[Page] CONSIDERATIONS UPON The

  • REPUTATION,
  • LOYALTY,
  • MANNERS, &
  • RELIGION,

OF THOMAS HOBBES OF MALMSBVRY.

Written by Himself, By way of LETTER to a Learned Person.

LONDON: Printed for William Crooke, at the Green Dragon without Temple-bar. 1680.

THE BOOKSELLER'S ADVERTISEMENT To the READERS.

I Do here present you with a Piece of Mr. Hobbes's Wri­ting; which is not publi­shed from an imperfect MS. as his Dialogue of the Civil Wars of England was, (by some that had got accidentally a Copy of it) ab­solutely against his consent, as you may see by some Passages out of some of his Letters to me, which I have here inserted.

In his Letter of June, 1679. he saith,

—I would fain have pub­lished my Dialogue of the Civil Wars of England, long ago; and to that end I presented it to his Majesty: and some days after, when I thought he had read it, I humbly besought him to let me print it; but his Majesty (though he heard me gratiously, yet he) flatly refused to have it publi­shed. Therefore I brought away the Book, and gave you leave to take a Copy of it; which when you had done, I gave the Original to an honourable and learned Friend, who about a year after died. The King knows better, and is more concerned in pub­lishing of Books than I am: There­fore I dare not venture to appear in the business, lest it should offend him. [Page] Therefore I pray you not to meddle in the business. Rather than to be thought any way to further or countenance the printing, I would be content to lose twenty times the value of what you can expect to gain by it, &c.—I pray do not take it ill; it may be I may live to send you somewhat else as ven­dible as that: And without offence, I rest

Your Very humble Servant, Thomas Hobbes.

Part of his Letter in July, 1679.

—If I leave any MSs. worth printing, I will leave word you shall have them, if you please. I am

Your humble Servant, Thomas Hobbes.

Part of his Letter Aug. 1679.

Sir,

I thank you for taking my advice in not stirring about the printing of my Book concerning the Civil Wars of England, &c.—I am writing somewhat for you to print in English, &c. I am,

Sir, Your humble Servant, Thomas Hobbes.

That no spurious Brats, for the time to come, be father­ed upon the deceased Author, I have printed, verbatim, these Passages out of his Letters written to me at several times: [Page] Their Original I have by me. I will be so just to his Memory, that I will not print any thing but what is perfect, and fitted for the Press. And if any Book shall be printed with his Name to it, that hath not be­fore been printed, you may be confident it is not his, unless Printed for

William Crooke.

I Am one of them that admire your Writings; and having read over your Hobbius Heau­ton-timorumenos, I cannot hold from giving you some account of the causes why I admire it: And first I considered how you handle him for his Disloyalty, in these words, pag. the 5th. His great Leviathan (wherein he placed his main strength) is now somewhat out of season; which, upon deserting his Royal Master in distress, (for he pre­tends to have been the King's Tutor, though yet, from those who have most reason to know it, I can find but little ground for such a pretence,) was written in defence of Oliver's Title, (or whoever, by whatsoever [Page 4] means, can get to be upmost,) placing the whole Right of Government meer­ly in strength, and Absolving all his Majesties Subjects from their Alle­giance, whenever He is not in a pre­sent capacity to force Obedience.

That which I observe and ad­mire here first, is, That you left not this passage out, for two reasons; One, because Mr Hobbes could long for nothing more than such an oc­casion to tell the world his own and your little stories, during the time of the late Rebellion.

When the Parliament sate, that began in April 1640. and was dis­solved in May following, and in which many points of the Regal Power, which were necessary for the Peace of the Kingdom, and the safety of His Majesties Person, were disputed and denied, Mr. Hobbes wrote a little Treatise in [Page 5] English, wherein he did set forth and demonstrate, That the said Power and Rights were inseparably annexed to the Sovereignty; which Sovereignty they did not then de­ny to be in the King; but it seems understood not, or would not un­derstand that Inseparability. Of this Treatise, though not Printed, many Gentlemen had Copies, which occasioned much talk of the Au­thor; and had not His Majesty dissolved the Parliament, it had brought him into danger of his Life.

He was the first that had ventu­red to write in the King's defence, and one, amongst very few, that upon no other ground but know­ledge of his Duty, and Principles of Equity, without special Interest, was in all points perfectly Loyal.

The 3d of November following, [Page 6] there began a new Parliament, con­sisting for the greatest part of such men as the People had elected only for their adverseness to the Kings Interest. These proceeded so fierce­ly in the very beginning against those that had written or preach'd in the defence of any part of that Power, which they then intend­ed to take away, and in gracing those whom the King had disgrac'd for Sedition, that Mr. Hobbes doubting how they would use him, went over into France, the first of all that fled, and there continued eleven years, to his dammage some thousands of pounds deep. This (Dr.) was your time of harvest: You were in their favour, and that (as you have made it since appear) for no goodness.

Being at Paris, he wrote and published his Book de Cive, in La­tine, [Page 7] to the end that all Nations which should hear what you and your Concovenanters were doing in England, might detest you, which I believe they do; for I know no Book more magnified than this is beyond the Seas.

When His Majesty that now is came to Paris, Mr. Hobbes had the honour to initiate him in the Ma­thematicks; but never was so im­pudent or ignorant as to call, or think himself the King's Tutor, as you (that understand not what that word, out of the University, signi­fies) do falsly charge him with; or ever to say, that he was one of His Majesties domestique Servants. While upon this occasion he staid about Paris, and had neither en­couragement nor desire to return into England, he wrote and pub­lished his Leviathan, far from the [Page 8] intention either of disadvantage to His Majesty, or to flatter Oliver, (who was not made Protector till three or four years after) or pur­pose to make way for his return: For there is scarce a page in it that does not upbraid both him, and you, and others such as you, with your abominable hypocrisie and villany.

Nor did he desert His Majesty, as you falsly accuse him, as His Ma­jesty Himself knows. Nor was His Majesty (as you unmannerly term it) in distress. He had the Ti­tle, Right and Reverence of a King, and maintained His faithful Servants with Him. It is true, that Mr. Hobbes came home; but it was because he would not trust his safe­ty with the French Clergy.

Do you know that ever he sought any benefit either from [Page 9] Oliver, or from any of his Party, or was any way familiar with any of his Ministers, before or after his Return? or curried favour with any of them (as you did by Dedica­ting a Book to his Vice-Chancellor Owen?)

Did you ever hear that he took any thing done to him by His Ma­jesty in evil part, or spake of him otherwise than the best of His Ser­vants would do; or that he was sul­len, silent, or sparing, in praising His Majesty in any company, upon any occasion?

He knew who were his enemies, and upon what ground they mis­construed his writings.

