſt their Gelt, into your Net; and had therewith bought a Couple of Secondhand Ships in the River of Thames, and diſpatch'd them to India with a ſuitable Cargoe, (not of Scotch Cloth, Slippers, Periwigs and Bibles) you might have had ſuch Returns e'er now, as would have buoy'd you up ſo far above Water, as you needed not proclaim to the ſmiling World ſo many publick Ropings of the Shares of your Capital Stock.

—Sed quos Deus or Jupiter perdere vult eos dementat.

If you were thus perſwaded to run headlong on a blind Project, at which the Trading Part of the World ſtand amaz'd; the India Companies of England and Holland laugh at in their Sleeve, and the reſt of Mankind admire, that People in their right Senſes ſhould be guilty of: And if the ſame ſhould miſcarry by your own ill Management (to ſay no worſe on't) 'tis not fair you ſhould ſnarle at your Neighbours, who have no other hand in your Misfortune, than that they would not be acceſſary to any Act, which the World might judge Felonious; and wherein they could not join without ingaging themſelves in an unreaſonable War, and in the End to aſſiſt you with Weapons, to break their own Heads.

WILLIAM the Second, who, as you ſay, in an untainted Line, is the 112th King that hath wore your Regal Diadem, has wrought and fought ſufficiently for the Gift, your Nation prudently thought their Intereſt to make him. Or admit it ſhould be true, that there was no private Intereſt conſulted by thoſe generous Donators, yet it is obvious to the World, that by being Subjects of the King of Great Britain, you are not only ſhaded from the Inſults of all Nations, but by the Authority of your Britiſh Sovereign, you are freed from the daily Feuds, and bloody little Wars, which, before the Ʋnion, for a Tract of Time, not leſs than 1900 Years, were continually raging amongſt your ſelves; which unnatural Maſſacres your Native Princes were ſo unable to ſuppreſs, that when the contending Clans or Parties were glutted with one anothers Blood, and deſir'd the Benefit of the Princely Mediation; thoſe were pleas'd to accept of the Office of Ʋmpires, in Patching up the Feuds, till ſuch time as the young Fry came of Age, to fight it out. Theſe Barbarities have been quite turn'd out of Doors ſince the Ʋnion, and they are now, either almoſt or altogether forgot; neither are they to be reviv'd, unleſs it be by this ſo-much-wiſh'd-for Separation of Three or Four Months Date. Your People now enjoy the Bleſſings of Heaven, and Product of the Earth, and Ocean without any interruption; and whereas formerly they liv'd on the Mountains, and under the Shelter of ſome ſtrong Rocks or Caſtles, they are now come down to the Plains, and can ſleep ſound in Beds, without the leaſt Apprehenſion of Blood and Rapine. And to Crown your Felicity, you have now a free Enjoyment of the Goſpel, in the Fulneſs and Purity thereof, which has ever been reckon'd the chief Care and Bleſſing of all Political Bodies. You are at Liberty to ſay your Prayers, either in Form, or out of Form, which you pleaſe, without any Dread of Sophiſtical Impoſitions by Romiſh or Malignant Prieſts. And now you praiſe your Maker in ſtately Churches, whereas, formerly theſe gallant Men, your Anceſtors, were oblig'd to offer on ſuch Altars as Jacob made, and to whiſper their Prayers or Carrols through the Cliffs of the Mountains, or the Chimney of ſome Houſe, whoſe Wall was ſome Twelve or Fourteen Foot thick. All theſe Bleſſings you owe to Heaven, and the Britiſh Monarchy, whatever ſome vitiated and deprav'd Palates perſwade you to the Contrary.

The mask'd Champion of your Company, whoſe Tongue is much too big for his Mouth, is in Pain becauſe he cannot ſpurt out all his Venom at one Blaſt. However reaſonable it be, that the Gentleman's Zeal ſhould atone for his want of Power, yet I muſt acquaint you, that his Quarrel with the Engliſh Nation is as unjuſt and groundleſs, as your Settling a Colony in another Man's Dominions; unleſs by Virtue of your Presbyterian Tenent, viz. of Dominions being founded in Grace, you who are the Preſumptive Elect pretend a Divine Right to the Goods of the Wicked, and ſo take upon you to cloath the Seven Councellors of your Colony with ſuch another Commiſſion, as God gave the Hebrews when they departed out of Egypt.

I have no Inclination to offer any Thing in Oppoſition to the Gallantry of your Anceſtors, who took ſo much Care to keep themſelves independent of another Nation. And altho' I pretend to know the Thread of the Scotiſh and Britiſh Story full as well as the Author of the Defence, yet out of Reſpect to the Country where I drew my firſt Breath (tho' I owe it nothing elſe) I will offer nothing to the Prejudice of it's Ancient Fame: But if I point at ſome Errata's of this Author, I do it purely to reconcile Miſtakes, and to make a Diſtinction betwixt the Scotch Company, and Scots Nation; I being ſo much the Latter's Friend, as to wiſh them not to embrak in ſo rotten a Bottom as this of your Company, until you are on an honeſter Footing than you appear to be at preſent, that the Honour of the Ancient Kingdom mayn't be ſully'd with ſo notorious a Miſtake. I ſhall only ſay in Anſwer to this Paragraph, that altho' your Anceſtors were never ſparing of their Blood in defending their Country, nay, oftimes in making Reprizal when they could conveniently; yet I muſt put you in mind, that they were far better pleas'd with enjoying themſelves in their old Caledonian Mountains, than you are now with both Hills and Plains: And I dare ſay, they had ſuch a Value for their Native Blood, that they would not have been guilty of ſending ſo many innocent and worthy Gentlemen (like Sheep to the Slaughter, or Spaniſh Mines) ſo far from Home on ſuch an April Errand.

'Tis both hard and unaccountable that this Gentleman, who ſets up for your Champion, ſhould uſe the Engliſh Nation ſo familiarly, and take ſuch Liberty, not only of frightning them into an Ague, but to Bully a great General, who was never hitherto known to be daunted by more formidable Giants, than the Quixots of your Company. He, honeſt Gentleman, mean'd no Harm at the Granting of the Octroy; for, 'tis to be believed, that he could ſcarce hear what was whiſper'd to him for the Noiſe of the Namure Guns. And as for this Project of yours to Darien, I dare be poſitive, that he knew nothing of the Matter till it was Five or Six Months done; and then he had it from other Hands.

If your Colony has left Darien for Reaſons not as yet publick to the World, 'tis your Fault, Right Worſhipful Gentlemen, in undertaking to manage a Project you ſo little underſtood, and not of the Engliſh Nation, whoſe Intereſt it is to advance and preſerve their own Colonies, and to keep them from being render'd deſolate by the Clandeſtine Artiſices of yours, who induſtriouſly and tacitely ſpread their Declarations over all the Engliſh Iſlands and Plantations, making uſe of the King of Great Britain's Name, to give the more Authority to the Thing: And by theſe indirect Manifeſto's, ſuch Proſits, or rather Plunders were inſinuated; that if the Government of England had not taken early Meaſures to prevent the ill Conſequences, 'tis to be queſtion'd, whether the greateſt Part of the Engliſh Weſt-Indies had not e'er now quitted their Settlements, and been decoy'd into your Colony, under a Cover'd Notion, that you had a Patent from the King, to pick a Quarrel with the Spaniard; and to devide the Spoil of Mexico and Peru amongſt the Servants and Adventures of the Company.

This Project and Settlement, you know, was ſo ſecretly carried on, that it was not known to England, till the ſame Wind that brought the News likewiſe, inform'd the Nation, that the Scots were march'd over to Panama (the chief City on the Iſthmus of Darien, and the Treaſury-Chamber of all the Spaniſh. Riches on the South-Sea) and had planted Eighty Guns againſt it. Theſe Proceedings were enough to ſtartle this Nation, who had heard of no War with Spain, and who had no great Reaſon to ſuffer their own Subjects to deſert their Plantations, to advance the Scotch Colony in their own Wrong. As for this Nation's curing into a War with the Spaniard, on the Score of your Company, who beſides their Loſs of Trade, muſt throw away more Engliſh Pounds (thrice over) than there's Scotch, in your Capital Stock; I'll leave it to any Man of Half an Ounce of Politicks, to find out the Jeſt on't, ſave this Hot-headed Author of your Colony's Defence.

As for theſe ridiculous and bugbear Stories, which both you and your Champion inſinuate, viz. that if the Scots ſhould loſe, or be expell'd out of Darien, the French will certainly poſſeſs themſelves of it. This Story is ſo far vain, that the French have another Game to play at preſent with Spain; and if they had any ſuch Inclination that Way, they know that Coaſt far better than the Scots, and might have ſecur'd Carthagena, when they had it in their Power, and a Legal Title to it by their Arms in the Time of a declar'd War: Which Fortification is as far before your Fort St. Andrew, or any Thing that can be made of it; as Dunkirk is before Deale-Caſtle. But ſtill, if France or Holland had any ſuch Deſign (as you would make the World believe) why mayn't they ſtill go ſit down within a League of either Side of your Colony with as good a Title as yours, ſince you will coop the Spaniard up within his Wall'd Towns and Garriſons. But to leave this unneceſſary Diſpute.—

And proceed to the oblique Threatnings wherewith he frightens King William, to wit, the Fate of thoſe Mean-ſpirited Princes, who blemiſh'd, and were unworthy to wear the Imperial Crown of your Nation; I'll eſpouſe His Majeſty's Cauſe no further than to be confirm'd, that he has been ill ſerv'd by ſome Perſons; and I am of Opinion, that he does not merit one Half of this ill Language at their Hands. Further, I dare ſay ſo much in his Behalf, by what has paſt already, that the Scots Crown will receive no Blemiſh or Diſreputation by his wearing of it; altho' he does not think it either ſit or juſt to Countenance an indirect Action of any of his Subjects.

By the Beacons which your Author ſets up to ſcare him, to wit, of the Two Baliols of James the Firſt, and William the Firſt; any Man without the Help of Spectacles may plainly perceive that he ſticks at nothing to advance his Cauſe, either by wreſting or perverting the Truth of the Hiſtory; by reaſon there can be no Parity in the Example, between the ſeveral Caſes of theſe dead Kings, whom he now brings on the Stage, and King William; nor is there any Colour of Alluſion to introduce them here for Scare-crows. For the Truth of the Story runs thus: After the Death of Alexander the Third, Ten or a Dozen far-fetched Relations of the Royal Family ſtanding Competitors for the Scots Crown, it was agreed on by the different Parties (to prevent the Effuſion of Blood) that the Trial of their ſeveral Claims ſhould be referr'd to Edward the Firſt of England. Edward accepting the Office came to Berwick, then a Scots Town, where, after a long time ſpent in canvaſſing the ſeveral Titles, he found Bruce, Baliol, and Cummin ſtand faireſt for it. To make a long Tale ſhort, he now found it in his Power to accompliſh that which his Predeceſſors ſtruggl'd for, for ſome Hundred Years before, to wit, a Submiſſion of the Scots Crown to that of England. He felt Bruce's Pulſe, but it did not beat to his Mind; then he ſounded Baliol, who had more Engliſh Blood in him by half than Scotch, who eaſily condeſcended to his Terms. Edward declares John Baliol, King of the Scots; and the Scots Nobility having ſwore Allegiance to him in his Preſence, proceeded to his Coronation. That being over, the new Scots King, with his Nobility, came to King Edward, to thank him for his Civility at Newcaſtle; where having been ſplendidly regaled for ſome time, and the Engliſh King being to ſet out for London, John Baliol, with his Train of Nobles, came in a full Body to kiſs his Royal Fiſt; where on a ſuddain, King Baliol claps down on his Knee, and ſwore Fealty to Edward as his Sovereign Lord, and to hold the Scots Crown for ever, of him and his Succeſſors, Kings of England. Baliol having ended this Ceremony, pointed to his Subjects to follow his Example; which being needleſs to diſpute on that Ground, no Body ſtumbl'd at it, ſave a peeviſh Old Gentleman, by Name Douglaſs, who was Caged up for the Remainder of his Life, for want of good Manners. Baliol and his Nobility march'd home to Scotland, as chearfully as Half a Dozen Citizens Wives return to their Husbands, after they have been decoy'd into a Ramble, and kiſs'd by ſtrange Fellows; and they being all alike Scabby, made no Words on't for ſome Years, and, perhaps, had not then, if a raſh Sentence had not been paſs'd by Baliol in his own Court, in Prejudice of a certain Thane or Earl; who thinking himſelf injur'd, appeal'd to Edward as Sovereign Lord: King Edward being willing to ſhow his Grandeur, ſummon'd Baliol up to London, and being ſeated on a Throne in his Court of Judicature, his Fellow King had the Honour to ſet by him, till ſuch time as the Tryal came on, and then he was oblig'd to ſtep down to the Common-Bar, and Plead for himſelf. The Gentleman had got ſo much Scotch Blood in him, by his Three Years Government of that Kingdom, that he ſtomach'd the Diſgrace, and could not tell how to digeſt it, till he went Home and conſulted his Nobility, who were all alike tardy with himſelf: It was ſoon agreed on, to bid Edward Defiance, declaring, That their King and they were only trick'd into their Submiſſion by his foul Artifice. Both Nations Arm'd, but Edward got the Better on't; for having overrun Scotland, and made them once or twice ſwear heartily anew; and having caught John Baliol by the Neck, would never afterwards truſt him with ſuch an Office; but kept him Priſoner at London for many Years, till at the Interceſſion of the Pope and French King, his Impriſonment was enlarg'd to France, where he died a Quondam King.

Now, whether this Fate of John Baliol has any Relation to what your Author deſigns (ſince 'tis plain, that Edward both made and unmade him, and not the Scots) I refer it back to himſelf to reconcile. As for the other Baliol, by Name Edward, and Son to this John, he finding that Robert Bruce was the Second time dead, came from France to England; and, there having Edward the Third's Leave to raiſe what Men he could, to ſeat himſelf on his Father's Old Throne, found Voluntiers enough (who were the Relations of thoſe who were foil'd at Bannocksburn) and with thoſe, and a few of King Edward's Ships, he lands in the Heart of Scotland, and ſet young David Bruce's Crown on his own Head, without asking the Scots Leave; and kept it till D • vid, with the Aſſiſtance of his Father-in-Law the French King, took it from him again. Neither can I ſee the Paralel in this with King William's Caſe; for Edward Baliol took the Crown at his own Hand nolens volens, whereas King William had it preſs'd upon his Head by the unanimous Conſent of the Scots Nation. As for the other Two Examples of James, and William the First, what they did while it was their Misfortune to be Priſoners in England, could not ſtand in Law; neither did I ever hear, that after their Freedom, and Reſtauration to their Dignities, their Scots Subjects did ever reckon it to them for Sin.

But as there's no great Advantage or Credit to be purchaſed, by ripping up ſuch old Sores, ſo I am willing to leave tracing this Gentleman's Evidences, and rather take Things on his own Authority, than foul Paper about it. Mean while, I'll be as impertinent as he is with his Earl of Strafford, and ſome others, and acquaint you with ſomething that may be nearer the Caſe. It has been obſerv'd in Scotland, in the Courſe of ſeveral Ages, that it hath been ever fatal to Families when they became ſo powerful as to ſwell beyond their Proportion: Witneſs that of the Cummins, in Robert Bruce's Reign, the greateſt that ever has been in Scotland: Witneſs that of the Gouries, of a latter Date: And if I ſhould add that of a latter Family, within the Reach of our Memory, which might have reaſonably been reckon'd in the ſame Claſs, had it not been for the happy Accident of the Revolution, I cannot be far miſtaken. I ſay, moſt of theſe Gentlemen being too great for Subjects, loſt themſelves with Jearus in their Flight: Some got red-hot Iron Crowns, and others Halters; but that which was more Tragical, their whole Families and Dependants were hung up like Haddocks to dry in the Sun, that they might never afterwards riſe in Judgment. I heartily wiſh there may no ſuch Examples happen in our Age; and that no ſuſpected Perſons ſit ſo cloſe to the Machine of your Colony, nor wind up its Spring further than it will go, leaſt it ſhould ſnap, and the Ingineers get o'er the Fingers End.

Being ſenſible that I have treſpaſs'd in the Epidemical Crime of my Fellow-Scribblers, by ſwelling my Dedication beyond its Proportion, and, perhaps, ſaid more than ſome Perſons care to hear; I'll proceed to the Reaſons, why the Gentlemen of the Colony have dropt off by degrees; praying, that the ſame may ſerve, if it be true, that the whole Body has follow'd their Example; as likewiſe, that you mayn't hang thoſe Two poor innocent Gentlemen, Mr. Montgomry and Mr. Jollie, late Councellors of your Colony, whom you have been pleas'd to find Guilty of a Deſign, to deſert Caledonia, and run away with one of your Frigats. And, altho' I cannot profeſs my ſelf a Friend to your Project, nor to your Way of Managing of it; yet I declare, that the Proſperity of the Ancient Kingdom, as likewiſe, that a true Senſe of your Miſmanagement of that great Octroy, be deeply ingrafted in every Scots Man's Heart, is the hearty Wiſh, and Prayer of,

Right Worſhipful, PHIL. SCOT.

A DEFENCE OF THE SCOTS ABDICATING DARIEN, &c.

PREJUDICE being apt to byaſs a Man's Pen, the Pur-blind Pillars of the Scotch Company will not ſtick to taint me with it. That I mayn't deceive you, I don't profeſs my ſelf their Friend, having the ſame Reaſon, or perhaps more, as thoſe Skelletons who have narrowly eſcap'd the Kingdom of Heaven, and are ſtarv'd to Death. Nevertheleſs, I declare, that I will curb my Sentiments ſo far, as to keep my ſelf cloſe to the Matter of Fact, giving an impartial Account of the Procedure of that Company, and of the indirect Artifices they made uſe of, to decoy a great many honeſt Gentlemen, and other brave Fellows into their Service, and how they left them in the Lurtch, expos'd to Famine, and the Spaniſh Mines: And if I deviate in any particular Paſſage from the Truth, I lay my ſelf fairly open to the fierceſt Steel'd Pen of the Company, who, no doubt, will endeavour to vindicate them, and ſtifle my Credit. All the Favour I ask, is, that they give me fair Play, ſtick cloſe to the Subject, and bring better Authority for what they write, than what the Author of the Colony's Defence hath offer'd, to diſprove the Spaniards Title to the Iſthmus of Darien, and to advance that of the Scotch Company.

William Paterſon, the Author of this Project, and Penman (as it it is ſhrewdly gueſs'd) of the Octroy, came from Scotland in his younger Years, with a Pack on his Back, whereof the Print may be ſeen, if he be alive; having travell'd this Country ſome Years, he ſeated himſelf under the Wing of a warm Widow, near Oxford; where finding that Preaching was an eaſier Trade than his own, ſoon found himſelf gifted with an Anadab's Spirit. Prophets being generally deſpis'd at Home, he went on the Propoganda ſide. Account to the Weſt-Indies, and was one of thoſe who ſettled the Iſland of Providence a Second time: But meeting ſome Hardſhips, and ill Luck there, to wit, a Governour being impos'd on them by the King of England, which his Conſcience could not admit of, the Property of their Conſtitutions was alter'd, and they could no longer a Free Port, or Sanctuary for Buccaneers, Pyrates, and ſuch Vermin, who had moſt need of being reclaim'd into the Church: This Diſappointment oblig'd Praedicant Paterſon to ſhake the Duſt from off his Shooes, and leave that Iſland under his Anathema. He return'd to Europe ſome Twelve Years ago, with his Head full of Projects, having all the Atchievements of Sir Henry Morgan, Batt Sharp, and the Buccaneers in his Budget: He endeavour'd to make a Market of his Ware in Holland and Hamburgh, but without any Succeſs: He went afterwards to Berlin, open'd his Pack there, and had almoſt caught the Elector of Brandenburgh in his Nooſe; but that miſcarry'd too: He likewiſe imparted the ſame Project to Mr. Secretary Blathwait, but ſtill with the ſame Succeſs.

Meeting thus with ſo many Diſcouragements in theſe ſeveral Countries, he let his Project ſleep for ſome Years, and pitch'd his Tent at London, where Matter is never wanting to exerciſe plodding Heads. His former Wife being at reſt as well as his Project, he wanted a Help that was meet for him, and not being very nice, went no further than the Red-fac'd Coffee-woman, a Widow in Burchin-Lane, whom he afterwards carry'd to the Iſthmus of Darien; and at her firſt landing thruſt her about Seven Foot under Ground, to make the Poſſeſſion de facto of New Caledonia more authentick. While he ſojourn'd in London, he found Employment for his Head; and like a true Quack, boggl'd at nothing that offer'd it ſelf to his Thought. He was concern'd in the Hampſtead-Water; and had an original Hand in the Project of the Bank of England; but being oblig'd (as he ſays himſelf) to communicate his Thoughts to ſome Eminent Men, who were more able to carry it on, they bubbl'd him out of the Premium, and the Glory of the Project. The Man thinking himſelf ill us'd by the Managers of the Bank of England, ſtudy'd how to be up with them; and in Oppoſition to it, he applies himſelf to the Project of the Orphans Bank, where he was afterwards ſometime a Director; but that miſſing of the Wiſh'd-for-Aim, by reaſon of the clipp'd Money, &c. and he meeting with ſome Diſgrace there too, was reſolv'd at once to be even with the Body of the Nation.

Thus diſcontented, and uneaſie in his Mind, he rous'd up his Darien Genius, and having vampt it up with ſome new Light he had purchas'd by converſing with Dampier, he marches Bag and Baggage to the Ancient Kingdom, where it met with ſuch Encouragement at firſt ſight, that Johnſton's, or if you will Tweddale's Act was viis & modis, conceiv'd and born in a Trice. At this time, and for ſome Months afterwards, Paterſon had more Reſpect paid him, than His Majeſty's High Commiſſioner; and happy was he or ſhe that had the Favour of a Quarter of an Hours Converſation with this bleſſed Man: When he appear'd in Publick, he look'd with a Head ſo full of Buſineſs and Care, as if he had Atlas his Burthen on his Back; and if a Man had a Fancy to be reputed Wiſe, the firſt Step he was to make, was to mimick Paterſon's Fiz: Nay, ſome Perſons had ſuch a Conceit of the Miracles he could perform, that they began to talk of an Engine, to give the Iſland a half Turn-round, and to ſet the Orkneys where the Iſlands of Scilly ſtand.

But to proceed to the Cream of the Story, you are to underſtand, that Eſquire Paterſon (for at his Arrival in Scotland, he acquir'd or aſſum'd an Engliſh Title) brought a Couple of Tutors, or Nurſes along with him, who paſs'd for Partners in the Project, tho' in Effect a Couple of ſubtle Youths, whoſe Office was to put Paterſon's creud and indigeſted Notions into Form. One of theſe was a Walloon by Birth, whoſe native Name was Le Serrurier, and his Engliſh one James Smith. He was Maſter of moſt of the European Languages, and particularly of the Engliſh. He formerly acted as Secretary to the fam'd Italian Prince, who put ſo many Tricks on the Hollanders, with his Philoſophers Stone; but at this Juncture he paſs'd for a conſiderable London Merchant. The others Name was Daniel Lodge, born of Yorkſhire Parents in Leith, in Scotland, per Accident, bred a Merchant in Holland, but crack'd, and turn'd to his Shifts in England. This was a pleaſant, facetious Fellow, knew the World exactly, and acted his Part in this Tragi-Comedy to a Miracle.

So much I have offer'd by way of Preliminary, that you may have a Glimpſe of theſe dark Pillars, by which the Scotch Company was to be lighted down into the Spaniſh or Darien Mines, and over that Iſthmus to the Phillipin Iſlands, California, China, and to Japan, it they could turn Dutch Men.

The Companies Act being now touch'd with the Royal Scepter, and for the more Diſpatch, paſs'd thro' the Seals per Saltum, they were empower'd by Virtue of a neceſſary Clauſe thereof, to take in Foreign Subſcriptions to a leſſer half of the Capital Stock; ſo that the main Streſs of the Project lay in fingering this Money. The Three Projectors frankly engag'd to uſe their Intereſt with their Correſpondents and Friends in England, Holland, and in the Hans Towns, for 300000 l at leaſt; in Conſideration of which, and of the Acquiſition, and in Token of their Gratitude for the Project, the Company was to give the Triumvirate 20000 l So to work all Hands went.

There being three different Parties in England jarring at that Time, about the India Trade, and the Old Company having got the Better on't, it was eaſie to draw a great many of the Male-Contents into the Scotch Companies Net; nay, the Subſcriptions came in ſo quick that he was the happieſt Man that could get his Name firſt down in their Books: For Paterſon preach'd up only an India Trade here in England, taking no Notice of Darien, but to ſome Select Heads that were able to bear it; when once the Mony was in Scotl. they knew how to diſpoſe of it. To be ſhort, they had now more Money in their View than they knew what to do withal, if the Houſe of Commons had not baulk'd them, and reprimanded the Subjects of England for their Foolery. The Companies Books were cary'd Home with abundance of Secrecy and Care, tho' they had as good left them behind, there having been never a Groat of the Engliſh Money paid in as yet. The Projectors follow'd them as the Sons of Levi did the Ark in old Times; and when they came to Scotland, their chief Buſineſs was to preach up the vaſt Advantages which the Houſe of Commons foreſaw to acreu to the Scotch Company and Nation. by this Octroy and Trade, and to back their Sermons with the greater Authority, the Commons Addreſs to the King was printed and reprinted at Edinburgh (but not a Syllable of the King's Anſwer mention'd) which confirm'd the whole Country of the Riches they were like to be ſurfeited with by this Act and Trade. To be ſhort, they came in Shoals from all Corners of the Kingdom to Edinburgh, Rich, Poor, Blind and Lame, to lodge their Subſcriptions in the Company's Houſe; and to have a Glimpſe of the Man Paterſon; who ſatisfy'd them as faſt as they came, that altho' they ſign'd ſuch a Sum for Faſhion's ſake, to give the Company more Reputation Abroad, yet the Quarter Part would only be demanded, there being no occaſion for any more; and that they could not lie out of the Uſe of their Money above 18 Months, or 2 Years at moſt, which by that time, and the Old Cant, of God's Bleſſing, would fetch good Returns, and large Dividends.

The Companies Books had not been long open'd in Edinburgh, before 400000 l was ſign'd (when it will be all paid in, the Lord of Hoſts knows) and it now being high time to ſhut the Books there, and go where the Money lay, to wit, the 300000 l in Holland, and the Hans Towns, the Projectors were conſulted about it. The Reſult of which was, that they might not act precipitately in this Affair, it was neceſſary they ſhould make ſome real Show of their Reſolution and Forwardneſs, by ſending a Couple of fit Perſons over to Amſterdam and Hamburgh, to build half a Dozen of ſtout Ships of 50 Guns apiece; that by laying out their Money in the Dutch Country, the Dutchmen might be prepoſſeſs'd with a kind Opinion of the Company, and thereby make it appear, how willing they were to extend the warm Rays of their Octroy, to People who deſerv'd it better than their ungreatful Neighbours.

Some warm Debates happen'd on this Occaſsion, what Two Perſons ſhould be entruſted with this mighty Affair, for by reaſon the Kirk and Church-money was equally in the Stock, both Parties endeavour'd to imploy their own Inſtruments. There were ſeveral Meetings on this Affair, and it was at long-run amicably concluded, that Alexander Stevenſon, late Kirk-Treaſurer, or Kirk-Warden of Edinburgh, a Zealous and Long-grace Sayer, and Capt. James Gibſon, Merchant and Malignant of Glaſco, ſhould be the Delegates.

The next material Thing that came in Courſe was to lodge a Stock of Caſh in London to anſwer their Delegates neceſſary Occaſions abroad: The Sum agreed on was either 18 or 20000 l but what Man to entruſt with this Sum that was fed on Engliſh Beef and Puddin, was another Heſitation. The Oracle Paterſon being conſulted herein ſagely reſponded, that his Brother Smith's Buſineſs requiring him to go and remain for ſome time at London, he expecting ſome Ships home from Carolina and New-England, wherein he had large Effects; he was of Opinion, that they could not lodge it ſafer than in his Hands. Smith returns to London, and having got the Gelt in his Sack, never broke his Reſt afterwards about the Project. The Company at the ſame Time had ſubſtituted Two other Caſhiers abroad, to wit, Mr. Francis Stratford, Mechant, at Hamburgh, (now Governour of that Company) and Alexander Henderſson, alias Archbiſshop, at Amſterdam, who were to draw from Smith's Bank, as the Delegates had Occaſion.

This Walloon Banker, and Italian Secretary anſwer'd the Bills punctually till a better half of the Money was extracted; about which Time finding the Company baulk'd of the Holland, as well as Engliſh Subſcriptions, he thought it neceſſary to hold his hand, and was paſſive in ſuffering a Bill of 200 l of Stratford's drawn on him to be proteſted at London. I ſhall leave him here for ſometime, that I may bring the reſt along with me, and only tell you, that Smith now finding himſelf Maſter but of 8500 l of the Companies Caſh, and not ſure that he ſhouldever ſee ſo much of it again, and looking on this as little more than his Quota for the Project and Subſcriptions (altho' the Latter happen'd to fail, not through any Fault or Neglect of him, but by the Frowns of the Houſe of Commons in England, and Holland by ſome ſurly Dutch Men Proprietors in the Eaſt and Weſt-India Companies, and Lords of Amſterdam) he thought the Premium wrought for ſufficiently, and that it was but juſt he ſhould pay himſelf, ſince his Intention was as honeſt as if it had ſucceeded; and if he had anything over his neat Share, it was convenient to hold it faſt to enable him to go to Law the eaſier with the Company.

The Company bit their Lips, but endeavour'd to keep it huſh for ſome time, that the World might not perceive how they were deſervedly bubbl'd. Smith knowing their Circumſtances never went out of the Way for 15 or 16 Months afterwards; and then being ſenſible that if once the Compan. Ships were fail'd, there would be no great Occaſion to pay him any more Civilities to keep the Project ſecret, and conſequently he muſt expect the Company would be on his Back. On theſe Conſiderations he was on the Wing for his own Country, and was got ſo far on his Journey as Graveſend, when as Luck would had it, he was nabb'd with a Capio te at the Companies Inſtance. Some of his own and Wife's Relations were in the Coach with him, to ſee him to Dover, when this Accident happen'd: But he on this Occaſion compos'd himſelf with more Sedateneſs of Mind, than M. Bouſfliers did at Namure; and being unwilling to part with the Money ſo dearly earn'd, beſpoke Lodgings in the Marſhalſea, till on the late Revolution of that Sanctuary, the Marſhal and he went off together on a new Project to Carolina.

Daniel Lodge was at Edinburgh, when the firſt Bill was proteſted, and had his Papers ſeiz'd and carry'd to the Campanies Office, and a Couple of Centries ſet over himſelf, but he being Yorkſhire Blood, Scotch born, and Dutch bred, it was not eaſie to faſten any Thing on him.

Paterſon was at Hamburgh on the Embaſſie when he heard of the Misfortune of Stratford's Bill; but all the Mends he could make, was to ſigh and look dull. Nevertheleſs it was obſervable, that altho' Paterſon rail'd at Smith behind his Back, there was never an ill Word between them when they met: For you are to underſtand, that Smith was one of the Companies Commiſſioners in Holland and Hamburgh about the Time he ſuffer'd the Bill to be proteſted in London.

But to return to the ſetting out of this Embaſſie; Stevenſon and Gibſon being for ſome time gone over the Water to build Ships, and beat the Way for Subſcriptions; the next Step was to chuſe fit Perſons to follow and manage this Point. Five ſuch were appointed by Name of the Committee of Foreign Trade, who were cloath'd with an ample Commiſſion from the Company, to take Subſcriptions Abroad, to appoint Factors, to controul the foreſaid Two Legates, to provide Officers and Seamen; and, in a Word, to do what they thought neceſſary for the Company's Service. Paterſon and Smith were the firſt Two,—a Scotch Merchant of London the Third. The Laird of Gleneagles for the Church, and Colonel John Erskin, Governour of Sterling-Caſtle, and Darling of the Kirk, made up the Quorum, the laſt Two being both Men of Honour and Worth, but altogether Strangers to Trade.

Two of theſe were order'd to Holland directly from Scotland, and Gleneagles was to paſs by London, where he was to do ſome buſineſs, and take Smith, and the other in his way. Gleneagles having arriv'd at London, and joyn'd with the other two, articled with me at Moncreifs Coffee-houſe, in November, 1696. By the Articles of our Contract, I was to go in the Company's Service from London to Amſterdam, or Hamburgh; from thence to Scotland, and from thence on a Trading Voyage to either of the Indies, as the Company ſhould appoint; and thence back to Scotland. I was at the ſame time made tacitly to believe that I was to go to the Eaſt Indies, and that the Ships would ſail next March at fartheſt. The Encouragement (if I had been candidly dealt with, and honeſtly paid) ſeem'd to be fair enough in Merchants Service: So having order'd my Affairs in England to go to India, I went in Company of theſe Gentlemen to Amſterdam, where we arrived about Chriſtmas following.

Here the whole Committee or Embaſſy met; where having view'd their Ships in that Port, to wit, one of 46 Guns ready built, and another of 60 on the Stocks they apply'd themſelves to the buſineſs of Subſcriptions. The Scheme laid down to them was this; Henderſon formerly mention'd, a Scotch Man, Coſſart a French Man,—an Engliſh Man, and— a Ducth Man, all Merchants of Amſterdam, were to ſubcribe 8500 l amongſt them (Smiths Summ) and were to draw in there Friends and Correſpondents for as much as they could: In conſideration whereof, theſe four were to be the Company's Factors in Holland, and to have 2 per Cent. for what they bought and ſold. This was eaſily agreed to; and for their further Encouragment, they were inveſted likewiſe with the 2 per Cent. Commiſſion of all the Money already laid out by Capt. Gibſon on the two Ships, Canvas, Sails, Cables, Anchors, Powder, Guns, &c. in all above 10000 l which Properly was Gibſon's right by his Commiſſion from the Company. This was the firſt honeſt ſtep they made by Vertue of their controuling Power.

Theſe new Dutch Factors ply'd their Friends all over Holland, who generally for ſome time before were mightily taken with the Scotch. Eaſt India, Trade, their Exemption from Duties for 21 years, and tickled with the Conceit that they ſhould be Sharers in it. But through an ugly accident which happen'd in Camphire, at Paterſon's and the Collonels Landing, the whole Meſs of the Companies Pottage was in danger of being miſcook d. The Story runs thus: Theſe Gentlemen had a rough and tedious Paſſage from Scotland, and it ſeems the Skipper had not laid in Proviſions for his Paſſengers over plentifully, which was the occaſion that Paterſon at his landing in Camphire (and being welcom'd and entertain'd by one Panton, a Merchant there) taſted more freely of the Creature then he us'd to do; (for he always ſet up for a Water-biber) which Panton perceiving, ply'd him warmly, and took the Liberty of pumping him. Paterſon's Tongue running glib with the Hollands Cannal Water on the Eloginm's of the Octroy, happen'd to babble out a Secret of the Company, viz, That their Act empower'd them to give Commiſſions to any kind of People (without asking their Nation) to Trade to the Indies under Scots Colours; and that ſuch People might diſpoſe of their India Goods where they pleas'd, providing they made a ſham Entry in Scotland. And if the Company ſhould agree to take 3 per Cen. for the Goods, ſuch Ships as Traded with their Commiſſion were able to underſel the Engliſh and Dutch full 17 per Cent. Panton was glad of the News, & improv'd the Story amongſt his Friends, who deſign'd to ſign in the Companies Books; and theſe run now on this Commiſſion for the 3 per Cent. finding it a ſafer way of Trading, then by putting their Money in the Companies bottom; neither would they of Zealand ever afterwards enter on any other Terms.

We were no ſooner come to Amſterdam, then we met with this Story freſh in the Coffee-houſes there. It was too late for Paterſon to eat in his words; ſo that all the Salvo we could make to daſh the Story, was by ſaying, that this was the Companies ſho'el Anchor, if every thing elſe ſhould fail them; but that they had no occaſion to make uſe of that Power at preſent; nor that Mr. Paterſon meant ſo when he ſpoke it. But that which gave us the dead ſtroke in Holland, juſt as the Companies Books were open'd, the Eaſt and Weſt India Companies run open mouth'd to the Lords of Amſterdam, ſhewing what was hatching by the Scotch Commiſſioners in their City, to ruine the Trade of the United Provinces. The Lords gave them ſatisfaction in the matter, and made no noiſe of it; for we were made to underſtand in a day or two afterwards, that our Subſcriptions were daſh'd, and none to be expected there. On this occaſion it was reſolved in the Commitee, that Paterſon, and the Colonel ſhould forthwith proceed to Hamburgh, to ſee what could be be done there, the reſt being to remain in Holland for ſome time, to give the leſs Umbrage to the Hamburgh Project.

The Hamburghers ſwallow'd the bait to a wiſh; for the more oppoſition the Engliſh and Dutch offer'd to the project, confirm'd them the more that it was their Intereſt to embrace it. The River Elve, on which Hamburgh ſtands, is Navigable for flat bottom Barges of 70 or 80 Tuns, for ſome 200. Miles up into the Country of Germany, which gives them an opportunity of ſerving all the North parts of that Empire with Goods more conveniently then the Hollanders can: And as they have no Eaſt India Goods but what they have at ſecond hand from England and Holland, or a few from Denmark, by joyning now with the Scotch Company, they have a proſpect of worming the Hollander out of a good part of the German Trade.

In Parentheſi I muſt own that this part of the Project was Reaſonable on both the Scotch and Hamburgher ſide, if it had been meant as it was told; but the Devil on't was, the Hamburgers knew nothing of Darien, but builded altogether on Ships laden with India Goods, whereof their City and Port was to be the Receptacle and Mart; while Paterſon wanted only their Money to raiſe Forces to over-run Mexico and Peru.

