AS nothing of late hath more Entertain'd the World than Funeral Sermons: So none of them hath had a more General Reception among Men of all Sorts, than that preacht at the Funeral of the late Dean of Canterbury, whom the Preacher ſtiles, By Divine Providence Lord Archbiſhop of Canterbury, Primate and Metropolitan of all England. It was ſent abroad with its Fiocco by the R. R. Father in God Gilbert Lord Biſhop of Sarum; and Men were curious to ſee what he would ſay upon an Occaſion ſo inviting to a Fruitful Invention, while his Cenſors of the Houſe were a Sitting.

I hapned to make a Viſit to a Place, where I found one Gentleman reading of it to three more, who were very attentive to it; I came in almoſt at the Beginning, and having only beg'd the Favour of the Text, made no other Interruption. But though I ſaid nothing upon hearing the Words, I marvelled at his Choice of them, That he ſhould pitch upon a Place ſo emphatical for Suffering at the Funeral of a Man who never Suffered, nor loved Sufferings; but who, on the contrary, was of a Temper and Conſtitution that loved Eaſe and Indolency; of which the Apoſtle enjoy'd little or nothing in the whole Courſe of his Apoſtleſhip: But as he taught ſo was he always practiſing the Evangelical Doctrine of Sufferings, of which he hath left us ſeveral ſhort Accounts in his Epiſtles, and ſam'd them all up, In fighting the good fight of Faith, a little before his final Martyrdom, when he was ready to be offered, and the time of his Paſſion was at hand.

At the End of this private Lecture, the Gentleman who read, firſt began to Cenſure. Saith he, The little Knowledge I had of Dr. Tillotſon makes it not proper for me to judge, whether or no he deſerv'd ſo great a Character as this Panegyriſt hath given him; but if he did, it was very unfortunate for his Memory that he ſhould have Biſhop Burnet for his Funeral Orator: A Man, that how much ſoever he may think himſelf poſſeſſed of the Eſteem of the World, is very much loſt in it both at Home and Abroad; and upon whoſe Authority very few Men will believe Things that are true to be ſo, without other very good proof: Saith another, I am well acquainted with the Writings of Dr. Tillotſon, and am not a perfect Stranger to his Converſation, and I am ſure the Character this Biſhop has given him is much above his Merit: Fy, Fy, That Men of this Order ſhould ſo flatter in the Pulpit, where Flattering is ſo abominable. He was not Serm. p. 2.28. an Example of Heroick Piety and Vertue, his Life was not free from Blemiſhes, and ſome great ones too, and this the Panegyriſt knows very well. A third then began to argue againſt ſome particular Paſſages in his Sermon, particularly againſt the Truth of what he P. 22.ſaith of ſome of our Suffering Biſhops, and the Authority that diſplaced them, which I ſhall hereafter recite: And then the fourth, after a little Silence ſaid, with a Critical Authority, That his Sermon was a Boyiſh Piece of Rhetorick, more becoming a Declamer than a Preacher, and fitter for a Sophiſter's Desk than a Biſhops Pulpit, having too much the Air of a young Student's Declamation, and alſo ſeem'd in ſome parts of it to have too much of Common Place in it, and in others too much Art to be true. Nay, ſaith he, his own P. 10. 11. 60. Reflexions on Varillas are here true upon himſelf. His Sermon hath too much the Air of a Romance; 'tis too Fine to be true: He ſeems to write his own Inventions, and ſets abundance of Whipt Cream before his Reader. And then he told us a Story of a b • ind Gentleman, but a good natural Critick, whoſe Cuſtom was to repair very early to St. Martin's Church, and to ask who preacht? Saith he, he hapned once to ask me the Queſtion, and when I told him Dr. Burnet was to preach, then in truth, ſaith he, we ſhall have a Whipt Sillibub: And I think, ſaid he Smiling, Dr. Burnet's whipt Sillibub is as far from the Nature of ſtrong and manly Meat, as Monſieur Varillas's whipt Cream. A Preacher, eſpecially at Funerals, ought to avoid Strains; and when he ſpeaks of the Defunct, to ſpeak more like an Hiſtorian than an Orator: But this Man's Eloquence, to uſe his own Words of Pref. to Lactantius. Lactantius, carries him often into Strains that become a young Orator better than an Hiſtorian, for he hath a heat of Stile that ought not to be imitated by one that would write truth; but it may be, ſaith he, Smiling again in his Words of Lactantius, He deſign'd his Sermon for a mixt ſort of Writing between a Declamation and a Funeral Sermon, and ſo may think that the Figures which agree not to the one may be allow'd in the other. P. 1. WHILE NATURE FEELS SO GREAT A LOSS, AND SINKS UNDER IT. This, and ſome more, are the Figures of a young Declamer, and the Super ſublime of our Lawn-ſleeve Orator, who ſhould not have been tranſported with the Heats of a vitious Rhetorick: Send him to School to Longinus and Rapine, to learn the Rules of true and manly Eloquence: They will both tell him, That what is not Juſt is not true Eloquence; and that a Stile not fit for the Occaſion, or the Subject in hand, always argues defect of Judgment; and that no Speech, or Treatiſe, which ſticks not with the Hearers after it is read, though it tickle never ſo much in Reading, can be a Piece of true Eloquence. And ſpeak Gentlemen, ſaith he, you have all heard this Panegyrick; very many fine Things and Generals are ſaid in it, but after all, I can ſcarce tell for what he commends his Metropolitan: All his pompous Figures have raiſed in me no great Idea of the Man; for after all my Attention, I find very little Sticks behind; nor do I think this Performance will do his Memory much Service, or tranſmit it with Advantage to Poſterity.

The third great Inſtance of that Book, in which he hath contradicted himſelf is his Arguing for the Duty of Nonreſiſtance from the Example of the Thebean Legion, (p. 58.) which I cannot forbear to repeat in his own Words. Saith he, There is no Piece of Story which I read with ſuch Pleaſure as the Accounts given of the Martyrs; for methinks they leave a Fervour upon my Mind, which I meet with in no Study, that of the Scriptures excepted. Say not then, They were not able to have ſtood to their Defence, when it appears how great their Numbers were, or ſhall I here tell you the known Story of the Thebean Legion which Conſiſted of 6666. &c. In the Year 1673. the Stories of the Primitive Martyrs, and this in particular, left a Fervour upon his Mind, which he never felt in his uſual Studies; but in 1687, the Year before the Revolution, he ſtages it for a copious and incredible Legend in his Preface before Lactantius, without ſo much as telling the World, that he had been in that common Errour of the Learned, and thought the Fable true.

The Arguments with which he Aſſaults it are all Negative, and ſuch as one would think he could not believe himſelf. Firſt, he argues againſt it from the Silence of Euſebius, though Hiſt. Eccl. l. 8. c. 13. Euſebius in his Hiſtory of the Diocleſian Perſecution profeſſes to omit many of the Conflicts of thoſe who ſuffered in divers Parts of the Empire, leaving them to be deſcribed by thoſe that were Eye witneſſes to them. Secondly, from the Silence of Sulpitius Severus, who mentions not one ſingle Fact of that Perſecution; ſaying no more of it, than that it continued X Years, in which time the whole World was Dyed with the Blood of the Martyrs: The Chriſtians then ſtriving for Martyrdom, which, he ſaith, was more ſought for among them than Biſhopricks by the ambitious Clergy of his time; from whence it came to paſs, That the World was never ſo much waſted by any War that ſtands upon Record in Hiſtory, as by that Perſecution ſucceſſively for X Years, in which the Chriſtians had ſo many Triumphs. (The Famous Martyrdoms of that time are yet extant, which I ſhall not ſet down here, becauſe I would keep within the ſmall Compaſs of this little Work.) This is the ſhort Account of that Perſecution in Sulpitius; and if the Chriſtians of the Empire then ſtrove for Martyrdom upon the ſtupid Principle of Non-reſiſtance, why might not a Chriſtian Legion, under the Conduct of a Non-reſiſting Leader, grow as ſtupid as other Chriſtians? And if all the World (which is the Phraſe for all the Empire) was Dyed with Chriſtian Blood, why might not Agaunum have as deep a Tincture, as any other Place? But Agaunum was in Gaul, and Lactantius, ſays he, excepts the Gauls from Perſecution: But the Thebean Legion were Strangers, and not Gauls; and though Conſtantius might protect the Gauls, he had no Right to protect them; or if he had, he could not prevent what happen'd to them; their Execution being not a State of Perſecution, but a Caſual unforeſeen Days-work of Military Diſcipline on the Edge of Gaul, where Conſtantius was not preſent to countermand or oppoſe it. But if he had been preſent, he could have had no Authority to have hinder'd it, becauſe it was done by the Command of Maximian, who was Auguſtus; and as Auguſtus had Authority over Conſtantius, who was then but Ceſar, and ſo by the Diocleſian Conſtitution of the Empire was ſubject to his Authority. But he, ſaith Lanctantius, muſt needs have heard of ſo remarkable a Tranſaction as the Paſſion of this Legion, if it were true. Here is the Negative Argument again; but I ſay it might be true, and he yet not hear of it: For it was but a few hours work of military Diſcipline in an obſcure Corner of the Alps, and Lactantius was at that time in Africk, where, to uſe his own Argument upon another Occaſion, A Relation of a Conference had about Religion by Edward Stillingfleet, and Gilbert Burnet, p. 119. there was neither Printing, nor Stages for Pacquets, nor Publiſhing of Mercuries, Gazettes, and Journals; and Men were not wont to amuſe themſelves at what was doing in the World.

I could tell him of a Mornings Work, in the High-lands of his own Country, not much unlike this in Cruelty, and done about Three years ago, which half of this Nation, and of the Clergy themſelves, have not yet heard of; and of thoſe that have, if they were to write an Hiſtory of the Revolution, few of them would mention it; not excepting our Funeral Orator, who I have Reaſon to think would be content to paſs it over in Silence, though I do believe Tradition from Father to Son will preſerve an Account of it in the Valley of Glancow, as it did that of the Thebean Legion till the time of Euch •… ius, who was the firſt that committed it to Writing. But in one Word, the Silence of Lactantius is no Argument againſt the Truth of it, who in his Hiſtory paſſed over whole Perſecutions, which, one would think, he muſt needs have heard of; and who in the Reign of Diocleſian deſcribing only the Decennial Perſecution, which began at Nicomedia, could not by the terms of his Account mention the Maſſacre of the Thebean Legion, which was done ſo many Years before. No Man would reaſonably expect an Account of the fatal and bloody Fight at Edge Hill, from an Hiſtorian that commences his Hiſtory from the Tryal of Charles the Firſt, or the Reſtauration of his Son; and therefore if our Panegyriſt hath no better Arguments againſt the truth of that Story of the Thebean Legion, he may read it ſtill with his old wonted Fervour; or if he thinks it worth his pains, he may proceed to find out new Arguments againſt it, which ſuch learned Men as Grotius and Ʋſher have not yet found out; but though I have a great Deference for their Authority, and that Story upon the Account of it, yet I am unconcern'd whether it be Truth or a Fiction, and will only put him in Mind that the very Fiction of it proves that the Doctrine of Nonreſiſtance, however now exploded by him, was the general Belief and Practiſe of the Antient Chriſtians, and a Badg of their Profeſſion in Times of Perſecution, as much as Baptiſm it ſelf, or any Article in their Creed. They call'd it the Doctrine of the Croſs, and he once pretended to be all Primitive, and all Chriſtian for it: It uſed to create a Fervour in his Blood, but now he is turned Apoſtate from it, and from the Church of England, although he pretends to be a Biſhop of it according to his own Words, Serm on the 30 of January 1672. p. 36. This Doctrine we juſtly Glory in; and if any, who have had their Baptiſm and Education in our Church, have turn'd RENEGADOS from it, They prov'd no leſs Enemies to the Church herſelf, than to the Civil Authority; So that their APOSTACY leaves no Blame upon our Church. No indeed! His Apoſtacy leaves no Blame on it; but however it is ſuch a Blot upon himſelf, that if I were one of thoſe, as I profeſs I am not, who thought Dr. Tillotſon deſerved the Praiſes he has given him, I ſhould be ſorry that an Apoſtate, and an Apoſtate by his own Confeſſion, ſhould be his Encomiaſt, and tranſmit his Memory to Poſterity. For Divines that contradict themſelves, and their moſt ſerious Doctrines, which they preſſed upon the Conſciences of Men, as he hath done, are always to be Suſpected; and as for himſelf, he, above all others, hath brought upon himſelf the Fate of Caſſandra, and is not to be believ'd when he ſpeaks Truth upon his own Authority: And if what I have hitherto ſaid will not juſtifie the Severity of this Cenſure, I hope what I am going to write will.

In his firſt Letter to my Lord Middleton, bearing Date the 27th of May, 1687. he tells his Lordſhip, That few have preacht more than himſelf againſt all ſorts of Treaſonable Doctrines and Practices, and particularly againſt the Lawfulneſs of riſing in Arms upon account of Religion.— I have preacht a whole Sermon at the Hague, ſaith he, againſt all Treaſonable Doctrines and Practices, and in particular againſt the Lawfulneſs of Subjects riſing in Arms againſt their Sovereigns upon the account of Religion, and I have maintained this both in Publick and Private; ſo that I could, if I thought it convenient, give Proofs of it, that would make all my Enemies aſhamed.— As often as I have talked with Sir John Cochran— I took occaſion to repeat my Opinion of the Duty of Subjects to ſubmit and bear all the ill Adminiſtration that might be in the Government, but never to riſe in Arms upon that Account. And in his third Letter to his Lordſhip, bearing Date Hague 27. June, 1687. he concludes with theſe Words; But to the laſt Moment of my Life I will pay all Duty and Fidelity to his Majeſty. And yet before the Date of theſe Letters, wherein he makes ſuch high and ſolemn Profeſſions of his Principles of Loyalty, and of his Duty to the King, he was engaged in one of the Deepeſt and moſt Heinous Treaſons that Subject was ever engaged in againſt his Sovereign; I mean, in perſwading the Princeſs of Orange to Conſent to the unnatural Invaſion of her Father's Kingdom by the Prince, which then was reſolv'd upon, and with him to take his Crown, if the Invaſion ſhould ſucceed. This he thought ſo meritorious and honourable a Piece of Service, that ſoon after he came to London, he could not deny himſelf the Satisfaction of telling ſome Friends, That he was the Man pitcht upon to break the Deſign of depoſing the King her Father to her Royal Highneſs Two Years before the Revolution; and that he gained her Conſent, upon Condition that the Prince might aſſume the Royal Power with her, and be Crowned before her.

