THE HISTORY OF Catiline's Conspiracy.
(a) LUcius (†) Sergius Catiline was Nobly Born; had great Endowments both of Body and Mind, but a very Corrupt and Mischievous Ingeny: Civil War, Slaughter, and Rapine, so soon as ever his Age was capable of them, were grateful to him; they were his Youthful Exercises. His Body could endure Want, Cold, and Watching in an incredible manner. His Mind was Bold, Subtil, Perfidious; Covetous of what was anothers, profuse of his own; all his Affections Ardent.
He had also a great share of Eloquence and as little Wisdom. His Mind was so insatiable, as to be filled, not only with the most immoderate desires, but those that to common Reason seem incredible. From the time of Sylla's Tyranny, ((*) in whose Cruel Massacres he was a great Instrument,) a vast Ambition of seizing upon the Common-wealth possessed him. Nor cared he how, so he might prevail.
Upon this Character of another, every wise Man would look into himself and consider his own Nature, that as we are made capable of Divine perfections, of the Blessedness of Heaven, upon which account we are but little lower than the Angels: So if these Excellent Faculties be enslaved by the Dominion of Vice, we do not only become more vile than the Beasts that perish, but hateful, and mischievous like the Devils: Every Accomplishment promotes our Ruine; by how much more Excellent we might be, by so much more miserable do we make our selves and others; a consideration which can never enough possess us, that so we may maintain the Interest of our Excellent Beings against the destructive In-roads of Vice.
(†)The Roman Empire had its rise and growth from an Extraordinary Valour, Temperance, and Parsimony, and those same Vertues by which it so Gloriously began, would have been its perpetual support. But Industry being laid asleep, Ambition and Pride succeeding in the room of Modesty and Justice, the Fortunes and Manners of the Empire were lost together.
Avarice and Luxury (those two most contrary, but usually Companion-vices) now so seized its Vitals, that(*) those who by Noble Birth, and Honourable Employments, were Obliged to secure its Glory, would readily become the vile Instruments of its Ruine.
(b) Catiline Headed all the Debauchees of the Town, and in so great and corrupt a City he was easily surrounded with numerous Troops of Flagitious Persons, most agreeable to himself. Whosoever had Play'd, or Drunk, or Whored away his Estate; [Page 4] whoever had his Tongue well hung for Perjury, or his Hand ready to shed Blood: All whom Villany, Want, or Fear of deserved Punishment, had brought into a restless disquiet, became his Comrades, the fit Associates of his Conspiracy: And when any one that was free from Vice, fell into his Friendship, their daily Debaucheries, and continual Sollicitations, reduced him to a sad likeness.
That he might augment the Numbers of his Party,(c) Catiline chiefly affected the Familiarity of Young Men, whose Minds were softest, their Age most unsteady, and so most easily ensnared: These he gratified according to their several Inclinations; some he laid fast in that deep Ditch of Whoredom, for others he bought Dogs, and Horses, giving them the more Airy Divertisements of the Field. He spared neither his Estate nor Modesty, that he might render them Faithful and Obnoxious to him.
As likeness of Vice and guiltiness of Crimes, make the Flagitious flye to those who are the greatest Protectors of them, so none at present more notoriously deserved the Preheminence, than Catiline. (d) When he was very Young, he was known to have [Page 5] Perpetrated many the most nefarious Debaucheries: He is said to have Vitiated a Noble Virgin, a Vessal Nun, violating all the Obligations of Religion and Honesty. At last, falling in Love with Aurelia Orestilla, (in whom, besides Beauty, there was nothing well.) He resolves to Marry her, which he was forc'd to accomplish by the greatest Villany: For she refusing to come into a Family, where there was a Son grown up, who would not only Heir the Estate, but be continually troublesome to a Mother-in-law: Catiline (as is certainly believed) Murdered this Son, to make way for his Wicked Nuptials.
(e)This our Judicious Historian, Crispus Sallustius, thinks to have been the great Occasion that drew him into the present Villanous Conspiracy; for his Mind being so horribly impure, so maliciously contrary both to God and Man, he could neither sleeping, nor waking take any rest, but was driven on to the Execution of the most dire designs.
Here we have not only the Fatal Progeny of Vice, what Monsters it is big of, and brings forth at last, but of what Publick Mischief it is to the World. For though it be at first shut up in a private Breast, or Family, it will (if not carefully suppressed by condign Punishment) rage like an Epidemick Plague, to the Ruine of that Government which neglected it. But oh, Vertue! thou art the Glorious and steady support of a Nation, thou ever Liberally Rewardest that Protection thou receivest.
The Year from the Building of Rome 686. Before the Nativity of Christ 65. Caius Calpurnius Piso, and Marcus Acilius Glabrio, Consuls.
THE first thing taken care of by the Patrons of the Common-wealth, was an unbribed Election of good Magistrates, the Prosperity of Affairs depending upon their just management of them. But of late, all things were Saleable at Rome; the worst Men by Treats, and Money, got into the greatest Trust, and then by private Advantages, repaid their Original charge.
(f)To prevent this, the Senate prevailed upon the Consuls, Acilius, and Piso, to pass a Law against Bribery in Elections; and this they the more [Page 7] earnestly and carefully promoted, because Caius Cornelius, Tribune of the People, had framed another with such over-severe Punishments, that it was not likely any Body should be found either to Accuse or Condemn the Guilty; for nothing but the just temper of a Law can prevail, for a lasting Execution, the Penalty therefore was made, only to become uncapable of the Magistracy, and the Senatorian Dignity, and to suffer a Pecuniary Fine.
The Year from the Building of Rome 687. Before the Nativity of Christ. 64. Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, and Lucius Volcatius Tullus, Consuls.
THIS Year, Tullus the Consul holding the Consular Election,(g) Publius Autronius Petus, and Publius Cornelius Sylla, Nephew of the great Dictator Sylla, were declared Consuls Elect, but both of them Accused, and proved Guilty of Bribery, by Lucius Aurelius Cotta, and Lucius Manlius Torquatus; who were so far Rewarded for their Accusation, as to be declared Consuls in their stead.
The two first Elected Consuls, Publius Autronius, and Publius Sylla, deprived of that High and Honourable Employment, to which they were once design'd, did each of them hear and receive their Sentence [Page 9] with very different Resentments.(h) Autronius got together a Company of Hectors, and other of the Rabble, who Tumultuously endeavoured to disturb the Court of Judicature; Invading it, not only by Crowding, but also by throwing stones into it. Sylla sought no other Aid, but what his own Modesty and Worth procured him. When Autronius was Condemned, he Caball'd, Talk'd, and Look'd as one enraged at the most Honourable States of the Empire; Angry with all good Men, and as an Enemy to his Countrey. Sylla was so Afflicted with the Publick Censure, that nothing of all his former Honours seemed remaining to him, except that Excellent Behaviour, which could not but still Powerfully retain them.
Catiline had at this time quitted his Province of Africa, that he might Capacitate himself to stand for the Consul-ship; but(i) being Accused and Condemned for Extortion in his late Government, he was prohibited to put up his Name: Nor was there then so many days remaining before the Election as the Law required for every Candidate to make profession of his Suit.
(k)There was also in the City another Person of Quality, Cneus Piso, Young, but of the boldest Resolutions, very Necessitous, and Factious; him did Want and Debauchery, continually stir up to trouble the Common-wealth.
(k)These three, Autronius, Catiline, and Piso, agreed together at a Consult, upon the Nones (which is our fifth of December) this Year, that they would provide a Force in the Capitol, upon the Kalends (which are our first day of January) next ensuing, when the new Consuls, Cotta and Torquatus, entred upon their Office, which might Murder the Consuls, and seize upon their Ensigns: That then they would Govern the City, and Piso should be sent with an Army to possess himself of the two Spains: These two, were the Northern part, being then distinguished by the name of Tarraconensis, and the Southern, then called Boetica: (l) But that part which was called Lusitania, now Portugal, being not reduced to the Roman Empire till six Years after, when it was Subjected by Julius Caesar, (from whence he came to Court both a Triumph and a Consul-ship,) is not here reckoned.
The Year from the Building of Rome 688. Before the Nativity of Christ 63. Lucius Aurelius Cotta, and Lucius Manlius Torquatus, Consuls.
(m)SOme Discovery being made of the Plot, designed upon the Kalends of January, which is our New-years-day, the Conspirators were forced to adjour the Execution, to the Nones, [which are our fifth] of February, and by that time they were grown so strong, as to design, not only the Destruction of the Consuls, but of most of the Senators.
(n) Catiline was to give the Sign when they should fall on, which he did over-eagerly, before the Court was met, and the Armed Assistants ready: So that the Consuls, Cotta and Torquatus, having a strong Guard about them by Order of the Senate, they durst not stir, and the Design was disappointed.
(o)So much of the Treason being apparent, the Senators presently proceeded to make an Edict against the Conspirators; but it was stopt by one of the Tribunes of the People, interceding with his irresistible Negative.
For understanding of this passage, it will be necessary to look back into the Constitutions of the Roman Government, And therein we find that at first this Imperial City was Ruled by Kings, with the Advice of a Senate.(p) The most Wise Romulus, so soon as ever he found his Common-wealth grown to some greatness, appointing an hundred Ancient Men for its Council, who, for their Authority, were called Fathers; for their Age, Senators.
In the 245th. Year from Building the City, which was the five hundred and sixth before Christ, succeeded the Consular Government,(q) in which nothing of Supream Regal Power was diminished; for the first Consuls had all the Royal Prerogatives and Ensigns.
(r)And the Reason why the Romans thus changed from Perpetual, to Annual Magistrates, from a single Person, to a Magistracy of two Colleagues, was, lest long Possession, or private Design should Corrupt the Authority.
(ſ)But the People were not long contented so, for within Twenty Years after, their Monarchy ceased; they Armed themselves, and withdrew into the Holy Mount, nor could be prevailed upon to return, till they had obtained Tribunes of their own;(t) Whose Persons were to be held Sacred; and by this one word,(u) Veto, might controul the proceedings of the Consuls and Senate.
(w)Nor did they rest here, for in the three hundred and tenth Year after the City was Built, which was the four hundred and thirtieth before Christ, they got Tribunes, (Military, as they called them,) Elected, who entred upon the Supream Magistracy instead of Consuls. Not that these continued all along from thence to the time of Catiline, but were now and then clapt into the Consuls place, as the Popular Faction happened to be uneasie and Powerful. At present they had only their own places, interceding with the Tribunitian Negative, yet so much had they stretched their Authority, that notwithstanding what all the Fathers Consulted, the most Supream Legislative Power was got into the Assemblies of the People.
This review, and this present juncture may inform any considerate Person, that Popular Power, as well as any other, may prove Destructive to the Common Safety. For who was it here that raked up the Embers of this Treason, but the Tribune of the People? And we shall find, that two Years after, when it brake out again, and raged, very near to the utter Destruction of the Common-wealth, this same Power did all along clog and prevent its suppression; nay, ungratefully punished the most Meritorious preserver of the Empire.
What would the impatient World have? Doth not History, Reason, and our continual Experience assure us, that there never are Changes in the Supream Power, without being attended with certain and present Miseries? Who but Mad-men and Vicious would undertake at any time, to violate that, which by the Divine Providence is the Lawful Established Government?
(x)The Senate being not able to Decree any [Page 15] thing against the Conspirators, and seeing Piso still as bold as ever, was glad to accept of the motion which Crassus made, that he should, under the specious Title of a Government, be sent Quaestor into the hither Spain, as well to prevent any present disturbance, as to deliver the Common-wealth from the Influence of a Person so vile and wicked.
There was also another Design in it: The Interest of Cneus Pompeius then began to be formidable to the Common-wealth, which was very much abetted by the great Affection that Province of Spain retained for him. Piso therefore being a known Enemy to Pompey, was sent thither to destroy the too great Power he had there: Which however he effected, at last he was himself destroyed, (which was as well) either by the Natives, who were not able to bear his Proud and Cruel Government, or by the Faithful Clients of Pompey, out of Love to their old Master.
(y)This which by some is called the former Conspiracy, is by Authors a little otherwise represented; but as this appears the most probable truth, so neither shall the rest be kept from the Readers knowledge.
Dio Cassius Reports positively, that Publius Autronius Paetus, and Publius Cornelius Sylla, the Great Sylla's Brothers Son, the Elected Consuls, who were Convicted of Bribery, did both of them Conspire to kill Cotto and Torquatus, who Accused them, and succeeded in their places. But the Excellent, and unsuspected Behaviour of Publius Sylla afterwards, attested by Cicero himself, is a great Evidence [Page 16] to prove him Innocent: And 'tis reasonable to believe, that Autronius and Catiline were to have been Consuls after the Plot had succeeded, for otherwise we find no Preferment assigned for that Arch-Traytor, which without doubt he did in the first place take care of.
(z) Suetonius Tranquillus, in the Life of Julius Caesar, represents other Great Persons concerned in it. That a few days before Caesar entred upon the Office of Aedile, (a) (Which contained the care of all Publick Edifices, (from whence the name of it was derived) of keeping the Granaries, and management of all Publick Shews made for the Entertainment of the People,) he Was suspected to Conspire with Marcus Crassus, who was of Consular Dignity; and with Publius Sylla, and Lucius Autronius, design'd Consuls, but Condemned of Bribery, to have set upon the Senate in the beginning of the Year, and having Massacred whom they thought fit, Crassus should be made Dictator, Caesar Master of the Horse; and the Common-wealth being Arbitrarily Modell'd by them, the Consul-ships should be restored to Sylla and Autronius.
(b)But Suetonius Living in the time of the Emperour Hadrian, who began his Reign in the 117th. Year after Christ, which was the 180th. after this present Year of the Conspiracy, (under whom he was Secretary, though behaving himself too unrespectfully towards the Empress Sabina, the Emperour turned him out of his Place) could have nothing of this of his own knowledge, and(c) therefore quotes his Authors for it, Tanusius Geminus's History, Bibulus his Edicts, with others: And Cicero in a certain Epistle to Actius, relating that Caesar did confirm to himself in his Consulship that Absoluteness which he proposed when Aedile.
This last (who is much the best Author) may well be understood of his giving new life to the suppressed Faction of Marius, whose Triumphal Effigies and Victories, Caesar in Publick Shews exposed to the admiring City;(d) and upon which the Eminent Luctatius Catulus told him, that he did not so much undermine, as openly batter down the Government. [Page 18] (e) Besides, Suetonius himself says, that this Conspiracy happened a few days before he was Aedile. And therefore Cicero's Testimony is not to be stretcht to it, since it relates to the time when he held that Office.
(f) Tanusius affirms, that Crassus's Heart misgave him, either through pity, or fear, and so he appeared not on the day appointed for the Massacre; and therefore Caesar, who (as he says) was to give the sign, omitted to do it. Curio adds, that the sign was to have been the letting his Gown off his shoulder.
(g)But these Authors were all Caesar's known Enemies; Bibulus, his nameless Collegue in the Consulship, most eminently; whose Edicts Plutarch affirms were full of spite and scandal: Now, when Writers betray their slanderous resentments, they cannot be depended upon.
The Common Judgment of Men will not accept the Evidence of an Interested Party, nor common Reason regard it further than it is supported by a concurrent probability. Now, that Caesar (who afterwards proved such a Generous Conquerour, and took such care that his Victories might not be stained [Page 19] by one drop of needless Blood) should Conspire in that most Barbarous way of Massacring the Principal Senators, was both contrary to his own Nature, and the greatest contradiction to that Glory he designed.
The Year from the Building of Rome 689. Before the Nativity of Christ. 62. Lucius Julius Caesar, and Caius Martius Figulus, Consuls.
THE Conspiracy had been smothered for above the compass of a twelve month, no Punishment inflicted upon the Plotters, and(h) Catiline himself so far from Suffering for his late Treason, that he was Acquitted of those old Murders and Cruelties he had committed under the Tyranny of Sylla, and was this Year Impeached for: But Villany is never Cured with Kindness, he continually grew worse, and prosecuted his Attempts, till they ended in his own (though not (as he design'd) the Common-wealths) Destruction.
Favour is indeed due to the Virtuous and Peaceable, they are Obliged thereby, and with Gratitude repay what they receive; but Mercy bestowed upon the base and vicious, cherishes their Venom, till like the Viprous Brood, they become ready for the Birth, and eat the way through those Bowels which gave them Life. This is confirm'd as much by Reason as Experience; for since it is the disposition of the Receiver that modifieth the Reception, that which makes the good better, makes the bad worse. The same Influences of Heaven nourish those Plants which sustain our Lives, and those Poisonous Weeds which have a Fatal contrariety to them.
(i)Some Authors account two distinct Conspiracies, one in the Consulship of Lepidus and Tullus, the other when Cicero and Autronius enjoyed that Dignity; but Cicero himself looks upon the latter only as the breaking out of their old Treason, which was conceived two Years before. Actors, Designs, and Circumstances may be changed, and yet the same Mischief go on; we call it the same Plague, though the first infected be all dead, and it rages every Month upon new Persons; which is the present Case.
(k)For about the Kalends of June (which are our first day of the Month) Catiline calls together all those, of whose Resolutions, and daring Courage he was well assured. There were of the Senatorian Order, Publius Lentulus Sura, Publius Autronius, Lucius Cassius Longinus, Caius Cethegus, Servius, and Publius (as was suspected) the Sons of Servius Sylla, Lucius Vargunteius, Quintus Annius, Marcus Porcius Leca, Lucius Bestia, and Quintus Curius. Of the Equestrian Order, Marcus Fulvius Nobilior, Lucius Statilius, Publius Gabinius Capito, Caius Cornelius. Besides many other Persons of the Free Towns and Colonies, who were very considerable at home.
(l)These he conveyed into the most retired part of his House, and taking care that none else might come near the Apartment, he proceeded to give them the Oath of Secrecy in a dreadful manner.(m) Tis said, Caius Antonius, (who was then aiming at the Consulship, and obtained it for the ensuing Year) was among them, and partaker of the direful Ceremony, which was thus performed.
Catiline killed a Boy, and all Swearing over the reeking Entrails to be true to one another, they (if they did not together eat them up, as the words Translated by Zylander, affirm)(n) drank the Humane Blood carried round in Bowls. An Infernal Health, agreeable to such a Devilish Design, the most horrid Impiety, except that for the sake whereof they drank it. In which this seems to have been their Barbarous Policy, that the Conspirators once dipt in such an execrable Wickedness, might never after shrink at any thing that should be proposed to them.
(o)The general Agreement was, to Massacre the Senate, to Assassinate the present Consuls, to set the City on fire, rifle the Treasure-Chamber, and utterly to subvert the whole Common-wealth, perpetrating what never came into the Heart of Hannibal to wish.
(p) Sallust doth indeed say, that he could not come by any sufficient assurance of the truth of this horrid Humane Sacrifice, and that it was suspected to be an invention of Cicero's Friends, when he was overloaded with Envy for too severe a prosecution of this Conspiracy. It must therefore rest upon the Credit of the two fore-cited Authors, Lucius Florus, and [Page 23] Dio Cassius. But(q) Sallust himself adds this ensuing Oration of Catiline to the Conspirators at their secret Consult.
IF your Valour and Fidelity had not been sufficiently known to me, this Opportunity had in vain presented it self, and we had in vain conceived any hope of Rule; for I would never trust Sloath and Vanity so far, as to exchange certain Possessions for Expectations built upon unsure Foundations: But by long Experience I am satisfied that you are Valiant and Faithful to my Designs, the assurance of which hath caused me to undertake the highest and most Noble Action: Your Fortunes and mine are imbarqued in the same Bottom, and, (which makes the most indissoluble Friendship) our Hate and Love have both the same Objects. What my Design is, you have all severally known; but that which daily most inflames my mind, is, the consideration of what sort of Life we are like to lead unless we vindicate our Liberty: For since the Government of the Common-wealth is fallen into a few mighty Mens hands, to them the subjected States are become Homages, to them the Provincial Governours pay their Tribute, to these Men the rest of the Nobles are but as the common sort, without any Authority, destitute of all Grandeur, and obnoxious to those Persons, to whom, if the Common-wealth were rightly ordered, we should be a Terror. These engross all Offices of Place and Power to themselves, or their dependents, and have left us nothing but Hazards and Repulses, Executions and Distresses. How long, my Valiant [Page 24] Friends, will ye suffer thus? Is it not better to dye gloriously, than to draw out an Ignominious and dishonourable Life amidst the Pride and scorn of our Enemies, and at length dye miserable? 'Tis but giving the onset, and all is our own; our Age and Courage are vigorous, but they are grown old in Years, and Riches: Let us then begin, and we may be assured Victory is within our reach. What Person that is not destitute of an Humane Soul, can patiently see them abound in all manner of Wealth, which they wantonly expend in making Seas, and turning Mountains into Valleys, while we want Necessaries? They enjoy their City and Countrey Houses, whilst we have scarce a Cottage to dwell in; they have their Statues and Embroidered Beds, lavishing out their Money upon every gay and costly Trifle; they possess bottomless stores of Riches, which all the inventions of Expence are not able to exhaust. We have nothing but want at home, and debts abroad; at present miserable, and hereafter like to be much more: What have we left, but our poor Souls? Why do we not then awaken them out of this Servile Lethargy? Behold that, that Liberty, which we have so often wished for, besides Riches, Renown, Glory, all these are set before your Eyes, these are the Rewards which Fortune proposes to the Victorious. The smalness of our Estates, the dangers we are continually exposed to, the Neediness of our Condition, and the abundant Spoils, and great Treasure we shall gain by War, are certainly more powerful to prevail than any thing I can say.
Take me either for your General, or your Fellow-Souldier, I will not fail to seek your welfare with the utmost endeavours both of my Mind and Body. [Page 25] I cannot but still hope to be Consul, and to enjoy all these good things together with you, and nothing can deceive me, unless you are more inclined to Serve than to Command.
(r)He also gave them several other Encouragements, that the Common-wealth was altogether unprovided to oppose them; there was no Army in Italy, Pompey at the farthest extent of the Earth: That he himself had great hope of attaining the Consulship, and that the Senate was very careless and secure.
Then were the state and Rewards of the War proposed; That all Debts should be Cancelled, the Richest Persons proscribed, that Preferment, Plunder, and whatsoever Conquerours could desire, would fall into their hands. That their Assistance and Opportunities were very considerable. There was then in the hither Spain their great Friend Piso, (who was Murder'd about this time, but the News thereof not yet arrived at Rome.) In Mauritania, there was Publius Sitius Nucerinus, with an Army, who was a Partner in the Counsels of the Conspiracy: And that if the next Year, Caius Antonius and he obtained the Consulship, they should have the greatest Advantage to begin.
Wherefore Catiline and Antonius canvas'd for it to the utmost, not only with all the Lawful Interest they could make, but to the most apparent violation of those Laws, which were so lately enacted against Bribery. Moderate Punishments will not serve, for Persons that have such grand Designs afoot; then a probability of success is too weighty for an ordinary Penalty to over-balance.
(ſ)The Senate discerning this, made an additional Penalty of ten Years Banishment, to be undergone by every Person convicted of Bribing his Electors.(t) Which was principally promoted, and effected by Cicero in his white Gown, being at that time himself a Candidate.
While these things were transacting,(u) Quintus Curius, a Conspirator, of the Senatorian Order, but for his Debaucheries lately turned out by the Censors from that High Dignity, made an happy, though undesign'd Discovery of the Plot. He was a Man that [Page 27] could not well keep secret any thing that he either heard or did, being tickled with a certain pleasure of Glorying in all his Villanies. He Had a great while kept for his Miss, one Madam Fulvia, a Person of good Quality, though an infamous Whore. This Lady of late very much insulted over her Gallant, and began to scorn him, because his Estate failed, and his Presents were mean, but on a sudden she found him begin to promise Mountains of Gold, and to Hector at a much greater rate than he had ever done before.