But your indiscretion appears more manifestly in giving him occa­sion to repeat what you have done, and to consider you, as you profes­sedly have considered him: For [Page 10] with what equity can it be denied him to repeat your manifest and horrible Crimes, for all you have been pardoned; when you publish falsly pretended faults of his, and comprehended in the same pardon?

If he should say, and publish, That you decyphered the Letters of the King and His Party, and thereby delivered his Majesties se­crets to the Enemy, and His best Friends to the Scaffold, and boast­ed of it in your Book of Arithme­tick (written in Latin) to all the World, as of a Monument of your Wit, worthy to be preserved in the University Library: How will you justifie your self, if you be re­proached for having been a Rebel and a Traytor? It may be you, or some for you, will now say, You de­cyphered those Letters to the King's advantage: But then you [Page 11] were unfaithful to your Masters of the Parliament: A very honest pretence, and full of gallantry, to excuse Treason with Treachery, and to be a double Spy. Besides, Who will believe it? Who enabled you to do the King that favour? Why hearded you with His Enemies? Who brought the King into a need of such a fellows favour, but they that first deserted him, and then made War upon him, and which were your friends, and Mr. Hobbes his enemies. Nay more, I know not one enemy Mr. Hobbes then had, but such as were first the Kings ene­mies, and because the King's therefore his. Your being of that Party, (without your decyphering,) amounts to more than a desertion. Of the Bishops that then were, and for whose sakes (in part) you raised the War, there was not one [Page 12] that followed the King out of the Land, though they loved him, but lived quietly under the Protection, first of the Parliament, and then of Oliver, (whose Titles and Actions were equally unjust) without treachery. Is not this as bad as if they had gone over, and (which was Mr. Hobbes his case) been driven back again? I hope you will not call them all desertors, (or because by their stay here openly they ac­cepted of the Parliament's and of Oliver's Protection) defenders ei­ther of Oliver's, or of the Par­liament's Title to the Sovereign Power.

How many were there in that Parliament at first that did indeed and voluntarily desert the King, in consenting to many of their unjust actions? Many of these afterwards, either upon better judgment, or [Page 13] because they pleased not the Fa­ction, (for it was a hard matter for such as were not of Pymms Cabal to please the Parliament,) or for some other private ends, deserted the Parliament, and did some of them more hurt to the King than if they had staid where they were; (for they had been so affrighted by such as you, with a panick fear of Tyranny, that seeking to help Him by way of Composition and sha­ring, they abated the just and ne­cessary indignation of His Armies, by which only His Right was to be recovered.)

That very entring into the Co­venant with the Scottish Nation against the King, is by it self a ve­ry great Crime, and you guilty of it. And so was the imposing of the Engagement, and you guilty of that also, as being done by the [Page 14] then Parliament, whose Democra­tical Principles you approv'd of.

You were also assisting to the Resemblance of Divines that made the Directory, and which were af­terwards put down by Oliver for counterfeiting themselves Ambas­sadors. And this was when the King was living, and in the head of an Army, which with your own en­deavour might have protected you. What crime it is (the King being Head of the Church of England) to make Directories, to alter the Church-Government, and to set up new Forms of Gods Service, upon your own fancies, without the Kings Authority, the Lawyers could have told you; and what punishment you were to expect from it, you might have seen in the Statute printed before the Book of Common-Prayer.

[Page 15] Further he may say, and truly, That you were guilty of all the Treasons, Murders, and Spoil com­mitted by Oliver, or by any upon Oliver's or the Parliament's Autho­rity: For, during the late trouble, who made both Oliver and the People mad, but the Preachers of your Principles? But besides the wickedness, see the folly of it. You thought to make them mad, but just to such a degree as should serve your own turn; that is to say, mad, and yet just as wise as your selves. Were you not very impru­dent to think to govern madness? Paul they knew, but who were you? Who were they that put the Army into Oliver's hands, (who be­fore, as mad as he was, was too weak, and too obscure to do any great mischief) with which Army he executed upon such as you, both [Page 16] here and in Scotland, that which the Justice of God required.

Therefore, of all the Crimes (the Great Crime not excepted) done in that Rebellion, you were guilty; You, I say, Dr. (how lit­tle force or wit soever you con­tributed) for your good will to their Cause. The King was hunt­ed as a Partridge in the Mountains; and though the Hounds have been hang'd, yet the Hunters were as guilty as they, and deserved no less punishment. And the Decy­pherers, and all that blew the horn, are to be reckoned amongst the Hunters. Perhaps you would not have had the prey killed, but rather have kept it tame. And yet who can tell? I have read of few Kings deprived of their Power by their own Subjects, that have lived any long time after it, for reasons that [Page 17] every man is able to conjecture.

All this is so manifest as it needs no witnesses. In the mean time Mr. Hobbes his behaviour was such, that of them who appeared in that Scene, he was the only man I know (except a few that had the same Principles with him) that has not something more or less to blush for; as having either assisted that rebellious Parliament, without ne­cessity, (when they might have had Protection from the King, if they had resorted to him for it in the field,) by Covenanting, or by A­ction, or with Money, or Plate, or by Voting against His Majesties In­terest, in Himself, or His Friends; though some of them have since by extraordinary Service deserved to be received into favour: But what's that to you? You are none of them; and yet you dare to reproach the [Page 18] guiltless, as if after so ill fruits of your Sermons, it were not impu­dence enough to preach.

I admire further, That having been forgiven these so transcen­dent Crimes, (so great a debt to the Gallows) you take Mr. Hobbes by the throat for a word in his Levia­than, made a fault by malicious or over-hasty construction: For you have thereby, like the unmerciful debtor in the Gospel, (in my opi­nion) forseited your pardon, and so, without a new one, may be hanged yet.