He told it to this purpoſe in the Deanry-houſe of St. Pauls, and for the Truth of it I appeal to the then Dean of that Church Dr. Stillingfleet, and to the worthy Biſhop of Peterborough, I mean Dr. White, who was preſent when he ſpoke to that Effect; and I make bold to mention his good Name, becauſe he hath ſpoken of it in many Places; and to this Authority I could add that of a Right honourable Perſon of great Eſteem, in whoſe Hearing he ſpake in another Place to the ſame purpoſe. Let this be written upon his Monument, and embalm his Memory to Poſterity, That he was the Man who perſwaded the yet innocent Daughter, Abſalon like, to conſpire the Deſtruction of her Father, and to ſeize his Throne. This he did againſt a King, who, according to his own Expreſſion of the King his Father, was, by a Serm. on the 30 of January, 1674. p. 7. Tract of undiſputed Succeſſion, what Saul was by immediate Revelation, God's Anointed: And after he had done it, he again promiſed Fidelity to him to the laſt Moment of his Life; and after that again invaded his Kingdom, and uſed him the worſt of all his Enemies. I have been told that he was a Year in overcoming that unhappy Princeſs into this unnatural Reſolution; and if any one deſire to know what Arguments, and of what Sort he uſed to pervert her, I am of Opinion he may find them in a French Book, called, Le Salut de la France; which was written by Mounſieur Jurieu, a French Miniſter, to perſwade the Dauphin of France, to whom it is addreſſed, to dethrone his Father. They were both great Acquaintance one with the other, both lived together in Holland, both great Enthuſiaſts, both acted with the utmoſt Revenge againſt their reſpective Sovereigns, both engaged in the Intereſts of the Confederacy, and it would be very ſtrange if two ſuch Wits and Incendiaries, ſo agreeing in their Temper, Deſign, and their way of Writing, ſhould not jump in their Arguments on this Subject. At the ſame time he was at work with the Princeſs he wrote many Seditious Libels to diſaffect the People of theſe Kingdoms againſt the King; contrary not only to his profeſſed Fidelity, but to the Reſpect he had before pretended was due to Crown'd Heads. In his P. 6. Reflections on Varillas he pretends, That the ſublime Character of a Crowned Head laid a reſtraint on thoſe Groans, which he would otherwiſe vent in behalf of the French Refugees. And in his Letter to Mounſieur Thavenot, he is very ſevere upon M. le Grand for ſpeaking hardly of our Henry VIII. telling him, That there is a Reverence due to the Aſhes of Kings, which ought to make us ſpeak of their Faults in the ſafeſt Words, and avoid ſuch reproachful ones, as Lying and Impoſture. To which M. le Grand cries out in his Note upon that Paſſage, Behold this Man who fills England and France with the moſt Seditious and Outragious Libels, that were ever made againſt any Prince, ſpeaking at this rate. And I ſay, behold this Man, with all his Fidelity to his own King, and all the Reſpect he had profeſſed to Crown'd Heads, treating his own Sovereign as if he had not been anointed with Oyl. At Exeter he would not let them ſay the Morning and Evening Prayer for the King's Majeſty; at Salisbury he ſat down when it was ſaid; and at another Place in their March, when a Noble Lord, out of Reſpect to his Maſter's Crown'd and Hoary Head, asked him this Queſtion with diſdain, What then muſt we do with the King? He preſently anſwered, He muſt be depoſed, He muſt be depoſed. At St. James's he took upon him to require Mr. Weſt, whom I ought to mention with Honour, to leave off praying for him, and the Prince of Wales; See Tempora Mutantur, p. 5. for whom though he had often prayed by Name in the Chapel Royal at the Hague, yet in his Meaſures of Submiſſion and Obedience he calls him a baſe Impoſture; for which if Men do not, God, in his appointed time, will call him unto Judgment. In his P. 167. Hiſtory of the Rights of Princes, he calls the War which the Children of King Lewis began againſt their Father, and afterwards continued againſt one another, an unnatural War; and yet he hath ſince been a Firebrand to kindle a War in his own Country, ſo much the more unnatural, as it is upon the Score of Religion; of which he ſaith, in P. 194. his Reffections on Varillas, That it were better for Mankind that there were no revealed Religion at all, and that human Nature ſhould be left to its ſelf, than that there were ſuch a Sort of revealed Religion receiv'd, that overthrows all the Principles of Morality. I ſuppoſe he did not argue at this rate to the Princeſs of Orange, when he perſwaded her to conſent to the unnatural Invaſion of her Father's Kingdom, upon the Account of Religion. No, this is the true Character of Religion which he gives in oppoſition to that of Reflections, p. 39. M. Varillas, who, as he tells us, ſaith, That in Matters of Religion, Conſcience doth ſo intirely conquer all the Powers of the Soul, and reduces them to ſuch a Slavery, that it forces a Man to write that which it dictates, without troubling himſelf whether it be true or falſe. And it is evident from what I have ſaid, That he hath had many ſuch Fits of Religion; and that he was in a great and long Fit of it all the while he ſupplied Satan's Place, and did the Office of a Tempter to the Princeſs of Orange, till he overcame her into a Conſent to diſhonour her Father more than Cham did his, and after all to take Poſſeſſion of his Crown. Without ſuch Religious Fits of writing Things, whether true or falſe, he could never arrive to ſuch Perfection of writing Contradictions to ſerve turns. In his Sermon before the Prince of O. at St. James's, he tells us his Royal Highneſs came abhorring Conqueſt. In his Paſtoral Letter he advances his imaginary Conqueſt of us into an Argument for Allegiance to him; and afterwards in his P. 12. Funeral Sermon upon Mr. Boyle, The true Names for Conqueſt were Robbery, and Murther, and it was nothing but a ſpecious Colour for the worſt Things that human Nature is capable of, Injuſtice and Cruelty. Thus is he troubled with the ſame Fits with which he ſo often reproaches Varillas; and, I fear, I ſhall make it appear he was in one of them, when he wrote his Funeral Sermon upon Dr. Tillotſon, though I heartily wiſh he had been free.

But to go on, to ſhew how Unfortunate he hath been in weakning his own Authority; in the firſt Volume of his Hiſtory of the Reformation, he P. 108. When Hen. IV. had treaſonably Uſurpt the Crown. ſpeaks of Hen. IV. as of a Traytor, and Uſurper, and yet, as I obſerved before, contrary to all the Acts of Parliament which declare him, and his Son, and Grandſon Uſurpers; and which it is a Diſparagement to his Character, as an Hiſtorian to ſuppoſe him ignorant of, in his Enquiry into the preſent State of Affairs, he aſſerts, That the Depoſition of Ric. II. was never condemned by any ſubſequent Acts of Parliament. Surely when he wrote this, his Conſcience was in a great Fit, neither conſidering what he had written before, nor whether he wrote true or falſe.

The next Place in which I muſt ſet him to be viewed in oppoſition to himſelf, is his Preface to Lactantius; where I muſt compare what he hath written of Perſecution, Perſecutors, and the Perſecuted, with what he hath done againſt the preſent Sufferers, againſt whom he hath been a very Bonner to the utmoſt of his Power, and thirſted after their Deſtruction. Shortly after the Revolution, asking an honourable Gentleman, if he would not come into the Government? And he anſwering, He could not; then, ſaith he, we will drive you out of the Kingdom, or you ſhall drive us. On Sept. 4. 1690. he told See Paper 1. in the Appendix. Dr. Beach, whom I mention with that great Eſteem which is due to his Piety and Learning, that he hoped by the next Chriſtmas not to ſee one deprived Clergy-man left in the Kingdom; ſaying, that they were worſe than Papiſts, and that he would ſhew more Mercy to a Popiſh Prieſt than to any one of them. And when the Doctor replied, I hope we ſhall find Juſtice, if not Mercy: He anſwered, I will ſhew you neither; I will proſecute you to the utmoſt Extremity. And I believe the Doctor hath found that he was as good as his Word. This Righteous and Gentle Temper of his, in obſtructing Juſtice, as well as Mercy, from the ſuffering Remnant, appeared the laſt Year in the Houſe of Lords; where he ſpoke not againſt the Cauſe, but the Perſon of an honourable and moſt worthy Gentleman, againſt whom, becauſe he had been Kind and Hoſpitable to his Fellow-Sufferers, he harangued it in a manner altogether unbecoming his Character, both as a Biſhop, and a Judg. Had he argued againſt the Juſtice or Equity of his Cauſe, he had ſpoken as became his Place; but having nothing to ſay againſt that, he ſpoke againſt him, as a Perſon diſaffected to the Government, who made his Houſe a common Harbour to the Enemies of it. This might have looked proper had the Gentleman ſued to the Houſe for a Favour; but being a Suiter for Juſtice, and before the laſt Reſort, he ſpoke not like a Judg but an Enemy, and a Perſecutor, who regards Men more than Cauſes; and indeed like one who hath neither Bowels of Mercy, nor Conſcience of Juſtice, for thoſe unfortunate Perſons, whoſe greateſt Fault is (to uſe his Preface to Lactantius. own Words) That they cannot think of ſome Things as he doth, nor ſubmit their Reaſons to his. In like manner he inveighed bitterly againſt a moſt pious and learned Gentleman to his Father, for keeping Company with, and entertaining ſome of the Non-ſwearing Clergy, whom in his Preface to his four Diſcourſes he calls falſe Brethren, who pretend to be of the Church of England, but are not, and are of the Synagogue of Satan. This evil Spirit of Perſecution ſhewed it ſelf in a Zeal for an Oath of Abjuration, when ſpeaking like himſelf in the Houſe, he ſaid to this Effect; Let him die the Death of a Dog, and be buried with the Burial of an Aſs, that wiſhes or hopes for the return of K James. It hath alſo ſhewed its cloven Foot in his Funeral Sermon; and it would be endleſs to recite the intemperate Speeches which, upon the leaſt Occaſion, he is apt to vent againſt a Company of Suffering Men; who, to uſe the Words of his own Plea for the Perſecuted, Ibid. have no other Fault, but that they cannot ſhake off the Principles of their Education, which, ſaith he, ſtick ſo faſt to the worſt ſort of Men, that Atheiſts themſelves cannot ſhake them off ſo entirely, but that they will be apt to return upon them.

Thus he that pretended to be ſo far from Perſecuting Men of any Perſwaſion, that he apologiz'd even for Atheiſts, is now all Fury and Perſecution againſt thoſe, who, as the late Biſhop of St. Aſaph frankly obſerved to Archbiſhop Sancroft, are the Men that preſerve the Nation from Atheiſm. Nay, he apologizes even for Idolaters, and argues in the following manner for Toleration, and Forbearance. Ibid. That a Man is ſcarce the Maſter of his own Thoughts, and Conſtitution; that he cannot ſee Things in another Light, than that to which he hath been accuſtomed to view them; That he can no more change his Notions of Things, becauſe a ſet of new Opinions would accommodate him better, than change the Reliſh of his Senſes; and that the forcing a Man to ſay or do otherwiſe than he thinks by Threatnings, the Execution whereof is above his Force to endure, is only the delivering up ſuch a Perſon to the Rack of his own Conſcience here, and the Portion of Hypocrites hereafter. Theſe, and many more Things, he then wrote to ſerve a Turn in behalf of the Perſecuted againſt Perſecution; but now the Scene is ſhifted he acts a contrary part to what he acted before: Not conſidering how his former Writings reproach his preſent Practices, and with what an ill Grace he perſecutes now. Of Perſecution he ſaith, Ibid. That it ariſes from an imperious Temper of Mind, and a Spirit impatient of Contradiction; that it hath moſt effect on baſe minded Men, and works quite contrary on generous Minds, and awakened Underſtandings; that it vitiates the Morals of Perſecutors; that Perſecutors do naturally engage themſelves into the Intrigues of Courts; that though they triumph for a while with the Spoils of their Enemies, yet they will ſoon feel how it ſinks their Credit among indifferent Spectators, and good natured Men; and abundance more to this purpoſe. And yet forgeting all he hath ſaid with ſuch a Copia on this Subject, he hath ſignaliz'd himſelf in the Perſecution of thoſe he calls Jacobites, though their Books and Apologies lie unanſwered; and particularly thoſe Two that were written againſt his Enquiry into the Meaſures of Submiſſion &c. and his Phoenix Paſtoral Letter, in which, as he ſaith of Varillas, His Fallacies and Prevarications are laid open in a manner capable of making any Man bluſh beſides himſelf; but he hath neither had the Conſcience to confeſs his Errours, nor the Senſe of Honour to juſtify himſelf.

The next Thing which ſtands in contradiction to him, and to his whole Practice in complying with the preſent Government, but moſt of all with his perſecuting Zeal for it, is a Paſſage in his Reflexions on Parliamentum Pacificum in the following Words: The Inſtance which is propoſed to the Imitation of the Nation, is that Parliament which called in the late King, and yet that cannot ſo much as be called a Parliament, unleſs it be upon a common-wealth Principle; that the Sovereign Power is radically in the People; for it being choſen without the King's Writ was ſuch an ESSENTIAL NULLITY that no ſubſequent Ratification could take it away. Methinks this Paſſage, if he had a Mind to remember it, ſhould oblige him to treat the Non-ſwearers, if not with Reſpect, yet with Gentleneſs: For if it is not a ſufficient Juſtification of them againſt the Government, yet while it ſtands unretracted, it is an unanſwerable Vindication of them againſt him and confutes every Thing he hath written againſt them; and eſpecially that impudent Thankſgigiving Serm. before the K and Q. p. 19. Paſſage, in which he aſſerts, That K. W. was raiſed up to the Throne by a Title that let ungrateful Men ſay what they will, hath more both from God and Man in it, than any the World hath ſeen for many Ages.

I ſhall now proceed to Things of ſomething a different Nature; but which will ſhew no leſs what little Credit is to be given to him, and how unſafe it is to rely upon his Authority. He dedicated his Vindication of the Authority, &c. of the Laws of Scotland to the Duke of Lauderdale, then High Commiſſioner of Scotland: In that Dedication he tells the Duke, How worthily he bore that noble Character, with the more laſting and noble Characters of a Princely mind; and praiſes him for the long uninterrupted Tranquility that Kingdom had enjoyed under his wiſe and happy Conduct; and ſaith, That he was a Prince greater in his Mind than Fortune; and that there was ſomething inward to him, which commanded all the Reſpect that could be paid by all ſuch that had the Honour to know him, as well as he did. He acknowledges alſo the particular Engagement by which he was obliged to him; and ſaith, That it was not fit for him to expreſs the Senſe he had of them, and of the vaſt Endowments of his mind, for fear he ſhould ſeem to flatter him. Then he inſtances in the profoundneſs of his Underſtanding, and well-ballanced Judgment; for which he might deſervedly paſs for a Maſter in all Learning. And, in the Concluſion, tells him, That from him they expected an happy Settlement, and wiſhed that Succeſs and Bleſſings might attend his Endeavours.