(w) Fulvia admir'd what should be the cause of this change, and therefore wheadled him to reveal the whole Conspiracy to her; but whether it were that the Bloody and Barbarous Design was not agreeable to the softness of her temper, or that some little remainder of Nobility still Lived under the Tyranny of Vice, or some hopes of Profit might tempt her to it,(x) she resolved not to be guilty of Treason, by concealing so great a danger intended to the Common-wealth: Wherefore (suppressing the Name of her Author) she told to several what she had heard of Catiline's Conspiracy.
Thus do the Vitious entrap themselves, and by the repugnancy of their Lusts, necessitate their own Destruction. Treasons and Murders require Secrecy; Wine and Women betray them: Besides the overruling Providence of God to hasten it, Villany hath a Natural tendency to Ruine.
The Discourse of this Conspiracy quickly flew about the City, and made an happy alteration in the sentiment of many with respect to the Consular Election, which drew very near: They would by no means trust Catiline in that High Authority; for though there was then no Proof, but only common Rumour of a Plot, yet it had such a Foundation of probability, that they put by a Person so very much suspected.
Caius Antonius was Chosen, being a more Masquerade Conspirator, and so less liable to the Exceptions of undiscerning Men; but that which saved all, was, the preferring so excellent a Person as Marcus Tullius Cicero to be his Collegue. And this was brought to pass meerly by the glimmering day-break of the Conspiracy, as our Excellent Historian, Sallust, tells us.
(y) This was the cause that first stirred up the Minds of Men to confer the Consulship upon Marcus Tullius Cicero, for most of the Nobility were inflamed with an Envy against him, as if a Person, though Eminent, yet of so late appearance in the Common-wealth, would debase so high an Honour by the enjoyment of it: But now that danger came so near, Pride and Envy were laid aside.
The Honour which was thus confer'd upon Cicero in this Consulship, is by himself thus expressed in one of his Orations to the People.
(z)This was exceeding great (O Quirites) that I should be the first of those that were lately risen, who for these many Years have been dignified with the Supream Honour. That the first time I stood for it, you were pleased to confer it in the most Glorious and Magnificent manner: For at my Election, 'twas not the written Roll that silently discovered your Choice, but your loud Acclamations testified your desire and affections to me. Not the summing up the Poll, but the view gave it; not the Report of Officers, but the whole Roman People with one Voice Proclaimed me Consul.
The Year from the Building of Rome 690. Before the Birth of Christ 61. Marcus Tullius Cicero, and Caius Antonius, Consuls.
(a)WHAT the state of the Common-wealth was, when these Consuls at New-years-day entred upon the Government, Cicero himself tells us; that it was full of Care and Fear, that there was nothing bad or dangerous, but good Men dreaded, and ill Men were in hopes would come to pass: Counsels contrary to the Established Government, repugnant to the Publick Peace, were continually entred upon. Fidelity taken from Courts of Judicature, not by the blow of any present Calamity, but by Trouble and Suspicion: New Authorities sought after, such as were both extraordinary and illegal.
To prevent all dangers, nothing could be more prevalent than a great and vertuous behaviour of those entrusted with the Lawful Power: Cicero was acted by a generous thirst after Glory and the Publick Good, which made him sufficiently vigilant and couragious: But Antonius, a private favourer of the Conspiracy, could not be expected to promote, if he would tolerate the endeavours of his fellow Consul. And here the Common-wealth had been ruined if those two Colleagues had clash'd at this time in so high a Magistracy:(b) For though Antonius had no great abilities of his own to do either good or hurt, yet he must needs give a great access of strength to which soever side he took.
There is therefore perpetual Honour due to Cicero, not only for the great Service he himself did,(c) but for that Prudent Correspondence he held all along with Antonius, by which that other Consul (being partly overcome with the Honour and Trust the Common-wealth had reposed in him, and(d) partly hired by Cicero's resigning his great Province of Macedonia to him) was moderated and sustained in so good a temper, that he went quietly along with him in the preservation of the Publick Interest.
(e)Another great happiness was, that Publius Sextius, who was Quaestor, or Principal Officer under Antonius, Faithfully assisted Cicero in all his Counsels; and Cashier'd Marcus Aulanus a Tribune, or Colonel of a Regiment, Caius Marcellus, with several others, who were of Catilines Party, but had got Commissions under Antony; thereby preserving Capua, which had otherwise fallen into their hands.
(f)This Settlement of the Magistracy stunn'd the Conspirators, especially the Populace, who now knew not how to stir: However Catiline's Rage was not in the least asswaged, but by all means he promotes his Designs, and strengthens his Interest. To this purpose he calls in the Assistance of both Sexes, makes Manlius General of one, as Sempronia was his Principal Agent among the other.
(g) Manlius was an Old Expert Commander in Sylla's Army, and had profusely spent a very large Estate, which made him long for a return of like Troubles, that he might repair his decayed Fortunes.
Him Catiline sends into Hetruria, which is the most Western part of Italy, to a Colony called Faesulae, very near the place where the City of Florence now stands, and(h) where the Apennine Mountains and Rubicon Anciently Separated Italy from the Cisulpine Gaule.
(i)The Inhabitants of this Countrey had been brought to great Poverty by Sequestrations and Plunderings in the time of Sylla, and now the wants they were at present under, and the Injuries they had formerly sustained, made them very desirous of a Change. The Old Souldiers of Sylla had been planted among them, who by Lust and Luxury having spent all that by Rapine they had got together, were no less eager than they; so that Manlius his Sollicitations had great success among them, as might be well expected among Souldiers of Fortune, and an Oppressed People: Both Enemies, yet both Friends in any Cause that offers them common Advantage.
(k) Septimius, another Military Officer, was sent into the Countrey of the Piceni, in the Neighbourhood of Faesulae, extended upon the Adriatick Sea; its Cities lay between Ariminum &(l) Ancona, the latter of which gives the present Name of Marca Anconitana to it.
Caius Julius was also dispatch'd into Apulia, which lay next upon the Adriatick, and still retains much of its Old Name, being the Modern Puglia. Many more were dispersed into other places, as every Mans Interest led him.
(m)But Faesulae was the Principal Rendezvouz; and therefore all the Money that Catiline and his Friends either had, or could be Trusted for, was sent thither to Manlius the Commander in Chief.
Nor did the Grand Conspirator think fit to neglect the Feminine Intrigues, their Power might enfeeble more than Force could subdue.(n) Accordingly, he insinuates into all those Ladies, who by making themselves common, had got too great an Influence upon the Publick Interest, but especially those who by the decay of Beauty, and continuance of Luxury, were brought into a Necessity of Advancing his Designs.
(o)By these did Catiline hope to draw in all of the Rascal Party that had not yet been retainers to him; to get the City Fired, to have their Husbands brought over to him, or kill'd out of the way.
(p)The most Eminent of these was Sempronia, of good Birth and Beauty, Happy enough at home in her Husband and Children, accomplish'd both in Greek and Latine Learning: She could sing well, and dance better than was necessary for a Modest Woman; but nothing was less valued by her than Vertue and Reputation. She was equally Prodigal of her Fame and Money, till she at length arrived at a most pernicious Impudence, fit for the present execrable purposes.
(q)But his most esteemed City-strength lay in the Consul Antonius, (r) whom he did not doubt, but (if he could get himself Elected to the Consulship for the ensuing Year) he should be able to make an easie tool of. He had also Publius Lentulus the [Page 36] Praetor his fast Friend, having been turned out of the Senate after he had born the Consular Office, and was now got to be Praetor, in hopes of being restor'd again;(ſ) as was the Custom for those who design'd to be re-elected into that Honourable Assembly.
To Countermine all these Intrigues, the Vigilant Cicero kept continual Correspondence with the Lady Fulvia, and by many Rich Presents engaged her to reveal to him all the Councels of the Conspiracy. Some have suspected that the Consul did condescend to the Familiarity of her Vices, but as to that, neither Plutarch the Excellent and Impartial Writer of his Life, nor any other of our Authors mention the least suspicion of it. Others may admire that Quintus Curius giving her such constant and speedy Intelligence,(*) so Publickly bragged of by Cicero, was not suspected to betray them: But then if we consider that they had all of them their Fulvia's, and that their Vicious intercourses gave every one of them the same private Opportunities of Discovery, they could not well trace it out; and it would have dissolv'd their mutual Trust, vainly to Impeach one another.
(t)The Consular Election for the following Year approached, and Catiline again professes himself a Candidate for it. Wherefore Cicero, to encumber him with the greater Difficulties, Enacts (if it were not compleated the Year before) or at least Proclaims [Page 37] the Penalty of Ten Years Banishment if any Person were guilty of Bribery in Elections; which sufficiently prevented him: For the Vicious having nothing desirable in themselves, People will not without a great deal of Money and Debauchery be perswaded to choose those, that are like to cut their Throats who chose them.
(u) Catiline finding this so particularly design'd against him, and so probable to take effect, provides a Party to be ready at the time and place of the Election, that should Murder Cicero and the Principal Persons present, and immediately Create him Consul.
But this was not effected, for Cicero's constant Intelligencer quickly acquainted him with the Design, however the Consul was in great difficulty what to do; His own particular Care could no longer preserve the City, now the Conspirators came on so fast; and to lay open all to the Senate, before he had any Evidence that he could handsomly and advantagiously produce against so considerable a party of the greatest Citizens, he thought might prove only a matter of Envy to him, and an Occasion for them to sham it off.
(w)However, the Necessity of Affairs so requiring, he doth just before the day of Election, which was appointed to be XII Cal. Nov. our 21st. of October, acquaint the Senate, that to his knowledge there were not only private Designs laid at home, but that before VI. Cal. Nov. our 27th. of [Page 38] October, Caius Manlius would openly appear in Arms:(x) Upon which, the Decree past for putting off the Election, that these things might be first Treated of in the Senate.
(y)The day after, in a full House, Cicero urged Catiline with an Accusation of his whole Conspiracy, and commanded him to Answer what was alledged against him.
Catiline was so far from being concerned to clear himself, that he boldly affirm'd there were two several Bodies in the Common-wealth, one weak with a crazy Head, the other strong without any Head at all; but that this latter, which had well deserved of him, should never want an Head whilst he lived.(z) which cunningly tending to raise a distinct Interest between the Senate and the People, exceedingly perplexed Cicero.
(a)Nor could he get those things to pass which he proposed to the Senate; there being a general suspicion that the Accusations were not true, and that the Conspirators were for some private grudges falsly Impeached.
The Election therefore was not put off any longer,(b) but Cicero knowing what a design there was upon him, came attended into the Field with a strong Guard of Faithful and Valiant Men, covering his Breast and Belly with a piece of broad conspicuous Armour, not so much to prevent Catiline (who would rather aim at his Head or Throat) as to make the People know in what fear and danger their Consul was; that they might, as they Honestly did, get together for his Defence and Assistance.
(c)Thus he represt all those Forces which Catiline and Autronius brought along with them, and stifled all their Endeavours; for the(d) People with great concern surrounded him, and at last by a Majority [Page 40] of Suffrages, putting by Catiline, chose Decius Julius Silanus, and Caius Muraena, who were presently declared Consuls Elect.
(e) Catiline was so enraged at this Repulse from the Consulship, that he never left prosecuting his Conspiracy with the greatest diligence; turns every stone to make some Mischief in the City, provides for Firing it, lays wait for the Consul, distributes Armed Men into the most Advantageous places, carries about with him a desperate Weapon, exhorts all his Associates to be in continual readiness, and to the greatest fatigue exercised all those endowments which Nature had bestowed either upon his Body or Mind.
(f)The Souldiers in Etruria now began to draw together in a Body, and the appointed time of their [Page 41] rising upon VI Kal. Nov. our 27th. of October, approached; but in the interim one Night very late, the most Principal Persons of the City came to Cicero's House, they were Marcus Crassus, Marcus Marcellus, Scipio Metellus. The Porter being knock'd up, and commanded to tell the Consul who were there, they presently had admission: Crassus informed Cicero that there was a Letter sent to him from an unknown Person, which he received since Supper, acquainting him of a great Massacre intended by Catiline, and therefore Advising him immediately to retire out of the City. That there were several Letters to other Persons in the same Pacquet, all which he brought unopened along with him; for being struck with an apprehension of so great a danger, he was desirous to repair to him, and deliver the rest into his Hands; which he did both to clear himself from all that suspicion his former Acquaintance with Catiline might have raised, and to make the best Provision against the designed Treason.
Cicero having Advised with them, Summoned the Senate to appear next Morning by break of day, and there delivering the Letters to every Person, as they were particularly directed, Commanded that they should be read publickly; which being done, they were all found to contain Advice of the same Design.
(g)Then, as was usual upon great Emergencies, a Decree passed, that the Consuls take care the Common-wealth [Page 42] should receive no hurt, which did imply the greatest Power (according to the Roman Custom) given by the Senate to them: To raise an Army, to wage War, by all means to restrain Allies or Citizens: To have Sovereign Command, and Judicature both Foreign and Domestick: Otherwise none of these were in the Consuls Power without an Edict from the People.
(h)Presently there was such strict Watch and Ward kept throughout the whole City, that the Conspirators could not get the least Opportunity either to Fire any part of it, or to make any disturbance, which necessitated them to so great a quiet, that they began again to make the People believe it was only a Plot of Cicero's own inventing to destroy some of the Ancient Nobility, which he could not pretend to, and ever bore a grudge against.
(i)But then it happened that Lucius Senius, a Senator, received Letters from Faesulae, which he recited Publickly in the Senate, importing that Caius Manlius had with a great Multitude taken up Arms upon VI Cal. Nov. our 27th. of October. There were also many other Informations brought, as is usual at such a time; some gave an Account of Arms carried to them, and Musters which they held, that [Page 43] in Capua, and Apulia a new Servile War was beginning to be stirred up. Others related several Prodigies and Portentous Occurrences, by which(k) (saith the Judicious Plutarch) the Divinity was pleased to discover those things which were a doing: They are true Indications in respect of Men, though not of so particular application as to Convict such an Eminent and Powerful a Person as Catiline.
(l)Upon this, another Decree of the Senate passed, that Q. Marcius Rex should be sent with an Army to Faesulae, Q. Metellus Creticus into Apulia; Persons of great Worth, but by the Interest of some few, who exposed to Sale both the Honours and dishonours of the Common-wealth, denyed Solemnizing those Triumphs which were due to them.
The Praetors, Q. Pompeius Rufus was sent to Capua, Q. Metellus Celer into the Picene Countrey, each of them permitted to raise Men, and provide every thing as Occasion should require.
(m)'Twas also Decreed, That if any Person would come in, and make Discovery of this Conspiracy against the Common-wealth, if he was a Servant, he should have his Freedom, and an hundred Sestertia (* which of our Money are seven hundred eighty one pounds five shillings) if he were already a Freeman, he should have his Pardon and two hundred Sestertia, being 1562 l. 5 s.
(n)That all the Schools of Gladiators should break up, and be dispersed about the Free Towns of Italy, according as they were best able to maintain them: That the strictest Guards should be kept thorough the City, and the lesser Magistrates be themselves upon the Watch.
By these Transactions were the People filled with the dread of the Plot, and the face of the City was changed, from the highest Jollity and Wantonness which a serene Peace had fostered, they fell into a sudden consternation; they did not know what place [Page 45] or what Man to trust, they could neither tell how to think of War, nor could they expect Peace. Every one took measure of the dangers by his own Fears: But especially the Women, (who in the present greatness of the Roman Empire, were wont only to hear of Wars in the farthest distant Nations, and see the Triumphs at home) were now possess'd with the greatest Amazement: They lifted up their Hands to Heaven, wept over their Young Children, pray'd and trembled, forsook their Ornaments and delicacies, as being suddenly to be destroyed with their Ruin'd Countrey.
For all this, Catiline's Cruel Rage was not in the least abated, he thought to brazen out all by the most hardened Impudence and Dissimulation:(o) Notwithstanding all the Accusations that were against him, he (as most Innocent) was willing to appear before any Tribunal, he was ready for a Tryal, he would deliver himself up to the Custody of Cicero himself (which the Consul refusing) he went and dwelt with Metellus, then Praetor, and of good Reputation, that none might think he affected the least disturbance.* Though Cicero says, that Metellus also denyed him, and he was at last received by Marcus Marcellus.
Which of them soever it was, without being missed, he(p) meets the Principal Conspirators upon the day after the Nones, being our sixth of November, at the House of Porcius Lecca very late in the Night:(q) And there chides them for their sloth and Cowardize; sets before them the danger of more Discoveries, which would continually be made if they did delay any longer, and what success they were like to have by a speedy execution: That all things were ready, and he(r) very much desired to be gone to the Army: That if Cicero was but removed out of the way, there would be nothing else to stop their proceedings. Being all at a stand, filled both with Rage and Fear, Lucius Vargunteius, a Senator, and Caius Cornelius, a Roman Knight, promise that Night (which then grew very near Morning) with [Page 47] some Armed Men, they would, under pretence of a Visit, get Access to Cicero, and stab him in his own House; but Quintus Curius did by Fulvia presently discover the Treachery to Cicero, whereupon Admittance was denyed them, and so base an Assassination in vain undertaken.
For all this, Catiline ventures the next day into the Senate, which was held(ſ) in the Temple of Jupiter Stator, whom the Consul M. Tullius Cicero (t) received with this Excellent Oration, the first of those that were written, and are still extant against Catiline.
HOW long, Catiline, will you abuse our Patience? How long shall this your boldness beat us off? Whither at length will your unbridled Impudence arrive? Are the extraordinary Guards of the Palace nothing to you? The strict Watch of the City, nothing? The Fears of the People, nothing? Doth the concourse of all good Men, this strong and Sacred place in which the Senate is met, the Presence of this Assembly, nothing move you? Do not you see that your Counsels are detected? Don't you perceive that the belief of your Conspiracy is written upon the Countenances of most here? Do you think us ignorant of what you did last Night? What the Night before? Where you met? Whom you called together? What Result you came to? O Times! O Manners! The [Page 48] Senate knows all this, the Consul sees it, and yet the Traytor lives. Lives! Ay, and comes into the Senate, partakes of the Publick Counsel, Observes, and Marks out with his Eye which of us he designs to Murder. But we think our selves Couragious enough, and to have given sufficient Satisfaction to the Common-wealth, if we can but avoid his Rage and Weapons. No, this must not be all: You deserved, Catiline, long ago to have been put to death by the Consular Command, to have fallen into the destruction which you had been so diligently preparing for us all. Did that Excellent Person, Publius Scipio the Chief Priest, being yet a Private Man, kill Tiberius Gracchus, who made but a small disturbance? And shall we Consuls permit Catiline who design'd to fill the whole Earth with slaughter and destruction, to go unpunished? I need not insist on that Ancient President of Quintus Servilius Ahala, who slew with his own Hand Sp. Melius, for but designing to alter the Government. This, this was the Ancient Valour in the Common wealth, that our Heroick Ancestors would suppress a pernicious Citizen with more severe Punishments than the fiercest Enemy. We have a Decree forcible and weighty, already made against you, Catiline: The Common-wealth doth not want Counsel, nor this State Authority: No, no, I speak plainly, we the Consuls are deficient.
2. It was formerly Decreed by the Senate, that Lucius Opimius the Consul should take care that the Common-wealth might be Preserved; immediately upon which he caused Caius Gracchus, descended of a good Family, to be Executed, being but suspected of Seditious Practices: So also M. Fulvius, who was of Consular Dignity, with his [Page 49] Children, were put to death. Another president for this we have, when by a like Decree, the Common-wealth was committed to Caius Marius, and Lucius Valerius the Consuls; and was there one Day passed, before death and the just vengeance of the Common-wealth overtook Lucius Saturninus Tribune of the People, and Caius Servilius the Praetor: Yet is this the Twentieth Day that we have permitted the Power of these Laws and Examples to languish. We have a Decree conformable to these presidents upon Record, which yet lies dormant in the Rolls rusting in its own Sheath, by which 'tis requisite for you Catiline to die: Yet you still live, and live, not to repent of, but to increase your impudence. I desire, O Conscript Fathers, to be merciful, but not slothful in so great dangers of the Common-wealth: And now it is that I condemn my self of backwardness and neglect. A Rebellion is raised in Italy upon the Confines of Etruria, against the State; the Number of the Enemies increase daily: Yet doth the Commander of all these Rebel-forces, the Head of their Conspiracy, remain within the City Walls, and contrive our destruction in the very Senate. If I should now seize you Catiline, and command you to be put to death, I doubt not but all good men would look upon my proceedings as too slow, not as too severe and cruel. But I will not do it yet; I will stay a little longer, and will then deliver you to execution, (and not till then) when there shall be no Man however corrupt, extravagant, and like your self, that will not acknowledge it a just deed. As long as there is any so stupid or impudent; as to stand up for your defence you may live: But it shall be so as you now live, compassed about with such Guards, as you may not be able to effect any [Page 50] thing against the publick Safety. Many Eyes will be upon you, many Ears imployed to hearken out your designs, and not a few (as they have always done) will still continue to observe your most secret machinations.
3. What is it O Catiline that you can expect, seeing neither the darkness of the Night can obscure your horrid Designs, or keep your Seditious meetings secret; neither the most retired place of your Houses conceal your Consultations, and traiterous agreements? Seeing all of them are plainly detected; all discovered: For once be advised by me; change your Mind, take other Measures; blot the black Characters of Ruine, Murder, and Rapine out of your Mind: We have you every way: Your Counsels, and intents are all perfectly disclosed; which if you please you might now with me recognize: Don't you remember that upon XII Cal. Novem. I informed the Senate that on a certain Day, viz. before the VI. Cal. Nov. C. Manlius that Prodigy of Impudence, and your Creature, would be in Arms: Did that intelligence fail me, Catiline? I did not only discover so great, so cruel, so incredible an enterprize, but that which is more to be admired, I exactly told the very Day. I said the same in the Senate, that you intended the Massacre of the Nobility upon V. Kal. Nov. when many of the chief men of the City should be gone from Rome, not so much for their own safety as to defeat your Designs. Can you deny that when you saw your self hemm'd in with Guards, by my appointment, set to observe you; so that you could effect nothing against the publick safety, and perceiving that many were gone out of the City, you said to some of your fellow Conspirators, that you would be content with the slaughter [Page 51] of us who staid behind. What? when you expected that Praeneste should on the Calends of November be surprized in the Night time, did you then know that it was fortified and defended with strength sufficient by my care? There is none of your debates, resolutions, and most secret intentions, which I am not punctually informed of, and do not perfectly understand.
4. Call to mind with me what was done t'other Night, and you will soon perceive that I am more diligent and watchful to preserve then you are to destroy the State. I say that the night before last, you went with a Company of arm'd Ruffians (for I will discover all) into the House of M. Lecca, that there were also congregated several of your Associates in this wickedness; dare you deny this? Or will you say nothing? I will prove every Tittle, if you have the Confidence to contradict it. For I see several in the Senate who were there with you. O immortal Powers! What an Age do we live in? How is the Common-wealth governed? In what City are we. Here, even here among our selves, O Conscript Fathers, in this most Sacred, most Grave, and most Wise Assembly of the whole Earth, are those now sitting who Plot my death and the destruction of us all, intend to raze this City, and in it the Empire of the whole World. These I the Consul behold here, and ask their Counsel for the Common-wealth: Those who deserved Death long ago I have not yet impeached. You were, O Catiline, at Lecca's that Night; you then distributed Italy among your selves, allotted to every one some place over which he should praeside; chose out some to leave behind at Rome, others to take with you; divided the City into several Parts for carrying on [Page 52] the Fire: Determined immediatly to go hence; and declared that nothing remained to be effected in order to your departure, but my Death. For which, you soon found two Roman Knights, who to ease you of that care, offered themselves, undertaking to murder me the same Night in my Bed. Your consult was scarce broken up, before I was made acquainted with these resolves: Whereupon I put my self into a posture of defence and fortified my House: refused those entrance who came thither about break of Day, to give me the good morrow from you: Having told several very considerable Persons what time such would come, and what their Errand was.