To that other Charge, That he writ his Leviathan in defence of O­liver's Title, he will say, That you in your own conscience know it is false. What was Oliver when that Book came forth? It was in 1650, and Mr. Hobbes returned before 1651. Oliver was then but General [Page 19] under your Masters of the Parlia­ment, nor had yet cheated them of their usurped Power: For that was not done till two or three years af­ter, in 1653. which neither he nor you could foresee: What Title then of Oliver's could he pretend to justifie? But you will say, He pla­ced the Right of Government there wheresoever should be the strength; and so by consequence he placed it in Oliver. Is that all? Then prima­rily his Leviathan was intended for your Masters of the Parliament, be­cause the strength was then in them: Why did they not thank him for it, both they and Oliver in their turns? There (Doctor) you decypher'd ill: For it was written in the behalf of those many and faithful Servants and Subjects of His Majesty, that had taken His part in the War, or otherwise done [Page 20] their utmost endeavour to defend His Majesties Right and Person against the Rebels; whereby, ha­ving no other means of Protection, nor (for the most part) of subsist­ence, were forced to compound with your Masters, and to promise Obedience for the saving of their Lives and Fortunes, which in his Book he hath affirmed they might lawfully do, and consequently not lawfully bear Arms against the Vi­ctors. They that had done their utmost endeavour to perform their obligation to the King, had done all that they could be obliged un­to; and were consequently at li­berty to seek the safety of their Lives and Livelihood wheresoever, and without Treachery. But there is nothing in that Book to justifie the submission of you, (or such as you) to the Parliament, after the [Page 21] King's being driven from them, or to Oliver; for you were the King's Enemies, and cannot pretend want of that Protection which you your selves refused, denied, fought a­gainst, and destroyed. If a man owe you money, and you by rob­bing him, or other injury, disable him to pay you, the fault's your own; nor needs this exception, Unless the Creditor rob him, be put into the Condition of the Bond. Protection and Obedience are Rela­tive. He that says a man may submit to an enemy for want of Protection, can never be construed, but that he meant it of the Obedi­ent. But let us consider his words. They are in pag. 390. Where he puts for a Law of Nature, That e­very man is bound as much as in him lieth, to protect in War the Authori­ty by which he is himself protected [Page 22] in time of Peace; which I think is no ungodly nor unreasonable Prin­ciple. For confirmation of it, he defines in what point of time it is, that a Subject becomes obliged to obey an unjust Conquerour: And defines it thus; It is that point where­in having liberty to submit to the Conquerour, he consenteth either by express words, or by other sufficient signs, to be his Subject.

I cannot see, Doctor, how a man can be at liberty to submit to his new, that has not first done all he could for his old Master: Nor if he have done all he could, why that liberty should be refused him. If a man be taken by the Turk, and brought by terrour to fight against his former Master, I see how he may be kill'd for it as an Enemy, but not as a Criminal: Nor can I see how he that hath liberty to submit, can [Page 23] at the same time be bound not to submit.

But you will say, perhaps, That he defines the time of that liberty to the advantage of Oliver, in that he says, that for an ordinary Subject, it is then, when the means of his Life are within the Guards and Garri­sons of the Enemy; for it is then, that he hath no protection but from the Enemy, for his Contribution. It was not necessary for him to ex­plain it to men of so great Under­standing, that you and other his Enemies pretend to be, by putting in the Exception, Unless they came into those Guards and Garrisons by their own Treason. Do you think that Oliver's Party, for their sub­mission to Oliver, could pretend the want of that Protection?

The words therefore by them­selves, without that exception, do [Page 24] signifie no more than this, That whosoever had done as much as in him did lye to protect the King in War, had liberty afterwards to pro­vide themselves of such Protection as they could get; which to those whose means of life were within the Guards and Garrisons of Oli­ver, was Oliver's Protection.

Do you think when a Battel is lost, and you at the mercy of the Enemy, is it unlawful to receive Quarter with condition of Obedi­ence? Or if you receive it on that condition, do you think it honesty to break promise, and treacherously murder him that gave you your life? If that were good Doctrine, he were a foolish Enemy that would give Quarter to any man.

You see then, that this submissi­on to Oliver, or to your then Ma­sters, is allowed by Mr. Hobbes his [Page 25] Doctrine only to the King's faithful Party, and not to any that fought against him, howsoever they co­loured it, by saying they fought for the King and Parliament; nor to any that writ or preached against His Cause, or encouraged His Ad­versaries; nor to any that betrayed His Counsels, or that intercepted or decyphered any Letters of His, or of His Officers, or of any of His Party; nor to any that by any way had contributed to the dimi­nution of His Majesties Power, Ecclesiastical or Civil; nor does it absolve any of them from their Al­legeance. You that make it so hei­nous a crime for a man to save him­self from violent death, by a forc'd submission to an Usurper, should have considered what crime it was to submit voluntarily to the Usurp­ing Parliament.

[Page 26] I can tell you besides, why those words were put into his last Chap­ter, which he calls the Review. It happened at that time that there were many Honourable Persons, that having been faithful and un­blemished Servants of the King, and Souldiers in His Army, had their Estates then Sequestred; of whom some were fled, but the Fortunes of them all were at the mercy (not of Oliver, but) of the Parliament. Some of these were admitted to Composition, some not. They that Compounded, though they help'd the Parliament less by their Composition, than they should have done (if they had stood out) by their Confiscation, yet they were ill spoken of, espe­cially by those that had no Estates to lose, nor hope to Compound. And it was for this that he added [Page 27] to what he had written before, this caution, That if they would com­pound, they were to do it bonafide, without intention of Treachery. Wherein he justified their Submis­sion by their former Obedience, and present Necessity; but con­demned Treachery. Whereas you that pretend to abhor Atheism, con­demn that which was done upon necessity, and justifie the Treache­ry: And you had reason for it, that cannot otherwise justifie your selves. Those struglings which happened afterwards, lost His Ma­jesty many a good and able Subject, and strengthened Oliver with the Confiscation of their Estates, which if they had attended the Discord of their Enemies, might have been saved.

Perhaps you will take for a sign of Mr. Hobbes his ill meaning, that [Page 28] His Majesty was displeased with him. And truly I believe He was displeased for a while, but not ve­ry long. They that complained of, and mis-construed his writings, were His Majesties good Subjects, and reputed Wise and Learned men, and thereby obtained to have their mis-construction believed for some little time: But the very next Sum­mer after his coming away, two Honourable Persons of the Court that came over into England, assu­red him, that His Majesty had a good opinion of him; and others since have told me, that His Maje­sty said openly, That He thought Mr. Hobbes never meant him hurt. Besides, His Majesty hath used him more graciously than is ordinary to so humble a person as he is, and so great a Delinquent as you would make him, and testified His esteem [Page 29] of him in His bounty. What Argu­ment now can you draw from hence more than this, That His Majesty understood his writings better than his Accusers did.

I admire in the next place, upon what ground you accuse him (and with him all those that have appro­ved his Leviathan) with Atheism. I thought once, that that slander had had some (though not firm) ground in that you call his new Divinity: But for that point he will allege these words of his Leviathan, pag. 238. By which it seemeth to me (with submission nevertheless both in this and all other Questions, whereof the determination dependeth on the Scri­ptures, to the Interpretation of the Bible authorized by the Common­wealth, whose Subject I am,) That, &c. What is there in these words but Modesty and Obedience? But [Page 30] you were at this time in actual Re­bellion. Mr. Hobbes, that holds Religion to be a Law, did in order thereto condemn the maintenance of any of his Opinions against the Law; and you that reproach him for them upon your own account, should also have shewn by your own Learning, wherein the Scri­pture, which was his sole proof, was mis-cited, or mis-construed by him; (for he submitted to the Laws, that is to say, to the King's Doctrine, not to yours;) and not have insulted for the Victory won by the power of the Law, to which you were then an enemy.