Not long after the Printing this Book at Glaſcow he brought a great part of the Impreſſion to London, where he ſold it to Mr. Moſes Pitt; and not long after that again, he came to him to deſire him with great Earneſtneſs to ſell the Copies of it without the Dedication: For by this time the Duke had fallen out with him, and diſcarded him for ſome Arts and Qualities he had obſerved in him, which I need not name. Mr. Pitt gave him very good Reaſons why he ought not to do ſo; and particularly told him, he could not honeſtly ſell an imperfect for a perfect Copy: Upon which he was angry, and threatned him with the Loſs of all the Favours he intended to do him in his Trade. This Mr. Pitt can teſtify, if he is Living; but if he is not, it can be atteſted by an honourable Perſon, who heard him ſolicit Mr. Pitt to this baſe unworthy Practice. But though Mr. Pitt would not conſent to ſell the Books without the Dedication, yet he was conſent to let him have them again; and then they came abroad without it. And ſo hard it was 'till it was privately Reprinted to get one ſingle Copy with it, that I profeſs I could never get ſuch a one, 'till a Gentleman preſented me with one out of his private Study. And when he dilated his Patron to the Houſe of Commons, Sir A. Ferreſter, his Grace's Secretary, told me, That after the utmoſt Diligence he could get but one ſingle Copy with the Dedication, though he would have purchaſed more at any Rate, to ſhew the Gentlemen of the honourable Houſe what kind of Man his Evidencer was, that would publiſh ſuch Things in the Commendation of the Duke, after he knew, See his Vindication in his XVIII Papers. as he pretended, he had a Deſign of bringing in an Army out of Scotland for the ſpoiling and ſubduing of England. This Diſcovery of the Dedication, and his Suppreſſing of it, coming to be known, made all the Houſe curious to ſee it; and he foreſeeing what uſe would be made of it againſt him, was willing to decline his Noble Undertaking: But the Houſe, by the Intereſt of the Duke's Friends, who increaſed much upon that Diſcovery, made him teſtify what, he ſince ſaith, created Horrour in him; and how much Reputation he got by it I need not now tell the World. I am ſure many of the Duke's greateſt Enemies looked upon it as an horrible Lye; not thinking the Deſign, or the Diſcovery of it if he had deſigned it, conſiſtent with ſo much Wiſdom as he was Maſter of, a • ove moſt great Men of his time.

The next Thing of this Nature which I ſhall relate, concerns his Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton; he had prepared that Book for the Preſs before the Breach which happen'd betwixt him and the Duke of Lauderdale, and intended to dedicate it alſo to him; and accordingly when he had finiſhed his firſt Original of it he gave the Duke a fair Copy, which he deſired his Grace to peruſe in order to the Printing thereof. In this Copy ſeveral remarkable Things are related for the Honour of the Duke, with very great Characters of him: But before his Grace had leiſure to read this Copy, the Difference broke out between them, and then the Memoirs were publiſhed without them; as may be ſeen in the Copy which is ſtill extant (though I fear his Circular Letter, and Caſe of Barrenneſs hereafter mentioned, are not) and one day, I hope, will be publiſhed; and then the World will ſee, and, I believe, ſay more of him than I deſire to ſay now.

The next Thing concerns a marginal Note againſt Reſiſtance, in the 446 Page of Biſhop Bedel's Life; where under a Paſſage in one of the Biſhop's Letters, that ſeems to favour Reſiſtance, he hath put theſe Words. This Paſſage above is to be conſidered as a Relation, and not as the Author's Opinion. But yet for fear of taking it by the wrong handle, the Reader is deſired to take Notice, That a Subject's reſiſting his Prince, in any Court whatſoever, is unlawful and impious. This Note of his being remember'd by ſome after the Revolution, and coming very much to be talked of, many curious Perſons were deſirous to ſee it; but when they came to the Bookſellers to conſult the Place (for the Book was never but once Printed) they found it altered thus. This Paſſage above is to be conſidered as a Relation, and not as the Author's Opinion, leſt it ſhould mislead the Reader into a dangerous Miſtake: And it is obſervable at firſt Sight, That that ſingle Leaf had been Reprinted for the ſake of the Alteration, and Paſted into all the Copies where it is found. One may preſume that his Bookſeller durſt not make this Alteration without ſome order from him; and thoſe who are ſo curious as to compute when it began to be ſold without it, found it was a little time after the Revolution.

The Caſe of Barrenneſs above-mentioned was drawn up by him at the time when the talk was that Queen Catherine was to be divorced from Charles the II. Every Body knows that this was a Project of my Lord Shaftsbury, and his Party, to put by the Duke of York from ſucceeding to the Crown. And as for this Caſe which looked that way, I had the Honour, with ſeveral others, to have it ſhewn me by a Right honourable Perſon, and many more of both Kingdoms have ſeen it beſides. I cannot now give ſo particular an Account of the State of the Caſe, as others who have ſeen it perhaps may: But thus much in the general I remember, That after urging the Inconveniences that Barrenneſs brings upon Families, and Succeſſions, he determines in the affirmative, That it is a juſt Cauſe of Divorce. At the leaſt this is very dangerous and looſe Caſuiſtry, and contrary to the Determinations of the whole Stream of Canoniſts, Civilians, and Divines. It would have helped to have divorced more Queens and Princeſſes than Catherine, and God and his own Conſcience know beſt at whoſe Motion, and for what Deſign, he wrote it; and I leave him, as well as my Readers, eſpecially of the Female Sex, to reflect upon what I ſay.

AMong the many worthy Men of our Church, whoſe Memories have been tranſmitted to Poſterity, we read of ſome who have forbidden Sermons to be preached at their Funerals; of others, who have forbidden that any mention ſhould be made of them in their Funeral Sermons; and others again have taken care to nominate Perſons to preach at their Funerals, in whoſe great Prudence and Judgment they had an entire Confidence, that they would ſpeak more to the Living than of the Dead; and that what they ſpoke of them would be Juſt, Modeſt, and Genuin; and ſuch as they might have ſaid of themſelves without Arrogance had they been Living, or heard others ſay of them without Confuſion. Had Dr. Tillotſon been ſo careful as to follow any one of theſe Examples, or his Friends ſo well adviſed as to follow them for him, he would have had more reſt in his Grave, and perhaps not had his Name ſo ſoon, and ſo ſtrictly called into queſtion: But having had the Misfortune after his Death to have his Funeral Sermon preached by a Man who hath ſhewed ſo little Temper and Juſtice in his Character, but raiſed his Fame to an undue Pitch upon the Defamation of others more worthy than he; I thought I ſhould do a Work acceptable to all Lovers of Truth, and of the true Church of England, if I ſhewed in ſome Inſtances how undeſerving he was of that Character; and by noting ſome of his defects, which ought to be noted, prevent the Danger which unwary Readers, and Hearers of his Funeral Sermon, might otherwiſe fall into, of following him upon the implicit Belief of this Character, in the Wrong as well as in the Right, and walk after him as ſecurely in the devious paths of Errour, as in the ſtrait way of Truth. For who would not chuſe to follow the Example of a Man, P. 28. whoſe Life was free from Blemiſhes, and ſhined in all the Parts of it; and P. 2. who was an Example of all ſublime and heroical Piety and Vertue and a Patern both to Church and State? And who more eſpecially of our Religion, would not follow a Church-man who will be ſuch a laſting Honour to it, and who P. 30. kept the ſacred Truſt of the Chriſtian Faith and Doctrine, and maintain'd it pure and undefiled to his dying Day? This is the lofty Character which our Preacher hath given us of Dr. T. but falſely, and ſo much above his Merit, That he hath had the deplorable Infelicity to do many Things contrary to every part of it, as I ſhall ſhew in ſome ſignal Inſtances; which were blemiſhes in his Life, and will remain ſuch Blots upon his Memory, as no Apology will ever be able to waſh out

My firſt Inſtance ſhall be in his Apoſtacy from his own avowed Principle and Doctrine of the Church of England, the once venerable Doctrine of Non-Reſiſtance, or Paſſive Obedience; in which our Church hath taught her Children how they ſhould behave themſelves towards Men, and approve themſelves towards God, if ſhe and they ſhould come to be perſecuted for the Tryal of their Faith, as the pureſt Churches and beſt Chriſtians have been in former Ages. He did not only In his Subſcription to the Book of Homilies. ſubſcribe to the Truth of this Doctrine, and in the Profeſſion of the Truth of it, declare it unlawful to take up Arms againſt the King upon any Pretence whatſoever; but preſſed it upon the Conſciences of Living and Dying Men: And when he preached againſt Popery, he aſſerted it not only in the moſt ſerious manner that good Divines uſe to do the moſt important matters of Chriſtiany, but with that Strength and Clearneſs, which, our Preacher ſaith, is his peculiar Talent.

In his Letter to my Lord Ruſſel in N • wgate, which the Reader will find in the N. 3. Appendix, he told his Lordſhip, who did not believe that Doctrine, what a great and dangerous Miſtake he was in, and that his disbelief of it, which was but a Sin of ignorance before he was Convinced of the Truth of it, became a Sin of a more heinous Nature after his Conviction, and called for a more deep and particular Repentance; and that if he dyed in a disbelief of it, he was like to leave the World in a Deluſion and falſe Peace; and purſuant to this, in his laſt Prayer with his Lordſhip on the Scaffold, he ſaid, Grant, Lord, that all we who ſurvive, by this and other Inſtances of thy Providence, may learn our Duty to God and the King. What could a Man have ſaid more in behalf of any Doctrine of the Chriſtian Religion? Or what could he have done more, to convince the World he was in good Earneſt, than to publiſh it after he ſaid it? And yet in his Thankſgiving Sermon Jan. 31. 1688. preached at Lincolns Inn, he tells us, That our Deliverance (then the Phraſe of the Revolution) was the Lord's doing, although it was brought about by the utter Violation of that Doctrine, and the whole Duty of Subjects, which reſults from it; and then reciting the Strange means by which it was brought about. We muſt not, ſaith he, here forget the many Worthies of our Nation, who did ſo generouſly run all hazards of Life and Fortune, for the Preſervation of our Religion, and the Aſſerting our Ancient Laws and Liberties. Behold the Preacher at Lincolns Inn, and the Confeſſor in Lincolns Inn Fields, contradicting one another. The Confeſſor told my Lord Ruſſell, That the Chriſtian Religion plainly forbids the Reſiſtance of Authority, and that the ſame Law which eſtabliſhed our Religion▪ declares it not lawful to take up Arms upon any Pretence whatſoever. But the Preacher, now turned Apoſtate from the Confeſſor, commends the many Worthies, as he calls the Traytors and Rebels of our Country, for ſoliciting a Foreign Prince, and the Creature of another State, to invade their own Sovereign's Dominions, and aſſiſting of him in the Undertaking, till they had driven him out of his Kingdoms. He ſaith, It was generouſly done of them to run all hazards of Life and Fortune, and he might have added of their Salvation too, for the Preſervation of our Religion and Liberties; although he had told the World before, that our Laws forbid the Preſervation of them by thoſe means; nay, that the Laws of Nature, and the Rules of Scripture, had not left us at Liberty to uſe them; which was in effect to ſay, That neither our Laws would have our Religion, nor our Religion have it ſelf preſerved, by the Means thoſe Worthies uſed for its Preſervation. The Belief of the Lawfulneſs of Reſiſting, when our Rights and Liberties ſhould be invaded, was a Sin of a dangerous and heinous Nature in my Lord Ruſſel; but the Practice of it was laudable in I know not how many Lords and Gentlemen more, for preſerving our Religion, Laws, and Liberties by it; and if any of them ſince are gone out of the World in a Deluſion and falſe Peace, he is one of thoſe Divines who more eſpecially muſt Anſwer to God for it. For it was after a cloſe Conſult with him, and one or two more, that a Motion was made in the Houſe of Lords for Appointing a Day of Thankſgiving to God for having made his Highneſs P. O. the glorious Inſtrument of delivering this Kingdom from Popery and Arbitrary Power: And then it was that our Engliſh Worthies, as well as the Heroe under whom they acted, were applauded in the Pulpits for the Succeſs of that Glorious Enterprize, which to think or ſpeak of in a ſlighting manner, was, in his Opinion, to be guilty of the fouleſt and blackeſt Ingratitude both to God, and them.

One would wonder how any Chriſt • an Man, but more eſpecially how a Chriſtian Preacher, ſhould ſo plainly contradict himſelf, and his moſt ſerious Doctrines; and yet have the Confidence ſince to Reprint them, as if he had never ſaid, nor done any Thing inconſiſtent with them. Hear therefore what he ſaith of Religion, our dear and holy Religion, which the Worthies of our Nation run ſuch an Hazard to preſerve. Serm. preached on the Fifth of Nov. 1678. and Reprinted 1691. As for Religion, the very Heathens always ſpoke of it as the great Band of human Society, and the Foundation of Truth, and Fidelity, and Juſtice, among Men. But when Religion once comes to ſupplant moral Righteouſneſs, and to teach Men the abſurdeſt Things in the World, to Lye for the Truth, and to Kill Men for God's ſake; when it ſerves to no other Purpoſe, but to be a Bond of Conſpiracy to inflame the Tempers of Men to a greater Fierceneſs, and to ſet a keener Edge upon their Spirits, and to make them ten times more the Children of Wrath and Cruelty than they were by Nature; then ſurely it loſes its Nature, and ceaſes to be Religion: For let any Man ſay worſe of Atheiſm and Infidelity if he can. And for God's ſake what is Religion good for, but to reform the Manners and Diſpoſitions of Men, to reſtrain human Nature from Violence and Cruelty, from Falſhood and Treachery, from Sedition and Rebellion? Better it were there were no revealed Religion; and that human Nature were left to the Conduct of its own Principles and Inclinations—then to be acted by a Religion which inſpires Men with ſo wild a Fury, and prompts them to commit ſuch Outrages, and is continually ſupplanting Government, and undermining the Welfare of Mankind. In ſhort, ſuch a Religion that teaches Men to propagate and advance (and he might have added, preſerve) its ſelf by means ſo evidently contrary to the very Nature and End of Religion.

This is Dr. Tillotſon's fam'd Character of Religion; and not to deſcant in long Applications upon it, I deſire my Reader to conſider, if it is not as applicable to the New as to the Old Fifth of November, and the Worthies of the Proteſtants, as well as the Popiſh Religion, who conſpired againſt James the Second, as theſe did againſt James the Firſt. Tell me, O ye Worthies of the Church of England, who have hazarded your Lives and Fortunes to preſerve our Religion, Is it more lawful to Plot and Rebel for holy Church of England, than for holy Church of Rome? And is it not as much Prieſtcraft in our Divines to applaud you as Worthies for ſo doing, as it was in the Pope to compare the Duke of Guiſe, and his Partizans, to thoſe Jewiſh Worthies, Jephtha, Gideon, and the Maccabees, and do you not deſpiſe them for their ſordid Flattery of you in open Contradiction to their own Doctrines, and the Principles of that Religion which they pretend ſtill to profeſs; May I not ſay with Dr. Till. againſt himſelf,Serm. Vol. 3. p. 77. That a Miracle is not enough to give Credit to a Man who teaches Things ſo contrary to the Nature of Religion, and that P. 20. the Heathen Philoſophers are better Caſuiſts than he. This he ſaid of the Jeſuiſts, and the Caſuiſts of the Church of Rome, for maintaining the Lawfulneſs of depoſing Kings, and ſubverting Government, and yet without Bluſhing he maintained the Lawfulness of this in commending you.

But this is but one Inſtance of acting in contradiction to his own Doctrine, when the appointed time of tryal came; there are many more ſo well known, that I need not mention them: For indeed his whole Practice ſince the Revolution hath been one Series of Apoſtacy, and by which he hath not only diſhonoured his Memory, and made all his other Good be evil ſpoken of, but been a Scandal to our holy Church and Religion, to which our Preacher ſaith, he was ſuch an Honour; given the Enemies of them great occaſion to Triumph, their beſt and moſt ſtedfaſt Friends great occaſion of Grief and Shame: And laſtly, tempted looſe and unprincipled Men to turn Atheiſts, and ridicule our Prieſthood and Religion; and this he hath been told of in ſuch different manners, that I do not wonder Fun. Serm. p. 27. it ſank deep into him, and had ſuch influence upon his Health.