5. Therefore I will thus advise you, Catiline, go on as you have begun; but you must withdraw from the City: The Gates are open: None will compel your stay. The Manlian Forces have too long wanted their General; go to them, but, be sure, carry your whole party, (at least as many as you can) with you, purge the City. If I once get these Walls between us, I shall be freed of my greatest fears. I will allow you so much advantage, but that you should be any longer with us, I cannot bear, cannot suffer, cannot endure. Let us give our most hearty thanks to the immortal Gods, especially to Jupiter Stator the Defender and Patron of this most ancient City, for that we have so often escaped so dreadful, so horrible, so dangerous, and so pestilent a Conspiracy. The whole safety of the Common-wealth ought not to be often hazarded upon the account of one Man. 'As long as your designs were laid against me being only Consul Elect, I did not defend my self with the [Page 53] publick Arms, but by my own private care. When at this last Consular Election you plotted to kill me being then Consul, together with your competitors I defeated all your nefarious endeavours by the help and assistance of my Friends without any Publick stirs; as often as you made attempts upon my Life, so often I opposed you with my own Strength: Although I foresaw that my fall would give a great blow to the Common-wealth. But now you openly seek the ruine of the whole State, design to destroy the Temples of the immortal Gods, demolish this City, murder the Citizens, and lay wast all Italy: Therefore seeing I cannot at present act according as (by ancient presidents of the Empire) I might justly do; I will do that which has less of severity, but is far more conducing to the Publick good. If I cause you to be executed, the Seeds of your Sedition will yet remain in the midst of us; but if (as I have often exhorted you) you go away, your Comrades, the great and noisom Sink of the Common-wealth, will be drain'd out of the City. What is it that you stick at, Catiline? Are you unwilling to do what you had before determined, now I command it? The Consul requires an Enemy to withdraw out of the City: Do you enquire whether I command you into Exile? I enjoin it not, but I would persuade you to it.
6. For what is it, O Catiline, that you can now delight in at Rome? Where there is not one Person except such profligate Wretches as are of your own Gang, but avoid and hate you. What Mark of private Wickedness is there which is not conspicuously branded on you? Doth not all infamy cleave to your Name? What Lust ever escaped your Eye? What Villany your Hand? What Vice is there that hath [Page 54] not seized your whole Body? What Youth, by you drawn into Vice, whom you have not hardned in impudence, drench'd in Lust, and inur'd to Murder? And even lately upon the Death of your first Wife, did not you slay your own Son, and heap one incredible Villany upon another to make way for your second Nuptials? But I shall pass by this, lest I should disgrace this City by mentioning such an horrid Impiety to have been in it, and not to have been sufficiently punished: I omit to mention the ruines of your Estate, which now hang over you, and will quite crush you by the next Ides. I will only insist upon such things as concern, not your own private Debaucheries, and filthiness, not your straits and wants, but the safety and welfare of the Common-wealth, and every one here present. Can you take any content in living here? Can this Air be pleasant to you, when you know that there is none of us ignorant, that you came to the Election upon the Day before the Calends of January, when Lepidus and Tullus were Consuls, armed with a Dart, ready to slay the Consuls and Chief men of the City? And that you were not prevented by any fear, or terrour occasioned by the horridness of the Fact, (no, there was no room for that in your desperate Breast,) but by the good fortune of the Common-wealth? But I shall insist no longer on these actions, they are known publickly and are still fresh in every ones Memory. How many times did you endeavour to take away my Life when I was Consul Elect? How often when I was actually in that Office? How many of your attempts which seemed inevitable, have I frustrated, how often have I put by the very fatal thrust? There are none of your contrivances, purposes, or machinations, of which I have not a perfect [Page 55] knowledge; yet will you not cease to meditate and endeavour our destruction. How often hath your Dagger been wrested out of your Hands? How often hath it fall'n, as it were slipt out of your Hands by chance? Yet can you not be without it: What Ceremonies you have used in the Consecration of it I know not, but sure I am, you esteem your self under a necessity to murder the Consul therewith.
7. Now what sort of life do you think to lead? For I speak now not as inflamed with hatred which you have deserved, but as moved with pity, which you have no way merited. You came just now into the Senate: Who was there, in so great a Company, among so many of your Friends and intimate Acquaintance, that afforded you a Salutation? If the like never happened in the memory of Man; what need is there of an open reprimand, seeing you are already condemned by great silence? What was the cause that at your entrance, these Seats were left empty? That all those of consular Dignity, mark'd out for destruction by you, as soon as you sat down removed from the places which were near you, as infectious? How do you think to bear this? Certainly if my servants did thus avoid me, as all these worthy Citizens do you, I should believe it high time to leave my House: and do you think the City a place for you? If I were so shrewdly suspected and attainted by my Countrey-men as you are, I should choose rather to go into a voluntary Exile, than abide the hateful and estranged looks of my fellow-Citizens. How can you be so bold as to continue in the presence of those to whom you are so offensive, who are so disturbed at your sight; and whose hate your own Conscience tells you is most justly fix'd upon you? If your Parents shunn'd and hated you, and would [Page 56] be reconcil'd upon no Terms, I believe you would hasten out of their sight: Now your Countrey the common Parent of us all abhors you, and looks upon you as designing nothing, but unnaturally to destroy her, yet will you neither stand in aw of their Authority, obey their commands, nor fear their force. And now, Catiline, she thus seems silently to plead with you: No Crime hath been publickly committed of late years in which you have not had an Hand; no wickedness, but of your contriving: You have been continually murdering your fellow Citizens, ruining and destroying your Companions, yet are you unpunished; you have not only set your self to neglect, but also to break and over-throw the Laws. All your past offences, though scarce tolerable, I bore as well as possibly I could; but now I am wholly endanger'd for your sake alone; No designs laid against me, but what have their rise from Catiline; this is not to be endured. Depart therefore and set me free, from my fears; that if they have a just Foundation, I may not be oppressed, if they are only groundless Suspicions I may be eased of them.
8. Now then that your Countrey doth thus expostulate with you, ought she not to obtain her request although she use no force? What? will you plead, that to avoid Suspicion you proffered to reside in the House of M. Lepidus? by whom being refused, you had the impudence to come to me, and desire that I would keep you in my House. When I had told you that I could not be safe under the Roof of the same House with you, seeing I was in such great danger from your being within the Walls of the same City; you went to Q. Metellus the Praetor, who also rejected you: Then did you resort to your old Friend, honest M. Marcellus, whom you could [Page 57] not but think could diligently keep, carefully observe, very couragiously punish you. But how far can he be from Bonds, and Imprisonment, who being conscious of his own guilt seeks to be taken into Custody? Seeing affairs stand thus, and you cannot with any content remain here, is it not your best way, Catiline, to go to some other Countrey, and devote that life which is thus delivered from condign Punishment, to Exile and Solitude? Move it you say, to the Senate, and if they command you into Exile, then you declare you will be gone. I will not propose that, it being contrary to my manner, yet will I do so much, that you may perceive what their judgment is: Go out of the City, Catiline, deliver the Common-wealth from their fears: if you expect I should speak plainer, depart into Exile: What think you now, Catiline? Do you take notice of, do you consider the silence of all present? They are of the same mind, none contradict the proposal Why do you expect that they should speak to you, when you may perceive their Minds by their silence? Should I speak thus to this brave Youth P. Sextius or to the excellent M. Marcellus, the Senate would certainly, and might justly lay hands on Me, though Consul, in this very place. But by not contradicting they approve of what I advise you to; by suffering, they desire it, by silence they proclaim their assent. Neither are the Senators, (whose judgment you pretend to value, but whose lives you cheaply devote to ruine) only of this Mind, the Roman Knights also, honest and brave men, the whole Body of the Citizens who attend the Senate discover themselves: They get together, advise, threaten: As you may have observed. These I can scarce with-hold from assaulting, and tearing [Page 58] you in pieces, yet can I persuade them to bring you on your way when you depart from this place (which you once thought to destroy and ruine,) unto the City Gates.
9. But what is it I am arguing? as if any thing could move you! as if you could be brought to take better courses: is it possible to persuade you to think of departing hence? Would the gods gave you such a Mind! Yet I foresee that, if moved by my word, you should go into Exile, how great a Tempest of Envy is like to fall upon us, which, though it be at present diverted by a sense of your wickedness, may, when Posterity hath forgot that, fall upon my head. Yet doth this private calamity nothing move me, so it be not accompanied with publick loss. It is in vain to exhort you to consider the heinousness of your Vices, to fear the just punishments of the Laws, and yield to the necessities of the Common-wealth; for you are such an one, Catiline, as neither shame can with-hold from filthy deeds, nor fear deter from desperate undertakings, neither can Reason moderate your unreasonable fury. Therefore (as I have oft advised you) depart; and if you will fasten your envy upon me, whom you account, your most mortal Enemy, go into Exile, then shall I be scarce able to stem the common censures; if you do go; and if it be by the command of the Consul alone, I shall very hardly support the weight of that envy. But if you had rather make an accession to my glory, go forth with the rest of your debauched, bloody Associates; convey your self to Maulius; encourage those miserable Citizens; separate your self from all good men; raise War in the Heart of your own Countrey; triumph in your Plunderings, and Robberies, that you may not be [Page 59] accounted thrust out by me among Strangers, but may seem willingly to have retired to your own party. But why do I thus persuade? When I know you have sent all things requisite before hand, and how many armed men stay for you at the Aurelian forum? When I know the Day is agreed upon between you and Manlius, and by you the Silver Eagle (which I trust shall be fatal both to you, and your accomplices, which at your House, the Sanctuary of all your Wickedness was consecrated) is also sent? Would you any longer want that which you were wont to adore, when you went forth to your Murders? Before whose Altars you were wont to lift up your right Hand, ready to be imbrued in the Blood of the Citizens?
10. At length go thither, where your unbridled fury hath been long hurrying you; yet are you not at all griev'd but much delighted. This madness you imbib'd with your Nature, nourished by consenting to it, and fortune by favouring you in it hath made it much greater; Peace was never like to please you, nor could you love War except it were wicked and unjust. You have got together a Rout of desperate miscreants, vile Persons, who have not only lost their Estates, but are deprived of all hopes of a recruit. Among these in what compleat joys and pleasures may you carouse, when in all your number you shall not have so much as the restraining look of one good Man? To this sort of life you have inur'd your self, by your continual laborious Villanies: You have taken up your Lodging upon the Ground, not meerly to intrigue an Adultery, but to perpetrate a Murder: You are accustomed to watch, not only to descry the security of abused Husbands, but also to prey upon their Goods, when you have [Page 60] slain them. You have an opportunity to shew your great fortitude in enduring Hunger, Cold, and Want, which you may sufficiently feel in a short time: I did by putting you beside the Consulship gain this Point, that all your fury will be spent in Banishment to contrive our ruine; but you will never have those opportunities to effect it, which you must have enjoyed, had you carried the Election: And that your rising will be rather termed Plundring than War.
11. Now, O Conscript Fathers! consider diligently, and revolve in your minds what I say, while I endeavour to answer an Objection my Countrey might make against me; if my Countrey (which is ever dearer to me then my life) if all Italy, if the whole Common-wealth should thus accost me: What hast thou done O M. Tullius? Him whom thou hast found the publick Enemy, the Head of the Conspiracy, who thou knowest, hath Listed broken Citizens and the meanest Vassals; and is the Author of all our Dangers; hast thou thus sent him away out of the City, that he might be the better enabled to come against it? Why did you not secure him in the strongest Fetters? Deliver him to be put to Death, and inflict the justest, that is, the greatest punishment upon him? What could hinder you? not want of presidents; for how often have Traiterous Citizens been killed by private men? Did the Laws concerning punishment of Roman Citizens obstruct it? Never was any suffered to enjoy the Priviledge of a Roman Citizen, being convicted of Treason. Do you stand in fear of the envy of Posterity? You do very worthily indeed, and gratefully requite the Roman People who raised you, a private Man of mean Quality of a sudden through all the Degrees of Honour to the top of Government, if for fear of Envy [Page 61] or Danger, you neglect the publick safety of the Citizens? But if you have any reason to fear Envy, is that which ariseth from fortitude, and strictness, or that from sloth and timorousness most formidable? When Italy is wasted, and destroyed with War, the Houses demolish'd and Cities burnt, Do you think you will not then be more hated?
12. Give me leave now to answer in a few words that Sacred Voice and those who are of this Opinion. If I thought, O Conscript Fathers, that it were best for the Common-wealth, the Traytor should not live an Hour; for if the bravest men, and most famous Citizens, were so far from defiling themselves with the Blood of Saturninus, of the Gracchi, of Flaccus and several others, that they got reputation by destroying them; certainly I have no cause to fear the Censure of Posterity for putting to Death this grand parricide. But granting that I should incur their utmost Envy; it hath always been my Maxim, that Envy procur'd by Virtue, is Glory and not Envy. But there are many among us, who either do not see our Dangers, or else dissemble what they see; who by soft Censures nourish the hopes of Catiline, and by not believing, feed the Infant Conspiracy: Who, followed by many well meaning, but unobserving men, if I should have acted severely against Catiline would cry out of Cruel, and Arbitrary proceedings. But if he go to the Camp of Manlius, as he did intend, none will be so foolish as not evidently to perceive a Conspiracy, none so wicked as to deny it. So that if we now cut off this one Head, it will be no more but only a short suppression, not an utter extirpation of the mischief. But if he departs, and takes his pack'd Company of profligate, necessitous Villains [Page 62] along with him, not only this so ripe a Plot will he defeated, but the very Stock and Original of all publick evils will be eradicated and destroyed.
13. We have been a long time, O Conscript Fathers, perplext with these treasonable Designs, and lurking Snares, but (however it comes to pass) all these old Intrigues, Impieties, and Treasons, are now come to Maturity in the time of my Consulship. If we take off this chief of the Conspiracy only, we may indeed flatter our selves with a temporary cure of it, but the poisonous infection will still remain, as it were in the Veins and Bowels of the Common-wealth. As Persons in an high Feaver, seem at first refresht with a draught of cooling Water, but the Disease doth by and by rage, and burn the more, so this distemper in the Common-wealth may seem a little abated by his punishment, but soon recovering strength, will break forth more violently in those who yet remain. Therefore, O Conscript Fathers, let these infected Persons, withdraw from the Society of those who are yet sound, let the City Walls, as I have oft desired, be once between us, let all the Traytors herd together, that they may at length cease to attempt the Murder of the Consul in his own House, may no longer beset the Praetors Judicature, or with their Swords surround the Senate, nor prepare Fire-balls for burning the City. Let it now appear, as if it were written in his Forehead, what every Citizen thinks of the Common-wealth. 'Methinks, I can promise my self, and you, O Conscript Fathers, such an indefatigable diligence in us Consuls, so prevalent Authority in you, so great a Virtue and Valour in the Roman Knights, and so unanimous an Agreement of all good men, that Catiline being once gone, all [Page 63] his designs will appear unmask'd, defeated, and reveng'd. With these Omens, go Catiline to that impious and horrid War; go, and may it be to the safety of the Common-wealth, but to thy ruine, and to the ruine of all those who have united themselves to thee in this Treason. And now O Jupiter, whose Temple as well as this City was Consecrated by Romulus, and whom we truly call the Saviour of this Place and Empire; exclude him and his Associates, from thy Altars, and all other Temples, from the Houses, and Walls of this City, from the lives and fortunes of the Citizens: All the Enemies of good men, Traytors to their Countrey, destroyers of Italy, Covenanted and Associated among themselves by their Villanies, do thou prosecute Living and Dead with thine eternal punishments.
(u)So soon as the Consul was sate down, Catiline begins (as he was well accomplish'd for the purpose) to palliate and dissemble all that had been spoken against him; he with a submissive Voice and Countenance humbly intreates the Fathers, that they would [Page 64] not too rashly credit whatsoever had been said of him; that it was by no means probable; he, who was Born of so ancient a Family, so well educated, had such fair hopes before him; that he, a Patrician, who by himself and his Ancestors had deserved so much of the Roman People, should now want the destruction of the Common-wealth; while M. Tullius a stranger an Inmate of t'other day, pretended so zealously to preserve it.
(w) Proceeding to revile the Consul, many of the Fathers cried out, He was an Enemy and a Traitor: Whereupon Catiline said as in an heat, that he was circumvented by his Enemies, and if there was a flame he would extinguish it with his own ruine. Then returning to his House, he consider'd how unsuccessful his attempts had been against the Consul, how well guarded the City was, so that it would be impossible to Fire any part of it: And therefore resolves before the Consular Forces were increased to unite with his Army in the Tents of Manlius.
(x)In the City he left Cethegus, Lentulus, and others, to whom (being assured of their resolutions) he recommends all his Affairs, particularly that they would strengthen the Interests of the Party, perfect some Plot against the Consul, have things in readiness for Massacre and Firing: Promising as soon as possible, to draw towards them with a great Army.
(y)Having got together about Three hundred Armed men, he, accompanied with them, left the City about Midnight; and as if he had been an authorized General, carried his Lictors, and his Axes with him, that arriving at the Rendezvouz of Faesulae, he might display the imperial Ensigns.
(z)But before this, C. Manlius finding that the Forces of Q. Marcius Rex drew near, sends some of his Company to him, with this or the like following Remonstrance.
(*)WE call God and Man to witness, O General! that we have taken up Arms, neither against our Countrey, nor to do mischief to any Person, but to defend our selves from injuries; who being [Page 66] made poor and miserable by the cruelty of Usurers, are most of us deprived of our Countrey, all of us of our Goods and Reputation. Nor is there left to any of us, that which is every ones Birthright, the benefit of the Law, nor freedom for our Persons when we have lost our Estates, such are the exactions of the Creditors, and the severity of the Praetor. Our Ancestors, being compassionate to the Roman People, have often succoured their necessities, by favourable Decrees. And of late, even in our Memory, when Debts were grown oppressive, then by the advice of all good men a fourth part was deemed satisfactory, a Farthing to be paid for a Penny. Oftentimes Common People either stirr'd up with a desire of Government, or driven to it by the pride of Magistrates, withdrew their obedience from the Fathers; but we neither seek Empire nor Riches: (which among Mortal men are the only causes of War and contention:) all we ask for is our Liberty which no good Man would lose, except he lose his life also; we conjure you and the Senate, now to consult the good of undone Citizens, restore us the Protection of Law, which the injustice of the Praetor hath deprived us of; and that you would not reduce us to a necessity, that we should seek by what means we may best avenge our Blood, and perish.
(a)To this Marcius answered, That if they had any thing to desire of the Senate they should lay down their Arms, and go as Supplicants to Rome; that the [Page 67] Senate and Roman People were of such mercy and goodness, as none ever in vain implor'd their favour.
(b) Catiline, so soon as ever he had left the City, does upon the Road write back Letters to several Persons of Consular Dignity, and those that were most Eminent, assuring them the Crimes were utterly false that had been laid to his charge; and because he was not able to resist the factious power of his Enemies, therefore was he resolved to live an Exile at Massilia, a Town situated upon the Gallick Bay, in the Mediterranean Sea; that and Narbo being two most Eminent Cities there; still going much by the same name of Marseilles and Narbonne.
(d)The very next Morning when the news of Catilines nocturnal expedition, and the sham account of his retirement began to fill the City, Cicero comes into the publick Assembly of the Roman People, and relates to them the whole Affair in this following Oration.
Cicero's Second Oration against Catiline.
1. WE have now at length, O Quirites, expell'd L. Catiline, foaming with rage, breathing forth Treason, inhumanely plotting his Countrey's ruine, threatning you, and this whole City with Fire and Sword; or at least we have let him out, and driven him on by our importunities; he is gone, (what ever you please to call it) either withdrawn, or escap'd, or broken away. This City now no longer contains within her own Bowels this Monster, this Prodigy, the busie Actor of perpetual mischief. Certain 'tis, we have prevail'd against him, who is the only Leader of this intestine War. The treacherous Poniard will not now be so conversant about our Breast; we may now come to an Election, a Trial, a Senate, nay, (what was more than formerly we could) we may now enjoy our own Houses, without continual Terrors. Being driven from the City, he has lost that advantageous Spot upon which he stood; he is now an open Enemy, and none can deny but the War against him is just. No doubt but we undid the Man and obtain'd a brave Victory, when we drove him out of his lurking Treachery into apparent Treason. But that he was forc't to carry away with him (so contrary to his wishes) his Dagger unstain'd with our Blood. That he left us alive behind him. That we have wrested the Sword out of his Hand, that the Citizens are sav'd, and the City [Page 69] standing; you cannot imagine how great his Sorrows are, how he is broken and subdued by them. Now, O Quirites, he lies, as it were, prostrate at your Feet; he feels the blow and the fall, casts back his envious Eyes and weeps over this City for having been rescued out of his devouring Jaws. But she seems to me refresh't and to rejoice having eased her Stomach of such a destructive Poison.
2. But if there be any of you (as indeed you ought all to be) concern'd, that I should now glory and triumph in this for which I ought to be severely censured, as not seizing upon, but promoting the escape of such a Capital Enemy; Know, O Quirites, that it is not my fault, the times won't bear it. Catiline ought long ago to have been executed to have been brought to condign punishment. This, I must confess, the customs of our Ancestors, the exact Justice of this Empire, the Publick Interest have required at my hands: But how many think you, would have discredited all that I had related? how many by a stupid easiness would have remain'd unapprehensive of the Treason? How many would have favour'd it? How many corrupted with wicked Principles, would have even justified it? But for all this could I have thought that the taking him off, would have sufficiently seem'd you from all danger; I had long ago, not only ventur'd the envy of it, but readily offer'd my own Life to the opportunities of Sacrificing his, But when I saw that notwithstanding there was such clear proof made before you all, yet if I had punisht him (as he deserv'd) with Death, I should have been so opprest with Envy, that I had not been able to prosecute his Complices; I brought it to such a Head that you needed not openly engage, before he appeared, an [Page 70] open Enemy. This Enemy of ours, O Quirites, how much he is to be feared now he is abroad, you may apprehend by this, that nothing, troubles me more than his quitting the City with so small a Company: Would he had led out all his Forces with him. He carried away Tongillus, whose very Childhood became infamous by his love. He took also Publicius and Munatius, whose pittiful Debts in every Tavern did so oppress them that there was no fear, they could make any stir to the mischief of the Common-wealth. But then, what considerable Persons has he left behind him? Indeed deeply engag'd in Debt; but withal, both how powerful and how noble they are, you your selves know.
3. As therefore for that Army of his, which he has collected, consisting of some old Desperado's, debauch'd Rusticks and broken Tenants; such, who choose to follow his Camp, meerly to avoid the process of Law; who are ready to run away not only at the appearance of our Forces, but even at the Praetors Edict; these are very contemptible in respect of our Gallicane Legions of those that Q. Metellus has listed in the Picenian and Gallick Countrey, of those that we continually Muster at home. But the Gentlemen I see running up and down the Forum, standing in the Court, sitting in the very Senate, perfumed with Odours, adorn'd in Purple; these I could also wish he had carried out for his Souldiers with him. Who if they continue here, know for certain, are much more to be dreaded, though absent from the Army, than the Army is, which he has with him. And this proves how much they are to be fear'd; they are sensible I know their Intrigues, yet care not for all that. I know, to whom Apulia is assign'd, who is to have Etruria, who the Picene Countrey, who the [Page 71] Gallick, who it was that begg'd for his part the City-management of the Massacre and Fire. They are sensible, that all the resolves of the Night before last have been brought to me; that I yesterday discover'd them in the Senate; Catiline himself trembled, and fled upon it, What do these Men presume upon? I'le assure them they are much mistaken, if they suppose my former Lenity must be perpetual.
