A Full Relation Of t …

A Full Relation Of two Journeys: THE ONE Into the MAIN-LAND OF FRANCE. THE OTHER, Into some of the adjacent ILANDS.

Performed and digested into SIX BOOKS, BY PETER HEYLYN.

Horace de Arte Poet.
Segnius irritant animos dimissa per aures,
Quam quae sunt oculis subjecta fidelibus—

LONDON, Printed by E. Cotes for Henry Seile, and are to be sold at the Black-boy over against St. Dunstans Church in Fleetstreet, M. DC. LVI.


I Here present unto your Lordship the Fruits, if not the Follies also, of my younger daies, not published now, if the audaciousnesse of some others had not made that necessary which in my own [Page] thoughts was esteemed unseasonable. The reasons why I have no sooner published these Relations, and those which have inforced me to do it now, are laid down in the following Preface, sufficient (as I hope) both to excuse and justifie me with ingenuous men. But for my boldnesse in giving them the countenance of your Lordships name, I shall not study other reasons then a desire to render to your Lord­ship some acknowledgement of those many fair expressions of esteem and favour, which your Lordship from my first coming to Westminster, hath vouchsafed unto me Your known abilities in most parts of learning, to­gether with the great respects you have for those which pretend unto it, encli­ned you to embrace such opinion of me, as was more answerable to your [Page] own goodnesse then to my desert, and to cherish in me those Proficiencies, which were more truly in your self. And for my part, I alwaies looked up­on your Lordship as a true Son of the Church of England, devoted zealously to her Forms of worship, the ortho­doxies of her Doctrine, and the Apo­stolicism of her Government; which makes me confident that these pieces will not prove unwelcome to you, in which the superstitions & innovations of the two opposite parties, are with an equal hand laid open to your Lord­ships view. Nor shall you find in these Relations, such matters of compliance only with your Lordship in point of Judgement, as promise satisfaction un­to your intellectuall, and more noble parts; but many things which may af­ford you entertainments of a different [Page] nature, when you are either spent with study, or wearied with affairs of more near importance. For here you have the principallest Cities and fairest Provinces of France presented in as lively colours, as my unpolished hand could give them; the Temper, Hu­mour and Affections of the People, generally deciphered with a free and impartial Pen; the publick Govern­ment of the whole, in reference to the Court, the Church, and the Civil State, described more punctually then ever heretofore in the English Tongue; some observations intermingled of more ancient learning, but pertinent and proper to the businesse which I had in hand. You have here such an accompt also of some of the adjoy­ning Islands (the only remainders of our Rights in the Dukedome of Nor­mandy) [Page] that your Lordship may finde cause to wonder, how I could say so much on so small a subject, if the great alterations which have hapned there in bringing in and working out the Genevian Discipline, had not occasio­ned these enlargements. Such as it is, it is submitted with that Reverence to your Lordships Judgement, which best becometh

My Lord,
Your Lordships most humble And most devoted Servant, Pet. Heylyn.

The Authors Preface to the Reader.

IT may seem strange unto the Reader, that I after so large a volume of Cosmography, in which the world was made the subject of my Travels, I should descend unto the publishing of these Relations, which point at the estate only of some neighbouring places: or that in these declining times of my life and fortunes, I should take pleasure in communicating such Compositions, as were the products of my youth, and therefore proba­bly not able to endure the censure of severer age. And to say truth, there are some things in this pub­lication, whereof I think my self obliged to give an account to him that shall read these papers, as well for his satisfaction as mine own discharge; as namely touching the occasion of these several Journeys, my different manner of proceeding in these Relations, the reasons why not published sooner, and the impulsions which have moved me to produce them now.

For the two first, the Reader may be pleased to II know, that as I undertook the first Journey, in the company of a private friend, only to satisfie my self in taking a brief view of the plea­sures and delights of France; so having pleased my [Page] publick view without his consent. For having tendred it unto him, it was no more mine, and not being mine, I had no reason to dispose otherwise of it, as long as the property thereof was vested in him by mine own free act. But he being laid to sleep in the bed of peace, I conceive my self to have gotten such a second right therein, as the Granter hath many times in Law, when there is no Heir left of the Grantee to enjoy the gift, and consequently to lay any claim unto it. And being resolved, upon the reasons hereafter following, to publish the first of these two Journals, I thought it not amisse to let this also wait upon it, second in place, as it had been second in performance and course of time.

So for the first Journey, being digested and com­mitted V unto writing for mine own contentment, with­out the thought of pleasing any body else; the keep­ing of it by me did as much conduce to the end pro­posed, as if it had been published to the view of others. And I had still satisfied my self in enjoying that end, if the importunity of friends (who were willing to put themselves to that charge and trouble) had not drawn some copies of it from me. By means whereof it came unto more hands then I ever meant it, and at the last into such hands, by which it would have been presented to the publick view without my consent; and that too with such faults and errors, as Transcripts of necessity must be subject to when not compared with the Original, or perused by the Author. And had it hapned so, as it was like enough to happen, and hath hapned since, the faults and errors of the Copy, as well as of the Presse, would have passed for mine; and I must have been thought accomptable for those [Page] transgressions which the ignorance and unadvisednesse of other men would have drawn upon me. And yet there was some other reason, which made the publish­ing of that Journal when first finished by me, not so fit nor safe, nor so conducible to some ends, which I had in view. I had before applyed my self unto his Majesty, when Prince of Wales, by Dedicating to him the first Essayes of my Cosmographie; and thereby opened for my self a passage into the Court, whenso­ever I should have a minde to look that way. And at the time when I had finished these Relations, the French party there were as considerable for their num­ber, as it was afterwards for their power: and the discourse fashioned with so much liberty, and touching (as it might be thought) with so much Gayete de coeu [...] upon the humours of that people, might have pro­cured me no good welcome; and proved but an un­handsome harbinger, to take up any good lodging for me in that place, when either my studies should enable, or my ambition prompt me to aspire unto it. Which causes being now removed, I conceive the time to be more seasonable now, then it was at the first, and that these papers may more confidently walk the open streets, without giving any just offence to my self or others.

For though perhaps it may be said, that I have made VI too bold with the French, and that my character of that people, hath too much of the Satyrist in it, as be­fore was intimated; yet I conceive that no sober minded man either of that Nation or of this, will finde himself aggrieved at my freedome in it. The French and other forein Nations make as bold with us, not sparing to lay open our wants and weaknesses, even [Page] without occasion, and offering them by such multiply­ing [...] to the sight of others, as render them far greater then indeed they are. Men of facetious fancies and scoffing wits (as the French generally are) must not expect to be alwaies on the offering hand, but be content to take such money as they use to give; there would be else no living neer them, or conversing with them. Hanc veniam petimus (que) damus (que) vicissim, in the Poets language. Besides the reader must distin­guish betwixt the inclinations of nature, and corrupti­ons in manners. Natural inclinations may be descri­bed under a free and liberal character, without any wrong unto the Nations which are so described: nor is it more to the dishonour of the French, to say that they are airy, light, Mercurial, assoon lost as found; then to the Span [...]ard, to be accounted slow, and Sa­turnine, lofty and proud, even in the lowest ebb of a beggerly fortune. The temperature of the soyle and air, together with the influences of the heavenly bodies, occasion that variety of temper and affections in all different Nations, which can be no reproach un­to them, when no corruption of manners, no vice in matter of morality is charged upon them. Hinc illa ab antiquo vitia, et patriae sorte durantia, quae totas in historiis gentes aut commendant aut notant, saith a mo­dern but judicious Author. The present French had not been else so like the Galls in the Roman stories, had not those influences, and other naturall causes be­fore remembred, produced the same natural inclinati­ons, and impulsions in them, as they had effected in the other; their own Du Bartas saith as much touching this particular, as he is thus translated by Josuah Sylve­ster.

O see how full of wonders strange is nature,
Sith in each climate, not alone in stature,
Strength, colour, hair; but that men differ do
Both in their humours, and their manners too.
The Northern man is fair, the Southern foul;
That's white, this black, that smiles & this doth scowl.
The one blithe and frolick, the other dull & froward,
The one full of courage, the other a fearful coward.

Much lesse would I be thought injurious to the fe­male VII sex, though I have used the like freedome in my character of them. I doubt not but there are amongst them, many gallant women, of most exemplary vir­tue, and unquestioned chastity; and I believe the grea­test part are such indeed, though their behaviour at first sight might, to a man untravelled, perswade the con­trary. But general characters are to be fitted to the temper and condition of a people generally, unto the Genera singulorum, as Logicians phrase it, though pos­sibly (as there are few general Rules without some ex­ceptions) many particular persons both of rank and merit, may challenge an exemption from them:

Queis meliore luto finxit praecordia Titan.
To whom the heavens have made a brest
Of choicer metall then the rest.

And it is possible enough I might have been more sparing of that liberty which I then gave unto my self, were there occasion to make a second character of [Page] them at this present time; or had I not thought fit to have offered this discourse without alteration, as it first issued from my pen. Our English women at that time were of a more retired behaviour then they have been since, which made the confident carriage of the French Damosels, seem more strange unto me, whereas of late the garbe of our women is so altered, and they have so much in them of the mode of France, as easily might take off those misapprehensions, with which I was really possessed at my first coming thither. So much doth custome alter the true face of things, that it makes many things approvable, which at the first ap­peared unsightly.

In the next place it may be said that this short Jour­nall VIII deserves not to be called A SURVEY OF THE STATE OF FRANCE, considering that it only treat­eth of some particular Provinces, and of such Towns and Cities only in those Provinces, as came within the compasse of a personal view. But then it may be said withall, that these four Provinces which I passed thorow, and describe, may be considered as the Epi­tome of the whole, the abstract or compendium of the Body of France: the Isle of France being look­ed on as the mother of Paris, Picardie as the chiefest Granary, and La Beause as the nurse thereof; as Nor­mandy is esteemed for the Bulwark of all France it self by reason of that large Sea-coast, and well fortified Ha­vens, wherewith it doth confront the English. And if the rule be true in Logick (as I think it is) that a De­nomination may be taken from the nobler parts; then certainly a Survey of these four Provinces, the noblest and most considerable parts of all that Kingdome, may be entituled without any absurdity the Survey of France. [Page] For besides that which hath been spoken, it was in these four Provinces that Henry the 4. did lay the scene of his long war against the Leaguers, as if in keeping them assured or subjected to him the safety of the whole Kingdome did consist especially. For though the war was carried into most other Provinces as the necessity of affairs required, yet it was managed in those Provinces by particular parties. Neither the King himself, nor the Duke of Mayenne (the heads of the contending Armies) did act any thing in them except some light velitations in Champagne, and one excursion into Burgundie; the whole decision of the quarrels, depending principally, if not wholly, in the getting of these. The Duke of Parma had not else made so long a march from the Court of Bruxels, to raise the Kings Army from the siege of Roven; nor had the King mustered up all his wit and power to recover Amiens, when dexterously surprized by a Spa­nish stratagem. And if it be true, which the French generally affirm of Paris, that it is the Eye, nay the very Soul of all France it self; I may with confidence affirm, that I have given more sight to that Eye, more life and spirit to that Soul, then hath been hitherto com­municated in the English Tongue. The Realm of France surveyed in the four principal Provinces, and the chief Cities of the whole, gives a good colour to the title, and yet the title hath more colour to insist upon, then the description of these Cities, and those principal Pro­vinces, can contribute towards it. For though I have described those four Provinces only in the way of Chorography, yet I have took a general and a full Sur­vey of the State of France, in reference to the Court, the Church, and the Civil State, which are the three [Page] main limbs of all Bodies Politick, and took it in so full a manner, as I think none, and am assured that very few have done before me.

If it be said that my stay was not long enough to ren­der IX me exact and punctual in my observations: I hope it will be said withall, that the lesse my stay was, my diligence must be the greater, and that I husbanded my time to the best advantage. For knowing that we could not stay there longer, then our money lasted, and that we carried not the wealth of the Indies with us, I was resolved to give my self as little rest, as the necessities of nature could dispense withall; and so to work my self into the good opinions of some prin­cipal persons of that nation, who were best able to inform me, as might in short space furnish me with such instructions, as others with a greater expence both of time and money could not so readily attain. By this accommodating of my self unto the humours of some men, and a resolution not to be wanting to that curiosity which I carryed with me, there was nothing which I desired to know (and there was nothing which I desired not to know) but what was readily imparted to me both with love and chearfulnesse. Cur nescire pudens prave quam discere mallem? I alwaies looked upon it as a greater shame to be ignorant of any thing, then to be taught by any body; and therefore made such use of men of both Religions, as were most like­ly to acquaint me with the counsels of their severall parties. Nor was I purse-bound when I had occasi­on to see any of those Rarities, Reliques, and matters of more true antiquity, which either their Religious Houses, Churches, Colledges, yea, or the Court it self could present unto me. Money is never better [Page] spent then wen it is layed out in the buying of know­ledge.

In the last place it may be said that many things X have hapned both in the Court and State of France, many great revolutions and alterations in the face thereof since I digested the Relation of this Journey for my own contentment; which makes this publication the more unseasonable, and my consent unto it subject to the greater censure: which notwithstanding I con­ceive that the discourse will be as usefull to the inge­nuous Reader, as if it had gone sheet by sheet from the Pen to the Presse, and had been offered to him in that point of time when it took life from me. The learned labours of Pausanias in his Chorography of Greece, are as delightful now to the studious Reader, as formerly to the best wits of Rome or Athens. Nor need we doubt, but that the description of the Nether­lands by Lewis Guicciardine, and of the Isles of Bri­tain by our famous Camden, will yeeld as great pro­fit and contentment to future Ages, as to the men that knew the Authors. The Realm of France is still the same, the temperature of the air and soyl the same, the humours and affections of the people still the same, the Fractions of the Church as great, the Govern­ment as Regal or despotical now, as when the Au­thor was amongst them. The Cities stand in the same places which before they stood in, and the Rivers keep the same channels which before they had, no altera­tion in the natural parts of that great body, and not much in the politick neither. The change which since hath hapned by the Death of the King, being rather in the person of the Prince, then the form of Govern­ment. Affairs of State then managed by a Queen­Mother [Page] and a Cardinal favourite, as they are at this present. The King in his Majority then, but not much versed or studied in his own concernments, as he is at this present; the Realm divided then into par­ties and factions (though not into the same factions) as it is at this present; and finally, the English then in as high esteem, by reason of the alliance then newly made between the Princes, as they can possibly be now, by reason of the late concluded peace be­twixt the Nations. Nor hath there hapned any thing not reconcilable to the present times, but the almost miraculous birth of the King and his Brother after 20 years barrennesse, and the mariage of the Monsieur with Montpensiers Daughter, contrary to the gene­rall expectation of all that people, and for the first (I think I may be bold to say) of the world be­sides.

These reasons as they may excuse this publication,XII in reference to the work it self, so there is one which serves to justifie it in respect of the Author; that is to say, the manifesting of this truth to all which shall peruse these papers, that he is still of the same Judge­ment, and opinion in matters of Religion, Gods wor­ship, and the government of holy Church, of which he was 30 years agoe, when the Relation of the first Journey was fashioned by him; that he hath stood his ground in all those revolutions both of Church and State, which have hapned since; that he now holds no other Tenets, then those to which he hath been principled by education, and confirmed by study; and finally that such opinions as he holds, be they right or wrong, he brought to the Court with him, and took not from thence. So that whatsoever [Page] other imputation may be charged upon him, he can­not be accused for a time-server, but alwaies constant to himself, in all times the same: Qualis ab incepto processer [...], in the Poets language, the same man then as now without alteration. Compare my late book upon the Creed, with these present Journals, and it will easily be seen, that in all points wherein I have occasion to declare my Judgement, I am nothing altered; that neither the temptations of preferment, nor that great turn both in the publick and my own affairs which hath hapned since, have made me other then I was at the very first.

It's true in reading over these papers as they XIII were sent to the Presse, I found some things which I could willingly have rectified as they passed my hands; but that I chose rather to let them go with some Petit errors, then alter any thing in the Copy, which might give any the least occasion to this misconceit, that the work went not to the Presse, as it came from my pen, but was corrected by the line and levell of my present Judgement. And for such petit errors, as then scaped my hands, being they are but petit errors, they may the more easily be pardoned by ingenuous men. But howsoever being errors, though but petit errors, I hold it necessary to correct them, and shall correct them in this order as they come be­fore me.

Normandy bounded on the South with L'Isle de P. 4. [...]. 27. France] Not with the Isle of France distinctly and pro­perly so called, occasioned by the circlings of the Seine and the Marne, in which Paris standeth; but by that part of France, which is called commonly France Special, or the Proper France, as being the first fixed seat of the French Nation, after their first en­trance [Page] into G [...]ul; which notwithstanding may in some sense, be called the Isle of France also, because envi­roned on all sides with some river or other, that is to say, with the Velle on the East, the Eure on the West, the O [...]se on the North, and a vein Riveret of the Seine on the South parts of it.

The name Neustria] Not named so in the time of5 l. 10. the Romans, when it was reckoned for a part of Gallia Celtica, as the words not well distinguished do seem to intimate; but when it was a part of the French Em­pire, and then corruptly so called for Westris, signify­ing the West parts thereof: the name of Westria or Westenrick, being given by some to this part of the Realm of West France, as that of Austria or Ostenric to a part of East France.

By the permission of Charles the Bald] Not so, but [...]. l. 17. by the sufferance of Charles the S [...]mple, a weaker Prince, and far lesse able to support the Majesty of a King of France. For though the Normans ransacked the Sea coasts of this Countrey during the reign of Charles the Bald, which lasted from the year 841 to the year 879. yet Charles the Bald was not so simple nor so ill advised, as to give them livery and seifin of so large a Province. That was a businesse fit for none but Charles the SIMPLE, who began his reign in the year 900. and unto him the words foregoing would direct the Reader, where it is thus told us of these Normans, anno 900. they first seated themselves in France, &c. which relates plainly to the reign of Charles the Simple, in the beginning whereof they first setled here, though Rollo their chief Captain was not honoured with the title of Duke of Normandy un­till 12 years after.

[Page] For the most part of a light and sandy mould] mista­kenP. 7. l 26. in the print for a light and handy, that is to say, of a more easie tillage, then the rest of those King­domes. Which words though positively true of the Countrey of Norfolk, are to be understood of Nor­mandy, comparatively and respectively to the rest of France; for otherwise it would ill agree with the fol­lowing words, where it is said to be of a fat and liking soyle, as indeed it is, though not so far and deep as the Isle of France, La Beause, or many others of the Southern Provinces.

The French custome giving to all the sons an equality P. 8. 17. in the Estate] which must be understood of the Estates of meaner and inferiour persons, and not of those of eminent, and more noble Families, which have been altered in this point; The Lands and Honours pas­sing undivided to the eldest sons, the better to support the dignity of their place and titles; as many Gentle­men of Kent have changed their old tenure by Ga­velkinde into Knights service, for the same reason, and obtained severall Acts of Parliament to make good that change.

For when Meroveus the Grandchilde of Pharamond]P. 34. l.2 so he is said to be by Rusener, as eldest son of Clodian the son of Pharamond; but Paradine, the best Herald of all the French, speaks more doubtfully of him, not knowing whether he were the son or next kinsman of Clodian, and others (whose authority I have elsewhere followed) make him to be the Master of the Horse to Clodian, whose children he is said to have disposses­sed of the Crown, and transferred the same unto himself.

[Page] The reason of the name I could not learn amongst 5 l. 25. the people] That is to say, not such a reason of the name, as I then approved of, my conceit strongly carrying me to the Bellocassi, whom I would fain have setled in the Countrey of La Beause, and from them de­rived that name unto it. But stronger reasons since have perswaded the contrary, so that leaving the Bellocassi near Bateux in the Dukedome of Normandie, we must derive the name of La Beause, and Belsia, by which it is severally called by the French and Latines, from the exceeding beautifulnesse of that flourishing Province, that which the Latines call Bellus in the Masculine, and Bella in the Feminine Gender, being by the the French called Bell and Beau, as it after follow­eth.

Picardie is divided into the higher, which contai­neth 64. l. 1. the Countreys of Calice and Bologne, &c.] That Picardie is divided into the higher and the lower, is a Truth well known, though I know not by what negligence of mine they are here misplaced, that be­ing the lower Picardie which lyeth next the sea con­taining the Countreys of Calais, and Bologne, with the Towns of Abbeville, and Monstreuille; and that the higher Picardie, which liethmore into the Land in which standeth the fair City of Amiens, and many other Towns and Territories else where described.