The way being thus prepared by theſe two Fore-runers, the body of the Commitee receiv'd advice to repair thither at ſight, all things being ready for Signing and Sealing. And I receiving orders to accompany them, ſet out from Amſterdam, after we had ſpent three Mouths there in vain; and arrived at Humburgh on Lady-day, 1697. Our Affair was ſo generally favour'd by the Burghers of this City, that at our arrival we printed Placaarts, and fix'd them on the Exchange, and other publick Places there, intimating that the Companies Books were to be open'd in the Commercie Kamber the week following for Subſcriptions; but they were to take notice (the beſt Jeſt on't) That by the Conſtitutions of the Company, no Man could ſign above 3000 l. ſterling for himſelf; as likewiſe, that their Books could not admit above 200000 l. in all.

Theſe Placaarts were no ſooner paſted up on the Poſts, than Pamphlets were crying up and down the Streets, full of ill Nature, and a great many ſad Truths; adviſing the Hamburghers to enquire further into the Project, before they parted with their Money, leſt they ſhould never ſee it again. Theſe Pamphlets contain'd 3 or 4 Sheets, and were printed in French, High and Low Dutch, under the Title of, A Letter from a Friend in Amſterdam, to his Friend in Hamburgh. But the Hamburghers having ſuch a Confidence in Paterſon's Phiz, and ſmooth Tongue, and by the forward appearance the Company made with their new Ships of 50 Guns all in a row, they believ'd all this ſtuff, to be hatch'd in Samaria, from whence no good can be expected.

But that the Scriptures might be fulfill'd, by the Elects meeting with Diſappointments and Croſſes while they ſojourn here; or on the other hand, that of Honeſty's being the beſt Policy, either you pleaſe; the Companies Book was likewiſe ſhut up here, without getting a Groat of the Hamburgers Money, although that City got near 30000 l of the Company's. The human reaſon of this Diſappointment, if I am not miſtaken, was as follows; in the Octroy there was a certain unneceſſary Paragraph, which occaſion'd a great many Engliſh and Hollands Speculations, viz. That in caſe the Company ſhould be interrupted in their Trade, &c. the King had ingag'd to interpoſe the Regal Authority to do them Right, and that at the publick Charge. Paterſon, and the other Agents of the Company, to magnifie their Charter, did inſinuate in all Companies, That the King was to aſſiſt and defend them with his Ships of War, or otherwiſe, if there was occaſion, and that out of his own Pocket, which they did not queſtion to be Engliſh Coin; when at the ſame time, the words of the Act cannot bear it; much leſs, That a Scots Act of Parliament ſhould diſpoſe of Engliſh Ships and Money. But ſince the Scotch Company would force this gloſs on the Text for their Advantage, the Engliſh Traders to India made as profitable a uſe of it the other way; for ſay they, Was it not enough that the King of Great Britain ſhould paſs an Act in favour of his Scots Subjects to Trade to India, and exempt them from Duties for 21 years, which is an evitable Prejudice to the Engliſh Trade, ſince it's impoſſible to hinder them from ſending their India Goods by ſtealth over the Border, and underſelling our Markets by 25, or 30 per Cent. but that they ſhould be empower'd to take in Forreigners to be Sharers with them in this Trade; and not only thereby ſuck the Blood and Marrow out of England for 21 years, but that our Engliſh Ships of War (for the maintenance of which great Taxes and Impoſts are laid on our Trade and Goods) ſhould defend this Scotch Company's Trade, and theſe Foreigners who run away with the whole.

Theſe weak Proceedings of Paterſon and the other Agents, with the Sentiments the Engliſh had of it, made the Government of England, ſend to the Senate of Hamburgh a Caution by Sir Paul Ricaut, Reſident there, to take care how they ſuffer'd their Burghers to embark with private Men, the King's Subjects, under the hopes of the Engliſh Protection, which being to the Prejudice of their own Subjects, could not be reaſonably expected. This was the Subſtance of the Memorial given in to that Senate, who had never hitherto countenanc'd the Committee, altho' the Private Burghers were ſo Reſolute to Join.

Adverſe Fortune ſtill attending our Embaſſie, they thought fit to ſteer homewards, and make the beſt of a bad Market, being now fully ſatisfy'd that there's no other Body's Money to be Truſted to but their own: And having left me with Legate Stevenſon to tend the Ships till farther Orders; they ſet out from Hamburgh in April.

The Report of this Mournful Story being made to the Board in Scotland, they found that they had been hatching rotten Eggs for a Twelvemonth by-gone: But that which was ſtill worſe, 50000 l was ſunk into Dutchland on Ships that were neither fit for Merchants Service nor War, 8500 l ſunk in Smith's Pocket, a Cargoe of all ſorts of Goods and Materials for a Plantation ready bought, viz. Scotch Cloath 8000 pieces White, ditto Brown 4 or 5000. ditto died and ſtrip'd 2000. Sterling Searges 8000 Ells, Men and Womens Shoes 5 or 6000 pair, Slippers about 1500, pair, Mens coarſe Stockings 4000 pair, Womens ditto 2000 pair, Scotch Hats a great quantity, Engliſh Bibles 1500, Periwigs 4000. ſome Long, ſome Short, Campaigns, Spaniſh Bobs and Natural ones; and truly they were all Natural, for being made of Highlanders Hair, which is blanch'd, with the Rain and Sun, when they came to be open'd in the Weſt-Indies they look'd like ſo many of Sampſon's Fireſhips that he ſent amongſt the Philiſtines, and could be of no uſe to the Colony, if it were not to mix with their Lime when they plaſter'd the Walls of their Houſes. This was all the Merchandable Cargoe, ſave about 500 l worth of Hamburgh Linen and Holland, and to the ſame value of little Trincums bought in Holland for a Guinea or Indian Trade, and about 2 or 3 Hogſheads of Bees-wax. The reſt was in Materials for the Colony, viz. Hoes, Axes, Matches, Knives, &c. And for the main Deſign 1500 ſpare Buccaneer-Pieces, ſome Hundreds of Barrels of Powder, Shot proportionable and about 80 or 90 Drums. This Cargoe of Merchandize and Materials for the Colony, amounted to about 19000 l including 25 per Cent. advance, which the Company charg'd on every Article. So that there was about 74000 of the 100000 l Sunk. The remainder was towards Proviſions, Payment of the Sailors and other Servants of the Company, and Diſcharge of the Company's Civil Liſt: But of this odd Money above 10000 l was deficient in the Payments, to wit, ſome great Men could not be forc'd to pay, they Natively thinking their Countenance to the thing to be enough for their ſhare; others were Sick, and a great many ſtark Dead of the Project, but moſt of them not able to raiſe their Quota.

The Company's Affairs looking now ſo pale-fac'd, they were for ſome time ſtaggering in their Reſolutions: And on this Occaſion it was propos'd to the Board by the Laird of Drummellier, a Topping and Leading Man of the Company, and back'd by Robert Watſon, a Leading Man amongſt the Merchant Directors, that they ſhould ſend Order to their Agents in Holland and Hamburgh to ſell off the Ships, and that their Committee of homeward Improvements ſhould diſpoſe of the foreſaid Cargoe to the beſt Advantage, and the Company to make a Dividend of the Product, amongſt the Proprietors of the Stock. This Propoſal was Rejected as Inglorious, and they being now in utrumque Parati, were Reſolv'd Seu varſare dolos, and that their Servants, but not themſelves, ſhould be the Victims to the Certae occumbere Morti.

From this Minute they fixt their Reſolutions, that ſince their Ships were built, the Proviſions, Cargoe, and other Neceſſaries already provided, they ſhould not look back, but equip for Sea with all Expedition; if they Periſh there, or the Project Miſcarry, they could ſhew the World that they drove the Nail ſo far as it would go, and at laſt, ſhift the Miſcarriage from off themſelves. And to ſatisfie the World that their Deſpair was evident; at the ſigning of the Company's laſt Inſtructions to the Colony, This Drummellier would have it added in the Poſtſcript as a Benediction, That they ſhould get Money Honeſtly if they could, but be ſure to get it, and if they came Home without it, then the Devil get them all.

By the ſequel of the Story the Reader may judge whether they did not put this Reſolution into Practice. After the Embaſſie or Committee of Foreign Trade left Hamburgh, nothing Remarkable paſt there, ſave that after Mr. Stratford had given them a Splendid Entertainment for their Foy, they went off without bidding him kiſs there—and believing that all theſe Diſhes were a Pig of their own Sow, left Inſtructions behind them that he ſhould not act any longer as the Company's Caſhier. Whether this was the True Reaſon of his being laid aſide, or that of his Original Sin, I cannot reſolve you; but this I know, that he gave them Credit at their firſt appearance in Hamburgh, indented with the Builder of the four Ships, with the Ropemakers, Blackſmiths, and other Artificers, to furniſh the Company, and bound himſelf for performance of the ſeveral Contracts; and at laſt he was oblig'd to Arreſt the ſame Ships (as they were ſitting out) for 800 l Flemiſh, that being the Ballance of his Accompts; and they lay in Limbo a Fortnight or three Weeks before this Money could be paid.

We Sail'd with two of theſe Ships, viz, the Caledonia and St. Andrew from the River of Hamburgh the 10 of November, 1697. (having left the other two behind us, ready Launch'd and lying to Rot in the Ouſe) and arriv'd in Leith Road on the 20th. to the no ſmall Joy of the Proprietors of the Stock, two Thirds of whom firmly believ'd for ſix Months by-gone that all was Cheat, and that there was no ſuch Ships in Rerum Natura.

About the ſame time the Riſing-Sun of 60 Guns, and the Ʋnicorn of 46, were fallen down from Amſterdam to the Texel, in order to joyn us, that we might make our Parade the more Splendid in Leith Road. Theſe Ships, you muſt know, had their Complement of Men bore on them for ſeveral Months before, as if they had been ready to Sail; but Archbiſhop Henderſon, their truſty Friend and Agent, having about 3000 l due to him and Partners, did not think it diſcreet to let both Ships go till he had the Money in his Pocket; ſeveral kind Epiſtles and civil Words paſt between the Company and him on this occaſion, but to no material purpoſe; for he was apprehenſive that if once they got the Ships in Scotland, his Money might be like Butter in the Black Dog's Hauce, or that they might detain ſo much of it as came to the Quota of his and Partners Subſcriptions, which he and they had no Inclination to. On theſe Conſiderations the Archbiſhop ſent home the Ʋnicorn, and brought the Company's Riſing-Sun back to the Meridian of Amſterdam, where ſhe being Frozen up, for that Seaſon, was oblig'd to lie till ſhe Thaw'd, and for ſome Months afterwards, till he had his Dutch Gilt again. And indeed I think the Accident was very lucky, for beſides the Honour which the Company purchas'd by entertaining the Czar of Moſcovy Aboard while ſhe lay at the Pales of Amſterdam, if ſhe had gone to the West-Indies, ſhe might have ſet there and never riſen again; and ſo Drummellier would have been diſappointed of his Dividend.

The Hamburgher Ships and the Ʋnicorn, being arriv'd at Leith, it was reſolv'd to carry them up the Fryth till the hardeſt of the Winter was over; but the Seamen (a great part of whom had been 11 or 12 Months in the Service, and as void of Faith as Money) would not move an inch till they were paid, altho' ſeveral of the Directors came Aboard to Interpoſe their Authority. This oblig'd a certain Committee to be appointted for their Payment, who brought down the Money to Leith, and endeavouring to ſhow themſelves Good Husbands for the Company, pinch'd may be 5, 6 or 7 Shillings out of each Man's Wages, (not for Dammages, for there was no Goods) which oblig'd the Sailors to give them a hearty Curſe to their Faces, ſo ſoon as they had got the Money in their Hats. All that was ſav'd in the Caledonia by this Management was within 40 l And when I told Little Blackwood my Sentiments of it at the Pay-Table, he reply'd, that it was no matter, every Little makes a Mickle, and the Company had need to ſave all they can. The Conſequence of this was, that when the Company had occaſion to fit out their Ships in the Spring, none of theſe Sailors that were worth the hanging, would Liſt themſelves, and we were oblig'd to take Tag, Rag and Bobtail, and ſuch as no Skipper in the Fryth would Eatertain. The Company indeed depended on their Country-Men who were diſcharg'd of the Engliſh Service on the Peace, but they were diſappointed, for none of them would leave Old England. So that when we came to Sea, we were ſo feebly Mann'd, (altho' we had Eaters enough) that if it had not been for the Land Officers and their Men, I am ſatisfy'd that our Ships had run away with us.

In July following, the Ships being ready to Sail, the Sea-men were paid off, and for their farther Encouragement, receiv'd 2 Months Pay Advance; as for the reſt, thoſe who are alive, muſt catch it if they can, tho' it may be gueſs'd what they have to truſt to, by the Defences which the Company makes at this time in Doctors-Commons, in an Action of Sea Wages they are ſued for. To wit, that the Company Transfer'd their Ships, Men and Cargo, over to the Collonie; that they are now two diſtinct Societies, that what Wages were due by the Company, were paid before the Ships went from Scotland; and altho' the Company advanc'd the foreſaid two Months Pay, yet it was not on their own account, but lent to the Collonie. This is a pretty honeſt Evaſion of the Company to cheat ſo many poor Men out of their Wages: I don't know what ſucceſs ſuch Defences will meet with in their own Courts, but they are now rejected in Doctors Commons, and the Money order'd to be brought into the Court.

But before I go any further, I'll give you a clearer View of this Transfer. The Company having laid out a round Summ of Money on this Expedition, thought the moſt probable way of ſeeing it again, was to charge the Collonie with it, to let them improve it the beſt way they could, and pay the Company certain Parcels of it at ſuch and ſuch Terms. They valu'd theſe three Ships and Cargo, with the two Tenders, (including the Proviſions and Mens Wages they had already paid) at 70000 l for which they took the Councils Bond to be paid as aforeſaid. They were likewiſe to have certain ſhares in the Mines, Minerals, &c. and to be free of Duties in the Collonies Ports, whereas Strangers were to pay 2 per Cent. (which was to be apply'd to the maintenance of the Collonies Forts, and other neceſſary Uſes.) Theſe Gentlemen, who gave their joynt Bond for this 70000 l were not worth ſo many Engliſh Pence; and the Tranſfer was ſo clandeſtinely carried on, that if it had been known to the Sea-men, or thoſe who expected Wages, there had not one Soul of them gone in the Service. And I dare be poſitive, that when we arriv'd in Darien, this Transfer was ſuch a ſecret, that it was not known to ten Men beſides the Councellors.

The Seamen being thus paid by the Company what was due to them, with the two Months advance, were made believe that when once theſe Landmen were ſet aſhore, they were to proceed on a Trading Voyage, and return to Scotland to be paid, wherewith they were well enough ſatisfy'd. The Landmen were ſtill in worſe Circumſtances, for they had no Pay, nor none to truſt to; only the hopes they were faten'd with of picking the Gold off the Leaves of the Trees, which few of them doubted of, that went on that foot. For the more formality of the thing, and to make it of a greater value, there was a kind of Indenture or Contract between the Company and theſe Landmen. The Soldiers were not to go under that Denomination, but that of Planters. The 60 Officers (12 of them had been Captains in Flanders, and the other 48 ſubalterns) were term'd Over-ſeers, Sub-Overſeers and Aſſiſtants. The true Myſtery of their cramp Names lay here, if I am not miſtaken: The Octroy empower'd the Company to liſt and entertain Soldiers for the Service of their Collonies, and to exerciſe Martial Diſcipline; but at the ſame time, what Souldiers they liſted in Scotland, muſt be with the Privy Councils leave firſt obtain'd. At the liſting and enrolling of theſe Land-men, the Company thought it in vain to ask the Council that ſavour, for ſome weighty Reaſons, which I ſhall not offer here; ſo took their own way of Chriſt'ning them, deſigning at the ſame time to make them anſwer the ſame ends, when once they got them between the Tropicks; and in the mean time, it was not neceſſary that theſe Land Officers, or Planting Soldiers ſhould know the ſecret of their Infirmity. I muſt tell you, that Pennycook, and ſome more of the Council were ſo ignorant of it, that if it had not been for one who was none of their Number, they had hang'd up ſome of the Land-men at Sea, to try their hand. And after we had been a while in the Collony, and the poor Men ſo ſtarv'd, that they were oblig'd to deſert to any body that could fill their Bellies, ſome 9 or 10 of theſe were brought back by a party; and ſince they found they could not hang them, without running the hazard of being hang'd themſelves for it afterwards, they chain'd great Weights of Iron to their Leggs, and condemn'd them for a certain number of years to Slavery. Theſe Actings were as unlegal as the other; for if by the Conſtitutions of the Collony their Port be free, and if theſe Men be Planters by the Indenture or Contract made with the Company, they are Freemen, and not lyable to the laſh of Martial Diſcipline.

The Terms of theſe Indentures run thus, That the Planters ſhould be mantain'd by the Company three Years; and what Ground they clear'd in that time, ſhould be diſpos'd of by the Colony, as they ſhould think fit; allowing 50 Acres to each Planter, with a Houſe in the Capital City of 50 foot ſquare; 100 Acres to each Officer, with a Houſe proportionable. And to ſet the greater value on that rich land, the Councellors themſelves, by the Conſtitutions, could not have above three Portions, to wit, 150 Acres. Theſe poor deluded Fellows had better ſold themſelves for the time in ſome of the Engliſh or French Plantations, and have got 18 or 20 l by the bargain, without either running the hazard of ſtarving, or of the Spaniſh Mines. And altho' there had been no danger of either, yet what could a naked man make of this 50 Acres of Ground, or of 500, at the three years end, if it were not to ſow Potatoes, Maez, and Plantains, and live as Adam did.

This is all the Encouragement theſe Gentlemen and Planters had to truſt to; and altho' moſt, or all the Officers had been liſted 4 or 5 Months before they were ſhip'd aboard, yet they had not a farthing allow'd them for their ſubſiſtance, but what the 12 Captains or Overſeers could pinch out of their Companies; neither could that be much, for their Planters were allow'd but 3 d. a day for their ſubſiſtance, from the date of their liſting, to their going on board; indeed about a Month before we ſail'd, upon a certain occaſion of the Land Officers grumbling, the Directors, out of their Benevolence, or rather to ſtop their Mouths, order'd 10 l for each Captain, with a Subſcription of 100 l in the Capital Stock (which was only 25 l Gift,) and for the Subalterns in Proportion; which generous Gratuity made all things eaſie.

The Contract or Charter Party between the Company and Council, was penn'd before the Councellors were created; but that ſignify'd little, for theſe Candidates would ſcarce have ſtuck at the Terms, tho' they had been harder. But to tell you the truth, they were to ſeek for Perſons fit for that purpoſe, and were glad to take ſuch as they could get. By the Conſtitutions a greed on by Rozy Mackenzie, and the Company, ſeven Councellors were to be created before the Ships ſail'd from Scotland, and theſe were to be inveſted with a Power to aſſume to the number of ſix more, as they ſhould ſee occaſion. I have reaſon to believe that the deſign of leaving theſe ſix Chairs vacant, was for the Encouragement of ſuch Engliſh or French Men of Subſtance, as ſhould come in and joyn them from the Weſt India Plantations.

To give you the Characters at large of theſe 7 Councellors, would be tedious; wherefore I deſire you may accept of this in ſhort. 1. James Cunningham led the Van, he had been a Major in the Scots Forces, and disbanded on the Peace; a Pillar of the Kirk, and never out of Scotland before. 2. Donald Macay, a Scrivener's or Writer's Clerk, newly come out of his Apprenticeſhip, but a Youth of good Parts. 3. — Veach, a Man of no Trade, but advanc'd to this Poſt on the account his Father was a godly Miniſter, and a Glorifier of God, I think in the Graſs-market. 4. Robert Jollie, a jolly Scotch over-grown Hamburger, who was ormerly a Skipper, and us'd the Shetland Trade, but had for ſome dozen years been ſet up at Hamburgh, in quality of Merchant; and after that a Broker, and now a Councellor. 5. Robert Pennycook, formerly a Surgeon in the Engliſh Navy, then a Lieutenant, and afterwards Commander of a Bomb; this Gentleman having gain'd Experience by being 21 years from Scotland in ſeveral Trades or Occupations, he was by a Stratagem of an Acquaintance of mine, call'd home to take this Poſt upon him, about 6 or 7 Weeks before we ſail'd, and was advanc'd by the Intereſt of the Krak Party, the better to ballance that of the Church, and to keep our Dr. M— a reputed Atheiſt, who would certainly have debauch'd both. Mr. Pennycook was not only Councellor, but likewiſe Captain, Commadore, and the very Orford of our Navy. 6. James Montgomrie, whoſe Deſignation I cannot well tell, but you may know him by the Story of the bloody Fight he had with the Spaniard, where ſo many hundred were kill'd and taken Priſoners, tho' at the ſame time there was never a Spaniard hurt. This Gentleman was formerly an Enſign in the Scots Guards, but not liking that Office, left it, and carry'd a brown Musket in another Regiment. The Reaſons of his Preferment to this Poſt, was his Grand-fathers being Earl of Eglington; and his own Father, by the Mothers ſide, being Major General Montgomrie. 7. Robert Pincarton, a good down right, rough ſpun Tar, never known before by any Deſignation or State Office, ſave that of Boatſwain to Sir William Phipps, when he was on the Wreck; and now, poor fello • , a Diver in the Spaniſh Mines at Carthagena.

Theſe were the ſeven wiſe Men, who were to divide Mexico and Peru amongſt them. Veach being ſick of the Voyage, ſtay'd at home; and on this occaſion William Paterſon, whom I hinted at before, having come from Scotland with us in quality of Voluntier (for he was in Diſgrace ſome Months before we came off; and his projecting Head growing too big to get out of the Ports of Edinburgh without an Engine, he was at his liberty either to go into the Tolbooth, or on board in this Station, which he pleas'd) was aſſum'd into the Senate in Veach's Place, after we had got ſo far as the Madera's on our Voyage.

I had almoſt forgot to tell you of our Clergy, with whom I ought, in good Manners, to have begun. Two Miniſters with a Journey-Man to take up the Pſalm, were commiſſion'd by the General Aſſembly, with full Inſtructions, I ſuppoſe, to diſpoſe of the Bibles among the Indians. One of theſe was an Extraordinary good Man, but he ow'd his Education to the Army in Flanders, where the Kirk Ruſt was rubb'd off him. The other was Young Headſtrong, as infallible as his Holineſs, Sawcy and as Impertinent as the Moderator himſelf. They thought to have eſtabliſht the Scotch Kirk Diſcipline in America, but having paſt the Tropick of Cancer, they could find ſuch a ſenſible Alteration in our Men, nay, in the Major himſelf, by the Influence of that Zone, that they began to diſpair of it, and their Heart-ſtrings being quite broke at the Sight of that dear Land of Promiſe, they juſt lookt upon it and ſo were gather'd to their Fathers. They were not much miſs't indeed; for the only Time we had Oceaſion for the Prieſtly Office, was the Marriage of Paterſon's Wifes Maid, after her Belly had been a Third up, and then her Maſter happening to be Praeſes, or high Prieſt for the Week, Celebrated it in as much Form, or perhaps more than if it had been done in a Scotch Kirk.

But before I leave Europe altogether; I muſt tell you One Paſſage more, which was a Secret to a great Part of the Court of Directors when we left Scotland, it being manag'd only by the private Committee, and 2 or 3 more. The Story runs thus, The Companyes, or rather private Committees Agents at London, had been for ſome time in Terms with Lionel Wafer to bring him into the Service, they had no poſitive Inſtructions to agree with him at firſt, but only to ſound him as to the Particulars of the Country of Darien. Wafer, it ſeems, was in Terms with ſome private Merchants of London, about ſending a Veſſel thither for Nicaragua Wood, to which he was to Pilot them; and about the ſame Time he was putting his Journals into the Preſs. Pennycook, before he left London, went with Mr. Fletcher a Scotch Gentleman and ſome others deſignedly to diſcourſe this Wafer, and having treated him at Pontacks, ſatisfy'd themſelves of his Capacity to ſerve the Company, they advis'd him not to be haſty in Publiſhing his Book, or at leaſt till he heard further from Scotland. There was a Collection of ſome Guineas amongſt theſe Gentlemen for Wafer, the better to back their Advice. When Pennycook arriv'd in Scotland he acquainted the private Committee with his Sentiments of Wafer, on which they wrote for Mr. Fletcher by the next Poſt to ſecure him for the Companies Service, and to make the eaſieſt Bargain he could.

Mr. Wafer had ſtood for ſome Months by-gone at 1000 l but now Mr. Fletcher being in Earneſt with him he agreed on the following Terms.

1. He was to ſerve the Company for the Space of 2 Years in their Expedition, for which the Company was to pay him 750 l whereof 50 l ready down. 2. He was forthwith to proceed to Edinburgh, and there to anſwer ſuch Queſtions as the private Committee or Committee of Trade ſhould ask him. 3. In Conſideration of 20 Guineas more, which hethen received in hand, he was to put a Stop to the Publiſhing his Book for the ſpace of a Month; and when he came to Edinburgh, if the Company and he could not come to Terms for the ſuppreſſing it altogether, then he was either at Liberty to go in their Service for the foreſaid 700 l or to return to England, which he pleas'd. 4. You may eaſily perceive ſomething, Myſtical in the wording of theſe Articles, whereby the Company might ſhake their Neck out of their Nooſe, but that Mr. Fletcher mean't it ſo, I will not ſay, but am rather willing to believe he was ſincere and ignorant of the Companies Deſign on him.

Mr. Wafer, Purſuant to the Contract, (having order'd his Affairs in England for his Voyage to Darien,) took Poſt for Scotland, and on the Road paſt by the Name of Brown, by the Committees Direction. He was ſtopt at Haddinton, 12 Miles ſhort of Edinburgh, by Mr. Pennycook, who was order'd to Lodge him at Mr. Fletcher's Houſe, about 2 Miles Wide of that Road, and there he was to ſtay till the Committee ſhould come to him, leaſt by his going into Edinburgh he ſhould be ſeen by Paterſon or Lodge, (who at this Time were kept in the Dark as to the Companies Reſolutions,) or by any other Perſon that might know him. The private Committee came to him next Day, and having enter'd on Buſineſs, askt him firſt, if he had order'd his Affairs ſo in England that he needed not return. He anſwered that he had, and was ready to go abroad at 48 Hours warning: To this they reply'd, that it was very well, tho'by the Sequel of the Story you'll find it none of their Meaning.

During the firſt 2 or 3 Days Conferences, the Subject of the Diſcourſe was Darien, of which he unboſſom'd himſelf freely. And for their further Incouragement, he ingaged to lead them to a Treaſure of Nicaragua Wood, whereof 300 Men could cut down ſo much in Six Months, as ſhould defray the whole Charge of the Expeditinn, which if he did not perform he ſhould forfeit his Title to the 700 l Premium agreed on. The Gentlement were curious in Informing themſelves whereabouts this Treaſure was, whither it was near the Sea or any River whence it could be eaſily Shipt Aboard. Wafer, not ſuſpecting any Deſign upon him by Perſons of ſo noted Characters, reſolv'd them in every Particular, and pointed out the very Spot of Ground, where it grows, with the Bearings and Diſtance of it from Golden Iſland. They now thinking themſelves Cock-ſure of the Treaſure, and ſufficiently Inſtructed as to the Country, had no more Occaſion for Wafer, and believ'd that the 700 l Pilotage might be ſav'd, to help to fetch up Smith's Summ.

Next Night he has brought into Edinburgh under Pretence of a nearer Communication, and was lodg'd in a private Cell near the Companies Office Three Pair of Stairs high, where he could ſcarce diſtinguiſh between Sun Light and Moon Light; and here he was oblig'd to keep cloſe leaſt by being ſeen abroad the Project ſhould take Air. Wafer was well enough pleas'd with his Confinement, having ſtill the 700 l in View; but as there's no Certainty in Sublunary Things, ſo the Pilot miſt of his Mark; for in a Day or two afterwards ſome Gentlement of the Committee came to him and with abundance of Concern, made him underſtand, that the Project had taken Wind in England, that Admiral Bembo was lying with a Squadnon at Spithead, to wait their Motion; and that it was reſolv'd that very Morning, in the Secret Committee, to alter their Darien Project. Wafer being ſomewhat daunted at the News, had but little to ſay to the Matter: And theſe Gentlemen to blind him the more, ask'd him ſeveral Queſtions about the Rivers of Platte and Amazones (both 1000 Leagues wide of Darien,) and whether he could be ſerviceable to them that way; to which he anſwered, No.

Thus they parted from him, ſhewing a great Concern for their own Diſappointment, as well as his; telling him withal, That ſince they could not go in his Darien Project, they would think of a Gratuity ſit for him, which he might expect that Evening.

This Gratuity was the Sum of Twenty Guineas, which he receiv'd by the Hand of Mr. Pennycook: And I ſuppoſe he was now at Liberty to Print his Book, for I think he was never ſo much as Commun'd with about it. I was order'd to ſee him out of Town, which gave me an Opportunity of having the mournful Story Recapitulated, whereof neither he nor I at that time knew the Draught. It was not neceſſary to enjoin Wafer to conceal his Scotch Journey from the Engliſh, his own Intereſt obliging him to keep it huſh, ſince the greateſt Remedy he could expect was to be laught at. However, I dare ſay, he hath acquired ſo little Knowledge of Edinburgh (except what he learn'd of the Company,) that if he were to return to that City, he could no more find the Way to his Lodging, than the Company could to the Nicaragua Wood, notwithſtanding they thought themſelves ſo ſure of it by Directions.

I was afterwards one of thoſe who went for ſeveral Miles along the Coaſt, in Search of this Treaſure, but were oblig'd to give it o'er: And in Lieu of this, our Men were order'd to fell ſeveral kinds of ſtrange Trees, which naturally grow in the Colony's Garden.

Theſe were ſquared and cut in Ten Foot Peices, for the eaſier Stowage, and were to be ſent Home by the firſt Ship, to ſee if the Company's Virtuoſo's could find any Lebanon amongſt them.

When they come, I dare ſay, they will Puzzle the General Aſſembly to find Names for them all, for I can ſcarce think that Old Nunkle trotted ſo far Weſt to Chriſten them.

But that I may now take leave of the Company (whom I am unwilling to part with as yet if it were not for fouling too much Paper) and hale my Topſail-ſheets home for my Voyage to Darien: I muſt acquaint you that about 7 or 8 months before we ſail'd, a Committee was order'd for the diſpatch of buſineſs, viz. for the victualling and ſitting out of the Fleet. I was ordered to aſſiſt at two or three meetings of this Committee with my advice in the Victualling part (that for ſome time before lying within my Province) and they having told me that 900 men was the Compliment they deſign'd for this Expedition, and that they muſt regulate the daily expence according to the ſtore they had, ſo as to make it hold out 9 months; this was ſoon done, and if we had been ready to ſail then, the Proviſions might have held out according to the calculation: but our Maſters being no Witches at their craft a third of their Proviſions were expended before we could be ready to ſail. There was none to be had in Scotland, and if there had there was no Money to go to Market; the 100000 l being ſunk, and the Companies credit not worth two pence, notwithſtanding the glorious ſhow our Ships made from the Caſtle-hill of Edinburgh. And I have reaſon to believe, that we had ſtuck there as well as the Riſing Sun did in the Pompoſſe, if it had not been for ſome few Pillars of the Company who mortgag'd their Eſtates for 4 or 5000 l for which the Company made over the two new Ships at Hamburgh and the Riſing Sun at Amſterdam for their ſecurity. It was not convenient to let our men know the ill ſtate of our Proviſions; but on the other hand, there was ſuch a noiſe made or our plenty, and of our having a twelve months ſtore of all kinds for 1000 men, that it was like to have ſet us all by the ears together before we were long at Sea. This management was principally due to Mr. Robert Blackwood one of that Committee, a little buſy-body, who took this part of it upon him, and is now in diſgrace for the ſame. Whether he deſerves it altogether himſelf I will not ſay; but however, the Company thinks it neceſſary he ſhould be the Sacrifice, altho one half of their Collars is not enough to attone for what ſo many brave Fellows has ſuffered.

Having ſail'd from Leith about three days I acquainted Mr. Pennycook with my doubts as to the Proviſions, and how neceſſary it was the Council ſhould be ſatisfied of our ſtore before it were too late. Next day he made the Signal for the Counſellors to repair on board, and the Purſers of the ſeveral Ships were ordered to lay an account before them of what Proviſions they ſtood charged with. This done, I was ordered to calculate the whole and make a Report how long the ſtore would hold out at the uſual allowance for 1050 men, our Compliment being thereabouts. I could not make above 5 months and a half of any ſpecie except Stock-fiſh, of which we had full 11 months, and that at 4 days of the week, but had not above 4 months Butter and Oyl to it. The Council deſign'd to put into the Orkney's to ſend an Expreſs to the Company and give them an account of the ſlate of Proviſions, but meeting with thick and bad weather in the paſſing of them, we were obliged to go on; and having calculated that ſtore to hold out 9 months, our men were forthwith put to that ſharp allowance. This occaſion'd ill blood enough, and I was like to have got my throat cut for being the Author of it. As for our Drink, we had not above ten tunn of Beer in our Navy when we left Leith; but in lieu thereof we were aſſur'd by the Company, that we ſhould take in Wine at Madera's, for which they had ſent us credit on Mr. Miles, who had Effects in his hands of one William Arbuckles a Director; dut being come thither, we found this to be a miſtake, to ſay no worſe on't. Our men now being at ſuch ſhort allowance, and no other Drink to truſt to but ſtinking Water, did not know how to brook it well.

The Officers and Gentlemen Voluntiers, who had brought but little money with them (being in hopes that there was enough before them) were obliged to ſell their moveables to Jack Portugueeſe, ſuch as Scarlet Coats, Clooks and Swords, wherewith they purchas'd a little Wine for themſelves. The Senate was in the ſame caſe, for they had no Caſh in their Bank, and being under ſuch another neceſſity as David was when he eat the Shew-bread, made bold with the ſeveral Ships ſtock-purſes, wherein was only 100 l for each Ship, and 10 l for each Tender, in caſe they ſhould meet with any diſaſter at' Sea and be oblig'd to be put into a Foreign Port. With this Money, and a few Pipe-ſtaves, they purchas'd 27 Pipes of Wine, and a ſmall recruit of freſh Proviſions. But this would not have gone far, for if it had been ſerv'd out but at a quarter of a pint a day to each man it would not have held out above ſix weeks.

That you may taſt a little of our Proviſions as well as I, you muſt know that our Stock-fiſh was the beſt, if there had been a proportion of Butter or Oyl to it. Our Beef was 3 fourths Iriſh, and the reſt Scotch, both alike ſit for a long Voyage. There was about a fifth part of the Iriſh ſtall-ſed, the reſt graſs Beef, and the whole about 18 months in ſalt. As for our Bread, 27000 l weight of it was made up of damnified Wheat which was bought cheap, and the money of it is now in the pocket of a Director, whoſe Chriſtian Name is Drummellier. This Bread was not ſit for dogs to eat, but it was a mercy we had a good many Highlanders in our Legion, who were not uſed to feed on much of God's Creatures that's hallowed. The Pork was indifferent good, but there being no great ſtore of it aboard we reſerv'd it always for our Sundays dinner. As for Cheeſe, we had none, by reaſon, I ſuppoſe, that only ſerves for concoction, or to create an appetite.

Thus we march'd as the Scots Armies did in former days with their 40 days Proviſions on their backs againſt their Enemies; whom if they did not meet before that term was expir'd they diſpers'd and went home again. But their caſe and ours differ'd in ſome eſſentials, theſe were never far from home, knew what to truſt to, and if they happen'd to be diſappointed of the Enemies Plunder, they could make bold with their Neighbours Chickens while they were on the Road, and that never reckon'd Stealing: But we were ſent to the back of Gods elbow, where we could ſee nothing but Death, ſtarving and the Spaniſh Mines before our Eyes, and although our inclinations were never ſo ſtrong to borrow any of our Neighbours goods, yet our power was always deficient.

But now to proceed on our Voyage, and give you the remarkable Occurrances of it and of our Darien entertainment; you are to know that we left the Edinburgh Fyrth on July the 17th. 1698, and having fetch'd a turn round the Orkney's we arriv'd at Madera's about the laſt of Auguſt, and ſtaid there 5 or 6 days, till we purchas'd the foreſaid 27 Pipes of Wine. Here the Council open'd their Inſtructions, by which they were ordered to Steer to Crabb-Iſland, and take poſſeſſion of it in the name of the Company and Nation of Scotland, and leave a ſmall deteachment there. This Iſland lies to Leeward of St. a Cruz, about 9 Leagues, to windward of Porto-Rico, about 5 Miles and 18 Leagues from St. Thomas a Daniſh Iſland. Having made the Iſland of St. a Cruz, our Senate order'd the Ʋnicorn and one of the Tenders into St. Thomas, to get ſome Pilates for the Main, and to return to us at Crabb-Iſland. While the Council ſat on this occaſion, we drove to the Northward-moſt end of St. a Cruz, and not being in too much haſt to come to an Anchor at Crabb-Iſland, we fetch'd a trip to Windward round St. a Cruz, which occaſion'd the diſappointment of our ſettlement; for our Miſſioners to St. Thomas having innocently ſcatter'd ſome words there of our Crabb deſign, the Governour forthwith diſpatch'd a Sloop with ten Men and an Officer to take poſſeſſion of it in the name of Denmark; ſo that at our arrival in the Bay, or Road of Crabb-Iſland, we could ſee a large Tent aſhore with the King of Denmark's Colours flying. Our Senate ſent aſhore to know the meaning of it, and were made ſenſible that they came too late. Next day the Ʋnicorn and Tender arriv'd, having brought with them one Alliſon, who Commanded a Sloop in that Squadron of Privateers, who had landed at Golden-Iſland, and march'd over the Iſthmus, about 18 Years ago. We were glad of ſuch a Pilot, for there was no Man in our Fleet that had ever been on the Spaniſh Coaſt. We left Crabb Iſland the ſecond of October, and having met with Southerly and Weſterly winds for 3 Weeks or a Month together, it was the ſecond of November before we came to an Anchor on the Darien Coaſt. We lay becalm'd a Week between Cartagena and Cape Tiburoon (which is the Weſtermoſt point of the Gulph of Darien) where for want of any Air, but what was Sulphurous, our Men fell down and died like rotten Sheep.