4. That which I have all along labour'd for, I have now obtain'd, that all of you might behold this Plot against the Government made apparent: Unless any of you can imagine that these who are so like Catiline are not of Catiline's Mind. And if you do think so, yet know however there can now be no allowance to such favourable Surmises, the affair it self importunes us to be severe: Yet one thing will I still grant them; that they may be gone; Oh! let them go; and not suffer poor Catiline to languish for them. I'le tell them the way, he is gone the Aurelia Road, if they will but make hast, they'l reach him before Night. Oh blessed state, if the sink of this City was but once well drain'd! Since the emptying it only of Catiline has given so great ease and refreshment. For what mischief and villany can be invented or contriv'd that he did not design upon us? What poisoning Artist is there in Italy, what desperate Fencer, what Hector, what Assassine, what Murderer, what Forgerer, what Cheat, what Bully, what Whoremaster, what Baud, what Pimp, what Prostitute, what ruin'd Wretch can be found who does not presently profess himself of Catiline's Club? What Murder has there been of late, and he not concern'd in it? What villanous rape without his contrivance? Was there ever such another Artist in debauchery? [Page 72] Sometimes he was Master of the unnatural Amours, sometimes Mistress; to some he promised the enjoyment of a Lust, to others the Death of a Father, which was accomplished not only by his persuasion, but assistance. And now, what a Number of the vilest Rogues has he got together both from City and Countrey? There was not one Bankrupt in Rome, not one necessitous Rascal in any Corner of Italy, but what he hath drawn into the Confederacy of this incredible Treason.
5. But to pursue his various Methods; you mayobserve how he hits each inclination with a proper difference: If in the Fencing School any one be more than ordinarily daring, he shall presently boast himself Catiline's Crony; if the Stage produces any one extreamly soft and lecherous, he brags of Catiline's most agreeable Acquaintance. And this brave Patron of theirs long accustom'd to the exercise of Whoring and Rapine, being inur'd to Cold and Hunger, to Thirst and Watching is still cried up by them as hardy and valiant; though in truth these supports of Valour and advantages for Virtue, are long ago consum'd by his rage and intemperance. Such as he is, had all his Associates attended him; had all the scandalous croud of Debauches quitted the Town when he did: Oh blessed People! Oh happy Government! Oh the unparallel'd Glory of my Consulship! For as the World now goes, there is no such thing as a restrained Lust, a humane and tolerable Intrigue: Nothing now, but Massacre, and Fire, and Rapine: The have spent their Patrimonies, treated away their Estates; their Stock has been long consumed, and of late their Credit has been quite crackt, yet their Lusts are the same they were in their greatest affluence. If after all they desir'd nothing but to [Page 73] Drink and Game, to Guttle, and Wench, we might esteem them wretched, but possibly not intolerable: Whereas now, who can bear it, that these sloathful Cowards should continually plot against the most Valiant men? the most Sensless against the most Prudent, the Sots against the Sober, the Sluggards against the Vigilant? Who sit at a Banquet embracing their impudent Misses, with heavy Heads and loaded Stomachs, crown'd with Garlands, smeer'd with Ointments, enfeebled with Lechery, and then in the midst of their Discourse do they belch out the Massacre of good Men, and the firing of the City. I cannot but assure my self, there is some present judgment hanging over their Heads; and that those punishments, which have been long due to their Villany and Treason, to their Lust and Debauchery, are either now treading upon their Heels, or not far from them. These, if my Consulship (being not able to reform) shall root out; it will prolong this Empire, not for a little uncertain time, but to a steddy succession of many Ages. There is no Nation, that we need dread, no King that dare make War upon the Roman People: All things abroad, Sea and Land are secur'd by the Virtue of one General. But there is a War at our own Doors, Treachery at Home, Danger enclosing us on every side, the Enemy within us: We are now to engage against Luxury, Rage, Rebellion. This is the War, O Quirites, in which I now declare my self your General; I willingly load my self with the enmity of every mischievous Villain. What can be cur'd, I will by any means restore: But what must be cut off, I will not suffer to spread to our publick ruine. Wherefore let them be gone, or be quiet: Or, if they will still stay in the City and retain their former Principles; let them expect to suffer, what they so much deserve.
[Page 74]6. But some there are, O Quirites, who report that Catiline has been by me driven into Banishment. If speaking would do it, I would presently send them after him. For he, certainly, is a very timorous and extreamly modest Man, not able to bear a Consular reprimand; so that so soon as ever he was but bid to go into Exile, he immediately obeyed and acquiesc'd, Yesterday when I was just upon being stabb'd in my own House, I call'd a Senate in the Temple of Jupiter Stator; I inform'd the Conscript Fathers of the whole Affair. Whither, when Catiline came, what Sena [...]or was there, that so much as spoke to him? Who saluted him? Who look'd upon him otherwise than a most mischievous Citizen, or rather a most dangerous Enemy? Nay, those Noble Persons who were of his Quality, left that Bench empty and naked, upon which he sate. And now, I am the cruel Consul that banish Men with a word: I did but ask Catiline, whether he had a Nocturnal Consult at Lecca's, or No. When he (whose Forehead never fail'd him before) was so convinc'd in Conscience that he at first stood mute: Then I proceeded to discover; what he had done that Night, where he had been, what he had resolved upon for the next. Then I gave a plain Description of the whole Design and Method of the War. When he went to reply, he falter'd and was plainly baffl'd: I then ask'd him, what made him so unresolved in that Expedition, which he had so long provided for? I told him I knew well enough, he had sent before his Arms, his Rods and Axes, his Trumpets, his Military Ensigns, and that Silver Eagle, to which, he had a his House, a Chappel of Villany consecrated. Yet I have banish'd him, who has thus begun a War! Is it likely that Manlius, the Centurion, who is already encamped in the Fesulane Countrey, should proclaim [Page 75] War, against the Romans in his own Name? And so that Camp has no manner of expectations in Catiline? He (poor Man) is driven into Exile, withdrawn not to these Forces (as 'tis said) but to an obscure retirement at Marseilles.
7.A miserable Province it is, not only to govern, but even to preserve the Common-wealth. Now, if it had so happen'd that L. Catiline, circumvented and defeated by my Councils, Labours, hazards, should in a sudden fright have chang'd his resolution, deserted his Party, cast away the Thoughts of War, quitted his intentions of Treason and Rebellion, betaking himself to Flight and Exile: It would not have been said, that he was by me disarm'd of his impudence, that he was stunn'd and terrified by my diligence, that he was driven from his hopes and designs; but that an uncondemn'd innocent Person was by the Consul, his power and threats, forc'd into banishment: And there are those, who (if he had done so) would have esteem'd him not mischievous, but unfortunate; and me not a most vigilant Consul, but a most cruel Tyrant. Yet 'tis worth the while, O Quirites, to bear the tempest of this false and unjust envy whilst I may shelter you from the danger of this dreadful and bloody War. Let it be said, he was cast out by me: may it but be true that he is gone into banishment: But, I am certain, you will not find it so. I'le assure you, I'le never desire the Immortal God's, that L. Catiline may lead an Army of Rebells, and you receive Intelligence of his braving it in the Head of them, whereby the Envy, I have contracted, may be appeas'd: But within three Days you will know it too well. And then I fear, it will be more invidiously censur'd, that I let him go, than that I cast him out. Such men, as because he is withdrawn, cry out, he [Page 76] is banisht; what would they have said, if he had been executed? Though, I must say, those that make such a clamour of his retiring to Marseilles, fear nothing more, than that it should be so: There is none of these commiserating Creatures, but had much rather he should be gone to Manlius than the Massilians. And I know him so well, that had he not been at all engaged in the present designs, his Genius inclines him to die, rather in a Rebellion than an Exile. However since nothing has happen'd to him, besides what proceeded from his own intentions and resolutions (I must except that he went away and left us alive at Rome) Let us rather wish it true, than complain that he is gone into banishment.
8. But why do we insist so long upon one Enemy? an Enemy that is now confessedly so: and whom, because, as I have ever wished, the City Walls do separate, I no longer fear. But why do we say nothing of those that are left in Masquerade at Rome, and are amongst us? Whom I (if by any means possible I could) would endeavour not to be reveng'd of, but to restore: And why they may not be restor'd to the Common-wealth if they would take my advice I cannot understand: I will tell you, O Quirites, of what sort of men they consist, then as well as I am able I will afford to each of them the remedy of my advice, and counsel. One sort is of those who are much in Debt, but of great Estates, and are so possessed with the love of them, that they will by no means sell any part of them: These I look upon as the most honourable, for they are indeed Rich, but their resolutions and humour, are most inexcusable. You are possest of Lands, Houses, Goods, Chattels, and every thing else about you, and you cannot persuade your selves to diminish your possessions, to augment your Credit. [Page 77] Well, what do you expect? a War? What then? do you think that in a common ruine your possessions will be so Sacred, as not to be touched? do you expect Proposals for cancelling old Debts? They are much mistaken that expect this from Catiline. You shall have new Proposals, by my advice, but such as must put you upon Selling, nor is there any other way possible, that those who have Estates should quietly enjoy them. Which if they would have done sooner, nor have (as is most vain) continued struggling with incumbrances upon their Farms, we might have enjoyed them, much better and much richer Citizens. But I think these men are least of all to be dreaded, because they may either be won over from their intentions, or if they will persist in them, seem more likely to put up Prayers, than to bear Arms against the Common-wealth.
9. There is another sort of those who are oppressed with Debt and yet desire to Rule, would have the Government in their hands, think those Honours which they cannot enjoy in a quiet state, would in the troubles of it fall into their Laps. To these this seems advisable, which I offer to all the rest, that they would despair for ever obtaining what they labour for: First, let them know that I ever watch, am present, and provide for the Common-wealth; then, that there is a great courage in all good men; a great Concord, a vast multitude, and mighty Military Forces: Last of all, that the Immortal Gods, are ever ready to help this invincible People, this most renowned Empire, this most famous City, against all the violence of Wickedness. But if they had accomplish'd what with the greatest madness they desire, can they hope in the Ashes of the City, and the Blood of the Citizens, (which with impious and [Page 78] cruel Affections they thirst after that they shall be Consuls, or Dictators, or Kings? Do they not see, they desire that which, if obtain'd, must necessarily give the reward to some Vagabond or Gladiator? The third sort is of those whose Age is almost spent, yet strong in Experience, of whom is Manlius, to whom Catiline now succeeds. These men are of those Colonies which Sulla planted at Faesulae, which I apprehend to have been of the best Citizens, and most Valiant men, but such who exalted with sudden and unexpected Riches, have lived sumptuously and extravagantly. They build as if they should be ever happy, and whilst they delight themselves with their Mannors, their Coaches, their great Retinues, their splendid Feasts, they fall into such Debts, as if ever they would get out of, Sulla must be raised from the Dead. These have drawn some other Countrey, mean, needy Fellows into the same hopes of their old Rapines. Both of which, O Quirites, I reckon as Robbers, and Plunderers, but I admonish them to leave off being mad, and fancying Sequestrations, and Dictatorships. For the scars of those times are so deeply imprinted upon the Citizens, that not only Men, but even Beasts would be unwilling to undergo them again.
10. The fourth sort is very various, mixt, and turbulent, who have been a great while sunk, and will never rise, who partly by their sloth, partly by their imprudence, partly by their expensiveness, stagger in their old Debts. Who being wearied out, with Suits, Judgments, Prosecutions driven out of the City, and Countrey, are retired into that Rendezvouz. Whom I do not look so much upon, to be bold Souldiers as Idle Cheats. If these cannot stand, e'ne let them fall, but so fall, that neither the City, nor even their next Neigbours, feel them. But I do not understand this, [Page 79] why if they cannot live honestly, they must needs desire to perish so basely, or why they should think it a less trouble to destroy so many with them than to perish alone. The fifth sort is of Traytors, Assassines, and of all the most villanous whom I do not recall from Catiline, nor indeed can they ever be parted from him; but let them perish in the Treason, for they are too many for a Prison to secure. The last sort is not only of Catiline's number, but his own way and course of Life, his proper choice, whom he huggs, whom he lays in his Bosom; these you may see well Combed and Powdered, either with no Beard, or a very neat one, clothed in their wide long Coats, with Mantles, not Gowns, the industry of whose life, and labourious watchfulness, is intirely spent in the Revels of the Night. In these Clubs are conversantall the Gamesters, the Pimps, the Adulterers, the Immodest; these fine jolly Lads have learned, not only to make love, and receive it, to Sing, and Dance, but to Stab and Poison; now unless these be driven out, and destroyed, although Catiline did perish, yet know there would remain a Catilinarian Seminary in the Commonwealth. But what would those Wretches do? would they carry their Wenches along with them into the Tents? or can they be without them these long cold Nights? How will they be able to endure the Appenines, the Frost and Snow there: unless perhaps they fancy they shall be better able to endure the Winter, because they have learned to Dance Naked in their Banquets.
11. A War sure much to be dreaded, when Catiline hath with him such a Praetorian Troop of Drabs. Now Quirites rank the Guards, and Armies, against these such famous Forces of Catiline: First, to the Gladiator himself baffled and broken oppose your [Page 80] Consuls and Commanders: Then, against that feeble and refuse handful of undone Wretches, draw forth the Flower and Strength of all Italy. Our Colonies, and free Towns shall be set against the rude and countrey Garrisons of Catiline. Nor is it necessary that I should compare the rest of our Forces, Ammunition, Provision, with the Wants and Necessities of that Rebel. But if all these things were omitted which we are supplied with, and he wants; set aside the Senate, the Roman Knights and People, the City, the Treasury, the Customs, all Italy, all the Provinces, and Forreign Nations, if, I say, all these were omitted, let us but compare the causes together and so engage; from thence alone we may be assured how miserably they must fall. For on our side Justice fights, on theirs, Peevishness; on ours Chastity, on theirs Debauchery; on ours Fidelity, on theirs Fraud; on ours Piety, on theirs Wickedness; on ours Constancy, on theirs Rashness; on ours Honour, on theirs Baseness; on ours Continence, on theirs Lust; in a word Equity, Temperance, Fortitude, Prudence, all the Virtues contend with Injury, Luxury, Sloth, Rage, and all the Vices: Lastly, Plenty with Wants, good Reason with depraved, a sound Mind with Madness, a well grounded hope, with a most improbable Presumption. Now in such an engagement and conflict as this, would not (if the endeavours of men were wanting) the Immortal Gods themselves force, so many and so great Vices, to submit to such excellent Virtues.
12. Since things are so, O Quirites, go as I said before, keep Watch and Ward in your own Houses, I have taken sufficient care, and provided that the City shall be guarded without your Rising or any Tumult. The Countrey and Towns about shall quickly know of Catiline's excursion last Night, [Page 81] and put themselves into a posture of defence; the Gladiators, (a great part of whom he thought assured to himself) have not only better resolutions then many Patricians, but are besides all safe within our power. Q. Metellus whom (foreseeing what came to pass) I sent before into the Gallicane and Picene Countrey will either suppress the Rebel, or else stop all his designs, and proceedings. As to the management of all other Affairs, the ripening, and transacting of them, we will refer them to the Senate, which you now know is summon'd. But as to those who have tarried in the City, and were left here by Catiline, that they might plot against the safety of it, and of all you, though they be Enemies, yet because they were born Citizens I cannot but again and again admonish them. If my lenity hath seemed to any one too far extended, let him know 'twas upon this account; that what was hid might have time to break out. But for what's to come, I am not able to forget that this is my Countrey, that I am your Consul, That I must either live with you, or die for you. If there be any that would be gone they may take their course, no body will stop them at the Gates, there is no Ambush in the way; but if any one stirs within the City, whom I shall apprehend not only in the Fact, but in any attempt or design against his Countrey, he shall quickly find that there are in this City vigilant Consuls, Excellent Magistrates, a valiant Senate, Arms, and Prisons, which our Ancestors design'd as punishments for impious villanies.
13.All these things, Quirites, shall be so managed that the greatest Affairs may be appealed with the least trouble, the greatest dangers with no stir, an Intestine War; since the Memory of Man most [Page 82] cruel, and potent, by the Conduct of one Gownman for the General. Which, O Quirites, if possible I would so bring to pass, that no one how ever mischievous may suffer the punishment of his wickedness in this City. But if any open violence, any danger imminently threatning my Countrey shall, necessarily drive me from this lenity of Affection; I will then aim at that, which can hardly be expected in so great and treacherous a War, that not one good Man may perish, and that by the punishment of a very few, you may all be saved. Which I do not pretend, O Quirites, to be able to accomplish by my own prudence or humane Counsels, but by the many and plain intimations of the Immortal Gods: who being my Guides I am arriv'd at this hope, this opinion: Who are not now at that distance they were wont to be when we engaged with a forreign, remote Enemy, but with a more concerned presence, and assistance, are ready to save their Temples, and the Houses of this City: whom you now ought, O Quirites, to adore, to pray, and beseech, that since it hath been their pleasure to make this City the most beautiful, the most flourishing, the most powerful, they would now preserve her (whose forreign Enemies are subdued by Sea and Land,) from the destructive villanies of most pernicious Citizens.
(e)Soon after this a Letter was sent from Catiline, to the excellent Q. Luctatius Catulus very different, from those former by which he had endeavoured to possess the City with a belief that he was only retired [Page 83] to Massilia; not as Conscious to himself of any ill designs, but only for the sake of the publick quiet, and that no disturbance might arise from engaging with his adversaries. In this he acquainted the noble Catulus, (of whose goodness he had been formerly a partaker) with the injuries he had sustained, the publick defence of the Oppressed which he had undertaken, recommending to him the care of his Family in this time of his distress; upon the receipt whereof, this faithful Patriot; valuing the Publick safety before any particular friendship, and knowing the duty he owed to his Countrey was ever to be preferred before all private Obligations, read the Letter to the Senate, a Copy whereof is here annexed:
(*) L. Catiline, to Q. Catulus health. Your Eminent Fidelity which I have had such Experience of, in my greatest dangers, gives me assurance that I may recommend my Affairs into your hands. Wherefore I think it less necessary to make any defence for my proceedings: But to give you the satisfaction of pleading my Innocence; which upon my Conscience you must submit unto. But thus much I shall say, that being driven about with injuries and disgraces, deprived of the Fruits of my Labour and Industry, and of that just Degree of Dignity I had deserved of the Common-wealth; therefore have I (as my practice hath been) undertaken the publick cause of the miserable. Not but that I was able to pay my own Debts with my own Revenues, especially since the liberality of Aurelia Orestilla by her own, and her Daughters fortunes, could have [Page 84] given abundant satisfaction. But because I saw unworthy men promoted to Honour, and my self oppressed with false suspicions; for this cause have I pursued my hopes (honest enough as the case stands) of preserving the remainders of my Honour. I was about to write more, but 'tis just now told me that there is a force preparing; I only recommend to you and your fidelity my Orestilla, I beg of you, as you love your own Children, defend her from injury; Adieu.
(f) Catiline tarrying some few days with C. Flaminius in the Reatine Countrey, (which was about Thirty English Miles from Rome) and is now called Sabinia, from the Sabini, People that anciently inhabited it, whose principal City was Reate, with little alteration at present named Rieti; (g) did there Arm the People who were before solicited to his Interest, and then displaying his Imperial Ensigns marched forward to the Tents of Manlius.
(h)The News of this was quickly brought to Rome, Catiline and Manlius by Decree of the Senate adjudged publick Enemies, and a Day appointed, by which, if the rest would lay down their Arms, they should be all pardoned; except those who for some [Page 85] former Crimes had been condemned to die.
(i)'Twas decreed also the Consuls should raise an Army as their manner was, by Electing so many Citizens out of every Company as the occasion required; that Antonius (whose inclinations to the Conspirarcy were not then known) should lead them against Catiline, that Cicero should stay at home and guard Rome, which was the employment that this vigilant Consul did above all desire; for when the brave Province of Macedon was assigned him, he willingly quitted it to his Colleague; afterward receiving Gallia in lieu thereof, he still chose to stay at home and watch over the City, sending Metellus thither, that Catiline might not get possession of it. At this time also did the Senate lay aside their Robes of Honour, and put on (as was usual in publick dangers and calamities) a mourning habit.
(k)And now indeed the State of the Roman Empire appeared very miserable, that when their Armies abroad had from East to West subdued all those Nations which the Sun in his daily Circuit discovered to them, when they had Peace and Riches at home, which Mortals are most apt to dote upon: Then their own Citizens should with obstinate resolutions proceed to ruine both themselves and the Common-wealth! For notwithstanding two Decrees of the Senate, yet out of to great a Number of the Conspirators none could be induced even by hopes of reward, to make any farther discovery; not one could be persuaded to desert the Tents of Catiline; such was the power of the Disease, such an inveterate malignity had seized the generality of Citiz [...]ns.
But this could not be without some proportionable cause: The Nobles, and the Commons too had given themselves up to pursue distinct interests, and such as were most prejudicial to the Common safety. [Page 87] (l) For since the last Seven years, that the Tribunitian power (which had been almost quite taken away by Sylla) was fully restored by the Consuls, Pompey, and Crassus, some young men, (whose heat and age were over vigorous) obtaining that uncontroulable Authority, made it their business to traduce the Senate, and to stir up the People, then by gifts and promises so to enflame them, that they might thereby become eminent and powerful. On the other side, the Nobility seemed but to stand their ground, and struggle to maintain their just greatness. But, to speak a mighty Truth in few Words, Those who had then the Government in their Hands, did some of them with fair pretences defend the Peoples rights, some of them stand up for the Senates Authority, but all of them counterfeiting the publick good, did really contend for the enlargement of their own particular power, and this without any temper, for when either side got a Victory, it was pursued to the greatest excess.
Thus, the Empire having contracted so great an indisposition, its Spirits raised to an immoderate height, then agitated by discontent, envy, ambition, seem'd to be arrived at the critical Moment of its [Page 88] ruine.(m) The first opportunities of a change awakened the sleeping disease, and began to set all into an Hectick rage. Had Catiline been Conqueror at the first engagement, or had he but gone off with equal advantages, vast slaughter, and calamity had oppressed the Commonwealth: Nor could those that had got the Victory have long enjoyed it; when they had spent their Blood and fainted, then some one more powerful would have stept in and wrested Dominion and Liberty out of their Hands.
If the sense and experience of Ages could make us wise, how would all that are imbarqued in one Government, seek its entire undisturbed preservation! 'Tis prodigious folly for men in a sinking ship to quarrel who should command, to scuffle for Goods to furnish their private Cabins; but 'tis the most extream madness to endeavour its loss, that they may enrich themselves by their own wrecks: Which every one must be guilty of, who enjoys either Goods or life under the protection of any state, and doth not sincerely endeavour its support.
(n)Many there were, besides those engaged in Catilines private Conspiracy who upon his publick appearance joined themselves to his Forces: among others, Aulus Fulvius, a Senators Son; but that truly Roman Father caused him to be brought back again, and put to death; thereby demonstrating that the affections of a Patriot might be stronger than those of a Parent: Nor is this any rare Example among the Roman People, private Persons as well as those in Authority exercising this severe Jurisdiction over their Children.
(o)The Insurrections which were breaking out in both the Gallia's, and appeared in those several parts of Italy, where Catiline had scatter'd his Emissaries, were very much suppressed by the Commanders, whom the Senate had sent into the several Provinces for that purpose: For most of the Rebels acted madly and rashly, making a great Tumult and Hurry, but with much greater appearance than danger to the [Page 90] Common-wealth. Q. Metellus Celer in Apulia apprehended many and committed them to Prison; which was done also by C. Muraena, who was Lieutenant of the higher Gallia; (p) this is that Countrey which was particularly called the Cisalpine Gaul, separated from the further Gallia by the Alps (from whence the distinction had its denomination) and from the rest of Italy (whereof it is now a part) by Mount Appennine, which is the great Bank of Etruria, and by the River Aesis at first, afterward by the River Rubicon, both running into the Adriatick Sea.