Both these were born unto the King by Madam Ga­briele [...] [...]. 38. for her excellent beauty surnamed La Belle] Madam Gabriele is brought in here before her time, and b [...]ing left out, the sense will run as currently, but more truly thus. Both these were born unto the King by the Dutch sse of Beaufort, a Lady whom the King, &c. [Page] And for the children which she brought him, though they are named right, yet (as I have been since in­formed) they are marshalled wrong, Caesar Duke of Vendosm being the eldest; not the younger son. And as for Madam Gabriele, she was indeed the King best beloved Concubine, one whom he kept not only for his private chamber, but carried publickly along with him in the course of his wars. Insomuch that when the Duke of Biron had besieged Amiens (being then lately surprized by the Spaniards as before was inti­mated) and was promised succours by the King with all speed that might be; the King at last came forwards with Madam Gabriele, and a train of Ladies to at­tend her: which being noted by the Duke, he cryed aloud with a great deal of scorn and indignation, Be­hold the goodly succours which the King hath brought us. A Lady in great favour, but in greater power, to whom the character was intended, which by mistake, is here given to the Dutchesse of Beaufort, though possibly that Dutchesse also might deserve part of it.

When the Liturgie was translated into Latine by P. 243. [...] Doctor Mocket] Not by him first translated, as the words may intimate, it having been translated into Latine in Queen Elizabeths time. But that Edition being worn out, and the Book grown scarse, the Doctor gave it a Review, and caused it to be re­printed together with Bishop Jewels Apologie, the Articles of the Church of England, the Doctrinal points delivered in the Book of Homilies, with some other pieces, which being so reviewed and published, gave that contentment to many sober minded men of the Romish party which is after mentioned.

[Page]In the Relation of the second Journey, I finde no XIV mistakes, requiring any Animadversions, as written in a riper judgement, and with greater care, because intended to a person of such known abilities. Nor was I lesse diligent in gathering the materials for it, then carefull that it might be free from mistakes and errors; not only informing my self punctually in all things which concerned these Islands, by persons of most knowledge and experience, in the affairs and state of either, but with mine own hand copying out some of their Records, many whole Letters from the Councel and Court of England, the whole bo­dy of the Genevian Discipline obtruded on both Islands by Snape and Cartwright, the Canons re­commended by King James to the Isle of Jarsey, besides many papers of lesse bulk and consequence, out of all which I have so enlarged that discourse, that if it be not [...], it comes ve­ry [...] near it. Certain I am that here is more delivered of the affairs of these Islands and on their accompt, then all the Authors which have ever written of them being layed together, can amount unto. For in pur­suance of this part, I have took a full survey of those Islands which I went to visit, together with such al­terations in Religion as have hapned there, both when they were under the Popes of Rome, and the Bishops of Constance, as since they have discharged them­selves from the power of both. The Reformation there being modelled according to the Genevian Plat­form, occasioned me to search into the beginning, growth, and progresse of the Presbyterian government with the setling of it in these Islands; together with the whole body of that Discipline as it was there set­led, [Page] and some short observations on the text thereof, the better to lay open the novelty, absurdity, and ill con­sequents of it. That done I have declared by what means and motives the Isle of Jars [...]y was made conformable in point of discipline and devotion to the Church of England, and given the Reader a full view of that body of Canons which was composed and confir­med for regulating the affairs thereof in sacred mat­ters; and after a short application tending to the ad­vancement of my main design, do conclude the whole.

Lastly, I am to tell the Reader, that though I was chiefly drawn to publish these Relations at this present time, for preventing all impressions of them, by any of those false copies which are got abroad; yet I am given to understand, that the first is coming out (if not out already) under the Title of France painted out to the life: but painted by so short a Pensil, as makes it want much of that life which it ought to have. By whom and with what colour that piece is painted thus without my consent, I may learn hereafter. In the mean time, whether that Piece be printed with, or with­out my name unto it, I must protest against the wrong, and disclaim the work, as printed by a false and im­perfect copy, deficient in some whole Sections, the distribution of the books and parts, not kept according to my minde and method, destitute also of those Ex­plications and Corrections, which I have given unto it on my last perusal in this general Preface; and final­ly containing but one half of the work which is here presented. Faults and infirmities I have too many of mine own, Nam vitiis nemo sine nascitur, as we know who said; and therefore would not charge my [Page] self with those imperfections, those frequent errors and mistakes which the audaciousnesse of other men may obtrude upon me: which having signified to the Reader, for the detecting of this imposture, and mine own discharge, I recommend the following work to his favourable censure, and both of us to the mercies of the Supreme Judge.

SYLLABUS CAPITUM: OR, The Contents of the Chapters.


The Entrance.
  • THe beginning of our Journey. The nature of the Sea. A fare­well to England.
NORMANDY in generall; the Name and bounds of it. The condition of the Antient Normans, and of the present. Orte­lius [Page] character of them examined. In what they resemble the Inhabitants of Norfolk. The commodities of it, and the Government.
pag. 4.
Dieppe, the Town, strength and importance of it. The policy of Henry IV. not seconded by his Son. The custome of the English Kings in placing Governours in their Forts. The breaden God there, and strength of the Religion. Our passage from Dieppe to Roven. The Norman Innes, Women, and Manners. The importunity of servants in hosteries. The saweie familiarity of the attendants. Ad pileum vocare, what it was amongst the Romans. Jus pileorum in the Universities of Eng­land, &c.
p. 9.
ROVEN a neat City; how seated and built; the strength of is. St. Katharines mount. The Church of Nostre dame, &c. The indecorum of the Papists in the severall and unsutable pictures of the Virgin. The little Chappell of the Capuchins in Boulogne. The House of Parliament. The precedency of the President and the Governor. The Legend of St. Romain, and the priviledge thence arising. The language and religion of the Rhothomagenses, or people of Roven.
p. 19.
Our journey between Roven and Pontoyse. The holy man of St. Clare and the Pilgrims thither. My sore eyes. Mante, Pontoyse, Normandy justly taken from King John. The end of this Booke.
p. 26.

FRANCE specially so called; OR, THE SECOND BOOK.

France in what sense so called. The bouuds of it. All old Gallia not possessed by the French. Countries follow the name of the most predominant Nation. The condition of the pre­sent French not different from that of the old Gaules. That the heavens have a constant power upon the same Climate, though the Inhabitants are changed. The quality of the French inprivate, at the Church, and at the table. Their language, complements, discourse, &c.
p. 33.
The French Women, their persons, prating and conditions. The immodesty of the French Ladies. Kissing not in use among them; and the sinister opinion conceived of the free use of it in England. The innocence and harmelesnesse of it amongst us. The impostures of French Pandars in London, with the scandall thence arising. The peccancy of an old English Doctor. More of the French [Page] Women. Their Marriages, and lives after wedlock, &c. An Elogie to the English Ladies.
p. 41.
France described. The valley of Montmorancie, and the Dukes of it. Mont martre. Burials in former times not pe mitted with­in the wals. The pros [...]cuting of this discourse by manner of a journall, intermitted for a time. The Town and Church of St. Denis. The Legend of him, and his head. Of Dagobert and the Le [...]er. The reliques to be seen there. Martyrs how esteemed in St. Augustine's time. The Sepulchres of the French Kings, and the treasury there. The Kings house of Madrit. The Qeen Mothers house at Ruall, and fine devices in it. St. Ger­mains en lay, another of the Kings houses. The curious pain­ting in it. Gorramburie Window: the Garden belonging to it, and the excellency of the Water-works. Boys St. Vincent de Vi­cennes, and the Castle called Bisester.
p. 50.
Paris, the names and antiquity of it. The situation and greatnesse. The chief strength and Fortifications about it. The streets and buildings. King James his laud ble care in beautyfying Lon­don. King Henry the fourths intent to fortifie the Town. Why not actuated. The Artifices and wealth of the Parisi­ans. The bravery of the Citizens described under the person of a Barber.
p. 64.
Paris divided into four parts. Of the Fauxburgs in generall. Of the Pest house. The Fauxburg and Abbey of St. G [...]main. The Queen Mothers house there. Her purpose never to reside [Page] in it. The Provost of Merchants, and his authority. The Armes of the Town. The Town-house. The Grand Chastellet. The Arcenall. The place Royall, &c. The Vicounty of Paris. And the Provosts seven daughters.
p. 73.
The University of Paris, and Founders of it. Of the Colledges in general. Marriage when permitted to the Rectors of them The[?] small maintenance allowed the Scholars in the Universities of France. The great Colledge at Tholoza. Of the Colledge of the Sorbonne in particular; that and the House of Parlia­ment, the chief Bulwarks of the French liberty. Of the Polity and Government of the University. The Rector and his prece­dency; the disordered life of the Scholars there being. An Apo­logie for Oxford and Cambridge. The priviledges of the Scholars, their degrees, &c.
p. 80.
The City of Paris seated in the place of old Lutetia. The Bridges which joyn it to the Town and University. King Henry's Sta­tua. Alexander's injurious policy. The Church and reve­nues of Nostre Dame. The Holy water there. The original making and virtue of it. The Lamp before the Altar. The heathenishnesse of both customes. Paris best seen from the top of this Church: the great Bell there never rung but in time of Thunder: the baptizing of Bels, the grand Hospital and decency of it. The place Daulphin. The holy Chappel and Reliques there. What the Antients thought of Reliques. The Exchange. The little Chastelet. A transition to the Parlament.
p. 90.
The Parliament of France when begun; of whom it consisteth. The digniiy and esteem of it abroad, made sedentarie at Paris, appropriated to the long robe. The Palais by whom built, and converted to seats of Justice. The seven Chambers of Parliament. The great Chamber. The number and dignity of the Presidents. The Duke of Biron afraid of them. The Kings seat in it. The sitting of the Grand Signeur in the Divano. The authority of this Court in causes of all kinds; and over the affaires of the King. This Court the main pillar of the Liberty of France. La Tour­nelle, and the Judges of it. The five Chambers of Enquestes severally instituted, and by whom. In what cause it is decisive. The forme of admitting Advocates into the Courts of Parliament. The Chancellour of France [...] his Authority. The two Courts of Requests, and Masters of them. The vain envy of the English Clergy against the Lawyers.
p. 104.
The Kings Palace of the Louure, by whom built. The unsutablenesse of it. The fine Gallery of the Queen Mother. The long Gallery of Henry IV. His magnanimous intent to have built it into a quadrangle. Henry IV. a great builder. His infinite project upon the Mediterranean and the Ocean. La Salle des Antiques. The French not studious of Antiquities. Burbon house. The Tuilleries, &c.
p. 113.


Our Journey towards Orleans, the Town, Castle, and Battail of Mont l'hierrie. Many things imputed to the English which they never did. Lewis the 11. brought not the French Kings out of wardship. The town of Chartroy, and the mourning Church there. The Countrey of La Beause and people of it. Estampes. The dancing there. The new art of begging in the Innes of this Countrey. Angerville. Tury. The saweiness of the French Fid­lers. Three kindes of Musick amongst the Antient. The French Musick.
p. 121.
The Country and site of Orleans like that of Worcester. The Wine of Orleans. Praesidial Towns in France, what they are. The sale of Offices in France. The fine walk and pastime of the Palle Malle. The Church of St. Croix founded by Superstition and a miracle. Defaced by the Hugonots. Some things hated only for [Page] their name. The Bishop of Orleans, and his priviledge. The Chappell and Pilgrims of St. Jacques. The form of Masse in St. Croix. [...] an Heathenish custome. The great siege of Orlean [...] rais [...]d by Joan the Virgin. The valour of that woman: that she was no witch. An Elogie on her.
p. 131.
The study of the Civill Law revived in Europe. The dead time of learning. The Schools of Law in Orleans. The oeconomie of them. The Chancellour of Oxford antiently appointed by the Diocesan. Their methode here, and prodigality in bestowing de­grees. Orleans a great conflux of strangers. The language there. The Corporation of Germans there. Their house and priviledges. Dutch and Latine. The difference between an Academie and an University.
p. 145.
Orleans not an University till the comming of the Jesuites. Their Colledge there by whom built. The Jesuites no singers. Their laudable and exact method of teaching. Their policies in it. Received not without great difficulty into Paris. Their houses in that university. Their strictnesse unto the rules of their order. Much maliced by the other Priests and Fryers. Why not sent into England with the Queen; and of what order they were that came with her. Our return to Paris.
p. 152.


Our return towards England. More of the Hugonots hate unto Crosses. The town of Luzarch, and St. Loupae. The Country of Picardie and people. Tho Picts of Britain not of this Countrey. Mr. Lee Dignicoes Governour of Picardie. The office of Con­stable what it is in France. By whom the place supplyed in Eng­land. The marble table in France, and causes there handled. Clermount, and the Castle there. The war raised up by the Princes against D' Ancre. What his designes might tend to, &c.
p. 162.
The fair City of Amiens; and greatnesse of it. The English feast [...] within it; and the error of that action; the Town how built. seated and fortified. The Citadell of it, thought to be impregnable. Not permitted to be viewed. The overmuch opennesse of the English in discovering their strength. The watch and form of Government [Page] in the Town. Amiens a Visdamate: to whom it pertaineth. What that honour is in France. And how many there enjoy it, &c.
p. 169.
The Church of Nostre Dame in Amiens. The principall Churches in most Cities called by her name. More honour performed to her then to her Saviour. The surpassing beauty of this Church on the outside. The front of it. King Henry the sevenths Chappel at Westminster. The curiousnesse of this Church within. By what means it became to be so. The sumptuous masking closets in it. The excellency of perspective works. Indulgences by whom first founded. The estate of the Bishoprick.
p. 175.
Our Journey down the Some, and Company. The Town and Castle of Piquigni, for what famous. Comines censure of the Eng­lish in matter of Prophecies. A farewell to the Church of Ami­ens. The Town and Castle of Pont D' Armie. Abbeville how seated; and the Garrison there. No Governour in it but the Major or Provo [...]. The Authors imprudent curiosity; and the curtesie of the Provost to him. The French Post-horses how base and tyred. My preferment to the Trunk-horse. The horse of Philip de Comines. The Town and strength of Mon­streuille. The importance of these three Towns to the French border, &c.
p. 183.
The County of Boulonnois, and Town of Boulogne by whom Enfranchized. The present of Salt butter. Boulogne divi­ded into two Towns. Procession in the lower Town to divert the Plague. The forme of it. Procession and the Letany by whom brought into the Church. The high Town Garrisoned. The old man of Boulogne; and the desperate visit which the Author bestowed upon him. The neglect of the English in leaving open the Havens. The fraternity De la Charite, and inconveniency of it. The costly Journey of Henry VIII. to Boulogne. Sir Walt. Raleghs censure of that Prince condemned. The discourtesie of Charles V. towards our Edward VI. The defence of the house of Burgundy how chargeable to the Kings of England. Boulogne yeilded back to the French; and on what conditions. The [...]rtesie and cunning of my Host of Bovillow.
p. 192.


Describing the Government of the Kingdom generally, in re­ference to the Court, the Church and the Civill State.

A transition to the Government of France in generall The person, age and marriage of King Lewis XIII. Conjecturall reasons of his being issuelesse. Iaqueline Countesse of Holland kept from issue by the house of Burgundy. The Kings Sisters all marryed; and his alli­ances by them. His naturall Brethren, and their preferments. His lawfull Brother. The title of Monsieur in France. Monsieur as yet unmarried; not like to marry Montpensiers daughter. That Lady a fit wife for the Earl of Soissons. The difference between him and the Prince of Conde for the Crown, in case the line of Navarre fail. How the Lords stand affected in the cause. Whether a child may be born in the 11 month. King Henry IV. a great lover of fair Ladies. Monsieur Barradas the Kings favorite, his birth and offices. The om [...]regency of the Queen Mother; and the Cardinall of Richileiu. The Queen Mother a wise and prudent woman
p. 204.
Two Religions strugling in France, like the two twins in the womb of Rebecca. The comparison between them two, and those in the general. A more particular survey of the Papists Church in France, in Policie, Priviledge and Revenue The complaint of the Clergy to the King. The acknowledgment of the French Church to the Pope meer­ly titular. The pragmatick sanction, Maxima tua fatuitas, and Conventui Tridentino, severally written to the Pope and Trent Councell. The tedious quarrell about Investitures. Four things pro­pounded by the Parliament to the Jesuites. The French B shops not to medle with Fryers, their lives and land. The ignorance of the French Priests. The Chanoins Latine in Orleans. The French not hard to be converted, if plausibly humoured.
p. 216
The correspondency between the French King and the Pope. This Pope an Omen of the Marriages of France with England. An English Catholicks conceit of it. His Holinesse Nuncio in Paris. A learned Argument to prove the Popes Universality. A continu­ation of the allegory between Jacob and Esau. The Protestants compelled to leave their Forts and Towns. Their present estate and strength. The last War against them justly undertaken; not fairly managed. Their insolencies and disobedience to the Kings com­mand. Their purpose to have themselves a free estate. The war not a war of Religion. King James in justice could not assist them more then he did. First for saken by their own party. Their happinesse before the war. The Court of the edict. A view of them in their Churches. The commendation which the French Papists give to the Church of England. Their Discipline and Ministers, &c.
p. 229
The connexion between the Church and Common wealth in generall. A transition to the particular of France The Government there meerly regall. A mixt forme of Government most commendable. The Kings Patents for Offices. Minopolies above the censure of Parliament The strange office intended to Mr. Luynes. The Kings gifts and expences. The Chamber of Accounts. France divided into three sorts of people The Conventus Ordinum nothing but a title. The inequality of the Nobles and Commons in France. The Kings power how much respected by the Princes. The powerablenesse of that rank. The formall execution done on them. The multitude and confusion of Nobility. King James de­fended. A censure of the French Heralds. The command of the French Nobles over their Tenants. Their priviledges, gibbets and other Regalia. They conspire with the King to undoe the Com­mons.
p. 246.
The base and low estate of the French Paisant. The misery of them under their Lord. The bed of Procrustes. The suppressing of the Subject prejudiciall to a State. The wisdome of Henry VII. The Forces all in the Cavallerie. The cruell impositions laid upon the people by the King. No demain in France. Why the tryall by twelve men can be used only in England. The Gabell of Salt. The Popes licence for wenching. The Gabell of whom refused, and why The Gascoines impatient of T [...]xes. The taille, and t [...]illion. The Pan­ [...]arke or Aides. The vain resistance of those of Paris. The Court of Aides. The manner of gathering the Kings moneys [...]he Kings revenue. The corruption of the French publicans. King Lewis why called the just. The monies currant in France. The gold of Spain more Catholick then the King. The happinesse of the Eng­lish Subjects. A congratulation nnto England. The conclusion of the first Journey.
p. 258.