Another Argument of Atheism you take from his denying immate­rial, or incorporeal Substances. Let any man impartially now compare his Religion with yours, by this very measure, and judge which [Page 31] of the two savours most of Athe­ism.

It is by all Christians confess'd, that God is incomprehensible; that is to say, that there is nothing can arise in our Fancy from the naming of him, to resemble him either in shape, colour, stature, or nature; there is no Idea of him; he is like nothing that we can think on: What then ought we to say of him? What Attributes are to be given him, not speaking otherwise than we think, nor otherwise than is fit, by those who mean to honour him? None but such as Mr. Hobbes hath set down, namely, Expressions of Reverence, such as are in Use amongst men for signs of Honour, and consequently signifie Good­ness, Greatness, and Happiness; and either absolutely put, as Good, Holy, Mighty, Blessed, Just, Wise, Merci­ful, [Page 32] &c. or Superlative, as most Good, most Great, most Mighty, Almighty, most Holy, &c. or Negative, of what­soever is not perfect, as Infinite, E­ternal, and the like: And not such as neither Reason nor Scripture hath approved for honourable. This is the Doctrine that Mr. Hobbes hath written, both in his Leviathan, and in his Book de Cive, and when occasion serves, main­tains. What kind of Attribute I pray you is immaterial, or incorpo­real substance? Where do you find it in the Scripture? Whence came it hither, but from Plato and Aristo­tle, Heathens, who mistook those thin Inhabitants of the Brain they see in sleep, for so many incorporeal men; and yet allow them motion, which is proper only to things corporeal? Do you think it an ho­nour to God to be one of these? [Page 33] And would you learn Christianity from Plato and Aristotle? But see­ing there is no such word in the Scripture, how will you warrant it from natural reason? Neither Plato nor Aristotle did ever write of, or mention an incorporeal Spirit; for they could not conceive how a Spi­rit, which in their Language was [...] (in ours a Wind) could be incorporeal. Do you understand the connection of substance and in­corporeal? If you do, explain it in English; for the words are La­tine. It is something, you'l say, that being without Body, stands un­der—. Stands under what? Will you say, under Accidents? Almost all the Fathers of the Church will be against you; and then you are an Atheist. Is not Mr. Hobbes his way of Attributing to God, that only which the Scriptures Attri­bute [Page 34] to him; or what is never any where taken but for honour, much better than this bold Undertaking of yours, to consider and decypher Gods nature to us?

For a third Argument of Athe­ism, you put, That he says, Besides the Creation of the World, there is no Argument to prove a Deity; and, That it cannot be evinced by any Ar­gument that the World had a Begin­ning; and, That whether it had or no, is to be decided not by Argument, but by the Magistrates. Authority. That it may be decided by the Scriptures, he never denied: Therefore in that also you slander him. And as for Arguments from natural Reason, neither you, nor any other have hitherto brought any (except the Creation) that has not made it more doubtful to many men than it was before. That [Page 35] which he hath written concerning such Arguments, is in his Book De Corpore. Opinions (saith he) con­cerning the nature of Infinite and Eternal, as the chiefest of the fruits of Wisdom, God hath reserved to himself, and made Judges of them, those men whose Ministery he meant to use in the ordering of Religion; and therefore I cannot praise those men that brag of Demonstration of the Beginning of the World from na­tural Reason. And again, pag. 238. Wherefore I pass by those Questions of Infinite and Eternal, contenting my self with such Doctrine concern­ing the Beginning and Magnitude of the World, as I have learn'd from the Scripture, confirmed by Miracles, and from the Use of my Countrey, and from the Reverence I owe to the Law. This, Doctor, is not ill said, and yet 'tis all you ground your slander on, [Page 36] which you make to sneak vilely un­der a crooked Paraphrase.

These Opinions, I said, were to be judged by those to whom God has committed the ordering of Re­ligion; that is, to the Supreme Go­vernours of the Church, that is, in England, to the King: By His Au­thority, I say, it ought to be deci­ded, (not what men shall think, but) what they shall say in those Questions. And me thinks you should not dare to deny it; for it is a manifest relapse into your former Crimes.

But why do you stile the King by the name of Magistrate? Do you find Magistrate to signifie any where the Person that hath the Sovereign Power, or not every where the Sovereign's Officers. And I think you knew that; but you and your fellows (your fellows I call all those [Page 37] that are so besmeared all over with the filth of the same Crime, as not to be distinguished,) meant to make your Assembly the Sovereign, and the King your Magistrate. I pray God you do not mean so still, if opportunity be presented.

There has hitherto appeared in Mr. Hobbes his Doctrine no sign of Atheism; and whatsoever can be inferr'd from the denying of Incor­poreal Substances, makes Tertullian, one of the ancientest of the Fa­thers, and most of the Doctors of the Greek Church, as much Athe­ists as he: For Tertullian in his Trea­tise De Carne Christi, says plainly, Omne quod est, corpus est sui generis. Nihil est incorporale, nisi quod non est. That is to say, Whatsoever is any thing, is a body of its kind. No­thing is Incorporeal, but that which has no Being. There are many o­ther [Page 38] places in him to the same pur­pose: For that Doctrine served his turn to confute the Heresie of them that held that Christ had no Body, but was a Ghost: Also of the Soul he speaks, as of an invisi­ble Body. And there is an Epi­tome of the Doctrine of the East­ern Church, wherein is this, That they thought Angels and Souls were Corporeal, and only called In­corporeal, because their Bodies were not like ours. And I have heard that a Patriarch of Constantinople, in a Council held there, did argue for the lawfulness of painting An­gels, from this, that they were Cor­poreal. You see what Fellows in Atheism you joyn with Mr. Hobbes.