I cannot imagine but that one Letter which was ſent to his Lady for him, ſuperſcribed for Dr. Tillotſon, muſt needs diſquiet him very much, if he received it, and read it. It is written throughout with a ſerious Air, and every Line of it ſpeaks to his Conſcience; and becauſe I know the worthy Gentleman who wrote it, and that it is a full and clear Proof of what I have ſaid, I preſent my Reader, but more eſpecially the Preacher of his Funeral Sermon, with a few Paragraphs of it, if he will have the Patience to read them. It begins thus, Letter p. 2. Sir, I ſhall preface what I am about to ſay with an Aſſurance, That I have formerly had the greateſt Veneration for you, as well for your Piety as good Senſe and Learning; that my Notions of Government are ſo large, that the firſt Thing I ever doubtfully Examined, that had your Name affixed to it, was your Letter to my Lord Ruſſel: But your Actions ſince do leſs quadrate with that Opinion, and ſeriouſly make me addreſs my ſelf to you to know how you reconcile your preſent Actings to the Principles either of Natural or Revealed Religion; eſpecially how you reconcile them with the Poſitions and Intentions of that Letter, and conſequently whether you have a Belief of God, and the World to come.— P. 5. But to come to your more particular Caſe; I beſeech you to publiſh ſome Diſcourſe (if you can clear Things) to demonſtrate either your Repentance of what you wrote to my Lord Ruſſel, or the Reaſons that make that, and what you now do, conſiſtent; and that you, with the uſual Solidity with which you treat upon other Subjects, juſtify the Proceedings, and explain the Title of K. W. I know no Body hath a ſtronger and clearer Head, and, if you have Truth on your Side, you can write unanſwerably. God's Glory, and the Reputation of the Proteſtant Religion, is at Stake. Your own good Name calls for it, and more eſpecially becauſe you have accepted a moſt Reverend and Devout Man's Archbiſhoprick. A Man who hath given Evidence how unalterably he is a Proteſtant. A Sufferer formerly for the Laws, and Church of England; and a Sufferer for thoſe very Principles upon which that Letter to my Lord was written, for thoſe very Principles which you diſputed for, when he had ſo ſhort a time to Live: Nay, which you remember'd him of even upon the Scaffold, with the dreadful Commination of eternal Woe. Really, Sir, if there be any Truth, if there be any Vertue, if there be any Religion, what ſhall we ſay to theſe Things? What will you ſay to them? You muſt be at the Pains to clear this matter, that we may not believe the Boundaries of Right and Wrong, the Meaſures of Violence and Juſtice, quite taken away; that we may not be tempted to P. 7. ſpeculative, and from thence to practical Atheiſm. This Change has made many ſober Men ſceptical, and gone further towards the eradicating all the Notions of a Deity, than all the Labours of Hobs; and your part in it hath, I confeſs, more ſtagger'd me, than any one Thing elſe. I have been ready to ſuſpect, That Religion it ſelf was a Cheat, and that it was a Defect in my UnUnderſtanding that I could not look through it: For I think if I can know my Right-hand from my Left, our preſent Government ſtands upon Foundations that contradict all thoſe Diſcourſes which you, as well as others, have lent to Paſſive Obedience. The exceſſive Value I have for you, for your Knowledg, your Judgment, your largeneſs of Spirit, your Moderation, and many other great Qualities, that have ſignaliz'd your Name, once made you one of the greateſt Ornaments of the Chriſtian Church. — Apoſtacy from what you preached, and wrote, pretended to believe, and would have others believe, ſhake me ſo violently in the firſt Credenda of Religion, That I beſeech you, if you think it neceſſary upon no other Account, that you will publiſh ſuch a Diſcourſe at leaſt for the Satisfaction of mine, and other Men's Conſciences, who I can aſſure you of my own Knowledg lie under the ſame Scruples with my ſelf; have the ſame Scruples in relaion to the Government, and the ſame Temptations to queſtion Religion it ſelf upon your Account. — P. 8. I beg of God Almighty to lay an happy conſtraint upon me • o do what may be moſt for his Glory, and the Good of theſe Nations; and I earneſtly ſupplicate him, that he will enable me to ſuffer whatever may be neceſſary for thoſe great Ends▪ and that he will incline you to publiſh your Reaſons, or Repentance.

The Gentleman who wrote this Letter to Dr. T. is a Perſon of great Candour and Integrity, and was once a great Admirer of him; and from his Example we may ſee what a mighty Scandal the Doctor's Apoſtacy hath been to the very Notion of all Religion, as well as that profeſſed in the Church of England: And I have heard him ſay, ſince Dr. Tillotſon's Death, that he thinks he was an Atheiſt, as much as a Man could be, though the graveſt, ſaid he, certainly that ever was; and this Opinion, which this Gentleman, and many others have of him is owing to that great and ſcandalous Blemiſh of his Life, his Apoſtacy from his own Doctrines about Non-reſiſtance, and the Nature of Religion; and this foul Blemiſh which hath tempted that ſerious and worthy Gentleman, and others, to queſtion Religion it ſelf upon his Account, is like to be an everlaſting Blot upon his Memory, unleſs his Funeral Preacher, or Dr. Sherlock, or Dr. Pain, who have mentioned him in their Sermons with ſo much Reſpect, will pleaſe to write a Diſcourſe on purpoſe to reconcile the Contradiction between his late Practice, and former Principles and Precepts, which he himſelf, though called on in ſo ſolemn a manner, had not the Hardineſs to do. I beg Mr. Manningham's, who is one of his Doctors, Pardon, for not mentioning of him among the others; for he perhaps hath found out a way to reconcile them, becauſe he Sainted him in his Prayer before the Sermon, which he preached to the Sons of the Clergy-men at Bow: But if he is pleaſed to undertake a Diſcourſe of that Nature, he muſt take care not to forget himſelf; who in a Sermon at the Rolls, while the Convention was a ſitting, ſaid, That a Convention of Engliſh Subjects could no more make a King, than a Convention of Atoms make the World.

That which gave the great Offence to the Gentleman, whoſe Letter I have cited, was the Inconſiſtency of the Doctor's Practices with his Principles ſince the Revolution; to which I muſt further add, That his Practices long before it were not well reconcilable with them, nor they with his Practices: And of this I will give one Inſtance, and that was his great Intimacy with the late Lord Shaftsbury; and particularly about that time when he preached on the Fifth of November, 1678. and his Acting in conſort with him then in upholding the Pretenſions of the Duke of Monmouth to be the King's Legitimate Son, and giving credit to thoſe innumerable Lyes which were invented at Thanet Houſe to ſupport the Credit of the Popiſh Plot. I queſtion very much whether more Lyes and Calumnies againſt the King and the Government were then diſperſed from his, or my Lord Shaftsbury's Houſe: I have particular Reaſon for what I ſay; for I was then well acquainted with a Perſon who was very intimate with one of his Favourite Acquaintance, to whom he uſed to go very often, in great kindneſs to diſabuſe his Credulity, and confute thoſe Stories which he uſed to hear in Amen Corner often to his diſturbance. He was pleaſed to call that Gentleman his Sive, becauſe he was wont to ſeparate the Tares from the Wheat, and the Bran from the Flour of his Stories; and by converſing with him, I came to know more of the great Intercourſe and Correſpondency there was between my Lord Shaftsbury, and the Dean of Canterbury, than was commonly known. The Dean uſed to go in thoſe Days Three or Four times a Week to my Lord's Houſe, but very privately; and there often met among others one of his Relations, a great Lord of the Court, whom I think not fit to Name. My Lord D. who was then committed to the Tower, by the Malice of his Enemies, knew well how much the Dean was in their Intereſts, and particularly the great Eſteem he was in among thoſe who were the Confidents at Thanet Houſe. This obliged his Lordſhip to write to him to entreat him to do him all the good Offices he could among that Party: The Dean upon this went to wait upon his Lordſhip in the Tower; but how far he engaged in that Negotiation for my Lord's Service, I cannot now remember, but the Event ſhew'd that there was little Effect of it.

Remembering theſe Stories, and the many ſlanderous Reports that had come from his Houſe, and uſed to be told upon his Authority againſt the King and Government, I was curious to ſee his Sermon againſt Evil Speaking, upon Tit. 3.2. which was occaſioned by ſome ill Reports and Reflections that went abroad of himſelf, and this Government more eſpecially, in the unlicenſed Prints of the Times. There I was very much pleaſed to find him condemning Evil Speaking, as a deteſtable Vice; whether it were by being the firſt Authors of ill Reports, or by relating them from others; by ſpeaking before a Man's Face, or behind his Back, directly or obſcurely, by way of Inſinuation, by down-right Reproach, or with a Preface of Commendation, &c. More eſpecially was I pleaſed, and aſtoniſhed withal, to find him ſetting forth the heinous Nature of reviling thoſe whom God hath placed in Authority, and to ſlander the Footſteps of the Lord's Anointed. I could not but admire the Power of Conſcience, and of Divine Truth, to extort this from a Man who had been ſo guilty of it, as you ſhall find by the following Story.

King Charles the Second taking Notice of the falſe and ſcandalous Report of his Marriage with the Duke of Monmouth's Mother, made a Declaration on the Sixth of January, 1679. written with his own Hand, in theſe Words following. — I do here declare, in the Preſence of Almighty God, that I never was Married, nor gave any Contract to any Woman whatſoever, but to my Wife Queen Catherine, to whom I am now Married. This Declaration was made in the Preſence of W. Cant. H. Finch, C. H. Coventry, J. Williamſon. In March following his Majeſty made a more publick Declaration in the Privy Council, to ſtrengthen the former, in theſe Words. — For the avoiding any Diſpute which may happen in time to come, concerning the Succeſſion to the Crown, I do here declare, in the Preſence of Almighty God, that I never made, nor gave any Contract of Marriage, nor was Married to any Woman whatſoever, but to my preſent Wife Queen Catherine now Living. Whitehall the Third of March, 1679. This Declaration, atteſted by Sixteen Privy Counſellers; was entered in the Council Book, and Copies of it quickly got abroad; and as it came to Dr. Tillotſon's Hands ſooner we may be ſure than moſt Men's; ſo he had the Ingenuity to note it for an Equivocal Declaration: As if the King, contrary to the Punctation of it, and the common Uſage of Engliſh Speech, had meant it in this Senſe; I do here declare, in the Preſence of Almighty God, that I never made, nor gave any Contract of Marriage, nor was Married to any Woman whatſoever NOW LIVING, but to my preſent Wife Queen Catherine. I had this Story from one whom I ſhall Name if called upon for it, to whom he made this Obſervation; and though I never mentioned it to any Perſon till very lately, yet the Obſervation was whiſpered about, and coming to the King's Ears, with other additional Rumours concerning his Marriage with the Duke of Monmouth's Mother; he ſet out a Declaration June the 8. 1680. in which, after a Lond. Gazette, N. 1519. Recital of his two former Declarations, are theſe Words: And we do again call God Almighty to Witneſs, and declare upon the Faith of a Chriſtian, and the Word of a King, That there was never any Marriage, or Contract of Marriage, had or made between us, and the ſaid Mrs. Walters, alias Barlow, the Duke of Monmouth's Mother, nor between us and any Woman whatſoever, our Royal Conſort Queen Catherine that now is only excepted. This laſt Declaration put an end to this Calumny, which I think was ſlandering the Lord's Anointed, and back-biting him with a Witneſs; as I think alſo what he ſaith of the French King, in his Thankſgiving Sermon for the late Victory at Sea, may juſtly be eſteemed. There he compares him to Lucifer, and taxeth him of Pride, Preſumption, ſottiſh Ignorance; of Tyranny, Oppreſſion, Injuſtice, and of Cruelty; more barbarous than ever the moſt barbarous Nations did commit; and all this in manifeſt repugnance and contradiction to the Sermon he had preached againſt Evil Speaking, in which he taxeth all Parties that love to blaſt the Reputation of their Adverſaries, and eſpecially thoſe that are of a different Religion. But all this of King Lewis, whom his own Subjects ſtile the Juſt, and the Great, is nothing in compariſon to the moſt unchriſtian Slanders with which he hath loaded his own Sovereign, both before and ſince the Revolution. Although he, among the reſt of the London Clergy in their App. N. 4. Addreſs to his Majeſty, did not only bleſs God for his Acceſſion to the Crown, but promiſe all faithful and dutiful Allegiance to him, and alſo prayed for his long and happy Reign. After this a Man of heroick Honour, much more of heroick Piety, would have ſcorned and abhorred to repreſent his Prince as one of the greateſt Villains; 'tis his Majeſty's own Phraſe for himſelf, upon the Suppoſal that he could be ſo unnatural to his own Daughters, and Subjects, as to conſpire, with his moſt vertuous Conſort, to forge a Son and Heir to the Crown. All Caſuiſts and Divines teach us, That it is as great a Sin to ſlander any innocent Perſon with a Crime of any Sort, as it would have been for him to commit it; and this, according to his own Sermon againſt Evil Speaking, 〈◊〉 a greater Sin when a Inſt. Lib. 4. de Injuriis. A • rox injuria aeſtimatur ex perſona veluti ſi Magiſtratus injuriam paſſus fuerit, vel ſi Senatori ab humili perſona injuria facta ſit, aut Parenti, Patronov. fiat à Liberis vel Libertis. Subject ſlanders his own Sovereign, and God's Anointed: And yet he had the Misfortune to be a private Defamer of their Majeſties with that pretended unnatural Impoſture; and the Authority of his Whiſpers and Suſpitions, added much Credit all over the Town to the wretched Report. I am not able to expreſs the Atrocity of this complex Injury to the King, the Queen, and the Prince of Wales, and the Miſchiefs that have thereupon enſued to the Three Kingdoms: And this Heroick and Unblemiſhed Man of Piety, for any Thing we know to the contrary, went out of the World without any Remorſe for it; at leaſt without ſuch a penitential Remorſe, as brought him to make what Satisfaction he was able to God and the King for it: And let our Preacher ſay what he pleaſes now, or hereafter, when he brings forth his Reſerves, this is ſuch a Stain and Blemiſh in his Life, as he with all his Arts and Artifices will never be able to get out. He tells us, He had no Burthen on his Conſcience on his Death Bed: No more had his Uncle Cromwel; and I proteſt conſidering theſe Things, and his Intruſion into the Archbiſhop's Throne, and that long train of Sins that followed thereupon, one would almoſt be tempted to fear that he died in Deluſion and falſe Peace of Conſcience, or that his Belief of his own Doctrine of Hell Torments gave his Mind eaſe.