The Entrance.
(1) The occasion of, &c. (2) Introduction to this work. (3) The De­dication, (4) and Method of the whole. The beginning, continuance of our voyage; with the most remarkable passages which happened in it. The mercenary falsnesse of the Dutch exemplified in the dealing of a man of warre.
p. 179.
(1) Of the convenient situation, and (2) condition of these Islands in the generall. (3) Alderney, and (4) Serke (5) The notable stratagem whereby this latter was recovered from the French (6) Of Guernzey, (7) and the smaller Isles neer unto it. (8) Our Lady of [...]hu (9) The road, and (10) the Castle of Cornet. (11) The Trade, and (12) Priviledges of this people. (13) Of Jarsey, and (14) the strengths about it. (15) The Island why so poor and populous. (16) Gavelkind, and the nature of it (17) The Governours and other the Kings Officers The (18) Politie, and (19) administration of justice in both Islands. (20) The As­sembly of the Three Estates. (21) Courts Presidiall in France what they are. (22) The election of the Justices, (23) and the Oath taken at their admission. (24) Of their Advocates or Pleaders, and the number of them (25) The number of Atturneys once li­mited in England. (26) A Catalogue of the Governours and Bailiffs of the Isle of Jarsey.
p. 292.
(1) The City and Di [...]cesse of Constance. (2) The condition of these Islands under that Government (3) Churches appropriated what they were. (4) The Black Book of Constance. (5) That called [...] day. (6) The suppression of Priors Aliens (7) Priours D [...]tive how they d [...]ffered from the Conventuals. (8) The condi­ti [...]n of the e Churches after the suppression. (9) A Diagram of the [...] then a [...]lotted to each severall Parish, together with the Mi­nisters and Justices now being. (10) What is meant by Cham­parte desarts and French querrui. (11) The alteration of Reli­gion in these Islands (12) Persecution here in the days of Queen Mary. The Authors indignation at it, expressed in a Poeticall rapture. (13) The Islands annexed for ever to the Diocese of Win­ton, and for what reasons.
p. 313.
(1) The condition of Geneva under their Bishop. (2) The alteration there both in Politie, and (3) in Religion. (4) The state of that Church before the coming of Calvin thither. (5) The conception, (6) birth, and (7) growth of the New Discipline. (8) The qua­lity of Lay-elders (9) The different proceedings of Calvin, (10) and Beza in the propagation of that cause (11) Both of them ene­mies to the Church of England. (12) The first enrtance of this Platforme into the Islands. (13) A permission of it by the Queen and the Councell in St. Peters and St. Hillaries. (14) The letters of the Councell to that purpose. (15) The tumults raised in England by the brethren. (16) Snape and Cartwright establish the new Discipline in the rest of the Islands.
p. 327.
The Discipline Ecclesiasticall, according as it hath been in practise of the Church after the Reformation of the same by the Ministers, Elders and Deacons of the Isles of Guernzev, Jarsey, Serke, and Alderney; confirmed by the authority and in the presence of the Governours of the same Isles in a Syned [...]den in Gue [...]nzey the 28 [Page] of June 1576. And afterwards revived by the said Ministers and Elders, and confirmed by the said Governours in a Synod holden also in Guernzey the 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, and 17. days of October, 1597.
p. 338.
(1) Annotations on the Discipline. (2) N place in it for the Kings Supremacy (3) Their love to Parity, as w [...]ll in the State as in the Church. (4) The covering of the head a sign of liberty. (5) The right hand of fellowship. (6) Agenda, what it is in the notion of the Church▪ The int [...]usion of the Eldership into Domestical affairs. (7) Millets c [...]se. (8) The brethren [...] in giving names to children (9) [...] bl [...]ng Communions. (10) The holy Discipline made a th [...]d note of the [...]. (11) Marriage at certain times prohibited by the Discipline (12) Dead bodies anciently not inter­red in Cities. (13) The Baptism of [...]els. (14) The brethren un­der pretence of scandal, [...] upon the civil Courts. (15) The Discipline incroacheth on our Church by stealth. (16) A caution to the Prelates.
p. 364.
(1) King James how affected to this Platform. (2) He confirms the Discipline in both Islands. (3) And for what [...]. (4) Sir John Peyton sent Governour into J [...]rsey. (5) His Articles against the Ministers there. (6) And the proceedings thereupon (7) The distracted estate of the Church and Mini [...]y in that Island, (8) They refer themselves unto the King. (9) The Inhabitants of Jarsey petition for the English Discipline. (10) A reference of both par­ties to the Councell. (11) The restitution of the Dean. (12) The Interim of Germany what it was. (13) The Interim of Jarsey. (14) The exceptions of the Ministery against the Book of Com­mon prayer. (15) The establishment of the new Canons.
The Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall for the Church Discipline of Jarsey; together with the Kings Letters Patents for the authori­sing of the same.
p. 390.
(1) For what cause it pleased his Majesty to begin with Jarsey. (2) A representation of such motives whereon the like may be effected in the Isle of Guernzey. (3) The indignity done by a Minister hereof to [Page] the Church of England (4) The calling of the Ministers in some re­formed Churches how defensible. (5) The circumstances both of time and persons how ready for an alteration. (6) The grievances of the Ministery against the Magistrates (7) [...] of such means as may be fittest in the managing of this design. (8) The subm ssi­on of the Author and the work unto his Lordship. The [...] of the whole. Our return to England.
p 412.


Besides the errors of the Copy, the Reader is of course to look for some from the Prosse, which the hast made for preventing the false impressions, hath more increased then any negligence of the Workman, which the Reader is de­sired to amend in this manner following.

PAge 4. l. 27. r. Le Main. p. 5. l. 13. r. [...]ocorum. p. 7 l 15. r. qui. p. 10. l. 22. r. the predecessor to the same Hen y. p. 11. l. 17. del. in. p. 13▪ 8 [...]. pac [...]. ibid. l. 35. r. [...] p. 19. l 26. r. Evenlode. p. 31 l. 8. r. fourth. p. 39. l 25 & p. 108. 9 [...]. in­terview. p. 49. l. 3. r. then. ibid l 4. r. as at. ibid. l. 9. r. her own thoughts. p. 52. l. 1. r. Cumrye. p. 60 l. 28. r. En lay. ibid. l. 35 r. Troy s. p. 69 l 26. del. now. p. 95. l. 17. r born. p. 96. l. 19 r. abolished. p. 99. l. 20. r Treasurirer p. 100. l. 1. r. visible. p. 121. l. 12. r. Chastres. p 123 l. 1 r. as much hugged. ibid. l 26. r. I shall hereafter shew you. p. 125. l. 27. r Beu. p 127. l. 14. r. Angerville. p 132. l. 12. r. Angiers. p. 138 l. 9. r his. p. 139. l. 15. r. antient times. ibid. l. 20. r quam dis [...]. p 14 [...] l. 22. r. Belbis p. 147. l. 2. r. meri p. 150. l. 27. r. [...]. p 153. l 6. r. mouths ibid. l. 31. r. forme. p. 158 l. 9 r. [...]. p. 162. l. 12. r. Les D [...]guieres. p 163. l. 20 r. Bevie. ibid. l. 33. r. [...]. p. 167 l 27. r. Ancre. p. 170. l. 18. r. adeo. ibid. l. 19. r. fidei. p 175. l. 9. r. massing p. 185 l. 27. del. do. ibid. 36. r ner p. 190. l. 3. del my. ibid. l. 33. r Bookes. p. 199 l 20. [...]. [...] p. 206. l 8. r Fran [...]. p. 208. l. 1. r. 60000. p. 211. l. 14. del. each of. p. 213 l 8. to these words al eady mentioned, add, and Madam Gabriele the most loved of all p. 220 l ult. r. Aix. p. 222. [...]. 38 r. no other. p. 223. l. 7. & l. 32. r. investi­ture. ibid. l. 18. r. Henry IV. ibid. l. 34. r. Henry I p 225. l. 10. r. sanctio. ibid. l. 23: r. lapse. p. 230. l 19. r. [...]. p. 231 l 1. r. to [...]. ibid. l 6 r. greatest action. p. 235. l. 1 del. [...] p 242. l 4. r. Le Chastres p 244 l. 33. r. Systematicall p. 248. l. 27 r. [...]. p. 261. l. 24. del. [...]. p. 271. l. 13 r. [...] p. [...]. l. ult. r. Vitrey. p. 274. l. 1. r [...]. p. [...] l. 28. r. [...]. p. 298. l. 5. & 302. l. 16. r. Armie. p. 304 l. 33. r. [...]. p. 306. l. 20. r. manner. p. 312. l. 8 del a Crosse engraled O. p 314. l. 5 r. [...]. p. 320. l 8. r. [...]. ibid. l. 2. r. [...]. p. 323. l. 34. r. once. p 325. l. 7. [...]. fact. p. 330. l. 36. [...]. [...]. p. 337. l. 11. r [...]. ibid. l 17 r. Painset. p 354. l ult. r. [...]. p. 368 l 35. r. propounded p. 374 l. 10. r. tactum. p 381. l. 14. r. [...] p. 384. l. 3 & l. 33. & p. 386 l. 15. [...]. p. 385. l 17. r. [...]. ibid. l. 34. r. St. [...]. p 387. l 32. r. interea p 393 l. 9. r. cure. p 401. l. ult. r. [...]ols. p. 417 l 11. del. [...] p. 415. l 3. r. [...]. ibid. l 25. r. be said unto him. ibid. l. 38 r. [...]. p. [...]. l. 8 r [...]. p. 422. l. 13. r. change. p. 423. l. 3. r. sic. ibid. l. 24. r. pool.


TAKING IN The Description of the principal Provinces, and chief Cities of it; The Temper, Humors and Affections of the people generally; And an exact account of the Publick Govern­ment, in reference to the Court, the Church and the Civill State.


London, Printed 1656.



The Entrance.

The beginning of our Journey. The nature of the Sea. A farewell to England.

ON Tuesday the 28 of June, just at the time when England had received the chief beauty of France, and the French had seen the choise beauties of England; we went to Sea in a Bark of Dover. The Port we aimed at, Dieppe in Normandy. The hour three in the after­noon. The winde faire and high, able, had it continued in [Page] that point, to have given us a wastage as speedy as our longings. Two hours before night it came about to the Westward, and the tide also not befriending us, our passage became tedi [...]us and troublesome. The next day being de­dicated to the glory of God in the memory of St. Peter, we took the benefit of the ebb to assist us against the wind; this brought us out of the sight of England, and the floud ensuing compelled us to our Anchor.

I had now leasure to see Gods wonders in the deep; won­ders indeed to us which had never before seen them: but too much familiarity had made them no other then the Sailers playfellowes. The waves striving by an imbred ambition which should be highest, which formost. Prece­dencie and supereminencie was equally desired, and each en­joyed it in succession. The winde more covetous in ap­pearance, to play with the water, then disturb it, did only rock the billow, and seemed indeed to dandle the Ocean: you would at an other time have thought that the seas had only danced to the winds whistle; or that the Winde strain­ing it self to a Treble, and the Seas by a Diapason, supplying the Base, had tuned a Caranto to our ship. For so orderly they rose and fell according to the time and note of the Billow, that her violent agitation might be imagined to be nothing but a nimble Galliard filled with Capers. This nimblenesse of the waves and correspondency of our Bark unto them, was not to all our company alike pleasing: what in me moved only a reverend and awfull pleasure, was to others an occasion of sicknesse, their heads gidie, their joynts en­ [...]bled, their stomachs loathing sustenance, and with great pangs avoiding what they had taken; in their mouths no­thing might have been so frequent as that of Hora [...]e,

Illi robur & aes triplex
Circa pectus erat, qui fragilem tru [...]
Commisit pelago ratem.
Hard was his heart, as brasse, which first did venture
In a weak ship, on the rough Seas to enter.

Whether it be, that the noisome smels, which arise from the saltnesse and tartnesse of that region of waters, poysoneth the brain; or that the ungoverned and unequall motion of the ship, stirreth and unsetleth the stomach, or both; we may con­jecture with the Philosophers, rather then determine. This I am sure of, that the Cabbins and Decks were but as so many Hospitals or Pesthouses filled with diseased persons, whilest I and the Mariners only made good the Hatches. Here did I see the Scalie nation of that Kingdom solace themselves in the brimme of the waters, rejoycing in the sight and warmth of the day; and yet spouting from their mouths such quantity of waters, as if they purposed to quench that fire which gave it. They danced about our Vessell, as if it had been a moving May pole; and that with such delightfull decorum, that you never saw a measure better troden with lesse art. And now I know not what wave bigger then the rest tossed up our ship so high, that I once more saw the coast of England. An object which took such hold on my senses, that I forgot that harmlesse com­pany which sported below me, to bestow on my dearest mother, this (and for ought I could assure my self, my last) farewell.

England adiew, thy most unworthy sonne
Leaves thee, and grieves to see what he hath done.
What he hath done, in leaving thee the best
Of mothers, and more glorious then the rest
Thy sister-nations. Had'st thou been unkind;
Yet might he trust thee safer then the wind.
Had'st thou been weak; yet far more strength in thee,
Then in two inches of a sinking tree.
Had'st thou been cruell; yet thy angry face
Hath more love in it, then the Seas imbrace.
Suppose thee poor; his zeal and love the lesse,
Thus to forsake his Mother in distresse.
But thou art none of these, no want in thee;
Only a needlesse curiositie
Hath made him leap thy ditch. O! let him have
Thy blessing in his Voyage: and hee'l crave
[Page 4]The Gods to thunder wrath on his neglect,
When he performs not thee all due respect;
That Neme [...]is her scourge on him would pluck,
When he forgets those breasts which gave him suck.
That Nature would dissolve and turn him earth,
If thou beest not remembred in his mirth.
May he be cast from mankind, if he shame
To make profession of his mothers name.
Rest then assur'd in this, though sometimes hee
Conceal, perhaps, his faith, he will not thee.

NORMANDY in generall; the Name and bounds of it. The condition of the Antient Nor­mans, and of the present. Ortelius character of them examined. In what they resemble the Inhabi­tants of Norfolk. The commodities of it, and the Government.

THe next ebb brought us in sight of the Sea-coast of Normandy, a shore so evenly compassed and levelled, that it seemeth the work of Art, not Nature; the Rock all the way of an equall height, rising from the bottom to the top in a perpendicular, and withall so smooth and polished, that if you dare believe it the work of Nature, you must also think, that Nature wrought it by the line, and shewed an art in it above the imitation of an Artist. This wall is the Northern bound of this Province; the South parts of it being confined with Le Mainde la Beausse, and L' Isle de France; on the East it is divided from Picardie by the River of Some; and on the North it is bounded with the Ocean, and the little River Crenon, which severeth it from a corner [Page 5] of Britain. It extendeth in length from the beginning of the 19 degree of longitude, to the middle of the 23. viz. from the Cape of St. Saviour West, to the Port-town of St Valerie East. For breadth, it lyeth partly in the 49, part­ly in the 50 degree of Latitude; so that reckoning 60 miles to a degree, we shall finde it to contain 270 English miles in length, and 60 English miles in breadth, where it is narrowest.

Amongst the Antients it was accounted a part of Gallia Geltica; the name N [...]ustria. This new title it got by recei­ving into it a new Nation. A people which had so terribly spoyled the Maritine Coasts of England, France, and Belgium, that, A furore Normannorum, was inserted into the Letanie. Originally they were of Norway, their name importeth it. Anno 800, or thereabouts, they began first to be accounted one of the Plagues of Europe: 900 they seated themselves in France by the permission of Charles the Balde, and the valor of Rollo their Captain. Before this, they had made themselves masters of Ireland, though they long held it not, and anno 1067 they added to the glory of their name by the conquest of Eng­land. You would think them a people not only born to the warres, but to victory. But, Ut frugum semina mutato solo degenerant, sio illa genuina feritas eorum, am [...]nitate mollila est; Florus spake it of the Gaules removed into Asia: it is apply­able to the Norwegians transplanted into Gallia: yet fell they not suddenly, and at once into that want of courage which now possesseth them. During the time they continued English, they attempted the Kingdom of Naples and Antioch, with a fortune answerable to their valour. Being once oppressed by the French, and inslaved under that Monarchie; they grew pre­sently [...]; and at once lost both their spirits, and their liberty.

The present Norman then, is but the corruption of the Antient; the heir of his name, and perhaps his possessions, but neither of his strength, nor his manhood. Bondage, and a fruitfull soil, hath so emasculated them, that it is a lost labour to look for Normans even in Normandy. There re­maineth nothing almost in them of their [...], but the remainders of two qualities, and those also degenerated, [Page 6] if not balla [...]ds; a [...] pride, and an ungo [...]erned doggednesse. Neither o [...] them become their fortune, or their habite; yet to these they are [...]. Finally, view him in his rags and [...], and you would swear it impos­sible that these snakes should be the descendents of those [...] H [...]s, which so often triumphed over both Religi­ons, soiling the Sar [...]cens, and vanquishing the Chri­s [...].

But, perchance, their courage is evaporated into wit, and then the change is made for the better. Ortelius would seem to perswade us to this conceit of them; and well might he do it, if his words were Oracles: Le gens (saith he, speak­ing of this Nation) sont des plus accorts & subtils, d' esprit de la Gaule. A character, for which the French will little thank him; who (if he speak truth) must in matter of discretion give precedency to their Vassals. But as Imbalt a French leader said of the Florentines in the fifth book of Guicciardine, Non sapeva dove consistesse lingegne tanto celebrate de Fiorentini; so may I of the Normans. For my part I could never yet find, where that great wit of theirs lay. Certain it is, that as the French in generall, are termed the Kings Asses, so may these men peculiarly be called the Asses of the French, or the veriest Asses of the rest. For what with the unpropor­tionable rents they pay to their Lords on the one side, and the [...]rable taxes laid upon them by the King on the other, they are kept in such a perpetuated course of drudgery, that there is no place for wit or wisdome l [...]t amongst them. Liberty is the Mother and the Nurse of those two qualities and therefore the Romans (not unhappily) expressed both the conditions of a Freeman, and a discreet and modest personage, by this own word Ingenuus. Why the French King should lay a greater burden on the backs of this Nation, then their fel­lowes, I cannot determine. Perhaps it is, because they have been twice conquered by them, once from King John, and again from Henry VI. and therefore undergo a double ser­vitude. It may be, to abate their naturall pride and stub­bornnesse. Likely also it is, that being a revolting people, and apt to an aposta [...] from their allegiance they may by this meanes be kept impoverished, and by consequence disabled [Page 7] from such practises. This a French Gentleman of good un­derstanding told me, that it was generally conceited in France, that the Normans would suddenly and unanimously betray their Countrey to the English, were the King a Catholick.

—But there is yet a further cause of their beggerli­nesse and poverty, which is their litigiousnesse and frequent going to law (as we call it.) Ortelius, however he failed in the first part of their character, in the conclusion of it hath done them justice. Mais en generall (saith he) ils sont scauans au possible en proces & plaideties[?]. They are prety well versed in the quirks of the Law, and have wit more then enough to wrangle. In this they agree exactly well with the Inhabitants of our Country of Norfolk: ex infima plebe non pauei reperiuntur (saith Mr. Camden) quin si nihil litium sit, lites tamen ex ipsis juris ap [...]us se [...]ere calleant. They are prety fellowes to finde out quirks in Law, and to it they will whatsoever it cost them. Mr. Camden spake not this at randome or by the guesse For besides what my self observed in them at my being once a­mongst them, in a Colledge progresse, I have heard that there have been no lesse then 340 Nisi prius tryed there at one Assizes. The reason of this likenesse between the two Nations, I conjecture to be the resemblance of the site, and soil; both lie upon the Sea with a long and a spacious Coast; both enjoy a Countrey Champain, little swelled with hils, and for the most part of a light and [...]andy mould. To pro­ceed to no more particulars, if there be any difference be­tween the two Provinces, it is only this, that the Countrey of Normandy, and the people of Norfolk, are somewhat the richer.

For, indeed, the Countrey of Normandie is enriched with a fat and liking soil; such an one, Quae demum votis avari agricolae respondet, which may satisfie the expectation of the Husbandman, were it never so exorbitant. In my life I never saw Corn-fields more large and lovely, extended in an equall levell almost as far as eye can reach. The Wheat (for I saw little Barley) of a fair length in the stalke, and so heavy in the ear, that it is even bended double. You would think the grain had a desire to kisse the earth its mother, or that [Page 8] it purposed by making it self away into the ground, to save the Plough-man his next years labour. Thick it groweth, and so perfectly void of weeds, that no garden can be imagined to be kept cleaner by Art, then these fields are by Nature. Pasture ground it hath little, and lesse Meddow, yet sufficient to nourish those sew Cattel they have in it. In all the way between D [...]ppe and Pontoyse, I saw but two flocks of Sheep, and them not above 40 in a flock. Kine they have in some measure, but not fat nor large, with­out these there were no living for them. The Nobles eat the flesh, whilst the Farmer seeds on Butter and Cheese, and that but sparingly. But the miserable estates of the Norman paisant, we will defer till another opportunity. Swine also they have in prety number, and some Pullen in their backsides; but of neither an excesse. The principall River of it is Seine, of which more hereafter; and besides this I saw two rivulets Robee and Renelle.

In matter of Civill Government, this Countrey is directed by the court of Parliament established at Roven. For matters Military, it hath an Officer like the Lieutenant of our shires in England, the Governor they call him. The present Gover­nor is Mr. Le due de Longueville, to whom the charge of this Pro­vince was committed by the present King Lewis XIII. anno 1619. The Lawes by which they are governed are the Civill or Imperiall, augmented by some Customes of the French, and others more particular which are the Norman. One of the principal'st is in matters of inheritance; the French custome giving to all the Sons an equality in the estate, which we in England call Gavelkind; the Norman dividing the estate into three parts, and thereof allotting two unto the eldest bro­ther, and a third to be divided among the others. A law which the French count not just: the younger brothers of England would think the contrary. To conclude this generall discourse of the Normans; I dare say it is as happy a Country as most in Europe, were it subject to the same Kings, and governed by the same Laws, which it gave unto England.


Dieppe, the Town, strength and importance of it. The policy of Henry IV. not seconded by his Son. The custome of the English Kings in placing Go­vernours in their Forts. The breaden God there, and strength of the Religion. Our passage from Dieppe to Roven. The Norman Innes, Women, and Manners. The importunity of servants in hosteries. The sawcie familiarity of the attendants. Ad pileum vocare, what it was amongst the Ro­mans. Jus pileorum in the Universities of Eng­land, &c.