We came to an Anchor about 7 Leagues to the Northweſt of Cape Tiburoon, and altho' we were cloſe by Golden Iſland, yet neither our Pilate, nor any perſon elſe knew the Land, till the Indians inform'd us. The Ʋnicorn being the firſt Ship that came to an Anchor ſent her Boat aſhore; where having left an hoſtage with ſome Indians, who had a Plantation there, two Canous with a few Indians came on board the Ships. The Canou which came to the St. Andrew where I was had Captain Andreas on board, who was afterwards the Companies and Collonies Landlord: They were ſome hours aboard before we could make them underſtand us, altho a Jew (who was our Linguiſt) endeavour'd it with his Spaniſh, Portugueſe, French and Dutch; till once they were got drunk with our Punch and Madera Wine, and then Captain Andreas with his Lieutenant ſpoke it as faſt and much better than our Jew. Having got their load they were not able to go aſhore that night; and next day we weigh'd and came into the Bay within Golden Iſland, which is about 4 or 5 Miles wide and deep. And having ſounded with our Boats along the ſhore, we found a Lagoon on the South-Eaſt ſide of this Bay, which runs up within the Land about two Miles and a half; this appearing to be a good Harbour for us, we went into it and Chriſtened it, by the name of Caledonia Harbour. The mouth or entry of this Harbour is a large Mile over, and ſo ſteep too on both ſides that a Ship may go ſo near as to throw a Bisket-cake aſhore. One ſide of the Harbour towards the Sea is a vaſt Mountain and Peninſula, being joyn'd to the Main at the bottom of the Harbour, by a neck of low Land, about 3 or 400 Paces over. The extream point of this Peninſula, which makes one ſide of the Harbours mouth, is a low and flat piece of Sandy ground, containing about 30 Acres, and divided from the Peninſula by another neck of 180 Paces over from Sea to Sea. This was pitch'd upon as the ſtrongeſt Sanctuary in caſe of attacks, as likewiſe for the convenience of a battery towards the Harbours mouth: We Chriſten'd this piece of ground by the name New Edinburgh, and the Platform of 16 Guns which we made there was call'd Fort St. Andrew. The neck of Land was cut through to let the Sea encompaſs the New City and Fort, and part it from the Peninſula, and within the Treneh a breaſt-work with a Parapet was rais'd, and a half baſtion at each end. On the other ſide of the Trench the Trees were fell'd, and the ground clear'd for a Muſquet-ſhot round, to give us a fair proſpect of the Spaniard, in caſe of an attack. This piece of ground was the Scotch Collony; as for the Peninſula it ſelf, it might have been fortify'd with ſome labour and pains, but not thinking it convenient to part ſo few men to defend theſe two Poſts, it was reſolv'd by the Council to ſtick cloſe by this and fortify it to the beſtad-vantage. As for the oppoſite point on the Main, which makes the other ſide of the entry into the Harbour, it is a high ridge of a Mountain which with a ſharp or edg'd end butts into the Sea, and ſo croſly contriv'd that it would puzzle all the Inginiers in Europe to plant a Gun on it that could do any Service. So that at beſt, this Harbour is only a ſhelter from bad weather, the Platform call'd Fort St. Andrew being of little uſe to defend it; the Ships indeed by bringing a Spring on their Cables, and their Broadſides to bear towards the mouth of the Harbour, might ſerve for ſo advantagious a Battery, as one Ship within the Harbour might be as good as two that came in to attack them, the nature of which ſtrength may eaſily be comprehended by any Seafaring men.

But to return to our Landlord and the other Indians; Captain Andreas's Plantation was amongſt the Mountains, about 4 miles from our Harbour; the extent of his Government was from Carrit-bay about 8 or 9 miles on one ſide of us, and Golden Iſland about 5 miles on the other ſide, ſuch a portion of Land being the Lairdſhip or Kingdom of theſe Captains whom the Buccaneers, Privateers and Scotch Company would have to be Kings and Sovereign Princes. At our firſt Landing, Captain Andreas came down and lookt on us, and ſeem'd to be well enough ſatisfy'd with his new Tenants (he thinking it in vain to appear otherwiſe, for if he had muſter'd his whole Clan to oppoſe us, 6 of our men with fire-arms were enough to conquer him) but what his ſentiment was will appear by the ſequel. After that Viſit he did not come near us for 3 or 4 weeks; and during this time the mighty noiſe of our Force ſpreading all along that Shore, and the hopes we gave them of reſtoring them to their ancient Liberty and Greatneſs, there came Canous with Indians from all the neighbouring parts to view us: it was our intereſt to make them welcome, ſo that they came daily to us without any dread, and having ſtaid till we were weary of them, went home again with ſome little preſents of Beads, Looking-glaſſes, or Knives. About the ſame time Captain Ambroſio came from the Weſtward to us, with a Periaga full of Indians, to the number of 30, including Men, Women and Children, (for when they travel they carry their whole Families with them) and having come within half a mile of our Ships they ſet up a Flag of Truce, and lay on their Oars till our Pinnaces went out and aſſur'd them that they ſhould be ſafe. This Ambroſio is one of their greateſt Captains, and at preſent an Outlaw, or if you will, at war with the Spaniard, having murder'd 10 of them at the Iſle of Pines ſometime agoe: his Plantation and Government is about 50 miles to Leeward of the Collony, and about half way between and the Samballa's Iſlands. He was made very welcom, ſtaid 2 or 3 days, and told us that we were not ſafe in Captain Andreas's Ground by reaſon he was a Spaniſh Captain and a very Spaniard in his heart, and although he ſeem'd to be well enough ſatisfy'd with our landing in his Ground, yet he was not to be truſted but came purely with a deſign to ſpy us. Captain Andreas abſenting himſelf ſo long from the Collony added to the ſame ſuſpicion, and our Senatours being reſolv'd to know more of it, 3 of their number went on a Viſit to his Plantation, and having enter'd his Wigwam (or Cage-like houſe) he ſat ſtill on his Seat without ſaying one word to them, or ſeeming to know that he ever had ſeen them before, although he was made heartily drunk at both the times he was on board. Mr. Pennycook and the others having met with this cold Entertainment from Captain Andreas (for they were not offer'd ſo much as a Plantain or Callabaſh of Drink, which is the uſual Entertainment the Indians give to their Friends at their firſt entry) came home again confirm'd of what Ambroſio and the other Indians had hitherto ſaid. The next time Capt. Ambroſio came he inſiſted on the ſame ſtory, and would needs perſwade us to remove from that place and come nearer to him, where we needed not apprehend any betraying deſign from him by reaſon his killing of theſe 10 Spaniards at the Iſle of Pines, and taking that Periaga with a braſs Pitterara could never be forgiven by them. Our Council met on this occaſion, where it was order'd that Pennycook, Montgomery, Macay and Pinparton Counſellors, with Robert Drummond Commander of the Caledonia ſhould go to Ambroſio's, with the Long-boats and Pinnaces mann'd with 70 Fire-arms, and on their way to ſound all the Harbours along the Coaſt. I was deſir'd by theſe Gentlemen to go with them, and having ſtopt the firſt Night at the Iſle of Pines, 6 Leagues to Leeward of the Collony, where Captain Long was riding in His Majeſty's Ship the Rupert Prize, we lodg'd that Night on Board with him. The next day we proceeded on our Expedition ſounding the Coaſt, where we ſound ſome good Harbours that were able to contain all the Navy of England, but they could not be fortify'd ſo as to hinder the Enemy from coming in. When we arciv'd at Ambroſio's little River or Brook we landed, and were Piloted by his Son Captain Pedro to the Plantation, which is about a league from the Sea, and is ſo cunning and obſcure, that without a Guide it is impoſſible for any man to find the way to it. We croſt one River eleven times, wading always up to the middle, and I believe we could have gone a nearer way if they would, but they do this deſignedly, that the Path or Road may not be found out by the Spaniard. Being arriv'd at the Plantation, Captain Ambroſio came out of his Wigwam about 30 Paces and welcom'd us, he had a white Cotton Frock on fring'd at the bottom, and his Court or Clann behind him (who were all muſter'd on this occaſion) to the number of thirty men beſides Women and Children; they were in ſuch Frocks as Ambroſio's, and had ſhort Lances in their hands: He carry'd us into his Wigwam, and his Wives gave every one of us a Plantain and Callabaſh of their drink (which is made of Indian Corn, and like unboil'd Flummery) this being all the Food we got till the next day at noon we came down to our Boats, except a diſh of mine'd Meat of Wild Hogg, wherein was about two pound of Meat, which ſerv'd to give us a taſt of their fineſt Cheer. We hung in Hammocks that Night in Ambroſio's Wigwam amongſt his and his Son Pedro's Wives, and our men lay without round a large Fire that was made for them. Next morning Ambroſio went out betimes with 3 or 4 of his men to hunt for us, but there being no appearance of his return at noon, and our Belliers crying Cupboard, we did not ſtay to bid him fare well; and his Son Captain Pedro having re-conducted us to the Sea ſide, deſir'd the Linguiſt to tell Captain Pennycook, that his Father and he expected ſome Preſent for that Entertainment. We had brought nothing with us at that time, ſo told him, that the next time his Father came to the Collony the Council would thank him, and give him ſomething, which afterwards was two pieces of Scotch Cloth, two Fire-locks, and ſome Pouder, with a few Shot, wherewith he was mightily pleas'd.

Having return'd to the Collony, and a Report of the Expedition being made in Council, and the Port where we were reckon'd the moſt ſecure, it was reſolv'd to remain there, diſpatch the Fortification with all expedition, and make the beſt Bargain with Andreas we could. On the laſt of November, being St. Andrew's, day, it was manag'd ſo (but how I cannot reſolve you) that Captain Andreas came aboard the St. Andrew, where was a Feſtival on the account of the Day, and he being ask'd by the Linguiſt, why he was ſo uncivil to the Councellours when they came to viſit him in his Plantation, he anſwer'd, That he meant no harm, and that they muſt impute it to his Ignorance of the European Cuſtoms (altho' this Tale could not come well from one that was bred among the Spaniards) and not to his want of good-will. He was deſir'd to ſit down and ſhare with them, the Linguiſt telling him the occaſion of that Feaſt.

After Dinner, the great Bowl of Punch being ſet on the Table (the ſight of which was pleaſant enough to Andreas) the Council was reſolv'd to puſh the thing home, and told him what Ambroſio and the other Indians ſaid of him; to which he reply'd almoſt verbatim, as follows, That he could not deny but that he was a Spaniſh Captain, and had been ſo a long time; that the reaſon of his ſhewing the Collony ſo little Countenance was, by reaſon ſomeSee Hiſtory Buchaneers. 16 or 17 years paſt, the Engliſh and French landed in that very Ground, being 12 or 13 hundred in number, and made them believe they were come to free them from the Spaniſh Yoke, and reſtore them to their own Country; his Friends and Relations join'd and aſſiſted them at the taking of Sancta Maria and other Towns on the South Sea, and likewiſe ſerv'd on board their Ships with them in their South Sea Expeditions, till at two years end they found, that all their deſign was on the Spaniſh Plunder, and having got that, leſt them expos'd to the Cruelty of the Spaniard, who have cut off moſt of the Indians thereabouts, and that for ſeveral Years they were oblig'd to live obſcurely in the Mountains; as for himſelf and Friends, they were oblig'd to accept of the Spaniard's Terms; but at the ſame time, if he thought that the Collony were ſincere, and that their Nation could protect him and this Kindred, he was ready to break with the Spaniard and join with them. Few words more were made of it, the Council accepted of his proſer, and promis'd great things enough for the Nation, and the Secretary was order'd immediately to make out a Commiſſion for Andreas. It was made on Parchment with the Collonies Seal and a fine Ribband affixt to it, the tenor whereof run thus. Captain Andreas having deſir'd Protection from the Collony for himſelf and the other Indians under him, the Council does hereby take him and them into their Protection, and appoints the foreſaid Andreas to be one of their Scots Collonies Captains, to command all the Indians that's already in his Ground, and to fight againſt and deſtroy the Enemies of the Collony of what Nation ſoever. This Commiſſion was wrote in Engliſh and read to him by the Jew in Spaniſh; and for the more ſolemnity of the thing, the Council gave him one of the Long-Boats Jacks to wear in his Canou, a Fuzee, and a pair of Piſtols, and a Basket-hilted Sword, and fir'd 21 Guns at his Inauguration. In the Evening Captain Andreas went aſhore with his Flag ſlying and the other enſigns of his Honour, except The Commiſſion, which I found the day following cram'd into a Locker of the Round-houſe where empty Bottles lay. What the meaning of leaving his Commiſſion behind him was I could not apprehend, 〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉 but the next time he came aboard it was given him.

The Collony's Affair continu'd thus till Chriſtmaſs, during which time the Neighbouring Indian Captains came to viſit us, to wit, Captain Poſſigo, young Diego, another Pedro Antonio, and Nicola, who generally uſed to rail at one another behind their Backs, but all agreed that Andreas was not to be truſted notwithſtanding his new Commiſſion. Ambroſio was with us during the Chriſtmaſs Holy-days, and having met with Caprain Andreas on Board the St. Andrew (whom he always look'd on as his mortal Enemy) reproach'd him with his Villany, by telling him, that he was ſtill a Spaniard altho' he took the Collony's Commiſſion: This occaſion'd ſome blows between them, and both Parties were going to fall on, if they had not been parted by our Seamen. They were kept aſunder till the Evening, and then Mr. Pennycook perſuading Ambroſio to be reconcil'd to him (or at leaſt, to appear ſo) a Bowl was made and the Friendſhip made up, they ſeem'd then to be good Friends all that Night, till about the time that they were to go to ſleep, poor Captain Andreas either fellor was tumbl'd down the main Hatch-way into the Hold, where lighting on a ſpare Anchor that lay there, he was ſo bruiz'd that he gave up the ghoſt ſoon afterwards. No body could tell how this accident happen'd, only two things were remarkable in it: That the Hatches of the Hold were always lock'd down at Nights by reaſon the ſharpneſs of our Diet made ſome Men watch all opportunities of getting into the Hold where the Oatmeal and Beef lay, but they were fairly open this Night. The other is, that there was no care taken while he was aboard to bleed him, or give him any thing inwardly to keep the Blood fluid and from ſettling on the bruiz'd parts, but laid him up till next Day his Wife and Relations carry'd him a-ſhore double.

Captain or King Andreas having made his Exit thus, his Brother-in-Law Captain Pedro, with the intereſt or advice of the Senate, was Seated on his Throne, and he prov'd ſo friendly to the Collony that about 12 days after his Advancement a Party of Spaniards to the number of 26, being ſent to view the Scots, came ſtreight to Captain Pedro's or Andreas his Government, deſiring ſome of his Men to Pilot them to ſome convenient place where they might view the Scots Fortification and Ships, theſe Indians ingaged it, but adviſed them to lie cloſs for a day or two, untill they view'd whether or no the Coaſt was clear and no Scots Parties abroad, So having poſted them on the ſide of a ſmall River, left them and inform'd the Collony of what they had done: On which Captain Montgomery Detach'd a Party of a 100 Men, and went round in their Boats, carrying theſe Indians along with them: as they were rowing up this narrow River, the In lians of a ſudden gave the Hollow, that the Scots might know they were upon them, but before they could fee any body by reaſon of the thickneſs of the Woods, the Spaniards pour'd in a Volley of ſmall Shot amongſt them, kill'd one Enſign Sainton, with two more, and wounded 14, and then run as faſt as they could, our Men Landed and perſu'd them, but caught none of them, ſave this Domingo de la Rada, and two more Common Soldiers, of whom the Proprietors of the Flying-Poſt have made ſuch a noiſe theſe five or ſix Months paſt.

This is the ground of the Companies title to the Iſthmus of Darien, and that was the Bloody Fight wherein ſo many hundreds of Spaniards were kill'd and taken Priſoners. Our Men being reduc'd to the foremention'd ſhort Allowance, and wrought every day from Sun to Sun in felling of Trees, and Fortifying themſelves, and feeing but little appearance of the Riches they were told of, began to be very faint-hearted. Several deſerted from the Shore, and ſome of our beſt Men from the Ships, no body knew whether; and eight or nine of thoſe who were caught and brought back again confeſs'd that they were going in to the Spaniards, where they might expect more Victuals and leſs Slavery than what they had there.

Notwithſtanding theſe general murmurings, the Council could not augment the Allowance, without runing the hazard of ſtarving a Month or two ſooner, for there's no kind of Food to be had in that Mountainous & Woody Country, ſave Plantains, Bonnano's Potato's and Indian Corn, which are ſo ſcarce by reaſon of the few Natives, that our Men ſold their New Shirts to the Indians for 20 or 24 Plantains a piece, which would not ſerve a Man above three or four days, and our Council were oblig'd to give ſtrict Orders that no Man ſhould ſell his Cloaths, elſe I verily believe our Men had been naked in two months after our Landing. They were oblig'd to a certain Animal call'd a Sojour, which is a ſmall Land Crab, that is hous'd in a ſhell like that of a Wilk; Theſe Sojours were very plentiful at our firſt Landing, but they ſoon fail'd; and then our Men eat the inner rind of the bark of great Iree, which was not unpleaſant to the taſt, but it being of no nouriſhment, and thought to be unwholeſome, they were diſcharged to eat of it. I doubt not but there's plenty of Fiſh on that Coaſt, but our Company furniſhing us only with a ſmall. Net made of Packthread for each Ship, they could catch no more in a day than what ſerv'd the Counſellors and Sea Captains; and theſe Nets ſoon fail'd too. We made a ſhift to make a couple of Turtle Nets out of the ſtore of Lines or ſmall Cord we had aboard, but then we had not a Veſſel that was fit to go a Turtling, till after ſome time, two of the Jamaico Sloops who had brought and ſold their Cargo of Proviſions to the Collony were hir'd by them to Turtle for them: Theſe Sloops ſtaid about a month in their Service, till they had got ſo many Turtle for them as by contract came to a 100 and odd Pounds, and finding that there was neither Money nor Money's worth to be had in the Collony, they broke off with them, and with much a do could get ſo much Money as to ſatisfie them for their Service. They had ſome dependance on the wreck of a French Ship which wascaſt away coming out of the Harbour the day before Chriſtmas, ſhe having near 40000 l in Doubloons and Dollars on board, which ſhe had got by trading on the Spaniſh Coaſt, but I am told by ſome perſons who are come home ſince I came, that they could not recover any thing of it, by reaſon of the continual ſwell that beats on that ſhore. Here (in Parentheſi) I was Shipwrack:d, had my Servant drow'd, and loſt the few Goods I had with Bag and Baggage, and if it had not been for the little Money which I ſaved I had not found the way home as yet: As for the Gold and Riches of that Country, I heard enough but ſaw little of it; I preſume if there were ſuch ſtore, the Spaniards would not have left it ſo expos'd. Theſe Kings or Captains who came down to us might bring perhaps half an Ounce or an Ounce at a time with them and ſell it for Powder and Shot, and at firſt for a ſpeckled Shirt, but there came ſo little of this Commodity amongſt us that it would be long time before a Man could load his Pocket with it, much leſs a Dutch built Ship. What Gold I purchas'd there it coſt me 3 l 10 s. per ounce, and I believe I brought as much of it away with me to England as moſt of thoſe Counſellors who are come home ſince, notwithſtanding the noiſe which they made of it.

I left the Collony the 27th of December, at the ſame allowance as we were reduc'd to in July, when we left Scotland; only there was an allowance of Madera Wine after our Landing, to wit, an Engliſh Quart to a Meſs (being 5 Men) once a Week: Two Quarts to each Captain once a Week, of which theſe Gentlemen made only one want, and the Night they got their Allowance, they went as merry to Bed as if they had been in their Winter Quarters at Ghent or Bruſſels, altho they were ablig'd to drink fair Water for a Week afterwards: As for the Subalterns, when I came off, they were not allow'd one Spoonful.

Thus you ſee how a 1050 Men were ſent by the Scotch Company on a blind Project, of getting Riches for them with five or ſix months Allowance at moſt, no Credit, and a ridiculous Cargo, neglected by them, and expos'd to Famine Death and the Spaniſh Mines. How the Company will ſhake this miſcariage from off themſelves I cannot ſee: However, I will give you a ſample of what they will be ready to offer in their own vindication.

Firſt, Their being baulkt of their foreign Subſcriptions made them loſe Time and Money, whereby they could not ſend out ſuch a number of Men and quantity of Proviſions as the Project would have required. But who is to blame for this, why ſhould they truſt to another Man's Purſe till ſuch time they are ſure of it? Why did they prodigally throw away 50000 l in Holland and Hambrough (purely to make a bluſter there) when they could have bought 3 Second-hand-Ships as fit for their Project, for the third of the Money? And ſince their deſign was to ſettle a Collony and Forts on the North and South Seas, why did not they apply themſelves rightly to it? That which might have been honeſtly ſav'd out of this 50000 l might have carried over above 2000 Men with 12 months Proviſions of every Specie at good allowance. I have made this appear in Scotland ſome time ago, and ſince to ſome of the greateſt Men in the Company.

The ſecond Reaſon they will be apt to offer is this, the Ships were Mann'd, the Sea-men and Land-men Liſted and on board, no Proviſions to be had in Scotland, while more were providing abroad, theſe aboard ſtill were expending; beſides, there was no Money in the Caſh-room, nor any more to be had from the Subſcribers, till once the Ships were ſail'd, many being ſo ſick of the Project, that they doubted whether they ſhould ever paſs the Baſs. If this ſhould be allow'd to paſs for Current it may reaſonably be ask'd whether five or ſix Months Proviſions ſhould have laſted to this time. If ever they expected to hear any more of their Ships, ought they not to have call'd in more Money on our departure, and provided Proviſions inſtantly, and had Ships with us by Christmas, or January at fartheſt; whereas none ſail'd from Leith till May, which was near two Months after they receiv'd the Collonies Packet. If they pretended to be ignorant of our neceſſity before this Packet came, they had no excuſe afterwards, they knew our want, as like wife that they had not ſent a Groats-worth of Credit with us to any part of the World, altho now when its too late, they have made a faſhion of doing it in NewEngland.

The third Reaſon they will make great uſe of is this, that at the ſetling of Barbadoes, and ſeveral other Weſt-india Iſlands, as likewiſe the American ſettlements on the Main, the People met with a great many hardſhips, and the like are to be expected at the beginning of all ſuch Settlements. To this I anſwer, that at ſuch Settlements the Undertakers and Planters know what they are going about, and what to truſt to, which is no ways parallel with the Caſe of the Company, for thoſe being on an honeſt deſign had no more in their view than the Bleſſings of Heaven, and the Product of the Earth, and what they reap'd thereby was for their own uſe. On the other hand the Gentlemen who went in the Scotch Companies Service, were not born to Work, nor did they deſign it when they went from their Fathers Houſes, and this the Company knew full as well as they.

A fourth reaſon they will offer is this, that they ſent a Cargo with us, which might have purchas'd Proviſions had it not been for the Engliſh prohibition. To this 〈◊〉 , that the Company having ſent us on ſo dark an Errand, (where they muſt needs be aſſur'd, that not only Spain, but the other Trading Nations would be in our top) ſhould not have truſted to that, unleſs they contriv'd it deſignedly to pick a quarrel with thoſe Nations whoſe intereſt it was to refuſe us Proviſions or Neceſſaries to ſupport our Collony. As for the Cargo it ſelf, I refer my felf to the particulars, and let any Merchant be Judge, whether it was fitted for ſale, eſpecially in the Weſt-Indies. The 1500 Fuzzes were the beſt of the Cargo, but they could not be parted with; the Linnen was the next, but I have been aſſur'd by Merchants on Port-royal, that 500 l worth of Scorch cloath makes the Commodity a drug there at any time. Beſides, altho' we had not been ſent on a dark deſign, yet we cou'd not expect to Trade with Jamaico; our Cloath and other Goods are ſeizable there, either in our Bottoms, or in their. Sloops. if the Jamaico Men ſhould truck Proviſions with us, they cannot carry our goods home with them, neither can they expect to Trade with the Spaniard, on the account of our Settlement. I know very well that the firſt Sloop which brought Proviſions to us, ſold them at what rate they pleas'd, and had our Scotch Cloath in truck at the prime coſt, yet they durſt not carry it to Jamaico, nor venture to Trade with the Spaniard, but were oblig'd to leave it behind with Captain Alliſon, the old Buccaneer, to whom the Sloop was conſign'd. Lur ſtill this reaſon of the prohibition will not hold Water, for if there had been Money or market Goods in the Collony. The Engliſh prohibition could not have kept Proviſions from us. The French and Dutch Iſlands were not confin'd by this Prohibition; and I dare ſay there are ſo many good Chriſtians at Curraſſa, that if Redp. and B's ſtory of the Collonies bars of Silver had been true, they would ſoon have made Proviſions a drug in Caledonia.

Beſides, I can't think that the Prohibition had any influence on thoſe four Sloops who went from Jamaico to the Collony laden with Proviſions of all kinds, altho' two of them return'd without breaking bulk, I am rather apt to believe it was for want of thoſe Silver bars and gold duſt, which in the Autum ſhakes off the Trees there.

As to the prohibition in ſelf, whereon the Author of the defence ſtumbles ſo oft, and would gladly found the Baſis of his quarral. 'Tis believ'd that his Majeſty knew nothing of the Collonies Settlenient at Darien, but what he had at ſecond hand from R—th's Prints, till the Spaniſh Ambaſſador told him from his Maſter, that ſome of his Majeſty's Scotch Subjects had invaded the Spaniſh Dominions, in his Province of Darien, which he look'd upon to be contrary to the Treaty of Peace. If his Majeſty ſtopt the Spaniards mouth for the preſent, till he inquired into the matter, and forbid his Engliſh Subjects in the Weſt-Indies to have any Communication with theſe People in Darien, till ſuch time as the Title were concerted, he did no more than what was conſonant with the Conſtitutions and Eſlabliſhment of the Engliſh Iſlands, altho' there had been no Spaniſh Compla • nt. Neither could the King imagine that the Company •… ould • end out their Ships on to Foreign an Expedition, ſo unprovided as to depend wholly on the Engliſh Plantations. And if the King ſorb.d theſe to ſupply the Scotch Collony, he did not prohibit the Scotch Company, not Scotch Nation to ſend them what Provisions, or other neceſiaries they thought nt. If the Scotch Company took moſt care to ſend out Buccaneers Pieces, with great quantities of Powder and Shot, and truſted to what Men they could decoy from the Engliſh and French Iſlands, the defign was neither fair, nor honeſt, and it may reaſonably be believ'd, that both theſe Nations would have taken meaſures to bring them back again after they went. And if his Majeſty takes care that his Plantations in the Weſt-Indies ſhall not be reduc'd to Forreſts, he can't be blam'd, conſidering the vaſt Riches they ſend home to England yearly, and the Cuſtoms which come into his Coffers, when on the other hand, all that the Scotch Company can make by ſuch depopulations, will not put one Peny in his Pocket theſe ſeventeen years at ſooneſt, worth the product of ſeventeen Hogſheads of Tobaccco.

Laying aſide the Spaniſh Complaint and admit the Scotch Company to have a legal Title to their Settlement, was it not reaſonable that the Government of England, having met with the clandeſtine Declararations, which the Scotch Collony had ſpread all over the Weſt-Indies, inviting them over to Darien, &c. Should take ſuitable meaſures to prevent the ill conſequences of the ſame, and retain their own Subjects. The Declarations are notorious, and muſt be penn'd by ſome Body belonging to the Company or Collony, and I preſume the oppoſite Proclamation or Prohibition was penn'd by ſome Engliſhman, who had ſome Intereſt in the Engliſh Plantations. 'Tis very well known that when Captain Pincarton met with the misfortue of being oblig'd to run his Veſſel aſhore under the Guns of Carthagena, his Chief Errand was to Barhadoes, and there to make uſe of the 48 hours (that's allow'd to foreigners to Wood and Water) in doing buſineſs for the Collony, and leaving Declarations to be ſpread over that Iſland; and ſo from thence to other Engliſh and French Iſlands, making uſe of the ſame Pretence of wanting Wood and Water. Theſe ſiniſter dealings are not ſuffered in the Collony of any Nation, and if the Engliſh and French Governments take care to prevent ſuch deſigns, I cannot ſee how they can be blaim'd: 'Tis very well known that thoſe Declarations were ſo kindly entertain'd all over the Weſtindies, that what with the Umbrary uſe that was made of King William's name, and the hopes of Spaniſh Spoil, moſt Men who were not Indu'd with Real or Perſonal Eſtate, were making ready to go over to Darien: Nay the unthinking ſort of People about the City of London, on the Coin'd Rhodomantado News, wherewith the non-authoriz'd Prints were daily ſtuft, were pleas'd and big with the Project, looking no farther into in than Jacks Gold, which they natively believe every body has a right to; when at the ſame time the knowing Part of the World is ſenſible that Jack is the common Dradge of Europe, and if the Mines of. Peru and Mexico were in any other bodies hands, weſh uld not get ſuch a good account of either of theſe Metals.

By what has been already ſaid, it may eaſily appear whether or no theſe Gentlemen have ſtaid long enough in Darien, and whether the director, of the Company, or they deſerve moſt to be there at this Minuet. As for my part I got my Belly full of the Project, and am now glad to ſee my ſelf alive here, altho I left my Eldeſt Son (of the firſt Marriage) behind me in Calidonia.

Being afflicted with a Mallady imaginaire for ſome Months before I came off: I purchas'd my Liberty of the Collony with difficulty enough: About the ſame time the Counſel having reſolv'd to ſend home one of their Tenders with a Packet to the Company, and a ſample of the ſtrange Woods that grow in the Collonies Garden, I thought to have got my Paſſage in her, but was diſappointed by a State Reaſon, which was thus, Major Cunningham was the chief Inſtrument incontriving and forwarding the Expreſs, and having brought his marks to bear, ſo far as that the Veſſel was Carreen'd, Tallow'd and fitted for the Voyage, he was ſudden'ly afflicted with my Diſtempar, and it ſeiz'd him ſo violently that on the ſecond day of his illneſs he call'd a Council (being Preſes for the week) and fatisfied them that he muſt leave them and go home to his native Country, for the recovery of his Health. Pannycook and Macay ſmelling a rat, us'd both fair and foul means to detain him, but all would not do. Mean while they contriv'd ways to detain the Veſſel till the Majors Preſeſhip was out, and the week following, it was Reſolv'd in Council Nemine Contradicente (except the Major) to take ſome other way of ſending home the Packet, and to convert the Tender into a Fireſhip: The Majors Tallent not lying in Sea Engagements, he could not offer much aginſt the neceſſity of it. About the ſame time the French Ship mention'd before, happen'd to put into our Harbour, as like wiſe a Hollands Ship, that was trading on the Spaniſh Coaſt, and came hither for Sanctuary, the Barlevanto Fleet being on the Carthagena Coaſt: The French Ship was bound home to St. Malo,'s and I deſign'd to take my Paſſage in her, but the Major being poſſeſt with ſome frightful Stories of the French Captain's making an Oblation of him to the Governour of Carthagena, would not venture in her. The Ship was caſt away going out of the Harbour in fair weather, for want of Wind, and 24 of her Men drowned: I eſcaped narrowly in Mr. Pennycook's Boat, while he was forc'd to ſwim for his Life. A Jamaico Sloop having brought ſome Proviſions to the Collony about the ſame time, and being bound home, the Mayor and I took our Paſſage in her.

We left the Collony the 27th. of December, arriv'd in Jamaico a fortnight afterward, and in Briſtol the 18th of March laſt, where the Major and I parted, he going for Scotland and I for London: At our parting he would oblidge me to write nothing to Scotland in prejudice of the Darien Project, and I promiſed him that he ſhould have ſuch liberty in telling his own Story there, that for the ſpace of two Months I ſhould not write concerning it, Directly or Indirectly, which promiſe I kept Religiouſly, although as it has happen'd my ſilence has not been of much ſervice to the Company.

I was no ſooner arriv'd in London, than at the requeſt of ſome Scots, Perſons of Great Quality, I freely gave them a true account of affairs, and my Opinion of the Project: They had Journals at the ſame time from the Council of the Collony, but owned that they were better ſatisfi'd with my Account than the Journals which were deſign'dly da • k in ſome Eſſential Points. My relation of Darien and Caledonia, in England, differing from that in Scotland, it was thought neceſſary for the repoſe of the Subſcribers to ſtifle my Credit: Nay, one of theſe great Perſons told me afterwards that he had receiv'd Letters from ſome Earls in Scotland, to diſwade him from giving Credit to my relation, it being the pure effects of Prejudice, and that the Collony wanted for nothing. Two thirds of the Scots Nation here in Town were on my Top; and abus'd me to my Back, like any Beggar. This and ſome other harſh uſage, which I receiv'd at the Scotch Companies hands, oblig'd me to take this way of righting my ſelf: I have no other aim by it, then that their Actions may be laid bare-fac'd before the Scotch World, that ſome perſons of that Nation may be unblinded, and ſee how far they have been led into a miſtake.

As for the Spaniſh and Scotch Companies titles to the Iſthumes of Darien (on which 〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉 the Author has foul'd, ſix of ſeven Sheets of Paper, and ſaid ſo little to the purpoſe) I think it is an unneceſſary diſpute at preſent, altho ſuch a Re-inforcement ſail'd the 24th of September. I ſhall only rehearſe to you here, what I told Sir J. S. who was ſent for in May laſt from Scotland to Court, on the Companies Affair: At his arrival in London, he ſent a Kindſman of his to my Lodging to let me know that he wanted to ſpeak with me; I waited on him the ſame Evening, and having entr'd on the Subject of Darien, he pull'd out of his Pocket a Copy of the Collonies Journal; we ſoon run over the immaterial Paſſages of it, and came to that which was like to be the Subject of Debate, to wit, the true litle to that Country. He argued in favour of the Company, in ſome Law Terms, wherein I pretend to no Judgment, farther than my Reaſon will fathom; and urg'd that by the Civil-Law no Title to any Country, can be vallid unleſs it be de Facto as well as Jure, and thoſe he diſtinguiſh'd thus, all the de june right which the Spaniard had to Darien was the Pope's Donation, which is never regarded amongſt Proteſtant Princes; That the Spaniard had no poſſeſſion de facto of that Country unleſs he liv'd on the Spot, or had his Cattle running there.

To the firſt I anſwer'd, that if the Scots had been in Darien as ſoon as the Spaniards, and taken poſſeſſion of it, the Companies Donation might have been as valid as the Pope's, but as theſe have been maſters of that Country by a proſcription of years, and their Title thereto never hitherto contraverted by any Prince or State till now by the Company. I could not ſee how at that rate any Collony or Plantation in the Univerſe can be ſafe. The Spaniaras muſt either be confin'd within their wall'd Towns, and the reach of their Guns, or they muſt be allowed the uſual extent round them, as all other Collonies in America have. The Company might with the ſame Juſtice Land on the North-ſide of Jamaico, where, for 20 Leagues running there's neither Engliſh Man nor Beaſt to be ſeen, altho' there are as many, if not more, Wild Negroes in the Mountains of Jamaico, who have deſerted their Maſters than Indians, on thrice ſo much ground of the Iſthmus of Darien. By the ſame Title the Company might have ſeated themſelves on the Iſland of Tobaga (where there's never a Man) without asking the D. of Courland's leave. On the other hand, the Company has ſettled their Collony in the very Boſom and Centre of the three chieſ Cities of the Spaniſh-Indies, to wit, Carthagena, Portobello, and Panama, the firſt being about 45 Leagues, and the other two not above 30 diſtant from the Collony, beſides ſeveral ſmaller Towns and Garriſons which are much nearer, viz, Sancta Maria, Tubaconti, &c. Nay the Spaniards are at work in their Mines within 12 Leagues of Fort St. Andrew.

As for the de facto right, 'tis evident that theſe Captains who are over the Indian Clanns, have Spaniſh names to diſtinguiſh them from the Vulgar, ſpeak Spaniſh generally, their Wives go valed and cover'd after the ſame faſhion, the Spaniſh Women go, altho their Men go naked: Beſides, one Paragraph of the Collonies Journal makes this very Spot of Ground where they are ſettled, to be the Propriety of the Spaniard, by their acknowledging Captain Andreas to have been a Spaniſh Captain. As for the defences which Batt. Sharp adduced on his Tryal of the Indian Emperor (there having been no ſuch perſon on the Iſthumes of Darien theſe hundred years) and King Golden Cap, and the forg'd Commiſſion he produc'd from that Emperor, it was all trick: Neither was there much pains taken to hang him, or diſprove the Forgery. The Privateers indeed gave the title of King Golden Cap to the Indian Captains Son, who commanded theſe Indians near Golden Iſland, and he was this Andreas his firſt Couſin, but kill'd by the Spaniards after the Privateers left the Iſthmus, as thoſe may now be who entertained the Scots ſo friendly. The Iriſh admitting ſome French Troops into their Country does not take away the King of Englands Title and Right to that Kingdom.