This brings me to another Blemiſh of his Life, and that is, his Sermon of the Eternity of Hell Torments, upon Matth. 25.46. which the Reader may find in the Fourth Volume of his Sermons. In this Sermon, as he openly and directly writes againſt the Eternity of Hell Torments; ſo covertly he undermines the Doctrine of Chriſt's Satisfaction, by aſſerting, P. 163. That what Proportion ſoever there is between, and Puniſhment, the Juſtice of God is not concerned in it. And then as for the Torments of Hell, he ſaith, They are ſo terribly Severe, that P. 175. we can hardly tell how to reconcile them with the Juſtice and Goodneſs of God: And that P. 165. God keeps the Right of Puniſhing in his own hand, and is not, obliged to execute what he threatens, any further than the Reaſons and End of Government require; and that he may remit and abate as much as he pleaſeth of the Puniſhment that he hath threatned. P. 173. We are all bound to preach, and you to believe, the Terrours of the Lord, ſaith he, ye not ſo as ſawcily to determine and pronounce what God muſt do in this Caſe; for after all, he may do what he will. And in another Place yet more emphatically; The Sentence of Judgment at the laſt Day, Depart ye Curſed into everlaſting Fire, and likewiſe this Declaration in my Text, that the Wicked ſhall go into everlaſting Puniſhment, do not reſtrain God from doing what he pleaſes. This he has ſaid of Hell Torments, which God hath not only threatned as a Judge, and ſolemnly enacted and decreed as a Law-giver, but our Saviour taught, as the great Doctor and Prophet of his Church; and yet notwithſtanding theſe Conſiderations, and the conſtant uniform Belief of all Chriſtians, and all Churches and Sects of Chriſtians, of the Severity and eternal Duration of Hell Torments, P. 166. he makes God, notwithſtanding his Sanction and Threatnings, and our Saviour, after all his and his Apoſtles Doctrines concerning theſe Puniſhments, as free not to execute them as he was not to deſtroy Nineveh, after his Prophet Jonas (whom he decently calls his peeviſh Prophet) had denounced the Deſtruction thereof. Nay, he counts it Sawcineſs to believe and aſſert this Catholick Doctrine; and his Example of Nineveh alſo implies, that there is room for Repentance in the next World, which is a moſt preſumptuous, dangerous, and heretical Inſinuation. And all this was preached at Court: And is it not ſweet and delicious Doctrine 1 Tim. 1.9, 10. for the Lawleſs and Diſobedient, for the Ungodly and for Sinners, for the Unholy and Prophane, for Voces Graecae eos ſignificare poſſunt qui citra necem parentes percuſſerunt, idemque valent quod 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ut notant Suidas, Heſych. Euſtath. Poliſynopſ. in locum. Murtherers of Fathers, and Murtherers of Mothers, for Man-ſlayers, for Whoremongers, for them that defile themſelves with Mankind, for Man-ſtealers, for Lyars, for perjured Perſons, or any other Things that is contrary to ſound Doctrine? And accordingly when it was firſt Publiſhed, the Atheiſts, and Deiſts, and Socinians of the Town, carried it about them to ſhew it in all Places, glorying every where in the Doctrines of it, and extolling the Author for a Man who durſt ſpeak Truth, and ſet Mankind free from the Slaviſh Notion of eternal Torments; and ſaying they believed moſt of our Clergy-men were of the ſame Opinion, if they durſt ſpeak out. I tell this the rather to provoke the Convocation to purge themſelves of the Scandal this Sermon hath raiſed upon them, by a publick Cenſure of it; their own Honour, and the Honour of the Church, and the Care they have of Peoples Souls, obligeth them to do it. Nay, the People have a Right to demand and require it in God's Name of them; and the not doing of it, I think in my Conſcience, will be ſuch an heinous Sin of omiſſion, as may juſtly provoke God to forſake the Church of England, as he forſook the Seven Aſian Churches, and make it as deſolate as them. Nay, furthermore I dare be bold to ſay, That had this Man lived in that Age when the Biſhops roſe up and depoſed Paulus Samoſatenus for his Blaſphemies, they would have depoſed him for his. For to apply the Words of the Apoſtle upon another Occaſion, If Chriſt, the great Doctor and Legiſlator of his Church, and Judg of all Men at the laſt Day, after all his Doctrines and Threatnings concerning Hell-Torments, is not obliged to execute them accordingly, then is your Preaching, O ye Clergy vain, and our Faith vain; yea, and you are found falſe Witneſſes of God, becauſe you have teſtified that he will inflict eternal Torments, although he is free to do what he will, and may pleaſe whether he will inflict them, or no. This is the natural Reflection which every Clown will make upon the Clergy upon this Man's Doctrine of Hell Torments; and therefore it is to be hoped they will make haſte to Anathematize it, and that there is more than ordinary Cauſe for them to do ſo, will appear from this following Story, which I had from a Learned Clergy-man of great Sincerity, concerning the Secret of this damnable Opinion. The firſt Author of it among us was an old Sceptick of Norwich, who wrote a Book of the Subject, which he uſed to put into the hands of others to proſelyte them to his Opinion. When he put it into the hands of this Clergy-man, upon whoſe Authority I tell this Story, he proteſted to him, That he had Converted Dr. Tillotſon, and Five or Six Divines more, moſt of which are now in great Places of the Church. I wiſh I could have ſeen that Treatiſe of his, to compare it with this Sermon of Hell Torments; and then I ſhould have ſeen whether the Author of it borrowed it thence, as ſome of his Friends have aſſured me he borrowed his Rule of Faith, in anſwer to Mr. Serjeant's Sure Foooing, from the Diſcourſes of the Learned Dr. Cradock, who deſigned to anſwer that Book.

I have ſaid a great deal on the Occaſion of this wretched Sermon; but one Thing more I muſt Remark, and it is this: P. 156. He tells us, That if God intended his Threatnings of Hell Torments ſhould have their Effects to deter Men from Sinning, it cannot be imagined that in the ſame Revelation, which declares theſe Threatnings, any intimation ſhould be given of the Abatement or Non-execution of them. But for God's ſake, what need God be ſo careful not to intimate that which this Man could find out? Or why would it weaken his Laws more, or take off the Edge and Terrour of his Threatnings, for him to intimate this Abatement, than for his Miniſters to do it? And therefore to turn his own Concluſion in his own Phraſes upon himſelf; Was it not a very impious Deſign in him, and a betraying Men into miſery, not only to intimate this Abatement, but to teach it, and by Arguments in a ſet Diſcourſe to go about to perſwade Men into a Belief of it? Had he lived in the Days of that Great and Apoſtolick Archbiſhop, whoſe Works he hath Licenſed to be publiſhed with the juſt and glorious Title of Martyr, he and his Sermon had not paſſed ſo free from Cenſure. Oh may that Engliſh Cyprian's Primitive Apoſtolical Spirit of Orthodoxy and Diſcipline fall upon our Engliſh Clergy, that God may bleſs them, and delight to do them and the Church good; and make them as much the Veneration and Glory, as latitude in Projects and Opinions, looſneſs in Diſcipline, and departing in Practice from their Principles, have made them the Scorn and Contempt of the World.

From his Sermon on Hell Torments, I paſs to that preached at Whitehall in April 1680. upon Joſhua 24.15. In which the following Paſſage, though levelled at the Papiſts, gave great Offence to very many both of the Church and Diſſenting Communions. I cannot think till I be better informed (which I am always ready to be) that any Pretence of Conſcience warrants any Man, that is not extraordinarily Commiſſioned, as the Apoſtles and firſt Publiſhers of the Goſpel were, and cannot juſtify that Commiſſion by Miracles, as they did to affront the Eſtabliſhed Religion of a Nation, although it be falſe, and openly draw Men off from the Profeſſion of it, in contempt of the Magiſtrate and the Laws. All that Perſons of a different Religion can in ſuch a Caſe reaſonably pretend to, is to enjoy the private Liberty and Exerciſe of their own Conſciences and Religion, for which they ought to be very thankful; and to forbear the open making of Proſelytes to their own Religion (though they be never ſo ſure they are in the Right) till they have either an extraordinary Commiſſion from God to that purpoſe, or the Providence of God make way for it, by the Commiſſion or Connivance of the Magiſtrate. This is down-right Hobbiſm; and a witty Lord ſtanding at the King's Elbow when he ſpake it, ſaid, Sir, Sir, do you hear Mr Hobs in the Pulpit? In truth, according to this Doctrine, there's no ſtemming the Torrent of any Errour, or Irreligion; no not of Idolatry it ſelf, when it happens to be Regnant, and get the Civil Sanction: And it ſeverely reflects not only upon the Honour of the Orthodox Biſhops and Clergy in the Arian Reigns, but on the Memory of the moſt celebrated Reformers in moſt Countries. And ſhould God permit Popery to get but one Act of Parliament, how Bribed and Penſionary ſoever in this Nation, our Clergy by this Doctrine would have nothing to do, but to pray at home, and deliver up their Flocks to the Wolves. Dr. Gunning, the good and learned Biſhop of Ely, was ſo ſenſible of this conſequence, that he complained loudly of it in the Houſe of Lords, as a Doctrine that would ſerve the Turn of Popery; and ſo inconſiſtent is it with, and deſtructive of the Rights of the Church, as a Society diſtinct from the State, and independent of it, eſpecially in Times of Perſecution, when it muſt ſtand upon its own Rights, That it occaſioned Dr. Lowth of the Subject of Church Power, in whom it reſides, its force, extent, and execution. Printed for B. Tooke, 1685. a very Orthodox and Learned Divine to write an excellent Book againſt it, to which it is hoped he will put his laſt hand, and give another Edition. And what Dr. Patrick then thought of this eaſy, but treacherous Doctrine, may be ſeen in what he wrote to Dr. Parker then Arch-deacon of Canterbury, in the following Words. A Paſſage, I aſſure you, which I and ſome of our common Acquaintance read not without a great deal of Trouble, when we fi • ſt ſaw it.— They think it would be well to admoniſh him in a Letter of this Errour, and to repreſent the Conſequences of it to him, Expoſing his Opinion. — It is plain, by another Paſſage in that Sermon, that he was not Awake, nor had his Wits about him, as he uſed to have at other Times, when he wrote it. The Place I mean is Page 9. There the very Exiſtence of a God may be thought to be called into queſtion by him, and to be in his account but a Politick Invention: For thus he writes, preſſing Religion as the ſtrongeſt Band of human Society; God is ſo neceſſary to the Happineſs and Welfare of Mankind, as if the Being of God himſelf had been purpoſely deſigned and contrived for the Benefit and Advantage of Men. In which his meaning is ſo untowardly expreſſed, that you cannot but think he was indiſpoſed, when he wrote ſo untowardly. He hath altered this Paſſage I hear in the The Reader is deſired here to obſerve, That though he printed this Sermon a Second time, yet the Second Edition is not noted in the Title Page. Second Edition, but ſo it is as I have recited it in that which he ſent me at its firſt coming out; and indeed that very Parentheſis in the firſt part of the Sermon (till I better informed) ſhews he was in too great haſte at leaſt when he compoſed it, elſe he would never have adventured to deliver his Opinion in a matter of ſuch Moment, till he had been better informed of its Truth. — I do not write this out of any Change there is in my mind concerning Perſons or Things, having the very ſame Thoughts I had when you and I converſed more frequently together, but the lamentable Caſe of Things. — I cannot but have a love to Dr. Tillotſon's Perſon, though I have none for his Opinion; I therefore would gladly have him well treated, though he be never ſo ſharply reproved. This with more will be produced under Dr. Patrick's Hand, if there be Occaſion; and he afterwards confirmed it all to Dr. Parker when they met at London, and ſaid that he ought to give Satisfaction by a Retractation, or elſe be expoſed. — If he will not be reduced he ought to have no mercy, but to be hunted out of the Chriſtian Church, when he will not own it.

And then as for the Diſſenters to whom this Paſſage was no leſs offenſive, as our Preacher ſaith, That P. 11. he had a juſt Value, and due Tenderneſs for them: So he muſt give me leave to add on this Occaſion, That his Tenderneſs for them was much greater than for thoſe of the Church; for he made them Satisfaction for the Scandal this Paſſage gave them, but would never do any Thing to remove the Offence which he gave his Brethren of the Church. I came to know this Secret by an honourable Perſon of my Acquaintance, who happening to give Dr. Cox a Viſit, preſently after Dr. Stillingfleet had publiſhed his Sermon of the Miſchief of Separation, found Mr. Baxter at his Houſe vehemently inveighing both againſt it, and him. This gave occaſion to that Gentleman to ask him, why he was ſo ſevere upon that Sermon, and the Author of it; and yet took no notice of another which was newly come out, and which he thought had given the Men of his Party as muh offence as it did to thoſe of the Church of England? What Sermon is that? ſaid Mr. Baxter. It is the Dean of Canterbury's Court Sermon, ſaith he; wherein he tells you, That you muſt not affront the Eſtabliſhed Religion, nor openly draw Men off from the Profeſſion of it. Oh! replied Mr. Baxter, he gave us great Offence indeed, but he hath cried Peccavi; and made us Satisfaction; but your other Dean is a proud haughty Man, that will retract nothing. The Gentleman having finiſhed his Viſit, took leave of the Doctor, and Mr. Baxter; and the ſame day called upon the Dean of Paul's, to give him an Account of what had paſſed betwixt him and Mr. Baxter, and finding the Dean of Canterbury with him; told the Story to them both. Upon which the Dean of Paul's asked the Dean of Canterbury, And did you in good earneſt cry Peccavi to Mr. Baxter? Piſh, replied he, will you mind what Mr. Baxter ſaith? But the Dean of Pauls not being ſatisfied with that evaſive Anſwer preſſed him to a categorical Anſwer; upon which, his Countenance altering, he went away in diſorder without any Reply. I tell this Story on purpoſe to ſhew our Reverend Clergy of the Convocation what great Reaſon they have to Cenſure this Paſſage; becauſe he would never make the Church Satisfaction for it, nor do any Thing that looked like Satisfaction; but on the contrary hath lately Reprinted it in the Third Volume of his Sermons. And I hope Dr. Patrick; who was formerly ſo juſtly offended at it, will; now he hath taken an higher Character upon him, promote and propoſe the Cenſure of it in Convocation. The duty the Clergy owe the Church, and the honour of their own Order, requires them to Cenſure it; eſpecially ſince it is ſo contrary to the Purport of their Ordination, and their Duty preſcribed in it, both as Prieſts and Biſhops. There they are told, That they are Meſſengers, Stewards, and Watch men of the Lord; that they are not to leave the Sheep when the Wolf cometh; and that they are to be ready, with all faithful Diligence, to drive away and baniſh all ſtrange Doctrines contrary to God's Word, as need and occaſion ſhall require. More eſpecially in the Conſecration of Biſhops, St. Paul is propoſed as an Example to them, who are indeed the Succeſſors of the Apoſtles, in the Epiſtle to be read on that Occaſion. There he ſaith, That he counted not his Life dear unto him, ſo that he might finiſh his Miniſtry; but this Man's Doctrine, who was his own Patern of Preaching, teacheth the Shepherds to fly when the Wolf cometh, and to ſtop the Courſe of their Miniſtry, when the Exerciſe of it without a Miracle will coſt them their Lives. It is only in the Caſe of a Divine Commiſſion, and Miracles to prove it, that according to him a Prieſt or Biſhop is to abide all Hazards, or to expect extraordinary Aſſiſtance, and ſupernatural Supports in their Sufferings; contrary to the common Doctrine of Chriſtianity, and that in particular of the Church of England, which teacheth us that God in ſuffering Times will give his faithful People ſuffering Spirits: And likewiſe to the Hiſtories of all Perſecutions ſince Miracles ceaſed; and more eſpecially to our own Martyrology in Queen Mary's Reign.