JUne the 30. at 6 of the clock in the morning, we landed at Dieppe, one of the Haven-towns of Normandy; seated on an arme of the Sea, between two hils, which em­brace it in the nature of a Bay. This secureth the Haven from the violence of the weather, and is a great strength to the Town against the attempts of any forces which should assault it by Sea. The Town lying within these mountains, almost a quarter of a mile up the channell. The Town it self is not uncomely, the streets large and wel paved, the houses of an indifferent height, and built upright without any jettings out of one part over the other. The Fortifications, they say, (for we were not permitted to see them) are very good and modern; without stone, within earth: on the top of the hill, a Castle finely seated, both to defend the Town, and on occasions to command it. The Garrison consisteth of 60 men, in pay no more, but when need requireth, the Cap­tain hath authority to arme the Inhabitants. The present Governour is the Duke of Longueville, who also is the Go­vernour of the province, entrusted with both those charges [Page 10] by Lewis XIII. anno 1619. An action in which he swarved somewhat from the example of his father; who never com­mitted the military command of a Countrey (which is the office of the Governour) and the custody of a Town of war or a Fortresse, unto one man. The Duke of Biron might hope as great a curtesie from that King, as the most deserving of his Subjects. He had stuck close to him in all his adversi­ties, received many an honourable scar in his service; and indeed, was both Fabius and Scipio, the Sword and Buckler of the French empire. In a word, he might have said to this Henry, what Silius in Tacitus did to Tiberius, Suum militem in obsequio mansisse, cum alii ad seditiones prolab [...]rentur; neque du­raturum Tiberii imperium, si iis quoque legionibus cupido novandi fuisset: yet when he became petitioner to the King for the Citadell of Burg, seated on the confines of his government of Bourgogne, the King denied it. The reason was, because Go­vernours of Provinces which command in chief, ought not to have the command of Places and Fortresses within their Govern­ment. There was also another reason & more enforcing, which was, that the Petitioner was suspected to hold intelligence with the Duke of Savoy, whose Town it was. The same Henry, though he loved the Duke of Espernon, even to the envy of the Court; yet even to him also he used the same cau­tion. Therefore when he had made him Governor of Xain­ [...]oigne and Angoulmois, he put also into his hands the Towns of Metz and Boulogne; places so remote from the seat of his Government, and so distant one from another, that they did rather distract his power, then increase it.

The Kings of England have been well, and for a long time versed in this maxime of estate. Let Kent be one of our ex­amples, and Hampshire the other. In Kent at this time the Lieutenant (or as the French would call him, the Governor) is the Earl of Mountgomerie; yet is Dover Castle in the hands of the Duke of Buckhingham; and that of Quinborough in the custody of Sir Edward Hobby: of which the one commandeth the Sea, and the other the Thames, and the Medway. In Hampshire, the Lieutenant is the Earl of South-Hampton: but the government of the Town and Garrison of Portes­mouth, is entrusted to the Earl of Pembroke: neither is [Page 11] there any of the least Sconces or Blockhouses, on the shore-side of that Countrey, which is commanded by the Lieutenant.

But King Lewis now reigning in France, minded not his Fathers action; when at the same time also he made his con­fident Mr. Luines Governor of Picardie, and of the Town and Citadell of Amiens. The time ensuing gave him a sight of this State-breach. For when the Dukes of Espernon, Vendosme, Longueville, Mayenne and Nemours, the Count of Soisons and others, sided with the Queen Mother against the King; the Duke of Longueville strengthned this Dieppe; and had not Peace suddenly followed, would have made it good, maugre the Kings forces. A Town it is of great importance, King Henry IV. using it as his Asylum or City of refuge, when the league was hottest against him. For, had he been further distressed, from hence might he have made an escape into England; and in at this door was the entance made for those English forces which gave him the first step to his throne. The Town hath been pillaged and taken by our Richard the first, in his war against Philip Augustus; and in the decli­ning of our affaires in France, it was nine monthes together besieged by the Duke of York, but with that successe, which commonly attendeth a falling Empire. The number of the Inhabitants is about 30000, whereof 9000 and upwards are of the Reformation, and are allowed them for the exercise of their religion, the Church of Arques, a Village some two miles distant; the remainders are Papists. In this Town I met with the first Idolatry, which ever I yet saw, more then in my Books. Quos antea audiebam, hodie vidi Deos, as a barbarous German in Vellejus said to Tiberius. The Gods of Rome, which before I only heard of, I now saw, and might have worshipped. It was the Hoaste, as they call it, or the Sacrament reserved, carryed by a couple of Priests under a Canopie, ushered by two or three torches, and attended by a company of boyes and old people which had no other im­ployment. Before it went a Bell continually tinkling, at the sound whereof all such as are in their houses, being war­ned that then their God goeth by them, make some shew of reverence; those which meet it in the street, with bended [Page 12] knees and elevated hands doing it honour. The Protestants, of this Bell make an use more religious, and use it as a war­ning or watch-peal to avoid that street through which they hear it coming. This invention of the Bell hath somewhat in it of Tureisme, it being the custome there at their Ca­nonieall houres, when they hear the criers bawling in the steeples, to fall prostrate on the ground wheresoever they are and kisse it thrice, so doing their devotions to Mahomet. The carrying of it about the streets hath, no question, in it a touch of the Jew, this ceremony being borrowed from that of carrying about the Arke on the shoulders of the Levites. The other main part of it which is the Adoration, is derived from the Heathens, there never being a people but they, which afforded divine honors to things inanimate. But the people indeed, I cannot blame for this Idolatrous devotion, their consciences being perswaded, that what they see passe by them, is the very body of their Saviour. For my part, could the like belief possesse my understanding, I could meet it with greater reverence, then their Church can en­joyn me. The Priests and Doctors of the people are to be condemned only, who impose and inforce this sin upon their hearers. And doubtlesse there is a reward which at­tendeth them for it. Of standing it is so young, that I never met with it before the year 1215. Then did Pope Innocent ordain in a Councell holden at Rome, that there should be a Pix made to cover the Bread, and a Bell bought to be rung before it. The Adoration of it was enjoyned by Pope Honorius, anno 1226. both afterward encreased by the new solemn feast of Corpus Christi day, by Pope Urban the IV. anno 1264. and confirmed for ever with multitudes of pardons, in the Councell of Vienna, by Clement the V. anno 1310. Such a punie is this great God of the Ro­mans. Lactantius in his first Book of Institutions against the Gentiles, taxeth the wise men of those times of infinite ri­diculousnesse, who worshipped Jupiter as a God, Cùm eun­dem tamen Saturno & Rhea genitum confiterentur, Since them­selves so perfectly knew his originall. As much I marvell at the impudencie of the Romish Clergie, who will needs im­pose a new God upon their people, being so well acquainted with his cradle.

[Page 13]It is now time to go on in our journey to Roven. The Cart stayeth, and it is fit we were in it. Horses we could get none for money, and for love we did not expect them. We are now mounted in our Chariot, for so we must call it. An English man would have thought it a plain Cart, and if it needs will have the honour of being a Chariot, let it; sure I am it was never ordained for triumph. At one end was fastned three carcasses of horses, or three bodies which had once been horses, and now were worne to dead images; had the Statua of a man been placed on any one of them, it might have been hanged up at an Inne door, to represent St. George on horseback, so livelesse they were, and as little moving; yet at last they began to crawle, for go they could not. This converted me from my former Heresie, and made me apprehend life in them: but it was so little, that it seemed only enough to carry them to the next pack of houndes. Thus accommodated we bid farewell to Dieppe, and proceeded with a space so slow, that me thought our journey unto Roven would prove a most perfect embleme of the motion of the ninth sphere, which is 49000 years in finishing. But this was not our greatest misery. The rain f [...]ll in us through our tilt, which for the many holes in it, one would have thought to have been a net. The durt brake plentifully in upon us, through the rails of our Chariot: and the unequall and ill proportioned pase of it, startled almost every bone of us. I protest, I marvell how a French man durst adventure in it. Thus endured we all the diseases of a journey▪ and the danger of three severall deaths, drow­ning, choaking with the mire, and breaking on the wheel; besides a fear of being [...]amished before we came to our Inne, which was six French miles from us. The mad Duke in the Play, which undertook to drive two snailes from Mil­laine to Museo, without staffe, whip or goade; and in a braverie dared all the world to match him for an experi­ment: would here have had matter to have tryed his pati­ence.

On the left hand we saw Arques, once famous for a siege laid about it by our Richard the first; but raised speedily by the French. It is now (as before I told you)▪ the Parish [Page 14] Church of the Dieppe Protestants. Their Preachers Mr. Cor­teau, and Mr. Mondenis, who have each of them an yearly sti­pend of 40l. or thereabouts; a poor pay, if the faithfull discharge of that duty were not a reward unto it self, above the value of gold and silver. To instance in none of those beggerly Villages we past through, we came at last unto Tostes, the place destinated to be our lodging; a Town somewhat like the worser sort of Market-towns in England. There our Chareter brought us to the ruines of an house, an Ale house I should scarce have thought it, and yet in spight of my teeth it must be an Inne, yea and that an honorable one, as Don Quixotes hoste told him. Despair of finding there either Bedding or Victuals, made me just like the fellow at the gal­lowes, who when he might have been reprieved on condition he would marry a wench which there sued for him, having viewed her well, cryed to the hangman to drive on his Cart. The truth is, I' esehappay la tonnnere et rencheus en l' eschair, according to the French proverb; I fell out of the frying-pan into the fire. One of the house (a ragged fellow I am sure he was, and so most likely to live there) brought us to a room somewhat of kindred to a Charnel-house, as dark and as dampish. I con­fesse it was paved with brick at the bottom, and had to­wards the Orchards a prety hole, which in former times had been a window, but now the glasse was all vanished. By the little light which came in at that hole, I first perceived that I was not in England. There stood in this Chamber three beds, if at the least it be lawfull so to call them; the founda­tion of them was of straw, so infinitely thronged together, that the wool-packs which our Judges sit on in the Parlia­ment, were melted butter to them: upon this lay a medley of flocks and feathers sowed up together in a large bag; (for I am confident it was not a tick) but so ill ordered, that the knobs stuck out on each side, like a crab-tree cud­gell. He had need to have flesh enough that lyeth on one of them, otherwise the second night would wear out his bones. The sheets which they brought us, were so course, that in my conscience no Mariner would vouchsafe to use them for a sail; and the coverlet so bare, that if a man would undertake to reckon the threads, he need not misse [Page 15] one of the number. The napperie of the Table was sutable to the bedding, so foul and dirty, that I durst not conceive it had been washed above once; and yet the poor clothes looked as briskly as if it had been promised for the whole year ensuing, to scape many a scouring. The napkins were fit companions for the clothes, Vnum si noveris, omnes nosti. By my description of this Inne, you may guesse at the rest of France; not altogether so wretched, yet is the alteration al­most insensible.

Let us now walke into the Kitching, and observe their provision. And here we found a most terrible execution committed on the person of a pullet; my Hostesse (cruell woman) had cut the throat of it, and without plucking off the feathers, tore it into pieces with her hands, and after took away skin and feathers together, just as we strip Rabbets in England: this done, it was clapped into a pan, and fryed into a supper. In other places where we could get meat for the Spitte, it useth to be presently broached, and laid per­pendicularly over the fire; three turns at the most dispatch­eth it, and bringeth it to the Table, rather scorched then roasted. I say where we could get it, for in these rascally Innes, you cannot have what you would, but what you may; and that also not of the cheapest. At Pontoyse we met with a Rabbet, and we thought we had found a great purchase; larded it was, as all meat is in the Countrey, otherwise it is so lean, it would never endure roasting. In the eating it proved so tough, that I could not be perswaded, that it was any more then three removes from that Rabbet which was in the Ark. The price half a Crown Eng­lish. My companions thought it over deer, to me it seem­ed very reasonable; for certainly the grasse which sed it, was worth more then thrice the money. But to return to Tostes.

And it it time; you might, perchance, else have lost the sight of mine Hostesse, and her daughters. You would have sworne at the first blush, they had beeu of a bloud; and it had been great pity had it been otherwise. The salutati­on of Horace, Omatre pulchra filia pulchrior, was never so un­seasonable as here. Not to honour them with a further [Page 16] character, let it suffice that their persons kept so excellent a decorum with the house and furniture, that one could not possible make use of Tullies Quàm dispari dominaris domina. But this is not their luck only. The women not of Nor­mandy alone, but generally of all France, are forced to be contented with a little beauty; and she which with us is reckoned with the vulgar, would amongst them be taken for a Princesse. But of the French women, more when we have taken a view of the Dames of Paris; now only some­what of their habit and condition. Their habit in which they differ from the rest of France, is the attire of the head, which hangeth down their backs in the fashion of a Vail. In Roven and the greater Cities, it is made of linen, pure and decent; here, and in the Villages, it cannot possible be any thing else then an old dish-clout turned out of service, or the corner of a tablecloth reserved from washing. Their best conditi­on is not alwayes visible. They shew it only in the mor­nings, or when you are ready to depart, and that is their beg­ging; you shall have about you such a throng of those ill­faces, and every one whining out this dity, Pour les servants, that one might with greater ease distribute a dole at a rich mans Funerall, then give them a penny. Had you a pur­pose to give them unasked, their importunity will prevent your speediest bounty. After all this impudent begging, their ambition reacheth no higher then a Sol; he that giveth more out-biddeth their expectation, and shall be counted a spend­thrift.

But the principall ornaments of these Innes, are the men­servants, the raggedest regiment that ever I yet looked upon. Such a thing as a Chamberlaine was never heard of amongst them, and good clothes are as little known as he. By the habit of his attendants, a man would think himself in a Gaol; their clothes either full of patches, or open to the skin. Bid one of them wipe your boots, he presently hath recourse to the curtains, with those he will perhaps rub over one side, and leave the other to be made clean by the guest. It is enough for him, that he hath written the coppy. They wait al­wayes with their hats on their heads, and so also do servants before their masters: attending bare-headed, is as much out [Page 17] of fashion there, as in Turkey: of all French fashions, in my opinion, the most unfitting and unseeming. Time and much use reconciled me to many other things, which at the first were offensive; to this unreverent custome, I returned an enemy. Neither can I see how it can choose but stomach the most patient, to see the worthyest signe of liberty usurped and profaned by the basest of slaves. For seeing that the French paisantrie, are such infinite slaves unto their Lords and Princes, it cannot be, but that those which are their servants, must be one degree at the least, below the lowest condition.

Certainly among the antients, this promiseuous covering of the head, was never heard of. It was with them the chief sign of freedome, as is well known to those which are con­versant with Antiquity. The Lacones a people of Pe [...]pon­nesus, after they had obtained to be made free denizens of Latedemon, in signe of their new-gotten liberty, would never go into the battail nisi pileati, but with their hats on. A­mongst the Africans, as it is written in Alexander ab Alexan­dro, the placing of a hat on the top of a spear, was used as a token to incite the people to their liberty, which had been oppressed by Tyrants; Per pileum in hasta propositum, ad liberta­tem prcolamari. But amongst the Romans, we have more va­riety. The taking off of the hat of Tarquinius Pris [...]us by an Eagle, and the putting of it on again, occasioned the Augur to prophesie unto him the Kingdom, which fell out accor­dingly. In their sword playes, when one of the Gladiators had with credit slain his adversary; they would sometimes honour him with a Palm, sometimes with the Hat. Of these the last was the worthyer, the Palm only honouring the Victor, this also enfranchizing the receivers▪ therefore con­ferred commonly on him which had killed most men in the Theatres. Hence the complaints of Tertullian, [...] de Spectacu­lis, cap. 21. Qui insigniori cuiquam homicidae leonem [...], idem gladiatori atroci rudem petat (rudis was an other token of en­franchisement) & pileum prae [...]ium conferat. In their com­mon Forum, or Guildhall, when they purposed to manumit any of their servants; their custome also was, after the Lictor or Sergeant had registred the name of the party [...], [Page 18] to shave his head and give him a cap, whence according to Resinus, ad pileum vocare, is to set one at li­berty.

[...] in his Chi [...]des, maketh the Hat to be the signe of some eminent worth in him that weareth it; Pileus (saith he) [...] spectatae virtutis. On this he conjectureth that the [...]ing on of caps on the heads of such as are created Do­ctors or Masters, had its originall. In the Universities of Eng­land this custome is still in force; the putting on of the cap being never performed, but in the solemn Comitia, and in the presence of all such as are either auditors or spectators of that dayes exercise. When I was Regent, the whole house of Congregation joyned together in a Petition to the Earl of Pembroke, to restore unto us the jus pileorum, the licence of putting on our Caps, at our publick meetings; which pri­viledge, time and the tyranny of the Vicechancellors, had taken from us. Among other motives, we used the solemn form of creating a Master in the Acts, by putting on his cap: and that that signe of liberty might distinguish us which were the Regents, from those boyes which we were to govern: which request he graciously granted. But this French saw­cinesse hath drawn me out of my way. An impudent fa­miliarity, which I confesse did much offend me: and to which I still pro [...]esse my self an open enemy. Though Jack speak French, I cannot endure Jack should be a Gen­tleman


ROVEN a neat City; how seated and built; the strength of it. St. Katharines mount. The Church of Nostre dame, &c. The indecorum of the Papists in the severall and unsutable pictures of the Virgin. The little Chappell of the Capuchins in Boulogne. The House of Parliament. The precedencie of the President and the Governor. The Legend of St. Romain, and the priviledge thence arising. The language and religion of the Rhothomagenses, or people of Roven.

July the first we set on for Roven. In 10 hours our Cart dragged us thither, the whole journey being in all six leagues French: admirable speed! About three of the clock in the afternoon we had a sight of the Town, daintily seated in a valley on the River Seine. I know not any Town better situate, Oxford excepted, which indeed it much resembleth; I mean not in bignesse, but situation: It stand­eth on all sides evironed with mountains, the North ex­cepted, and hath a large and pleasant walk of meadowes by the river side, to the South-east-ward; as Oxford hath towards Eveley. It is seated on the principall river of France, distant from the Metropolis of that Country 50 miles English, or thereabouts; as Oxford on the Thames, and from Lon­don. Watered also it is with two small rivulets, Robee and Renelle, as the other with Charwell and Eventode. The diffe­rence is, that Oxford is seated somewhat higher on the swelling of an hill, and a little more removed from those mountains which environ it: and that the rivers which run through some part of Roven, do only wash the precincts of the other. The buildings are in some places wood, in some stone, in other both; the houses without juttings or [Page 20] overlets, four stories high, and in the front not very beau­tifull. The most promising house which mine eye met with, was that of Mr. Bo [...]e, who being of obscure parents, and having raised himself a fortune in the wars, against the League, here built a receptacle for his age. It is fashioned after the man­ner of new buildings in London, composed all of dainty [...] stone, square and polished. On the partition between [...] [...]ry and the second, it hath these words engraven, U [...] & Virtute. Martis opus. Tentanda via. Amore & armis: a motto sutable to his rising.

The other buildings of note are the bridge (for I as yet omit the Hosue of Parliament and the Churches) and the Town wall by it. The bridge, whilst it was all standing, was thought to have been the fairest and strongest piece of that kinde in all France. It consisteth of twelve arches, large and high: there now remain but seven of them, the rest being broken down by the English in the falling of their affairs in France, the better to make good the Town against the French. The river is here about the breadth of the Tha [...]es at Fulham. Between the River and the Town wall, is the Exchange or meeting place of the Merchants, paved with broad and even peble. In breadth up to the wall-ward 30 yards, in length 100; a fine walke in fair weather. All along the banke side lay the ships, which by reason of the broken bridge come up thither, and on occasions higher: [...] turn for Paris. The wall for the length of 100 yards, is as straight as one may lay a line, of a just height, and composed of square and excellent stones, so cunningly laid, that I never saw the sides of a Noble mans house built more handsomely. But it is not only the beauty of the wall which [...] delighteth in, there must somewhat also be expe­cted of strength: to which purpose it might serve indiffe­rently well, were there some addition of earth within it. It [...]s [...] helped on the outside by the breadth and depth of the ditches; but more by St. Katherines fort seated on a hill at the East side of it. A Fort, which were it strengthned according to the modern art of fortifying, would much assure the Town, and make it at once, both a slave and a comman­ [...]r. The Marshall [...], when he was Lieutenant here [Page 21] for the Queen mother, begin to fortifie this mountain, [...], and other places of importance; but upon his death they were all rased: what were his [...] in it, they know best which were acquainted with his ambiti­on Certainly the jars which he had [...] amongst the Princes one with the other, and between them and the King: shew that they were not intended for no­thing.

There are in Roven [...] Parish Churches, besides those which belong to Abbies and Religious houses, of which the most beautifull is that of St. Audoin or Owen, once Archbishop of this City. The seat and Church of the Archbishop is that of Nostre dame, a building far more gorgeous in the cutside, then within. It presents it self to you with a very gracious and majesticall front, decked with most curious imagery, and adorned with three stately Towers. The first La tour de beurre (because it was built with that money which was raised by Cardinall Dr. Amboyse, for granting a dispensa­tion to eat butter in the [...]nt): and a third built over the porch or great door, wherein is the great Bell so much talked of. Within it is but plain and ordinary, such as common Cathedrall Churches usually are, so big, so fashioned. Behinde the high Altar, at a pillar on the left had, is the remainder of the Duke of Bedfords Tomb: which for ought I could discerne, was nothing but an Epitaph some three yards high in the pillar. I saw nothing in it, which might move the envie of any Courtier to have it defaced, un­lesse it were the title of Regent du Royaume de France, which is the least he merited.