The Spaniſh Title is likewiſe confirmed by the Conceſſion of all Princes, and Treaties of Peace, whereby the Spaniard does not only cut off the People of all Nations whom he finds cutting Logwood in the Bay of Campechy (a great many Leagues diſtant from any Spaniſh Town) but keeps the Barlevento Fleet, and an Armadilla always ranging along that Coaſt, and makes prize of all Foreigners he finds trading on his Coaſt, without his Commiſſion; If they have ſo much as a ſtick of Logwood, or three pieces of Eight aboard: Which if hed did not act Legally, to be ſure the Soveraign heads of thoſe Subjects, would long e're now have demanded ſatisfaction or made repriſal.

This was the Subſtance of what I offer'd to Sir J. S. and what uſe he made of it, I never inquir'd after, as for that part of the Champions defence deſcribing the Iſthumes of Darien, I muſt tell you that it is calculated in all the matterial paſſages of it for a Scotch Meridian, as the Darien News were for ſix Months by the Companies Agents here in Town, who knew that what was Printed here and ſent to Scotland was far better believ'd than the Apocrypha. The Edenbrugh. News-monger was never wanting on his part, for he ſtill had ſomething new from St. Germains to frighten us with the Cabals there, and private meetings between, the late King James and Lovis, but however neceſſany ſuch hob-goblin ſtories might been an inchanted Country, yet they never went down within the found of Bow-bel.

As for the Champions endeavouring to prove the Scots intereſt by a ſeparation, I will excuſe my ſelf from medling with that part of the Subject, knowing at the ſame time that the Wiſemen of that Country know the benefit of that Union better than this Author, or ſome more, who make uſe of the Machin of the Collony to ſet the two Nations together by the ears, the better to advance their own private Ends. As for his other, fiery Ejaculations, I have no inclination to meddle with them, their being little to be got on either ſide, by ripping up of ſuch Sores; and it not belonging to me to ſay any thing on that Head, I'll take my leave of the Company and their Champion at preſent, and only ſay that if he is reſolved to ſeparate, I would have him pick ſome quarrel that's honeſter than this, and the next time he enters the Liſts, to advande juſter reaſons for it, than what he now does for Caledonia Noviſſima.

FINIS.

AN ENQUIRY INTO The Cauſes of the Miſcarriage OF THE Scots Colony at DARIEN. OR AN ANSWER TO A LIBEL ENTITULED A Defence of the Scots Abdicating DARIEN. Submitted to the Conſideration of the Good People of England.

—Paries cum proximus ardet Res tua tunt agitur.—

GLASGOW. 1700.

The Introduction.

THE juſt Horrour that all honeſt men conceiv'd at the harſh and unneighbourly Treatment of the Scots Colony at Darien, laid the Gentlemen who have been moſt active againſt it, under a neceſſity of blackening the Reputation of thoſe concern'd in that Settlement. This they thought neceſſary, in order to prevent any enquiry, that perhaps might be made: Why a Neighbouring Nation united to the Kingdom of England by Situation, Government, Intereſt, Religion, Affection, and conſtant Inter-marriages, ſhould be provok'd and trampl'd upon in ſuch a manner, contrary to their own Laws and Original Conſtitution, and which may pave the way in time for Treating our Neighbours in the ſame manner.

To prevent any ſuch Enquiry, thoſe Gentlemen that have been pleas'd to ſignalize themſelves as much by their hatred to the Scotiſh Nation, as the latter have ſignalized their Valour and Affection, for our common Liberty and Religion, have been at pains and expence to ſave the Libeller H—s from the Gallows, by putting a ſtop to his Trial, and filling his Pockets with Money, on condition that he would beſpatter the Reputation of the Scots Colony and their Maſters. The Crime is indeed unnatural for a man to turn Renegado and a Traitor to his Country; none but a Monſter like H— the Surgeon could have entertain'd ſuch a Thought: He ſold his God in the Laſt Reign, by turning Papiſt, and therefore 'tis no great Wonder he ſhould ſell his Country in this, and ſolemnly renounce his going Northward for ever, provided he might he ſecur'd againſt going Weſtward for once.

This being the Caſe of the Doughty Evidence, that the Faction have produced againſt the Scots Colony; we leave it to the World to judg what credit ought to be given to his Teſtimony, ſince it appears that he harh giv'n it in to ſave his Life, to gain Money, and to give vent to his Malice. The latter he owns in the beginning of his Book, and repeats it again p. 161. where he ſays he took this way to right himſelf, becauſe of the Scots here in Town being on his Top, and of ſome other harſh uſage which he receiv'd at the hands of the Scots Company.

The very manner of giving in his Evidence lays him open to the Laſh of the Engliſh Law; and it is to be preſum'd that his train of Blaſphemies, and conſtant ridiculing the Text, would have been taken notice of e're now by a certain Court at the Weſt end of Paul's, but that he is protected by ſome Gentlemen belonging to a Court at the Weſt end of the Town.

His invenom'd malice is demonſtrable, by the ſport he makes to himſelf throughout his Libel at the Calamities and Miſery of his Fellow-Creatures and Countrymen; ſo that never did any man more exactly fill up the Character of a Renegado than himſelf: for as thoſe Miſcreants ſtab an Image of our Saviour to the Heart, as a proof of having abſolutely denied him; H—s hath in the ſame manner done all he could to ſtab the Reputation of his native Country, as a certain evidence of his being turn'd a Monſter in Nature; for which even they that imploy him muſt needs abhor him, except they love to ſee the Image of their own Crimes in his Lovely Features.

We have not enter'd upon the detail of his malicious Lies with which he hath ſtuff'd his Book, but have only pointed at the chief of them which are ſo very notorious, as may well put his Suborners to the Bluſh, that they ſhould not have either taught him his Leſſon better, or have ſeen he had conn'd it more exactly; for they are ſuch groſs Contradictions either to common Senſe or to what he himſelf has advanc'd in his Libel, that none but one who had ſwallow'd Tranſubſtantiation could be guilty of the like.

It's needleſs to enlarge upon his Character, ſince it's impoſſible to conceive a worſe Idea of him than all Men of Senſe will immediately form to themſelves, when they know he is a Traitor to his Country.

He was was formerly a Surgeon in the Fleet, and made ſome Intereſt amongſt the Officers, by Female Mediation, which was allow'd him by his laſt Religion (for his Book ſhews that now he has none.) Hence it is, that he expreſſes himſelf ſo readily in the Dialect of his Office, and talks of Bullying Kings in his Dedication, to ſhew us that he was acquainted with B-dy-houſe Rhetorick, and they that know his Friends in Little—B—n, ſay he has convey'd his Libel to the World through a very proper Channel.

Whilſt he was a Surgeon in the Fleet, his ill Nature having condemn'd him to perpetual Broyls, he had the Impudence to draw upon his Captain aſhore, who wounded him ſo as 'twas thought might have put a period to his Infamous Life, upon which his Captain was Confin'd, but the Wound not being Mortal, the Gentleman was ſet at Liberty, and returning on Board, a Council of War was held, by which H—s was like to have had an Exit more anſwerable to his deſert, at the Yard-Arm; but that one of our Country-men who Commanded in the Place, ſav'd him out of Pity, and whilſt he was ſculking at London to avoid this Proſecution; others of them out of Compaſſion hir'd him to go along with their Fleet, for which he hath made his Country ſuch a Grateful Reward, as hath verify'd the Proverb, That ſave a R—gue from the Gallows he ſhall be the firſt that will cut your Throat. We leave his Suborners to think on't.

His Captain being thus diſappointed of having Juſtice executed, was forc'd to content himſelf with Pricking him Run, that he might not have any claim to his Wages; but ſince his return from Darien, and engaging in the Honourable ſervice of Reviling and Belying his Country, his Suborners out of their innate Bounty and Gratitude, have got him deliver'd from all farther Proſecution, entitled him to his Wages, and given him the opportunity to value himſelf upon his Coreſpondence at the Court end of the Town, ſo that now he thinks himſelf ſure of a Patent for Life, and that he ſhall never be oblig'd to go up Holborn-Hill except his important occaſions call him now and then that way, to enable him to pay his preſent Debts, when ſome of his Brethren, paſs that Road to pay their laſt.

It had been eaſie for us to have given ſuch a Hiſtory of his Life as would have put his Suborners to the bluſh, but we reſerve that to make uſe of as we ſhall ſee occaſion; what's ſaid is enough to let them know how much they are to truſt to his Evidence, if they think fit to make further uſe of him, either by Libelling his Country, or accuſing any of thoſe great Families he threatens in his Dedication.

AN INQUIRY INTO The Cauſes of the Miſcariage of the Scots Colony at Darien.

THE main deſign of H—s and his Suborners, is to charge the Miſcarriage of the Scots Colony upon their own Country, to clear ſome Gentlemen that perhaps may be found within the Verge of White-Hall, from having any hand in it, and to evince the neceſſity of thoſe Proclamations publiſh'd againſt the Scots in the Weſt-Indies, ſo as no Perſon or Party in England may ſeem juſtly chargeable with the ruin of that Colony; a certain Evidence that the Crime is very black, and that they are put to a miſerable ſhift, when thoſe Gentlemen are at ſuch expence of Contrivance and Pains to wipe off the Imputation, and ſo ready to fall in with any Tool that they think can aſſiſt them in ſo doing.

Enough has been ſaid already to demonſtrate that the evidence of ſuch an infamous Perſon as H—s, and ſo circumſtantiated, would not be admitted in any Court of Judicature in Europe, eſpecially againſt ſuch an honourable Society as the Company of Scotland for trading to Africa and the Indies, which conſiſts of the very flower of the Nation, and perhaps has more Perſons of illuſtrious Birth, Quality and Merit in it, than any trading Company that ever yet was erected in the World. The Directors particularly, whom H—s and his Maſters have condemned to the Halter, p. 46. are moſt of them Perſons of that Quality, Eſtate, Worth, and untainted Honour, as the Accuſation of no one particular Perſon, tho of never ſo good Repute, could in juſtice or decency be admitted againſt them, and much leſs the malicious Calumnies of a Renegado.

But to ſet this matter in a clearer Light: Whereas we have only H—s's own word for what he aſſerts in vindication of his Friends and Suborners; we ſhall demonſtrate againſt him and them too from undeniable matter of Fact, that ſome People in England are juſtly chargeable with the ruin of that Colony.

We ſhall begin with the oppoſition made to the Scots Act by the Parliament of England, (to whom the matter was miſrepreſented) the Anſwer they obtain'd from the King, and the Proſecution they commenc'd and threatned againſt Engliſh Natives, and Scots-men reſiding in England, that ſhould ſubſcribe to the Scots Company.

In the next place we alledg the Engliſh Reſident's Memorial at Hamburgh, againſt that Governments ſuffering any of their Subjects to ſubſcribe to the Scots Company.

It is likewiſe well enough known that the Influence and Example of the Engliſh Court hinder'd the Subſcriptions of our Neighbours in Holland.

Nor can it be denied but this continued Thread of Oppoſition from the Court of England, muſt needs hinder the Subſcriptions of a great many in Scotland, who could not but foreſee that a Storm was threatned by ſo many Clouds.

To this we may add, that the Kingdom of Scotland have not yet forgot the diſcourting of the Marquiſs of Tweddale (who was known to be an able Stateſman, and a true Patriot to his Country) becauſe of his touching that Act, when he had the Honor to repreſent his Majeſty on the Throne.

Nor was it the leaſt of our Misfortunes, that we loſt ſuch an able and faithful Miniſter of State as Secretary Johnſton, and that too upon the account of his Affection to his Country in this matter. We are very well ſatisfied that his Majeſty, who advanc'd him to that Poſt for his Merit, and was ſo well ſatisfied with his ability and care, would ſcarcely have parted with a Miniſter of that Gentleman's Faithfulneſs and Penetration, but by the Intrigues of ſome People at Court.

Before we proceed any further with the Narrative of the Oppoſition made to us, we ſhall obviate one Objection which ſome Perſons may poſſibly make, viz. That all we have ſaid hitherto is nothing to the purpoſe, becauſe it does not regard our Colony, but the Company. To which we reply: 1. That this is ſo far from being an Excuſe to our Oppoſers, that it highly aggravates our Charge againſt them, as being a plain demonſtration, that they were reſolv'd to obſtruct our Trade in every reſpect, and whatever it ſhould be, without any exception. 2. That the oppoſing of the Company was the direct Method to prevent our ever having a Colony; and by the Laws of God and Man, thoſe who endeavour to deſtroy the Embrio, are chargeable with a deſign of preventing the Birth. But we ſhall come cloſer to the point in a little time, and reſume the thread of our Narrative after one or two Obſervations upon what we have ſaid already, viz.

(1.) That the greateſt of thoſe Difficulties and Diſappointments which H—s ſays in his Book, the Company met with as to their Subſcriptions, Payments, &c. may juſtly be charg'd to the account of that oppoſition made us from the Court of England. (2.) That there is ſo little reaſon to upbraid us, that our Efforts were not greater, that it is rather to be wonder'd at that the Company was not daſh'd to pieces and cruſh'd in the bud; and much more that ever they ſhould have been able to weather out the Storm of ſo much Indignation, overcome all thoſe Difficulties, find Mony enough to build Ships, equip out a Fleet, and make a Settlement in America when neither England, nor Scots-men reſiding there, Hamburgh nor Holland, ſhall dare to aſſiſt them without incurring his Majeſty of England's diſpleaſure.

But to come directly to the Narrative of the Oppoſition made to our Colony. It is well enough known that the Kingdom of Scotland, as many other Parts of Europe, have ſuffered much for three or four years paſt by bad. Harveſts, which rendred them uncapable of providing Bread for their People at home, and much more of ſending Supplies to their Infant Colony abroad: This was very manifeſt to ſome People about White-hall, and care was taken we ſhould have none for our Mony from England, tho that Nation could have ſpar'd it, and perhaps we might have pleaded it as our merit, when in Parliament we voted his Majeſty a ſtanding Army, upon his Royal Word that it was neceſſary, tho we had more need to have ſav'd the Mony to have bought Bread for thouſands of our People that were ſtarving for want, afforded us the melancholy proſpect of dying by ſhoals in our Streets, and have left behind them a reigning Contagion, which hath ſwept away multitudes more, and God knows where it may end.

Tho our Country was reduced to this deplorable ſtate, that a generous Enemy would have ſhew'd us compaſſion, yet the malice of our Court Adverſaries did not reſt here, nor with having follow'd us into Holland and Germany, but purſues us into America; and with Angry Proclamations forbids the Subjects there, on pain of his Majeſty's Diſpleaſure, to afford any manner of aſſiſtance to the Scots at Darien: So that we are ſtarv'd at home and abroad by our Enemies at Court, who having by this means diſpoſſeſs'd us of our Colony at Darien, and knowing that the good People of England had reaſon to cry ſhame upon them, and might perhaps take their own time to reſent this inhuman Treatment of their Neighbours in Scotland; therefore they found it neceſſary to ſuppreſs a Book wrote in defence of the Scots Settlement, and to hire a Scots Renegado Surgeon to varniſh over the matter, and to repreſent his Countrymen as Knaves and Fools, that ſo they might fall unpitied.

To return again to the Oppoſition made us in America: It is not enough that we are ſtarv'd out of Darien, but when we come from thence, and ſo leave what the Proclamations ſuppoſe to be the Dominions of their Allies, yet we muſt not be ſupplied in the Engliſh Plantations, nor have Proviſions in exchange for our effects, tho our Men be dying for want, on pain of incurring the Diſpleaſure of the Court; and therefore thoſe who are willing to relieve us, muſt put their Inventions on the rack to ſind out a way to do that with ſafety, which common Humanity, and much more Chriſtianity, obliges them to do to a Turk or a Jew in the like circumſtances.

Nay farther, tho notwithſtanding our diſtreſs at home, we make ſhift to ſend a Convoy to our Colony abroad, becauſe our future hopes depended ſo much upon it, they ſhall not have leave to put in to any Engliſh Port to refit, refreſh, or ſtay for any of their Company that may be ſeparated from them by ſtorm; and yet our Friends who were ſo inſtrumental in obtaining and publiſhing thoſe Proclamations, muſt bribe a Renegado to declare to the World in print, that they were no way acceſſary to the Blood of his Country-men that were ſtarv'd to death at Darien.

It will appear plain that the Ruin of the Colony is chargeable on the Proclamations, if we conſider the Conſternation that muſt needs be among them when they ſaw themſelves condemned, as having invaded the Dominions of his Majeſty's Allies; ſo that they had all the reaſon in the World to think that they were not only precluded from all poſſibility of having any further ſupply or aſſiſtance from home, but in danger of being attack'd by his Fleet, as they that advis'd the emitting of thoſe Proclamations muſt needs think his Majeſty was oblig'd in Honour and Juſtice to order, if he was of opinion that the Scots had broken the Alliance betwixt him and Spain. Let any reaſonable man conſider what Anguiſh and Perplexity theſe Conſiderations, join'd to their pinching Wants and other Circumſtances, muſt occaſion in the minds of thoſe poor men, and whether it might not give a handle to thoſe of them that were unwilling to ſtay, to mutiny againſt the reſt, and put all into diſorder, which might be fomented by other ill perſons amongſt them; for we are not to ſuppoſe that with 11 or 1200 men, there went no other ill man but H—s, ſince it's not improbable that they who oppoſed our Company ſo much from the very beginning, might be prompted by the ſame Malice to ſend Spies and Traitors amongſt our Men on purpoſe to defeat their Deſign.

If it had not been that they were thus diſcouraged and brought to their wits-end by thoſe Proclamations, they would certainly have had ſo much Conduct as to have ſent away a great part of their Men to Jamaica, or any of the Engliſh Plantations, where they might have ſubſiſted till the arrival of a Convoy from Scotland; and ſo with thoſe Proviſions that were ſufficient to carry them as far as New York, and a great deal further if they had not been retarded by Tempeſts, might have maintain'd a competent number of their Men to keep poſſeſſion of the Colony till Supplies had arriv'd: but the Proclamations diſabled them from taking this Method, and by conſequence are chargeable with the ruin of the Colony.

In the next place, it is undeniable that thoſe Proclamations muſt needs have incouraged the Spainards and other Enemies in their Oppoſition againſt our Colony, and animated them to go on with their Preparations to drive us out. So that had they deſerted upon no other account but the noiſe of the great Preparations making againſt them by the Spaniards at Carthagena, Porto Bello, &c, as Sir William Beeſton ſeem'd to inſinuate in his Letter; it makes the Proclamations directly chargeable with the Ruin of the Colony, ſince they had good reaſon to remove from thence when their own Prince had forbid all Commerce with them, and when their Enemies were making formidable Preparations againſt them.

It is likewiſe plain that thoſe Proclamations muſt neceſſarily prevent their having any Supplies from the Dutch at Curaſſaw, if they had any to ſpare: for ſince the Influence of ours and the Dutch Court prevented our Company's having any Incouragement in Holland, it is reaſonable to believe it would have the ſame influence in reference to our Colony, in the Dutch Plantations.

We have likewiſe all the reaſon in the world to conclude, that the Influence of thoſe Proclamations might hinder the Natives from giving our Colony thoſe Supplies that it was in their power to have done; for there's no doubt but they had information of 'em induſtriouſly ſent them by ſome of our Adverſaries, when Capt. Long was ſo malicious as to endeavour at our firſt arrival to poſſeſs them with an opinion that we were nothing but Pirats, and that the K. of Great Britain would diſown us; and indeed by the event it would ſeem he had Inſtructions ſo to do. It is true that at firſt the Natives ſeeing our Men have a Competency of all ſorts of Proviſions, might not believe his Report; but they muſt needs have been confirm'd in the truth of it afterwards, when they ſaw them dying for want, and deceiv'd as to their Expectation of further Supplies; and upon that account might think they had ſufficient ground to withdraw their Aſſiſtance from them, and not further provoke the Spaniards in favour of a People that they found were not able to do any thing for themſelves, and by conſequence uncapable to protect them, which was the thing they were to expect from their Alliance.

Having thus made it evident that the Oppoſition our Company met with from Court at firſt, and the Proclamations iſſued againſt our Colony at laſt, are juſtly to be reputed among the principal Cauſes of the Miſcarriage of that Deſign, we come in the next place to conſider his Majeſty's Anſwer to the Addreſs of the Commons of England on that Head, and the Proclamations iſſued out againſt us in his Name in the Weſt-Indies.

We are ſorry that ever there ſhould have been any occaſion for ſuch an ungrateful piece of work; but think it a Duty incumbent upon us, and what we owe to the Conſtitution of our Country, which we have reaſon to believe is induſtriouſly conceal'd from his Majeſty, to write freely on this head, that the World may ſee what juſt cauſe we have to complain.

His Majeſty's Anſwer, That he had been ill ſerv'd in Scotland, &c. is ſuch, as our Anceſtors (if we may believe our Hiſtorians) would have thought inconſiſtent with the Truſt repoſed in a King of Scots, a manifeſt Reflection upon the Juſtice and Fidelity of the Nation, and a diſcovery of their Arcana Imperii to thoſe that were quarrelling with them. We are not to ſuppoſe that his Majeſty would give an Anſwer to an Addreſs of this Importance without Counſel: If he conſulted with our Dutch or Engliſh Oppoſers, it was the ſame as if he had conſulted our profeſſed Enemies; if he conſulted with Scots-men, and was advis'd to this Anſwer by any of them, they are Traitors to their Country, and have betray'd its Soveraignty: for they ought to have advis'd him to anſwer, that as King of Scots he was not to give an account to the Engliſh for any thing tranſacted in that Kingdom; but if they found themſelves any ways aggrivev'd, or thought their Trade endanger'd by the Scots Act, he ſhould be willing to have the matter debated and adjuſted by Commiſſioners of both Nations, as became the Common Father of both. This could not juſtly have been look'd upon by the Engliſh as a refractory or ſtubborn Anſwer, but muſt have been imputed to his braveneſs of Temper, and fidelity to his Truſt. But at once to give up the Soveraignty of Scotland, without demurring upon it, argues that his Majeſty was advis'd to this Anſwer by Enemies to the Scotiſh Nation.

Our Parliaments have originally a greater Power than that of England; for what the States of Scotland offer'd to the touch of the Scepter, their Kings had no power to refuſe; or if they did, the Reſolves of the States had the force of a Law notwithſtanding. Thus our Reformation was eſtabliſhed in 1560, by an Act of the States; and tho our Queen Mary then in France, and her Husband the Dauphin, afterwards Francis I. refus'd to give their Conſent, it remain'd a firm Law; which Q. Mary, when ſhe return'd to Scotland, was ſo far from offering to diſpenſe with, tho ſhe was a great Aſſerter of her Prerogative, that ſhe was oblig'd to intreat of the States ſo far to diſpenſe with it themſelves, as to ſuffer her to have Maſs in her own Family. We might go farther back to the Reign of Robert II. who was check'd by the States for making a Truce with the Engliſh without their Conſent, it not being then in the power of our Kings either to make Peace or War without the States. But the Truth of that Maxim laid down by our Hiſtorian, That the ſupreme Power of the Government of Scotland is in the States, is ſo obvious to every one that reads our Hiſtory, that it cannot be denied; and hence it is that our old Acts of Parliament are often call'd the Acts of the States, and ſay, The three States enact, &c. for by our Original Conſtitution the King is none of the States, but only Dux belli, and Miniſter publicus; which was well underſtood by our Viceroy the E. of Morton, and the other Deputies from the States of Scotland, when they acquainted Q. Elizabeth in their Memorial, That the Scots created their Kings on that condition, that they might, when they ſaw cauſe, diveſt them of that Power which they receiv'd from the People, which we have now reaſſerted in making our Crown forfeitable by the Claim of Right at the laſt Revolution: and perhaps that's none of the leaſt Cauſes why our Ruin is now endeavour'd by the Abettors of a growing Prerogative.

It were eaſy for us to enlarge on this, and to ſhew from our Hiſtories and Acts of Parliaments, that our Kings, according to our antient Conſtitution (which thoſe Rapes committed on our Liberties in ſome of the laſt Reigns can never overturn) were inferior to their Parliaments, who inthron'd and dethron'd them as they ſaw cauſe, made them accountable for their Adminiſtration, allow'd them no power of proroguing them without their own conſent, nor of hindering their meeting when the ardua Regni negotia requir'd it. They could not make Peace or War without them, nor ſo much as diſpoſe of their Caſtles, but by their Conſent. Their Councils were choſen and ſworn in Parliament, and puniſhable by the States: Nor had they any Revenue, but what their Parliaments allow'd them. Theſe and many more were the native Liberties of the People of Scotland, an 1638. and their Repreſentation of their Proceedings againſt the Miſtakes in the King's Declaration in 1640. And therefore his Majeſty had no reaſon to ſay he was ill ſerv'd by the paſſing of an Act offer'd by the States of Scotland.

The Ignorance of thoſe things have often occafion'd our being miſrepreſented by the Engliſh Hiſtorians, and other Writers, as Rebels, and what not, when we really acted according to our own fundamental Laws. And not only they, but even our own Princes ſince the Union of the Crowns, have either been kept ignorant of our Conſtitution, or ſo incens'd againſt it by the Abettors of Tyranny, that they have all of 'em, his preſent Majeſty excepted, endeavour'd our Overthrow, as well knowing it to be impoſſible to bring Arbitrary Government to perfection, whilſt a People who had always breath'd in a free Air, and call'd their Princes to an account when they invaded their Properties, were in any condition to defend themſelves, or aſſiſt others againſt ſuch Princes as deſign'd an abſolute Sway. But the Pill being too bitter to be ſwallowed by it ſelf, there was a neceſſity of taking Prieſtcraft into the Compoſition, and to gild it over with the ſpecious pretext of bringing the Scots to an Uniformity in Religion. The Court knew that this would arm the Zealots againſt us, and that it could never be aflected without the ruin of our Kingdom, whoſe Religion was ſo interwoven with our Civil Conſtitution, that there was no overturning of the one, without ſubverting the other. This will appear plain to thoſe that know, that beſides the Sanction of Acts of Parliament, the Church of Scotland is defended by a full Repreſentative of the Clergy and Laity of the Kingdom call'd a General Aſſembly (which preſerves us from being Prieſt-ridden, as our Parliaments do from being Prince-ridden) where the King by Law had no negative Voice, no more than he formerly had in our Parliaments. This in effect is the Repreſentative of the Nation as Chriſtians, as the Parliaments are our Repreſentatives as Men; and as to the Laity, many of them are the ſame individual Perſons that ſit in Parliament. So that thoſe Aſſemblies being a ſecond Barrier about our Liberties, it was thought ſit to run down the Conſtitution of our Church, as not ſuted with Monarchy. The Caſe being thus, we dare refer it to the thoughts of our neighbouring Nation, who have gallantly from time to time ſtood up for their own Liberties, whether it were not more generous for them to unite with us than to ſuffer us to be oppreſs'd and enſlav'd.

There's nothing can be objected to this, but that all theſe glorious Privileges were ſwallow'd up by thoſe Acts of Parliament that exalted the Prerogative to ſuch a height in the Reign of K. Charles II. To which we anſwer, That the Privileges of a Nation cannot be giv'n away without their own conſent; and we are morally certain, that the Conſtituents even of thoſe pack'd Parliaments did never give any commiſſion to thoſe that repreſented them, to give away thoſe Liberties. Slavery is repugnant to human Nature; ſo that it cannot be ſuppoſed the Nation exalted the Prerogative on purpoſe to put themſelves in a worſe condition than beſore, or that when they find it applied to another uſe than that which they gave it for, they may not reduce it to its antient Boundary. The neceſſity of Affairs did ſometimes oblige the Romans to entruſt their Dictators with an extraordinary and abſolute Power; but when the occaſion ceas'd, they recalled it, and kept to their antient and rational Maxim, that Salus Populi is ſuprema Lex. In the like manner the Enemies of our old Conſtitution may know, if they pleaſe, that we have retrieved the main point of making our Crown forfeitable by the Claim of Right; and therefore if they puſh us too far, it's a thouſand to one but we may renew our Demands to the reſt, or oblige them to caſt them into the bargain.

But to return from this Digreſſion. Tho we had no ſuch peculiar Privileges belonging to us; why might not we expect that his majeſty ſhould be as kind to us as to our Brethren in England? He hath once and again declared to them in Parliament, That he never had, nor never will have an Intereſt. diſtinct from that of his People. Then why ſhould not the Intereſt of the People of Scotland be the ſame with the Intereſt of the King of Scots? And if the People of Scotland met in Parliament, agreed upon it as their Intereſt to have that Act paſt for incouraging Kieir Trade, how was it poſſible that the King of Scots could be ill ſerv'd by the paſſing that Act in Scotland?

Our Enemies, and H—s's Suborners have put a ſort of an Anſwer to this in his mouth, viz. That the ſaid Act was obtain'd viis & modis; but the Falſhood and Malice of that Inſinuation will appear to the World by the previous Act of 1693. for incouraging of foreign Trade, by which it was ſtatuted, That Merchants more or fewer may contract and enter into ſuch Societies and Companies for carrying on Trade, as to any Subject of Goods or Merchandiſe, to whatſomever Kingdoms, Countries, or parts of the World, not being in War with his Majeſty, where Trade is in uſe to be or may be follow'd; and particularly, beſides the Kingdoms and Countries of Europe, to the East and Weſt-Indies, the Straits, and to trade in the Mediterranean, or upon the Coaſt of Africa, or elſewhere, as above. Which Societies and Companies being contracted and entred into upon the terms, and in the uſual manner as ſuch Companies are ſet up—His Majeſty with Conſent aforeſaid did allow and approve, giving and granting to them and each of them, all Powers, Rights and Privileges, as to their Perſons, Rules and Orders, that by the Laws are given to Companies allowed to be erected for Manufactories: And his Majeſty for their greater Incouragement, did promiſe to give to thoſe Companies, and each of them, his Letters Patent under the Great Seal, confirming to them the whole foreſaid Powers and Privileges, with what other incouragement his Majeſty ſhould judg needful. Theſe are the very terms of the Act of 1693. and in purſuance of this Act our Nation being willing to form a Company for trading to Africa and the Indies, this Act which hath met with ſo much oppoſition in the World, was paſt June 26. 1695. which was two years after. Then with what Effrontery can H—s and his Suborners ſuggeſt, that it was obtain'd viis & modis, by ſurpriſe or in a ſurreptitious manner? But ſomething they muſt ſay to juſtify their unreaſonable treatment of us, and to blind the Eyes of the World.

Thus we ſee then that the Parliament of Scotland went on deliberately to advance their Trade, and to make this Act: by which it's evident that they who advis'd his Majeſty to ſay that he was ill ſerv'd in Scotland, impos'd upon him, have laid a Foundation of diviſion betwixt him and his Parliament, which are the two conſtituent parts of our Government; and if they be daſh'd againſt one another, the whole frame of it muſt of neceſſity be diſſolv'd. Hence alſo it is evident that thoſe Counſellors, if Scots-men, ought by our old Conſtitution to be call'd to an account by the Parliament according to the 12th Act of Parl. 2 James 4. And if they be Engliſhmen or Dutchmen, we have a right to demand Juſtice againſt them, as having meddled in our Affairs contrary to the Laws of Nations.

The Soveraignty of our Nation, and the Independency of the K. of Scots upon the Crown of England, being tacitely giv'n up by this Anſwer; and the Parliament of England being poſſeſs'd by our Enemies with a falſe. Notion of our Deſign, they put a ſtop to our taking Subſcriptions from any Reſidenters in England; tho our offering to take in the Engliſh as Sharers, was a plain Demonſtration of the uprightneſs of our Intentions towards that Nation. This made it apparent, that we had no deſign in the leaſt to ſupplant them in their Trade, but on the contrary to make them Partakers in ours, in order to lay a foundation for a cloſer Union, and greater Amity betwixt the two Nations; which if it had taken effect, our Trade had not been nipp'd in the bud, as now it is by the frowns of the Court, but might by this time have been improv'd to the advancement of the glory and ſtrength of the Iſland: Whereas by the oppoſition made to that noble Deſign, the Nations are more alienated from one another than before, leſſen'd in their Strength and Trade, and Scotland for ever loſt as to their Friendſhip, uſefulneſs, and joining with England on any occaſion whatever, unleſs proper Meaſures be taken to make up the Breach, and retrieve our loſt Honour and Advantage.

All that can be ſaid to excuſe ſo falſe a ſtep in ſuch a wiſe Nation as England, is, that they were impos'd upon by thoſe that are Enemies to the true Liberties of both Nations, and by ſome of their Traders and ignorant Pretenders, to give advice in matters of Trade, who out of a ſordid Principle of Self-intereſt, preferr'd their own private Gain to the general advantage of their Country. This would have quickly been ſeen, had his Majeſty and the Parliament of England, inſtead of that violent oppoſition which they made to the Scots Act, deſir'd a conference betwixt a Committee of the Parliaments of both Nations; then it would ſoon have appear'd what our true Deſign was, and that it was neither our Intereſt nor Intention immediately to follow an Eaſt-India Trade, the apprehenſions of which did ſo much alarm the Kingdom of England. That it was not our Intention is evident from our rejecting the Propoſals of our Countryman Mr. Douglas, the Eaſt-India Merchant, with which H—s upbraids us, by which at the ſame time he diſcovers his own folly and diſhoneſty; his Folly in arguing againſt the Intereſt of England, which he pretends to eſpouſe; and his Diſhoneſty in propoſing our following a Trade, which his new Maſters (who have paid him ſo well for his falſe Evidence) look upon to be deſtructive to theirs.

That it was not our Intereſt immediately to think of an Eaſt-India Trade is evident from this, that it would have exported our Mony with which it's known we do not abound, and ruin'd the Linen Manufacture of our Country, upon which ſo many of our Poor depend. This we think the City of London may be ſenſible of in a good meaſure, by the multitudes of their own Silk-Weavers, that are ſtarv'd for want of Imployment; and alſo by the unſucceſsfulneſs of their own Linen Manufacture in England, by reaſon of the great quantity of Silks, Muſlins, Calicoes, &c. brought from the Eaſt-Indies: from whence ſome wiſe Men have been and are ſtill of opinion, that an Eaſt-India Trade of that ſort tends to the general Impoveriſhment of Europe, tho it may enrich particular Perſons. Theſe Conſiderations, together with ſome Jealouſies that Mr. Douglas might have been put upon making us that Propoſal, on purpoſe to divert us from our other Deſign of an American Trade, were the true Reaſons of our not hearkening to Mr. Douglas's Advice. This our Neighbours might have known, had they proceeded with us in ſuch a Friendly manner as we had reaſon to expect, when we were ſo kind as to offer them a ſhare in the Benefits of our Act. And the Government at the ſame time might ſoon have been ſatisfied, that the ſinking of their Cuſtoms by our own and twenty years Freedom from that Duty, was a meer bugbear Pretence. It is evident that we could not have ſpent much Eaſt-India Goods in Scotland, and therefore muſt have exported them. If we had brought them to England, they were liable to Cuſtoms there. If we had offer'd to run them over the Border, they could as well have prevented that, as the ſtealing over their own Corn and Wool: and if we had exported them to any other places of Europe, the Engliſh by their Drawbacks could have done it in effect as cheap as we. By all which it appears, that there was no ſolid Foundation for any of thoſe pretended Reaſons, why the Government in particular, or the Engliſh in general, ſhould have oppos'd us: and we wiſh that upon due inquiry it may not be found to be the effect of Dutch Councils; for that People being jealous of their Trade, and Rivals to England on that account, cannot be ſuppos'd to have ſat ſtill and done nothing, when they ſaw we had obtain'd ſuch an Act, and were reſolv'd to take in the Engliſh to partake in our Trade, which if ſuffer'd to go on, might endanger theirs, and enable the Engliſh to outrival them indeed, beſides the preſent loſs they foreſaw of our Cuſtom, the Scots having moſt of their Eaſt-India Goods from Holland.

This we have the more reaſon to ſuſpect, firſt becauſe tho the Engliſh have formerly ſuffered in their Trade by the Incroachments and Intrigues of the Dutch, but never by the Scots; yet they have made no Application to his Majeſty, for preventing the like in time to come. If it be ſaid that be is but Stadtholder there, whereas he is K. of Scots: We can eaſily reply, that it appears: by what has been ſaid already of our true Conſtitution, that the Kings of Scotland were as much accountable to the States of that Nation as the Dutch Stadtholder is to the States of Holland. The 2 d Reaſon we have to ſuſpect the Influence of Dutch Councils in this Affair, is this, that 'tis their Intereſt to keep us and the Engliſh from uniting, and if poſſible of forcing us by that means into an Alliance with themſelves, to prevent their own ruin, if England after this ſhould come to fall out with them upon the account of Trade or otherwiſe, and likewiſe to have their Privilege of fiſhing in our Seas continued, which they know to be of ſuch vaſt Advantage to them, that they are ſhrewdly ſuſpected of having by Bribes, or other indirect Methods, prevail'd with ſome great Men, to ſupplant us as to the Benefits we had juſt reaſon to expect from the Act of 1661. incouraging our Fiſhery; the Privileges granted by which, are very conſiderable, and to continue for ever: nay to put it out of all doubt that they are join'd in this matter againſt us, H—s owns it as beforemention'd.

Being upon this Subject, we cannot but take notice of the difference betwixt the Spaniſh Memorials about Darien, and of thoſe late Memorials preſented by them to our Court againſt their meddling with the Succeſſion of that Monarchy, or the cantoning it out into ſeveral Parcels in caſe the King of Spain die without Iſſue. The former, tho inſolent and huſſing enough, were procur'd by our Court, therefore calmly digeſted; and the deſire of them effectually anſwer'd, to the ruin almoſt of the Scotiſh Nation: but the latter was no ſooner preſented, than the Spaniſh Ambaſſadors are diſgrac'd in England and Holland, and forbid both Courts.