(q)At this time whilst Catiline was in Arms, and C. Antonius leading the Consular Forces against him, an unhappy Controversie fell out, which might have proved of very ill consequence to the Common-wealth, it being of publick concern, and contested between the most sincere Patriots, whose disagreements must needs be extreamly dangerous, since the safety of all depends upon their unanimity.
(*) Servius Sulpitius late Competitor for the Consulship accuses L. Licinius Muraena Consul Elect, of [Page 91] Bribery in his canvasing for that high Dignity:(r) M. Porcius Cato the Oracle of Rome, and Elected by Nature as the most eminent instance of invincible Virtue, becomes also one of his accusers.(s) for though this was much to the advantage of Catiline, who would gladly (had it been in his power) not only have put by Muraena but cut his Throat; yet(t) that inflexible Stoick, having sworn to accuse any Person whatsoever who should give Mony to carry the Election, doth with great fierceness prosecute the cause.
The eloquent Hortensius, the powerful Crassus, and the learned Cicero defended him;(u) the Consul professed it his greatest duty and concern, to put the Common-wealth, so happily preserved by him, into the Hands [Page 92] of Muraena. (w) Cato Tribune Elect for the ensuing year was bid to consider the storm that would come upon him, who was raised up by good men to stop the fury of his pernicious Colleagues: That his Enemies did by all means endeavour to destroy him, and when his Tribunitian power was bereaved of the Consular assistance, they would easily suppress him, as he should then be weak and desolate.(x) That in these times no Man need envy Muraena the Consulship, 'twould expose him to the slanderous raillery of the Seditious, to the snares of the Conspirators, to the Darts of Catiline: He must be the Principal Person on whom all the hatred and danger was like to fall.
This with a great deal more that had been said to the advantage of his reputation, prevailed upon the Judges, and the Old Election was confirmed.
Now the Conspirators came to lay their last design, in which the entire Treason might be consummated(y) the Principal of them left at Rome was, [Page 93] Cornelius Lentulus, whose discontented and aspiring Genius was mightily raised by the Fortune-tellers of those times: Singing many Poetick Prophecies, and Oracles which they pretended to have out of the Sibyllin Records: That three Cornelius's should be Monarchs of Rome, which had been already accomplished in two, Cinna and Sylla, that now the Fates were offering to him (the Third Cornelius) the Supream Power, he ought not to neglect the acceptance and spoil the opportunity by delay.
(z)Besides, the(a) Hetrurian Prophets, to whom the ancient Laws of Rome committed the Authority of Divination, and whose Principal Colledge was at Faesulae, often foretold that this Twentieth Year from the burning of the Capitol(b) which was in the Consulship of Scipio and Norbanus, but again rebuilt [Page 94] by Sylla, and dedicated in the Name of the Noble Lutatius Catulus should be very Bloody by a Civil War.
*This was also the Tenth Year since the Vestal Virgins were acquitted from that Accusation which Catiline and his acquaintance, too much frequenting their Company, had drawn them into; among which was Fabia, Sister to Terentia, the Wife of Cicero, who therefore told Catiline in that Oration he made against him when he was Candidate: You have lived after such a manner, that there is no place so Holy, but your very access to it, though there be nothing but Innocence, confers a Crime.
(d)These Prophetick encouragements, drove Lentulus to such resolutions, that no small ordinary Villanies would serve his turn, nothing less then murdering the whole Senate, and as many more Citizens as he was able, nothing less then burning down the City itself.
Thus superstition, service invented and managed by the Devil is generally made use of to promote the most horrid Villanies, and to sublimate humane corruption into the destructive fineness of his own Spiritual wickedness: If at any time it be accommodated by Politicians to the uses of Government, it may serve a present turn, but then afterwards discovers so much of trick and imposture, that it cannot be long serviceable to them.
Those alone which are truly Divine Oracles can guide our Designs in Virtue and Happiness, give us sure direction and steady repose in all dangers, teach infallibly what to revere and what to expect, and on them may we ever rely as a Foundation unshaken by the succession of all Ages.
(e) Lentulus resolves to snatch none but Pompey's Children out of the destruction, whom it was necessary to keep as Pledges of Security against the return of that great Conquerour;(f) who had now terminated the Bounds of the Roman Empire, not so much by the Coasts of Earth, as the Regions of Heaven. For it was the Notion of that and the former Ages, that as the Heavens did encircle this lower World(g) (acknowledged as a Principle by them to be Sphaerical,)(h) so did the great external Ocean encompass the habitable Land, and that again surrounded the Mediterranean, (or as they call'd it the internal) Sea.
(i) Pompey therefore having extended his Victorious Conquests to the external Ocean, thorough all the utmost opposite parts of the Earth, was supposed to have made them conterminous with the Heavens: He had reached the South-west shores of the African Ocean: In Spain he had brought the Bounds of the Roman Empire to the Atlantick Sea (which were the farthest North-west parts that were known to them, till Caesar afterwards visited the Shores of Gaul and Britain:) Then in the Eastern World in the pursuit of the Albani, he almost touched the Hircanian or Caspian Sea (which omitting the unknown parts of Tartary and China, were esteemed the utmost North-east bounds:) And this last expedition (from whence he was now returning) reached to Arabia, and the Red Sea, the great inlet of the South-east Indian Ocean.
It was therefore very necessary to provide for his Friendship who had thus conquered the World, and might very justly be supposed the Master of his own City when he came back.
(k)The great appointment which Lentulus and [Page 97] the Conspirators made, was, that when Catiline had taken the Field with his Army at Faesulae; the City should presently to correspond with his Motion, be exposed to Fire and Sword.
It was particularly contriv'd that L. Bestia Tribune of the People should in a publick Assembly complain of Cicero's actions, and transpose the Envy of the worst War upon the best Consul.
(l) Appian gives us an account that so soon as intelligence came of Catilines arrival at Faesulae, Lentulus, and Cethegus were to attend about Cicero's Gate, who upon the account of their quality being admitted into his Conversation; should as it were by a prolong'd discourse draw him from his Company, and murder him: That then L. Sextius Tribune of the People should Summon an Assembly, and accuse Cicero as a Man timorous and turbulent, always alarming the City when there was not the least cause of fear.
(m)This Transaction was to be the great signal, that upon the next Night after, the whole Multitude [Page 98] of the Conspiracy should break out; and every one commit his assigned Treason. Sallust tells us it was appointed that Statilius and Gabinius, should with a great Company assisting them, at once set on Fire Twelve the most opportune places of the City.(n) Plutarch affirms that the City was distributed into an Hundred parts; to these, an Hundred Persons were by Lot appointed, each Man particularly superintendent to his own Ward that all being set on Fire together, the whole might be one universal conflagration: Others should then attend upon the Conduits, and cut the Throats of all those who came to fetch Water.
(o) Cicero himself gives us this distribution, that Lentulus was left as Principal in the City, Cassius was to manage the Fire, Cethegus the Massacre: That Autronius was particularly to Head the Rebellion in Etruria, (†) Ceperius in Apulia. (p) Lentulus being the grand Orderer of Affairs at Rome, determines the time of Catilines advance and the Cities destruction to [Page 99] be upon one of the Saturnalia, a great Festival which lasted for Five days, and* began upon XVI Cal. of January, our Seventeenth of December. (q) Cethegus complained very much of this delay, that his Company thus Spun out the time and lost their opportunities, that he placing the greatest advantage in expedition, if any few would help him, was ready presently to set upon the Senate.(r) In the mean time his House was made the Magazine of Arms and Fireworks, particularly of Swords, Tow, and Brimstone.
(s)But whilst these things were transacting, another design was attempted by them, which over-did the Plot, and happily ruined the whole Affair: They were desirous not only to strengthen themselves, by drawing in Citizens at home, but would add (if possible) some foreign Assistance to Catiline: And it happened that there were then two Ambassadours of the Allobroges, residing at Rome; a Nation much oppressed by the Roman Government, and which [Page 100] above all hated it.(t) They were anciently a People who with their Thousands, came down in torrent expeditions upon the parts of Europe, but at the time of this Conspiracy, inhabited the Plains and Vallies under the Alps; the most considerable of them built the City Vienna, formerly a Village, by them made the Metropolis of the Countrey: This Gallicane Vienna was situated upon the Banks of Rhodanus which flowing violently from the Alps into a great Lake, and then running through the Champaign part of the Allobroges and Segusians mingles its streams with the Araris at Lugdunum: Which places are now known by the modern Names of Daulpine, Piedmont, Savoy, and the Lake Lemane.
The Gallick Nation had ever been most fell and fatal to Rome, but the Conspirators designing her destruction, these were embraced as the most proper [Page 101] instruments(u) for this purpose P. Umbrenus, one who had formerly negotiated in their City, and was well known to the Principal Persons among them, was employed to draw them into the Conspiracy; he asked them something of their concerns, pitied their oppression, and demanded of them what end they could expect of their sufferings? After he had heard them complain of the Covetousness of their Magistrates, the negligence of the Senate, and that they could expect nothing but death as a remedy to their miseries, I know, (says he,) if you would acquit your selves like men, by what you may yet be delivered.
This rais'd great hopes in the Allobroges, they beseeched him to have Mercy on them; that nothing should be so dreadful or difficult, but they would most readily undertake it, to free their City from the Debts wherewith it was encumber'd.
He led them into the House of D. Brutus, which stood near the Forum, and (Brutus himself being out of Town) was by the interest of Sempronia, at the service of the Conspirators. Besides, to add greater Authority to the Proposals he called in Gabinius and then opens the whole Plot, names all that were really engaged in it, besides many more of every quality, who knew nothing of it, that he might enlarge the hopes and resolutions of the Ambassadours; they promised their aid, and so were at present dismist.
(w)But upon farther considerations the Allobrogians became very unresolved what to do: On one side their oppressing Debts, their love of War, the great rewards of Victory, much inclined them; on the other, greater alliance, safer Councils, certain recompence instead of uncertain hopes, offered themselves: amidst these Thoughts at length the good fortune of [Page 103] the Common-wealth prevailed(x) They communicate the whole design to Fabius Sanga, the Patron of their City, (as it was the manner of all the Cities abroad to have their particular Defensors at Rome.) Sanga goes presently and opens all to Cicero, who directs, him to command the Ambassadors that they should conceal their discovery, pretend a vast desire to execute the Plot, visit each Conspirator, promise their utmost assistance, and above all endeavour to get as much evidence as possible.
(y)To this purpose the Allobrogians by Cicero's command get Gabinius to call all the Conspirators together, and then demanded of Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, and Cassius, a formal Oath to be made by them, which should be signed and sealed, and so sent to their Citizens; otherwise they could not possibly draw them in to undertake so great an affair. This was consented to, by all but Cassius, who suspecting the intrigue, withdrew a little, promising to return again presently, but from thence went out of Town before the Ambassadours.
(z) Lentulus thought fit afterwards that one from among themselves should be sent home with the Ambassadours, [Page 104] who might by the way carry Letters to Catiline, and see them give mutual assurance of their fidelity(a) the Person pitched upon was Titus of Crotona, to whom were committed such Letters as were then sent.
(b)Things having proceeded thus far it was appointed that upon IV. Non. Dec. which is our Second of December, the Allobrogians should in the Night as privately as possible begin their Journey; which Cicero being advised of by the Ambassadours did provide for before hand, by sending Flaccus and Pomptinus two Praetors to lie in wait for them at the Milvian Bridge:(c) The Company arrived there by that the third Watch of the Night was almost expired (which with us is near Three a Clock in the Morning) and were presently beset by two Parties that lay on each side the Bridge,(d) As soon as the Praetors came in, the Gallicanes knowing the design, surrendred themselves: Titus Vulturtius the Letter-carrier begg'd of them to stand upon their defence, he drew his Sword, and for a while defended himself from the Multitude, but at last being deserted by the Ambassadours, he conjur'd Pomtinus to whom he was well known, to preserve him; at last fearful and distrusting his Life he submitted to the Praetors as Enemies.
(*)An account of this was presently dispatch'd to the Consul; the Ambassadors and the Letter-carrier brought to his House at Rome; Cicero immediately sends for the Conspirators and(e) Summons the Senate by break of day to meet in the Temple of Concord: Taking a good Omen from the place,(f) it being built by Furius Camillus, upon reconciling a dissention between the Senate and People. Then(g) leading in the Praetor Lentulus in his own Hand, he read the Letters, Examined the Evidence, impeached the Conspirators:(h) And having provided three Persons of very good Reputation, and excellency in writing, C. Cosconius a Praetor, M. Messala a Candidate for the Praetorship, and App. Claudius who took Notes of all that passed, he did in the afternoon in a fully Assembly of the People give them a most particular account of the whole affair in the following Oration.
Cicero's Third Oration against Catiline.
1.(*)YOu see now, O Quirites, this Commonwealth, your Lives, your Goods, your Estates, your Wives, your Children, this Seat of the most renowned Empire, this flourishing and glorious City, this Day by the infinite goodness of the Immortal Gods towards you, and by my Labours, Counsels, Hazards, rescued from the Flame, from the Sword, and from the very Jaws of Destruction, preserved and restored to you. And if those Days in which we are preserved, are no less memorable, and happy, to us, than those in which we were Born; since the condition into which we are Born is uncertain, but a present deliverance is matter of certain joy; since we are Born inapprehensive, but when, preserved are able to recount the Pleasures of our enjoyments: And if with thankfulness and glory, we placed Romulus the Founder of this City among the Immortal Gods; then surely he who saved this same City so built, so augmented, so beautified deserves to be had in Honour with you and your Posterity. For we have restrained those Flames which were just kindling, and surrounding the Temples, the Shrines, the Houses, and Walls of the whole City; we have repelled those Swords that were drawn upon the [Page 107] Common-wealth, we have put by their points from your Throats. Which having been discovered, examined, and proved by me in the Senate, I will now briefly recount to you also, O Quirites, that those of you who are not yet acquainted therewith, but are in expectation, may apprehend how great and manifest they are, by what means they were found out and obtained by us. First, Since Catiline a few Days ago hurried out of the City, and left the Associates of his Villany, the fierce Captains of this horrid War at Rome, I continually watch'd and provided, O Quirites, that we might be safe amidst so great and hidden treacheries.
2. For when I cast Catiline out of the City (a word of envy I am not now afraid of, I rather fear the letting him have gone alive) then, when I sought to root him out, I was confident either the whole Band of Conspirators would go along with him, or those that tarried behind must without him be impotent and ineffective; and when I saw many, whom I knew inflamed with the greatest rage and wickededness, still left among us at Rome; I so spent all my Days, and Nights, as I might best pry into both what they did and designed: That since the incredible greatness of this Treason, must needs diminish the credit of my Oration, I might so possess my self of the Affair, as not to put you upon providing for your safety, till with your own Eyes, you beheld the destructive danger. Therefore, so soon as I found the Allobrogian Ambassadors were Solicited by P. Lentulus, to stir up a Transalpine War, and a Gallick Sedition; that they were sent to their own Citizens, and in the same Journey were to deliver Letters, and instructions to Catiline; that Titus Vulturtius was joined Agent with them, and to him [Page 108] were the Letters to Catiline committed; I reckoned I had got the greatest opportunity, to compass that which seemed most difficult, and which above all I ever begg'd of the Immortal Gods: that this Conspiracy might not only be made manifest to me, but to the Senate and you. To this purpose I yesterday sent for to me L. Flaccus, and C. Pomptinus, valiant Praetors, and great lovers of the Common-wealth; I told them the whole Affair, and shewed them what I would have done. They, (whose designs were ever generous, and advantageous for the Publick) without any scruple, or delay, undertook the business, and so soon as it began to be dark, went privately to the Milvian Bridge; so posting themselves in two Parties about the Neighbouring Villages, that Tiber and the Bridge were between them, Thither also, without any suspicion, they drew many Valiant men; and several choice young Gentlemen taken out of the Reatine praefecture, (whose assistance I continually make use of in preserving the Common-wealth,) I sent thither with their Swords. As the third Watch of the Night was almost expired, the Allobrogian Ambassadours with a great retinue, and T. Vulturcius with them, began to enter upon the Bridge; an on set was made upon them, and Swords drawn on both sides; the two Praetors only knew the design, the rest acted meerly upon their direction.
3. Then Pomptinus, and Flaccus coming in, presently appeased the fight; all Letters whatsoever were delivered as sealed to the Praetors; and every one of them that were taken, brought before me about break of Day. Presently I sent for that Cimbrian Gabinius, the impious contriver of all these Villanies (while he suspected nothing) to appear [Page 109] before me. Then I call'd for P. Statilius, and after him C. Cethegus: but last of all, and much indisposed came Lentulus; I believe he had sat up very late the Night before, to write Letters more than ordinary. In the Morning there came to me the greatest and most eminent Persons of the City, who hearing the news were mightily of the Opinion that I should open the Letters before I brought them into the Senate; lest they not answering expectation I should seem to have raised too great an hurry in the City: But I was positive, not to do any thing in such a publick danger, without referring it to the publick Council. For in my Opinion, O Quirites, if those things which had been discovered to me, had not been found out, yet I think in so great dangers of the Common-wealth, I could not fear the using of too much diligence. I presently summoned (as you all know) a full Senate: And in the mean time, by the advice of the Allobrogians, I sent C. Sulpicius a Praetor, and very trusty, to search the House of C. Cethegus for Arms, and to bring with him, what he found there: From whence he hath now brought me a very great number of Daggers, and Swords.
4. I introduced T. Vulturtius without the Gallicanes, and by command of the Senate, promised him the publick Faith: exhorting him without any fear to speak plainly what he knew. At length, when he had recovered himself out of a pannick fear, he confessed he was sent by P. Lentulus with Letters, and instructions to Catiline, to advise him that he would use even all the servile assistance he could get, and as soon as possible draw towards the City with an Army. And with this design, that so soon as they had fired every part of it, as it had been divided and distributed among them; so soon as they had [Page 110] accomplished their Massacre of the Citizens, he might be at hand to snap those that fled, and then join himself with these City-Captains. Then were the Gallicane Embassadours introduced, who declared, that they had an Oath administred to them, and Letters from P. Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, addressing to their Countrey; that they were directed by L. Cassius to bring their Horse as soon as they could into Italy, and not to be too slow with their Foot Forces: That Lentulus did very much assure himself our of the Sybilline Prophecies and Divinations of the Augurs, he should be the Third Cornelius, who must needs come to the Government of this City and Empire, the two before him having been Cinna, and Sylla; that this Year must be fatal to the City and Empire, as being the Tenth since the Virgins absolution, the Twentieth since the burning of the Capitol: But this they said was the only dispute between Cethegus, and the rest, they would have the Massacre, and firing of the City to be upon the Saturnalia; Cethegus thought that too long a delay.
5. Not to be tedious, O Quirites, we commanded the Letters to be produced, as they were said to have been delivered to them, by any Person; First, We shewed Cethegus his Seal, he acknowledged it; then we broke it open, and read it written in his own hand, that he would perform to the Senate, and People of the Allobroges whatsoever he had undertaken to their Ambassadours; and pray'd them to observe those instructions their Ambassadours now brought them. Then Cethegus who a little before had made some evasions to those Swords and Daggers that were taken in his House, saying, That he was ever a lover of good Arms; upon reading the Letter [Page 111] was so strangely dejected and amazed that restrain'd by Conscience he spake not a word more: Statilius being brought in, acknowledged both his Hand and Seal: then were his Lettets read of the same import with the former, which without more ado he confessed. Then I shewed Lentulus his Letter, and asked him whether he would acknowledge his Seal, which he did: I told him 'twas very well known, the Effigies of his Grandfather, an eminent Person one who most entirely lov'd his Countrey and his fellow Citizens; I told him the very silent appearance thereof, might have been sufficient to recall him from such a villanous enterprize. The Letters also to the Senate, and People of the Allobroges were read, and I gave him liberty to speak if he had any thing in relation to them: At first he denied all, then the whole Evidence being given and opened, he rose up, and ask'd the Gallicanes, what he ever had to do with them, or to what purpose they should ever come to his House: The same he also demanded of Vulturtius. They answered with brevity, and constancy, who it was that brought them thither and how often they had been there; and they asked him, whether he had never spoken to them of the Sybilline Oracle; But then immediately confoundded with the Treason (such is the power of Conscience!) he declared, 'twas so. He might have denied the whole, but to the amazement of all present he made a surprizing confession. Thus not only his Wit and Eloquence for which he was always so eminent, failed him; but such was the conviction of his discovered and exposed Treason, that his very impudence and equivocation, wherein he had no equal, were at an utter loss. Vulturtius then presently demanded that the Letters which were [Page 112] given to him from Lentulus to Catiline, might be produced and opened: At which Lentulus, was in an extream disturbance, yet he acknowledged his Hand and Seal: They had no Name to them, but the words were these, Who I am you will know by him whom I have sent to you, consider well in what necessity you are, and remember to be valiant: Consider what the Estate of your Affairs requires; ask aid of all even the meanest.—Gabinius being then brought in began to answer with a great deal of impudence but at last denied nothing of what the Gallicanes had accused him. And though O Quirites, the Letters, the Hands, and Seals, lastly every Mans own confession seemed to me undeniable Arguments, and Evidences of the Treason; yet their Colours, their Eyes, their Countenances, their silence, gave me much greater Assurance of their Guilt. So were they amazed, so did they look down, so did they sometimes steal a look from one another that they seemed, not to have been discovered by others but by themselves.
6. The Evidences being thus given and opened, I did then, O Quirites, ask the Senate what was best to be done, for preservation of the Common-wealth. Many brave and important Proposals were offered by the principal Members, which the Senate very unanimously followed. And because in our Memory, O Quirites, the Votes have not been enrolled, I will give you an account what was the sense of the House. First, Thanks were given me in the largest expressions, for that by my Virtue, Counsel, and Care, the Common-wealth had been delivered from the greatest dangers. Then were L. Flaccus, and C. Pomptinus the Praetors, whose faithful and valiant assistance I made use of most deservedly honoured. [Page 113] And also that excellent Person my Collegue, had thanks imparted to him, for removing from his own and the publick Counsels, all the Abettors of this Conspiracy. Then it was resolved that P. Lentulus renouncing the Praetorship, should be committed. That C. Cethegus, L. Statilius, P. Gabinius, who were all present, should be also committed. The same Decree passed against L. Cassius, who took upon himself the management of burning the City; against M. Caeparius, to whom, as it was discovered, Apulia was assign'd, that he might raise the Shepherds of that Countrey: Against P. Furius, a principal Person of those Colonies which L. Sulla planted at Faesulae: Against Q. Manlius Chilo, who all along assisted Furius in soliciting the Allobrogians: Against P. Umbrenus a Freeman, by whom as it appeared, those Gallicanes were first brought to Gabinius. And the Senate used such moderation, O Quirites, that out of so great a Conspiracy, so great an Interest, so great a Multitude of Domestick Enemies, only by the punishment of Nine most profligate Wretches, it was their Opinion the Commonwealth might be preserved, the Minds of all the rest that were disaffected restored to a temper. There was also, O Quirites, a publick Thanksgiving to the Immortal Gods for their especial goodness to us, decreed in my Name; which no Gown-man ever yet obtained since this City was built; the Words of the Decree were these: That I had delivered the City from burning, the Citizens from Massacre, Italy from War. Which Thanksgiving, O Quirites, compared with others, hath this difference; they were appointed for a good management of the Commonwealth, this alone for its preservation. That which was first requisite to be done was accordingly transacted; For P. Lentulus [Page 114] convict by the Evidence, by his own confession, by the judgment of the Senate, did not only lose the right of a Praetor, but of a Citizen, and laid down his Magistracy: That (though respect to the Authority, did not restrain the renowned. C. Marius, from killing C. Glaucias Praetor, of whom nothing was by Name decreed) we might be delivered even from the Religious awe of that, by now punishing P. Lentulus as a private Person.