Somewhat Eastward, beyond this is our Ladies Chappell, a prety neat piece, and daintily set our. There standeth on the top of the screen, the image of the Virgin her self, between two Angels. They have attired her in a red mantle, l [...]d with two gold laces, a handsome ruffe about her neck, a vail of fine lawne hanging down her back, and (to show that she was the Queen of heaven) a crown upon her head: in her left arme the holds her son in his side-coat, a black hat and a golden hatband. A jolly plump Ladie she seemeth to be, of a flaxen hair, a ruddy lip, and a chearefull complexion. [Page 22] Twere well the Painters would agree about limming of her, otherwise we are likely to have almost as many Ladies, as Churches. At N [...]stre dame in Paris, she is taught us to be browne, and seemeth somewhat inclining to melancholie. I speak not of her different habit, for I envie not her changes of apparell Only I could not but observe how those of St. Se­pulchres Church, en la Bue St. Dennis, have placed her on the top of their Skreen, in a Coape, as if she had taken upon her the zeal of Abraham, and were going to make a bloudy sacrifice of her Son. They of Nostre dame in Amiens, have erected her Statua all in gold, with her Son also of the same mettle in her armes; casting beams of gold round about her, as the Sun is painted in its sull glory: strange Idolatries! On the contrary, in the Parish Church of Tury, in La Beausse, she is to be seen in a plain petticoat of red, and her other garments correspondent. In my minde this holdeth most proportion to her estate, and will best serve to free their irre­ligion from absurdity. If they will worship her as a nurse, with her childe in her arme, or at her brest, let them array her in such apparell, as might beseem a Carpenters wife; such as she may be supposed to have worn before the world had taken notice, that she was the mother of her Saviour. If they needs must have her in her estate of glory, as at Amiens; or of honour (being now publickly acknowledged to be the blessed­est among women) as at Paris, let them disburden her of her child. To clap them thus together, is a folly, equally worthy of scorne and laughter. Certainly had she but so much liber­ty, as to make choice of her own clothes, I doubt not but she would observe a greater decorum. And therefore I com­mend the Capuchins of Boulogne, who in a little side-chappell consecrated unto her, have placed only a handsome fair looking-glasse upon her Altar, the best ornament of a female closet: why they placed it there, I cannot say, only I conceive it was, that she might there see how to dresse her self.

This Church is said to have been built (I should rather think repaired) by Raoul or Rollo, the first Duke of Norman­dy; since it hath been much beautifyed by the English when they were Lords of this Province. It is the seat of an [Page 23] Archbishop, a Dean and fifty Canons. The Archbishop was instituted by the authority of Constantine the Great, during the sitting of the Councell of A [...]les. Anidian who was there present, being consecrated the first Archbishop. The Bishops of Sees, Aurenches, Constance, Bayeux, Lysieux and Eureux, were appointed for his Diocesans. The now Archbishop is said to be an able Scholar, and a sound Statesman; his name I enquired not. The revenues of his Chair are said to be 10000 crowns: more they would amount to, were the Countrey any way fruitfull of Vines; out of which the other Prelates of France draw no small part of their introda.

The Parliament of this Countrey, was established here by Lewis XII. who also built that fair Palace wherein Justice is administred, anno 1501. At that time he divided Nor­mandy into seven Lathes, Rapes, or Bailiwicks, viz. Roven, Coux, Constentin, Caen, Eureux, Gisors, and Alençon. This Court hath Supreme power to enquire into, and give sen­tence of all causes within the limits of Normandy. It recei­veth appeals from the inferior Courts of the Dutchie unto it, but admitteth none from it. Here is also Cour des Esl ux, a Court of the generall Commissioners, also for Taxes; and La Chambre des Aides, instituted by Charles VII. for the receiving of his Subsidies, Gabels, Imposts, &c. The house of Parliament is in form quadrangular, a very gratefull and delectable building; that of Paris is but a Chaos or a Babell to it. In the great hall (into which you ascend by some 30 stoppes or upwards) are the seats and desks of the Procurators; every ones name written in Capital letters over his head. These Procurators are like our Atturnies, to prepare causes and make them ready for the Advocates. In this Hall do suitors use either to attend on, or to walke up and down and confer with their pleaders. Within this hall is the great Chamber, the tribunall and seat of justice, both in causes Criminall and Civill.

At domus interior regali splendida luxu
Instruitur:—As Virgill of Queen Did [...]es dining roome.

A Camber so gallantly and richly built, that I must needs con­fesse [Page 24] it far surpasseth all the rooms that ever I saw in my life. The Palace of the Louure hath nothing in it comparable. The seeling all inlaid with gold, and yet did the workman­ship exceed the matter. This Court consisteth of two Presi­dents, twenty Counsellors or Assistants, and as many Advocates as the Court will admit of. The prime President is termed Ner de Riz, by birth a Norman: upon the Bench, and in all places of his Court, [...]e taketh the prcedencie of the Duke of Longue­ville: when there is a convention of the three Estates summo­ned the Duke hath the priority.

We said even now, that from the sentence of this Court there lay no appeal; but this must be recanted, and it is no shame to do it: St. Austin hath written his Retractations; so also hath B [...]rmine. Once in the year there is an appeal ad­mitted, but that for one man only, and on this occasion: There was a poysonous Dragon not far from Roven, which had done much harme to the Countrey and City. Many wayes had been tryed to destroy him, but none prospered; at last Romain, afterwards made a Saint, then Archbishop of the Town, accompanied with a theef and a murderer, whose lives had been forfeited to a sentence, undertaketh the enter­prise; upon fight of the Dragon the theef stole away, the murderer goeth on, and seeth that holy man vanquish the Serpent, armed only with a Stole (it is a neck habit, san­ctifyed by his Holinesse of Rome, and made much after the manner of a tippet) with this Stole tied about the neck of the Dragon, doth the murderer lead him prisoner to Roven. To make short work, the name of God is praised, the Bishop magnifyed, the murderer pardoned, and the Dragon bur­ned. This accident (if the story be not Apocrypha) is said to have [...] on holy Thursday. Audoin or Owen, successor unto St. [...] in memory of this marvellous act, obtai­ned of [...] the first (he began his reign anno [...]) [...] time forwards the Chapitre of the Ca­ [...] Church, should every Ascension day have the [...] any malefactor, whom the lawes had condem­ [...]. This that King then granted, and [...] the [...] Kings even to this time have successively [...]. [...] the ceremonies and solemnities wherewith this [...] is [Page 25] taken from his irons, and restored to liberty. It is not above nine years agone, since a Baron of Ga [...]ne took occasion to kill his wife, which done, he fled hither into Normandy; and ha­ving first acquainted the Canons of Nostre dame with his desire, put himself to the sentence of the Court, and was adjudged to the wheel. Ascension day immediately coming on, the Canons challenged him, and the Judge, according to the cu­stome, caused him to be delivered. But the Normans pleaded that the benefit of that priviledge belonged only to the natives of that Province; and they pleaded with such [...]ury, that the Baron was again committed to prison, till the Queen Mo­ther had wooed the people, pro ea saltem vice, to admit of his reprievall.

I deferred to speak of the language of Normandy, till I came hither, because here it is best spoken. It differeth from the Parisian, and more elegant French, almost as much as the English spoken in the North, doth from that of London or Oxford. Some of the old Norman words it still retaineth, but not many. It is much altered from what it was in the time of the Conqueror, few of the words in which our lawes were written being known by them. One of our company gave a Litleton's tenure, written in that language, to a French Doctor of the Lawes; who protested that in three lines, he could not understand three words of it. The religion in this Town is indifferently poized, as it also is in most places of this Province. The Protestants are thought to be as great a party as the other, but far weaker, the Duke of Longueville, ha­ving disarmed them in the beginning of the last troubles.


Our journey between Roven and Pontoyse. The holy man of St. Clare and the Pilgrims thither. My sore eyes. Mante, Pontoyse, Normandy justly taken from King John. The end of this Booke.

JUly the second we take our farewell of Roven, better ac­commodated then we came thither; yet not so well as I defired. We are now preferred ab Asinis ad equos, from the Cart to the Waggon. The French call it a Coach, but that matters not; so they would needs have the Cart to be a Chariot. These Waggons are the ordinary instruments of travell in those Countries; much of a kin to Gravesend's barge. You shall hardly finde them without a knave or a Giglot. A man may be sure to be merry in them, were he as certain to be wholesome. This, in which we travelled, contained ten persons, as all of them commonly do; and amongst these ten, one might have found English, Scots, French, Normans, Dutch, and Italians, a jolly medley; had our religi­ons been as different as our Nations, I should have thought my self in Amsterdam or Poland; if a man had desired to have seen a Brief or an Epitome of the World, he would no where have received such satisfaction, as by looking on us. I have already reckoned up the several Nations, I will now lay open the severall conditions. There were then to be found amongst these ten passengers, men and women, Lords and serving men, Scholars and Clowns, Ladies and Chambermaids, Priests and Laie-men, Gentlemen and Artificers, people of all sexes and almost all ages. If all the learning in the world were lost, it might be found again in Plutarch, so said Budaeus. If all the Nations in the world had been lost, they might have been found again in our Waggon, so I. Seriously I think our [Page 27] Coach to have been no unfit representation of the Ark. A whole world of men and languages might have grown out of it.

But all this while our Waggon joggeth on, but so leisure­ly, that it gave me leave to take a more patient view of the Countrey, then we could in the Cart. And here, indeed, I saw sufficient to affect the Countrey, yea to dote on it, had I not come out of England. The fields such as already I have described, every where beset with Apple-trees, and fruits of the like nature. You could scarce see any thing which was barren in the whole Journey. These Apples are both meat and drink to the poor Paisant. For the Coun­try is ill provided with Vines (the only want I could observe in it) and Beer is a good beverage at a Gentlemans table, Sider then, or Perry are the poor mans Claret; and happy man is he, which once or twice a week can aspire so high a­bove water. To proceed, through many a miserable Vil­lage (Burghs they call them) and one Town somewhat big­ger then the rest, called Equille; we came that night to St. Claire 10 French miles from Roven, a poor Town god wot, and had nothing in it remarkable, but an accident. There dwelt a monk there, grown into great opinion for his sanctity, and one who had an especiall hand upon sore eyes; yet his ability herein was not generall, none being capable of cure from him but pure Virgins. I perswade my self France could not yield him many patients: and yet from all parts he was much sought unto. Hope of cure and a charita­ble opinion, which they had of themselves, had brought to him divers distressed Damosels; which, I am confident, had no interest in his miracle. In the same Inne (Alehouse I should say) where we were to be harbored, there had put in a whole convoy of these Ladies errant, Pilgrims they called themselves, and had come on foot two dayes journey to cleer their eye-sight. They had white vailes hanging down their backs, which in part covered their faces; yet I percei­ved by a glimpse, that some of them were past cure. Though my charity durst allow them maids, it was afraid to sup­pose them Virgins: yet so far I dare assure them they should recover their sight, that when they came home, they should [Page 28] see their folly. At that time, what with too much watching on shipboard, what with the tartnesse of the water, and the violence of the winde, working upon me for almost 40 houres together whilst I lay on the Hatches: mine eyes had gotten a rheum and a rednesse: my Hostess (good woman) perswaded me to this holy Eye-wright, but I durst not ven­ture Not that I had not as good a title to my Virginity as the best there: but because I had learned what a grievous sentence was denounced on Ahaziah king of Israel, for seeking help of Belzebub the god of Eckron. When I hap to be ill, let my amendment come on Gods name. Mallem semper profanus esse, quam sic religious, as Minutius Foelix of the Roman Sacrifices. Let my body rather be stil troubled with a sore eye, then have such a recovery to be a perpetuall eye-sore to my conscience. Rather then go in Pilgrimage to such a Saint, let the Pa­pists count me for an Heretick. Besides, how durst I ima­gine in him an ability of curing my bodily eyes, who had for above 70 years been troubled with a blindnesse in the eyes of his soul?—Thou fool (said our Saviour al­most in the like case) first cast out the beam out of thine own eye, and then shalt thou see clearly to cast out the mote out of thy brothers eye.

The next morning (July 3) I left my pilgrims to try their fortunes, and went on in our journey to Paris, which that day we were to visite. My eyes not permitting me to read, and my cares altogether strangers to the French chat, drave my thoughts back to Roven; and there nothing so much possessed me, as the small honour done to Bedford in his monument. I had leasure enough to provide him a longer Epitaph, and a shorter apologie against the envie of that Courtier, which perswaded Charles the VIII to deface the ruines of his Sepulchre: Thus.

So did the Fox, the coward'st of the heard,
Kick the dead Lyon, and profane his beard.
So did the Greeks, about their vanquisht host,
Drag Hectors reliques, and torment his ghost.
So did the Parthian slaves deride the head
Of the great Grassus now betrayed and dead:
[Page 29]To whose victorious sword, not long before,
They would have sacrific'd their lives, or more.
So do the French assault dead Bedfords [...],
And trample on his ashes in despight.
But foolish Curio cease, and do not blame
So small an honor done unto his name.
Why grievest thou him a Sepulchre to have,
Who when he liv'd could make all France a grave?
His sword triumph'd through all those Towns which lie
In th' Isle, Maine, Anjoy, Guyen, Normandie.
Thy fathers felt it. Oh! thou worst of men,
(If man thou art) do not endevour then,
This Conquerour from his last hold to thrust,
Whom all brave minds should honour in his dust.
But be not troubled Bedford; thou shalt stand
Above the reach of malice, though the hand
Of a French basenesse may deface thy name,
And tear it from thy marble, yet shall fame
Speak loudly of thee and thy acts. Thy praise
A Pyramis unto it self shall raise,
Thy brave atchievements in the times to come,
Shall be a monument above a Tombe.
Thy name shall be thy Epitaph: and he
Which once reads Bedford, shall imagin thee
Beyond the power of Verses, and shall say
None could expresse thy worthes a fuller way.
Rest thou then quiet in the shades of night,
Nor vex thy self with Curio's weaker spite.
Whilest France remains, and Histories are writ,
Bedford shall live, and France shall Chroni [...] it.

Having offered this unworthy, yet gratefull sacrifice, to the Manes of that brave Heros: I had the more leasure to behold Mante, and the Vines about it, being the first that ever I saw. They are planted like our Hop-gardens, and grow up by the helpe of poles, but not so high. They are kept with little [Page 30] cost, and yeeld profit to an husbandman sufficient to make him rich, had he neither King nor Landlord. The Wine which is pressed out of them, is harsh and not pleasing: as much differing in sweetnesse from the Wines of Pa [...] or Orle­ans, as their language doth in elegancy. The rest of the Nor­man wines, which are not very frequent, as growing only on the frontiers towards France, are of the same quality. As for the Town of Ma [...]e, it seemeth to have been of good strength before the use of great Ordinances; having a wall, a compe­tent ditch, and at every gate a draw-bridge. They are still sufficient to guard their Pullen from the Fox, and in the night times to secure their houses from any forain burglary. Once indeed they were able to make resistance to a King of France, but the English were then within it. At last on hono­rable termes it yeelded, and was entred by Charles VII. the second of August, anno 1449. The Town is for building and bignesse, somewhat above the better sort of Market Towns here in England.

The last Town of Normandy toward Paris is Pontoyse, a Town well fortifyed, as being a borderer, and one of the strongest bulwarks against France. It hath in it two fair Abbies of Maubuiss [...]n and St. Martin, and six Churches Parochiall, where­of that of [...] dame in the Suburbs is the most beautifull. The name it derives from a bridge, built over the river of Oyse, on which it is situate, and by which on that side it is well defended; the bridge being strengthned with a strong gate, and two draw-bridges. It is commodiously situate on the rising of an hill, and is famous for the siege laid before it by Charles VII anno 1442. but more fortunate unto him in the taking of it. For having raised his Army upon the Duke of Yorks coming to give him battail with 6000 only; the French Army consisting of double the number; he retired or fled ra­ther unto St. Denis; but there hearing how scandalous his retreat was to the Parisians even ready to mutiny; and that the Duke of Orleans and others of the Princes, stirred with the ignominiousnesse of his flight, began to practise against him; he speedily returned to Pontoyse, and maketh himself master of it by assault. Certainly to that fright he owed the getting of this Town, and all Normandy, the French by that [Page 31] door making their entrie unto this Province; out of which at last they thrust the English, anno 1450. So desperate a thing is a frighted coward.

This Countrey had once before been in possession of the English, and that by a firmer title then the sword. William the Conqueror had conveied it over the Seas into England, and it continued an Appendix of that Crown, from the year 1067 unto that of 1204. At that time, John called Sans terre, third son unto King Henry II. having usurped the estates of England and the English possessions in France, upon A [...]thur heir of Bre­tagne, and son unto Geofry his elder brother; was warred on by Philip Augustus King of France, who sided with the said Arthur. In the end Arthur was taken, and not long after was found dead in the ditches of the Castle of Roven. Whether this vio­lent death happened unto him by the practise of his Uncle, as the French say, or that the young Prince came to that unfor­tunate end in an attempt to escape, as the English report, is not yet determined. For my part, considering the other carriages and virulencies of that King, I dare be of that opinion, that the death of Arthur was not without his contrivement. Cer­tainly he that rebelled against his Father, and practised the eternall imprisonment and ruine of his Brother, would not much stick (this being so speedy a way to settle his affaires) at the murder of a Nephew. Upon the first bruit of this mur­der, Constance mother to the young Prince, complaineth unto the King and Parliament of France; not the Court which now is in force, consisting of men only of the long robe, but the Court of the Pai [...]rie or 12 Peeres, whereof King John himself was one, as Duke of Normandy. I see not how in justice Philip could do lesse then summon him, an homager being slain, and a homager being accused. To this summons John refused to yeeld himself, a Counsell rather magnanimous then wise, and such as had more in it of a English King then a French Subject. Edward III. a Prince of finer metall then this John, obeyed the like warrant, and performed a personall homage to Philip of Valoys, and it is not reckoned amongst his disparagements. He committed yet a further errour or solecisine in State, not so much as sending any of his people to supply his place, or plead his cause. Upon this non-appearance, the Peers pro­ceed [Page 32] to [...], Il fut [...]ar Arrest d [...]la dite cour (saith Du Chesne) [...] & [...] da crime de parr [...]e, & de felo­nie; Parrie de for killing his own Nephew; and Felony for committing an act so execrable on the person of a French Vas­sill, and in France. John du Serres addeth a third cause, which was contempt, in disobeying the Kings commandment. Upon this [...]rdict the Court awarded, Que toutes les terres qu'il [...] acqu [...]ses & confi [...]es a la Couronne, &c. A proceeding so fair and orderly, that I should sooner accuse King John of indiscretion, then the French of injustice. When my life or estate is in danger, let me have no more sinister a tryall. The English thus outed of Normandy by the weaknesse of John, recovered it again by the puissance of Henry; but be­ing held only by the sword, it was after 30 years recovered again, as I have told you. And now being passed over the Oyse, I have at once freed the English and my self of Normandy; here ending this Book, but not that dayes journey.

The End of the First Book.


FRANCE specially so called. OR, THE SECOND BOOK.


France in what sense so called. The bounds of it. All old Gallia not possessed by the French. Countries follow the name of the most predominant Nation. The condition of the present French not different from that of the old Gaules. That the heavens have a constant power upon the same Climate, though the Inhabitants are changed. The quality of the French in private, at the Church, and at the table. Their language, complements, discourse, &c.

JUly the third, which was the day we set out of St. Claire, having passed through Pontoyse, and crossed the river, we were entred into France: France as it is understood [Page 34] in its limited sense, and as a part only of the whole, for when Meroveus, the Grandchild of Pharamond, first King of the Franci or Frenchmen, had taken an opportunity to passe the Rhine, having also during the wars between the Romans and the Gothes, taken Paris; he resolved there to set up his rest, and to make that the head City of his Empire. The Coun­try round about it, which was of no large extent, he com­manded to be called Francia, or Terra Francorum, after the name of his Frankes whom he governed. In this bounded and re­strained sense, we now take it, being confined with Normandy on the North, Champagne on the East, and on the West and South with the Province of La Beausse. It is incircled in a manner with the Oyle on the Northwards, the Eure on the West, the Velle on the East, and a veine riveret of the Seine towards the South; but the principall environings are made by the Seine, and the Marne a river of Campagne, which con­stitute that part hereof which commonly and [...], is called by the name of the Isle of France, and within the main Island makes divers little petty Isles, the waters winding up and down, as desirous to recreate the earth with the pleasures of its lovely and delicious embraces.