It may therefore deſerve the Inquiry of our Neighbours, what this Regulation about the Succeſſion of Spain, and the diſmembring of their Monarchy is, that occaſion ſuch outragious Memorials: for there muſt needs be ſomething in it that touches the Spaniards more ſenſibly than the buſineſs of Darien, and which they did not complain of till they were put upon it; and in like manner touches our court more ſenſibly to the quick than any Memorials about that Affair, tho they had not been of their own procurement, were capable of doing. Perhaps upon a narrow Scrutiny into this Affair it will be found, that this keen and uninterrupted Oppoſition made to the Scots Settlement at Darien, does not proceed from any foreſight of damage that it could do to the Trade of England, tho that be the ſpecious Pretext, but from a Cauſe which touches ſome People more nearly, croſſes their Project of diſmembring the Spaniſh Monarchy, and of having that important Poſt to their own ſhare; they know that they have a natural, as well as a political Intereſt in ſome great Courtiers, and make little doubt of obtaining the preheminence before either of thoſe Nations that compoſe the Empire of Great Britain. It concerns our Neighbours ſo much the more to inquire into this, becauſe it is viſible from the Reſentments of it by the Spaniſh Court, that this matter is more like to affect the advantageous Trade that England drives with Spain, than our Settlement in America was ever like to do; which tho it be made a Sacrifice to his Catholick Majeſty, and perhaps on purpoſe to make him digeſt the other Project with more eaſe, is like to be of as little advantage to England, as was the Sacrifice of the great Sir Walter Raleigh formerly, tho it may be infinitely more to their damage. If our Neighbours have a mind to be fully inform'd of this matter, they know who were imploy'd in thoſe Negotiations, and how to ſpeak with them.

We come next to conſider the Oppoſition made to our Subſcriptions at Hamburgh by Sir Paul Ricaut the Engliſh Reſident there, in conjunction with his Majeſty's Envoy to the Court of Lunenburg, who deliver'd in a joint Memorial to the Senate of Hamburgh, threatning them with the heighth of his Majeſty's Diſpleaſure, if they join'd with the Scots in any Treaty of Commerce whatſoever. This we ſhall not need to make any Reflexions upon, the Petitions from the Company to his Majeſty and his Privy Council in Scotland being ſufficient for that end.

Their firſt to the King was dated June the 28th 1697. and is as follows.

To the King's moſt Excellent Majeſty, The Humble Addreſs of the Council General of the Company of Scotland, trading to Africa and the Indies. May it pleaſe your Majeſty;

WHEREAS by the 32d Act of the 4th Seſſion, and by the 8th Act of the 5th Seſſion of Your Majeſty's current Parliament, as well as by Your Majeſty's Patent under the Great Seal of this Kingdom, this Company is eſtabliſhed with ſuch ample Privileges, as were thought moſt proper and encouraging both to Natives and Foreigners to join in the carrying on, ſupporting, and advancement of our Trade: The moſt conſiderable of the Nobility, Gentry, Merchants, and whole Body of the Royal Burrows, have upon the Inducement and publick Faith of Your Majeſty, and Act of Parliament, and Letters Patent, contributed as Adventurers in raiſing a far more conſiderable joint Stock, than any was ever before raiſed in this Kingdom for any publick Undertaking, or Project of Trade whatſoever; which makes it now of ſo much the more univerſal a Concern to the Nation.

And for the better enabling us to accompliſh the ends of Your Majeſty's ſaid Act of Parliament, and Letters Patent, we have purſuant thereunto appointed certain Deputies of our own number to tranſact and negotiate our neceſſary Affairs beyond Sea, and at the ſame time to treat with ſuch Foreigners of any Nation in amity with Your Majeſty, as might be inclinable to join with us for the purpoſe aforeſaid. In the proſecution of which Commiſſion to our ſaid Deputies, veſted with full Power and Authority according to Law, We are not a little ſurprized to find, to the great hindrance and obſtruction of our Affairs, That your Majeſty's Envoy to the Courts of Lunenburgh, and Reſident at Hamburgh, have under pretence of ſpecial Warrant from Your Majeſty, given in a joint ſubſcribed Memorial to the Senat of Hamburgh, expreſly invading the Privileges granted to our Company by Your Majeſty's ſaid Acts of Parliament, and Letters Patent, as by the herewith tranſmitted Copy may appear.

By the which Memorial we ſuſtain great and manifold Prejudices, ſince both the Senat and Inhabitants of the ſaid City of Hamburgh are thereby, contrary to the Law of Nations, expreſly threatned with Your Majeſty's Diſpleaſure, if they or either of them ſhould countenance or join with us in any Treaty of Trade or Commerce whatſoever, which deprives us of the aſſiſtance which we had reaſon to expect from ſeveral Inhabitants of that City.

For redreſs whereof we do in all Duty and Humility apply to Your Majeſty, not only for the Protection and Maintenance of our Privileges and freedom of Trade, but alſo for reparation of damage conform to Your Majeſty's ſaid Acts of Parliament, and Letters Patent. And we further beg leave humbly to repreſent to Your Majeſty, that tho by the ſaid Acts of Parliament and Letters Patent, we conceive our ſelves legally and ſufficiently authorized to treat even with any Soveraign Potentate or State in Amity with Your Majeſty for the ſupport and advancement of our Trade; yet we by our ſaid Deputies have only treated with particular and private Merchants of the ſaid City of Hamburgh, without ever making any the leaſt Propoſal to the Senate thereof: and this we humbly conceive to be the natural Right and Privilege of all Merchants whatſoever, even tho we had wanted the Sanction of ſo ſolemn Laws; and without ſome ſpeedy redreſs be had therein, not only this Company, but all the individual Merchants of this Kingdom, muſt from henceforward conclude, that all our Rights and Freedoms of Trade are and may be further by our Neighbours violently wreſted out of our hands.

We therefore, to prevent the further evil Conſequences of the ſaid Memorial to our Company in particular, do make our moſt humble and earneſt Requeſt to Your Majeſty, That you would be graciouſly pleaſed to grant us ſuch Declarations as in your Royal Wiſdom you ſhall think fit, to render the Senate and Inhabitants of the ſaid City of Hamburgh, and all others that are or may be concerned, ſecure from the Threatnings and other Suggeſtions contain'd in the ſaid Memorial, as well as to render us ſecure under Your Majeſty's Protection, in the full Proſecution of our Trade, and free Injoyment of our lawful Rights, Privileges, and Immunities contained in your Majeſty's Acts of Parliament and Letters Patent above-mentioned.

Signed at Edinburgh the 28th Day of June 1697. in Name, Preſence, and by Order of the ſaid Council General, by May it pleaſe your Majeſty, Your Majeſty's moſt Faithful, moſt Dutiful, moſt Humble, and moſt Obedient Subject and Servant, Sic ſubſcribitur, Yeſter P.

The King's Anſwer to the above written Addreſs, By the Right Honourable the Earl of Tullibardin, &c. and Sir James Ogilvie, Principal Secretaries of State. My Lords and Gentlemen;

WE are impowered by the King to ſignify unto you, that as ſoon as his Majeſty ſhall return to England, he will take into Conſideration what you have repreſented unto him; and that in the mean time His Majeſty will give orders to his Envoy at the Courts of Lunenburgh, and his Reſident at Hamburgh, not to make uſe of his Majeſty's Name or Authority for obſtructing your Company in the proſecution of your Trade with the Inhabitants of that City.

Signed at Edinburgh the 2d Day of August, 1697. Sic ſubſcribitur, Tullibardin. Ja. Ogilvie.

The Company finding that the ſaid Reſident did notwithſtanding this Anſwer continue his Oppoſition, and deny that he had any orders to the contrary, petitioned his Majeſty's Privy Council afreſh as follows.

To the Right Honourable the Lord High Chancellour, and remanent Lords of his Majeſty's moſt Honourable Privy Council; The humble Repreſentation of the Council General of the Company of Scotland trading to Africa and the Indies. May it pleaſe your Lordſhips,

'TIS not unknown to your Lordſhips, how that in ſeveral ſucceſſive Seſſions of this current Parliament, his Majeſty's Inſtructions to his reſpective High Commiſſioners, and their ſeveral Speeches purſuant thereto, have been full of repeated Aſſurances of his Majeſty's good Inclinations for incouraging the Trade and Manufactories of this Nation: And whereas accordingly by the 22d Act of the fourth Seſſion, and the 8th Act of the fifth Seſſion of the ſaid Parliament, together with his Majeſty's Patent under the Great Seal of this Kingdom, our Company is eſtabliſhed with ſuch ample Privileges and Immunities as were thought moſt proper for encouraging both Natives and Foreigners to join in the carrying on, ſupporting, and advancement of our Trade; we in purſuance, and upon the publick Faith thereof, not only contributed at home a far more conſiderable joint Stock than ever was yet rais'd in this Nation for any publick Undertaking or Project of Trade whatſoever, but have alſo had all the promiſing hopes and proſpect of foreign Aid that our hearts could wiſh, till (to our great ſurprize) the Engliſh Miniſters at Hamburgh have, under pretence of ſpecial Warrant from his Majeſty, put a ſtop thereto, by giving in a Memorial to the Senat of that City, threatning both Senat and Inhabitants with the King's utmoſt Diſpleaſure, if they ſhould countenance or join with us in any Treaty of Trade or Commerce, as by the annexed Copy thereof may appear.

Upon due conſideration whereof, we have in all duty and humility addreſſed his Majeſty in June laſt for redreſs thereof; in anſwer to which Addreſs his Majeſty was then graciouſly pleaſed to ſignify by his Royal Letter, That upon his return into England he would take into conſideration the Contents of our ſaid Addreſs, and that in the mean time he would give Orders to the ſaid Miniſters at Hamburgh not to make uſe of his Royal Name or Authority for obſtructing the Trade of our Company with the Inhabitants of that City. In the full aſſurance of which we reſted ſecure, and took our meaſures accordingly, till to our further ſurprize and unſpeakable prejudice, we find by repeated Advices from Hamburgh, that the ſaid Reſident continues ſtill contumacious; and is ſo far from giving due Obedience to his Majeſty's ſaid Order, that upon application made to him by our Agent in that City, with all the reſpect due to his Character he declared, that as yet he had got no ſuch Order on our behalf; which by a further Addreſs we are now to lay before his Majeſty.

But whereas we humbly conceive your Lord ſhips to be more immediatly, under his Majeſty the Guardians of the Laws and Liberties of this Kingdom, We think it our duty to repreſent to your Lordſhips the Conſequences of the ſaid Memorial, both with relation to our Company in particular, and the Privileges, Intereſt, Honour, Dignity, and Reputation of the Nation in general.

Your Lordſhips very well know of what concern the Succeſs of this Company is to the whole Kingdom, and that ſcarce any particular Society or Corporation within the ſame can juſtly boaſt of ſo ſolemn and unanimous a Suffrage or Sanction, as the Acts of Parliament by which this Company is eſtabliſhed. So that if effectual meaſures be not taken for putting an early ſtop to ſuch an open and violent Infringement of, and Incroachment upon the Privileges of ſo ſolemn a Conſtitution, 'tis hard to gueſs how far it may in after Ages be made uſe of as a Precedent for invading and overturning even the very Fundamental Rights, natural Liberties, and indiſputable Independency of this Kingdom, which by the now open and frequent Practices of our unkind Neighbours, ſeem to be too ſhrewdly pointed at. And ſhould this Company (wherein the moſt conſiderable of the Nobility, Gentry, Merchants, and whole Body of the Royal Burroughs are concerned) be ſo unhappy (which God forbid) as to have its Deſigns rendered unſucceſsful through the unaccountable evil Treatments of our ſaid Neighbours; moſt certain it is that no conſideration whatever can hereafter induce this Nation to join in any ſuch other publick Stock, tho never ſo advantageous an undertaking, as not doubting but to meet with the like or greater Diſcouragements from thoſe who give ſuch frequent and manifeſt Indications of their Deſigns to wreſt our Right and Freedom of Trade out of our hands.

For which cauſe we humbly offer the Premiſes to your Lordſhips ſerious Conſideration, not doubting but you will (in your profound Wiſdom and Prudence) take ſuch effectual meaſures for redreſs thereof at preſent, and to prevent the like Incroachments for the future, as may be capable to remove thoſe Apprehenſions and Jealouſies, which the bare-faced and avowed Methods of the Engliſh do now ſuggeſt, not only to our Company in particular, but even to the whole Body of this Nation in general.

Signed at Edinburgh the 22d Day of December 1697. in Name, Preſence, and by Order of the ſaid Council General, by, May it pleaſe your Lordſhips, Your Lordſhips moſt Obedient, and moſt Humble Servant, Sic ſubſcribitur, Francis Scot P.

And therewith they join'd another to the King, as follows.

To the King's moſt Excellent Majeſty, The Humble Addreſs of the Council General of the Company of Scotland trading to Africa, and the Indies. May it pleaſe Your Majeſty;

BY a former Addreſs of the 28th of June laſt, We have humbly repreſented to Your Majeſty, that Your Majeſty's Envoy to the Court of Lunenburgh, and Reſident at Hamburgh, did, under pretence of ſpecial Warrant from Your Majeſty, give in a Memorial to the Senat of the ſaid City of Hamburgh, contrary to the Law of Nations, and expreſly invading the Privileges contained in the ſaid Acts of Parliament and Letters Patent, by which our ſaid Company is eſtabliſhed; Copies of which Addreſs and Memorial, we have for Your Majeſty's better Information hereto annexed: In anſwer to which Your Majeſty was then graciouſly pleaſed to ſignify by your Royal Letter, that upon Your Majeſty's Arrival in England, You would take the Contents of our ſaid Addreſs into conſideration; and that in the mean time You would give Orders to Your ſaid Miniſter not to make uſe of Your Majeſty's Name or Authority for obſtructing our Comapny in the proſecution of our Trade with the Inhabitants of the ſaid City of Hamburgh. In the full aſſurance of which we reſted ſecure, and took our Meaſures accordingly, till, to our further fur prize and great diſappointment, we find by repeated Advices from Hamburgh, that Your Majeſty's ſaid Reſident continues ſtill contumacious, and is ſo far from giving due Obedience to Your Majeſty's ſaid Order, that upon Application made to him for that effect, with all reſpect due to his Character, he pretended, that he had never as yet got any ſuch Order on our behalf: Which we thought fit, in all duty and humility, to lay before Your Majeſty, renewing withal our moſt humble and earneſt Requeſt, that Your Majeſty would be now graciouſly pleas'd to take the Contents of this and our ſaid former Addreſs into conſideration, and, in Your Royal Wiſdom, order ſome ſpeedy and effectual Redreſs of our Grievances therein mentioned, and a juſt Reparation of the manifeſt Damages which our Company has already fuſtain'd by reaſon of the ſaid Memorial: And grant us a declaration under Your Royal Hand, to render the Senat and Inhabitants of the City of Hamburgh, and all others with whom we may have occaſion to enter into Commerce, ſecure from Threatnings and other falſe Suggeſtions contained in the ſaid Memorial, as well as to render us ſecure under Your Majeſty's Protection, in the free Enjoyment of our lawful Rights and Privileges contained in Your Majeſty's Acts of Parliament and Letters Patent above mentioned.

Signed at Edinburgh the 22d Day of December 1697. in Name, Preſence, and by Order of the ſaid Council General, by May it pleaſe your Majeſty, Your Majeſty's moſt Faithful, moſt Dutiful, moſt Humble, and moſt Obedient Subject and Servant, Sic ſubſcribitur Francis Scot P.

Notwithſtanding all this humble Application, there was no ſtop put to that Oppoſition: So that the Hamburghers dar'd not venture to ſubſcribe; and the Company, after great loſs of time, and Money, and leaving two Ships unfiniſh'd, to the great Diſhonour, as well as Diſadvantage of the Nation, were oblig'd to recal their Agents, after having ſpent 30000 l and not receiv'd one Farthing there, tho the Hamburghers were ſo willing to join, that they were ſorry there was not room left for ſubſcribing more than 200000 l

The Company finding themſelves thus injuriouſly dealt with, made application to the Parliament of Scotland for redreſs. Upon which the Parliament preſented the following Addreſs to his Majeſty.

An ADDRESS to his Majeſty, by the Parliament.

WE Your Majeſty's moſt Loyal and Faithful Subjects, the Noblemen, Barons, and Burgeſſes convened in Parliament, do humbly repreſent to Your Majeſty, that having conſider'd a Repreſentation made to us by the Council General of the Company trading to Africa and the Indies, making mention of ſeveral Obſtructions they have met with in the proſecution of their Trade; particularly by a Memorial preſented to the Senat of Hamburgh by Your Majeſty's Reſidents in that City, tending to leſſen the Credit of the Rights and Privileges granted to the ſaid Company by an Act of this preſent Parliament:

We do therefore, in all humble Duty, lay before Your Majeſty, the whole Nations Concern in this Matter: And We moſt earneſtly do entreat, and moſt aſſuredly expect, That Your Majeſty will in Your Royal Wiſdom take ſuch meaſures as may effectually vindicate the undoubted Rights and Privileges of the ſaid Company, and ſupport the Credit, and Intereſt thereof.

And as we are in Duty bound to return Your Majeſty moſt hearty Thanks for the Gracious Aſſurances Your Majeſty has been pleaſed to give Us of all due Encouragement for promoting the Trade of this Kingdom; So We are thereby encouraged at preſent, humbly to recommend to the more ſpecial Marks of Your Royal Favour, the Concerns of the ſaid Company, as that Branch of Our Trade, in which We, and the Nation we repreſent, have a more peculiar Intereſt.

Subſcribed at Edinburgh the 5th of Auguſt 1698. in Name, Preſence, and by Warrant of the Eſtates of Parliament. SEAFIELD J. P. D. P.

By all this it is evideht, that the whole Kingdom of Scotland was unanimous in this matter and proceeded deliberately in it, as that which highly concern'd their Intereſt: yet we ſee that all their Endeavours were to no purpoſe; for our Enemies were ſo reſolute in oppoſing our Trade, that rather than it ſhould ſucceed they will not only trample under foot the Laws of Scotland, but the Laws of Nations, and exactly follow the Pattern ſet them by the French, in huffing and tyrannizing over their Neighbours, when at the ſame time they pretend to make War upon Lewis XIV. for practices of the ſame nature; and whilſt they cry out upon the Deciſions of the Chambers of Briſac and Mets, and of the Parliament of Paris as tyrannical and unjuſt for invading the Rights of Neighbouring Princes and Nations, they ſet up a Cabal at Whitehall to do the like by Scotland and Hamburgh. Then let the World judg, whether the King of England had not leſs reaſon to ſay that he was ill ſerv'd in Scotland, than the King of Scots had to ſay that he was ill ſerv'd in England, ſince one ſingle Addreſs from the Parliament of England prevail'd with their King to forbid all his Subjects to join with the Scots; whereas the repeated Supplications of the Company of Scotland, the Addreſs of their Parliament, and the Authority of Law, and his own Letters Patent could not prevail with the King of Scots to do Juſtice to his own Subjects. We wiſh theſe Gentlemen would conſider this, who were ſo very angry at the Author of the Defence of the Scots Settlement, for ſaying that the King of Scots was detain'd priſoner in England. It is very certain, that never any King of Scotland before the Union of the Crowns, dar'd thus to trample upon their Laws, or to oppoſe the General Intereſt of the Nation; or if they attempted to do it, they were quickly made ſenſible of their being inferior to the Law, and the States of the Nation aſſembled in Parliament, who till the Acceſſion of our Princes to the Engliſh Throne, remain'd in an undiſputed poſſeſſion of calling their Kings to an account for Maleadminiſtration, and of diſpoſing of thei Lives and Liberties as they ſaw cauſe. We need not go ſo far back for Evidence to prove this, as Eugenius the 7th, who was brought to his Tryal on ſuſpition of having murder'd his own Wife, and acquitted upon diſcovery of the real Murderers; or of James III. whoſe Minions, by whoſe Council he governed, were taken out of his own Bed-Chamber by the Nobles, and hanged over Lauder-bridg; and he himſelf perſiſting in thoſe Courſes, was killed in flight, after being defeated in Battle by the States, and in the next Parliament was voted to be lawfully ſlain.

We have a later Inſtance, and the Power of our Nation on that Head was largely aſſerted and accounted for by the Earl of Morton then Regent of Scotland, in that noble Memorial he delivered in to Q. Elizabeth and her Council in defence of our proceedings againſt Q. Mary whom we dethron'd, and in her ſtead ſet up her Son: ſo that it is not the principle or practice of any one Party of our Nation (tho it has been of late fix'd upon the Presbyterians as peculiar to them) but was an Hereditary Right conveyed to us all by our Anceſtors, practiſed by Papiſts before the Reformation, and juſtiſied by thoſe of the Epiſcopal Perſwaſion ſince, particularly by the Earl of Morton beforemention'd, who was the firſt that introduc'd Biſhops into our Church after the Reformation.

Thoſe things are not inſiſted upon with any Deſign of applying them to his preſent Majeſty, or of incenſing the People of Scotland to do ſo, but only to inform thoſe that put his Majeſty upon ſuch Courſes, that they are his greateſt Enemies, and do what in them lies to deſtroy him. It is the common Right of Mankind to be protected by thoſe they ſet over them, and to complain of Governors when they find themſelves aggriev'd, and their Privileges torn from them by Violence. This Generation has prov'd it beyond poſſibility of Reply, that the greateſt Pretenders to ſubmiſſion to Princes, and the moſt zealous Patrons of Paſſive Obedience, will reſiſt and dethrone their Kings too, when they find themſelves oppreſſed by them. They that maintain the contrary, are nothing but mean-ſpirited Flatterers, or ſuch as temporize with Courts, becauſe of their own private Advantage; and be their Quality what it will, are far from being ſo noble and brave as that poor Woman who told Philip of Macedon, that he ceas'd to be King when he refus'd to hear her Petition. Upon the whole it will appear, that he Author of the Defence of the Scots Settlement, made the beſt Apology for his Majeſty that could be made, when he ſaid that he was a Priſoner in England, and therefore forc'd to act thus againſt the Intereſt and Dignity of his Crown as King of Scots. It is demonſtrated thus: If his Majeſty were in Scotland, and another Perſon upon the Throne of England, it is certain his Majeſty would have encouraged the Trade of Scotland, and reſented ſuch practices in the King of England, as contrary to the Laws of Nations, and the Soveraignty of his Crown: If he did not, he would be look'd upon to be mean-ſpirited, and not fit to wear it; and if he took part with the King of England againſt the Dignity of his Crown, and the Intereſt of his Kingdom, he would not only be looked upon as an Enemy to his Country, but as felo de ſe. From all which it is plain, that as it is the beſt Apology that can be made for the King of Scots when he acts thus, contrary to the Honour and Intereſt of himſelf and his Country, to ſay, he is a Priſoner in England; ſo it is a ſufficient Juſtification of the People of Scotland to refuſe Obedience to what he commands by the Influence of the Engliſh, or other Councils, in oppoſition to their Intereſt, becauſe they are the Commands of a Captive, and not of the King of Scots. If our Enemies ſay he is no Captive, but at Liberty to go to Scotland if he pleaſes, it is ſo far from making his Caſe better, that it makes it ten times worſe; for if his Affections be captivated, we are without remedy, except we either ſue for a Divorce, as in caſe of wilful Deſertion, and denying conjugal Duty, or withdraw from under his roof, and remove to another Family, as God and Man will allow one Siſter to do that is oppreſſed, and denied the Privileges of paternal Love and Protection, whilſt another is careſſed and dandled, and has her Fortune raiſed by diminiſhing that of the neglected Siſter.

The Jamaica Proclamation againſt our Colony at Darien comes next to be conſidered, and is as follows.

By the Honourable Sir William Beeſton Knt-Governour and Commander in chief for his Majeſty in the Iſland of Jamaica, and of the Territories and Dependencies of the ſame, and Admiral thereof.

WHereas I have received Orders from his Majeſty by the Right Honourable James Vernon, one of the Principal Secretaries of State, importing that his Majeſty was not informed of the Intentions and Deſigns of the Scots in peopling Darien, which is contrary to the Peace between his Majeſty and his Allies, commanding me not to afford them any Aſſiſtance: In compliance therewith, in his Majeſty's Name, and by his Order, I do ſtrictly charge and require all and every his Majeſty's Subjects, that upon no pretence whatſoever they hold any Correſpondence with the Scots aforeſaid, or give them any Aſſiſtance with Arms, Ammunition, Proviſion, or any thing whatſoever, either by themſelves or any other for them; nor aſſiſt them with any of their Shipping, or of the Engliſh Nations, upon pain of his Majeſty's Diſpleaſure, and ſuffering the ſevereſt puniſhment.

Given under my Hand and Seal of Arms, the 9th of April 1699. and in the 11th year of the Reign of William the 3d, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, and Lord of Jamaica, Defender of the Faith.

It contains a heavy Charge againſt the Scots Company as having ſettled in Darien without informing his Majeſty, and having thereby broke the Peace betwixt his Majeſty and his Allies. As to their not intorming his Majeſty with their Deſign, there was neither any need of it, nor had they reaſon to do it: that there was no need of it, is plain enough from the Act of Parliament impowering them to ſettle any where in Aſia, Africa, or America, upon places not inhabited, or any other place, with conſent of the Natives, and not poſſeſs'd by any European Potentate, Prince or State: So that they were under no Obligation to acquaint him where they deſign'd to ſettle, provided they kept to the Terms of the Act. And that they had no cauſe ſo to do, is evident from that unreaſonable oppoſition that a Faction of Court had prevailed with him to make to them all along, which gave them juſt cauſe to expect the like treatment in time to come.

Then as to the Breach of the Peace betwixt his Majeſty and his Allies by the Settlement, they had no reaſon to think themſelves guilty of any ſuch thing, and ſo much the leſs, that Dampier, Wafer, and all others that wrote of the Country gave an Account of the Natives being in poſſeſſion of their Liberty, and almoſt in continual Wars with the Spaniards. Beſides, it was a rul'd Caſe in England, ſince Capt. Sharp was by Law acquitted in King Charles Il's time, not only for having marched through Darien in a Hoſtile manner, but for attacquing Places that were really in poſſeſſion of the Spaniards, as St. Maria and Panama, becauſe he acted by virtue of a Commiſſion from thoſe Darien Princes. This, together with their not finding a Spaniard or Spaniſh Gariſon on all that part of the Iſthmus, was enough to juſtify the fairneſs of the Scots Settlement there, and to have put a ſtop to this haſty Sentence till both ſides had been heard.

But inſtead of that, the Adviſers to this Proclamation take upon them, in a very Magiſterial manner, to declare the Scots guilty of a Breach of the Peace betwixt his Majeſty and his Allies: which is ſo much the more remarkable, that this Proclamation is publiſh'd in the Weſt-Indies, before ever it was known what the Scots could ſay in their own defence; and ſent away before the preſenting of the Spaniſh Memorial, which was on the third of May 1699. and the Proclamation bears date April 9th 1699.

The unfairneſs of this Proclamation is evident from this, that at the very ſame time it is publiſh'd in the Weſt-Indies, the Lord Preſident of the Seſſions, and his Majeſty's Advocate for the Kingdom of Scotland, were ſent for from hence to ſee what they could ſay to juſtify their Pretenſions to Darien; which they did by ſuch Arguments as have not yet been anſwer'd.

We leave it then to the impartial Thoughts of the good People of England, whether we have not occaſion to ſay that our King is in the Hand of our Enemies, ſince we are thus condemn'd without a hearing, and our Nation put tothe trouble and expence to ſend Lawyers out of the Kingdom to defend themſelves before thoſe that had already condemned them. And ſince this is a viſible effect of the Union of the Crowns, by which we are every day more and more oppreſſed; let them ſpeak their Conſciences, if we have not all the reaſon in the World to diſſolve that Union, except the Nations be more cloſely united, and upon a better footing.

That we were ſo treated in former Reigns, we had no great cauſe to wonder, when the Court was engaged in a Conſpiracy againſt our Religion and Liberties. And our Nation being inferior to none in their Zeal for both, it was but natural to think that we ſhould be the firſt Sacrifice: But to be treated thus by a Prince who hath ventur'd his Life to ſave us from Popery and Slavery; a Prince who for Courage in War, and Conduct in Peace, is not to be match'd in Story; a Prince who is under God the Great Champion of our Religion, and the bold Aſſerter of Europe's Liberty; a Prince whoſe Family we revere, and whoſe Perſon we adore; a Prince for whom we have ſo chearfully ventur'd our Lives, and loſt ſo much of the beſt Blood in our Veins; to be ſo treated by ſuch a Prince hath ſome thing cutting beyond expreſſion, and proves that our Diſaſters are no way to be remedied, but either by a total Separation, or a cloſer Union of the two Kingdoms.

We cannot be ſo unjuſt to his Majeſty's Character as to think a Prince of his Magnanimity could be guilty of ſo mean a thing as willingly to ſubject the Crown of his Antient Kingdom which he received free, to that of another. We cannot once ſuffer it to enter into our thoughts, that he who dares to out-brave Death in the Field a thouſand times a day, ſhould act ſo unworthy a part as firſt to condemn, and then to try us. Theſe and all other things of that ſort we muſt needs charge to the account of our Enemies about him, who miſrepreſent us, and therefore ſurpriſe his Majeſty into any thing he does againſt us.

As to that poſitive Sentence of our having acted contrary to the Peace betwixt his Majeſty and his Allies, we have all the Reaſon in the World to complain of it. Is our Kingdom then become ſo mean and contemptible, that what is tranſacted according to the Acts of our Parliaments, and Patents of our Kings, is liable to be annull'd, or declared illegal, by any Perſon that has the hap to be made an Engliſh Secretary of State, Governor of one of their American Plantations, or a Member of their Council of Trade? If it be ſo, his Majeſty's Dignity, as King of Scots, is well defended in the mean time, when it is liable thus to be trampled upon by his own Servants as King of England. This does indeed veriſy what has been ſaid, that our Kings ſince the Union leave their Antient Kingdom to the diſpoſal of their Servants: but whether this be agreeable to the Coronation Oaths of our Kings, let them determine that are concern'd to enquire; and perhaps it may be worth the conſideration of our Neighbours, whether ſince we have been govern'd by Servants, they have not for the moſt part been ſubject to Minions, and that the one does naturally pave the way for the other. So that they are no great gainers by the Bargain.

If it be anſwer'd, that the Proclamations are iſſued by his Majeſty's Authority, and that therefore our Sentence proceeds from his Bar.

We anſwer, 1. That there are ſhrewd Suſpitions that a certain Gentleman or two who have affected all along to ſhew their Zeal againſt the Scots in this Affair, have puſh'd this matter beyond their Inſtructions; for there's no man that knows his Majeſty's Juſtice and Wiſdom, can admit a thought that he would condemn us before we were heard.

2. We don't at all queſtion his Majeſty's Authority as King of England, to forbid his Engliſh Subjects to give any manner of Aſſiſtance to the Scots at Darien (tho we might ſay it was unkind) but we abſolutely deny that he has any Authority as King of England to condemn the Proceedings of the Subjects of Scotland for any thing they tranſact without the Dominions of England. If it be otherwiſe, his Majeſty, as King of Scots, is bound to appear at the King's-Bench-bar in Weſtminſter-Hall for what he hath done as King of Scots, upon the Lord Chief Juſtices Summons; and of what Conſequence this may be to himſelf or his Succeſſors, may be eaſily judg'd. Had Oliver, and the other Regicides, bethought themſelves of this, it had been more for the Honour of England, and would have taken off a great deal of the odium that is charg'd upon them for cutting off King Charles, had they ſearch'd for ſomething Criminal in his Conduct toward the Engliſh Nation as King of Scots, and condemned him for that. Tho they did not think upon this, perhaps others may; and then the Engliſh will be able to juſtify themſelves as not having cut off their own King, but their Enemy the King of Scots, as there's no doubt they would have done by King Charles II. had he not made his eſcape after the battel of Worceſter.

This may perhaps deſerve the thoughts of his preſent Majeſty and others concern'd in the Succeſſion, and ſo much the more that the dependence of the Crown of Scotland upon that of England hath been lately aſſerted by ſome Engliſh Hiſtorians, and indirectly hinted at in a pretended Anſwer to the Defence of the Scots Settlement at Darien, p. 24.

But to ſatisfy that Gentleman and others, who pleaſe themſelves ſo much in vilifying the Scotiſh Nation, they may turn to the Reigns of Edward I. II. & III. and they will quickly find that Sir William Wallace, K. Robert Bruce, James Lord Douglas, Thomas Randolph Earl of Murray, and others that we could name, did ſo gallantly defend the Soveraignty of Scotland againſt thoſe bold Pretenders to a Superiority over us, that their Succeſſors have had no great ſtomach to purſue their Claim to it ſince: So that if ever they had any, it is forfeited by Preſcription.

Oliver's imaginary Conqueſt ſo much inſiſted on by the dull Anſwerer of the Scots Defence, and others, will be of no uſe to the Faction in this matter, ſince that was no National Quarrel, nor did the Engliſh pretend to any ſuch thing, as a Conqueſt of us, but immediatly withdrew their Forces upon the Reſtoration. So that Oliver's Conqueſt, as he calls it, was only the Victory of one Party over another in a Civil War, it being well known that he had Friends in Scotland as well as England, which (if that Wiſe Author will have Oliver's Victories to be Conqueſts) he had conquer • d too before ever he came near Scotland.

We don't inſiſt upon this with any deſign to derogate from the Valour of the Engliſh Nation, which is known all over the World, but to ſtop the mouths of thoſe pitiful Scriblers, and to give a Caveat to thoſe Gentlemen about Court, who talk ſo big of conquering Scotland upon this preſent occaſion.

But we wiſh them to conſult beforehand how England in general ſtands affected to ſuch a Deſign, and how they will juſtify the Lawfulneſs of it, leſt it fare with them as it did with K. Charles I. and his Cabal, who not only in Council advis'd, TO REDUCE US TO OUR DUTY BY FORCE RATHER THAN GIVE WAY TO OUR DEMANDS, as may be ſeen in the Repreſentation of the States of Scotland in 1640. but rais'd Money, and levied a formidable Army to carry on their Deſign; and yet the Hearts of theſe Bravos fail'd them when they came in view of the Scots, who repuls'd them twice with ſhame, the firſt time when they encamp'd their great Army near Barwick, and the next when we charg'd them at Newburn. And at laſt the beſt of the Nobility and Gentry of England thought fit to put a ſtop to thoſe dangerous Proceedings, and follow'd his Majeſty with a Proteſtation againſt them, as well knowing, that if Scotland were once ſubdued, the Liberties of England could not be long liv'd.

That it is the Intereſt of England now to prevent the Ruin of Scotland, as much as it was then, will appear by the following Arguments.

1. That the preſent Juncture of Affairs makes it neceſſary for the Kingdom of England rather to ſtrengthen themſelves by making new Friends than by procuring new Enemies. They are not ignorant that they have a controverted Title to their Crown entail'd upon them, and that the Pretenders againſt thoſe in poſſeſſion are in the French Intereſt, and under their Protection. Nor can they be ignorant, that to the old National Hatred betwixt France and England, the French have added that of the Proteſtant Religion. Of late years they have declared themſelves the moſt implacable Enemies of it; and their King in all his Triumphs has that aſcrib'd to him as his greateſt Exploit, that he hath quelled the Monſter of Hereſy. The caſe being thus, it muſt needs be againſt the Intereſt of England to ſuffer any froward and headſtrong Faction to embroil them with Scotland, or to ruin that Kingdom; the Conſequence of which will be the expoſing themſelves as an eaſier Prey to the Conqueſt of the French or any other Enemy.

That the French had a hand in fomenting our late Civil Wars, and made uſe of their Firebrands in all Parties, is beyond diſpute; and that it is now more their Intereſt to divide us than ever, is ſo palpable that it cannot be denied. Nothing in human probability could have ſtop'd the impetuous Current of their Arms, but the Interpoſition of Great Britain; and therefore it concerns them, both in point of Intereſt and Revenge, to daſh us againſt one another: and if the ill Uſage that we meet with from the Court of England ſhould force us again into a French or other Alliance, the World cannot blame us; ſince the Laws of Nature and Nations are for us. Put the caſe that a ſmaller number of Chriſtians ſhould be unjuſtly attack'd by a greater, whom nothing will ſatisfy but the utter Ruin of the former: Could any man in conſcience blame the weaker Party to call in the Aſſiſtance of Jews and Pagans to preſerve their own Lives? Is it not the ſame caſe with the Scots? have they not ever ſince the Union of the Crowns been oppreſſed and tyranniz'd over by a Faction in England, who will neither admit of an Union of the Nations, nor leave the Scots in poſſeſſion of their own Privileges, as Men and Chriſtians? Was it not a Party in England that impos'd upon us firſt in Matters of Religion? Did we ſend firſt to oblige them to ſubmit to the Geneva Diſciplin, as they call it; or was it they that firſt impoſed their Ceremonies and Forms of Prayer upon us? Was it we who firſt invaded them with an Army to ſubvert their Civil and Religious Liberties, or did not they firſt invade us? Was it we who firſt made Acts againſt their Trade, or they who made Acts deſtructive of ours? Did we iſſue Proclamations againſt their Colonies, or have they done ſo by ours? In the name of God then let them declare what they would have us to do. They will not unite with us, nor ſuffer us to live by our ſelves: Nor muſt we have any ſhare of their Trade, or carry on a Trade by our ſelves. Is it not plain then that the Faction oppreſs us? and yet we muſt not complain of this ſort of Treatment.