7. Now, Quirites, these impious Leaders of the most horrid and dangerous War are taken and comitted, you may conclude, that all the Forces of Catiline, all his hopes, all his strength are ruined in the suppression of these. Whom when I had driven out of the City, I foresaw so far gone, O Quirites, that neither the drowsiness of P. Lentulus, nor the fat of L. Cassius, nor the furious rashness of Cethegus, was any more to be dreaded. He alone was to be feared, and that only so long as he was harboured within the City Walls. Then, he knew every thing, had access to every Man; then, could, and dared send about, solicit, suborn: He had advice for every enterprise, nor was his Tongue, or his Hand wanting to the Execution of his Counsels. Now he hath some men chosen, and appointed for accomplishing his designs; but he was wont never to think any thing done when he had given Orders for it, there was no thing but what he himself would undertake, he would set upon it, watch over it, labour in it; he could bear Cold, and Thirst, and Hunger. And therefore this Man, so eager, so provided, so bold, so cunning, so watchful in villany, so active in Treason, if I had not driven him out of his Domestick lurkings, into his Rendezvouz of Rogues abroad (I tell you truly, O Quirites, [Page 115] what I think) I could not easily have lifted this vast burden of mischief off your Necks. If he had been here, he would never have appointed the Saturnalia for you, nor would he have so long declared the destruction and fatal Day to the Commonwealth; nor would he ever have committed such an over-sight, that his Seal, and his Letters should be produced as Evidences of his manifest Treason. Which now in his absence are so managed that there never was any Robbery of a private House so plainly found out, as this Conspiracy against the Common-wealth is evidently detected and apprehended. But, if Catiline had continued in the City to this Day, though I had as much as possible, met and resisted his designs; yet, to speak the least, we must have engaged with him; nor could we ever whilst he continued an Enemy in the City have freed the Common-wealth from so great hazards with such Peace, such Quiet, such Silence.
8. Though I must confess, O Quirites, all these things were so managed by me, that they seem to have been both laid and performed by the direction and counsel of the Immortal Gods. This we may very well conclude of, because humane Counsels can hardly seem to sway so great Transactions; then, at each nick of time they afforded such present relief and assistance that we have had almost an ocular demonstration of them. For if I should pass over those blazing Stars seen in the West, the Heavens burning, the Thunderbolts, the Earthquakes, and many other such things, which in the time of our Consulship have been so numerous, that the Immortal Gods seem themselves to have proclaimed what hath now been done. Yet this, O Quirites, which I am now about to say, must by no means he pass'd [Page 116] over or left out. You cannot but remember that when Cotta and Torquatus were Consuls, a great deal of the Capitol was destroyed by Lightning, the Images of the Immortal Gods beaten down, the Statues of our Ancestors broken, the Brass upon which our Laws were Engraven, melted: And particularly, Romulus the Founder of this City was struck; there (as you know,) he lay, a golden Infant sucking, and gaping after the Teats of the Wolf. At which time the Augurs flock't together out of all Hetruria, and declared that there were Massacres and Fires, Eversion of Laws, Civil and Domestick Wars, destruction of the whole City, and Empire, approaching; unless the Immortal Gods being appeased should through their Divinity change as it were the very course of Fate. By their advice a Jubile was held for Ten Days, nor was any thing omitted which appertain'd to mitigate the displeasure of the Gods: 'Twas also by the same Persons enjoin'd, that Jupiter should have a greater Image, placed on high and (contrary to what formerly it was) the Face turned towards the East: And so they gave us hopes, if that Image (which you behold,) look't toward the rising of the Sun, the Forum, and the Curia; then would all the Counsels, which were privately entered upon, against the safety of this City, and Empire, be so detected that the Senate and whole Roman People might see thoroughly into them. And thus those Consuls Decreed it to be placed: But so slowly was it carried on, that neither by the former Consuls, nor by us hath it been accomplished before this Day.
9. Here, O Quirites, who can be so averse from Truth, so mad, so stupid, as to deny all these things which we see, especially, this City to be managed [Page 117] by the direction and power of the Immortal Gods? For when it was then interpreted, that there was a Massacre, a Fire, an over-throw of the Common-wealth preparing, and all by mischievous Citizens, which yet for the greatness of the Villanies seem'd incredible, you now find that such things were not only intended but attempted. Did it not fall out just so as to appear to be effected by the Providence of the best, and greatest Jove; that when yesterday Morning the Conspirators, and their discoverers were by my order led through the Forum, at that very time, the Statue should be erected? Which by its situation being turned towards you and the Senate, the Senate and you have now beheld, all those things that were contrived against the safety of the Common-wealth, clear'd, and proved. Of how much greater hatred then, and punishment are they worthy, who have endeavoured to throw their impious Fires not only into your Houses, and Lodgings, but into the Shrines and Temples of the Gods: Which if I should say I had restrained it would be intolerable presumption. 'Twas he, 'twas Jupiter that withstood them: He saved the Capitol, these Temples, this City; he preserved you all. From the Immortal Gods, O Quirites, I received my understanding, my will, by them was I led to these so great discoveries. And for the solicitation of the Allobrogians, by Lentulus, and the rest of our domestick Enemies, so great an Affair had never been trusted to Persons so unknown and forraign, those Letters had certainly never been Committed to them, unless by the Immortal Gods, they had been infatuated and all Counsel snatch'd away from so bold an enterprise. Then that the Gallicane People of a discontented City, the only remaining People that seem able to make War [Page 118] upon the Romans, and yet not do it; that these should neglect the hopes of Empire, and the greatest advantages proferr'd to them even by Patricians, and prefer your safety before their own profit: Do you think that this was not eminently the Divine work? Especially when they needed not have used force, but only have kept silence and overcome us.
10. Wherefore, O Quirites, since Prayers are decreed at every Altar, go, and celebrate these Days with your Wives and Children; many Honours just and due have been given to the Immortal Gods, but more just than these were never any: For, snatcht from the most cruel, and miserable destruction, (and snatcht you were, without Slaughter, without Blood, without an Army, without the least Affray, (in your Gowns have you overcome under the conduct and command of one Gownman. Now do but call to mind, O Quirites, those Seditions, not only which you have heard of, but those which you your selves remember, and have seen; L. Sulla supprest P. Sulpicius; cast C. Marius Keeper of the City out of it: And of many other brave men, some he banish'd, some he put to death. Cn. Octavius the Consul, by force of Arms drave his own Colleague out of the City. Then was this place heaped with the Bodies, and flowing with the Blood of the Citizens. Afterwards Cinna with Marius overcame, and then so many Eminent men were slain, that the Lights of the City seem'd extinguish'd. At length Sylla reveng'd the cruelty of this Victory. But there is no need to tell you with what destruction of Citizens, with how great Calamity to the whole Common-wealth, M. Lepidus opposed that most worthy and brave Man, Q. Catulus; but his fall gave not such occasion to the Common-wealth to mourn, as it did to those [Page 119] Persons that were concerned with him. Such as these, O Quirites, were the sormer Seditions; yet were they not design'd for subversion, but only for alteration of the Government: They did not desire to have no Common-wealth, but only to be chief in that which was; they did not wish to burn down the City, but only to be advanced in it; yet all these Seditions, (none of which aimed at the destruction of the Common-wealth,) were at last determined, not by a peaceful Reconciliation but by a Bloody Slaughter of the Citizens. This one, alone, since the Memory of Man, the greatest and most cruel War, such a War as the worst Salvages never attempted upon their own People, in which was the Law made by Lentulus, Catiline, Cassius, Cethegus, that all those who were safe, while the City was safe, should be accounted among the number of Enemies: I have so managed Affairs, O Quirites, that you are all preserved in safety, that when your Enemies intended there should be no more Citizens left than a boundless Massacre could not devour, so much only of the City as the Flames could not consume, I have kept both the City and the Citizens, entire, untoucht.
11. For all which eminent Service, O Quirites, I ask of you no reward of Virtue, no Ensign of Honour, no Monument of Praise, but only the perpepetual Memory of this Day. I would have all my Triumphs, all Ornaments of Honour, all Monuments of Glory, all Ensigns of Praise, to be placed and treasured up in your affections, None of those dumb shews and pictur'd Honours which the less worthy can attain, delight me: Our Affairs are cherished in your Memory, O Quirites, they grow by your Discourses, they shall be strengthened and perpetuated [Page 120] by the Monuments of History: That Day I mean, which I hope will be eternally Commemorated, which was created for the preservation of of this City, and Glory of my Consulship. When at the same time, there were two Citizens in this Common-wealth, one of which terminated the Bounds of your Empire, not by the extent of Earth, but the Regions of Heaven; the other saved the House and Seat of the same Empire.
12. But because the state and condition of those Affairs I have managed, make my Circumstances very different from those Persons who wage the forreign Wars; for I must live among those I have conquered and subdued; they either destroy their Enemies or quit them, when reduced; it lies upon you, O Quirites, to provide that if their good actions advantage them, mine may not prejudice me. I have taken care that the impious and cruel designs of these most audacious Men have done you no hurt, now you must take care that they hurt not me. Though for my own part, O Quirites, I can not be much hurt by them; there is the greatest Guard in good men, whom I am now for ever assured of: There is a great reverence to the Common-wealth, which will always, even when silent, defend me: There is a great power of Conscience, which, when those that neglect it, would destroy me, shall make them betray themselves. There is also such a resolved mind in you, O Quirites, that we shall not only not give place to any Mans audaciousness, but we shall ever freely provoke all the base and villanous. What if all the rage of our domestick Enemies was remov'd from you, and turned upon me alone? Then must you provide, O Quirites, as considering in what condition you would hereafter have those to be, who [Page 121] for your sakes have offered up themselves to envy and all hazards. What more is there that I can add to the enjoyments of my life especially since as to the Honour and the Praise of Virtue, I can see nothing higher to which I may ascend? This only would I aim at, O Quirites, that what I have done in my Consulship I may, when a private Person, defend and adorn: That if there be any envy to be sustain'd for preserving the Common-wealth, it may hurt the envious, and turn to my glory. Lastly, I will ever so behave my self in the Common-wealth, as always remembring what I have already performed and that so agreeably, that it may appear all my performances have been directed by Virtue, not by chance. And now, O Quirites, because the Night approaches, worship Jupiter, the Keeper of this City, and of you: Depart to your own Houses, and (although the danger seems to be over) yet with the same guard and watchfulness defend them, as you did the Night before. That you may not long be put to this trouble, but that you may be established in perpetual Peace, shall be my care.
(i)This Oration took extreamly with the People, but chiefly upon this account, that while Cicero was speaking, the Image of Jupiter was placed in the [Page 122] Capitol, looking (as the Diviners had directed) towards the rising Sun and the great Forum; for since the Conspiracy had been foretold by the ruine of the former Image, and the seising of the Conspirators fell out just at the erecting this, the Populace ador'd the Divinity, and grew much more enraged at those who had provoked the wrath of Heaven against them.
(k)That Night were the Vestal Solemnities kept in Cicero's House, to which it was esteemed the highest profaneness for any but Women to have access; the principal Person at the celebration was usually the Consuls Wife or Mother: Cicero therefore with two or three Friends retiring into a Neighbours House, sat [Page 123] Melancholy, and musing in great doubt what to do. He could not resolve to be severe and execute punishments proportionable to the crimes, not only from his own inclinations to lenity, but because he would not seem too much exalted with Authority, as he must, it he did according to the measures of Justice proceed against so many noble Persons, who were surrounded with the friendship of the most potent men in the City. Yet he dreaded the danger of determining more mildly, for should they suffer any thing less than death, they would not love him for his Mercy, but break out into greater excesses, their old anger would be enflamed with new rage. He also would incur the imputations of softness and fear, whose courage was already by many very much disputed.
Amidst these perplexities in came his Wife Terentia, commanded by the Vestal Virgins to entreat his prosecution of those Affairs which he had undertaken for the sake of his Countrey: Their Goddess having exhibited a miraculous light as a token of his ensuing safety and glory: for as the Fire lay sleeping upon the Altar in the Brands-ends and Embers, on a sudden a bright flame rose from them,(l) and extended it self to an extraordinary height.
That all these Religious Observations, and the many publick Prodigies then so much insisted upon, should be supposed nothing but mistake & imposture, too much reflects upon the judgment and fidelity of our great Authors, either that they could not discern, [Page 124] or would not give us an account of the Truth; and on the other side that the Divinity should so evidently appear in such Worship as was a notorious lye, and dishonour to the Majesty of Heaven, is as hard to conceive. But then how far God will pass by these failures, where he hath not offered the opportunities of better information, and men do substantially adore (as(m) Cicero did) a vigilant active over-ruling providence: How far besides the common Witness of rain from Heaven and fruitful Seasons, He will interpose with extraordinary and praeternatural occurences; how far he will appear concerned for maintaining the Interest of Moral Virtues and all those lawful Governments he hath established in the World, against Traitors and Villains who design most babarously to subvert them, doth not admit of a short determination.
(n)The next day one Lucius Tarquinius going to join with Catiline was apprehended upon the Road, and brought before the Senate: He then promised to discover the Conspiracy if they would give him a publick assurance of his Pardon; after which, the Consul bidding him tell what he knew, he related the very same that Titus Vulturcius had done as to the intended Fire, Massacre, and March of the Enemy: But then added, that he was sent by M. Crassus with this Message to Catiline, that he should not be terrified with the seizure of Lentulus, and Cethegus, and the [Page 126] rest of the Conspiracy, but make more hast to come upon the City, whereby he would raise the Spirits of his Party, and they might be easily rescued out of danger.
But so soon as ever Tarquinius named Crassus, a Person Noble, vastly rich, and powerful, some looked upon it as a thing incredible; others, though they thought it might possibly be true, yet to them, at such a time it seemed necessary rather to engage, then exasperate the power of so great a Man: Many that lay under private Obligations to him cried out more impatiently that the Evidence was false, and demanded that the Question might be put to know the Sense of the House; accordingly the Consul Cicero proposing it, a resolve passed in full Senate that Tarquin was suborn'd, and that he should be committed till he discovered by whose advice he had framed so great a Lie.
There were then several opinions, some thought it devised by P. Autronius, that joining Crassus in the danger, the Conspirators might cover themselves under his power. Others said that it was contrived by Cicero, that Crassus himself being aspersed might not by taking upon him (as he used to do) the Patronage of the corrupt party, disturb the settlement of the Common-wealth. Certain 'tis he himself did publickly accuse Cicero, as the Author of so great a calumny(o) and ever was his adversary; but his Son Publius Crassus a great Philosopher, and lover of [Page 127] Learning, stood always between them, and with great affection so far sympathiz'd in Cicero's troubles, (which afterwards happen'd) that he and his Companions, (persuaded by him,) put on mourning for him, and at length prevailed upon his Father so far as to effect a reconciliation.
(p) Cicero did on the other hand in one of his Orations blot Crassus and Caesar too with a mark of Infamy in this Affair, but it was not published till after they were both dead. At this time certainly he produced nothing against Caesar which might impeach him as guilty of the horrid design: What the Consuls united fear and prudence might stiffle, is suggested rather than asserted.
(q)'Tis also said that then Q. Catulus (whose constant Virtue, and universal esteem, must be acknowledged to render the story suspected) and C. Piso did never cease importuning Cicero both by intreaties and promises, that he would either by the Allobrogians, or some other discoverer get C. Caesar falsly accused. For they both had a great grudge against him, he being [Page 128] Piso's accuser, in an action of cruel extortion, and Catulus's victorious Antagonist for the High-priesthood. And indeed Caesar's circumstances would have rendred his impeachment probably true, he being both by his private generosity and publick munificence fall'n under very heavy Debts.
(r)But the Consul could by no means be prevail'd upon to undertake so vile an enterprise, and therefore they are said to have gone about and scattered stories which they pretended to have heard from Vulturcius and the Allobroges, whereby they raised a very great storm of envy against Caesar, insomuch that some of the Roman Knights who stood as a Guard about the Temple of Concord (where the Senate was assembled) either out of a sense of their danger, or an impulse of affection to shew their zeal for the Common-wealth, were like to have assassinated him, as he came out of the Senate.
(s)But Cicero himself was so far from assisting the attempt, that being look'd upon for a little countenance [Page 129] he shewed the greatest dislike, knowing how much the People would resent it; or rather he esteemed it an unjust and illegal Murder. Yet In after-times some would needs blame the Consul for not taking that opportunity of suppressing Caesar, as if he then only chose to endear himself to the People, by preserving their Favourite. So that then there was nothing considerable alledged by Cicero against Caesar, and if there was any thing afterward it must be either from some evidence not extant, or from that favour he shewed the Conspirators in acting so strenuously against their Capital punishments. Shapeless and boundless are the intrigues of a Plot, which being always laid in the dark, becomes manageable, according to the various affections, interests, and designs of men: 'Twas necessary for P. Autronius by shams and subornations to overload Justice, that he might rescue himself and his fellow Conspirators from a due prosecution: 'Twas as necessary for Cicero by a prudential, rather than a severe management of it, to drive on the safety of the Common-wealth as it was able to go. Crassus may well be supposed for the corrupt Party, but not for sinking that state wherein he enjoyed the vastest Treasures: Caesar had no doubt the most ambitious designs, but then they must be agreeable to himself, noble and glorious; he could not entertain thoughts of seeing his Countrey in Blood and Ashes, or of calling in barbarous Foreigners to destroy his fellow Citizens; his Empire afterwards was equally a demonstration of his Valour and Mercy.
C. Piso (though not Q. Catulus) might also have a turn to serve, and make use of publick Justice for a private revenge; might squeeze accusations into the shape he would have them, whilst Truth and safety groaning under the oppression; thus are men of [Page 130] different concerns and sizes, nor will Interest ever suffer them all to take the same measures; the cruel and indigent draw the Arrow to the Head, the discontented half way, the generously ambitious only take aim and opportunity. But amidst all these, how great necessity is there that the God of Heaven should be ever superintending Empires, and Kingdoms, and Nations! The four fighting Elements may as well be left to themselves, as the interests and affections of men. Nothing in Nature wants a more particular regard of Heaven then the Intrigues of State; none have more need to implore the Succours of the Al [...]ghty than those that bear his Authority, but want his infinite perfections; which humane nature being not capable of, lies under a necessity of having continual recourse to the one Omnipotent and Omniscient Power.
(t)The same Day that the Evidence of Lucius Tarquinius was voted false, Titus Vulturtius and the Allobrogian Ambassadors (whose discovery, even those who were not for the Capital punishment of the Conspirators, acknowledged true) received the greatest rewards. Which being not particularly mentioned here may be supposed the greatest of those that had been before offered,(u) being above Fifteen hundred Pound a Man.
(w)It had been decreed by the Senate the Day before [Page 131] this, upon the reading the Letters, and producing the Seals which the Conspirators could not but acknowledge, that Lentulus (being deprived of his Magistracy) and the rest of them should be committed, not to the confinement of a Prison, but secured by some particular Magistrate or eminent Person. Accordingly, Lentulus was delivered to P. Lentulus Spinther, who was then Aedile; C. Cethegus, to Q. Cornificius; Statilius, to C. Caesar; Gabinius, to M. Crassus; and Ceparius (having been taken a little while after he made his escape) to Cn. Terentius a Senator.
(x)And this Night many both of the Servants and Freemen, partly out of fear as to their own concerns, partly out of pity to Lentulus and the rest, got together with a design to rescue them, fearing the Sentence might at last prove Capital.
(y) Cethegus sent to all his Retainers, Gladiators and Gentlemen, and whosoever had any courage left, that they would make a Tumult and break in to him.
(z) Cicero, having intelligence of this, secures the Capitol and Forum that Night with a strong Guard, [Page 132] (a) and next Morning, being the Nones, [our Fifth] of December, (b) calls together the Senate, and proposes to them what they would please to have done with those that were in custody.
(c)The first Person required according to custom to declare his Opinion was, D. Junius Silanus Consul Elect, for since the Execution of Decrees most nearly concerned those that were designed to the highest Authority, their resolves were supposed most advisable and beneficial.(d) His Sentence was that they should be clapt into Prison, and there suffer the utmost punishment:(e) This also he proposed for L. Cassius, P. Furius, P. Umbrenus, and Q. Amnius, when they should be apprehended.
(f) To this many assented till it came to T. Nero, who judged that they should he kept in Custody till Catiline was overcome, and the Conspiracy more exactly discovered: This took but faintly till it came to(g) Caesar, who being asked his Opinion by the Consul, made the following Speech.
*IT becomes, O Conscript Fathers, all Persons who consult in such difficult Affairs, to be very free both from hatred, and friendship, both from anger and pity: The Mind cannot judge impartially where these sway: nor can affection and publick good be easily gratified together. When you act according to the dictates of the understanding the effects thereof will be agreeable, if affection possesseth you, that tyrannizeth and the Mind becomes useless under the oppression. I could offer you, O Conscript Fathers, many presidents of Kingdoms and Nations which have been ruined by the results of Passion, but I had rather produce the examples of our Ancestors, who by decreeing what became themselves, more than what their Enemies deserved, reduced them into a well composed and lasting Obedience; in that [Page 134] Macedonian War which we waged with King Perses, the great and rich City of Rhodes, (grown so by the favour of the Roman People) became perfidious and adverse to our Interests; yet when the War was concluded and a Consultation held what should be done with those Rhodians, our Ancestors dismissed them unpunished, that none might afterwards say the War was begun rather to enrich our selves then to repel injuries in all the Punick Wars, the Carthaginians would often in times of Truce and Cessation of Arms, practice the basest Villanies against us, but we never took the opportunites of like requitals: We ever more tenderly regarded the demands of Honour than the exactions of Justice. This is that, O Conscript Fathers, which I would have you consult in the present Affair of Lentulus and the rest, what will be most agreeable to your Reputation and Government rather then to your indignation. If indeed a punishment be requisite which bears a just proportion to their Treason, we must find out some thing new, but if that exceeds all humane Invention, then let us be contented to follow the most usual Methods of Law.
Those that spake before me have excellently commiserated the Common-wealth, have considered the cruelty of War, have recounted the miseries of the conquered: The ravishing of Virgins, the haling Children from the Embraces of their Parents, the Matrons exposed to the Victors fury; Temples, and Houses demolished; Fire and Sword raging; in a word, every place filled with Blood and Confusion, with the heaps of the dead and the groans of the dying.
But what I wonder can be the design of such an Oration? Is it to make us more enraged at the Conspiracy? This is needless, those who have not been moved by the horrid Nature of it, will never be [Page 135] stirred up by an Oration. No, 'tis needless: We want it not; no Mortal Men were ever apt to esteem the injuries intended them too small, they have often judged them greater than indeed they were.
Above all, O Conscript Fathers, we should be afraid of an excess of Indignation; when those who live obscurely, err in undue heats of Passion, but few take notice of it, their Fortune and their Fame are equals; but we who are raised to so great an Empire, have all Mankind for the Censurers of our actions; so that the greatest power hath the least liberty to transgress its just bounds: We cannot honourably allow our selves to be partial to any, to hate any, no, nor so much as to be angry with any. What in others is only called Anger, in us will be Pride and Cruelty; I do indeed believe, O Conscript Fathers, that no torments are too great for their deserts; but People are always inclined more to remember what was last, and to consider the Cruelties of punishment than the Merits of the Cause. I am certain what the excellent Silanus spoke was from a sincere affection to the Common-wealth, that in so great an Affair he would not interpose either private love or hatred; I am well acquainted both with his worth and modesty; but what should lead him to such an Opinion? Cruel I can't say (for what can be cruel against such offenders?) But very different from our Polity. 'Tis idle to suppose, fear should be the cause of it, since by the diligence of the most renowned Consul, we are abundantly secur'd from dangers. As to the Nature of the punishment, Death is not so much a torment it self as the end of others; it dissoves all the Miseries of Mortality, and beyond that is neither care nor joy. But why (let Heaven judge) was it not proposed in the Senate [Page 136] that they should be first beaten with Rods? Was it not because you know the Porcian Law forbids it? And other Laws command the Penalty of Banishment, not that of Death, for condemned Citizens. And now, is it more grievous to be Whipt than to be put to Death? If it be then, why is not that most heavy and severe punishment inflicted upon Persons guilty (as these are) of the highest Crimes? But if Whipping be the more gentle and moderate, how comes the Law to restrain you in that which is the less, if you are not to be restrained from that which is the utmost severity.