This Isle, this portion of Gaul, properly and limitedly styled France, was the seat of the Francs at their first coming hither, and hath still continued so. The rest of Gallia, is in effect rather subdued by the French, then inhabited; their valour in time having taken in those Countries which they never planted: so that if we look apprehensively into Gaule, we shall finde the other Nations of it, to have just cause to take up that complaint of the King of Portugall against Ferdinand of Castile, for assuming to himself the title of Catholick King of Spain; Ejus tam non exigua parte penes reges alios, as Mariana re­lateth it. Certain it it, that the least part of all Gallia is in the hands of the French, the Normans, Britons, Biscaines or Gascons, the Gothes (of Languedoc and Provence) Burgundians, and the antient Gaules of Poictou, retaining in it such fair and ample Provinces. But it is the custome (shall I say) or fate of lesser and weaker Nations, to lose their names unto the stronger; as wives do to their husbands, and the smaller ri­vers to the greater. Thus we see the little Province of [Page 35] Poland to have mastered and given name to the Pruteni, Mazovii, and other Nations of Sarmatia Europaea; as that of Mosco hath unto all the Provinces of Asiatica. Thus hath Sweden conquered and denominated almost all the great Peninsula of Scandia; whereof it is but a little parcell: and thus did the English Saxons being the most prevailing of the rest, impose the name of English on all the people of the Hep­tarchie. ‘Et dedit imposito nomina prisca jugo.’ And good reason the vanquished should submit themselves as well unto the appellation, as the laws of the victor. The French then are possessors of some parts of old Gallia, and masters of the rest; possessors not of their Cities only, but their conditions. A double victory, it seemeth, they enjoyed over that people, and took from them at once, both their qualities and their Countries. Certainly whosoever will please to peruse the Commentaries of Julius Caesar, de bello Gallico; he will equally guesse him an Historian and a Pro­phet; yea he will rather make himself believe, that he hath prophecied the character of the present French, then delive­red one of the antient Gaule. And indeed, it is a matter wor­thy both of wonder and observation, that the old Gaules, being in a manner all worne out, should yet have most of their conditions surviving in those men, which now inhabit that region, being of so many severall Countries and origi­nals. If we dive into naturall causes, we have a speedy re­course unto the powerfull influence of the heavens; for as those celestiall bodies considered in the generall, do work up­on all sublunary bodies in the generall, by light, influence and motion; so have they a particular operation on parti­culars. An operation there is wrought by them in a man, as borne at such and such a minute; and again as borne under such and such a Climate. The one derived from the setting of the Houses, and the Lord of the Horoscope at the time of his Nativity; the other from that constellation which governeth as it were, the Province of his birth, and is the genius or deus tutelaris loci. Hinc illa ab antiquo vitia (saith an Author mo­dern [Page 36] rather in time then judgment) & patriae sorte durantia, quae totas in historiis gentes aut commendant aut notant. Two or three Authors by way of parallel, will make it clear in the exam­ple, though it appear not obscure in the search of causes. Pri­mus Gallorum impetus imajor quam virorum, secundus minor quam soe­minarum, saith Florus of the Gaules. What else is that which Mr. Dallington saith of the French, when he reporteth that they begin an action like thunder, and end it in a smoak? Their attempts on Naples and Millain (to omit their present enter­prise on Genoa) are manifest proofs of it; neither will I now speak of the battail of Poicteirs, when they were so forward in the onset, and furious in the flight. Vt sunt Gallorum subita ingenia, saith Caesar: & I think this people to be as hare-brained as ever were the other. Juvenal calleth Gallia, foecunda causidicorum: and among the modern French it is related, that there are tryed more law causes in one year, then have been in England since the Conquest. Of the antient Germans, the next neigh­bours and confederates of the Gaules, Tacitus hath given us this note, Diem noctemque continuare potando nulli probrum; and presently after, De jungendis affinitatibus, de bello denique & pace, in conviviis consultant. Since the time of Tacitus hath Germanie shifted almost all her old inhabitants, and received new Co­lonies of Lombards, Sueves, Gothes, Sclavonians, Hunns, Saxons, Vandals, and divers other Nations not known to that writer. Yet still is that exorbitancy of drinking in fashion; and to this day do the present Germans consult of most of their af­fairs in their cups. If the English have borrowed any thing of this humor, it is not to be thought the vice of the Countrey, but the times. To go yet higher and further, the Philoso­pher Anacharsis (and he lived 600 and odd yeers before Christ) noted it in the Greeks, that at the beginning of their feasts, they used little goblets, and greater towards the end, when they were now almost drunken, [...] as Laertius reporteth it. George Sandys in the excellent discourse of his own travailes, relateth the same custome to continue still a­mongst them; not with standing the length of time, and all the changes of state and people which have since hapned. Their Empire indeed they have lost, their valour, learning, and all [Page 37] other graces which set them out in the sight of the World; and no marvell these were not nationall conditions, but per­sonall endowments. I conclude then this digression with the words of Barklay, Haeret itaque in omni gente vis quedam inconcus sa, quae hominibus pro conditione terrarum, in quibus na [...]i contigeri sua fata diviserit.

The present French then, is nothing but an old Gaule moulded into a new name, as rash he is, and as head strong, and as hare brain'd. A nation whom you shall win with a feather, and lose with a straw. Upon the first sight of him you shall have him as familiar as your sleep, or the necessity of breathing. In one houres conference, you may indeer him to you, in the second unbutton him; the third pumps him drie of all his secrets, and he gives them you as faithfully, as if you were his ghostly father, and bound to conceal them sub sigillo confessionis: when you have learned this, you may lay him aside, for he is no longer serviceable. If you have an humor of holding him in a further acquaintance, (a favour of which he consesseth, and I believe him, he is unwor­thy:) himself will make the first separation. He hath said over his lesson to you, and must now finde out some body else to whom to repeat it. Fare him well, he is a garment whom I would be loath to wear above two days together, for in that time he will be thread-bare. Familiare est homini om­nia sibi remittere, saith Velleius of all; it holdeth most properly in this people. He is very kind-hearted to himself, and thinketh himself as free from wants, as he is full: so much he hath in him of the nature of a Chinoy's, that he thinketh all men blind but himself. In this pride of self-conceitednesse he hateth the Spaniard, loveth not the English, and contem­neth the German; himself is the only Courtier, and compleat Gentleman; but it is his own glasse which he seeth in, out of this conceit of his own excellency, and partly out of a shallownesse of brain; he is very liable to exceptions. The least distast that can be, draweth his sword, and a minutes pause sheathes it to your hand. If afterwards you beat him into better manners, he shall take it kindly and cry serviteur. In this one thing they are wonderfully like the Devill. Meek­nesse or submission maketh them insolent, a little resistance [Page 38] putteth them to their heels, or makes him your Spaniel. In a word (for I have held him too long) he is a walking vanity in a new fashion.

I will now give you a taste of his table, which you shall finde in a measure furnished; (I speak not of the Paisant:) but not in so full a manner as with us. Their Beef they cut out in so little chops, that that which goeth there for a laudable dish, would be thought here to be an University commons, new served from the hatch. A loine of Mutton serves amongst them for three roastings, beside the hazard of making pottage with the rump. Fowle also they have in good plenty, especially such as the King found in Scotland. To say truth, that which they have is sufficient for nature and a friend, were it not for the Mistresse of the Kitchin-wench. I have heard much fame of French Cooks, but their skill lyeth not in the handling of Beef or Mutton. They have (as gene­rally have all this Nation) good fancies, and are speciall fel­lowes for the making of puffe-pastes, and the ordering of banquets. Their trade is not to feed the belly, but the palat. It is now time you were set down, where the first thing you must do, is to say your own Grace; private Graces are as ordinary there, as private Masses: and from thence I think they learned them. That done, fall to where you like best. They observe no methods in their eating, and if you look for a Carver, you may rise fasting. When you are risen, if you can digest the sluttishnesse of the cookery, (which is most abominable at first sight) I dare trust you in a Garrison. Follow him to Church, and there he will shew himself most irreverent and irreligious; I speak not this of all, but of the generall. At a Masse in the Cordeliers Church in Paris, I saw two French Papists, even when the most sacred mystery of their faith was celebrating, break out into such a blasphemous and Atheisticall laughter, that even an Ethnick would have hated it. It was well they were known to be Catholicks; otherwise some French hot-head or other, would have sent them laugh­ing to Pluto.

The French language is, indeed, very sweet and delectable. It is cleared of harshnesse, by the cutting off, and leaving out the consonants, which maketh it fall off the tongue very vo­lubly; [Page 39] yet in my opinion, it is rather elegant then copious, and therefore is much troubled for want of words to find out periphrases. It expresseth very much of it self in the action. The head, body, and shoulders concurre all in the pronoun­cing of it; and he that hopeth to speak it with a good grace, must have somewhat in him of the Mimick. It is inriched with a full number of significant Proverbs, which is a great help to the French humor of scoffing; and very full of courtship, which maketh all the people complementall. The poorest Cobler in the Village hath his Court-cringes, and his eau be­niste de Cour, his court holy water, as perfectly as the Prince of Conde.

In the Passados of their court-ship, they expresse themselves with much variety of gesture, and indeed, it doth not misbe­come them. Were it as gratious in the Gentlemen of other Nations as in them, it were worth your patience; but the affectation of it is scurvy and ridiculous. Quocunque salutati­onis artificio corpus inflectant, putes nihil ista institutione magis con­venire. Vicinae autem gentes ridiculo errore deceptae, ejusdem venustatis imitationem ludicram faciunt & ingratam: as one happily obser­ved at his being amongst them. I have heard of a young Gal­lant, son to a great Lord of one of the three Brittish Kingdoms, that spent some years in France to learn fashions. At his return he desired to see the King, and his father procured him an entervenie. When he came within the Presence-chamber, he began to compose his head, and carry it as if he had been ridden with a Martingall: next he fell to draw back his legs and thrust out his shoulders, and that with such a grace­lesse apishnesse, that the King asked him if he meant to shoul­der him out of his chair, and so left him to act out his comple­ment to the hangings. In their courtship they bestow even the highest titles, upon those of the lowest condition. This is the vice also of their common talk. The begger begetteth Monsieurs and Madams to his sons and daughters, as familiarly as the King. Were there no other reason to perswade me, that the Welch or Britains were the descendants of the Gaules, this only were sufficient, that they would all be Gentlemen.

[Page 40]His discourse runneth commonly upon two wheels, treason and ribaldrie. I never heard people talke lesse reverently of their Prince, nor more sawcily of his actions. Scarce a day passeth away without some seditious Pamphlet printed and publi­shed, in the disgrace of the King, or of some of his Courtiers. These are every mans mony, & he that buyeth them is not coy of the Contents, be they never so scandalous; of all humors the most base and odious. Take him from this (which you can hardly do, till he hath told all) and then he falleth upon his ribaldry. Without these crutches, his discourse would never be able to keep pace with his company. Thus shall you have them relate the stories of their own uncleannesse, with a face as confident, as if they had no accidents to please their hearers more commendable. Thus will they reckon up the severall profanations of pleasure, by which they have dismanned themselves; sometimes not sparing to descend to particu­lars. A valiant Captain never gloried more in the number of the Cities he had taken, then they do of the severall women they have prostituted. ‘Egregiam vero laudem & spolia ampla—’ Foolish and most perishing wretches, by whom each severall incontinencie is twice committed; first, in the act; and second­ly, in the boast. By themselves they measure others, and think them naturals, or Simplicians, which are not so conditioned. I protest, I was fain sometimes to put on a little impudence, that I might avoid the suspicion [...] a gelding or a sheep-biter. It was St. Austins case, as himself testifyeth in the second book of his Confessions, Fingebam me (saith that good Father) feeisse quod non feceram, ne [...]aeteris viderer abjectior. But he afterwards was sorry for it, and so am I; and yet, indeed, there was no other way to keep in a good opinion, that unmanly and un­governed people.


The French Women, their persons, prating and con­ditions. The immodesty of the French Ladies. Kissing not in use among them; and the sinister opinion conceived of the free use of it in England. The innocence and harmelesnesse of it amongst us. The impostures of French Pandars in Lon­don, with the scandall thence arising. The pec­cancie of an old English Doctor. More of the French Women. Their Marriages, and lives after wedlock, &c. An Elogie to the English Ladies.

I Am come to the French Women, and it were great pity they should not immediately follow the discourse of the men, so like they are one to the other, that one would think them to be the same, and that all the difference lay in the apparell. For person, they are generally of an indifferent stature, their bodies straight, and their wastes commonly small: but whether it be so by nature, or by much restraining of these parts, I cannot say. It is said, that an absolute woman should have (amongst other qualities re­quisite) the parts of a French woman from the neck to the girdle; but I believe it holdeth not good, their shoulders and backs being so broad, that they hold no proportion with their midles; yet this may be the vice of their apparell. Their hands are, in mine opinion, the comliest and best ordered part about them, long, white and slender. Were their faces answerable, even an English eye would apprehend them lovely: but herein do I finde a pretty contradictorie. The hand, as it is the best ornament of the whole structure, so doth it most disgrace it. Whether it [Page 42] be that ill diet be the cause of it, or that hot bloud wrought upon by a hot and scalding aire, must of necessity by such means vent it self, I am not sure of. This I am sure of, that scarce the tithe of all the maids we saw, had her hands and arme wrists free from sc [...]bs, which had over run them like a leprosie. Their hair is generally black, and indeed, some­what blacker then a gracious lovelinesse would admit. The Poets commend Leda for her black hair, and not un­worthily. Leda fuit nigris conspicienda comis. As Ovid hath it.’ Yet was that blacknesse but a darker brown; and not so fearfull as this of the French women. Again, the blacknesse of the hair is then accounted for an ornament, when the face about which it hangeth, is of so perfect a complexion and symmetrie, that it giveth it a lustre▪ Then doth the hair set forth the face, as a shadow doth a picture; and the face be­cometh the haire, as a field-argent doth a sable-bearing, which kind of Armory the Heralds call the most fairest. But in this the French women are most unluckie. Don Quixote did not so deservedly assume to himself the name of The Knight of the ill-favoured face, as may they, that of the damosels of it. It was therefore a happy speach of a young French gallant that came in our company out of England, and had it been spoken amongst the Antients, it might have been registred for an Apophthegme; that the English of all the people in the world were only nati advoluptates. You have (saith he) the fairest women, the goodliest horses, and the best breed of dogs, under heaven. For my part, as far as I could in so short a time observe, I dare in this first believe him. England not only being (as it is said) a paradise for wo­men, by reason of their priviledges; but also a paradise of women, by reason of their unmatchable perfections.

Their dispositions hold good intelligence with their faces. You cannot say to them as Sueton doth of Galba, Ingenium Galbae male habitat. They suit so well one with another, that in my life I never met with a better decorum; but you [Page 43] must first hear them speak. Loquere ut te videam, was the me­thod in old times, and it holdeth now. You cannot gather a better character of a French woman, then from her prating, which is so tedious and infinite, that you shall sooner want ears, then she tongue. The fastidious pratler which Horace mentioneth in his ninth Satyre, was but a puisnè to her. The writers of these times, call the Sicilians, Gerrae Siculae, and not undeservedly; yet were they but the Scholars of the French, and learned this faculty of them, before the Vespers. It is manners to give precedency to the Mistresse, and she will have it, if words may carry it. For two things I would have had Aristotle acquainted with these Starlings. First, it would have saved him a labour in taking such paines about finding out the perpetuall motion. Secondly, it would have freed him from an Heresie with which his Doctrine is now infected, and that is, Quiquid movetur, ab alio movetur; their tongues, I am certain move themselves, and make their own occasi­ons of discoursing. When they are going, they are like a watch, you need not winde them up above once in twelve houres, for so long the thread of their tongues will be in spinning. A dame of Paris came in Coach with us from Roven; fourteen houres we were together, of which time ( [...]'le take my oath upon it) her tongue fretted away eleaven hours and 57 minutes. Such everlasting talkers are they all, that they will sooner want breath then words, and are never silent, but in the grave; which may also be doubted. As they are endlesse in their talk, so also are they regard­lesse of the company they speak in. Be you stranger or of their acquaintance, it much matters not; though indeed, no man is to them a stranger. Within an hour of the first sight, you shall have them familiar more then enough, and as merry with you, as if they had known your bearing-clothes. It may be they are chaste, and I perswade my self many of them are; but you will hardly gather it out of their beha­viour. Te tamen & cultus damnat, as Ausonius of an honest woman that carried her self lesse modestly. They are a­bundantly full of laughter and toying, and are never with­out variety of lascivious Songs; which they spare not to sing in what company soever. You would think modesty [Page 44] were quite banished the Kingdom; or rather, that it had never been there. Neither is this the weaknesse of some few. It is an epidemicall disease, Maids and Wives are alike sick of it, though not both so desperately; the galliardy of the maids, being of the two a little more tolerable; that of the women coming hard upon the confines of shame­lesnesse. As for the Ladies of the Court, (I cannot say this, but upon hear-say) they are as much above them in their lightnesse, as they are in their place; and so much the worse in that they have made their lightnesse impudent. For where­as the daughter of Pythagoras, being demanded what most shamed her to discourse of, made answer [...], those parts which made her woman: these French dames will speak of them, even in the hearing of men, as freely, and al­most as broadly, as a Midwife, or a Barber-surgeon. Nay, I have heard a Gentleman of good credence relate, that being at a tilting, he saw a Courtier going to remove a boy, which very roguishly looked under a Ladies clothes: but when her Ladiship perceived his intention, she hindred him with this complement, Laisse, Monseuir, laisse, les yeuxne sont pas larrens; the boyes eyes would steal nothing away; a very mercifull and gentle Lady. If that of Justine be still true, Vera mulierum ornamenta pudicitiam esse, non vestes; that modesty were the best apparell of a woman; I am afraid many of the female sex in France would be thinly clad, and the rest go naked.

Being a people thus prone to a suddain familiarity, and so prodigall of their tongue and company, you would scarce imagine them to be coy of their lips. Yet this is their hu­mor. It seemed to me strange at first and uncivill, that a woman should turn away from the proffer of a salutation. After­ward I liked the custome very well, and I have good cause for it, for it saved me from many an unsavory piece of manner­linesse. This notwithstanding could not but amazeme, that they who in their actions were so light and wanton, should yet think themselves modest, and confine all lasciviousnesse unto a kisse. A woman that is kissed, they account more then half whored, be her other deportment never so becom­ing; which maketh them very sparing of receiving such kind­nesses. [Page 45] But this is but a dissembled unwillingnesse, and hath somewhat in it of the Italian. For as they had rather mur­der a man in private, then openly speak ill of him: so it may be thought that these Damosels would hardly resuse a mans bed, though education hath taught them to flie from his lip. Night and the curtains may conceal the one: the other can obtain no pardon in the eye of such, as may happen to observe it.

Upon this ground your French Traveller, that perhaps may see their Hostesse kissed at Dover, and a Gentleman salute a Lady in the streets of London; relateth at his coming home, strange Chimera's of the English modesty. To further this si­nister opinion, he will not spare to tell his Camerades (for this I have noted to you, to be a part of his humor) what Mer­chants wives he enjoyed in London; and in what familiarity such a Lady entertained him at Westminster. Horrible untruths! and yet my poor gallant thinketh he lyeth not. I remember I met in Paris with an English Doctor and the Master of a Col­ledge there, who complained much of the lasciviousness of the English women: and how infamously every French Taylor that came from us, reported of them: withall, he protested, that it did not grieve him much, because he thought it a just judgement of God upon our Nation, that all the married men should be cuckolds. A strange piece of Divinity to me who never before had heard such preaching: but this was the reason of the Doctrine: In the old English Masse-book called Secundum usum Sarum, the woman at the time of marriage, promiseth her suture husband to be bonny and buxom at bed and at board, till death us depart, &c. This being too light for the gravity of the action then in hand, and in mine opi­nion somewhat lesse reverend then a Church duty would re­quire; the reformers of that book thought good to alter: and have put in the place of it, to love, cherish and obey. That this was a sufficient assurance of a conjugal faith, he would not grant; because the promise of being Buxom in bed was excluded. Besides he accounted the supposed dishonesty of the English wives, as a vengeance plucked down upon the heads of the people, for chopping and changing the words of the holy Sacrament: (for such they esteem the form of [Page 46] Matrimony) though his argument needed no answer, yet this accusation might expect one: and an English Gentle­man (though not of the English Faith) thus laid open the abuse; and seemed to speak it out of knowledge. When the Monsieurs come over full pursed to London, the French Pandars, which lie in wait for such booties, grow into their acquain­tance: and promise them the embraces of such a Dame of the City, or such a Lady of the Court; women perchance famed for admirable beauties. But as I [...]ion amongst the Poets expected Juno, and enjoyed a cloud: so these begui­led wretches in stead of those eminent persons mentioned to them, take into their bosomes some of the common prostitutes of the Town. Thus are they cousen'd in their desires, thus do they lie in their reports: whilest poor souls, they think themselves guilty of neither impo­sture.