2. If the State of Affairs in Ireland be conſider'd, it will appear to be ſuch, as may make it dangerous to ſuffer the Scots to be oppreſſed and provok'd in this manner It is well enough known that the People of Ireland are not very well pleas'd with their Treatment by ſome in England. This, together with the great numbers of Scots in the North of that Kingdom, who bear a natural Affection to their Country, and would be very uneaſy to ſee its Ruin, may prove of dangerous conſequence, in caſe of a Rupture with Scotland. 3. It will further appear to be the Intereſt of England not to ſuffer the Scots to be ſo much run down, if they conſider the poſture of their own Affairs at home. The Diviſions and Animoſities betwixt the ſeveral Parties in England are well enough known: So that beſides the Sport it would afford to the common Enemy of our Religion and Country, to ſee thoſe two Nations engaged in War, the Enemies of the preſent Government would be ſure to improve it, and watch for an opportunity to avenge themſelves for what has been done againſt the late K. James, and his Friends. It is well enough known what hopes they and ſome People beyond Sea conceive from the Differences that this Treatment of the Scots may probably occaſion; and as they have an irreconcilable Hatred againſt our Nation, becauſe we declar'd ſo generally againſt the late King, and are ſo zealous for his preſent Majeſty, there's no doubt but they will foment our Diviſions as much as they can, and inſinuate themſelves with both Parties, in order to ſet them together by the Ears. They know that ſo many as fall in England of thoſe who adhere to the preſent Conſtitution, and ſo many as fall in Scotland for ſupporting the Trade and Freedom of their Country, ſo many Enemies they are rid of; therefore there's no queſtion but they promiſe themſelves a plentiful fiſhing in ſuch troubled Waters.

It likewiſe deſerves the conſideration of our Neighbours, that they don't ſtand at preſent in very good terms as to matter of Trade with France, Holland and Flanders; nor is it well known what the Iſſue of the preſent Controverſy with Spain about regulating their Succeſſion may be. The impending differences betwixt the Northern Crowns may perhaps in a little time imbroil them with one or other of them, and affect their Trade alſo on that ſide. All which being conſider'd, it would ſeem to be the Intereſt of England to aſſure themſelves of the Friendſhip of the Scots, by treating them in a kind and neighbourly manner.

4. It will appear in particular not to be the Intereſt of the Diſſenters and ſober Churchmen, that the Scots ſhould be thus run down, becauſe their own Ruin will be the unavoidable Conſequence of it. This they may ſoon be convinc'd of if they will give themſelves leave to conſider how they were treated in K. Charles the Firſt's time, when the Court did ſwell with ſo much Rage againſt the Kingdom of Scotland for aſſerting their Liberties then, as they do now. All thoſe Church of England-men that could not conform to the Innovations brought into the Church by Laud and his Party, were treated as Puritans and Schiſmaticks; and thoſe that appear'd for the Liberties of the Nation againſt the Ship-money and other Arbitrary Impoſitions of the Court, were treated as Rebels and Traitors. If they look into the two laſt Reigns, it will appear as plain as the Sun, that when Scottand was oppreſs'd, and their Liberties wreſted from them, the Diſſenters and moderate Churchmen in England were brought under the laſh: the former were depriv'd of their Religion and Liberties, and the latter expos'd to deſtruction by Sham-plots, &c. becauſe of their appearing for the Laws of their Country. We need mention no more Inſtances to put this out of Controverſy, than thoſe deplorable ones of the Earl of Eſſex and Lord Ruſſel; to which we may add the ſhameful and barbarous Treatment of the worthy Mr. Johnſon Chaplain to the latter, becauſe he ſo excellently defended with his Pen the Birth-right and Freedom of all true Engliſhmen.

From all this it will appear that England in general muſt ſuffer by the Ruin of Scotland, and that thoſe who have all along ſtood up for the Engliſh Liberties, muſt lay their Account to come under the laſh, if once our Necks come under the Yoke: therefore we dare appeal to the ſober Men of the Church of England, Whether it be their Intereſt that a Nation which agrees with them in all the Articles of their Church, thoſe about Diſcipline excepted, ſhould be deſtin'd to ruin, becauſe we believe with moſt of the Reformed Churches, that there is no Office ſuperiour to that of a Presbyter of divine Inſtitution. Muſt we be denied the Privileges of Men and Chriſtians, becauſe we think that the Diſcipline of the Church may be more ſafely intruſted, and more faithfully adminiſtred by the joint Indeavors of the Miniſter and the Heads of his Congregation, by an Aſſociation of neighbouring Miniſters, and the Heads of their Pariſhes, and by Delegates both of the Clergy and Laity of thoſe Aſſociations in a general Convocation, than by another Model? But enough of this Subject. Let any Man peruſe the learned Archbiſhop Ʋſher's Treatiſe of Presbytery and Epiſcopacy reconcil'd, and there they will find that the difference is not ſo great as ſome People have made it their buſineſs to make the World believe. But if nothing leſs than our deſtruction will ſerve thoſe Gentlemen, becauſe our Church is of a different Conſtitution from that of England, and that our political Principles and original Conſtitution are diametrically oppoſite to arbitrary Power, let the Diſſenters of England, and all thoſe Churchmen that concurr'd in the late Revolution, look to it. When their Neighbour's Houſe is on ſire it's time for them to prepare their Bucket's. If this Digreſſion be thought impertinent, H—s and the Anſwerer of the Scots Defence muſt bear the blame of it. They would inſinuate to the World that the Affair of our Trade and Colony is a Presbyterian Project, on purpoſe to render it odious and ſuſpected to the Church of England; therefore it was neceſſary to obviate that falſe and malicious Suggeſtion, and to acquaint our Neighbours that the Company make no difference as to the matter of Perſwaſion: and let it be put to the Teſt when they pleaſe, it will be found that thoſe of the Epiſcopal Opinion are as zealous for the thriving of our Trade, and the Honour of our Nation (both of which are concern'd in this Affair) as any of the other.

To wind up this matter, if any Party in England entertain ſuſpicions of us, the better way to prevent us is to treat us kindly, and enter into an Union with us on ſuch Terms as his Majeſty and the Parliament of both Kingdoms ſhall agree, and ſo as the Civil and Religious Liberties of both People may be preſerved. That will be caſier and ſafer than to relie on the Hopes of an uncertain Conqueſt; or if they don't think fit to do ſo, it's but reaſonable they ſhould leave us in the undiſturb'd poſſeſſion of our own Liberties: But if they will do neither, let them no more accuſe thoſe that complain of this Treatment as Incendiaries, but ſeriouſly examine whether they themſelves mayn't with more Juſtice be accounted Oppreſſors.

PART II. Being a more particular Anſwer to H—s's Libel.

WE come in the next place to take a Survey of H—s Libel, intituled, The Defence of the Scots abdicating Darien; and ſhall ſpeedily ſhew to how little purpoſe his Suborners have ſpent their Pains and Mony on him.

The firſt Line of his Performance is a Banter upon his Majeſty, whom he charges with inveſting our Company with immenſe Privileges and Immunities by his Octroy of 1695. There's no Man can be anſwerable for more ſenſe than God has given him; but tho H—s underſtood no better, his Maſters at White-hall, of whom he brags ſo much, ought to have taken care that he ſhould not run into Nonſenſe, and an Invective againſt his Majeſty at firſt daſh: To talk of granting us immenſe Privileges, is to impeach his Majeſty's Wiſdom, as if he had done a thing without parallel, which is directly to incenſe the Kingdom of England againſt him, as ſome bad People indeavour'd to do, when by a Miſrepreſentation of our Deſign, they ſtir'd up the Houſe of Commons againſt it. But had the Surgeon or his suborners look'd into the Privileges of 21 Years freedom from all manner of Taxes granted to the Dutch Eaſt-India Company by the States of Holland, and the vaſt Immunities granted by the French King, the Danes and Brandenburghers to their Companies for trading to the Eaſt-Indies, or even to thoſe granted to the Engliſh Eaſt-India Company at firſt, they would have found there was no reaſon to charge his Majeſty with granting us ſuch immenſe or unparallel'd Privileges, or aſcribing it to his not well knowing what he did for the noiſe of the Guns at Namur, as this petulant Scribler does. Dedication, pag. 9.

But if H—s and his Suborners exclaim againſt our Privileges as immenſe, they are reſolv'd to diminiſh the Authority by which they were granted, and call it only by the name of an Octroy, which ſignifies no more than a Patent; whereas our Privileges were granted us by an Act of Parliament, which are greater and more ſacred than all the Octroys in Europe: Thus thro Ignorance or Malice they think fit to vilify his Majeſty's Conduct and Authority, which they pretend to defend.

Their Malice is further demonſtrated by the Parentheſis (to be preſum'd) in the 2d page of the Decation, where they ſpeak of his Majeſty's Promiſe to interpoſe his Royal Authority to do us right in caſe of diſturbance, and that at the publick Charge (to be preſum'd) of his antient Kingdom. There might poſſibly have been ſome need of their preſumption, had all Mankind been indow'd with as little Senſe and Honeſty as H—s and his Suborners; for no other Body could ever preſume it to mean any thing elſe, ſince our Acts do not oblige England: tho if they had preſum'd that our Enemies would take eare that the ſaid Promiſe ſhould not be kept, the refuſal of lending our Company the 3 Men of War built at the Charge of our own Nation, would ſoon have convine'd the World that they had preſum'd too true.

We have accounted for rejecting Mr. Douglas's Propoſal elſewhere; nor ſhall we take notice of H—s's ſcurrilous Reflections on Mr. Paterſon, which only diſcover his own Temper, but do that honeſt Man no hurt. As to his charging us with ſquandring away 50000 l. on 6 Hulks at Amſterdam and Hamburgh, purely to make a noiſe of our Proceedings, &c. we would deſire him and his Suborners to reconcile it with what they ſay from p. 14, to 20. where they own themſelves that the Dutch and Hamburgers were both mightily pleas'd with the Deſign, p. 14. That the Dutch were tickled with the Conceit that they ſhould be Sharers in the Scots Trade; and p. 16. they ſay, That that which gave the dead ſtroke to the Scots Deſign, was the Eaſt and Weſt-India Companies running open mouth'd to the Lords of Amſterdam, ſhewing what was hatching by the Scots Commiſſioners in their City to ruine the Trade of the Vnited Provinces. P. 17. they tell us. That the Hamburgers thought it the more their Intereſt to embrace the Project, the more that the Dutch oppos'd it: P. 18. That our Affair was generally favour'd by the Burgers of Hamburg; and p. 21. That the Government of England ſent the Senate of Hamburg a Caution by Sir Paul Ricaut to take care how they ſuffer'd their Burghers to embark with us. So that here we condemn them from their own mouths: It being plain from thoſe Conceſſions, that we did not idly ſquander away our Money at Hamburgh and Amsterdam; but that both thoſe trading Cities approv'd our Deſign, and would have engag'd in it, had not the Court of England and the Dutch oppos'd it; and therefore what loſs of Mony we ſuſtain'd in thoſe places, muſt be charg'd to their Account; ſo that H—s hath verified the Proverb, That Liars have need of good Memories.

This is not the only Inſtance wherein thoſe of H—s and his Suborners have giv'n them the ſlip; for in the 4th page of the Dedication, they upbraid the Company with their blind Project, at which the trading part of the World ſtand amaz'd; yet p. 17. they tell us that the Project was reaſonable both on the Scots and Hamburghers ſide; and the Reaſons they give are theſe, That the River on which that City ſtands is navigable for 200 Miles up into Germany for flat-bottom'd Veſſels of 70 or 80 Tuns, which gives them an opportunity of ſerving all the North Parts of the Empire, &c. All that they can ſay to ſalve this Contradiction is, That the Hamburghers knew nothing of Darien, but builded altogether on Ships laden with India Goods; but that's a notorious Falſhood, for the Hamburghers were actually told that our Deſign was on the Iſthmus of America, and therefore could not be diſappointed in their Expectations of an East-India Trade if they had a mind to have follow'd it, ſince they could not be ignorant that they had thereby an opportunity of ſhortning the Voyage from Darien to the Eaſt-Indies. But at the ſame time it is much to be queſtion'd whether the Hamburghers were ſo intent upon an Eaſt-India Trade, as H—s alledges, ſince it muſt viſibly prejudice their own Manufacture of Linen.

We ſhall conclude this of Hamburgh and Amſterdam with one Obſervation, viz. that he tells us, p. 14. That one of the Reaſons why the Dutch were ſo much taken with our Eaſt-Indian Trade, was our Exemption from Duties for 21 years; which ſerves only to diſcover his own Folly and Malice, ſince every Body muſt neceſſarily know, that exemption from Duties was only in the Scotiſh Ports; ſo that if they were exported from thence into any other Country, they muſt pay the ſame Duties in thoſe Countries, as if they had been directly imported from the Eaſt-Indies.

The Inconſiſtency of H—s and his Suborners is further demonſtrated, p. 4. byſuppoſing our buying a couple of ſecond-hand Ships in the Thames, and diſpatching them to India with a ſutable Cargo. As to the buying of ſecond-hand Ships, the Company made that Experiment, but found themſelves loſevs by it, and that it coſt them more to fit up a ſecondhand Veſſel for their purpoſe, than it would have done to have bought a new one. But with what Front can they upbraid us with not buying of Ships in the Thames for carrying on an Eaſt-India Trade, when they own, p. 7. that the Houſe of Commons baulk'd us of our Subſcriptions, and reprimanded the Subjects of England for their foolery? How is it poſſible then that they would have ſuffer'd our buying Ships in the Thames for carrying on an Eaſt-India Trade?

We have another proof of his Ingenuity and Truth in that ſame Page, where he tells us, that if our blind Project (meaning that of Darien) ſhould miſcarry by our own ill Management, it is not fair we ſhould ſnarl at our Neighbours, who have no other Hand in our Misfortune, than that they would not be acceſſary to any Act which the World might judg Felonious, and wherein they could not join without engaging themſelves in an unreaſonable War, and in the end to aſſiſt us with Weapons to break our won Heads. We wiſh his Maſters much joy of their Advocat and Evidence, for we believe they could not have found ſuch another if they had ſearched through all the Iſland: He juſt now own'd that our Neighbours oppoſed our Subſcriptions at home and abroad, before they knew any thing of what he calls our blind Project, and made us ſquander away 50000 l to little purpoſe, whioh certainly muſt be a misfortune, and that wherein our Neighbours had no ſmall hand, tho the World could not judg our taking Subſcriptions in that Honourable manner to be any way Felonious. We have moreover ſufficently proved it elſewhere, that they have had a hand in our Misfortune by down-right oppoſition, and unaccountable Proclamations for which they had no Authority; we hope that this will be allow'd to be ſomething more than refuſing to be acceſſary to an Act that neither he nor his Suborners will ever be able to prove Felonious, and which we have already told him, the Laws of England have in a parallel, nay much worſe caſe, judg'd to be honeſt and righteous.

So that all this Author hath got by his charging us maliciouſly with Felony, is to prove himſelf a wilful Felon, for he tells us at the end of his Book of a long diſpute betwixt himſelf and Sir J. Stewart his Majeſty's Advocat for the Kingdom of Scotland, about the Title of the Spaniards to Darien; and if we may believe H—s, he baffled the Advocat, and prov'd the Right of the Spaniards: which proves himſelf to have engaged in a Deſign that he thought Felonious, for we do not find, by his own Relation, that he left the place from remorſe of Conſcience, but only on the Account of a Malladie Imaginaire, and want of Proviſions; ſo that we thank him for telling the World, from his own Mouth, that his Evidence againſt us is that of a Felon.

As to their engaging themſelves in an unreaſonable War, and aſſiſting us with Weapons to break their own Heads; we did not deſire they ſhould engage in a War for us, but think it very unreaſonable the Engliſh Court ſhould have engaged ſo far as they have done againſt us: It had been ſufficient for them to have denied us their Aſſiſtance, without having condemn'd us as guilty of breach of Alliance, which, as all the other parts of the oppoſition made to us, we are ſatisfied is not the Act of the Engliſh Nation, and therefore can create no miſunderſtanding betwixt them and us, but perhaps may prove a Weapon in time to break the Heads of H—s and his Suborners.

In the 5th Page, that his Book may be all of a piece, he advances a forg'd Obligation upon us, from the Union of the Crowns, which is, that we are thereby deliver'd from the daily Feuds and bloody little Wars that rag'd amongſt us for 1900 years, which unnatural Maſſacnes our native Princes were unable to ſuppreſs, &c. This is down-right falſhood in matter of Fact; for thoſe Feuds, as he calls them, ceas'd in the Lowlands long before the Union, but continue ſtill in the Highlands, which we can ſcarocly think is unknown to our Author who was born ſo near that Country as Dumbarton. The Macdonalds have been ſeveral times in Arms againſt the Earl of Argile ſince the Reſtoration, and there's a Fend now depending between the Frazers and the Murrays, or rather the Family of Athol. Non did we ever hear of any thing that look'd ſo like an unnatural Maſſacre in Scotland as that committed ſince tho Revolution upon the Inhabitants of Glenco, which had it not been for the Union of the Crowns, would not have been ſuffer'd to go unpuniſhed. But admitting it to be true, that the Union had deliver'd us from thoſe little Feuds, we are no gainers by the Bargain, ſince it hath occaſion'd greater; pavticularly that unnatural Feud which rag'd ſo long betwixt the Epiſcopal Party and Preſbyterians, and had its riſe altogether from the Union of the Crowns; the very proſpect of which, was the ſole cauſe why the Earl of Morton (when Regent) ſet up the firſt Proteſtant Biſhops in Scotland.

Into what Couvulſions that Impoſition threw the Nation is well enough known; and how beſides the bringing down K Charles I. with 30000 Men againſt our Kingdom, and contributing to engage the Nations in a Civil War, it occaſioned King Charles II. to plunder the Weſt of Scotland, firſt by Sir James Turner, which gave riſe to the Inſurrection at Pentland; and twice afterwards by the Highland Hoſt, which occaſion'd that of Bothwel-Bridg: And afterwards the Oppreſſion run ſo high, that it forc'd ſome of the Presbyterians into unaccountable Actions, which gave occaſion to oppreſs the whole Party; ſo that it was made puniſhable by Death for any of their Miniſters to preach, or for the People to hear them. From this indeed, we were totally delivered by the Revolution, tho our freedom in that reſpect was partly begun by the late King James's Declaration. But our Enemies, unwilling that our Nation ſhould be long at eaſe, have found other Methods to ſet our Court againſt us: And becauſe they know that his preſent Majeſty has too great a Soul to perſecute any man on the account of Conſcience; our Enemies have chang'd their Battery, and inſtead of pointing their Cannon at our Religion, they level them againſt our Civil Liberties. The Powder they prime their Artillery with, is, That we are Enemies to Prerogative: But becauſe this would not go down with the good People of England, who are ſtrenuous Aſſertors of Liberty and Property, they muſt gild it over with the ſpecious Pretence, that we have a deſign to undermine their Trade, and have unjuſtly invaded the Spaniſh Dominions. This is the Deſign of H—s and his Suborners; and therefore they inſiſt ſo much on our Clandeſtine Declarations, as they call them, that we publiſh'd in the Engliſh Plantations, on purpoſe to drain them of their People; but unhappily overthrow what they advance at the ſame time, when they tell us, That the Jamaica Sloops were Witneſſes that we had neither Proviſions, nor Money for the ſuſtenance of our own People, pag. 148. And therefore it cannot reaſonably be ſuppos'd that we had any ſuch deſign as he malicioufly charges us with, to draw over the People from the Engliſh Plantations, ſince we had not wherewith to ſupport our own; but more of this anon. Our Author learn'd the Maxim of Calumniare audacter & aliquid barebit, when he was a Papiſt: And if he and his Suborners can be any way inſtrumental to ſet the Nations together by the Ears by this Method; or if that fail, if they can but raiſe Animoſitys between them, they know it will be a good pretence for ſome people to put his Majeſty upon preſſing for a Standing Army, and perhaps for having it enlarg'd, it being neceſſary, ſay they, to overaw the Scors, but in reality to protect ſuch evil Counſellors from being brought to Juſtice, that have advis'd to ſuch Meaſures as viſibly tend to the diſadvantage of both Nations.

It may perhaps be worth the Enquiry of our Neighbours whether this be not the real meaning of this intolerable Oppreſſion exercis'd upon our Nation as to their Trade both at home and abroad, viz. that knowing our prafervidum. Ingenium, as they are pleas'd to call it, to be impatient under Tyranny, the Faction think thereby to provoke us to a reſentment that may give occaſion for raiſing an Army againſt us; which if it have the good hap to ſubdue us, or force us to digeſt our Oppreſſlon without any more to do, ſhall be made uſe of afterwards to chaſtiſe themſelves, and bring them to better Manners, then to limit their Monarchs in their Grants, and leave them no other Troops but their Gariſons and Guards. It was the Obſervalton of the Earl of Shaſtsbury, whom his Enemies will own to have been a great Stateſman, that Scotland is a Door to let in Good or Evil upon England; which is verified in the latter at leaſt by the whole Courſe of our Hiſtory ſince the Union: for when K. James I. ſucceeded in trampling upon us, he quickly began to huff his Parliaments in England; and notwithſtanding all the Remonſtrances of Church and State, would needs have a Popiſh Match for his Son, tho he ſhould ſacrifice the Great Sir Walter Rawleigh, his own Daughter the Queen of Bohemia, and her Children, together with the Proteſtant Intereſt in Germany, to make way for it. When Charles I. obtain'd footing for his. Impoſitions on the Church and State of Scotland, it's well enough known what Methods he took with England, and how he ſacrific'd the Proteſtant Intereſt in France, whilſt he eagerly purſued an Arbitrary Sway at home. When Charles II. got his Prerogative exalted, and an Army at his Call allow'd him in Scotland, i'ts too late to be forgotten how he trod under foot the Liberties of England, ſeiz'd the Charters of their Cities, cut off whom he would by Sham-Plots, and pav'd the way for Popery and Arbitrary Power. When K. James II. did by his abſolute Power and unaccountable Authority caſs and annul all the Laws eſtabliſhing the Reformation in Sootland; it was not long e're he ſuſpended the Laws, impriſon'd the Biſhops, and fill'd with Papiſts his Council, Army, and Univerſities in England. From all which it is evident that our Neighbours have reaſon to look to themſelves when we are oppreſs'd; for in all probability their Acts of Parliament will not be long regarded, when ours are annull'd and made void by the Intrigues of the Courtiers, and Weſt-India Proclamations. The very Advocats of Tyranny make uſe of this as their Herculean Argument, That the People having once reſign'd their Privileges to the Crown, have no more right to demand them; which tho we will not allow to be any ways concluding, yet we may very well make uſe of it ad hominem, that a pari ratione, when once a Prince has touch'd with his Scepter a Law for the benefit of his Subjects, it is not in his power to revoke or counteract it; or if he do, by the ſame Power that he abſolves himſelf from his Obligation to protect and defend his Subjects, he abſolves them from all obligation to pay him any Revenue or Allegiance. This is the Birthright of all Scots-men; and if our Neighbours in England have a mind to ſit ſtill, and fee us bereft of it, all the benefit they can expect from it, is to have the Privilege of being devour'd laſt.

The reſt of his Banter upon his native Country ſerves only to leſſen his own credit, and to make even thoſe that ſet him at work, curſe him in thought, not only as a Monſter in nature, but as diſhoneſt to them, by depriving them thus of the benefit of his Evidence, for which they have paid him ſo well; ſince no body in the world can think a man will have any regard to Truth, that in ſuch an impudent manner breaks thro all the Ties of Nature; and as a juſt Judgment for ſo enormous a Crime, is ſo far depriv'd of his reaſoning Faculty, that he is not ſenſible of his cutting his own Throat, by contradicting himſelf almoſt in every Paragraph. He upbraids us in one Page with not having dar'd to deſcend into the Plains, and that thoſe gallant Men our Anceſtors durſt not aſſemble for Worſhip before the Union, except in a Houſe whoſe Wall was twelve or 14 foot thick, or to whiſper their Prayers or Carrols thro the Cliffs of the Mountains: In the next Page he tells us he has no Inclination to offer any thing in oppoſition to the Gallantry of our Anceſtors; and in ſome Pages following he impertinently ridicules the Valour of our Country in the Story of Baliol, which he perverts in ſuch a manner, as no man but himſelf is capable of.

We don't think it worth while to anſwer him according to his Folly, but ſhall once for all let him know, that the moſt invective of the Engliſh Hiſtorians, that wrote in the heat of the War, do us more Juſtice than this unnatural Renegado. There's no Nation in Europe, where we have not given proofs of our Valour, nor is there a Court in Chriſtendom where Scots-men are not valued on that account. Sam. Daniel, one of the beſt of the Engliſh Hiſtorians, owns that never any People of the World did more gallantly defend their Liberties than we did in that very inſtance of Baliol, when we were without a Head; and from thence infers, what was it we could not have done, had we been then under the conduct of ſuch a Leader as K. Robert Bruce. Speed, one of the graveſt of the Engliſh Hiſtorians, does generouſly own, that few great Actions have been perform'd in Europe, where the Scots have not been with the firſt and laſt in the Field.

We could eaſily give a proper Reply to the impertinent Romance which he brings about Baliol, that would tend as much or more to the diſhonour of Edward I. II. and III. than any thing that he and his Suborners have ſuggeſted can tend to the diſhonour of our Nation; but we forbear it, having no deſign to reflect upon our Neighbours, notwithſtanding the rude Treatment and Provocation that we have had from H—s, and others on this occaſion. We can, without thinking our ſelves injur'd, own that the Engliſh are as brave Men as any in the World, and are ſatisfied, that ſuch of our Neighbours as are Men of Honour and Reading, will allow us the ſame Character. We perceive it is the deſign of this Libeller and others to repreſent the Engliſh Nation as Enemies to us in this matter, on purpoſe to ſet us together by the Ears; but we are ſatisfied of the contrary, as well knowing that not a few of our good Neighbours are much ſurpriz'd and diſpleas'd with our Treatment, and look upon the ſame to be the effect of ſuch Councils as are deſtructive to the Intereſt of both Nations.

We ſhall conclude this point with one Obſervation more upon H—s's Ignorance and Malice, in denying that the Scots expell'd Baliol from the Crown, when ſuch a noble Monument of the truth of it, as the original Letter of the States of Scotland, is ſtill to be ſeen in the Univerſity of Oxford, and exemplify'd by Dr. Burnet now Biſhop of Sarum, in his Hiſtory of the Reformation; and ſince it is alſo plain that our Anceſtors choſe Robert Bruce King during Baliol's Life-time, and that Baliol at laſt reſign'd all his Pretenſions, confeſs'd his Fault in ſubjecting the Crown of Scotland to that of England, own'd that he was deſervedly thruſt from the Throne for it, congratulated his Kinſman Robert Bruce's Advancement, and that he had reſtor'd the Crown of Scotland to its antient Honour.

We take no notice of his profane and atheiſtical Banter upon the Religion of our Country, as being ſatisfied that that will do his Cauſe no good amongſt thinking men, tho it may pleaſe thoſe that he is only fit to converſe with. As for his malicious charge on Presbyterians, that they maintain it as their Principle, That Dominion is founded on Grace; it's of a piece with the reſt of his Evidence. He and his Suborners will be very hard put to it to quote one of their Authors to prove the Aſſertion, and therefore they may well reject it as a ſlander: but we muſt tell him that if this be the Principle of the Presbyterians, they have not well anſwer'd it by their practice; for whenever they had any ſuch thing as Dominion at their diſpoſal, they ſeldom had the good hap to confer it upon thoſe that had Grace enough to anſwer the ends of it. We forbear Inſtances, becauſe it's too well known both in France and Great Britain.

We come next to examine his Charge upon our Colony on purpoſe to render them odious to the Engliſh Nation, and all the World, and ſhall tranſcribe it verbatim, that the reaſon of our Obſervations upon it may be the more obvious. His words are theſe.

If your Colony has left Darien for Reaſons not as yet public to the World, 'tis your fault, Right Worſhipful Gentlemen, in undertaking to manage a Project you ſo little underſtood, and not of the Engliſh Nation, whoſe Intereſt it is to abvance and preſerve their own Colonies, and to keep them from being render'd deſolate by the clandeſtine Artiſices of yours, who induſtriouſly and tacitely ſpread their Declarations over all the Engliſh Iſlands and Plantations, making uſe of the King of Great Britain's Name, to give more authority to the thing: And by thoſe indirect Manifeſtos, ſuch Profits, or rather Plunders were inſinuated, that if the Government of England had not taken early meaſures to prevent the ill Conſequences, it's to be queſtion'd whether the greateſt part of the Engliſh Weſt Indies had not e're now quitted their Settlements, and been decoyed into your Colony, under a cover'd Notion, that you had a Patent from the King to pick a quarrel with the Spaniard, and to divide the Spoil of Mexico and Peru amongſt the Servants and Adventurers of the Company.

This indeed is ſomething to the purpoſe, and might deſerve the Suborners Mony, were there no poſſibility of proving it falſe; but we ſhall ſee anon what ground there is for this bold Accuſation, after obſerving.

That perhaps ſome Gentlemen at the Weſt end of the Town may find at long-run that their Evidence has blab'd out ſomething more in this Paragraph than it's for their Intereſt the World ſhould know. We will only ask Mr. H—s ſome civil Queſtions: What are thoſe Reaſons not as yet publick to the World, for which our Colony left Darien? Sir William Beeſton's Letter acquainted us that it was for want of Proviſions, and for fear of the great Preparations by the Spaniards: The Letters we have had ſince from New-York ſay, that it was for want of Proviſions, and becauſe they were brought to their wits end, and did not know what to think of their Caſe by reaſon of the Engliſh Proclamations. Then ſince the very firſt of theſe, and much more all of them together, were reaſon ſufficient, and are publick to the World, What other private reaſons can Mr. H—s give us for it? We know he boaſts of his Intereſt in thoſe that are concerned in the Secrets of the Weſt End of the Town: Did they tell him then that the Government of England took early Meaſures to prevent the ill Conſequences of our Colony? If they did ſo, pray what were thoſe Meaſures? Was the ſending of Capt. Long thither to debauch our Men, traduce us to the Indians as Pirats, and to tell them his Majeſty of Great Britain would not protect us, one of thoſe early Meaſures? Was not their ſolliciting a foreign Miniſter to preſent a Memorial againſt our Colony as ſoon as ever the News of it arriv'd, another? And was not this the reaſon why they put it upon that Miniſter, and not upon the Spaniſh Ambaſſador, that the latter had been forbid coming to Court, becauſe his Catholick Majeſty would not admit of Schonenburg the the Jew as Envoy from the Dutch? Were not the Enemies of the Scots Company ſo zealous in promoting that Memorial, that they could not have patience till orders came from Madrid, but put the Envoy upon it of themſelves? And when a Controverſy happen'd about receiving it ſigned or unſign'd becauſe of the difference betwixt the two Courts, did not our Enemies agree to it as an Expedient, that one of both ſorts ſhould be preſented? Was not this abominable trifling upon a point of Honour, when they were plotting to bereave the Kingdom of Scotland of their Honour, Men, Mony, and Colony all at once? Were not theſe more clandeſtine and indirect Artifices to deſtroy our Colony, than any he charges upon us to deſtroy the Engliſh Colonies?

Having ask'd Mr. H—s more Queſtions than he and his Suborners dare poſitively anſwer, we come next to deny his Charge upon our Colony, as being malicious and abſolutely falſe; for which their own Declaration ſhall be our Evidence, and is as follows.

CALEDONIA: The Declaration of the Council conſtitured by the Indian and African Company of Scotland, for the government and direction of their Colonies and Settlements in the Indies.

THE ſaid Company purſuant to the Powers and Immunities granted unto them by His Majeſty of Great Britain, our Soveraign Lord, with Advice and Conſent of His Parliament of Scotland, having granted and conceded unto us and our Succeſſors in the Government for all times hereafter, full Power to equip, ſet out, freight, and navigate our own or hired Ships, in warlike or other manner, from any Ports or Places in amity, or not in hoſtility with His Majeſty; to any Lands, Iſlands, Countries, or Places in Aſia, Africa, or America; and there to plant Colonies, build Cities, Towns or Forts, in or upon the places not inhabited; or in or upon any other place, by conſent of the Natives or Inhabitants thereof, and not poſſeſt by any European Soveraign, Potentate, Prince, or State; and to provide and furniſh the aforeſaid Places, Cities, Towns, or Forts, with Magazines, Ordinance, Arms, Weapons, Ammunition and Stores of War; and by force of Arms to defend the ſame Trade, Navigation, Colonies, Cities, Towns, Forts, Plantations, and other Effects whatſoever; and likewiſe to make Reprizals, and to ſeek and take reparation of damage done by Sea or by Land; and to make and conclude Treaties of Peace and Commerce with Soveraign Princes, Eſtates, Rulers, Governours or Proprietors of the aforeſaid Lands, Iſtands, Countries, or places in Aſia, Africa or America.

And reſerving to themſelves five per Cent. or one twentieth part of the Lands, Mines, Minerals, Stones of value, precious Woods, and Fiſhings, have further conceded and granted unto us, the free and abſolute Right and Property in and to all ſuch Lands, Iſlands, Colonies, Towns, Forts and Plantations, as we ſhall come to, eſtabliſh, or poſſeſs in manner aforeſaid; as alſo to all manner of Treaſures, Wealth, Riches, Profits, Mines, Minerals and Fiſhings, with the whole Product and Benefit thereof, as well under as above the Ground, as well in Rivers and Seas as in the Lands thereunto belonging; or for or by reaſon of the ſame in any ſort, together with the right of Government and Admiralty thereof; as likewiſe that all manner of Perſons who ſhall ſettle to inhabit, or be born in any ſuch Plantations, Colonies, Cities, Towns, Factories, or Places, ſhall be, and be reputed as Natives of the Kingdom of Scotland. And generally the ſaid Company have communicated unto us a Right to all the Powers, Properties and Privileges granted unto them by Act of Parliament, or otherwiſe howſoever, with Power to grant and delegate the ſame, and to permit and allow ſuch ſort of Trade, Commerce and Navigation unto the Plantations; Colonies, Cities, and Places of our Poſſeſſion, as we ſhall think fit and convenient.

And the chief Captains and ſupream Leaders of the People of Darien, in compliance with former Agresments, having now in moſt kind and obliging mannet received us into their Friendſhip and Country with promiſe and contract to aſſiſt and join in defence, thereof, againſt ſuch as ſhall be their or our Enemies in any time to come: Which, beſides its being one of the moſt healthful, rich, and fruitful. Countries upon Earth, hath the advantage of being a narrow ISTHMƲS, ſeated in the heighth of the World, between two vaſt Oceans, which renders it more convenient than any other for being the common Store-houſe of the inſearchable and immenſe Treaſures of the ſpacious South Seas, the door of Commerce to China and Japan, and the Emporium and Staple for the Trade of both Indies.

And now by virtue of the before-mentioned Powers to us given. We do here ſettle, and in the name of GOD eſtabliſh Our Selves: end in Honour and for the Momory of that moſt Antient and Renowned Name of our Mother Kingdom, We do, and will from hence-forward call this Country by the Name of Caledonia; and our ſelves, Succeſſors, and Aſſociates, by the name of Caledonians.

And ſutable to the Weight and greatneſs of the Truſt repoſed, and the valuable Opportunity now in our hands, being firmly reſolved to communicate and diſpoſe thereof in the moſt juſt and equal manner for increaſing the Domimons and Subjects of the King Our Soveraign Lord, the Honour and Wealth of our Country, as well as the benefit and advantage of thoſe who now are, or may hereafter be concerned with us: We do hereby declare, That all manner of Pcople ſoever, ſhall from hence-forward be equally free and alike capable of the ſaid Properties, Privileges, Protections, Immunities, and Rights of Government granted unto us; and the Merchants and Merchants Ships of all Nations, may freely come to and trade with us, without being liable in their Perſons, Goods or Effects, to any manner of Capture, Confiſcation, Seizure, Forfeiture, Attachment, Arreſt, Reſtraint or Prohibition, for or by reaſon of any Embargo, breach of the Peace, Letters of Mark, or Reprizals, Declaration of War with any foreign Prince, Potentate or State, or upon any other account or pretence whatſoever.

And we do hereby not only grant and concede, and declare a general and equal freedom of Government and Trade to thoſe of all Nations, who ſhall hereafter be of, or concerned with us; but alſo a full and free Liberty of Conſerence in matter of Religion, ſo as the ſame be not underſtood to allow, connive at or indulge the blaſpheming of God's holy Name, or any of his Divine Attributes; or of the unhallowing or prophaning the Sabbath Day.

And finally, as the beſt and ſureſt means to render any Government ſucceſsful, durable, and happy, it ſhall (by the help of Almighty God be ever our conſtant and chiefeſt care that all our further Conſtitutions, Laws, and Ordinances, be conſonant and agreeable to the Holy Scripture, right Reaſon, and the Examples of the wiſeſt and juſteſt Nations, that from the Truth and Right couſneſs thereof we may reaſonably hope for and expect the Bleſſings of Proſperity and Increaſe.

NEW-EDINBƲRGH, Decemb. 18. 1608. By Order of the Council, Hugh Roſs, Secretary.

We dare refer it to the Scrutiny of the niceſt Obſervers, whether this Declaration infer any ſuch thing as Plunder, or a Patent from the King to pick a Quarrel with the Spaniards, and to divide the Spoil of Mexico and Peru; what clandeſtine Artifices are here to be found to drain the Engliſh Plantations, and wherein does it interfere with the Intereſt of England, any more than all free Ports muſt of neceſſity interfere with their Neighbours? We wiſh that our Author would inform us how publick Declarations according to Act of Parliament can be call'd clandeſtine Artiſices, and defy him and his Suborners with all their art to find any thing pretended to in this Declaration, but what the Colony has a right to by Act of Parliament.

The only thing this malicious Scribler can wreſt to his Purpoſe in the Declaration, is the Colony's publiſhing that all manner of Perſons, of what Nation or People ſoever, &c. ſhould be equally free, and alike capable of the ſame Privileges with themſelves, &c. which are the expreſs Words of the Act of Parliament; and therefore ſuppoſing that the ſaid Declaration ſhould have influenc'd ſome People to come over to them from the Engliſh Plantations, the Colony could not be any ways blam'd for it. Qui utitur jure ſuo nil damni facit, is a known Maxim in Maw.