How unfeigned your own Reli­gion is, may be argued strongly, demonstratively, from your beha­haviour that I have already recited. [Page 39] Do you think, you that have com­mitted so abominable sins, not through infirmity, or sudden trans­port of Passion, but premeditately, wilfully, for twenty years together, that any rational man can think you believe your selves, when you preach of Heaven and Hell, or that you do not believe one another to be Cheaters and Impostors, and to laugh at silly People in your sleeves for believing you; or that you ap­plaud not your own wit for it; though for my part I could never conceive that very much wit was requisite for the making of a knave. And in the Pulpit most of you have been a scandal to Christianity, by preaching up Sedition, and crying down Moral Virtue. You should have preach'd against unjust Ambi­tion, Covetousness, Gluttony, Ma­lice, Disobedience to Government, [Page 40] Fraud, and Hypocrisie: But for the most part you preach'd your own Controversies, about who should be uppermost, or other fruitless and unedifying Doctrines. When did any of you preach a­gainst Hypocrisie? You dare not in the Pulpit (I think) so much as name it, lest you set the Church a laughing: And you in particular, when you said in a Sermon, That Sophos was not in Homer; what edification could the People have from that, though it had been true, as 'tis false? (For it is in his Iliade, lib. 15. v. 363.) Another I heard make half his Sermon of this Do­ctrine, That God never sent a great Deliverance, but in a great Danger: Which is indeed true, because the greatness of the Danger makes the greatness of the Deliverance, but for the same cause ridiculous; and [Page 41] the other half he took to construe the Greek of his Text: And yet such Sermons are much applauded. But why? First, Because they make not the People ashamed of any Vice. Secondly, Because they like the Preacher, for using to find fault with the Government or Governors. Thirdly, For their vehemence, which they mistake for Zeal. Fourthly, For their zeal to their own ends, which they mistake for zeal to Gods Worship. I have heard besides divers Sermons made by Phanatiques, young men, and whom by that, and their habit, I imagined to be Apprentices; and found little difference between their Sermons, and the Sermons of such as you, either in respect of Wisdom, or Eloquence, or Vehe­mence, or Applause of Common People.

[Page 42] Therefore I wonder how you can pretend (as you do in your Pe­tition, for a Dispensation from the Ceremonies of the Church) to be either better Preachers than those that Conform, or to have tender­er Consciences than other men. You that have covered such black Defigns with the Sacred words of Scripture, why can you not as well find in your hearts to cover a black Gown with a white Surplice? Or what Idolatry do you find in ma­king the Sign of the Cross, when the Law commands it? Though I think you may conform without sin, yet I think you might have been also dispensed with without sin, if you had dispensed in like manner with other Ministers that subscribed to the Articles of the Church. And if tenderness of Conscience be a good Plea, you [Page 43] must give Mr. Hobbes also leave to plead tenderness of Conscience to his new Divinity, as well as you. I should wonder also how any of you should dare to speak to a multitude met together, without being limit­ed by His Majesty what they shall say, especially now that we have felt the smart of it, but that it is a Relique of the Ecclesiastical Poli­cy of the Popes, that found it ne­cessary for the dis-joyning of the People from their too close adhe­rence to their Kings, or other Civil Governours.

But it may be you will say, That the rest of the Clergy, Bishops, and Episcopable men, no Friends of yours, and against whose Office Mr. Hobbes never writ any thing, speak no better of his Religion than you do.

'Tis true, he never wrote against [Page 44] Episcopacy; and it is his private opinion, That such an Episcopa y as is now in England, is the most commodious that a Christian King can use for the governing of Christs Flock, the misgoverning whereof the King is to answer for to Christ, as the Bishops are to answer for their mis-government to the King, and to God also. Nor ever spake he ill of any of them, as to their Persons: Therefore I should wonder the more at the uncharita­ble censure of some of them, but that I see a Relique still remaining of the venom of Popish Ambition, lurking in that seditious distin­ction and division between the Power Spiritual and Civil, which they that are in love with a Power to hurt all those that stand in com­petition with them for Learning (as the Roman Clergy had to hurt [Page 45] Galileo) do not willingly forsake. All Bishops are not in every point like one another. Some it may be are content to hold their Authori­ty from the King's Letters Patents; and these have no cause to be an­gry with Mr. Hobbes. Others will needs have somewhat more, they know not what, of Divine Right, to Govern by vertue of Imposition of Hands, and Consecration, not ac­knowledging their Power from the King, but immediately from Christ. And these perhaps are they that are displeased with him, which he cannot help, nor has deserved; but will for all that believe the King only, and without sharers, to be the Head of all the Churches with­in His own Dominions; and that he may dispence with Ceremonies, or with any thing else that is not a­gainst the Scriptures, nor against [Page 46] natural Equity; and that the con­sent of the Lords and Commons cannot now give Him that Power, but declare for the People their ad­vice and consent to it. Nor can he be made believe that the safety of a State depends upon the safety of the Church, I mean, of the Cler­gy: For neither is a Clergy essen­tial to a Common-wealth; and those Ministers that preached Sedi­tion pretend to be of the Clergy, as well as the best. He believes rather that the Safety of the Church depends on the Safety of the King, and the entireness of the Sovereign Power; and that the King is no part of the Flock of any Mi­nister or Bishop, no more than the Shepherd is of his Sheep, but of Christ only; and all the Clergy, as well as the People, the King's Flock. Nor can that clamour of [Page 47] his adversaries make Mr. Hobbes think himself a worse Christian than the best of them. And how will you disprove it, either by his disobedience to the Laws Civil, or Ecclesiastical, or by any ugly action? Or how will you prove that the obe­dience which springs from scorn of Injustice, is less acceptable to God, than that which proceeds from fear of punishment, or hope of benefit. Gravity and heavi­ness of Countenance are not so good marks of assurance of Gods favour, as cheerful, charitable, and upright behaviour towards men, which are better signs of Religion than the zealous maintaining of controverted Doctrines. And therefore I am verily perswaded, it was not his Divinity that dis­pleased you or them, but some­what else, which you are not wil­ling [Page 48] to pretend. As for your Par­ty, that which angred you, I be­lieve, was this passage of his Levi­athan, pag. 89. Whereas some men have pretended for their Disobedience to their Sovereign, a new Covenant made, not with men, but with God; this also is unjust: For there is no Covenant with God, but by mediation of some body that representeth Gods Person; which none doth but Gods Lieutenant, who hath the Sovereign­ty under God: But this pretence of Covenant with God, is so evident a lye (this is it that angred you) even in the pretenders own Consciences, that it is not only an act of an unjust, but also of a vile and unmanly dispo­sition.

Besides his making the King Judge of Doctrines to be preach'd or published, hath offended you both; so has also his Attributing [Page 49] to the Civil Sovereign all Power Sacerdotal. But this perhaps may seem hard, when the Sovereignty is in a Queen: But it is because you are not subtle enough to per­ceive, that though Man be male and female, Authority is not. To please neither Party is easie; but to please both, unless you could better agree amongst your selves than you do, is impossible. Your differences have troubled the Kingdom, as if you were the Houses revived of York and Lancaster. A man would wonder how a little Latin and Greek should work so mightily, when the Scriptures are in English, as that the King and Parliament can hardly keep you quiet, especially in time of danger from abroad. If you will needs quarrel, decide it amongst your selves, and draw not the People into your Parties.

[Page 50] You were angry also for his bla­ming the Scholastical Philosophers, and denying such fine things as these, That the Species or Apparen­ces of Bodies come from the thing we look on, into the Eye, and so make us see; and into the Understanding, to make us understand; and into the Memory to make us remember. That a Body may be just the same it was, and yet bigger or lesser. That Eter­nity is a permanent Now; and the like. And for detecting, further than you thought fit, the fraud of the Ro­man Clergy. Your dislike of his Divinity was the least cause of your calling him Atheist. But no more of this now.