But you will say, who shall ever blame us for such a Decree against the manifest Traitors of the Common-wealth? Yes, time and chance brings all things about, and every Nation is subject to their Tyranny. These men will deserve what they have: But consider well, O Conscript Fathers what you do; the worst Presidents have good Originals; when the Government comes into the hands of ignorant or less good men, this new Example will be transferred from these who have deserved to die, to those who have not.
The Lacaedemonians, upon the Conquest of Athens, appointed Thirty Persons to manage the Government; at first these began to put to Death without Trial every one that was notoriously mischievous and hated; the People rejoiced at this they said it was very well done; after a while, that the Tyranny was grown strong they were wont with the like Arbitrary Power to kill good and bad, that all might be kept in awe. Thus the City being slavishly oppressed suffered the severe rewards of its foolish joy.
In our Memory, when Sylla executed Damasippus and some other vile Persons, who did not rejoice and [Page 137] applaud it? Ill and Factious men who disturbed the Government deserv'd (as 'twas said) to be put to death, but that was only an entrance; afterwards whoever had an House or Farm, or any Goods and Chattels, which were worth coveting, was brought into the Number of the proscribed till those that rejoiced at the Death of Damasippus, were forced to follow that fate which they so unwarily admired: Nor did Sylla ever leave cutting Throats, till his whole Party was well replenish'd with the spoil.
This I do not fear from M. Tullius, nor the present times; but in our great City we may expect variety of Successors, at another time, there may be another Consul with an Army at his command, who may think that true, which is indeed false: Now if he hath this example, and by Decree of the Senate the Sword be put into the Consuls hands; who shall put a stop to him or oblige him to moderation.
Our Ancestors, O Conscript Fathers, never wanted either Councel or Courage; nor hath Pride hindered them from imitating the Customs of forreign Nations, when they were honourable and advantageous; their Arms and Military Exercises they learned of the Samnites; the Ensigns of Magistracy they took up from the Hetrusci; Lastly, whatsoever seemed well either among Allies or Enemies they practised with the greatest emulation at home: They were always for imitating rather then envying the good: Then also they followed the Customs of Greece, corrected their Citizens with Rods, punished the Condemn'd with Death; but afterwards, when the Common-wealth was come to its full growth, and by the Multitude of Citizens Factions began to reign, the Innocent to be circumvented and other such [Page 138] mischiefs; then were the Porcian and other Laws enacted, whereby banishment was granted to the Condemned.
This under favour, O Conscript Fathers, I look upon as great Reason why we should not aim at new Counsels; their Virtue and their Wisdom which raised so great an Empire out of such small beginnings, are much more to be valued than ours who hardly keep what they left us.
What do I desire then? That they should be dismissed and augment the Forces of Catiline? No: I I would have all their Estates confiscated, I would have them kept Prisoners up and down in the strongest Free Towns of Italy; That hereafter no one intercede either to the Senate, or the People for them; whoever shall, let the Senate judg him an Enemy to the common safety.
(h)This Oration so much swayed the House which was then in some dread of the People, that Silanus did afterwards retract the Sentence he had proposed, or at least to explain himself, that by the utmost Penalty he did not intend Death but imprisonment, which was the utmost a Roman might suffer.
(i)But then Marcus Cato Head of the Porcian Family a Person who was the very likeness of Virtue, and had more of the Divine than the Humane Nature in him, who never did well that he might seem to do so, but because he could not do otherwise; to whom that always seemed most reasonable that was most just; who was free from Vice (and therefore had dominion over Fortune:) Being then Tribune Elect, though a very young Man, and his Opinion asked one of the last, spake with such force both of Wit, and reason, that he restored the wavering Senate by this following Oration.
*WHen I consider our Affairs and Dangers, O Conscript Fathers, and weigh with them those Sentences some have proposed, I must declare my self of a far different Opinion: They seem to have been debating the Punishment of those who have raised War against their Countrey, and their Parents, the Houses where they were Born, the Temples where (if they had any Religion) they [Page 140] were wont to adore; but after what manner? Doth not the thing it self require us to consult, how we shall be most certainly delivered from these men, rather then what gentle punishments we inflict upon them?
You may punish other Crimes when they are committed, this unless you take care to prevent, no Tribunal can signifie any thing; the City once taken, nothing is left to the Conquered.
Let me now (by the Immortal Gods) appeal, not to the generous Lovers of their Countrey, but even to those who love their Houses, Gardens, and Pictures better the Common-wealth; if you desire to enjoy these, and a serene course of Pleasure, rouze up your selves and lay hold on the sinking Empire: We are not now about Taxes and Alliances; Life and Liberty lie at Stake.
I have very often, O Conscript Fathers, in this place complained of the Luxury and Avarice of of our Citizens, and I have many Enemies upon that account; and if I would never for my own repose, favour the Commission of a Crime, I will not now pardon the Lusts of those who have almost perpetrated our utter ruine. You took indeed but little notice of my reprimands, and yet the Common-wealth stood; the excellency of the establishment supplied the wants of diligence and virtue: But now the Question is not whether we will live vertuously, or vitiously, not how great and magnificent the Roman Empire shall be, but (whatever other thoughts you may) now 'tis whether we and all ours shall not fall into the power of the Enemy. Here shall any Man call moderate proceedings gentleness, and pity? We have long ago lost the right use of words; to lavish other mens Goods is named Liberality; a frontless [Page 141] impudence in Vice is assurance; to this pass is the Common-wealth come! Well; since 'tis so, let men be esteemed liberal with borrowed Estates; let them be merciful to Thieves and Rogues; but let them not be profuse with our Blood, and whilst they save a few Villains destroy every good Man in the City.
C. Caesar hath indeed spoken very accurately; something he said of Life and Death, (as much as I can understand) supposing those things false, which are related of the Infernal state; that there is a different Journey and different Habitation, that the wicked are separated from the good, into dark places full of disorder, nastiness, and horror. Therefore he proposed for them only the miseries of Life, to have their Estates confiscated, and their Bodies kept in perpetual Imprisonment: Very well. But he would not have them at Rome, left the Multitude should be hired to rescue them; as if they could be more safe in the Towns of Italy, where there is less power to secure them. So that if he be sensible of danger his Counsel is insufficient, if he be not, there is the greater necessity that I should fear both for my self and you.
Be assured that whatsoever measures you take concerning Lentulus and the rest, they will have an influence upon Catilines Army and the whole Conspiracy; if you be resolute here, their courage will fail, if you flag they'l grow bold.
Don't think that our Ancestors did by Arms alone raise this Common-wealth from so mean an Original to its present greatness: If that had been all, surely we should now be much more flourishing than ever they were; we have more Allies and Citizens, greater Forces both of Foot and Horse, than ever [Page 142] they had: But other things made them great which are lost by us: Their government was supported by Industry at home, by Justice abroad; their consultations were generous, free from the influence of Vice and all Affection to it; Instead of which we have nothing but Luxury and Avarice; the Publick is oppressed with Debt; private men enjoy the greatest abundance; We admire Riches and follow Sloth; there is now no distinction observ'd between the good and bad, but Ambition seizes upon all the rewards of Virtues; nor can it be otherwise when every Man acts separately for his own Interest; whilest you are domestick Slaves to your Pleasures, Riches, Relations; every attempt that is made will be ready to sink such an helpless Common-wealth; but I pass by these things.
What are we now to do? The greatest Citizens have conspired to ruine their Countrey; they called in the Gallick Nation, ever most fatal to the Roman Name; their General with his Army is just coming upon us. And now you are at a stand what to do with those of them whom you have apprehended within the very Walls! Now nothing but pity, compassion to some ambitious, rash young Gentlemen that have taken up Arms! Yes, let them go, armed as they are! What sloth and softness of mind is this? Surely such Mercy it is as (if they be armed) must at length end in our misery: But 'tis acknowledged dangerous; yet you will not fear it! Nay, though you profess the greatest fears, yet with sloth & negligence you look upon one another, and expect the Divine assistance to preserve the Common-wealth (as it hath often done) in the most eminent dangers: But that assistance is not to be expected by faint Wishes and feminine Prayers; success is always given to [Page 143] sober Councels, to vigilant and active endeavours. If you give up your selves to security and negligence, you do in vain implore the Powers of Heaven; they are angry and averse to you.
To speak of our Ancestors; A. Manlius Torquatus in the Gallick War, commanded his Son to be killed because he sought the Enemy contrary to Order; thus that Noble Gentleman had Death for a reward of unseasonable, though Victorious Valour. Yet we are in doubt what shall be done with the most Bloody Traitors? The other circumstances of their lives (it seems) are more to be considered then their present Villany! Spare the Dignity of Lentulus; yes, so we would, if Lentulus would have spared himself, would have spared either God or Man. Pitty the Youth of Cethegus; Yes! that he may inflame his Countrey in a new Rebellion. Yes, and Gabinius, Statilius, Ceparius, who if they ever had the least love for their Countrey, would never have entred into those Consults.
And now I protest, O Conscript Fathers, if this present Affair would admit of an Errour, that could ever be retrieved, I would for once contentedly suffer you that experience might convince you, since no persuasions will prevail; but repentance here will be too late, we are beset both within and without: Catiline with his Army is ready to devour us, these are within the Walls, Enemies in our own Bosom; we cannot consult, we cannot prepare but all is presently discovered; we must therefore come to a resolution.
Wherefore 'tis my Opinion that since by the nefarious designs of the most Villanous Citizens, the Common-wealth is fall'n into the greatest dangers, since by the discoveries of Titus Vulturtius and the [Page 144] Ambassadours, as well as by their own confessions they are convicted, to have designed the most cruel murders and barbarous destruction both of their own fellow Citizens and their Countrey, let them suffer, (as in the time of our Ancestors) according to the manifest guilt of their Capital Crimes.
(k)This is said to be the only Oration of that brave Cato which was preserved and left extant to the World; and for it we are intirely obliged to the Consul Cicero, who having beforehand taught some of the best Scribes in Rome; certain marks containing in little short Characters, the power of many Letters, placed them for this purpose up and down the Senate House. Nor were there any Short-hand Writers among them before; the first Footsteps of that Art arising from the present occasion.
(l)There happened also one little Intrigue amidst this grave Debate, which being between such eminent Persons, and containing something of Divertisement, may also be inserted here. Whilst Caesar and Cato were in the heat of this Dispute, and the Senate very intent upon them, there was a small three corner'd Letter convey'd to Caesar from without Doors; Cato raised a suspicion, and made a great stir about it, upon which some moved that it should be read; Caesar standing not far from Cato deliver'd it into his Hands; he looking it over, and finding it only to be a Billetdeux from his own Sister Servilia (who had been formerly debauched by Caesar, and continued her base Amours) threw it down at his Feet, saying only, Take it Drunkard, and so went on again with his Oration.
(m)To conclude the Debate, the Consul Cicero stood up and discuss'd both the Sentences which had been proposed: His Friends were of Opinion that it was very much the Interest of Cicero to comply with Caesar, that he would undergo a great deal less envy if the Conspirators were not put to death: But that faithful Consul above all valuing the safety of the Commonwealth, without regard to himself proposed his Sentiments in the following Oration.
Cicero's Fourth Oration against Catiline.
(*) 1. I See, O Conscript Fathers, the Eyes and Expectations of all here fixed upon me; I see you concerned not only for your own and the dangers of the Common-wealth (if they are put by) but for mine also. Your affection to me is indeed delightful in my miseries, pleasant in my grief; but I beg of you by the Immortal Gods, lay it aside; forget my safety, think of your own and your Childrens. If this place of the Consulship be given me, that I should undergo all trouble, sorrow, torment; I will bear them resolutely, I will endure them willingly, whilst by my Labours, Honour and Safety redound to you and the Roman People, I am that Consul, O Conscript Fathers, to whom neither the Forum, that place of Universal Justice, nor the Field designed for Consular Business: Nor the Senate House that Supreme refuge of all Nations: Nor my own House the place for ordinary retirement; nor my Bed was ever given for rest: No; neither was this Seat of Honour, this Ivory Chair ever empty of the most pernicious dangers and snares. Many things have I concealed, many have I born, many have I yielded: Many of your fears have I healed with my own pain. And now if the Immortal Gods have [Page 148] thus designed my Consulship to expire, in the deliverance of you, O Conscript Fathers, and the Roman Empire from a dismal Massacre, your Wives, your Children, and the Vestal Virgins from the most dreadful violence; the Temples, the Shrines, this our dearest Countrey from the consuming Flame; If I have now snatcht all Italy out of War, and ruine, whatever my Fate be, I joyfully embrace it. For if P. Lentulus could like his Name by the Fates declared destructive to the Common-wealth; why should not I amidst all, rejoice in my Consulship by the Fates plainly demonstrated Eminent in its preservation.
2. Wherefore, O Conscript Fathers, consult your own Interest, regard your Countrey, preserve your selves, your Wives, your Children, your Estates: Stand up for the Safety and Glory of the Roman People, let me alone, cease thinking of me; for I ought to believe that all the Gods who preside over this City, will reward me for what I have done: Or if it be their Pleasure, with a serene prepared mind I am ready to die. For Death cannot be dishonourable to the Virtuous, nor untimely to a Consul, nor miserable to a wise Man. Nor am I yet so stupid as not to be moved with the grief of my dearest and kindest Brother here, with the Tears of all those you see surround me; nor can my Mind be so estranged from home as to forget my fainting Wife, my dejected Daughter, my little Son, whom the Common-wealth seems to embrace as the Pledge of my Consulship: Nor am I unconcern'd for my Son in Law, who stands there expecting the event of this Day. I am moved by all these, but so, that they may be all safe with you though I be destroyed, rather than that they and we both perish with the Common-wealth. Wherefore, [Page 149] O Conscript Fathers, push on the safety of the Comwealth, look about you upon those storms which unless you well provide against, are ready to discharge upon your Heads. 'Tis not Ti. Gracchus who wanted to be mad [...] [...]ond time Tribune of the People, 'tis not C. [...] who endeavoured to stir up the Levellers, 'tis [...]. Saturninus who slew C. Memmius, that is brought to Trial and to receive the Sentence of your Justice: But those are apprehended who staid behind at Rome to receive Catiline, to Burn the City, to Massacre you all. Their Letters, their Hands, their Seals, their own particular confessions are before us; the Allobrogians were solicited, the Apprentices raised, Catiline call'd in; 'Twas designed that in so general a destruction, none should be left to weep for the Name of this Common-wealth, or lament the fall of so great an Empire.
3. All this the discoverers have evidenced, the guilty confest, you your selves adjudged by several Sentences: First, That you returned me thanks in particular words, and voted that by my courage and diligence the Conspiracy of most pernicious Men was brought to light: Then, that you compelled P. Lentulus to renounce the Praetorship; that you ordered him, and the rest of whom you passed judgment, to be taken into custody; and chiefly that you Decreed a Thanksgiving in my Name, an Honour, that was never before conferred upon a Gown-man. Lastly, You did but Yesterday give most liberal Rewards to Titus Vulturtius, and the Allobrogian Embassadours; all which demonstrates that the Persons who stand committed, are with full satisfaction condemned by you. But I am resolved, O Conscript Fathers, now to referr the whole to you, both what you will please to judge of the Crime, and what you will [Page 150] determine as to the Punishment, I will only premise what is proper for the Consul; I have long ago observed a great rage fermenting in the Common-wealth, new mischiefs continually invented and attempted: But I never thought so execr [...] [...] Conspiracy could have been undertaken [...]izens. Now whatsoever it be, however your [...] [...]ns and Opinions incline, you must come to a resolution before Night. How great a Treason hath been discovered you all know; if in this you think but a few concerned, you are greatly mistaken. The mischief is more widely spread than your apprehension of it can be; It hath not only overflowed Italy, but found a passage over the Alps, and so creeping on with, a silent stream is diffused through many of the Provinces. Nor can it possibly be supprest by connivance or delay: Whatsoever be adjudged must be put into speedy execution.
4. I find two Sentences proposed, one by D. Silanus, that the Plotters should be punished with Death; the other by C. Caesar, who (abating Death) offers all the severity of other punishments: Both of them, as the honour and greatness of the concern requires, have been managed with the highest exactness. One is of the Opinion that those who have endeavoured to deprive all us, and the whole Roman People of Life, to destroy the Empire, to blot out the very Roman Name, ought not to live and breath one Moment longer: And the Records testifie, that this sort of punishment hath often been inflicted upon pernicious Citizens. The other apprehends that Death was never designed by the Immortal Gods for a punishment; but either as the necessity of Nature, or the relief of Labours and miseries. And therefore wise men were never unwilling, [Page 151] the Valiant were always desirous of it. But there are Bonds in Death, and they sempiternal too, for the particular punishment of every heinous Crime. He would have them secured up and down in the Free Towns; this seems unjust for you to command, and difficult to bring to pass if you do enact it. Yet if you please, let it be so decreed. I will under take it, and hope I shall prove the Man who will think it not agreeable to his Honour, to refuse any thing that hath been determined for the Publick safety. He annexeth a great Penalty upon the Townsmen if any one of them get away; he would confine them in dreadful Prisons fit for the wickedness of such pernicious men. He resolves that no one either by the Senate or People should endeavour to alleviate the punishment of those he condemns: And so deprives them of hope, which is alone able to comfort men in misery; he commands besides, that their goods should be confiscated; he leaves Life only to these wretched men; which if he had also deprived them of, he might (it seems) with one pain have extinguished those many miseries both of Body and Mind, he might have at once delivered them from all the punishments of wickedness! That therefore there might be some restraining Terrour upon wicked men in this life, it hath been long acknowledged that in the state of the Dead, there are punishments appointed for the Impious: For were there none such, it must be confessed, Death is not of it self terrible.
5. Now, O Conscript Fathers, I see what would be my Interest. If you pursue the Sentence of C. Caesar, who hath ever taken that course in the Common-wealth which hath been most Popular, I may perhaps (he being the Author and Patron) less fear [Page 152] the Popular rage. If the other, I know not what it may draw upon me. But let the advantage of the Common-wealth swallow up all the thoughts of my dangers: We have indeed from C. Caesar a Sentence very worthy of himself, and his Ancestors, such an one as may be a Pledge of his perpetual Affection to the Common-wealth. But 'tis easy to discern between the smoothness of an harangue, and an intention truly Popular, [...] in reality consulting the Safety of the People. I see a considerable Person that affects to be accounted an advocate for the Commons absent himself, that he may not Decree Capital punishments upon Roman Citizens. The Day before Yesterday he would have them committed, he voted thanks to me, Yesterday he would have the Discoverers receive the greatest rewards: Now it cannot be doubted, but he that Decrees the guilty to Prison, the Prosecutor to be congratulated, the Discoverer to be rewarded, hath given judgment both as to the Fact and Crime. However C. Caesar considers the Sempronian Law was made for Roman Citizens: But how can he be esteemed a Citizen who is a Traytor to the Common-wealth? Lastly, The Author of the Sempronian Law, did by the Peoples appointment make satisfaction to the Common-wealth, by his own punishment. He is pleased to think P. Lentulus (guilty of such Bribery and profuseness, nay, of having so fiercely, so cruelly designed the ruine of the Common-wealth, the Roman People, and the destruction of this City,) not fit to be esteem'd a Friend to the People. He is certainly a most moderate and favourable Person! And yet he makes no difficulty to condemn P. Lentulus to perpetual darkness and imprisonment, he Decrees that hereafter no one should move for the easing of their punishment, that none [Page 153] might affect to be popular by a mischief to the Roman People; he adds also the Sale of their Goods, that every torment both of Body and Mind, even want and beggery might ensue: Wherefore if you enact this, you give me an Author, an Assistant, dear, and acceptable to the People: If you rather choose Silanus's Sentence you will easily defend me and your selves from the reproach of cruelty, I shall have it granted that this was by much the most favourable Sentence.
6. Although, O Conscript Fathers, what cruelty can there be in punishing such a barbarous Treason? I speak my own judgment: I would so enjoy with you the preserved Common-wealth, that I being thus earnest in this cause, am not moved by severity of Mind, (for whose affections can be milder than mine?) but a certain proper Humanity and Mercy. For I seem to have before mine Eyes this City, this joy of the whole World, this support of all Nations perishing in one sudden conflagration: I have before me deplorable unburied heaps of Citizens, in their buried Countrey: There I see the rage of Cethegus carousing in your Blood. When I propose to my self Lentulus tyrannizing, as he confesseth the Fates once put him in hopes, Gabinius in his Purple Robes, and Catiline at the Head of his Army, then have I a dread upon me, to consider the miserable moans of Matrons, the amazement of Virgins, and Children, the distress of ravish'd Vestals: And because these seem so horrible, so dreadful, therefore doth Mercy compel me to be Zealous, Humanity to be severe, against those that would perpetrate these things. For I would ask of any one, if the Master of a Family should inflict the severest punishments upon a Servant that had killed his Children, [Page 154] murdered his Wife, burnt his House, would such an one seem cruel and inhumane, or fatherly and compassionate: To me he would seem barbarous and stupid if he did not endeavour to appease his own pain and torture by the pain and torture of the Assassine. Thus, if against these men who would have murder'd us, our Wives and Children, would have destroyed every one of our Houses, and this Mansion-house of the Common-wealth, who had contriv'd to place the Nation of the Allobroges in the ruines of this City, in the Ashes of this confumed Empire, if against these men we be zealous we shall be accounted merciful: But if towards these we will be remiss, the reproach of the highest cruelty in the destruction of our Countrey, and Citizens will be imputed to us. Unless L. Caesar, that most valiant Man, that most faithful lover of the Common-wealth, should seem to any one more cruel, who but two Days ago, said that the Husband of his own Sister an excellent Woman, (when he was by and heard it) ought to be put to death: He said also that his Grandfather had been slain by command of the Consul, and his Son under Age who was but employed by him: Now what had these done? Had they entered into any Conspiracy of destroying the Common-wealth? No, there was only some pensionarying in the Government, some contention of Parties. And at that time the Grandfather of this Lentulus a Person of Eminent worth, arm'd himself, pursued Gracchus, and was glad to be loaden with Wounds that the Common-wealth might not lose any thing of its Grandeur. But this Lentulus hath called in the Galli to subvert the Foundations of the Common-wealth, raised the rebellious Multitude, sent for Catiline, given us to be assassinated by Cethegus, the Citizens to be massacred by Gabinius, the [Page 155] City to be burnt down by Cassius, all Italy to be ransack'd and destroy'd by Catiline. And now methinks you are afraid lest in such an horrid Villany, so matchless and unspeakable, you should seem to have determined any thing too severe: Whereas 'tis much more to be feared, that by the remisness of Punishment you should seem cruel to your Countrey, than by the exactness of Justice too severe upon the worst Enemies. But those things which I hear, O Conscript Fathers, I cannot dissemble. There are words cast out by some, and they are come to my Ear as if they feared I had not Guards enough to execute what you this day Decree.