The Libeller's Malice is not ſatisfied with reflecting upon our Colony, but flies on the face of the greateſt part of the Engliſh in the Weſt-Indies, as if they had ſo little Honour or Love for their native Country, as to lay their own Plantations deſolate, and run over to ours. Indeed if moſt of them be ſuch Perſons as himſelf, there might be ſome ground for the Reflection; but till it appears to be ſo, we muſt beg Mr. H—s's leave to have a better opinion of them. No Man of ſenſe can believe that thoſe who found themſelves at eaſe in the Engliſh Plantations, would be fond of removing to a new Colony; but if others who are at their freedom had a mind to do ſo, we know of no reaſon they ſhould be hinder'd. The Subjects of England are a free People, and not confin'd to their own Dominions, but have liberty to trade and live elſewhere, if they find their account in it.

There's no man can blame the Scots for publiſhing their Declaration throughout the Weſt-Indies, the thing being abſolutely neceſſary in it ſelf, and the natural Practice of all new Settlements to acquaint the World with the nature of their Deſign, and on what Terms they may have Commerce with them. We hope our Author and his Suborners will not ſay that the Subjects of England might not have traded with them for their own advantage, provided their Title had been unexceptionable: and ſeeing the Scots had reaſon to think it ſo, it was no act of unkindneſs in them to let the Engliſh Plantations know that they ſhould be very welcome to trade to Darien; and how this could be done ſo properly, and with ſo much effect as by Declaration, our Author would do well to acquaint us.

The Gentleman and his Friends are very angry that we ſhould have made uſe of the King of Great Britain's Name to give the more Authority to the thing. We would very fain know their Reaſons, why it is not as lawful for the Scots to make uſe of that Name as the Engliſh; and at the ſame time muſt take leave to tell the Renegado and his Whitehall Friends, that all this Venom they have ſpit at the Scots Colony is a virulent Invective againſt his Majeſty. He impower'd them to do what they accuſe them for by Act of Parliament: and becauſe our Antagoniſts have a mind to ſay that this Octroy, as they call it, was deſtructive to the Trade of England, they find themſelves oblig'd to make an Excuſe for the King, viz. that the honeſt Gentleman meant no harm at the granting of it; for it is to be believ'd, that he could ſcarce bear what was whiſper'd for the noiſe of the Namur Guns, which is in plain Engliſh, he gave his conſent to he knew not what. A noble Defence, for which his Majeſty is oblig'd to them! But Banter and Blaſphemy they were fully reſolv'd on; and ſo they had but a Subject, they car'd not what. Nor Adam, nor David, nay nor the Almighty himſelf ſhall eſcape them; but his Commiſſion to the Hebrews when they departed out of Egypt, muſt come in to make up the profane Jeſt: thus Heav • n it ſelf ſhall be charg'd at laſt with founding Dominion upon Grace, and giving the Elect a Divine Right to the Goods of the Wicked, after its being firſt thrown as a killing Reflection at the Heads of the poor Presbyterians.

H—s will needs inſiſt upon it in his Dedication, that our Project on Darien was ſo ſecretly carried on, that it was not known to England till the ſame Wind that brought the News likewiſe inform'd the Nation that the Scots were march'd over to Panama, and had planted 80 Guns againſt it; but unhappily forgets himſelf, and tells us, pag. 7. of his Book that Paterſon communicated it to ſome ſelect Heads in England that were able to bear it. And we can tell him further, that it was ſo well known to ſome in England, that they ſent Capt. Long the Quaker on purpoſe to prevent us, and to do us all the miſchief he could; and accordingly he was on that Coaſt a month before us, tho he did not land any Men till afterwards. As for the news of the Scots having planted 80 Cannon againſt Panama, it's the firſt time we ever heard on't, and therefore muſt charge it upon the Author amongſt the reſt of his Forgeries. There was indeed a Report brought over by the Dutch Gazetts, which we ſuppoſe was inſerted on purpoſe by our good Friends in Holland to render us odious, that we had plundered Panama; but that was a long time after the news of our arrival at Darien, and fram'd on purpoſe, as we have reaſon to believe, to juſtify the Proclamations that ſome Gentlemen at the Weſt end of the Town had ſent to the Weſt-Indies againſt us; for we know they can have what they pleaſe put in the Dutch Gazetts, and that perhaps may be one main reaſon why they have been altogether ſilent as to the matter in their own. But that which ſufficiently diſcovers the falſhood of this malicious Inſinuation, as if we had a deſign to attaque Panama, or any other place belonging to the Spaniards, is, Mr. Paterſon's Letter to his Friend at Boſton in New-England (and ſent us thence in print) dated at Fort St. Andrew in Caledonia, February 18. 1698/9. above fifteen weeks after the arrival of our Colony; wherein he acquaints that Gentleman, That they had written to the Preſident of Panama, giving him an account of our good and peaceable Intentions, and to procure a good Ʋnderſtanding and Correſpondence.

The Letter it ſelf is as follows.

An Abſtract of a LETTER from a Perſon of Eminence and Worth in Caledonia to a Friend at Boſton in New-England.

I Have received your kind Letter of the 26th of December laſt, and communicated it to the Gentlemen of the Council here; to whom your kind Sentiments and Readineſs were very acceptable.

Certainly the Work here begun is the moſt ripened, digeſted, and the beſt founded, as to Privileges, Place, Time, and other like Advantages, that was ever yet begun in any part of the trading World. We arrived upon this Coaſt the firſt, and took poſſeſſion the third of November: Our Situation is about two Leagues to the Southward of Golden-Iſland (by the Spaniards called Guarda) in one of the beſt and moſt defence able Harbours perhaps in the World. The Country is healthful to a wonder, inſomuch that our own Sick, which were many when we arrived, are now generally cured. The Country is exceeding fertil, and the Weather temperate: The Country where we are ſettled, is dry, and riſing ground, Hills but not high; and on the ſides, and quite to the tops, three, four or five foot good fat Mould, not a Rock or Stone to be ſeen. We have but eight or nine Leagues to a River, where Boats may go into the South-Sea. The Natives for fifty Leagues on either ſide are in intire friendſhip and correſpondence with us; and if we will be at the pains, we can gain thoſe at the greateſt diſtance. For our Neighbour Indians are willing to be the joyful Meſſengers of our Settlement, and good diſpoſition to their Country-men. As to the innate Riches of the Country, upon the firſt information, I always believed it to be very great; but now find it goes beyond all that ever I thought, or conceited in that matter.

The Spaniards, as we can underſtand, are very much ſurprized and alarm'd, and the more that it comes as a Thunder-clap upon them; having had no notice of us, until three days after our arrival. We have written to the Preſident of Panama, giving him account of our good and peaceable Intentions, and to procure a good Ʋnderſtanding and Correſpondence; and if that is not condeſcended to, we are ready for what elſe he pleaſes. If Merchants ſhould once erect Factories here, this place will ſoon become the beſt and ſureſt Mart in all America, both for In-land and Over-land Trade. We want here Sloops and Coaſting Veſſels; for want of which, and by reaſon we have all hands at work in fortifying and futing our ſelves (which is now pretty well over) we have had but little Trade as yet; moſt of our Goods unſold. We are here a thouſand one hundred Men, and expect Supplies every day. We have been exceeding unhappy in loſing two Miniſters who came with us from Scotland; and if New-England could ſupply us in that, it would be a great and laſting Obligation.

Fort St. Andrew, February 18th, 1698/9.

A farther proof of the Falſhood of this Inſinuation is Capt. Pennicook's Journal ſent to the Company over England, and dated Decem. 28th, almoſt two months before this Letter to New-England, wherein they give an account of the Information they had from ſeveral hands, that the Spaniards were marching with 900 men from Panama to attacque them by Land, whilſt their Men of War were to attacque them by Sea; upon which they did all they could to put themſelves in a poſture of defence againſt them, ſo far were they from any deſign of marching towards Panama.

The matter being ſo, H—s's Suborners have loſt their Argument from this Topic alſo, to juſtify their proceedings againſt us.

He goes on to tell us, That England had no reaſon to go to War with the Spaniards on the ſcore of our Company, who beſides all the Loſs of their Trade, muſt throw away more Engliſh pounds (thrice over) than there's Scotch in our Capital Stock; and he will leave it to any Man of half an ounce of Politicks to find out the Jeſt on't, ſave this Hot-headed Author of our Colony's Defence.

Mr. H—s and his Suborners may pleaſe to know, that we neither deſir'd nor expected that England ſhould go to War with the Spaniards on the account of our Company; and had as little reaſon to expect that a Faction in England (for we will not be ſo unjuſt as to charge it upon the Nation) ſhould go to War with us on account of the Spaniards, before we could be heard in our own defence; we mean that Proclamations ſhould have been publiſh'd in the Weſt-Indies, inferring that the King of England has a power to declare that to be a breach of the Peace that is done by the Authority of the King of Scotland; that they ſhould thereby forbid their Subjects of England to entertain any Commerce with us, refuſe us Proviſions for Commodities in our diſtreſs, except we will bring our Ships under the Guns of their Fort at New-York; puniſh their Subjects for entertaining Commerce with us, and threatning to lay the Commanders of our Ships in Irons if they offer to put in for Refreſhment, or to refit after a Storm, as they did to Capt. Jamiſon at Nevis. That this wants very little of going to War with the Scots, we believe moſt thinking men are very well ſatisfied; but whether it be ſo or not, we will venture to tell the Renegado and his Suborners, that by this kind of Procedure againſt the Scots, as if we were Servants and Subjects to England, ſome Gentlemen in and about White-hall have giv'n the Spaniards juſt occaſion to make War upon England if they were able, or at leaſt to make Repriſals upon the Engliſh for the damage they pretend to have ſuffer'd from the Scots, whom the Engliſh Court by this ſort of Treatment have declar'd to be their Subjects; whereas if they had not invaded the Soveraignty of Scotland, the Spaniards could have had no ſuch pretonce. Now whether men that had been endow'd with a quarter of an ounce of Politicks would have been guilty of ſuch a falſe ſtep as this, let our Author's Suborners determine. And beſides, we muſt tell them, that the Men whom Capt. Long had ſet aſhore with Capt. Diego in the Gulph of Darien, committed the firſt Hoſtility on the Spaniards, and kill'd ſeven of them, with a deſign, for any thing we know, to trapan us into a War with the Spaniards, ſince one of the ſame Fellows came to our Colony afterwards for Powder and Shot, which our Men wiſely deny'd them, and told them they had done what they could not juſtify.

The Author of the Defence of the Scots Settlement dos no where adviſe the Engliſh to a War with Spain on the ſcore of our Company; but gives ſuch Arguments to prove that they had no reaſon to dread the Effects if Spain ſhould make War with them on that Account, and that it was the Intereſt of England to have ſupported the Scots in that Settlement, as have not yet been anſwer'd, and therefore we ſhall ſay nothing farther of it here.

Our Author and his Friends are pleas'd to call our apprechenſions of the Places being poſſeſs'd by the French bugbear Stories, becauſe the French have another Game to play at preſent with Spain, or might have ſecur'd Carthagena when they had it in their Power; and that if France or Holland had any ſuch deſign, they may go ſit down within a League of either ſide of our Colony with as good a Title as ours.

But that the French are genetally wiſer than to lay out their Mony upon ſuch Tools as this Author appears to be by his way of argning, one would be apt to think he had touch'd ſome Leuidor's. Does he conceive that the French underſtood their Intereſt ſo little during the War that threatned their Ruine, as to ſettle a Colony in the Weſt-Indies at a time when they ſtood in more need of them at home to defend their own Country, and cultivate their Ground and Vineyards? Is it not known that their Deſign was on the Spaniſh Plate, in order to enable them to continue the War, and not on the Spaniſh Plantations, which they were in no Capacity to defend againſt the Spaniards and their Allies if they had at that time ſeiz'd any of them? Does our Author and his Suborners think that L. XIV. did not underſtand his Intereſt better than to offer at a Settlement in the Spaniſh Weſt-Indies, eſpecially at a place of ſuch Importance as Carthagena, and thereby have give the Engliſh and Dutch an opportunity of ſettling there themſelves by coming to drive him out? Could he think that the two Nations of Europe that have the greateſt Naval Force, and were moſt concern'd of any to reduce him to reaſon, would ſit ſtill and ſuffer him to ſeize the Spaniſh Treafures, and by that means enable himſelf to bring all Europe under his Yoke? It is impoſſible ſuch a thought could ever enter into his mind; and therefore he had very good reaſon to forbear keeping poſſeſſion of Carthagena, ſince 'twould have been the ready way to have ſpoil'd his future pretenſions to the Weſt-Indies in caſe of the K. of Spain's death, which every body then expected daily. And whenever it happens, if he die without Iſſue, as there's great odds he will, we ſtand in need of better Guarantees than H— and his Suborners, that the Fr. King will not ſeize the Spaniſh Weſt-Indies and Darien into Boot; againſt which there are thoſe who have ſtudied Politicks as much as our Author, who are of opinion that the Settlement at Darien might have been no contemptible Barrier.

The Scribler takes upon him to pafs his word for his Majeſty that the Scots Crown will receive no blemiſh or diſreputation by his wearing it. We believe his Majeſty will ſcarcely thank him for his Security, and we are ſatisfied our Nation will as little rely on it. But at the ſame time we muſt tell this Gentleman and his Suborners, that we had as little reaſon to ſuſpect that K. Charles I. who was a Native of Scotland, would have diſhonour'd our Crown ſo far as to order it to be brought to England; and therefore it is not impoſfible for Princes to be over-perſwaded by ill Council, to do ſuch things as are inconſiſtent with the Honour of their Crowns. And thus ſome will venture to ſay, that the Crown of Scotland was no ways honour'd, when the Dutch Troops took place of the King of Scots's Guards; and when the King of England takes upon him to condemn by Proclamations what the King of Scotland has approv'd by Act of Parliament and Letters Patent.

The Scribler comes next to give us a taſte of his Skill in the Brittiſh Hiſtory he brags of ſo much, by telling us the Fate of ſome great Scots Families that ſwell'd beyond their Proportion. His Inſtances of the Cummins and Gouries ſufficiently diſcover his Ignorance of the Scotiſh Hiſtory. The former was indeed a very great Family, but are an inauſpicious inſtance for him and thoſe of his kidney, their ruin not being occaſion'd by their Greatneſs, but by joying with the Enemies of our Nation as this Renegado does.

As for his Application of his Inſtances, it ſerves to diſcover the malicious Deſigns of himſelf and Suborners againſt the two greateſt Families that are now left in Scotland. The kind treatment this Author met with from one of theſe great Men upon his arrival, after having deſerted our Colony, would have oblig'd any but a Monſter of Ingratitude to have forborn ſuch a cauſeleſs and invenom'd Reflection, which nothing but ingrain'd Malice can ſuggeſt.

We come in the next place to take a view of the Book it ſelf. In the very firſt Page he owns he is no Friend to the Scots Company, and alledges he has more reaſon for it than thoſe Skeletons that are ſtarved to death. This we hope is ſufficient to ſhew what credit is to be given to his Narrative, wherein tho he promiſes to keep cloſe to matter of Fact, he abounds with blaſphemous and impertinent Digreſſions: One of the firſt we ſhall take notice of, is his unmannerly Reflection on the City of London, pag. 3. as a place where Matter is never wanting to exerciſe plodding Heads. Which is ſo near a kin to the Language of the Faction that in the late Reigns aim'd at the deſtruction of that Noble Emporium, which deſerves to be the Miſtreſs of the Univerſe, that we cannot in the leaſt doubt but it proceeds from the ſame Spirit. Of the ſame nature is his reflection, pag. 7. upon the London Subſcribers, who came in ſo faſt to the Scots Company, that he thought himſelf the happieſt man that could get his Name firſt down in our Books: Which is a plain demonſtration that thoſe eager Subſcribers thought the Deſign no way prejudicial to the Intereſt of their Country; for upon enquiry it will be found, that moſt of them were ſuch as had zealouſly appear'd for its Liberty in former Reigns.

His malicious Reflection in that ſame Page, as if the Company had promis'd 20000 l to Paterſon, Smith, and Lodg, to engage Subſcriptions in England and the Hans-Towns, is notoriouſly falſe: they had not one Farthing promis'd them, tho to be ſure the Company would have rewarded them for their Pains and Service, as it was reaſonable they ſhould; beſides, it appears by the eagerneſs of the Engliſh and Hamburgers to ſubſcribe, until they were prevented by their reſpective Governments, that there was no occaſion for ſuch a Bribe to bring in Subſcriptions.

His Reflection, pag. 8. of our printing the Addreſs of the Commons at Edinburgh, but not the King's Anſwer, admitting it to be true, is ſo far from being criminal, that it rather argues the greateſt reſpect imaginable for his Majeſty, whom we would not leſſen in the eſteem of the People of Scotland, who knew they had a natural Right to claim and expect his Protection. His owning in that ſame Page, that the Company's Books had not been long open'd in Edinburgh till 400000 l was ſign'd, and that all ſorts of People (whom he is pleas'd to expreſs under the ſcurrilous denomination of poor, blind and lame) crouded in with their Subſcriptions, ſerves to confute his foregoing and following Reflections, That the Company was obliged to promiſe 20000 l to procure Subſcriptions, and to go where the Money lay, viz. to Holland and the Hans-Towns; eſpecially ſince he owns himſelf, p. 10, 19. That they were baulk'd of their Subſcriptions in England and Holland, and had not one Groat of the Hamburgers Money.

His Reflection upon Mr. Paterſon, pag, 8. whom he blaſphemouſly calls the Man Paterſon, alluding to the Apoſtles calling our Saviour the Man Chriſts, is altogether falſe: he always propos'd the paying half the Subſcriptions, and moſt of the Subſcribers were reſolved to pay the whole; as it appears they have already a conſiderable part of it, by their having ſent away three Convoys, and being buſy in preparing a fourth. His Irreligious and Atheiſtical temper appears further by his reflecting upon their expecting good Returns by the old Cant of God's Bleſſing, as if it were poſſible to look for Succeſs in any thing without the Divine Benediction, or ridiculous to expreſs our dependency on it. But it ſeems his Suborners are reſolv'd that our Nation ſhall be huff'd, banter'd, and blaſphem'd out of all their Rights as Men and Chriſtians.

His next Reflection, p. 9. of our ſending Perſons to build ſix Ships of fifty Guns apiece at Amſterdam and Hamburgh, to prepoſſeſs the Dutchmen with a kind opinion of the Company, and thereby make it appear how willing we were to extend the warm Rays of our Octroy to people who deſerv'd it better than our ungrateful Neighbours, is malicious to the higheſt degree. He and his Suborners very well know, that we could neither build nor buy in England, becauſe of the oppoſition made to us there; and ſince 'tis known that they can build cheaper in Hamburgh and Holland than in England, our offering firſt to lay out our Money with our Neighbours, and not going beyond Sea till we were compell'd to it, is a proof from his own Mouth, that we had no other but friendly Intentions towards the Engliſh Nation.

His Inſinuation of the Difference betwixt the Kirk and Church Parties, about each of them imploying their own Inſtruments, ſhews more Malice than Wiſdom; ſince admitting People of different Perſwaſions into Companies is practiſed in all trading parts of the World, and particularly in England, where the Diſſenters have no ſmall ſhare in all their Funds and Companies: but by this they may ſee what fair Treatment they are to expect, if H—s and his Suborners could get their wills. The old Popiſh Maxim would ſoon be brought into practice, that no man ſhould have Leave to buy or ſell, but he that is of the public Religion.

His next Story of our Debate about entruſting any man that was fed on Engliſh Beef and Pudding with 20000 l for the uſe of our Delegates abroad, is equally ſcurrilous and falſe. We truſted no man but Mr. Paterſon with that Money, and did not think it ſit that every Subſcriber, but that only a ſpecial Committee ſhould know how that Money was to be imploy'd. Nor can this be charg'd upon us as a piece of fooliſh Confidence in Mr. Paterſon, whom the Scribler owns P. 4. to have been intruſted with laying the Foundation of the Bank of England, tho ill rewarded for it. His malicious Calumny, that Mr. Paterſon did afterwards form the Darien Project to be reveng'd on the Engliſh Nation, is ſufficiently falſified by his and our firſt Offers to take in the Engliſh as joint Subſcribers, after the ſaid Project was actually form'd, and imparted to ſome ſelect Heads, as he himſelf owns P. 7.

As to Smith's cheating us of 8500 it was our Misfortune, not our Crime, as is manifeſt from our Diligence in recovering 4500 l of it. This Renedo's ſaying P. 11. that Smith deſervedly bubled us, argues himſelf to be as great a Cheat as Smith; and there's little reaſon to doubt, but he defrauded the Company as far as opportunity would allow him, when intruſted as Purſer with their Stores from Hamburgh, and elſewhere, which he ſeems to own himſelf when he boaſts of his bringing home as much Gold-duſt from Darien, as any of the Counſellors, P. 149.

His Aſſertion P. 14. that Capt. Gibſon was cheated of the 2 per Cent Commiſſion Money, is a ſhameleſs Falſhood; the Captain was ſatisfied, and rewarded to his own content.

The next proof we have of the Ingenuity of this Renegado and his Suborners, is P. 15. where he tells us that Paterſon being in Drink, babbled out a Secret of the Company at Camphire, viz. That their Act empowered them to give Commiſſions to any kind of People (without asking their Nation) to trade to the Indies under Scots Colours; and that ſuch People might diſpoſe of their India Goods where they pleas'd, providing they made a ſham Entry in Scotland. To ſay that this was a Secret of the Company, and in the ſame breath to inform the World that Mr. Paterſon ſaid, they were impowered to do ſo by their Act, which was every where publick, and in print, is like the reſt of the Libeller's Inconſiſtencies: But his Suborners and he were ſo far tranſported with Malice, that they reſolv'd to dreſs our Act of Parliament throughout in the diſguiſe of a Cheat, and charge it upon the Company as ſecret Intrigues, without ever conſidering that the Act it ſelf would diſcover their Falſhood and Malice. The Clauſe of the Act is as follows: And that the ſaid Company may, by virtue hereof, grant and delegate ſuch Rights, Properties, Powers and Immunities, and permit and allow ſuch ſort of Trade, Commerce, and Navigation into their Plantations, Colonies, Cities, Towns, or Places of their Poſſeſſion, as the ſaid Company ſhall from time to time judg ſit and convenient.

Theſe being the very words of the Act, the Dutch could not be impos'd upon in that manner by Mr. Paterſon, if he had been ſo minded; or had he been drunk, as the Libeller ſays, when he told the ſtory, they muſt have been very weak men, that would offer to ſign upon the words of a drunken man, without ſeeing the Act it ſelf. It is not to be doubted but this Clauſe impowers the Company to allow ſuch a Trade as H—s mentions; and therefore it might be proper enough for Mr. Paterſon to urge it as an Argument to engage Subſeribers: but that he could do it in theſe Terms that H—s here ſets down, there's no ground to believe; and therefore his Anſwer to thoſe that would not ſign but on that bottom, that the Company had no occaſion to make uſe of that Power at preſent, was very proper. The Story of the ſham Entry in Scotland, paying 3 per Cent. to the Company, and thereby underſelling the Engliſh and Dutch 17 per Cent. is ſo void of all ſenſe, that it would ſeem the Libeller and his Suborners were drunk when they ſuggeſted it. The Act does indeed oblige ſuch Ships as were imploy'd by the Company to break bulk in Scotland, but lays no ſuch Obligation upon thoſe that they might impower to trade to their Colony: And conſidering what has been already ſaid of the Drawbacks, that the Cargo of the ſaid Ships was Cuſtom-free no where but in Scotland, and that by his own conceſſion they were to pay 3 per Cent. at leaſt to the Company, how was it poſſible they could underſel the Engliſh and Dutch 17 per Cent. eſpecially conſidering the vaſt Quantities that thoſe two Companies buy at a time, and by conſequence were like to have the prime Coſt eaſier than our Infant Company?

After all this ſham Story, he happens to tell the main reaſon of the Miſcarriage of our Deſign in Holland and perhaps of its doing ſo in England. The Dutch Eaſt and Weſt India Companies, ſays he, complain'd to the Lords of Amſterdam that the Scots Commiſſioners were deſigning the ruin of their Trade. Which by the way ſhews that the Project of an American Trade was diſcours'd of by the Commiſſioners; which the Libeller, it's probable, would not have mention'd, had not his Memory given him the ſlip, and that he forgot he had formerly told us that the Darien Project was ſtill kept ſecret. Why then ſhould the Dutch Weſt-India Company be ſo much concerned at our taking Subſcriptions there, but that they knew we had a deſign on the Iſthmus of America? and therefore their Eaſt-India Company knowing alſo, that we being once Maſters of a good Settlement there, it would have abridg'd the way, and made Voyages ſpeedier to China, Japan, the Philippine Iſlands, &c. where their Trade lies, they thought it might in time be dangerous for them, if that Iſthmus ſhould be poſſeſs'd by the Subjects of Great Britain. So that there's no reaſon to doubt but they found Intereſt enough at the Weſt end of the Town to lay as many rubs in our way as was poſſible to be done.

P. 17. The Libellers give us another Evidence of their Candor and Ingenuity, when they tell us, The Hamburghers knew nothing of Darien, but builded altogether on Ships laden with India Goods, whereof their City and Port was to be the Receptacle and Mart, whilſt Paterſon wanted only Mony to raiſe Forces to overrun Mexico and Peru. But our Author and his Suborners ought to have conſider'd, that ſince they have told us of the Fears of the Dutch Weſt-India Company, we could eaſily infer, that the Project of the Iſthmus could not be long conceal'd from the Hamburghers: That the Act it ſelf would ſatisfy the Subſcribers there, that the Company's Ships muſt break bulk in Scotland; and therefore they could not expect to be the Receptacle and Mart of our Stores: whatever they might hope for as to conveying the Merchandize to the Inland Places of Germany, they could not but think that we had Shipping of our own to carry our Goods to the Ports on the Baltick and German Sea.

In that ſame Page they give us another hint to confirm our Suſpicion that it is more from the apprehenſions of our leſſening the Dutch than the Engliſh Trade, that the Court have ſo violently oppos'd us, viz. that the Hamburghers by joining with the Scots had a proſpect of worming the Hollander out of a good part of the German Trade. Which admitting to be true, the Hollanders had none but themſelves to blame for it, ſince we offer'd to take them in as joint Subſcribers before we made any Propoſal to the Hamburghers; nor is it any ways unreaſonable in it ſelf that Germans ſhould have the preference of other Nations in trading with Germany.

After a great deal of prophane Banter and ridiculing the ſacred Text, he tells us that the Human Reaſon of our Diſappointment was an unneceſſary Paragraph in our Octroy, which occaſion'd a great many Engliſh and Holland Speculations, viz. That in caſe the Company ſhould be interrupted in their Trade, &c. the King had ingaged to interpoſe the Royal Authority to do them right, and that at the public Charge; which, ſays he, Paterſon and the reſt inſinuated in all Companies; That the King was to aſſist and defend them with his Ships of War, or otherwiſe, if there was occaſion, and that out of his own Pocket, which they did not question to be Engliſh Coin.

There's no reaſonable Man will think it unneceſſary that a Prince ſhould protect his Subjects in their Trade, either by his Men of War or otherwiſe; and therefore this being a Clauſe of the Act of Parliament, it was no ways unneceſſary to be put into the Patent: and we will adventure to tell H— and his Suborners that they who advis'd his Majeſty to refuſe our Company the three Men of War built at our own Charge, when they offer'd to be at the expence of maintaining them, have advis'd him to act contrary to the Truſt repos'd in him as King of Scots, and to contravene this very Act of Parliament, and that which order'd thoſe Ships to be built for defence of Trade; than which there cannot be a more falſe ſtep in Government: for when once People perceive that Princes have no regard to the Laws made for the protection and welfare of the Subject, they will naturally think themſelves abſolv'd from ſuch as require their Allegiance, and ſupport of the Soveraign. That Mr. Paterſon, and the Scots Company ſhould inſinuate from the Octroy that we were to be aſſiſted or defended by Engliſh Men of War or Money, is nothing but a mixture of Falſhood and Malice. The Libeller owns that the Words of our Act cannot bear it, and the World knows that our Parliaments never pretend to diſpoſe of Engliſh Ships or Mony; and therefore no man of ſenſe will believe this Renegado, when he ſays the Scots Company put that Gloſs on the Text for their own advantage, ſince that had been directly to expoſe themſelves. For we are not to ſuppoſe they could think the Dutch and Hamburghers ſo weak, as not to peruſe the Act it ſelf, which would ſoon have undeceived them: Therefore all thoſe Reflections, which he protends the Engliſh Traders to India made upon it, muſt vaniſh of courſe, as having no manner of Foundation.

Much leſs can they ſerve to juſtify the Memorial given in at Hamburgh by Sir Paul Ricaut againſt our taking Subſcriptions there: Which Memorial, tho minc'd by our Libeller, yet ev'n as he repreſents it, is againſt the Law of Nations, and indeed ſcarcely reconcileable to good ſenſe; in the firſt place to call our Agents private Men, who acted by the Company's Authority, and according to Act of Parliament; and in the next place to ſuppoſe that the Hamburghers could poſſibly join with us in hopes of Engliſh Protection, when the Oppoſition made to us by the Court of England was known all over Europe: nay the Scribler himſelf owns, P. 17. That the more Oppoſition the Engliſh and Dutch offer'd to the Project, the more the Hamburghers thought it their Interest to embrace it. This is ſufficient to convince the Suborners that the next time they hire a Scribler to belie the Scots Company, they muſt be ſure to pitch upon one that has a better Memory.

His next Reflections P. 22, 23. That our Ships were neither fit for Trade nor War, that our Cargo was not proper, that our main Deſign was the Buccaneer Trade, that above 10000 l. was deficient of the firſt Payments, and most of the Subſcribers not able to raiſe their Quota, are equally falſe with the reſt. The Ships for their Burden and Size, are as fit either for Trade or War as any in Europe. The Cargo of Cloth, Stuffs, Shoes, Stockins, Slippers, and Wigs, muſt needs be proper for a Country where the Natives go naked for want of Apparel, and fit to be exchanged for other Commodities, either in the Engliſh, Dutch, French, or Spaniſh Plantations. For Bibles we ſuppoſe our Libeller would rather we had carried Maſs Books; yet others will be of opinion, that 1500 of 'em was no unfit Cargo: Our own Colony might have diſpens'd with that number in a little time; nor were they unfit to have been put into the hands of ſuch of the Natives, eſpecially of the younger ſort, that might learn our language. For Hoes, Axes, Macheet Knives, &c. they were abſolutely neceſſary for our ſelves, and a Commodity much valued by the Natives. Fifteen hundred ſquare Buccaneer Pieces, and proportionable Ammunition, was no ſuch extraordinary Store for eleven or twelve hundred men: and whereas he maliciouſly inſinuates that Buccaneering was our main Deſign, the Event hath prov'd it to be falſe; had that been our intent, we might eaſily have invaded the Spaniſh Plantations at both ends of the Iſthmus; Sancta Maria, nor Panama it ſelf, could never have been able to withſtand ſuch a force, when a few undiſciplin'd Buccaneers did ſo eaſily take them. It's well enough known there was a parcel of as brave Men that went with our Fleet as perhaps Great Britain could afford, many of 'em inur'd to War and Fatigues, and knew how to look an Enemy in the Face without being daunted. They had giv'n proofs enough of that in Flanders, where no men alive could fight with more Bravery and Zeal than they did for the Common Cauſe, tho ſome People have ſince thought ſit to ſtarve them. That there was above 10000 l of the 100000 l not paid in, is falſe; there was not above 2000 l wanting. For thoſe great men that thought their Countenance enough, and therefore refus'd to pay in their Subſcriptions, he ſhall have our leave to name them; but perhaps his Suborners will not care to have their Friends ſo much expos'd. That moſt of the Subſcribers were unable to raiſe their Quota, is demonſtrably falſe, by our ſending away two Convoys ſince, the thirds being greater by far than the firſt, and that we are now preparing a fourth. As to the Companies charging 25 per Cent. advance on every Article of the 19000 l Stock, it's well enough known that ſo much Advance is thought nothing in a Weſt-India Trade; it was all the profit. the Company was to have, and only charged in the Books by way of Formality, that the Colony might know what they were indebted to the Company.

His Story, p. 23. of its being propos'd in the Company to ſell off their Ships and Cargo, and divide the Product amongſt the Subſcribers, is nothing eul our diſhonour, nor at all to be wondred at, conſidering the unreaſonable oppoſition we had met with from Court. That we rejected it as inglorious, argues ſtill that we are not ſo mean-ſpirited as he elſewhere repreſents us. His baſe Reflections, p. 24. on the Company, as if they had deſpair'd of the deſign, and ſent their men to Sea on purpoſe to periſh; and on Drummellier, that be order'd the Colony to get Mony honeſtly if they could, but be ſure to get it; and if they came home without it, then the Devil get them all, ſerve only to diſcover his own Temper, and that he thinks all men act and ſpeak like himſelf. We have faid enough already to demonſtrate the Honeſty of both Company and Colony: Had their deſign been to get: Mony without regard to Honeſty, they would not have been ſtarv'd to death by the Proclamations, and other oppoſition made them at Court; they could quickly have poſſeſſed themſelves of the Spaniſh Mines, which the Scribler owns, p. 164. were within twelve Leagues of them, and with much more eaſe of the 40000 l that was ſunk in the French Ship. But he ſerves the Suborners for their Mony much at the ſame rate he did the Scots Company.

His Reflection p. 25. that Mr. Stratford was oblig'd to arreſt our Ships at Hamburgh for 800 l Flemiſh, as they were fitting out, ſerves only to diſcover his own malice and folly; Mr. Stratford had very good Security for 800 l Flemiſh when he had four Ships in Port not yet fitted out; and his receiving his Mony in a fortnight or three weeks, as the Libeller owns in the ſame Paragraph, ſhows he had no ill Paymaſters to deal with. It were well for England if all thoſe that have been imployed in the Royal Navy could ſay as much by his Suborners and their Friends. As for our diſcharging Mr. Stratford to be any longer our Caſhier, there's no need of aſſigning any other Cauſe for it, but that Sr. Paul Ricaut's Memorial render'd it needleſs; and to that ſame account we muſt charge the two Ships that were left there to rot in their Ouſe. But at the ſame time we will tell him we had no great reaſon to be ſatisfied with Mr. Stratford's Conduct, and believe we have leſs now than ever ſince this Libeller defends him.

His Story p. 26 of Mr, Henderſon's arreſting another of our Ships for 3000 l is ſufficiently anſwer'd by himſelf, when he tells us, that he and his Partners fail'd in their Subſcriptions, which was a juſt debt due to the Company, and therefore they had reaſon to demand and expect it, eſpecially he being a Scots-man: yet the Company dealt very kindly with him on that account; and ſo much the more, that they conſider'd his being a Reſidenter in Holland, where he was liable both to the Engliſh and Dutch Court, to whoſe account the Libeller muſt alſo charge this Affront, and the Loſs we ſuſtain'd at Amſterdam.

What he ſays of our Seamen, p. 27, 28. is a manifeſt untruth. They were immediately paid, extreamly well ſatisfied; and we had ſuch choice of able Seamen who were willing to go in the Expedition, that we turn'd feveral aſhoar after they had embarqu'd, as having no occaſion for them. As to his Reflection on Mr. Robert Blackwood for pinching them of their Wages, and p. 46. for cheating them as to their Proviſions; that Gentleman is now at London, where we leave H—s and him to account for it. We doubt not but Mr. Blackwood may have Juſtice done him in Weſtminſter-hall if he thinks ſit to ſue for it; but ſo much we think our ſelves oblig'd to ſay in his Vindication during his abſence, that he was never charg'd with any ſuch thing by the Company.

His next Reflections on the Transfer, p. 29. by which he would impoſe on the World as if it had been a Trick of the Company to cheat the seamen of their Wages, are ſo much the leſs to be credited, that he himſelf is a Party, and commenc'd the Suit he talks of in Doctors Commons; which tho that Court may perhaps have determin'd in his favour, becauſe the Bargain was made with him in London, and thoſe that made it were on the Spot, and for other Cauſes beſt known to themſelves, it is nothing at all to the matter in hand; our Courts have no reaſon to take them for a Precedent, and our Company has as little to allow the Libeller any Wages.

But to come to the Transfer, which he ſo foully miſrepreſents. It was ſo far from being a clandeſtine practice, that it was agreed on in publick Council, and but highly reaſonable that the Colony ſhould be accountable to the Company for the Stock they intruſted them with. The Libeller only betrays his own Folly and Malice, and impoſes upon his Suborners, when he ſays the Gentlemen who gave their joint Bond to the Company for 70000 l were not worth ſo many Engliſh Pence; for, admitting they had not been worth one penny of perſonal Eſtate, they were intruſted by the Company with 19000 l Cargo, and Ships, Proviſions, &c. to make it up 70000 l which was not charg'd upon them as their perſonal Debt, but upon the Colony as a Corporation, till the ſame was paid. What he ſays as to the Seamen is a malicious Untruth. It was indeed agreed that the Colony ſhould pay them; but if they did not, the Company was to do it: and beſides, the two months advance which the Libeller owns was paid them, the Company was to pay to them, or to thoſe that had their Powers, or Letters of Attorny, a Month in ſix, and have accordingly paid them. As to the Seamens being made believe that aſſoon as they had ſet the Landmen on ſhoar, they were to proceed on a trading Voyage, and return to Scotland to be paid, it is equally falſe, they being to ſtay out whilſt the Company pleas'd.

Then as to the Transfer in general, it was ſo far from being clandeſtine, or a Trick, that the Company was impower'd to make it by the Act of Parliament which gave them their Original, as any Perſon may ſee by turning to the Act it ſelf, which authorizes them to transfer their joint Stock, or Capital Fund, or any Eſtate real or perſonal, Ships, Goods, &c. belonging to the Company, under ſuch Reſtrictions, Rules, Conditions, &c. as the ſaid Company ſhall by writing in and upon their Books, &c. appoint.