The next Head of your Contu­melies is to make him contempti­ble, and to move Mr. Boyle to pity him. This is a way of railing too much beaten to be thought Witty. [Page 51] As for the thing it self, I doubt your Intelligence is not good, and that you Algebricians, and Non-con­formists, do but fain it, to comfort one another. For your own part, you contemn him not, or else you did very foolishly to entitle the beginning of your Book, Mr. Hobbes considered; which argues he is con­siderable enough to you. Besides, 'tis no Argument of Contempt, to spend upon him so many angry lines as would have furnisht you with a dozen of Sermons: If you had in good earnest despised him, you would have let him alone, as he does Dr. Ward, Mr. Baxter, Pike, and others, that have reviled him as you do. As for his Reputation beyond the Seas, it fades not yet: And because perhaps you have no means to know it, I will cite you a passage of an Epistle, written by a [Page 52] learned French-man to an eminent Person in France, a passage not im­pertinent to the point now in que­stion. It is in a Volume of Epi­stles, the fourth in order, and the words, page 167. concerning Chy­mists, are these: Truly, Sir, as much as I admire them, when I see them lute an Alembick handsomely, philter a Liquor, build an Athanor, so much I mislike them when I hear them dis­course upon the Subject of their Ope­rations; and yet they think all they do, is nothing in respect of what they say: I wish they would take less pains, and be at less charges; and whilst they wash their hands after their work, they would leave to those that attend to the polishing of their discourse, I mean, the Galileo's, the Descarteses, the Hobbeses, the Ba­cons, and the Gassendi's, to reason upon their work, and themselves to [Page 53] hear what the Learned and Judici­ous shall tell them, such as are used to discern the differences of things. Quam scit uterque libens censebo ex­erceat artem. And more to the same purpose.

What is here said of Chymists, is applicable to all other Mecha­niques.

Every man that hath spare mo­ney, can get Furnaces, and buy Coals. Every man that hath spare money, can be at the charge of ma­king great Moulds, and hiring Workmen to grind their Glasses; and so may have the best and grea­test Telescopes: They can get En­gines made, and apply them to the Stars; Recipients made, and try Conclusions; but they are never the more Philosophers for all this. 'Tis laudable, I confess, to bestow money upon curious or useful de­lights; [Page 54] but that is none of the praises of a Philosopher. And yet, because the multitude cannot judge, they will pass with the un­skilful, for skilful in all parts of na­tural Philosophy. And I hear now that Hugenius and Eustachio Divi­ni are to be tried by their Glasses, who is the more skilful in Optiques of the two; but for my part, be­fore Mr. Hobbes his Book De Ho­mine came forth, I never saw any thing written of that subject intel­ligibly. Do not you tell me now, according to your wonted ingenui­ty, that I never saw Euclid's, Vitel­lio's, and many other mens Optiques; as if I could not distinguish between Geometry and Optiques.

So also of all other Arts; not every one that brings from beyond Seas a new Cin, or other janty de­vice, is therefore a Philosopher: [Page 55] For if you reckon that way, not onely Apothecaries and Gardeners, but many other sorts of Workmen, will put in for, and get the Prize. Then, when I see the Gentlemen of Gresham-Colledge apply them­selves to the Doctrine of Motion, (as Mr. Hobbes has done, and will be ready to help them in it, if they please, and so long as they use him civilly,) I will look to know some Causes of natural Events from them, and their Register, and not before: For Nature does nothing but by Motion.

I hear that the reason given by Mr. Hobbes, why the drop of Glass so much wondred at, shivers into so many pieces, by breaking onely one small part of it, is approved for probable, and registred in their Colledge: But he has no rea­son to take it for a favour, because [Page 56] hereafter the Invention may be ta­ken by that means not for his, but theirs.

To the rest of your Calumnies the Answers will be short, and such as you might easily have foreseen. And first, for his boasting of his Learning, it is well summ'd up by you in these words: 'Twas a motion made by one (whom I will not name) that some idle person should read over all his Books, and collecting together his arrogant and supercilious Speeches, applauding himself, and despising all other men, set them forth in one Sy­nopsis, with this Title, Hobbius de se. What a pretty piece of Pageantry this would make, I shall leave to your own thoughts.

Thus say you: Now says Mr. Hobbes, or I for him, Let your idle Person do it, and set down no more than he has written, (as high praises [Page 57] as they be) I'll promise you he shall acknowledge them under his hand, and be commended for it, and you scorned. A certain Roman Sena­tor, having propounded something in the Assembly of the People, which they misliking made a noise at, boldly bad them hold their peace, and told them he knew bet­ter what was good for the Com­mon-wealth than all they: And his words are transmitted to us as an Argument of his Virtue; so much do Truth and Vanity alter the complection of self-praise. Be­sides, you can have very little skill in Morality, that cannot see the Ju­stice of commending a mans self, as well as of any thing else, in his own defence: And it was want of prudence in you, to constrain him to a thing that would so much dis­please you. That part of his self-praise [Page 58] which most offends you, is in the end of his Leviathan, in these words: Therefore I think it may be profitably printed, and more profi­tably taught in the Universities, in case they also think so, to whom the judgment of the same belongeth. Let any man consider the truth of it. Where did those Ministers learn their seditious Doctrine, and to preach it, but there? Where there­fore should Preachers learn to teach Loyalty, but there? And if your Principles produced Civil War, must not the contrary Prin­ciples, which are his, produce Peace? And consequently his Book, as far as it handles Civil Do­ctrine, deserves to be taught there: But when can this be done? When you shall have no longer an Army ready to maintain the evil Doctrine wherewith you have infected the [Page 59] people. By a ready Army I mean Arms, and Money, and men enough, though not yet in pay, and put un­der Officers, yet gathered together in one place or City, to be put un­der Officers, armed, and payed on any sudden occasion; such as are the people of a great and populous Town. Every great City is as a standing Army, which if it be not under the Soveraigns command, the people are miserable; if they be, they may be taught their duties in the U­niversities safely and easily, and be happy. I never read of any Christian King that was a Tyrant, though the best of Kings have been call'd so.

Then for the Morosity and Pee­vishness you charge him with, all that know him familiarly, know 'tis a false accusation. But you mean, it may be, onely towards those that argue against his Opinion: But [Page 60] neither is that true. When vain and ignorant young Scholars, un­known to him before, come to him on purpose to argue with him, and to extort applause for their foolish Opinions, and missing of their end, fall into undiscreet and uncivil ex­pressions, and he then appear not very well contented, 'tis not his Mo­rosity, but their Vanity that should be blamed. But what humor (if not Morosity and Peevishness) was that of yours, whom he never had inju­red, or seen, or heard of, to use to­ward him such insolent, injurious, and clownish words, as you did in your absurd Elenchus?