For the other accusation, which would seem to fasten a note of immodesty upon our English womens lips: I should be like enough to confess the crime, were the English kisses like unto those of the French. As therefore Dr. Dale Master of the Requests, said unto Mendoza the Spanish Ambassador, upon his dislike of the promiscuous sitting of men and wo­men in our Churches; Turpe quidem id esse apud Hispanos qui etiam in locis sacris cogitarent de explenda libidine, a qua procul aberant Anglorum mentes: So do I answer to the bill of the complainant. An Oxford Doctor upon this text, Betrayest thru the Son of man with a kisse? made mention of four man­ner of kisses, viz. Osculum charitatis, osculum gratioris familiari­tatis, osculum calliditatis, and osculum carnalitatis. Of these I will bestow the last on the French, and the third on the Spa­niards; retaining the two first unto ourselves: whereas the one is enjoyned by the precept, and the other warranted by the examples of holy Scripture. For my part, I see nothing in the innocent and harmless salutations of the English, which the Doctor calleth Osculum gratioris familiaritatis, that may move a French mans suspicion; much I confess to stir his envie. Perhaps a want of the like happiness to him­self maketh him dislike it in us: as the Fox that had lost his taile, perswaded all others to cut off theirs; but I have al­ready [Page 47] touched the reason, why that Nation is unworthy of such a favour: their kisses being hot and sulphury, and indeed nothing but the prologue to their lusts. Whereas on the contrary, and I dare be confident in it; the chaste and innocent kisse of the English Gentlewomen, is more in heaven, then many of the best of their devotions. It were not amisse to explain in this place a verse of Ovi [...]s, com­mon in the mouthes of many, but the understanding of few. Thus then saith the Poet:

Oscula qui sumpsit, si non & caetera sumpsit,
Haec quoque quae sumpsit perdere dignus erit.
He that doth only kisse, and doth no more,
Deserves to lose the kisses given before.

Which must be understood according to the fashion of Rome and Italy (and since of France and Spain); where they were given as pawns of a dishonest contract: and not according to the customes of England, where they are only proffer'd in way of a gracious and innocent familiarity; and so accepted.

I return again to the French women; and though I may not kisse them (which he that seeth them will swear I have good cause to thank God for) yet they are at liberty to be courted: an office which they admit freely, and return as liberally. An office to which they are so used; that they can hardly distinguish complement from wooing, till the Priest expecteth them at the Church door. That day they set themselves forth with all the variety of riches their cre­dit can extend to. A Scholar of the University never dis­furnished so many of his friends, to provide for a journey, as they do neighbours, to adorn their wedding▪ At my be­ing in Pontoyse, I saw M [...]is. Bride returning from the Church. The day before she had been somewhat of the condition of a Kitchen-wench, but now so tricked up with [...]arss, rings, and cross garters, that you never saw a Whitsun-Lady bet­ter rigged. I should much have applauded the fellowes for­tune, if he could have married the clothes: but God be [Page 48] merciful to him) he is chained to the wench. Much joy may they have together most peerless couple!

Hymen, O Hymenaee Hymen, Hymen O Hymenaee.

The match was well knit up between them. I would have a French man marry none but a French woman.

Being now made mistress of an house, she can give her self a dispensation to drink wine: before she had a fling at the bottle by steal [...]h, and could make a shift to play off her whole one in a corner: as St. Austine in the ninth book of his Con­fessions reporteth of his mother Monica. Now she hath her draughts like the second edition of a book, augmented and revised: and which is more, published cum privilegio. Her house she doth keep as she doth her self. It would puzzle a strong judgement, to resolve which of the two are the more nasty: yet after ten of the clock, you may come nigh her; for by that time she hath not only eaten, but it may be her hall hath had a brushing: if you be not careful of yourtime, you shall commonly finde her speechless; her mouth being stop­ped with some of the reliques of last nights supper. To five meals a day she is very constant; and for varieties sake, will make some of them at street-door. She is an exceeding good soul (as Sancho Panco said of his wife) and one that will not pine her self, though her heirs smart for it. To her husband she is very servile, seldome sitteth with him at the table, readily executeth all his commands, and is indeed ra­ther a married servant then a wife: or an houshold drudge under the title of a Mistress: yet on the other side she hath freedome enough, and certainly much more then a moderate wisdome would permit her. It is one of her jura conjugalia to admit of Courtship, even in the sight of her husband; to walk arm in arm about the streets or into the fields with her Privado, to proffer occasions of familiarity and acquaintance at the first sight of one, whose person she relisheth: and all this sans soupsen, without any the least imputation: a li­berty somewhat of the largest, and we may justly fear that having thus wholly in her own power the keyes of the Ca­b net, that she sheweth her jewels to more then her husband. [Page 49] Such are the French women; and such lives do they lead both maids and married.

Thou happy England: thy four seas contain
The pride of beauties: such as may disdain
Rivals on earth. Such at once may move
By a strange power, the envie, and the love
Of all the sex besides. Admit a dame
Of France or Spain, passe in the breath of fame,
And her thoughts, for fair: yet let her view
The commonst beauty of the English crew;
And in despair she'l execrate the day
Which bare her black; and sigh her self away
So pin'd the Phrygian dames and hang'd the head,
When into Troy, Paris did Helen lead.
But boast not Paris, England now enjoyes
Helens enough to sack a world of Troyes.
So doth the vulgar tapers of the skie,
Lose all their lustre when the Moon is nigh▪
Yet English Ladies, glorious lights, as far
Exceed the Moon; as doth the Moon a star.
So do the common people of the groves
Grow husht, when Philomel recounts her loves.
But when our Ladies sing, even she forbears
To use her tongue; and turns her tongue to ears.
Nay more; Their beauties should proud Venus see,
Shee'd blush her self out of her Deity:
Drop into Vulcans forge, her raign now done;
And yeeld to them her Empire, and her son.
Yet this were needless. I can hardly finde
Any of this land stars, but straight my minde
Speaks her a Venus; and me thinks I spie
A little Cupid sporting in her eye.
Who thence his shafts more powerfully delivers,
Then ere did t'other Cupid from his quivers.
Such in a word they are; you would them guesse
An harmony of all the goddesses;
Or swear that partial Nature at their birth,
Had rob'd the heavens to glorifie the earth.
Such though they are, yet mean these graces bin
Compar'd unto the vertues lodg'd within:
For needs the Jewels must be rich and precious,
When as the Cabinet is so delicious.


France described. The valley of Montmorancie, and the Dukes of it. Mont-martre. Burials in former times not permitted within the wals. The prosecuting of this discourse by manner of a journal, intermitted for a time. The Town and Church of St. Denis. The Legend of him, and his head. Of Dagobert and the Leper. The reliques to be seen there. Martyrs how esteemed in St. Augustine's time. The Sepulchres of the French Kings, and the treasury there. The Kings house of Madrit. The Queen Mothers house at Ruall, and fine devices in it. St. Germains en lay, another of the Kings houses. The curious painting in it. Gorramburie Window: the Garden belonging to it, and the excellency of the Water-works. Boys St. Vin­cent, de Vincennes, and the Castle called Bisester.

I Have now done with the French, both men and women: a people much extolled by many of our English Travellers, for all those graces which may enoble & adorn both sexes. For my part, having observed them as well as I could, [Page 51] and traced them in all their several humors: I set up my rest with this proposition, that there is nothing in them to be envied but their Countrey. To that indeed I am earnestly, and I think not unworthily affected: here being nothing want­ing which may be required, to raise and reward ones liking. If nature was ever prodigal of her blessings, or scattered them with an over-plentiful hand; it was in this Island: into which we were entred, as soon as we passed over the bridge of Pontoyse. The first part of it, which lasted for three leagues; was upon the plain of a mountain: but such a mountain, as will hardly yeeld to the best valley in Europe, out of France. On both sides of us the Vines grew up in a just length, and promised to the husbandman a thriving vintage. The Wines they yeeld are far better then those of Normandy, or Gascoyne; and indeed the best in the whole Continent, those of Orleans excepted: yet what we saw here, was but as a bit to prepare our stomachs; lest we should surfeit in the valley.

Here we beheld nature in her richest vestiments. The fields so interchangeably planted with Wheat and Vines, that had L. Florus once beheld it, he would never have gi­ven unto Campania the title of Cereris & Bacchi certamen. These fields were dispersedly here and there, beset with Cherry trees; which considered with the rest, gave unto the eye an excellent object. For the Vines yet green; the Wheat ready for the fithe; and the cherries now fully ripened, and shewing forth their beauties through the vails of the leaves: made such a various and delightsome mixture of colours, that no art could have expressed it self more delectably. If you have ever seen an exquisite Mosaical work, you may the best judge of the beauty of this valley. Add to this, that the River S [...]ine being now past Paris; either to embrace that flourishing soyle, or out of a wanton desire to play with it self, hath divided it self into sundry lesser channels; be­sides its several windings and turnings: so that one may very justly, and not irreligiously, conceive it to be an Idea, or representation of the Garden of Eden: the river so hap­pily separating it self, to water the ground. This valley is of a very large circuit; and as the Welch men say of Anglesey. [Page 52] Mon mam Gy [...]e; id est; Anglesey is the mother of Wales: so may we call this the mother of Paris. For so abundantly doth it furnish that great and populous City, that when the Dukes of Berry and Bargundy besieged it with 100000 men; there being at that time 3 or 400000 Citizens and Souldiers within the [...]ls: neither the people within, no [...] the ene­mies without, found any want of provision.

It is called the Valley of Montmorency, from the Town or Castle of Montmorency seated in it: but this town nameth not the Valley only. It giveth name also to the ancient family of Dukes of Montm [...] the [...] house of Christendome. He stileth himself L [...] primier Christien & plus viel Baron de France: and it is said that his ancestors received the Faith of Christ by the preaching of St. Denis, the first Bishop of Paris. Their principal houses are that of Chantilly, and E [...]quoan, both seated in the Isle: this last being given unto the pre­sent Dukes Father, by King Henry 4. to whom it was con­fiscated by the condemnation of one of his Treasurers. This house also (and so I leave it) hath been observed to have yeelded to France, more Constables, Marshals, Admirals, and the like officers of power and command, then any three other in the whole Kingdome. Insomuch that I may say of it, what Irenious doth of the Count Palatines, the name of the Countrey only changed: Non alia Galliae est familia, eui plus debeat nobilitas. The now Duke, named Henry, is at this present Admiral of France.

The mosteminent place in all this Isle is Mont-martre, emi­nent I mean by reason of its height; though it hath also enough of antiquity to make it remarkable. It is seated within a mile of Paris, high upon a mountain: on which many of the faithfull, during the time that Gaule was hea­thenish, were made Martyrs. Hence the name. Though Paris was the place of apprehension and sentence, yet was this Mountain commonly the scaffold of execution: it being the custome of the ancients, neither to put to death, nor to bury within the wals of their Cities. Thus the Jewes when they crucified our Saviour, led him out of the City of Hierusalem unto Mount Calvarie: unto which St. Paul is thought to allude, Heb. 13. saying, Let us therefore go forth [Page 53] to him, &c. Thus also doth St. Luke (to omit other in­stances) report of St. Stephen, Act. 7. And they cast him out of the city, and stoned him. So in the state of Rome, the Vestall Virgin having committed [...]ornication, was [...] in the [...] s [...]leratus; and other malefactors thrown down the Tarp [...]an rock: both situa [...]e without the Town. So also had the Thessalians a place of execution, from the praecipice of an hill, which the called the [...] or Co [...]i: whence arose the proverb [...], be hanged. As they permit­ted not executions of malefactors within their wals: so neither would they suffer the best of their Citizens to be buried within them. This was it which made Abraham to buy him a field wherein to bury his dead: and thus we read in the 7. of Luke, that the widow of Naims son was carried out to be buried. This custome also we find amongst the Athenians, Corinthians; and other of the Grecians, Qui in agris suis (as saith Alexander ab Alexandro) aut in fundo subu [...] ­bano, seu in avito & patrio s [...]lo corpora [...]umari consuevere. Amongst the R [...]mons it was the fashion to burn the bodies of the dead, within their City. This continued till the bringing in of the Lawes of Athens, commonly called the Lawes of the 12. Tables: one of which Lawes runneth in these words, In urbe ne sep [...]lito, n [...]urito. After this prohibition, their dead corps were first burned in Campus Martius; and their urnes covered in sundry places in the fields. The fre­quent urnes or sep [...]al stones, digged up amongst us here in England, are sufficient testimonies of this assertion. Besides we may finde in Appian, that the chief reason why the rich men in Rome would not yeeld to that Law, called Lex Agraria, or the Law of dividing the Roman possessions equally among the people, was, because they thought it an irreligious thing that the Monuments of their forefathers should be sold unto others. The first that is registred to have been buried in the City, was Trajan the Emperour. Afterwards it was granted as an honourary to such as had deserved well of the republick: and when the Christian Religion prevailed, and Church-yards, those dormitories of Saints were consecrated; the liberty of burying within the wals, was to all equally granted.

[Page 54]On this ground it not being lawful to put to death or bury, within the Town of Pa [...]is; this Mountain was de­stinate to those pu [...]poses. Then was it only a Mountain; now it is enlarg [...] unto a Town: it hath a poor wall, an Ab­bey of [...] Monks, and a Chappel called La Chapelle des Martyrs; both founded by Lewis the 6 called the Grosse. Amongst others, which received here the Crown of Martyr­dome, none more famous then St. Denis (said to be Diony­sius [...]) the fi [...]st Bishop of Paris; Rusticus his Arch­priest; and [...], his [...]. The time when, under the reign of [...]; the person by whose command; Fesce­ninus Governor o [...] Paris; the crime, sor not bowing before the Altar of Mercury and off [...]ing sacrifice unto him. Of St. Denis being the patron or tutelary Saint of France, the Legend reports strange wonders. As namely, when the Exe­cutioner had [...] off his head, that he caught it between his armes; and ran with it down the hill as [...]st as his legs could carry him; half a mile from the place of his execution, he sate down and refted: and so he did nine times in all, even till he came to the place where his Church is now built. There he fell down and died, being three English miles from Mont-martre: and there he was buried together with Rusticus, and Eleutherius, who not being able to go as fast as he did, were brought after him by the people. O im­ [...] admirabilem & vere Romanam! and yet so far was the succeeding age possessed with a belief of this miracle, that in the nine several places where he is said to have rested there are erected so many han some Crosses of stone; all of a making.

To the memory of this Saint, did Dagobert the first build a Temple: and the times ensuing improved it to a Town. Afterwards in honour of St. Denis, and because it lay neer Paris; some of the following Kings bestowed a wall upon it. A wall it is of a large circuit, and very much unpropor­tionable to the Town, which standeth in it, for all the world like a Spaniards little face in his great ruffe, or like a small chop of Mutton in a large dish of pottage at the three penny Ordinary. Thus was the Town built (as you see) [...] natural means: but it was not so with the Temple. Unlesse that be worth a miracle, both in the building, and in the consecrating of it: I will not give a straw for it. [Page 55] Thus, then saith the story. Diagobert afterwards King of France, during the life of Clotoyre the second his Father, had cruelly slain Sadrasegille his governour. To avoid the fury of his Father, much incensed with that unprincely action; he was compelled to wander up and down France hungry and thirsty. And so he went, and he went, (for this tale should be told in the same stile, that wenches tell theirs by the fire side) till he came to the Sepulchre of St. Denis, where he laid down and slept: and then there appeared unto him a fine old man, with a staffe in his hand, and he told him that his father was dead, and that he should be King, and he prayed him of all loves, that when he came to be King, he would build a Church there, in the honour of St. Denis. He had an hard heart, that could deny so sweet an old man so little a courtesie, for so much good newes, and I trow the King was more kinde then so. And so when the Church was built, the Bishop was sent for in all haste to blesse it. But it chanced that the night before the day where­in the Bishop was to blesse it, there came to the Town an ugly Leper, and the foulest that ever was seen: and this Leper would needs lie in the Church. And when he was there, about twelve a clock at night, our Saviour came in­to the Church in garments as white as the driven snow, and there came with him the Apostles, and the Angels and the Martyrs, and the sweetest Musick that ever was heard in the world. And then Christ blessed the Church, and said unto the Leper, that he should tell the Bishop that the Church was already blessed, and for a token of it, he gave the Leper his health, who presently became as fine a sweet youth as one should see in a summers day. Auditum admissi risum teneatis? you may laugh if you please, but I'le assure you this is the story: neither is it a jot the lesse authen­tick because of the stile. Such ridiculous stuffe, did the Fryers and Munks of those times invent to please and blinde the people. So prone were our Ancestors to believe as Ora­cles, what ever was delivered unto them by these Impostors. Majoritus nostris tam facilis in mendaciis fides fuit, ut temere credi­derint etiam monstrosa miracula: & quicquid famae licet fingere, illis erat libenter laudire. Minutius Foelix spake it of his forefa­thers [Page 56] being H [...]hens: we may justly affirm it o [...] ours also, being Christians.

But ( [...] omit the additions of the Legend) true it is, that Dago [...]rt the first, was the founder o [...] the Church: which was after rebuilt and beautified by the 25. Abbot of it, called Sugger, in the reign of King Lewis the sixth. A reverend and comely [...], [...] it is; dark, as the Churches of those [...] were: and none of the poorest. It maintaineth 262 Monks and an Abbot, whose single reve­ [...]ue is thought to be wor [...]h 10000 Crowns and upwards. The present [...] is Henry [...] Lorrein, son to the Duke of Guise, a [...] Gentleman of some 14 years of age, or there­abouts: but of him more herea [...]er. The Abbot o [...] it, among many other priviledges, hath a full power upon the lives, goods, and honours of his vassals: and hath a voice in the Parl [...]ament o [...] Paris, as full and binding as any of the Counsellors there fitting. As for the Church it self, it is in height 80 foot, 100 in breadth; and in length 300. The high Altar, under which the bodies of St. Denis and his two [...], are said to be buried; is a very rich and excellent work: the Crucifix which standeth over it, being all of pure gold, encha [...]ed with divers Pearls and precious Stones of great value. Before it hangeth a silver Lamp con­tinually burning: and if you look about it, you shall see the richest and the fairest glasse for painting, in all France; th [...]t of Amiens only excepted. One thing further I will note in this Church, before I come to to the Tombes and reliques; which is, how Henry 4. in this Church said his first Masse, after his last reconcilement to the Church of Rome. And good reason I have to say his last. For ha­ving been first brought up in the Romish Faith, he was by his Mother made a Protestant. At the massacre of Paris, fear of death or imprisonment, turned him Papist: liberty again made him an Hugonot. In this vein he continued till the year 1595. and then once more re-embosom'd himself into the Roman Synagogue; which was the time we now speak of. Quo teneam nodo mutantem Protea vultum? The only Proteus in matters of faith in our times. Doctor Perne was a Diamond to him.

[Page 57]It is now time I should shew you the Relique [...]; but you must first stay till the Clerk hath put on his Surplice. I have heard of a blinde Priest that could never mumble over his Masse handsomely without his spectacles. This fellow and his surplice is just like him. I perswaded my self that the Sur­plice without the Clerk, could marshall the Reliques, as well as the Clerk without the Surplice. As soon as he was sadled for his journey, he putteth himself into his way; and followed it with a pace so nimble, that there was no keeping of him company: his tongue ran so fast, that the quickest eye there, was fain to give him over in plain ground: the fellow that sheweth the Tombs at Westmi [...]r, being no more to be compared to him, for the volubility of his chops, then a Capuchin to a Jesuite: yet as we lear [...]d afterwards of him (when he was out of his road) they were thus disposed. On the right hand of the Altar, (not the high Altar above mentioned) there are said to be kept one of the Nails which fastned our Saviour to the Crosse. 2. A piece of the Crosse it self. 3. Some of the Virgin Maries Milk. 4. The arm of St. Simeon set in a case of gold. And 5. The reliques of St. Lewis reserved in a little chappel, all of gold also; and built in the fashion of the Nostre dame in Pa­ris. On the left, there was shewed u [...] the head of St. Denis and a part of his body. But I mistake my self, it was not the head, but the portraiture of it in gold; the head being said to be within it; by his representation he [...] to have had a very reverend and awfull countenance: though I per­swade my self that the rich Crown and Miter which he there weareth (and certainly they are of a h [...] value) never be­longed to him in his life. On each side of the head are two Angels supporting it, all of gold also: [...] which toge­ther with the head and ornaments supported, are reported to be the work of one Eloy, l [...] plus [...] temps, the cunningest Goldsmith of his time; who after­wards was made Bishop of Noyon, and Sainted.