As to the Landmen, whom he will alſo have to be impos'd upon, they knew what they had to relic on, and were very well ſatisfied with it; and as to the Companys levying Souldiers under the Notion of Planters, without asking leave of the Privy Council, admitting it to be true, they are not at all to be blam'd for it, ſince they had no reaſon to think that the Faction at Court, which had contraven'd Acts of Parliament by oppoſing their Subſcriptions, and denying them the men of War built for the protection of our Trade, would allow them to levy Souldiers under that Name. But the truth of the matter is this, they were really deſign'd for' Planters, and not at all for Military Buſineſs; tho it was highly neceſſary the Colony ſhould have as many Officers and diſciplin'd Men as they could, that they might be the more able to defend themſelves in caſe of Attaque: and therefore his railing againſt the Colony for offering to puniſh Deſerters and other Criminals, pag. 31. only diſcovers his own ignorance and malice; for by the Act of Parliament they had the whole Power, Civil and Military, conferr'd upon them, and accordingly might exerciſe their Power upon all Perſons belonging to the Company as they ſaw cauſe ſo that this is again a libelling of the Act of Parliament thro the Company's ſides.

His Repreſentation of the ſeven Men choſen for Counſellors, page 34. is falſe and malicious to the higheſt degree. The liberty given to add other ſix to thoſe ſeven, was not, as he ſpitefully inſinuates, for Engliſh or French men of Subſtance that ſhould join them from the Weſt-India Plantations, but for ſuch of their own number as they might think fit to aſſume afterwards. It cannot once enter into the thoughts of any man of ſenſe, that the Colony ſhould at firſt entruſt Foreigners, and eſpecially French Papiſts in their Government, or that the Company had any deſign they ſhould do ſo; but he and his Suborners think it their Intereſt to make us odious to the Engliſh and French, by accuſing us of a deſign to drain their Colonies.

As to Mr. Paterſon, whom he hath all along abus'd he happens now thro Inadvertency to vindicate him from his own Calumnies; he formerly charg'd him as being Partner with Smith in cheating the Company of 8500 l and now he tells us that Mr. Paterſon was brought to this Dilemma, either to go aboard the Fleet bound for Caledonia as a Volunteer, or to go to Priſon at Edinburgh for Debt; which, had he cheated the Company of ſo much Mony as this Libeller pretends there had been no occaſionfor, he might have paid his Debts, and gone where he would: and beſides, the Scribler vindicates the Company at the ſame time from his former Charge of their being bewitch'd by Paterſon's golden Dreams &c. for had they relied ſo much upon him as the Libeller alledges, they would never have ſhew'd that indifference for him which here he ridicules him with. Such has been the hard Fate of the Suborners, that their Tool has not the ſenſe to make his Evidence conſiſtent, but every where cuts his own Throat by Self-contradictions.

To ſum up the Matter according to the Libeller's own Evidence. In the Council there were ſome Men of Quality, that had been bred to the Sword and the Law, others had been Officers both by Sea and Land, and ſome that had gain'd Experience in Merchandizing, and ſeveral Trades.

His Banter on the death of the Miniſters and Blaſphemous abuſe of Scripture, P. 37. ſmell ſo rank of the Atheiſt and Libertine, and do ſo evidently prove that he hath loſt all ſenſe of Humanity and Religion, that we are ſarisſied it will do his Maſters and their Cauſe more hurt than Service; and therefore we paſs it over.

The next Proof we have of his Falſhood and Malice, is his long Story about Mr. Wafer, from Page 38 to 45, wherein he does ſo blend Truth with Falſhood, as ſhews he had a mind at any rate to beſpatter the Reputation of the Committee of the Company: the ſaid Commitree knew nothing of thoſe Gentlemers treating with Wafer at London, till they acquainted them with it, and it was only upon their Recommendation that they ſent for him: As to their Collecting any Guineas at Pontack's for Mr. Wafer, it is altogether falſe. The Articles were drawn by Mr. James Campbel the Merchant, now in London, and wrote by Mr. Fitz Gerald an Iriſh Merchant, who both can reſtify that this Matter is foully miſrepreſented; for Mr. Wafer had an Alternative propos'd to him, which he agreed to, viz. to have ſo much if the Company thought ſit to imploy him, and ſo much for his trouble and pains if they did not; the Company was ſo far from ſtanding in any need of his Book, that they had a Manuſcript of it before ever they ſaw him, which was altogether unknown to the Gentlemen that treated with him at London this he himſelf knows to be true, and that to his no ſmall ſurprize, they repeared ſeveral Paſſages out of it to him, and indeed the Manuſcript is more particular than his Book, whatever Cauſe he hath ſince had to make any Alterations in it we know not. The Company upon the whole, finding that he could inform them of no thing conſiderable more than what was in the Manuſcript, and that he could do them no great Service, left him at his Liberty to publiſh his Book when he pleas'd, gave him about 100 l firſt and laſt for his Pains and Expence, with which he was very well ſatisfied, and hath declared ſeveral times ſince that the Company dealt very honourably with him, tho Mr. H—s took a great deal of pains to make him publiſh a Memoire to the contrary, which by his honeſt Friend Mr. Fitz Gerald's Advice he deſiſted from doing. As to the Libeller's malicious Inſinuation that they had no further Service for him when once he had diſcovered the place where the Nicaragua-Wood grew, It is abſolutely falſe, for the Manuſcript they had was very particular in that. This Mr. Wafer knows to be true, and if he have but a juſt reſentment, he is equally concern'd to vindicate himſelf; for, the Libeller reflects as much upon him as upon the Company, when he charges him with putting a Cheat upon them, as to their Nicaragua-Wood, P. 44. which H—s ſays he and others went in ſearch of for ſeveral Miles along the Coaſt, but could find none; and yet he magnifies Wafer's Freedom, and being ingenious by informing them ſo particularly, as to the place where the Nicaragua-Wood grew,P. 41. So perpetually does this malicious Libeller contradict himſelf.—As to the other parts of his Story of Mr. Wafers being conceal'd near Haddington, and afterwards at Edinburgh; it was no more than what Prudence would have directed any Men to do in the like Circumſtances: the Company not knowing till after having diſcours'd him whether he could do them any Service or not; it was not their Wiſdom to expoſe him to publick View; and having found that he could not ſerve them, it was equally prudent in them to keep him at an uncertainty as to their deſign; they being under no obligation to acquaint him with it. As to the Story of Admiral Bembo's waiting their motion; if they did ſay ſo, the Event hath made it but too probable; he hath waited ſo long in thoſe Parts till our Colony hath left Darien: what Orders he had concerning it, or what Part he hath acted in it, Time muſt determine; but if all that we have heard of large Bills being return'd him, and of his Offers by his Sloops to draw our Men from our Colony be true, there's reaſon to ſuſpect that he was ſent thither with no deſign for our advantage: However that may be we know not; but this we know, that if our Enemies at Court had been as zealous to protect us as they have been to ruin us, the Admiral would certainly have had Orders to have made Repriſals on the Spaniards for detaining Capt. Pincarton his Ship and Men, contrary to Treary with the King of Great Britain, when forc'd a-ſhoar by a Storm under the Walls of Carthagena.

He tells us,P. 45, That two thirds of the Proviſion were ſpent e're the Fleet ſail'd, that there was none to be had in Scotland at that time, and if there had, there was no Money; the 100000 l being ſunk, and the Company's Credit not worth 2 d. and that they had ſtuck there, had it not been for ſome few Pillars of the Scots Company who mortgag'd their Eſtates; for which the Company made over three of their Ships to them for their Security.

That there was no Proviſions to be had then in Scotland, will seadily be allow'd him, is ſufficient to anſwer all his malicious Clamour againſt the Company, and to confute his own Objection, P. 155. in defence of his Maſters, againſt the Company, for not ſending them Proviſions. That there was no Money, and that the Company's Credit was not worth 2 d. is confuted by himſelf, when he owns that a few of the Pillats rais'd 5000 l and took three of the Company's Ships for Security. For that a few of the Pillars could raiſe 5000 l and the Company have three new Ships, one of them of 70 Guns to give for Security; and yet the Company's Credit not to be worth 2 d. is a palpable Contradiction.

That any of the Company Mortgaged their Eſtates to raiſe Money, is falſe; they advanc'd it on their own Credit, as they might well do, it being well known there are ſeveral of them who have as much yearly Eſtate as the Sum he ſpeaks of: Nor did they deſire the Company's Ships in ſecurity, but only a Bond which it was reaſonable they ſhould have.

He comes next to give us an Account of the ſhortneſs of the Proviſions, P. 46. and of his own Honeſty in the mean time, in not acquainting the Commadore with it till they were three days at Sea; perhaps he had embezel'd them himſelf, or Pocketed ſome of the Money, for he owns that he had ſome time before been concerned in the Victualling part, and therefore dar'd not to ſay any thing of it on Shore, leſt it might have been prov'd upon him; but however that is, this we are ſure of, that the Company had Letters from their Ships at the Maderas, that they had Twelve Months Proviſions of all ſorts, at ſharp Allowance, and that if any thing fell ſhort, it was likely to be their Bread: That they thought this to be true, may be reaſonably concluded from his own. Narrative, where he ſays the Council upon his Repreſentation, deſign'd to ſend an Expreſs from the Orkneys, to acquaint the Company with the ſhortneſs of their Proviſions, which to be ſure they would have done, had they been ſenſible that they were ſo ſhort as he alledges: Beſides, he owns they had full Eleven Months Allowance of Stock-ſiſh at four Days in the Week; when do it is probable that they had other things in proportion.

The Reaſon why they had no more Beer but Ten Tun, was that the Seamen could not depend on the Beer becauſe it ſpoils, they had great ſtore of very good Water, and a very great quantity of Brandy which the Libeller takes no notice of. As for the Company's promiſing them Credit at the Maderas, it is falſe; nor was there any need of it, they had Pipe Staves and other Goods, which were thought proper for the Maderas, but if it did not anſwer, ſo well as 'twas expected, 'twas but the common Misfortune of Merchants, who many times meet with ſuch diſappointments. Nor is it to be expected that a Nation of ſo little Experience in Trade as ours, ſhould at firſt ſetting out, be free from Miſtakes or Miſmanagement, eſpecially ſince we have ſuch Invective Enemics to deal with who make it their buſineſs to get ill Men amongſt us every where, on purpoſe to break our Deſign.

His next Reflection is on the ſmall Allowance of Ready Money, which is ſufficiently anſwer'd when we tell him their Cargo was reckon'd inſtead of it, and as has been already ſaid, muſt needs be conceiv'd to be very proper for a Country where People go naked for want of Apparel. They had an great deal of Butter, and excellent Beef, of Scots Breed, by which we gain'd an Experiment contrary to the common Notion; for upon trial it was found to be better than the Iriſh, and therefore our Men teſolv'd to keep it laſt. His Objection as to its having been Eighteen Months in Salt is frivolous. Scamen think nothing of that when they can carry Beef to the Eaſt Indies and back again, and keep it good all the while. His Change upon Drummelier as having bought damnified. Wheat for their Bread, and put the Money in his Poket, is malicious and falſe: There's no Man but one of the Renegadoes Temper that can ſuſpect that Worthy Gentleman to be capable of any ſuch thing. Beſides, the Bread was extraordinary good.

His Story, p. 50. about Crab-Iſland, is falſe; the Company gave no poſitive Orders to leave any Men there, and its equally falſe that the Danes prevented our taking Poſſeſſion of it, our Men were there before the Danes came from St. Thomas, the Governour of which ſuſpecting our Deſign, upon the arrival of the Ʋnicorn there, ſent an Officer and Fifteen Men to Aſſert the King of Danmark's Right, after our Men went off from the Place, they ſaw the Daniſh Sloop in another Bay of the ſame Iſland call'd French-Man's Bay, and a Tent aſhore with Daniſh Colours on it; upon which Captain Pennicook Landed again, told them we were Poſſeſſed before them, againſt which they offer'd their Proteſt to pleaſe the Court of Denmark, but wiſh'd with all their Hearts we might ſettle there, for we ſhould be a good Bulwark to them againſt the Spaniards of Portc-Rico, who are very troubleſome Neighbours.

It is falſe what he ſays p. 54. That Captain Andreas, after looking upon us at firſt. Landing, did not come near us in three or four Weeks, for he came aboard us at firſt with ſome of his Men on the 2d of November, and brought his Travelling Wife with him on the 3d of November, when he came on Board again, and was very well ſatisfied with us; and on the 10th of the ſame Month, he and his Son, Wife and Siſter, Din'd on Board us. And on the 30th of November he was invited on Board, handſomly. Treated, and after having given a Rational Vindication of himſelf, as to the Matter ſuggeſted againſt him by the other Danien Captains or Princes; and being inform'd of our real Deſign, which before he ſuſpected to be Piracy, he deſir'd a Commiſſion from us, which was readily Granted and cheerfully Accepted; and he ſolemnly promis'd to Defend us to the laſt drop of his Blood. That his Commiſſion was left behind him in the Locker of the Round-Houſe, cram'd in amongſt empty Bottles, we have nothing but this Renegado's Word for it: but admitting it to be ſo, it does not therefore neceſſarily follow, that it was left there by Andreas, or his Order; it is not to be ſuppos'd that a Perſon of his Note, could creep into the Round-Houſe undiſcover'd: and perhaps it may be no unreaſonable Conjecture, to think that it was ſtole from him, and lodg'd there by this Renegado; for he owns that it was himſelf that found it, and he knows the Proverb, He that hides knows beſt where to find.

His Story about Andreas's Exit, P. 60. That he fell, or was thrown down the Main Hatch-way of the Caledonia in the Night time, after a Quarrel with Ambroſio, the greateſt of thoſe Indian Captains, has ſuch an Air of Malice and Falſhood, that it requires better Evidence than that of a ſelf-contradicting Libeller, before it can obtain belief with any Rational Man, or allowing it to be true, that he was actually tumbled down the Hatch-way in the Night time, it looks more like the Practice of ſuch a Quarrelſome ill natur'd Perſon as himſelf, than of any Body elſe. They that know his Behaviour to his own Captain, when he was Surgeon on Board one of the King's Ships, his quarrelling with Captain Pennicook, Commadore of our Ships that went to Darien, and the whole Tenor of his Converſation, cannot think this any uncharitable Reflection. His unnatutal Rancor againſt his Native Country, and unbounded Malice againſt the Scots Company, make it probable enough that he might do ſuch a thing on purpoſe to render the Natives Enemies to the Colony; which he deſerted himſelf about a Month after: And this is ſo much the more probable, becauſe he exclaims againſt thoſe on Board, for not taking care of Andreas, nor letting him blood after his fall, ſince none was ſo proper to do it as himſelf, who was a Surgeon, and on Board the Ship at the time.

It is needleſs to inſiſt any further on his Train of Falſhoods and Inconſiſtencies in his Account of the Country, which being contrary, not only to all that have wrote of it, but alſo to the Journals and Letters ſent from our Colony. We have better reaſon to ſay, that his Deſcription is Calculated to the Humour of our Enemies, and his Suborners, than that the Colony's and Mr. Wafer's Accounts were Calculated to the Meridian of the Scots Company. To put this Matter out of all doubt, we ſhall here ſubjoin the firſt Letter ſent from Caledonia by the Council of the Colony to the Company, which is the Teſtimony of ſix againſt one.

Right Honourable,

OƲR Laſt to you was from the Maderas, of the 29th of Aug. and ſent by the ſeveral ways of Holland and Pottugal, to the Contents whereof we now refer, and in particular to the State of Proviſions therewith ſent, and which we now find doth conſiderably fall ſhort even of what was then computed, by reaſon of the badneſs of the Cask. The account of the remaining part of our Voyage, together with the moſt material Tranſactions ſince, you may know by the encloſed Journal or Diary of our Proceedings.

We now ſend you our Letters and Diſpatches by Mr. Alexander Hamilton Merchant, who takes the opportunity of paſsing to you by the way of Jamaica over England, to whom we deſire you would order Forty Shillings Sterling to be paid Weekly, towards his Expences, during the time he ſhall ſtay with you negotiating our Affairs.

The Wealth, Fruitfulneſs, Health and good Situation of the Country proves for the better, much above our greateſt Expectation, which God Almighty ſeems to have wonderfully reſerv'd for this Occaſion, and now to have prepar'd our Way, and diſpoſed the Indies to that purpoſe. In our Paſſage hither ſeveral of our Number have been taken from us by Death (whoſe Names we have herewith ſent you) and whereof the loſs of our two Miniſters is the moſt ſenſible to us. We therefore intreat you would uſe your utmoſt endeavours with the General Aſſembly, for procuring others so ſupply that great want: As to the Country, we find it very healthful; for although we arriv'd here in the Rainy Seaſon, from which we had little or no ſhelter for ſeveral Weeks together, and many Sick among us, yet they are ſo far recover'd, and in ſo good a State of Health as could hardly any where be expected among ſuch a number of Men together; nor know we any thing here of thoſe ſeveral dangerous and mortal Diſtempers ſo prevalent in the Engliſh and other American Iſlands.

In Fruitfulneſs this Country ſeems not to give place to any in the World: For we have ſeen ſeveral of the Fruits, as Cocoa-Nuts, whereof Chocolate is made, Bonellos, Sugar-Canes, Maize, Oranges, Plantains, Mangoe, Yams, and ſeveral others, all of them of the beſt of their kind any where found.

Nay there is hardly a Spot of Ground here but what may be cultivated: For even upon the very tops and ſides of the Hills and Mountains, there is commonly three or four foot deep of rich Earth, without ſo much as a Stone to be found therein. Here is good Hunting and Fowling, and excellent Fiſhing in the Bays and Creeks of the Coaſt; ſo that could we improve the Seaſon of the Year juſt now begun, we ſhould ſoon be able to ſubſiſt of our ſelves; but fortifying and building will loſe us a whole Years planting.

By the want of Sloops, or finall Coaſting Veſſels, we have hitherto had no opportunity of diſpoſing any part of the Cargo, or doing other needful things.

Since the loſs of the French Ship mentioned in the Journal, we underſtand that the Captain had an underband Correſpondence, in tampering with ſome of the Natives whom be intended to carry away with him, which hightens our Jealouſy that the French have a deſign upon this Place, or at leaſt to make a Settlement hereabout. And we heartily wiſh that our Moſt Gracious King were truly informed of what Conſequence it will be both to his Greatneſs and Security, to countenance and encourage us his Loyal and Dutiful Subjects here, that our Prince and Country be not only depriv'd of ſo valuable a Jewel, but leaſt the ſame ſhould fall a Prey to ſome of our Rival Neighbours. This will be the Companies part to notice after theſe Diſpatches ſhall come to hand,

You have incloſed a Liſt of ſeveral Goods and Merchandiſes vendable and proper for this Place; our Situation being incomparable for the Trade of the Coaſt, where (beſides our Inland Trade) there is commonly but 2 or 3, or at moſt but 8 or 10 days ſail to the beſt Places of Trade upon the Coaſt, and to the outmoſt conſiderable Iſlands adjoining. And we deſire that particular Merchants in Scotland, and elſewhere, may be incouraged to trade and correſpond hither; in which we hope they will ſufficiently find their Account.

We have alſo ſent you a ſtate of what Supplies of Proviſions, Stores, and Merchant Goods are abſolutely neceſſary for the preſent ſupport of the Colony; referring it to the Company to determine what reaſonable Conſideration they will have for the Sums that ſhall be advanced for that purpoſe: And we entreat, that all poſſible Expedition may be us'd in ſending us theſe needful Supplies; for without that we ſhall not only be incapable of making you ſuteable Returns, but this hopeful Ʋndertaking, together with our ſeives will run no ſmall riſque of being inevitably loſt. But however it be (by the help of God) we ſhall not fail to do our unmoſt in making ſpeedy and ſuteable Returns; and ſhall always account it our greateſt Honour to expoſe our Perſons, and all that's moſt near and dear unto us, in promoting this hopeful Deſign, as not only promiſing Profit and Glory to the Company, and all who are concern'd with them, but as being the likelieſt means that ever yet preſented towards the inabling our Countrymen to revive, recover, tranſmit to Poſterity, the Virtue, Luſtre, and wonted Glory of their Renown'd Anceſtors: And to lay a Foundation of Wealth, Security, and Greatneſs to our Mother Kingdom for the preſent and ſucceeding Ages. In which we can no way doubt of your moſt hearty Concurrence and utmoſt Support. So praying Almighty God would bleſs and proſper the Company in all their Ʋndertaksngs. We Remain,

Right Honourable, Your Moſt Humble Servants, Robert Jolley. J. Montgomery. Dan. Mackay. Rob. Pennicook. Rob. Pincartone. Will. Paterſon. Caledonia, New Edenburgh, December, 28th 1698.

P. S.

We intreat you to ſend us a good Ingineer, who is extreamly wanted here. This Place being capable of being ſtrongly Fortified. You'l underſtand by our from Maderas, the Danger as well as the Tediouſneſs of our Paſſage North about, ſo that if the Ships can conveniently be fitted out from Clyd, it will ſave a great deal of time in their Paſſage, and be far leſs bazardous.

This being from Men who knew the Miſrepreſentation of the Affair, muſt needs Iſſue in their own Ruin, cannot be ſuſpected of diſingenuity; and therefore muſt certainly over-balance the Evidence of a Renegado, who owns that he writes out of Malice.

The firſt defence he puts in the Company's Mouthis, their being baulk'd of Foreign Subſcriptions, which made them loſe Time and Money, whereby they could not ſend out ſuch a number of Men and quantity of Proviſions as the Project would have required. This is litterally true, let H—s and his Suborniers anſwer it if they can. As for his Queſtion, Why did they prodigally throw away 50000 l in Holland and Hamburgh, purely to make a Bluſter there; and why did they truſt to another Man's Purſe till ſuch time as they are ſure of it? We ſhall anſwer by asking him another Queſtion, viz. Since he pretends to know the Secrets of the Weſt end of the Town, why did our Government oppoſe our taking Foreign Subſcriptions, ſince they had impowered us by Acts of Parliament, and Letters Pattent to take them, and ſince twas ſuch a thing as the like perhaps was never done; what reaſon had we to ſuſpect being baulk'd of our Foreign Subſcriptions? He himſelf own'd that the Hollanders and Hamburgers were fond of our Project, till our Government oppos'd us; and therefore, by his own Confeſſion, they are to blame for thoſe diſappointments. As to our taking Subſcriptions in Hamburgh and Holland. We had reaſon to engage as many of our Proteſtant Neighbours in the Deſign as we could, that we might be the more able to defend our ſelves in caſe of Oppoſition; which is neither ill Policy, nor inconſiſtent with Honeſty.

The 2d Defence he puts in their Mouth, That their Ships were Man'd, no Proviſions to be had in Scotland, more were providing abroad, and no more Money to be had from the Subſcribers till once the Ships were Sail'd, is ſuch as he and his Suborners will never be able to anſwer; What could the Company do more, than take care to have Proviſions abroad, when none were to be had at home.? And if the Subſcribers would pay no more Money till the Ships put to Sea, there was a neceſſity of Sailing. His Objection as to the ſhortneſs of their Proviſions, we have anſwer'd already, and ſhall add which he maliciouſly conceals; That we ſent a Ship with Proviſions after them, which was caſt away in January, for which we cannot be anſwerable; and he himſelf owns we ſent another Convoy in May; Then ſince the Colony ſent us Advice from the Maderas, dated Aug. 29. That they had ſtill 8 Months large, and twelve Months ſhort Allowance: The Company cannot juſtly be accus'd of ſupine Neglect, when they ſent away one Ship with Proviſions four Months after this notice, and two more in five Months after that, conſidering that they had no Proviſions in Scotland, as the Libeller himſelf owns; and that the Colony had a Cargo which might have bought them Proviſions either from the Natives, if they had any to ſpare, which we could not doubt of by Mr. Wafer's Deſcription, or from the Engliſh Colonies, had it not not been for the Proclamation, which we had no reaſon to ſuſpect would be iſſued at all, and much leſs in ſuch a manner, in the Name of our own Prince, who was oblig'd to Protect us.

To the Cauſes he aſſigns for the Sailing of our Fleer without a greater quantity of Proviſions, we 〈◊〉 ! add one more, viz. That we had reaſon to fear that our Enemies might prevent us; which Captain Long's being on thoſe Coaſts a Month before us, ſhews was not without Ground; no more than our Suſpicion, that endeayours were uſed to ſurprize us into a War with the Spaniards, by Long's Men killing ſeven of them, as hath been already mention'd; and of his doing all he could to make us odious to the Natives, by telling them we were Pirates, and diſobliging both Ambroſio and Diego, by ſordid little Actions of his own, as Captain Pennicook gave us an Accoun in his Journal. A Grave Member of the Committee of Trade can give a more full Account of this, if he pleaſes; and when his hand is in, he would do well to aſſign us a Reaſon why that barbarous Murder committed by Long's Men, was never yet taken notice of by the Spaniards, ſince they have publiſhed ſuch angry Memorials againſt us, who committed no Hoſtilities upon them.

His Objection to the third and fourth Reaſon relating to the Honeſty of our Deſign, and the Cargoes not being proper, we have anſwer'd already. As for that of our Goods being ſeizable in Jamaica and other Engliſh Plantations, by the Act of Navigation, it's one of the Hardſhips we juſtly complain of, that was put upon us by the Enemics of our Nation in Charles II's Reign. But allowing it to be reaſonable, it cannot have ſo much Equity in it, as the Laws which make it puniſhable by Death, to Roband Murder. Yet the Execution of thoſe are many times diſpenc'd with in favour of Criminals, by his Majeſty; and indeed a Power to diſpence with the Execution of Law ſometimes, to ſave the Life of a Subject, is one of the moſt Innocent Branches of the Prerogative; but we had much more reaſon to have expected a Diſpenſation in this Caſe, to ſave the Lives of ſo many of his Subjects, who had generouſly venter'd them for himſelf.

His owning, p. 148. and 154. That a Cargo of Proviſions brought by two Jamaica Sloops, was bought by the Colony, beſides as many Turtle as came to 100 and odd Pounds. for which he owns the Colony paid em; not only contradicts what he ſays almoſt in the ſame breath, That there was neither Money no Moneys worth to be had in the Colony; and that they laid out all their Stock of Ready Money for Wine at Maderas, p. 48. but may, together with their having both Proviſions and Money when they came to New York, juſtly confirm our Suſpicion, that there was a Miſmanagement of the Proviſions; ſince two Sloop's Cargo of Proviſion, 27 Pipes of Wine, 100 Pounds worth of Turtle, the Fiſh Plantains, Bonanoes, Potatoes, Indian Corn, Sojours, or Land Crabs, which he ſays were plentiful at firſt' added to their former Proviſions which they own'd they had at the Maderas; together with the decreaſe of their Number of Men by Death was not enough to keep their Colony from ſtarving for Nine Months. We have ſtill the more reaſon to ſuſpect this, becauſe the Letter from New York, which brought us the firſt certain Account of the Diſaſter of our Colony, hinted as if there might be ſome Work for the Hangman. That there were more ill Men in the Colony than H—s is probable enough: and particularly that Pennicook was brib'd to raiſe Diviſions in the Colony, and put all in diſorder by his Inſolence: which falling in with the Proclamations that were concerted for our Deſtruction, gave a handle to other ill Men to foment the Diviſions, and compleat the Ruin of the Colony by a total Deſertion.

His Inſinuation, P. 154, That two Jamaica Sloops with Proviſions return'd from the Colony without breaking bulk, becauſe there was neither Money nor Market Goods there; deſerves better Evidence than his own before it obtain Credit. We have indeed heard of one Veſſel with Proviſions, which inſiſted on ſuch extravagant Rates, that the Colony would not incourage them to do the like in time to come; and therefore would not deal with them: hoping that their own Convoy might ſpeedily come up; but this was before they knew any thing of the Ploclamation, which cut off all their future hopes, ev'n from Scotland. We have alſo Letters from New York, that the Government of that Place ſeem'd to intend them no good; of which their deſiring our Ships to come and Anchor under the Guns of the Caſtle, is a clear Proof; and the reaſon of this unkind Treatment is alſo explain'd to us, viz. That they ſuſpected our Men had a deſign to return back as ſoon as they got Proviſions. Nay, we have had advice, that their Gold Duſt was actually reſus'd at Jamaica, becauſe of the Proclamations which we have reaſon enough to believe: ſince we cannot think that the It habitants there would be willing to incurr the height of His Majeſty's Diſpleaſure to oblige the Scots. That our Men had Gold Duſt from the Natives for Powder, Shot, and ſpeckled Shifts: the Libeller owns himſelf, P. 149. and there he brags of it, that he brought off more himſelf at 3 l 10 s. per Ounce, (how he came by it, is worth the inquiry) than moſt of the Councellors that are come home ſince; and by Letters from New York, we have heard there was Money amongſt them: By all which 'tis evident, That want of Money or Goods was not the ſole Cauſe of their being demed Proviſions from the Engliſh Plantations. His Inſinuation, that the French and Dutch Iſlands would have ſupplied us if we had had Money or Goods, is ridiculous; when the Government of both thoſe Nations had ſo expreſly declared themſelves againſt us.

His All gation in that ſame Page, that His Majeſty knew nothing of the Colonies Settlement at Darien, but what he had at ſecond hand, &c. till the Spanith Ambaſſadur told him from his Maſter, is ſo notoriouſly falſe, that none but a Perſon of his Forehead could have advanced it, when the World knows that the Proclamation againſt us was publiſh'd in the Weſt-Indies in April, and the Spaniſh Memorial was not deliver'd till May following. We ſhould indeed be very glad to find that His Majeſty knew nothing of thoſe Proclamations; and that his Name was made uſe of without his Conſent; as ſome ſay his Grandfathers was in the Iriſh Maſſacre: for then we might reaſonably expect ſpeedy Juſtice upon thoſe bold Offenders, who dar'd to publiſh ſuch Proclamations in His Majeſty's Name, wherein we are condemned; as having invaded the Spanish D • maniens before ever it was heard what we could ſay for our ſelves, or without giving us any notice of thoſe Proclamations, that we might have taken care to have preſerv'd our Men from being ſtarv'd to death by them: By which they have made our Prince to act more like our declared Enemy, than one that we had conſtantly lov'd and rever'd as Father of his Country: and that which is yet more cutting; they ſtill prevail to miſlead him, ſo as he continues his unnatural Oppoſition to us: For beſides the Proclamations formerly mentioned, another has been ſince publiſh'd againſt us in Barbadoes, dated Sept. 15, which is ſo much the more unaccountable; conſidering the Memorial given in by our Preſident and Advocate, juſtifying our Pretenſions which the Spaniards have never yet offered to anſwer. By means of this Proclamation, the St. Andrew was denied Relief when ſhe fell in with Admirel Bembo, who told her, tho they ſhould all ſtarve he could allow them none, and the like anſwer they had from the Governor of Jamaica, tho they offer'd Goods in Exchange; the like Oppoſition is alſo continued againſt us at home; for tho the Company have addreſs'd His Majeſty, yet'tis without effect. After a full Repreſentation of their Loſſes, they did wiſely and dutifully deſire the Parliament might meet, that being the proporeſt way to have the ſinking Honour of the Company ſupported; but His Majeſty inſtead of granting their reaſonable deſires, was prevail'd upon by thoſe who are Enemies to our Country, to prorogue it further at the very time when they knew the Addreſs was coming up, and all the Anſwer thought ſit to give them, is, That His Majeſty is ſorry for the loſs of his Ancient Kingdom and of the Company, that they ſhall have the ſame liberty to trade to the Weſt-Indies as formerly; and that he will call the Parliament when he thinks the good of the Nation requires it, or to that effect. It may eaſily be judged, that this Anſwer could be no way ſatisfactory to the Company in ſuch a Juncture: nor are we to wonder, if inſtead of cheering their Spirits, it ſtruck them dumb, and fill'd them with Amazement. We wiſh that thoſe who adviſe His Majeſty to ſuch a Conduct towards the People of Scotland, who have never been backward in teſtifying their Loyalty and Affection to his Perſon and Government; would conſider that this is a downright Violation of our Conſtitution. It's certain that none are ſo proper to give his Majeſty advice, when a Parliament is neceſſary as our own Nobility Gentry and Burrowghs, who are moſt of them concern'd in our Company: and therefore their Addreſs ought to haye been more regarded than the advice of any particular Perſons.

This falſe Method of Government hath ruin'd many of our Princes, and we wiſh that thoſe who put his Majeſty upon ſuch Meaſures, may not have his ruin in proſpect. It is certain they can be none of his Friends, who put him upon diſobliging of the whole Kingdom of Scotland in this manner.

We come next to the Libeller's Defence of the Spaniſh Title to Darien, p. 163. His firſt Argument, That the Spaniards Title to that Country was never hitherto diſputed by any Prince or State, is a downright Falſhood. The Darien Princes themſelves controverted it always, and their Plea was allow'd to be good by the Judges of England, as we have been fore'd to tell this Renegado and his Suborners again and again. The Title of the Spaniards as Conquerours to any part of America, is not only doubted by the Biſhop of Cheapo, Don Bartholomew de Los Caſas, mention'd in the Defence of the Scots Settlement, but ſtrenuouſly argu'd againſt and maitain'd to be unlawful, in his Propoſitions concerning the Title of the King of Spain to America, propos'd to the Conſideration of the King of Spain himſelf. In his ninth Propoſition he aſſerts, That when Chriſtian Princes apply their Endeavours to propagate the Faith, they ought to have no Conſideration for any thing but the Service of God—Or if they can do any thing for the advantage of their Dominions while they augment the Kingdom of Chriſt: It ought to be without any conſiderable prejudice to the Infidels or the Princes that Govern them—Prop. 10. He aſſerts, They have their own lawful Kings and Princes, who have a Right to to make Laws, &c.— For the good Government of their reſpective Dominions, ſo that they cannot beexpell'd out of 'em, or depriv'd of what they poſſeſs, without doing Violence to the Laws of God as well as the Law of Nations. Prop. 26. Seeing the Spaniards have not been ſupported either by the Authority of their Prince, or any lawful Reaſon to make War againſt the Indians, who liv'd peaceably in their own Country, and had done the Spaniard no wrong; all ſuch Conqueſts that have been or may hereafter be made in the Indies, are to be accounted Unjuſt, Tyranical and Null, being condemned by all the Laws of God and Men. Its true he ſuppoſes the K. of Spain to have a Title to the Soveraignty of the Indies, by the Popes Grant; but it is with ſuch Reſtrictions as thoſe he mentions; and in his 16 Propoſition ſays the Pope, has power to revoke it, if it be found prejudicial to the Eſtabliſhment of the Faith; and he expreſly declares throughout his Book, that all the Methods taken by the Spaniards were ſuch, ſo that here's one ſtrong Evidence of their own againſt them.—Dominicus de Soto; the K. of Spain's Confeſſor at the time ſcems by his ſumming up the Diſpute betwixt this Biſhop and Dr. Sepulveda to have been of the ſame Opinion; and Sepulveda's Books, maintaining the contrary were ſnppreſs'd by the Emperor Charles V.

Of the ſame Opinion, and indeed more expreſs againſt the Methods, by which the Spaniards acquir'd their Dominions in the Indies, is, Franciſcus a Victoria, chief Profeſſor of Divinity, in the Univerſity of Salamanca, (whom the Emperor Charles V. conſulted in Caſes of Conſcience, and in this amongſt others) as may be ſeen in his Relectiones, Theologicae, Relectione 5. de Indis where he argues the Point at large, and in Relect. 7. de jure bell, lays down this as a Maxim, That an Injury receiv'd is the only juſt Cauſe of making War. So that it being plain from Matter of Fact that the Indians did no manner of Injury to the Spaniards; their War upon them muſt of neceſſity by this Argumnt be unlawful. More has been ſaid already in Vindication of our Tide, in the defence of the Scots Settlement, than the Renegado and his Suborners can anſwer; therefore we ſhall wind up this Matter in a few Words more.

His alledging we might as well land in Jamaica, where the wild Negroes have deſerted their Maſters, or in Tobago, &c. ſerve only to diſcover his own Folly. There's no unconquer'd Natives, who have their own Princes to govern them in either of thoſe Iſlands, nor are the Titles of the Engliſh and D. of Curland, to thoſe Places queſtion'd. The Iriſh having admitted French Troops into their Kingdom is as little to the purpoſe, ſince they have had no ſhadow of Government or Sovereignty, left them for ſeveral Ages, have from time to time ſubmitted to the Government of England, and admitted thoſe Troops in defence of the late K. James's Title, which he derives from Hen. II. that Conqner'd them. Beſides, the Libeller himſselt owns, p. 54. that the Natives themſelves were pleas'd with the hopes of being reſtor'd by us to their Ancient Liberty and Greatneſs; and p. 55. That Ambroſio one of their greateſt Captains, was at War with the Spaniards before our Arrival. His alleaging that Cap. Andreas was a Spaniſh Captain at the time of our Landing, needs better proof than his affertion: that he might be then at Peace with the Spaniards, and have ſome reſpect for them becauſe of his being bred among them, as H—ſays he was, p. 60. all that they then gave him a Commiſſion as a Captain, does not at all argue that he was in the Spaniſh Intereſt when we Landed, or any way ſubject to the Crown of Spain; if he himſelf promiſed ſubjection, it does not diveſt his Subjects of their Right, and that Andreas's Succeſſlor and they were no Friends to the Spaniards, is evident from the Libeller's own Story, that they gave cur Colony motice of the Spaniſh Party that came to view them, and led them to the place where they were: We have likwiſe the Teſtimony of all that have writ of this Place, againſt the Renegado, beſides that of the Journals of our own Colony, which give an Account that An broſio had engag'd all his Neighbouring Princes in a League againſt the Spaniard, before our Arrival.

FINIS.