His Encomiaſt P. 13. tells us, That he was little diſpoſed to follow the Paterns of Preaching which former Times ſet, but that he ſet a Patern to himſelf. And from theſe Inſtances I have brought, we may ſee the Truth of what he ſaith: For the Hookers, the Sanderſons, and Hamonds, and Pearſons, before him, never ſet ſuch Paterns of Preaching, as he ſet himſelf; but ſuch a one it is, That I hope it will neither be long, nor much followed, though his Funeral Orator hopes it will.

I have exemplified above how contrary the Practice of this unblemiſhed Heroe hath been to his Principles and Doctrine, and more particularly to his genuin and orthodox Notion of the Nature of Religion; and I now proceed to ſhew that he hath not followed the generous and laudable Example of another Perſon, in the very Caſe in which he hath propoſed it for Imitation. It cannot be denied, nor am I much concerned to diſſemble it (ſaith he in his Funeral Sermon on Dr. Whitchcot) that here he poſſeſſed another Man's Place, who by the Iniquity of the Times was wrongfully ejected: I mean Dr. Collins, the famous and learned Divinity Profeſſor of that Univerſity; during whoſe Life (and he lived many Years after) by the free Conſent of the College, there were two Shares out of the common Dividend allotted to the Provoſt one whereof was conſtantly paid to Dr. Collins, as if he had been ſtill Provoſt. To this Dr. Whitchcot did not only give his Conſent (without which the Thing could not have been done) but was very forward in the doing of it; though hereby he did not only conſiderably leſſen his own Profit, but likewiſe incur no ſmall Cenſure and Hazard, as Times then were. And leſt this had not been Kindneſs enough to that worthy Perſon, whoſe Place he poſſeſſed, in his laſt Will he left to his Son, Sir John Collins a Legacy of an hundred Pounds.

One would think that ſuch an heroick Vertue ſhould have followed ſuch a generous Example of his own propoſing; but as Dr. Whitchcot had Dr. Collins's Place, ſo he had Dr. Gunning's Fellowſhip at the ſame Time, and never allowed him one Farthing; though he was as wrongfully ejected as Dr. Collins, and ſtood in more need of an Allowance than the Doctor did. But there is one Thing more to be ſaid for the Honour of Dr. Witchcot which he took no notice of, and it is this, That he had Dr. Collins's Conſent to take his Place, which he himſelf had not from Dr Gunning to take his; and yet he was very angry at him for reſuming his Fellowſhip from him at the Reſtauration. This would paſs for a Blemiſh in any other Man's Life, but Dr. Tillotſon's; or if it would not, methinks his taking the Archbiſhop's Place, not only without but againſt his Conſent, ſhould paſs for a Blemiſh in his Life: He having not only got him extruded by Force out of it, but thereby made himſelf the Author and Architect of a moſt ſcandalous and outragious Schiſm; which will not only be an everlaſting Blot upon his Memory, but if not healed an everlaſting Blemiſh upon the Church. Methinks he might have ſo far followed Dr. Whitchcot's Example, and to have made him an offer of ſome Allowance, though he had refuſed it, as I am ſure he would have done: But far from doing that, he behaved himſelf towards him with the greateſt Inhumanity; as appeared from expreſſing his Joy unawares to Dr. Beveridge for the glorious Device of the Writ of Intruſion, thinking the Doctor had come to talk with him as one that had excepted the Biſhoprick of Wells; but when he found that he came to excuſe himſelf from the Acceptance of it, he turned Pale upon reflecting he had diſcovered too much. He alſo ſuffered his Grace's Steward and Nephew, Mr. Sancroft, who kept Poſſeſſion at Lambeth for his Uncle, to be Impriſoned and Fined, though he might have prevented both if he would; and yet leſt him not a Legacy for reparation of his great Fine, as Dr. Whitchcot did to Sir John Collins, though he had all the Fruits and Profits of the Archbiſhoprick, from the time of the Deprivation to the time that he took Poſſeſſion thereof. And it is further obſervable, That as he enjoyed the Place of of one, who was deprived by thoſe who had uſurped the Authority of Charles the Firſt, and that of another, but of vaſter Conſequence, who was deprived by the Power of thoſe who had firſt deprived K. James the Second; ſo he took the Place of a third, a Miniſter in Suffolk; who was Legally ejected by the Bartholomew Act, upon the Return of Charles the Second: Which ſhews, That he was a Man of all Times, and all Governments, Right or Wrong; and which in truth makes him look more like a Vicar of Bray, than an Heroe in Vertue, and will in moſt Mens Opinion take him down from that tall Character into an ordinary Man. But to return again to Dr. Whitchcot's Funeral Sermon; there is another Paſſage in it, which all the Men I ever ſpoke with, that heard or read it, took for a Reflection upon the Church of England, in the following Words: He diſclaimed Popery, and, as Things of near affinity with it, Superſtition and Uſurpation upon the Conſciences of Men. I know one Clergy-man who had a fair Reſpect for him before, that from this time would never defend his Reputation: And the moſt learned Mr. Dodwel, who indeed is a great Example of heroick Piety and Vertue, was much offended with this Paſſage, and went on purpoſe to him to let him know what juſt Offence he had given by it; but notwithſtanding he printed it again in his Third Volume of Sermons, with the Reflection in the Italick Character; which further proves what I ſaid before, That how tender ſoever he was to the Diſſenters, and extenſive in his Charity to them, he had not ſuch tenderneſs for true Church-men, nor ſuch a Loathneſs to offend theſe as thoſe.

I now come to the Character of Orthodoxy which our Preacher gives of him, in telling us of the P. 2. convincing Arguments by which he ſo clearly proved the Truth and Excellency of our holy Faith; and in the P. 7. Character of St. Paul, whom he makes his Exemplar, he inſinuates his great Concern for the Truth and Honour of the Chriſtian Religion, and more particularly that he aſſerted the great P. 31. Myſtery of the Trinity, when he was deſired by ſome, and provoked by others to do it, with that Strength and Clearneſs which was peculiar to him. As to the firſt, I thought the Torments of Hell, as well as the Joys of Heaven, had been part of our holy Faith; and taught as plainly by Chriſt, the great Doctor of his Church; and alſo as much implied in the Doctrine of the Reſurrection, and the laſt Judgment: But how convincingly he hath proved the Truth of them appears from what I have ſaid above. And as to his great Concern for the Truth and Honour for the Chriſtian Religion, that appears in the ſame manner, by his Apoſtacy in his Practice from that true and honourable Character he gave of it in his Fifth of November Sermon; and as for the Strength and Clearneſs with which he hath proved the Myſtery of the Trinity, I refer the Reader to the Book, in the Entitled, The Charge of Socinianiſm againſt Dr. Tillotſon conſider'd, in Examination of ſome Sermons he hath lately publiſhed to clear himſelf from that Imputation, by way of Dialogue. To which are added ſome Reflections upon the Second of Dr. Burnet's Diſcourſes delivered to the Clergy of Sarum, concerning the Divinity and Death of Chriſt, with a Supplement. Margent, which I hope will ſee the Light before theſe Diſcourſes of mine. There he will find that his Vindication of himſelf is but a ſhuffling Vindication, which hath much of Arian Cunning and Reſerve in it: And that he never departed from his Moderation in this point, as our Author ſaith he did not in another.

To this I ſhall add in the next place what he hath ſaid of the heinouſneſs of the Sin of Perjury, in his Aſſize Sermon upon Heb. 6.16. But I ſhall not inſiſt upon the Application of it, as of ſome former Paſſages, becauſe it will apply it ſelf; nor make ſome ſevere and dangerous Reflections upon his heroical Piety, becauſe they are ſo obvious, that the Reader may make them himſelf. There, he ſaith, that all departure from the Simplicity of an Oath is Perjury, and that a Man is never a whit the leſs forſworn, becauſe his Perjury is a little finer, and more artificial than ordinary. That he is guilty of Perjury, who having a real Intention when he ſwears to perform what he promiſeth, yet afterwards neglects to do it; not for want of Power, but for want of Will, and due Regard to his Oath. That the primary and ſole Intention of the Third Commandment, is to forbid the great Sin of Perjury; and that it is obſervable; That there is no Threatning added to any other Commandment; but to this and the Second; which intimates to us, that next to Idolatry, and the Worſhip of a falſe God, Perjury is one of the greateſt Affronts that can be offered to the Divine Majeſty. — This is one of thoſe Sins that cries aloud to Heaven, and quickens the pace of God's Judgments.— This Sin, by the Secret Judgment of God, undermines Eſtates and Families, to the utter ruin of them; and among the Heathens it was always reckoned one of the greateſt Crimes, and which they did believe God did not only puniſh upon the guilty Perſon himſelf, but many times upon whole Nations, as the Prophet alſo tells us, That becauſe of Oaths the Land mourns. I need not uſe many Words to aggravate this Sin; It is certainly a Crime of the higheſt Nature, deliberate Perjury being directly againſt a Man's knowledge; ſo that no Man can commit it without ſtaring his Conſcience in the Face, which is one of the greateſt Aggravations of any Crime; and it is equally a Sin againſt both Tables, being the higheſt Affront to God, and of moſt injurious Conſequence to Men. — In reſpect of Men, it is not only a Wrong to this or that particular Perſon, who ſuffers by it; but Treaſon to human Society, ſubverting at once the Foundations of publick. Peace and Juſtice.

This is juſt what our ſuffering Clergy and People ſay of Perjury, and in conſequence of it for their own Vindication. Indeed they ſuffer like Men of heroick Piety, becauſe they could not outſtare their Conſciences, as ſome other Men did; and in their Opinion, which they have ſo nobly defended, commit Treaſon againſt Mankind, and the King. Dr. Sherlock told the Biſhop of Killmore, He would be ſacrificed before he took the new Oath of Allegiance: And Dr. Dove ſaid, He would give a Thouſand Pound that he might not take it; ſuch Struglings they had to overcome the Dictates of their own Conſciences, which preached unto them the heinous Nature of Perjury: And if thoſe, who took that Oath with ſo much Difficulty, would but remember their own Caſe, they would have more Compaſſion for thoſe who could not take it at all; more eſpecially had that Tenderneſs which our Preacher ſaith his Heroe of Piety had for the Diſſenters been genuin, and the undeſign'd Effect of his tender and extenſive Charity, he would have been as tender and compaſſionate to the Diſſenters in this Reign, as to thoſe of the two former. It was fear of Perjury, the moſt heinous Sin of Perjury, againſt which he preached ſo well, that made them ſtand out; and if they are under a Miſtake, he ought to have pitied and ſympathiz'd with them more than other Men. Nay, upon reading this excellent Paſſage againſt Perjury, one would think he ſhould have had more Tenderneſs and Pity for them than for the diſſenting Parties; but inſtead of that, he was an early and vigorous Perſecutor of them, and ſo continued to his laſt Stroke; though they had defended their Cauſe much better than the Diſſenters were, or ever will be, able to defend theirs. The Sunday after the Firſt of February, the day of Deprivation, ſome of the Non-ſwearing Clergy preached in their Churches, as I remember Dr. Sherlock was one; and on Munday Morning following one of my Acquaintance going to this Man about ſome Buſineſs, he inveighed ſeverely againſt their Preſumption, and ſaid, Government was not to be ſo affronted. At St. Laurence, where he lies buried, he preached often againſt them; twice more eſpecially, at the beginning of Two ſeveral Seſſions of Parliament, and by degrees forgetting what he had preached againſt the heinous Sin of Perjury. He thought Priſons, and all the hard Uſages of them, which in former Reigns he was wont to call unchriſtian and inhuman Methods of converting Men, not too bad for the beſt of them. When others ſometimes would pity them for being deprived, and alſo dragoon'd by the new way of double Taxing, he would ſay, They brought their Sufferings upon themſelves; and which was yet more inhuman, he endeavoured to rob them of the Glory of their ſuffering for Conſcience, and to bring yet more Sufferings upon them: As if indeed they had been what Mr. Dolben called them at the Seſſions in Northampton, The Vermin of the Nation which ought to be deſtroyed. Yet our Preacher ſaith, That P. 26. 27. he had a Sweetneſs and Gentleneſs in his Nature that lean'd to Exceſs, and that he he never did an ill Office, or hard Thing, to any Perſon; whereas in his Thankſgiving Sermon at Whitehall for the Victory at Sea, he repreſents his old ſuffering Brethren only as Pretenders to Conſcience, and in his ſly way inſinuates, that the moſt likely and effectual way to reduce them, was to load them yet with more Sufferings. Saith he, As bad an Argument as Succeſs is of a good Cauſe, I am ſorry to ſay it, but am afraid it is true; it is like in the Concluſion to prove the beſt Argument of all others to convince thoſe; who have ſo long pretended Conſcience againſt ſubmiſſion to the preſent Government. One ſuch Intimation at Court againſt the Diſſenters, and ſuch a Character of them, in the former Reigns, would have been ſaid to have proceeded from an unchriſtian Spirit of Perſecution; but for fear one Inſinuation ſhould not have been enough againſt our preſent Sufferers, in the next Paragraph he ſaith it over again in other Words to the ſame purpoſe. Meer Succeſs is certainly one of the worſt Arguments in the World of a good Cauſe, and the moſt improper to ſatisfy Conſcience; and yet we find by Experience that in the Iſſue it is the moſt ſucceſsful of all other Arguments, and doth in a very odd, but effectual way, ſatisfy the Conſciences of a great many Men, by ſhewing them their Intereſts; which is the true Purport, Intent, and Engliſh of that Latin Sentence of his dear Friend the Maſter of the Charter houſe, whom he made Clerk of the Cloſet in the Dedication of his Archaeologia to K. W. Ne quid detrimenti Reſpublica capiat ex nimia Caeſar • s Clementia Oramus ſupplices.