Was it not impatience of seeing any dissent from you in opinion? Mr. Hobbes has been always far from provoking any man, though when he is provok'd, you finde his Pen as sharp as yours.

[Page 61] Again, when you make his Age a reproach to him, and shew no cause that might impair the facul­ties of his minde but onely Age, I admire how you saw not that you reproached all old men in the world as much as him, and warranted all young men, at a certain time, which they themselves shall define, to call you fool. Your dislike of old age, you have also otherwise sufficiently signified, in venturing so fairly as you have done to escape it. But that is no great matter to one that hath so many marks upon him of much greater reproaches. By Mr. Hobbes his Calculation, that derives Prudence from Experience, and Experience from Age, you are a very young man; but by your own reckoning, you are older already than Methuselah.

Lastly, Who told you that he [Page 62] writ against Mr. Boyle, whom in his writing he never mentioned? And that it was because Mr. Boyle was acquainted with you? I know the contrary. I have heard him wish it had been some person of lower condition that had been the Author of the Doctrine which he opposed, and therefore opposed because it was false, and because his own could not otherwise be defended. But thus much I think is true, that he thought never the better of his Judgment, for mistaking you for Learned. This is all I thought fit to answer for him and his manners. The rest is of his Geometry and Philo­sophy, concerning which, I say on­ly this, That there is too much in your Book to be confuted: Almost every line may be disproved, or ought to be reprehended. In sum, it is all Errour and Railing, that is, [Page 63] stinking wind, such as a Jade lets flie when he is too hard girt upon a full belly. I have done. I have considered you now, but will not again, whatsoever preferment any of your friends shall procure you.

FINIS.

Books Printed for and sold by Wil­liam Crook at the Green Dragon with­out Temple-Bar, 1680.

Devinity.
  • BRevis Demonstratio, proving the truth and ex­cellency of the Christian Religion, demon­strated by reason, recommended to all rational persons by several eminent Divines in London, Twelves.
  • An Answer to Mr. Fergusons Doctrine about Christs Justification and Sanctification, with an Account of the ends and intents of Christs death and passion, considered as a Reason, by John Knowles. Octavo.
  • The Primitive Institution, or a seasonable dis­course of Catechism, wherein is shewed the An­tiquity, necessity and benefits thereof, together with its sutableness to heal the distemper of the Church, by L. Addison, D. D. Twelves.
  • A Sermon Preached at the Funeral of a sober Religious Man, found drowned in a pit, since re­vised and inlarged by the Author upon the ac­count of sudden death. Octavo.
  • A Sermon Preached at a Visitation in Chicester, by W. Howel. Quarto.
  • The School of Righteousness, A Sermon Preached before the King on a General Fast-day, by his Grace the present Arch-Bishop of Canturbury. Quarto.
  • An excellent Rational Discourse of the Lawful­ness of taking use for money, by Sir Robert Fil­mer; with a large Preface to it, by Sir Roger Twis­den. Twelves.
  • [Page] A modest Plea for the Clergy, wherein is briefly considered their Original, Antiquity, and necessity, together with the true and false grounds of their being so much slighted, neglected, and unjustly despised, by L. A. D. D. Octavo.
  • The Imitation of Christ, or the Christian patern, written by Tho. a Kempis. Twenty fours.
  • Steps of Ascention unto God, or a Ladder to Heaven, being Meditations and Prayers for every day in the week, and other occasions, by Dr. Gee. Twenty fours.
  • Hugo Grotius Catechism in Greek, Latin, and English, with a Praxis, Octavo.
  • The Spirit of Prophesie; a treatise to prove (by the ways formerly in use among the Jews in the Tryal of pretenders to a Prophetick Spirit) that Christ and his Apostles were prophets. Toge­ther with the Divine Authority of Christian Re­ligion and the holy Scriptures, the insufficiency of humane reason, and the reasonableness of the Christian Faith hope and practise deduced there­from; and asserted against Mr. Hobbes, and the Treatise of Humane reason: Recommended to the Press by Dr. Gunning Lord Bishop of Ely, by W. H. Octavo.
  • The King-Killing Doctrine of the Jesuits, deli­vered in a plain and sincere discourse to the French King, concerning the re-establishment of the Jesuits in his Dominion: written in French by a Learned Roman Catholick, now translated into English, and humbly presented to the consi­deration of both houses of Parliament: in Quarto.
  • Justifying Faith, or that Faith by which the Just do live, briefly described; to which is added [Page] an abstract of some Letters about the Excellency of the Common Prayer, against Mr. Baxter, &c. Octavo.
  • A Sermon Preached upon the fifth day of No­vember, by Dr. G. Hascard, D. D. Rector of St. Clements Danes, and Chaplain in ordinary to His Majesty. Quarto.
  • A Sermon Preached before Sir James Edwards Lord Mayor of London, at the Election of Sir Robert Clayton to be Lord Mayor for the year eusuing, by G. Hascard D. D. and Chaplain in ordinary to his Majesty.
  • A Sermon Preached before the Right Hono­rable Sir Robert Clayton Lord Mayor of London, by Tho. Mannyngham, Fellow of New Colledge in Oxford.

These six last are new.