7. All things are provided for, ordered, setled, O Conscript Fathers, as well by my utmost care and diligence, as the great affection of the People of Rome to retain their Supream Empire, to preserve their lives and fortunes. Men of every quality, of every Age are flockt together, the Forum's full, all the Temples, all the Avenues to this place are full. This is that only thing in which (since this City was built) all have agreed in one and the same sentiment, except those who knowing they must perish, had rather perish with a Multitude than by themselves alone. These men indeed I do willingly except and separate from the rest: For I do not look upon them in the Number of bad Citizens but of the most implacable Enemies. O Immortal Gods! with what Numbers, with what Affection, with what Valour, do all the rest conspire to maintain the publick Honour and Safety! Why should I particularly mention the Roman Knights? These do ever so submit to the Supremacy of your Order and Counsel, that they may still vye with you in love to the Common-wealth: Whom after many Years dispute this Day, this Cause, joins to you in perfect Friendship and Concord: Which [Page 156] Union if fixed in my Consulship and perpetuated in the Common-wealth, I assure you no domestick mischief will ever assault any part of it. With the same affection of defending the Common-wealth are all the Officers of the Treasury, stout men got together, all the Clerks who being upon business brought to the Office, leave their assignations to attend upon the publick Safety. The whole Multitude of the Free-born are here, even the meanest. For who is there to whom these Temples, the Aspect of this City, the enjoyment of Liberty, the Light they see, and the Air they have ever breathed in, are not dear, sweet, pleasant?
8. 'Tis worth the while, O Conscript Fathers, to consider the affections of our Free-men, who have obtained the Rights of this City, and truly esteem it their own Countrey: Which those who were Born here, and of the highest Quality have not consider'd as their Countrey, but as a City of mortal Enemies. But why do I insist upon this Order of Men, whom Estates, Priviledges, and above all, Liberty, have stirred up to defend the Safety of their Countrey? There is no Servant who lives in any tolerable condition of Servitude, that doth not tremble at the Villany of these Citizens: That doth not only desire to maintain the present State of Government, but as far as he dares, and is able, sets his Shoulders to the common Safety. And therefore if any be concerned that 'tis reported Lentulus hath his Pander to run from one Tavern to another, hoping to hire som indigent, rascally Fellows: 'Tis true, that hath been tried and attempted; but there are none found so miserable in their condition, so pernicious in their desires, who had not rather heave the Sedan, carry their Packs, ply their Fare, and have their quiet course of life preserved to [Page 157] them. By much the greatest part of those who attend upon Shops and Inns (I may say all of them) do above any thing desire Peace. All their attendance, their work, their hire, depends upon the Trade and quiet of the Citizens: Whose gain, if the Shops be shut, is gone; and where is it if they be burnt? Since things are thus, O Conscript Fathers, the assistance of the Roman People is not wanting, now see that you be not wanting to them.
9. You have a Consul preserved from the greatest Dangers, Treacheries, the very point of Death, not so much for his own Life as for your Safety: All degrees and ranks of Men conspire to defend the Commonwealth with their Judgments, Affections, Desires, Valour, and Votes: Our Countrey surrounded with the Firebrands and Darts of this impious Conspiracy, stretcheth forth her supplicating hands to you; to you she commits her self; to you the lives of all her Citizens, the Tower and the Capitol; to you the Altars of our tutelary Angels, the perpetual and sempiternal Fire of Vesta; to you all the Temples of the Gods, the Shrines, the Walls, and Houses of the City are recommended. Besides, this Day are you to decide the case for your own lives, the lives of your Wives and Children, you Goods, your Estates, your dwellings. You have a Leader mindful of you, forgetful of himself (which doth not always happen,) you have all Men the whole Roman People (which never before was seen in a domestick cause) agreeing in one and the same resolution. Think with your selves by how great labours this Empire was founded, with what Valour our Liberty was obtained, with how great bounty of the Gods these have been encreased, our Estates heaped; all these, one Night had very nigh utterly ruined. That this may never be done, no nor [Page 158] thought of again by Citizens, you are this Day to take care. And this I do not speak so much to stir up those who are ready to run before me, as that my Voice which ought to be principal in the Commonwealth, may be heard to have performed the Consular Office.
10. But before I return to the Sentence, I must add a little as to my self. By how great the Band of Conspirators is, which you know to be considerable, such a multitude of Enemies have I undertaken: Yet I cannot but think them base weak, low, contemptible. But if ever any Power raised up by their rage and wickedness should prevail over you and the Common-wealth's Dignity, I shall never repent, O Conscript Fathers, of my Actions and Counsels. For Death, which they perhaps threaten me with, is before us all, but to that Glory of Life which you by your Decrees have honoured me with, none else hath attained. You have given to others the congratulation of well managing, to me only of preserving the Common-wealth. Let Scipio be renow'nd by whose Counsel and Valour, Hannibal was driven out of Italy, glad to return again into his own Africa: Or let that other Africanus who subverted Carthage, and Numantia, two Cities most mischievous to this Empire be advanced with eminent Praise. Let that L. Paulus, whose Triumphant Chariot the most noble and potent King Perseus adorned, be esteemed Honourable: Let Marius be in Eternal Glory who twice delivered Italy from being invironed with Enemies and from the danger of servitude: Before them all place Pompey, whose Valour and success have run through so many Countries and Regions, that they are Parallel with the Travels of the Sun. Yet among the Praises of all these, shall place be [Page 159] found for our Glory; unless perhaps it be judged greater to open a way for entring into Provinces, then 'tis to preserve that place into which the Conquerors are to return Triumphant. Though in one respect forreign Victory is much more desirable than domestick: When Enemies abroad are subdued they either serve us, or being received into Friendship acknowledge themselves oblig'd: But when once those, who being in the Number of Citizens are possessed with a Rebellious Phrensie, commence Enemies to their Countrey, they, if you go to drive them from the destruction of the Common-wealth, will neither be restrain'd by force, nor appeas'd by kindness. Wherefore I see my self ingaged in an eternal War with mischievous Citizens; which I assure my self by the assistance of you, and all good men, by the Memory of so great dangers, (which shall have a being, not only among the People preserved, but in the Hearts and Tongues of all Nations) will be easily diverted from me and mine. Nor can there any force be found so great as may either subvert or shake the union of you and the Roman Knights, or the unanimity of all good men.
11. Wherefore, O Conscript Fathers, instead of that command, that Army, that Province, which I have quitted; instead of that Triumph, those Ensigns of Glory which have been cast aside by me that I might effect yours, and the Cities safety; for those Retinues and provincial Guests, whom I do at no less charge maintain, then I did at first procure; for all these things, and my most eminent affections towards you; for this my utmost diligence in preserving the Common-wealth (the Fruits of which you all now behold) I ask nothing else of you, but the Memory of this time, and of my whole Consulship, which being [Page 160] imprinted upon your minds, I esteem my irrefragable defence. But if the violence of Villains shall deceive and baffle my hopes, I recommend to you my little Son whose Safety and Honour shall be sufficiently guarded if you will but remember, he is the Son of him, who preserved all by his own dangers. Wherefore, O Conscript Fathers, for the Supream safety of your selves, and the Roman People, for the sake of your Wives and Children, for your Houses and Altars, your Images and Temples for this City, this Empire for the liberty and security of Italy, for the whole Common-wealth, determine, as you began, with care, and valour. You have a Consul, that is most ready to obey your Decrees, and whatsoever you resolve, will, whilst he lives, maintain to the utmost of his Power.
(n)After all, Cato's Judgment was applauded to the Skies; his eminent Virtue, then supported the Common-wealth, as the extrordinary merit of some Ancestors had raised it: for by them it was that the Poverty of Rome conquer'd the Riches of her Neighbours, her handfuls overcame their Multitudes: Indeed for some Years before this Conspiracy, the City had been corrupted with Sloth and Luxury, the Empire supported the Magistrates, not the Magistrates [Page 161] the Empire; but Cato was now valued as the reviving Power both of Virtue and Wisdom, so that all who were of Consular Dignity, and much the greater part of the Senate approved his Sentence, many of them reproaching one another as basely timorous:(o) So a Decree passed that the Conspirators should suffer death Caesar then stood up and opposed the confiscation of their goods intreating that if the milder part of his Sentence was rejected, the rest of it, which was more severe, might not be taken. But many insisting upon it, he called in the Tribunes of the People: They not interceding as was expected Cicero himself undertook so much in their Favour, that the loss of Goods and Chattels was remitted.
(p)The Consul Thought it best by a speedy execution to prevent the Night; least any disturbance should happen, and therefore commanded the Triumviri [Page 162] (q) who were in the Nature of Sheriffs to oversee the punishments of Malefactors) that they should get all ready: He himself went out, attended with great part of the Senate, and had the Conspirators delivered up to him, and first he received Lentulus, brought forth out of the Palace whom he lead through the Via Sacra, and middle of the great Forum to the publick Prison,(s) which was placed at the head of it as being the very center of the City, and a more Eminent restraint of audacious Vice.(t) In it there was a Dungeon called Tullianum, near Twelve Foot deep, wall'd about and covered with a Stone Arch, but dismally dark, and stinking: Into this place was Lentulus (r) [Page 163] let down, and strangled by the Executioners: Thus that Patrician of the most renowned Cornelian Family found such a Death, as the manners and the actions of his Life had merited: Then Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius, Ceparius, were lead thither by the Praetors, and put to Death after the same manner.
(u)As the Consul return'd he observed many of the Conspiracy stand crowding in the Forum, not knowing of the Execution, and hoping when Night came they might be able to rescue their Friends: He therefore a loud (in a Tense which signified the time past) said, They lived. By the easiness of such an expression, the Romans were wont to allay the Odium of Capital Punishments. 'Twas Night before Cicero [Page 162] [...] [Page 163] [...] [Page 164] got to his House, to which he was accompanied, not with a silent orderly Pomp, but with Crouds and Shouts of all the honest Citizens, calling him Saviour and Father of his Country.
An artificial Day, then enlightned Rome, for Celebrating the Glory of her ever renowned Consul: The lesser Streets shone with Lights hung out at the Door of every House, in the greater the Balconies blazed with Torches, and were fill'd with Ladies admiring and honouring their blest Preserver. But the unparallel'd Glory of all proceeded from those that followed him: They were the greatest Persons of the Roman Common-wealth who had been Victorious in their Wars, renown'd by their Triumphs, eminent for preserving the Empire both by Sea and Land: These went along confessing to one another, that the Roman People owed the acknowledgment of Power, Riches, Spoils, to many Generals and Commanders, but their Safety and Preservation to Cicero alone; who had defeated the greatest danger, and that with the most extraordinary felicity; not as if it were so much to punish the Villains and suppress their attempts, but that so deep and inveterate a Conspiracy, should be extinguished with so little Tumult and Mischief.
(w)But three particular Encomiums ought not to be omitted; for since the value of a [Page 165] Testimony hath its Price from the worth of the Persons that give it, these may be esteemed of the first Rate; I begin with M. Porcius. Cato who followed and saluted him with that glorious Title of Father of his Countrey, ecchoed back again by the Acclamamations of the People: An appellation that thence had its Original, and was afterwards conferr'd upon Emperors of the highest Merits: An appellation that was not Hereditary as other Titles of Honour, but then particularly decreed when a Testimony of the most consummated Virtue made it due.
(x)Then the renowned Cn. Pompeius, at his return from Syria, did in a publick audience make this acknowledgment to him, That he should in vain have sought the Honour of a Third Triumph; if Cicero had not preserved that Common-wealth in which he was to Triumph.
At last we have this Reputation Immortalized by these following Verses of Juvenal:
But how vain is the Glory of his Life; how vain are even the Merits that procure it: The foregoing Solemnity was but upon the Nones, that is our Fifth of December, yet the Year could not expire before the Consular Power stagger'd, and its brightness was darkened in the very last flash.
(y)For such was the turbulency and interest of the New Tribunes in favour of the opposite Party, not only perplexing Cicero's affairs, but retarding even the suppression of Catiline, (who was then in Arms) that he was necessitated to send for P. Sextus, with his forces from Capua, to protect the City, and support him in the remaining Days of his Consulship.
But it happened well for the Common-wealth, that the most Vertuous and Valiant Cato was one of those who at that time entred upon the Office of Tribune; who needed not a Guard of Souldiers to defend the Majesty and Honour of the Roman People, he was ready and able to support the publick Affairs by his personal Interest, and therefore Sextius was sent away with the Consul Antonius, who was then marching to join against Catiline.
(z)And this was the time that Cato thought fit to accept of the Tribuneship: He had been formerly solicited to it, but would not take upon him such eminent Power and Authority, without a greater exigence: [Page 168] A strong Medicine is not requisite till the Disease be so: A great Command he then thought most desirable, when the posture of publick Affairs was most in want of it.
(a)This Year therefore his Friends came and importun'd him that he would accept of it, not as a kindness to himself, but to his Countrey, and all the most moderate Citizens entreated him that now (though he was formerly pleased to refuse) he would seek it, to preserve, the publick Liberty and Safety by the hazard of his own.
(b)Thus was he persuaded to canvass for the Office, and particularly as Antagonist to Metellus Nepos, whose Factious attemps he very well understood, and knew that (though they were both chosen) he should be able to clog and defeat them: For the Tribunitian Power consisted more in Intercession than in Action, nor could all of the Tribunes Decree any thing if any one of their Collegues were averse, and opposite.
(c)Notwithstanding Cato observed and prevented the more considerable mischiefs, yet some of the People got Metellus Nepos, upon the Day that Cicero was to lay down his Office, and intended an Oration relating all the Affairs of his Consulship, to impose silence upon him, only suffering him to take his Oath of a Faithful discharge (as the custom was) and so march off. However the Consul would add one Clause to his Oath, swearing that the City had been preserved by him.
(d)Of this he complain'd to his Friend Mettellus Celer, the Tribunes Brother who was Pro-Consul of Gallia, telling him he could not but hear what disgrace had been cast upon him at the laying down of his Magistracy, such as the most villanous Citizens never met with; that when he had been Consul and sav'd the Common-wealth, the Liberty of a parting Oration was denied him.
And is it thus? Then, what Principles must generous Spirits move by? Surely not by a meer thirst of Glory? (which seems to have had the highest ascendant [Page 170] over Cicero's actions, since he so eagerly received not only such as was given to him by others, but was so sordidly lavish in his own expressions. For how soon is that glaring Meteor darkned? We must look higher and pursue the more Divine Notions both of* him and* Cato, who affirmed that there was an Eternal Life, distinct Habitations for the Virtuous and Vicious, that there shall be Torments enough to punish the one and Happiness sufficient to reward the others.
The Year from the Building of Rome 691. Before the Birth of Christ. 60. Didius Junius Silanus, and L. Licinius Muraena, Consuls.
(f)AT the very beginning of this Year Catiline him-himself perish'd, (though Cassiodare, strangely different from other Authors, and the current of History it self places it a Twelve-Month farther under the Consulship of(g) Pupius and Valerius.) He had very [Page 172] considerable Forces with him, but lay all this while in expectation of what Lentulus should accomplish in the City: Still hoping that Cicero and his Friends might be assassinated, and then he did not doubt but his success would be easie. Instead of which, at length the News of their discovery and punishment, the revolt of many, who had took their part, arrives: So that now C. Antonius marching towards him from Rome, and Mettellus Celer watching his Motions about Faesule, that he could not tell which way to stir, he had no hopes left but in the Forces with him,(h) which were Two Legions, being(i) (according to the most common account) Twelve thousand, or as(k) Appian saith Twenty thousand men, but not above a quarter of them well armed, the rest only had such Weapons as they accidentally laid Hands on.
At first he lead his Army up and down the Mountainous passages, sometimes towards the City, sometimes towards Gallia, avoiding all the opportunities [Page 173] of an engagement,(l) but finding that many who followed him only in hopes of Plunder, and for the love of innovations, began continually to forsake him, he lead them into the Pistorian Countrey (which Antonine calls ad Pistores, whose City was placed at the root of the Appennine between Florence and Luca, still known by the Name of Pistoia) intending to steal away into Gaule.
But Q. Metellus Celer, presiding with three Legions over the Picene Countrey, and supposing by Catilines difficulties, what his attempts would be, marches thither first; and being well informed by Scouts, of the Enemies motion, posts himself under those very Mountains by which they were to pass: Nor was Antonius with his Army far off, following them by the more even and open ways.
(m) Catiline was now forced to venture all upon a Battle, and having his choice of two Enemies, turns [Page 174] towards Antonius. For though the Forces which Mettellus had with him were much the inferior, and so might have best been ventured upon; yet Catiline considering that Antonius was once a well willer to, and promoter of the Conspiracy, resolves to try his Fortune with him, hoping that the Victory might some way or other be betrayed to him.
(n)But Antonius having escaped the discovery when their designs were great and hopeful did not now care for coming in to support a broken piece of Villany, (such a sort of People ever measuring Friendship and Enmity by the success of Affairs) and fearing least when they came to a close Engagement, Catiline might revile him with some of their horrid Secrets, he pretended to be(o) sick of the Gout, and committed the Fight to his Lieutenant General M. Petreius.
(p) Catiline drew up his Army in the plain of Pistoria, between the Mountains on one hand, and a sharp Rock upon the other: He commanded all the Horses to be quitted, that every ones danger being equal, their courage might be more generally enlarged; he himself walk'd before them on foot, disposing them in such Order as the place would best allow. Eight Cohorts or Companies, usually consisting of Four hundred and twenty men apiece, he placed in the Fort, strengthening them with all the most experienced Captains, and chosen Souldiers he had in his Army: The rest stood closer together, only as it were in reserve to them, in whom he placed all his Hopes. C. Manlius lead the right Wing, an old Officer of Faesulae the left, Catiline himself with his most faithful Servants and Followers surrounded that famous Eagle, which was said to have been the Standard of C. Marius in the Cimbrian War.
Just before the Trumpet sounded to the Engagement he spake to them in this manner:
* I Know very well, Souldiers, that words cannot create Valour, a dissolute Army never became strong, nor were Cowards ever made resolute by the Oratory of their General: That courage which Nature and Experience have already given you possession of, that and no more can be expected in the Exigences of War. If the Glory we aim at, if the dangers which surround us do not prevail, all other Exhortations must needs be fruitless: A timorous Mind, ever stops the Ear against the advice it dreads. I have therefore called you only to give a little account of our present circumstances and of what I further design. You know how great a mischief the sloth and negligence of Lentulus hath caused both to himself and us, that waiting so long for aid out of the City, I could not march into Gallia: And now in what posture our Affairs are, you your selves understand as well as I. There are two Armies of the Enemy, one is between the City, the other between Gallia and us; here, if we would never so fain, we can no longer continue, the want of all Provisions is so pressing. Whereever you go, your Swords must open the way, I can therefore only exhort you to be couragious and resolute; when you begin to fight, remember, that you carry not only Riches, Reputation, and Glory, but even your Liberty and your Countrey in your hands. If we Conquer, all things will be secure to us, Provision enough will be brought in, the free Towns and Colonies will set open their Gates. But if you [Page 177] the other side fear should make us withdraw, we shall find all things as destructive: No Place, no Friend will be able to save him whom his own Arms have not protected: Besides, fellow Souldiers, the case is not the same with them and us: We fight for the enjoyment of our Countrey, Our Liberties, and our Lives: They only to maintain the needless grandeur of a few powerful men. That you may now the more couragiously engage, remember your former resolutions; if you had pleased, you might have spent your Lives in a sordid Exile, some of you might have dwelt at Rome, cashier'd of your Estates and Depending upon others; but because this was base, and intolerable to the generous, therefore have you pursued the present enterprize. Certain 'tis, no ordinary Valour can bring us off; and none but the Conqueror doth by War arrive at the happy rewards of Peace. For to expect safety in flight, and that your Bodies should be secured when you have laid down your Arms, is the greatest madness that ever was. In a Battle, those who are most afraid, are always in the greatest danger, boldness is the strongest Rampart. When I recollect who you are, my fellow Souldiers, and take an estimate of your Actions, I am possessed with the greatest hopes of Victory. Your Birth, your Youth, your Valour, commands me thus to assure my self of the utmost success: especially since such necessities drive us on as are sufficient to make the greatest Cowards become couragious. We need not fear being inclosed by the Enemy, the straitness of this place sufficiently secures us from that. But if Fortune should envy the Merits of our Valour, be sure not to die unrevenged. Which do you think is better? to be taken and butchered like so [Page 178] many Beasts, or fighting like men to sell our Enemies a dear and mournful Victory?
(q) Petreius placed also (as Catiline had done) all his Veterane Cohorts in the Front, then the rest of his Army as their reserve; he rid about them, called each by their Names, exhorted, encouraged, asked them if they did not remember they were to fight for their Countrey, their Children, their Houses and Temples against a Company of undisciplined Rogues.
(r)He was a very good Souldier, had been either Colonel or Lieutenant for above Thirty years; he Personally knew most of his Army, and was able by reciting their former Valiant actions to enflame their Courage anew.
(s)So soon as all things were ready, Petreius commanded the Trumpet to sound, and the Cohorts to march a little forwards: The same was done also by the Enemy. After some light harness'd Souldiers had skirmish'd alittle, they came to a close Engagement, and laying aside their Darts, they with a great shout and rage, came to acting all by the Sword: The Veteranes mindful of their former Vaour, resolutely thrust forwards; their Enemies no less couragiously stood their ground, that there was for a great while a most fierce contest.(t) Catiline laboured chiefly to maintain that select Company he had placed in the Front of the Battel, he relieved them who began to faint, he called for fresh men in the place of those who were wounded: He had his Eye every where, he fought the Enemy hand to hand, he at once performed the duty of a stout Souldier and good Commander. When Petreius saw Catiline fight thus with a Valour so much above expectation, he [Page 180] led the Pretorian Cohort,(u) which was in nature of a Life-guard to the General) into the midst of the Enemy, beating down those that were disorder'd, and killing all that made any resistance, having thus routed the Body, he falls upon the Wings;(w) Manlius and the other Commander of Faesulae, were slain among the foremost after which, Catiline seeing his Forces scattered and himself left with a very few about him, mindful of his Noble(*) Sergian Family and his former Honours, rush't in among the thickest Enemies, and there died fighting.
(x)The great courage and resolution of his Army appeared even after the Battle was over, [Page 181] for that same place each Souldier had taken possession of to fight upon, he lay in, when dead: Except some few whom the Pretorian Cohort had overborn; but all of them had such wounds as testified they fell facing their Enemies.
Catiline was found far from any of his own men amidst the heaps of the slain, fetching almost his last breath, but in his dying looks still retaining the fury of his life.(y) Had he performed all this in seeking to save his Countrey, his Death had been glorious enough;(*) but now 'twas only the closing Scene of Villany: That Soul which had been long due to avenging Justice was but surrendred to it.
(z)Of all the Multitude there was not one Free-born Citizen taken alive, either flying or fighting, they sold their lives at the dearest rate, sparing, [Page 182] themselves no more than their Enemies. The Conquering Army had no great comfort neither in their Victory, the most Valiant of them, being either slain or wounded, and when they came to turn over the Bodies of the dead, one found a Friend, another his relation, some also saw their particular Enemies, which afforded a confused medly of joy and grief, the best event that can be supposed in a Civil War.
(a)After the Battle was over, Antonius sent the Head of Catiline to Rome, that the People being assured of his Death might acquiesce from their fears; for this Service he was stiled Imperator, publick Sacrifices were also decreed, and that the dreaded dangers being now over, they should change their Mourning Attire for the Garments of Joy.
(b)In the height of this destructive Treason, in the Consulship of Cicero was Born the most Illustrious, Octavius afterwards Augustus Caesar; (c) who gave a lasting Peace to the World, when it had been long tir'd out with War and Discord: Under whose peaceful Empire was Born the Prince of Peace himself, the Redeemer and Saviour of men; who hath done more to make us happy, than any [Page 183] can do to make us miserable: And hath that blessedness to give, which the World can no way equal nor destroy. If we therefore amidst the greatest dangers and difficulties continue in the ways of Virtue, we may reasonably expect to be both safe and successful: Virtue is stronger in its own Nature than Vice, more generally taking, most commonly prevalent: But however, if Vice should be come rampant, and Rebellion, Oppression and Cruelty, be let loose in the World, still may Virtuous Persons enjoy a serene pleasure in their own Breasts; and (expecting with a little patience, till the Volumes of Divine goodness, unroll themselves) shall certainly either here receive a joyful return and establishment of Peace, or else be receiv'd into the greater Blessedness of Eternal, undisturb'd Glory.