From hence I proceed to make ſome Animadverſions upon ſome Sayings of our Preacher, concerning his Heroe, which lie ſcatter'd about his Funeral Sermon: P. 29. He tells us he never affected pompous Severities, by which we know very well he means the Auſterities of Faſting and Abſtinence, which the Church not only recommends but enjoyns, and that P. 21. he complied with the ill Practice of having Pluralities in the former Reigns, becauſe it was common; and P. 27. intimates alſo plain enough, That the ill Uſage he met with by thoſe Reflections which he deſcribes as Calumnies and Reproaches, help to break his Heart. But now, for God's ſake, how doth the Character of heroick Piety agree to a Man that practiſed no Auſterities, and that complied for his Advantage with the corrupt Cuſtoms of the Times? For heroick is always ſevere Piety, and full of Self-denial, and addicted to obſerve the wholeſom Rules and Doctrines of Mortification, eſpecially thoſe that are preſcribed by the Wiſdom of the Church; and it never complies with, but reſiſts the prevailing Corruptions of the Times, like Abraham in Chaldea, Lot in Sodom, or Daniel in Babylon. And with what Congruity did he ſet him forth for an Example of heroick Vertue, who had ſo little Chriſtian Courage, or ſupport from his own Innocency, as to ſink under the Calumnies of Men, which Cato, and Socrates, and a Thouſand brave Heathen Heroes, would have deſpiſed? Certainly this Character of heroick Piety and Vertue agrees much better with the deprived Clergy, who are Men generally ſpeaking of more auſtere Lives; and bear not only Calumnies, and Reproaches, and cruel Mockings, but the Loſs of all they had with exemplary Patience, Courage, and Reſignation to the Will of God, by which they are conformed in their Sufferings to thoſe Worthies which the Apoſtle propoſes for our Imitation in the 11th Chapter of his Epiſtle to the Hebrews; and deſerve now to be reverenced by all good Chriſtians as Confeſſors, who dare be Honeſt and Poor; and prefer the Truth and Honour of their Religion, before the Lands and Revenues of the Church. More particularly it agrees much better with the late Archbiſhop Dr. Sancroft, upon whom our Preacher thinks he neatly couched a Reflection, when he told us that his Heroe who intruded upon him did not affect pompous Auſterities. Indeed he practiſed them, but without Pomp, or Oſtentation. And as for his Sufferings of all Sorts, both in theſe and former Times, he bore them with exemplary Courage and Chearfulneſs: They had no influence on his Health, but quite contrary. He bleſſed God for them; and told my Lord N. when his Lordſhip went to Lambeth to try his Conſtancy, That he had rather ſuffer any Perſecution under a Lawful Prince than be preferred under an Uſurper.

He tells us again, P. 28. That few Men obſerved human Nature better than his Hero, or could make larger Allowance for the Frailty of Mankind than he did: And ſo it appears from the Character he gave his Maſter, in his Thankſgiving Sermon for the Victory at Sea. There he ſaith, That he was a Prince who hath made it the great Study and Endeavour of his Life to imitate the Divine Perfections, as far as the Imperfection of human Nature in this mortal State would admit. Before I make any other Reflection upon this Paſſage, I muſt here tell the World, That in the former Reigns no Man could leſs endure any Thing ſpoken in the Pulpit, though never ſo modeſtly and correctly in the Praiſes of our Kings. It was his common Practice to cenſure it in others on all Occaſions, and to ſay, That Flattery was ſo mean and deſpicable a Thing in it ſelf, and ſavour'd ſo ſtrong of Intereſt and Deſign in the Pulpit, that Clergy-men ought to avoid all appearance of it: And yet behold how ſhamefully he flatters his King here, and I doubt not See the Remarks upon ſome late Sermons. but it is owing to the ill Example he ſet the Clergy in this, and ſome former Sermons, that we have had of late ſo many fulſom and deſpicable Sermons of Flattery, as no Age ever ſaw, or will I hope ſee again. But this of his Prince's imitating the Divine Perfections, is the higheſt Strain of all; and ſhews with a Witneſs what large Allowances he made for the Frailties and Imperfections of Men. For at this rate Aboliſhing and Abjuring of Epiſcopacy, making War in the moſt Hoſtes hi ſunt qui Nobis, aut quibus nos publicè Bellum Decrevimus. Caeteri Latro • es, aut praedones ſunt F. de v. s. thieviſh and predonical Manner, without firſt demanding Reparation; ſlandering and robbing of Parents, maſſacring in cold Blood, Adultery, or if there be any Thing worſe than theſe may paſs among Divines for human Frailties, and the worſt of Sinners with thoſe Allowances for the beſt ſort of Saints.

He tells us P. 19, 20. of the great Concourſe of the Clergy-men to his Lecture, which made People conſider him as the Head of that Learned Body. But the Concourſe of the Clergy to that Lecture hath continued ſince, and yet no Man looks on the ingenious Perſon that ſucceeds him, as the Head of them: And how far he was conſidered from being the Head of the Clergy, did appear in the Convocation, where, to his great Diſappointment, and the Aſtoniſhment of our Preacher, another was choſen Prolocutor, who for Learning and Orthodoxy was much fitter for the Chair than he.

He tells us alſo, P. 18. That he turn'd the greateſt Part of this vaſt City to an hearty Love of the Church: So that all the reſt of the London Clergy turned not half ſo many to the Love of the Church as he alone did. But I could name ſome of them who turn'd Two for his One to an hearty Love of it; and to ſuch an hearty Love of it, as they endured Perſecution for adhering to it: But as for his Converts to the Church they were, generally ſpeaking, but imperfect Conformiſts to the Church; ſuch as did not live in the full or ſole Communion of it, and ſuch as rather bore with it than lov'd it; becauſe he preached and perſwaded them to it as a tolerable, but not as a laudable and excellent Conſtitution. And hence it came to paſs that ſo many of them did not love the Worſhip of it, with a Love of Delight and Complacency, which is the Love of the Heart; but were content to uſe it for want of better, as the common Proverb ſaith of nice and curious Palats, That they can make a Shift with brown Bread, till they can get white. I have known many of his conſtant Followers, and have found by Experience what I ſay to be true, and I appeal to the Clergy of London, if they have not made the ſame Obſervation; and particularly I knew one venerable Clergy-man, now with God, to whom one of his and our Preacher's Admirers too, I mean my Lord Ruſſel, made no difficulty to acknowledge, That he took not ſuch Delight in the Common Prayers, as others; and had rather have had others in his Chappel, if he might, than thoſe.

He alſo tells us, That he had a ſuperiour Judgment to moſt Men: But how doth that appear from one whole Sermon, and ſome Paſſages out of others, which I have obſerved? Had he not been ſo unhappy as to ſet himſelf his own Patern, but followed ſome Paterns of former Times, particularly the Judicious Sanderſon's, he had never preached ſo many dangerous, falſe, and inconſiderate Things; nor given Dr. Sherlock when he preached againſt his Sermon of Hell Torments at St. Dunſtan's occaſion to ſay, That he had no cauſe to think himſelf a greater Maſter of Reaſon than other Men, or that he had more of it than they. And that he was not always attended with this ſuperiour Judgment even in his moſt deliberate Compoſures, appears from a Paſſage in his P. 103. Third Sermon of Education, where he ſaith, That the Duty of nurſing Children, being a natural Duty of Women, is of more neceſſary and indiſpenſible Obligation, than any poſitive Precept of Religion. Good God! Is it of more neceſſary and indiſpenſible Obligation than to believe in Chriſt, which is but a poſitive Duty▪ Or is the Neglect of it in a Mother, that hath no Excuſe for neglecting of it, a more crying Sin than to live in the conſtant Neglect of the Sacrament, or Prophanation of the Lord's Day, or utter Contempt of the Miniſtry, or to run into wilful Hereſy and Schiſm? Our Preacher alſo P. 14. tell us, That we ſhall have more Eſſays of his Preaching, but I hope we ſhall have no more ſuch Eſſays of his ſuperiour Judgment; but unleſs ſome Judgment ſuperior to his review them after him, I fear we ſhall have more: Although we are told, That P. 25. he was reviewing them at his Minutes of leiſure, and given them his laſt Touches.

He tells, P. 22. That he rejoyced in our happy Deliverance, and obſerved the amazing Steps of Providence in it. So did his Uncle Cromwel too; and will you hear him ſpeak upon this Subject of Providence in his Declaration, which he put forth in his own, and his Council of Officers Names, after they had turned the Commons out of Doors, the 23 of April, 1653. — Flagellum, or the Life of O. Cromwel, Printed for L. R. 1663. p. 138. Nor to mind in this Declaration the various Diſpenſations through which Divine Providence has led us, or the witneſs the Lord hath born, and the many ſignal Teſtimonies of Acceptance which he hath given to the ſincere Endeavours of his moſt unworthy Servants. — After it had pleaſed God not only to reduce Ireland, and give in Scotland, but ſo marvelouſly to appear for the People at Worceſter — but on the contrary, there more and more appeared among them [the Parliament ſo called] an Averſion to the Things themſelves, with much bitterneſs and oppoſition to the People of God, and his Spirit working in them. — Leſt this Cauſe, which the Lord hath ſo greatly bleſſed, and bore witneſs to, ſhould languiſh under our hands. — It ſeemeth to be a Duty incumbent upon us, who had ſeen ſo much of the Power and Preſence of God going along with us — That as we have been led by Neceſſity and Providence to act as we have done, even beyond and above our own Thoughts and Deſires; ſo we ſhall, and do, in that of this great Work which is behind, put our ſelves wholy upon the Lord for a Bleſſing. — That all Men, as they would not provoke the Lord to their own Deſtruction, would wait for ſuch an Iſſue as he ſhall bring forth. — And to know that the late great and glorious Diſpenſations, wherein the Lord hath ſo wonderfully appeared in bringing forth theſe Things, by the Travel and Blood of his Children, ought to oblige them. — We ſee by this Extract out of Cromwel's Declaration, how great and ſtupendious Steps of Providence went along with him in all his Enterprizes; and what a Series of Succeſſes attended him in his moſt execrable Undertakings. And therefore I hope we ſhall hear no more of the amazing Steps of Providence, which were obſervable in the late Revolution, ſince that Uſurper ſaith, he was led by Providence to act beyond and above his Thoughts and Deſires. And all this ſhews, That as Divines ſay we muſt try Miracles by Doctrines, as well as Doctrines by Miracles; ſo if we would not be led into fatal Miſtakes, we muſt conſider the Juſtice of any Cauſe, as well as the miraculous Providences that attend it: Since God, for our Tryal, ſuffers Providences and Succeſſes equally ſtupendious to attend Cauſes, Good and Bad, as he makes the Sun to ſhine upon the Juſt and Unjuſt.

He ſaith, That their Majeſties P. 23. made choice of him for the Archbiſhoprick, as the fitteſt Perſon; and I agree with him, That he was as fit a Perſon for that Turn, as they could have pitched upon. And further he tells us, That though he was unwilling to accept it, yet their perſiſting in their Intentions made him think it was the Call and Voice of God, and ſo he ſubmitted. To which I ſhall ſay no more, but that in judging of a Call, we are to conſider not only who Calls us, but to what we are Called; and that Kings may call, and tempt, and importune us to commit deadly Sins, as well as other Men. Furthermore, by the Example of the Lord Protector Cromwel, we may ſee that when Kings call us, we are to conſider well what kind of Kings they are; or elſe we may ſometimes be in danger to miſtake the Temptations of the Devil, and our own wicked Hearts, for the Call of God.

He tell us alſo, P. 3. That he would ſpeak with great Reſerves of him, and ſo he hath. For how often was he wont to declare his Reſolution, that he would never be a Biſhop? I have often heard him admir'd upon the Account of that ſelf-denying Reſolution, and alſo obſerved how venerable his Refuſal of ſome Biſhopricks would render his Name to Poſterity. But when Men make ſuch Reſolutions, they make them it ſeems with a tacit Reſerve to the perſiſting Call of a King. For I can name two Perſons, now in the Places of deprived Biſhops, and one of them to my certain knowledg, who vehemently declared againſt taking of the Places of any of the deprived Biſhops: But I ſuppoſe their Majeſties made choice of them too, as the fitteſt Perſons, and that they looked upon their perſiſting in their Intentions as the Call and Voice of God, diſpenſing not only with their former moſt deliberate Reſolutions, but alſo with all the Fundamental Laws of Eccleſiaſtical Unity to the contrary, the Examples of the beſt and pureſt Ages, and the Canons of the Church.

He alſo tells us, P. 10, 11. That his firſt Education was among the Puritans, but of the beſt Sort; and that he was ſoon free'd from his firſt Impreſſions and Prejudices, or rather that he was never maſtered with them: But I have reaſon to think that they were not the beſt ſort of Puritans, under whom he had his firſt Education. Firſt, Becauſe his Father very early turned Anabaptiſt, which gave ſome Occaſion to call his Baptiſm into queſtion: And Secondly, Becauſe the beſt ſort of Puritans, as hath been often ſhewed, were far from the Principles of Reſiſtance and Rebellion; but under whomſoever he had his firſt Education, he came ſeaſoned to the Univerſity of Cambridge with thoſe Principles. For not long after he came thither, King Charles the Firſt was brought by Cambridge to Hampton Court, and Lodging at Sir John Cuts his Houſe at Childerly near that Univerſity, the Scholars went thither to kiſs his Hand: But he, and ſome few more, had ſo ſignaliz'd themſelves for thoſe they then called Round-heads, that they were not admitted to that Honour with the reſt of the Scholars. Within a Year or two after he went out Midſummer-Batchelor of Arts; by which, having locally qualified himſelf for a Fellowſhip, he got the Rump's Mandamus for Dr. Gunning's, (which I think one of his own Gang enjoyed a little before him) as a Reward for his good affection to the Cauſe. From that time to his diſcontinuance he governed the College; the Senior Fellows not daring to oppoſe him, becauſe of the Intereſt he had with his great Maſters: And ſo zealous was he for them, That the Corner of the College, which he and his Pupils took up in the new Building, was called the Round-head Corner. And when King Charles the Second was beaten at Worceſter, he ſent for the Tables in which the College Grace was written, and after the Paſſage of Thankſgiving for their Benefactors, Te Laudamus pro Benefactoribus noſtris, &c. he added with his own Hand, and of his own Head, Praeſertim pro nupera Victoria contra Carolum Stuartum in Agro Wigornienſi reportata, or to that effect. In the Year 1656. or the Beginning of 1657. he diſcontinued from the College, being invited by Prideaux, Cromwel's Attorney General, to teach his Son, and do the Office of a Chaplain in his Family; and the Reader may pleaſe to take notice, That his Son was the ſame Mr. Prideaux who was in the Duke of Monmouth's Rebellion. I have related all this upon very good Authority, to ſhew that Dr. Tillotſon had not his firſt Education under the beſt Puritans, and that he was not ſo ſoon free'd from the Prejudices and Impreſſions of it; but that hitherto he was perfectly maſter'd by them: And whether or no they had not ſome influence over him all his Life long, I leave the Reader, from what I have ſaid of him in this Chapter, to judge.

He tell us again, P. 11. That though ha was ſoon free'd from the firſt Prejudices of his Puritanical Education, yet he ſtuck to the Strictneſs of Life to which he was bred under them. This is one of our Preacher's ſide-wind Reflections upon the true Sons and Daughters of the Church of England; as if they were not wont to breed up their Children in as ſtrict an Exerciſe of true Piety and Vertue, as the Puritans did.

He alſo ſaith, P. 20. That his extraordinary Worth forced ſome, who had no Kindneſs for him, to advance him: THE SOME he means is only King Charles the Second, who plainly perceived that he was not quite free'd from the Prejudices of his firſt Education; for when he officiated in the Cloſet, inſtead of Bowing at the Name of Jeſus, or rather to Jeſus at the mentioning of his ſaving Name, that he might ſeem to do ſomething, and yet not do the thing it ſelf, he uſed to ſtep and bend backwards, caſting up his Eyes to Heaven; which the King obſerving, ſaid, He Bowed the wrong way, as the Quakers do when they ſalute their Friends. And yet though his Majeſty, who was a great Diſcerner of Men, perfectly knew him, he preferred him to gratify the Heads of a Party. And may all Princes, who for Politick Ends prefer thoſe for whom they have no Kindneſs, and who have not true Kindneſs for them, be requited as he was.