History.
  • A Voyage into the Levant, by Sir H. Blount.
  • Caesars Commentaries, with Mr. Edmonds his ob­servations upon it: in Folio, English'd.
  • Heylins Cosmography in four parts: in Folio.
  • Sir Tho. Herberts Travels, with Additions. Folio.
  • A description of Candia, with an account of the Siege, and the surrender of it into the hands of the Turks. Octavo.
  • Calliope's Cabinet, wherein all Gentlemen may be informed how to order themselves for Feasts, Funerals, and all Heroick meetings; to know all degrees of honour, and how all degrees are to take place; with a Dictionary of Herald-Terms. Twelves.
  • [Page] A Discourse of the Dukedome of Modena, con­taining the Original, Antiquity, Government, Manners and Qualities of the People: also the Temperature of the Climate, the nature of the Air, &c. Quarto.
  • The present State of the Jews; wherein is con­tained an exact account of their present Customes, Secular and Religious: to which is added a dis­course of the Misna, Talmud and Gemara, by L. Addison D. D.
  • The Travels of Ulysses, Translated by Tho. Hobbes of Malmsbury, Twelves.
  • Camera Regis, or the present State of London, containing the Antiquity, Fame, Walls, River, Bridg, Gates, Tower, Officers, Courts, Customes, Franchises, &c. of that City: by J. B. Esq Octavo.
  • The Circumcision of the great Turks Son, and the Ceremony of the Marriage of his Daughter, sent from the English Ambassador. Folio.
  • Scarrons Comical Romance, or a facetious Histo­ry of a Company of Stage-players, interwo­ven with diverse choice Novels, rare adven­tures, and amorous intrigues, written in French by Monsieur Scarron, and now done into English. Folio.
  • The Wonders of the Peak in Darbyshire, in Latine and English, by Tho. Hobbes. Octavo.
  • Parthenissa, a Romance, written by the Right Honorable the Earl of Orrery. Folio.
  • Clelia, an excellent new Romance compleat, in five parts. Folio.
  • All Homers works, Translated into English by that great Master of the Greek and English [Page] Tongues, Thomas Hobbes of Malmsbury. Twelves. Together with the Authors life.
  • The life and death of Mahumet, the Author of the Turkish Religion, being an account of his Tribe, Parents, Birth, Name, Education, Marriage, Filthiness of life, his Alcoran, first Proselytes, Wars, Doctrine, Miracles, Advancements, &c. by L. Addison D. D. and one of his Majesties Chaplains in ordinary.
  • A True declaration of the horrible Treasons by William Parry Dr. of the Civil Laws, against Queen Elizabeth; his Tryal, Conviction, and Ex­ecution for the same.
  • The Historians Guide, or Englands Remembran­cer: being an account of the Actions, Exploits, &c. and other most remarkable passages in his Majesties Dominions, from the year 1600 to 1679. shewing the year, day and moneth each action was done.
  • An Historical Narrative of Heresie, and the pu­nishment thereof, by Tho. Hobbs of Malmsbury. Folio.
  • Mr. Hobbes his Life, written by himself in a Latin Poem, and now Translated into English. Folio. The same is in Latin in Quarto.

These six last are new.

Poetry and Plays.
  • The Elegant Poems of Dr. Corbet, late Bishop of Norwich.
  • Melpomene, or the Muses delight; being new Poems and Songs, written by the great Wits of our present Age.
  • The Confinement, a Poem, with Annotations upon it. Octavo.
  • [Page] White Devil, or Vittoria Corombona, a Tra­gedy.
  • Old Troop, or Mounsieur Raggou, a Comedy.
  • Catalines Conspiracy, a Tragedy.
  • Amorous Gallant, or Love in fashion, a Co­medy.
  • Mock-Duellist, or French Valet, a Comedy.
  • Wrangling Lovers, or the Invincible Mistris, a Comedy.
  • Tom. Essence, or the Modish Wife, a Comedy.
  • French Conjurer, a Comedy.
  • Wits led by the Nose, or the Poets Revenge, a Comedy.
  • Rival Kings, or the loves of Orondates, a Tra­gedy.
  • Constant Nymph, or rambling Shepherd, a Pa­storal.
  • Counterfeit Bridegroom, or defeated Widdow, a Comedy.
  • Tunbridge Wells, or a days Courtship, a Co­medy.
  • The Man of New-Market, a Comedy.
LAW.
  • The Jurisdictions of the Authority of Courts-Leet, Courts-Baron, Court of Marshalsea's, Court of Pypowder, and Antient Demesn; together with the most necessary learning of Tenures, Essoyns, Imparlances, View, Pleadings, Contract, Actions, Maintenance, &c. with the Forms of Judicial and Original Writs, written by Jo. Kitchin of Grays-Inn Esq to which is added Brevia Se­lecta, being a choice Collection of special Writs. Octavo.
  • [Page] A View of the Customes and Franchisements of London, by J Bridal Esq
  • Praxis Curia Admiralitatis Angliae, Author Fransc. Clark. Twelves.
  • The Reports and Cases of Brownlow and Golds­borough, in two parts. Quarto.
  • The Laws of Charitable uses, by Mr. Duke. Folio.
  • March his Reports. Quarto.
  • Clerks Manual, a book of Presidents, in Octavo.
  • Officium Brevium: Select and approved forms of Judicial Writs, and other Process, with their returns and entries in the Court of Common Pleas at Westminster; as also special Pleadings to Writs of Scire Facias, collected out of many choice Ma­nuscripts, by several eminent Clerks and practi­sers in the said Court. Folio.

This last is new.

Miscelanies, being Books of several Subjects.
  • The Compleat Vineyard, or a most excellent way for the planting of Vines, and making Wine of their Grapes, by W. Hughs. Octavo.
  • The deaf and dumb mans discourse, being a dis­course of such as are born deaf and dumb, shewing how they may express the sentiments of their minds; together with an account of the Ratio­nality of Beasts.
  • The Compleat Measurer, or a new exact way of Mensuration, by Tho. Hammond.
  • Rosetum Geometricum, sive Propositiones ali­quot [Page] frustra aute hac tentata, &c. Tho. Hobbes. Quarto.
  • The Carpenters Rule made easie, or the Art of measuring of superficies and solids, &c. third Edition; to which is added the Art of Gauge­ing.
  • The Flower-Garden inlarged, &c. with a Trea­tise of Roots, Plants, &c. in his Majesties Plan­tations in America. Twelves.
  • The Court of Curiosity; wherein by the Lot, the most intricate questions are resolved, and noctur­nal Dreams and Visions explained according to the Doctrine of the Antients; to which is added a discourse of Physiognomy, and Characters of most of the Countries in Europe, Englished by J. G. Gentleman of the Inner-Temple. Twelves. Second Edition.
  • Lux Mathematica, Excussa Collisionibus Jo. Wallisii & Tho. Hobbes, multis & fulgentissimis aucta Radiis, Authore R. R. Quarto.
  • Principia & Problemata aliquot Geometria an­te desperata, Nunc breviter Explicata & demon­strata, Auth. Tho. Hobbes. Quarto.
  • American Physitian, treating of all the Roots, Plants, Shrubs, Trees, Herbs, &c, in America, by W. Hughes. Twelves.
  • The Great Law of Nature, about self-preservati­on, vindicated against the abuses in Mr Hobbes his Leviathan. Twelves.
  • Apothegms, or witty sentences, by Sir Fr. Bacon. Twelves.
  • The Golden Rule of Arithmetick made more easie than the Common books of Arithmetick are, by C. H. Octavo.
  • [Page] A Suppliment, or third Volume of Mr. Hobbes his Works. Quarto.
  • A Letter about Liberty and Necessity, writ by Tho. Hobbes to the Duke of Newcastle, with Observations upon it, by the late Bishop of Ely. Twelves.
  • A Treatise of Wooll and Cattle, shewing how far they raise or abate the value of our Lands. Quarto.
  • Reflections upon Antient and modern Philosophy and Philosophers, Translated out of French into English. Octavo.
  • Decameron Physiologicum, or Ten Dialogues of Natural Philosophy, by Tho. Hobbes of Malmsbury. To which is added the proportions of a straight line to half the Arch of a Quadrant, by the same Author. Octavo.
FINIS.

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