He tells us, P. 13. That he ſtudied all the Ancient Philoſophers, and Books of Morality. But bate me an Ace of that, quoth Bolton; for I will be bold to ſay, He was ſo far from Reading them all, that he ſcarce Saw them all, or had the curioſity to read them, eſpecially thoſe in the Greek Language. Then he tells us, That among the Fathers, St. Baſil, and St. Chryſoſtom, were thoſe he chiefly read. But how came he, who had ſuch a ſuperior Judgment, to read ſo many Philoſophers, and ſo few Fathers, and to take up with Two of Five more which our Preacher ſaith See his Pref. before Bedel's Life. were the Beauties of the Silver Age of the Church? Methinks one that deſired to be a conſummat Divine ſhould have been as willing to read the great Athanaſius, the Gregorys, St. Jerom, St. Ambroſe, and St. Auguſtin; but more eſpecially one that deſired to be an Orthodox Divine ſhould methinks have well ſtudied the Clements, the Ignatius's, the Polycarps, the Irenaeus's, the Tertullians, and the Cyprians, who Ibid. he ſaith, were the Glories of the Golden Age of the Church. He had better by much have ſtudied all them, than all the Ancient Philoſophers; and had he went into all the beſt Things of thoſe Fathers, as it ſeems he did into all the beſt Things of Biſhop Wilkins, I need not fear to ſay, he had been a much ſurer Guide, as well as a more learned and profound Divine; and had not been ſo ready at all times to treat away thoſe Things with Diſſenters, which give ſuch an Advantage to the Church of England above all the Reformed, and more particularly enable her to anſwer that unhappy Queſtion of our common Adverſaries, Where is your Miſſion? The not being able to anſwer which, as we can do, hath contributed more to the Ruin of the French Reformed Church, than all the late Perſecution. For he would have learned in thoſe Fathers, who lived neareſt to the Times of the Apoſtles, that Biſhops were their Succeſſors, and next under Chriſt the Heads of their particular Dioceſes: From whom the Presbyters derived their Powers, and to whom they, and the People, were to be ſubject for Chriſt's ſake. Had he thoroughly learned and imbibed this Doctrine, which is beſt learned from thoſe Fathers, he would in all likelihood have been as loth to part from it, as thoſe the Latitudinarian Projectors are apt to call narrow and angry Men; becauſe they are not for Treaties of Comprehenſion with Diſſenters upon ſuch Terms, as are not conſiſtent with the Catholick and Apoſtolick Tradition concerning Epiſcopacy, and Epiſcopal Ordinations; and which, if yielded to, would be of more dangerous Conſequence to the Religion we profeſs, than all our Diſſenters are, or can be.

Notwithſtanding all this, our Preacher cannot but tell us P. 17. of his tender Method of treating with Diſſenters, and of his Endeavours to extinguiſh that Fire, and to unite us among our ſelves: But he doth not tell us what were the Principles and Terms of Union upon which we were to be united, nor how many of the Diſſenters were to be taken in. I can tell one Project which will take them all in, and Roman Catholicks with them; and that is, to comprehend all who will ſubſcribe to the Divine Authority of the Scriptures, and all the Doctrines contained therein: And if he ſhall ſay, That ſuch a Comprehenſion is too wide, and ſuch an Union more than all Diviſions; I am afraid when we ſhall know what this Man's tender Method of Union, or pious Deſigns, as Temp. Ch. Serm. preached Dec. 30. 1694 p. 17. Dr. Sherlock calls them, were, there will be Reaſon to ſay the ſame Thing of it, and them. For I make no difficulty to confeſs to the Reverend Doctor, That I am one of thoſe many Thouſands who ſuſpect his admirable Primates pious Deſigns of ſerving the Church his own way: For he was always for blending of Orders under Pretence of Union, and ſince he commenced admirable Primate, he was wont to adviſe the Scottiſh Epiſcopal Clergy-men to ſubmit to their Presbyterians, and do all Acts of Compliance to their pretended Authority; which was in effect to adviſe them not only to commit the higheſt Act of Diſobedience and Schiſm againſt their own Biſhops, but to abjure Epiſcopacy with thoſe who deteſt and abjure it as an Antichriſtian Uſurpation over the Church of God. The good Lord of his Mercy deliver his Church from ſuch admirable Primates and Biſhops, as are Traytors to their own Order; and from ſuch tender Methods of Union, and pious Deſigns of ſerving the Church, as they may without breach of Charity be ſuppoſed to have. Our Preacher, as well as his Heroe, may be numbred among thoſe pious Deſigners for going to wait upon the Duke of Hamilton, when he was laſt in London, ſome days before he went for Scotland: He took upon him to tell his Grace, That he would ruin his Intereſt, if he did not ſtick faſt to the Presbyterian Cauſe; for they began to fear that he was not for it to them. And thereupon he adviſed him, as he regarded his own Standing, and the Kings Favour, to be ſure to promote the Presbyterian Intereſt. This the Duke told to a Perſon of Honour before he left the Town. And now hear, O ye See the Pref. before Bedel's Life. Clements, Ignatius's, Polycarps, Deny's, Irenaeus's, and Cyprians, of the Golden Age of the Church, was not this Apoſtolical Councel in a Man that bears your holy Character? Could he do any Thing more unworthy of it, than to adviſe a Prince of his Country to ſupport thoſe, and ſtick to theſe, who have declared your Holy Order to be Antichriſtian, and aboliſhed it as an Uſurpation, and deprived your Succeſſors, as much as in them lies, for Uſurpers over the Church of God. Nay, let all Men that read this Story conſider it a little in its juſt Conſequences, and Reflections upon this wretched Man, as he is a Biſhop, and a Biſhop who formerly aſſerted the Office of a Biſhop to be an Apoſtolical Inſtitution. Read what he hath wrote for it in his Preface to Biſhop Bedel's Life. It is not poſſible to think that a Government can be Criminal, under which the World received the Chriſtian Religion and that in a Courſe of many Ages; in which, as all the Corners of the Chriſtian Church, ſo all the Parts of it the Sound as well as the Unſound, that is, the Orthodox, as well as the Hereticks and Schiſmaticks, agreed. The Perſecutions that then lay ſo heavy upon the Church, made it no deſirable Thing for a Man to be expoſed to their firſt Fury, which was always the Biſhops Portion: And that in a Courſe of many Centuries; in which there was nothing but Poverty and Labour to be got by the Employment. There being no Princes to ſet it on, as an Engin of Government; and no Synods of Clergy men gathered to aſſume that Authority to themſelves, by joynt Deſigns and Endeavours. And can it be imagined that in all that glorious Cloud of Witneſſes to the Truth of the Chriſtian Religion, — there ſhould not ſo much as one ſingle Perſon be found, on whom either a Love of Truth, or an Envy of the Advancement of others, prevailed ſo far as to declare againſt ſuch an early and univerſal Corruption, if it is to be eſteemed one? When all this is complicated together, it is really of ſo great Authority, that I love not to give the proper Name to that Temper that can withſtand ſo plain a Demonſtration. For what can a Man even herited with all the Force of Imagination, and poſſeſſed with all the Sharpneſs of Prejudice, except to the Inference made from theſe Premiſſes, That a Form ſo ſoon introduced; and ſo wonderfully bleſt, could not be contrary to the Rules of the Goſpel, and cannot be aſcribed to any other Original, but that the Apoſtles every where eſtabliſhed it as a Fence about the Goſpel which they planted; ſo that our Religion and Government are to be reckoned Twins, born at the ſame Time, and both derived from the ſame Fathers? —Therefore it will perhaps be neceſſary, in order to the giving a fuller and amiabler Proſpect of that Apoſtolical Conſtitution, &c. And if it is an Apoſtolical Conſtitution, with what Face or Conſcience could he ſolicit the Duke of Hamilton to adhere to thoſe who declare it to be a Diabolical and Antichriſtian Uſurpation? But if it is not, and by conſequence not an Inſtitution of unalterable Right, Why do we continue it? Why is the Church troubled with two Orders of Prieſthood when one would ſerve? It hath coſt this Nation much Blood and Treaſure to ſupport it. The Earl of Strafford might have had his Life, if he would have bought it at ſo dear a Hate, as to perſwade King Charles the Firſt to conſent to the Aboliſhing of it: That bleſſed Prince died a Martyr for it: And our Primate of everlaſting Memory, Archbiſhop Laud, was ſacrificed for it. And yet, alas! it is now aboliſhed in one Kingdom, and diſgraced and polluted with Schiſm in the other two: And the very Foundation of it hath been and is ſtill an undermining under the popular Pretences of tender Methods and pious Deſigns. Let the Obſervation of the Lord's Day, Infant Baptiſm, the Two Sacraments, the Doctine of the Holy Trinity, which ſtand upon the ſame bottom, be all treated away with it. To diſpence with thoſe, as well as with this, will make the Union yet more Glorious and Comprehenſive, and more worthy of the pious Undertakers. For I know no Reaſon why the Anabaptiſts, Quakers, and Socinians, ſhould not alſo be taken in: But as to my own particular, I muſt here declare, That I am for pure Catholick and unmixt Communion; and if after this deſigned Comprehenſion of the Sects, there is to be found but One ſuch Church of Two or Three, in what corner of the Land ſoever, I will join my ſelf to that.

But then in the ſecond place, let us ſuppoſe thoſe Authorities to be the ſame, yet it doth not follow, that the Caſes of the Deprivations are the ſame too. For the ſame lawful Authority may in one Reign deprive juſtly, and in another unjuſtly; ſometimes it may make good, and ſometimes it may enact wicked Laws; ſometimes puniſh evil-doers, and ſometimes puniſh well-doers, and baniſh, deprive, or premunire Men, or put them to death for keeping as well as for breaking the Commandments of God, and for adhereing to Truth, Juſtice, and common Honeſty, which are the Ligaments of all Human Communions, as well as for acting againſt them, and the plain Maxims of Right and Wrong, which are engraven upon the Conſciences of Men. Our Preacher therefore ſhould not only have aſſerted the Authorities depriving to be the ſame, but the Cauſes, and Reaſons of the Deprivations to have been the ſame too; but this he hath not had aſſurance enough to do, and therefore for any thing he hath written to the contrary, the Deprivation of our ſuffering Biſhops and Clergy may be unjuſt, and wicked, and a direful perſecution, and they as much Confeſſors, for Righteouſneſs, Truth, and common Probity, as he ſaith, they now pretend to be: There are ſuch Apologies, and Defences written for them, that I proteſt, if I were their moſt implacable Enemy, as I fear our Preacher is, I could not tell how to anſwer them, and till they are anſwer'd, they, and thoſe, who hold Communion with them, and wiſh well to them, will preſume the Truth to be on their ſide. This I ſay upon ſuppoſition, that the Authority which deprived them is as lawful, as our Preacher can wiſh it, but if it ſhould be otherwiſe, as it may be for any thing he hath ſaid to the contrary, then upon this ſuppoſition, I believe he will not deny, but that as Chriſtians they ſuffer Perſecution, and tyrannical Oppreſſion as Freeborn Subjects of this Realm.

Further, there is ſomething more in this matter, which the deprived inſiſt upon with great force of Reaſon, and that is the want of Validity in any Civil Authority whatſoever to deprive Biſhops, a point which Dr. Hody the chief Vindicator of the preſent Deprivations hath not yet ventured upon, though he hath See his Preface to the Caſe of the Sees vacant stated, &c. promiſed a particular Treatiſe of it, and he is earneſtly deſired to reſerve it no longer, that the moſt Learned and Pious Vindication of the deprived Biſhops, who hath long expected it, may return an anſwer to both.

Having now ended my third Chapter, I ſhould proceed in a fourth, to cenſure the Stile of our Preacher with the ſame freedom, that he hath taken upon him to cenſure that of ſo many other Writers, and moſt of them greater men, than himſelf. The Stile of Dr. Lowth, who is a much greater Divine, is in his account rough, and ſhaggy; his Author Lactantius wrote not in a ſtile becoming an Hiſtorian; Varillas his Periods, though they had their Beauties, yet were but whipt Cream; Maimbourgh's Writings ſmelt of Champaigne, and Mounſieur Le Grand, whoſe learning is anſwerable to his name, wrote like an Si Monſieur Burnet avoit vû les deux concluſions qui ſont à la fin de la Defenſe de Sanderus, & de la reſutation des deux premiers Livres de la Reformation, il auroit raiſon de dire, qu'en ces endroits là, le Stile de Monſieur Le Grand, eſt le Stile dùn Avocat, & d'un Avocat vehement, qui gourmande furieuſement ſa partie. Et on peut aſſurer que cét Avocat appelle icy de la ſentence de Monſieur Burnet, comme de juge incompetent. Lettres de Monſieur Burnet avec les remarques de M. L. G. p. 13. Advocate, and Pleader of Cauſes, and if Sir George Mackenſie had lived, his would have ſmelt ſo too. No Stile of any ſort of Writers, plain or poliſhed, courſe or fine, can pleaſe him in any Language; be they Engliſh or Foreigners, Proteſtants or Papiſts, Divines or Lawyers if they are his Adverſaries, they cannot eſcape his inſolent Cenſure. But if they are friends, or partiſans, and men of his Feather, then their Funeral Serm. p. 13.14. Style is exact, neither ſinking nor ſwelling, plain, diſtinct, ſhort, clear, all of one piece, without ſuperfluity of Words, ſuperficial Strains, falſe Thoughts, or bold Flights; all ſolid, yet lively, and grave, as well as free. The Wilkinſes and Tillotſons, that are for the Liberties of Mankind, and have large Thoughts of things, thoſe who are their own Patterns, and above the Examples of former Times, they ſhall all have the higheſt Characters; they are all Patterns for the World to follow; but the men of ſtrict Principles, the narrow, the hot, the warm, the angry, and the peeviſh men, are unaccurate, and little Writers, that underſtand true Eloquence as little, as the juſt freedoms of Human Nature. Nor have they any thing of Propriety, Beauty, or Strength of Stile, when they happen to write againſt him. But notwithſtanding all the provocations he hath given to examine the Stile of his Funeral Sermon, and ſhew how incongruous it is to the Occaſion▪ and boyiſh in affectation of Words; and Phraſes, I will not ſpend my time, and Paper in an undertaking ſo unſuitable to my Genius, but leave it to the Wits, and Criticks of the Town, and particularly to the fourth Perſon of the Conference mentioned in the Introduction, who will not act againſt the Rules of Honour, if they call him, and other haughty Writers to the teſt of Eloquence, and by the ſeverity of a ſtrict Cenſure expoſe their Writings, as much as it is their common practice to expoſe other mens. For my own part, as I am ſenſible of many defects in my own Stile, ſo I ſeldom cenſure other mens, always minding more what is written, than the manner of writing of it, and the truth, weight, and congruity of things in Sermons, and all other Tracts, more than the Stile in which the Author ſets them before his Reader; and where there is no exception againſt the former, or none juſt or matterial, I always conceal the defects I think there may be in the later.