Concerning Reliques I shall have occasion to speak fur­ther, when I come to the holy Chappel in Paris; somewhat now of the honour due unto the memory of Martyrs. I am none of those that think the memories of those Heroes of [Page 58] the primitive times, not to be honoured in the dust; nei­ther wou'd [...] their shrines with an irreverent finger: on the other side, they shall never have my prayers directed to them nor my [...] [...]ions; nor can I think it lawfull to give the [...] of [...] any bodily observance. Though I do and [...], I dare not worship them. St. Austin hath [...] a [...] way between the Papist and the Zelot, [...] B [...]k of his most excellent work De Civitate dei, and [...]s [...] it is best to follow, Honoramus sane memorias eoru [...] tanquam sancto [...]um hominum Dei, qui u [...]que ad mortem cor­porum [...] certaru [...]: and a little after, he sheweth the [...]nd of these memorial, viz. Ut ea celebritate Deo vere gratias de eo [...]um [...] aga [...]us, & nos ad imitationem talium coronarum [...] memori [...] enovatione adhortemur. One relique there is of which this use c [...]nnot possibly be made; and what do you think that should be, but the Lantho n which Judas used wl en he went to apprehend his Master? a prety one it is (I con­ [...]sse) richly beset with studdes of Crystall, through which all the light cometh; the main of it being of a substance not transparent. Had it been shewed me within the first century of years after the passion, I might, perhaps, have been fooled in­to a belief; for I am confident it can be no older. Being as it is, I will acknowledge it to be a Lanthorn, though it be­l [...]nged not to Judas.

From the reliques of Martyrs, proceed we to those of Kings; and amongest those there is nothing which will long detain an English man. He that hath seen the ton at Westminster will think these to be but trifles, if he consider the work­mansh [...]p, or the riches and the magnificence. The chief of thos [...] many mean ones which are there, are those of Henry II. and Katharine de Medices his wife, in a little Chappell of their own building; both in their full proportion, and in their royall habiliments, exceeding stately. There is also a neat tomb of the same Henry, built all of brasse, and sup­ported by four brasse pillars: his Statua of the same mettle placed on the top of it, and composed as if at his prayers. The rest are more in tale then weight. But the chief beauties of this Church, are in the treasurie, which it was not my happinesse to see. As I am informed, the most remarkable [Page 59] things in it are these, The Swords of Joan the Virgin, Charles the great, Rowland his cousen, and that of Henry IV. when he was Crowned. His Boots, Crown and S [...]p­ter, as those also of his son Lewis now reigning. A crosse three foot high, made of pure gold. A Crown, Scepter and golden ball, given by Pope Adrian to Carolus magnus. A golden Crown of larger life, bedecked with Adamants and other pretious stones; given by Charles Martell after his victories over the Saracens. A very fair Chalice all of gold, in which St. Denis is reported to have consecrated the Sa­cramentall wine. The others of lesser note, I purposely omi [...], for having not seen them, I am loath to go any further upon trust. And so I leave St. Denis, a Church so richly furnished, that had I seen all the rarities and glories of it, that only days content had deserved our journey; sed haec infelici nimia.

Not to continue this discourse any longer by way of journall, or gesta dierum. Few dayes after we had wearied our selves with the sight of Paris, we went to see some of their Majesties houses in the Countrey. And here we passed by Madrit, so called of the King of Spains house at Madrit, after the forme of which it is built. The founder of it was Francis the first, who being taken Prisoner at the battail of Pavie, ann. dom. 1525. and thence carryed into Spain, had no lesse then a twelve months time to draw the platforme. A fine Countrey house it seemed to be; but our j [...]urney lay beyond it. One league beyond it lay Rua [...], a small Town belonging to the Abbey of St. Denis. In a corner of this Town the Queen Mother hath a fine summer h [...]use, abun­dantly adorned with retired walks, and a most cu [...]us va­riety of water-works: for besides the formes of divers glasses, pillars, and Geometricall figures, all [...] by the water; there were birds of sundry sorts so artificially made, that they both deceived the eye by their motion, and the ear by their melodie. Somewhat higher in the middest of a most delicious Garden, are two Fountains of ad­mirable workmanship: In the first, the portraitures of Cerberus, the Bear of Calydon, the Nemean Lyon; a [...]d in the navell of it Hercules killing Hydra. In the other only a Crocodile full of wild and unruly tricks, and sending from [Page 60] his throat musick not much different from Organs. Had your eyes been shut, you would have thought your self in some Cathedrall Church: this melody of the Crocodile, and that other of the birds, so exactly counterfeiting the har­monie of a well ordered Quire. And now we are come into the Grove, a place so full of retired walks, so sweetly and delect bly contrived, that they would even entice a man to melancholy, because in them even melancholy would prove delightfull. The trees so interchangeably folded one within the other, that they were at once a shelter against winde and sun: yet not so sullenly close, but that they aff [...]d the eye an excellent Lordship over the Vines and verdure of the earth imprisoned within them: it seemed a Grove, an Orchard, and a Vineyard, so variously interwo­ven and mixt together, as if it had been the purpose of the Artist to make a man fall in love with confusion. In the middle of this Wildernesse was seated the house, environed round about with a Moat of running water. The house pre [...]ty, and therefore little; built rather for a banquet, then a feast. It was built and enriched with this variety of pleasures, by Mr. de Ponte, Taylor to King Henry IV. and was no question the best garment that ever he cut out in his life. Dying, [...] gave it to Mr. Landerboyne, once his servant, and now his son by adoption; of whom the Queen Mother ta­king a liking to it, bought it; giving him in exchange, an office in the Treasury worth 400000 crowns to be sold.

Two leagues from Ruall, is the Kings house of St. Germain en Olay, a house seated on the top of a hill just like Windsore, The Town of St. Germain lyeth all about it, the river Seine (of the same breadth as the Thames is at the place mentioned) runneth below it; and the house by reason of the site, ha­ving a large command upon the Country round about it. The Town is poor and hath nothing in it remarkable but the name, which it took from St. Germain Bishop of Auxerre, who together with St. Lupus Bishop of Tropes, sailed into Britain to root out Pelagianism. The Castle or seat Royall is divided into two parts, the old and the new; the old, which is next unto the Town, is built of Bricks, and for forme it is triangular: founded it was at the first by [Page 61] Charles V. since strengthned and beautified by the English when it was in their possession: Francis I. added to it the upper story and the battlements, and in memoriam facti, hath l [...]t a Capitall F upon every of the chimnies. The new house, distant from the old about a surlong, and to which you descend by a handsome green Court, was built by Henry IV. It con [...]eth of three severall parts, all joyned together, the two outermost quadrangular, that in the mi [...]le almost round and in the fa [...]hion of a Jew [...]sh [...]ag gue. Here we saw the Volatory sull of sundry forain birds, and in one of the lower rooms great store of outland [...] conies; but these were accessories. The principall was the majesty of the house, which is, indeed, worth the observation. The Palace of the Loure so much famed, is not to be named in the same day with it. The rooms are well ordered and high [...], gorgeously set out with the curiosities of the Painter. In some of the Chambers they shewed us some Po [...]call s [...]i­ons expressed by the pencill in the windowes and on the wainscot, and seemed to glory much in them. I confesse they might have plentifully possessed my fancy, had I not [...] the window of Gorrambury gallery, belonging to the Right Ho­norable Francis Viscount St. Albans; a window in which all the Fables of Ovids Metamorphosis, are so naturally and lively dissembled, that if ever art went beyond it self, it was in that admirable expression.

Let us now take a view of the water-works, and here we shall see in the first water-house, which is a stately large walk vaulted over head, the effigies of a Dragon, just against the entrance; an unquiet beast that vomiteth on all that come nigh it. At the end toward the right hand is the Statua of a Nymph sitting before a paire of Organs. Upon the loosing of one of the pipes, the Nymphs singers began to manage the keyes, and brought the instrument to yield such a musick, that if it were not that of an Organ, it was as like it as could be, and not be the same. Unto the division of [...] fingers, her head kept a porportionable time; jolting from one shoulder to the other, as I have have seen an old fidler at a Wake. In the same proportion were the counterfeits of all sorts of mils, [...] before very eagerly disc [...]ged their functi­ons: [Page 62] but upon the beginning of this harmony, they sud­denly stood st [...]ll, as if they had had ears to have heard it. At the other end towards the left hand, we saw a shop of Smiths, another of Joiners, and a backside full of Sawyers and Masons, all idle. Upon the first command of the water, they all fell to their Occupations, and plyed them lustily; the birds every where singing, and so saving the Artificers the labour of a whistling. B [...]sides, upon the drawing of a wood­den courtain, there appeared unto us, two Tritons riding on their Dolphins, and each of them with a shell in his hand, which interchangeably and in turns served them in stead of trumpets. A very happy decorum, and truly Poe­ticall.

Caeruleum Trit [...]na vo [...], conchaque sonanti
Inspirare jubet,—As Ovid of him.

Afterward followes Neptune himself, fitting in his Chariot, drawn with four Tortoyses, and grasping his tricuspis or three [...]ked Scepter in his hand: the water under them repre­senting, all this while, a sea somewhat troubled 36 steps from the from of the house we descended into this water­h [...]e; and by 60 more we descended into a second of the same [...]hion, but not of an equall length with the other. At the right hand of this, is the whole story of Perseus, Andro­meda and the Whale lively acted; the Whale being killed, and the Lady unloosed from the rock very perfectly. But wi [...]hall, it was so cunningly managed, and that with such a mutuall change of fortune, on the parties of both the comba­ta [...], that one who had not known the fable, would have b [...]n sore affraid that the Knight would have lost the victo­ [...]y, and the Lady her life. At the other end there was shown [...]o us, ‘Orpheus in sylvis positus, sylvaeque sequentes.’ There appeared unto us the resemblance of Orpheus, playing on a [...] Viall, the trees moving with the force of the [Page 63] musick, and the wilde beasts dancing in tw [...] rings about him. An invention which could not but cost K Henry a great sum of money; one only string of the fidle b [...]ing by mi [...]chance broken, having cost King Lenis his so [...] [...] Liv [...] Upon the opening of a double leaved d [...]or, [...] were exhi [...]d to us divers representations and [...], which certainly might have been more gracefull, if they had not so much in them of the puppet play. By some step [...] more we [...] into the Garden, and by as many more into a [...], which opened into the water side; in which the goodliest fl [...]wer and most pleasing to my eyes, was the statua of an horse in brasse, of that bigness, that I and one of my companions could stand in the neck of him. But dismounting from this horse, we mounted our own, and so took our leaves of St. Germain.

On the other side of Paris, and up the river, we saw an other of the Kings houses, called S [...]. Vincent or Vincennes. It was beautified with a large part by Philip Augustus, anno 1185. who also walled the Park, and replenished it with Deer. In this house have dyed many famous personages, as Philip the fair, Lewis Hutin, and Charles the fair; but none so much to be lamented as that of our Henry V. cut down in the flower of his age, and middest of his victories: a man most truly va­liant, and the Alexander of his times. Not far from thence is an old Castle, once strong, but time hath made it now un­serviceable. The people call it Chasteau Bisestre, corruptly for Vincestre; which maketh me believe it was built by the English when they were masters of this Isle.


Paris, the names and antiquity of it. The situation and greatnesse. The chief strength and Fortifica­t [...]ons about it. The streets and buildings. King James his laudable care in beautifying London. King Henry the fourths intent to fortifie the Town. Why not actuated. The Artifices and wealth of the Parisians. The bravery of the Citizens described under the person of a Barber.

NOw we are come unto Paris, whither, indeed, I should have brought you the same day we came from Pontoyse.

It hath had in diversages, two severall names; the one taken from the people, the other from the situation; the name taken from the people is that of Paris. J. Caesar in his Commentaries making mention o [...] the Nation of the Paristi, and at that time calling this City Urbem Parisio [...]um. Ammianus Marcell [...]nus calleth it by the same appellative; for as yet the name of Paris was not appropriated unto it. As for these [...], it is well known that they were a people [...] Gallia Celtica; but why the people were so called, hath been questi­oned, and that deservedly. Some derive them from a son of Paris the son of Priam: but the humour of deriving all nationall originations from Troy, hath long since been bissed out of the Schoole of Antiquity. The Berosus of John Annius bringeth them from one Paris King of the Celtae; and his au­thority is alike authenticall. The bastards which this Annius imposed upon the Antient writers, are now taught to know their own father. Others deduce it from [...], a Greek word importing boldnesse of speech; which is approved by William of Breton, in the first book of his Phillipiades.

Finibus egressi patriis, per Gallica rura
Sedem quaerebant, ponendis moenibus aptam,
Et se Parisios dixerunt, nomine Graeco,
Quod sonat expositum nostris, audacia, verbis.
Leaving their native soil, they sought through Gaul
A place to build a City, and a wall,
And call'd themselves Parisians; which in Greek
Doth note a prompt audacity to speak.

It is spoken of those Gaules, who coming out of the more Southern parts, here planted themselves. Neither is it im­probable, that a Gallick nation should assume to it self a Greek name, that language having taken good footing in these parts, long before Caesars time, as himself testifyeth in his Commentaries. How well this name agreeth with the French nature, I have already manifested in the character of this people, both men and women. But I will not stand to this etymologie. The names of great Cities are as obscure as those of their founders; and the conjecturall derivations of them are oftentimes rather plausible then probable; and sometimes neither. As for the antiquity of it, it is said to be built in the time of Amasia King of Judah; but this also is uncertain: the beginnings of antient Cities, being as dark and hidden, as the reasons of their names. Cer­tain it is, that it is no puisnè in the world; it be­ing a strong and opulent Town in the dayes of Julius Caesar.

The other name of this City, which is indeed the anti­ent, and was taken from the situation of it, is Lutetia, from lutum dirt; as being seated in an exceeding clammy and dirty soil. To this also consenteth the abovenamed William of Breton, in his said first Book of the Phillippiades, saying,

—Quoniam tunc temporis illam
Reddebat palus & terrae pinguedo lutosam,
Aptum Paristi posuere Lutetia nomen.
And since the Fens, and clammy soil did make
Their City dirty: for that reasons sake,
The Town, the name Lutetia did take.

As for the Etymologie of Munster, who deriveth the name from Luens one of the Kings of the Celtae: it may (for ought I know) deservedly keep company with that of Berosus, al­ready reci [...]ed. This name of Lutetia continued till the com­ing of the Franks into these parts: who to endeer the nat [...]on of the Parisii, and oblige them the more faithfully to do them service, commanded it for ever after to be called Paris. But the situation of this Town gave it not only the name; it gave it also (as the custome of Godfathers in Eng­land) a christning gift, which is the riches of it; and by con­sequence, the preheminence. In how delicate and flourish­ing a soil it is situate, I have already told you in my de­s [...]iption of the vally of Montmorencie where it standeth. If you will believe Comines in the first book of his Histories, he will tell you, that Cest la citè que jamais ie veisse environneè de meilleux pais et plantureux; of all the Cities which ever he saw, it is environed with the best and fruitful'st Countrey. The river of Seine is also, no question, a great help to the en­riching of it; for though it be not Navigable unto the Town, yet it giveth free passage unto boats of an indiffe­rent big burden, into which the ships are unladen, and so their commodities carryed up the water. A profitable en­tercourse between the Sea and the City for the Merchants. Of these boats there are an infinite company that plie up and down the water, and more indeed, as the said Comines is of opinion, than any man can believe that hath not seen them.

It is in circuite, as Boterus is of opinion, 12 miles. Others judge it at 10. For my part, I dare not guesse it to be above 8; and yet I was told by a French man, that it was in com­passe no lesse then 14 leagues within the wals; an untruth bigger then the Town. For figure it is circular, that being, according to Geometricians, of all figures the most ca [...]acious. And questionlesse if it be true, that Urbs non in moenibus, sed [Page 67] in civibus posita est; Paris may challenge as great a circuit as the most of Europe: it being little inferiour to the biggest, for the multitudes of her inhabitants. Joyne the compasse and the populousnesse together, and you shall hear the wisest of the French men say, that Que ce qu'est l' ame a la raison, el la prunelle a l' oeil; cela mesme est Paris a la France. Add to this the verdict of Charles V. who being demanded which he thought to be the biggest City of France: answered, R [...]ven: and being then asked, what he thought of Paris: made an­swer, Unpais; that it was a whole Countrey. The Empe­rour did well to flatter Francis the first, who asked him these questions, and in whose power he then was; other­wise he might have given men good cause to suspect his judgement. The truth is, that Paris is a fair and goodly Town; yet withall, it is nothing like the miracle that some men make it. Were the figure of London altered, and all the houses of it cast into a Ring; I dare able it a larger and more goodly Town then Paris, and that in the comparison, it may give it at the least half a mile oddes.

For matter of strength and resistance, certain it is that this City is exceeding well seated, were it as well fortifyed. It lyeth in a plain flat levell, and hath no hils nigh unto it, from which it can any way be annoyed; and for the casting and making of rowling-trenches, I think the soil is hardly serviceable. If Art were no more wanting to the strength of it then Nature, in mine opinion, it might be made almost impregnable. Henry IV. seeing the present weaknesse of it, had once a purpose (as it is said) to have strengthned it ac­cording to the modern art of Fortifications. But it went no further then the purpose. He was a great builder, and had many projects of Masonry in his head, which were little for his profit; and this would have proved lesse then any, For besides the infinite sums of mony which would have be [...]n e [...]ployed in so immense a work; wh [...]t had this been in effect, but to put a sword into the hand of a mad man? The mu­tinies and sedition of this people have made it little infe­riour to Leige or Gaunt, the two most revolting. Tow [...]s of Europe. And again, the Bari [...]adoes against the person of King Henry III. and the large resistance it made to himself, [Page 68] being weak; were sufficient to instruct him what might be expected from it by his successors, when it should be strength­ned and inabled to rebellion.

The present strength of the Town then is not great, the wals being very weak and ruinous; and those other few helps which it hath, being little availeable for defence. The beautiful lest part of the whole resistance is the ditch, deep, precipitate and broad; and to say no more of it, an excel­lent ward, were there any thing else correspondent to it. As for the Fort next unto St. Antonies gate, called the Bastille; it is in my conceit too little to protect the Town, and too low to command it. When Swords only and Pick-axes were in use, and afterwards in the infancie of guns, it did some service in the nature of a Fortresse: now it serveth prin­cipally as a prison for those of the greater sort, who will permit themselves to be [...]aken. It is said to be built by the English, when they were Lords of Paris, and the vulgar are all of this opinion. Others, of the more learned sort, make it to be the work of one of the Provosts of the City. Du Chesne calleth him Hugues Aubriot, in the time of Charles V. when as yet the English had nothing to do here. The word Bastille in generall, signifieth a Fortresse; the article la, pre­fixed before it, maketh it a name, and appropriateth it unto this building. There are also two little turrets, just against the gallery of the Louure, on both sides of the Seine, inten­ded for the defence of the River; though now they are little able to answer that intention: they also are fathered on the English, but how true I know not. An other place I marked, designed perhaps for a Rampart, but imployed at this time only by windmils. It is a goodly mount of earth, high and capacious, situate close unto the gate called St. Martins; the most defensible part, if wel manned, of all Paris. Thus is the strength of this Town (as you see) but small; and if Henry IV. lay so long before it with his Army, it was not because he could not take it, but because he would not. He was loath (as Biron advised him) to receive the bird naked, which he expected with all its feathers; and this answer he gave the Lord Willougbie, who undertook to force an en­try into it.

[Page 69]For the streets, they are many of them of a lawfull and competent breadth, well pitched under the foot with fair and large peble. This paving of it was the work of Philip Augustus, anno [...] or there abouts; before which time it could not but be miserably dirty, if not unpassable. As it now is, the least rain maketh it very slippery and trouble­some; and as little a continuance of warme weather, [...]ink­ing and poisonous. But whether this noisomenesse pro­ceed from the nature of the ground, or the sluttishnesse of the people in their houses, or the neglect of the Magistrates in not providing a sufficiency of Scavengers, or all, I am not to determine. This I am confident of, that the nastiest lane in London, is Frankincense and Juniper, to the sweetest street in this City. The antient by-word was (and there is good reason for it) Il [...]staint comme la fange de Pa [...]is: had I the power of making proverbs, I would only change il destaint into il puit, and make the by-word ten times more Ortho­dox. I have spoken somewhat already of the Fortificat­ons of this Town, but they are but trifles: the only venome of the street, is a strength unto it more powerfull then the ditches or the bulwark of St. Martins. Morrison in his Itine­rarie relateth how the Citizens of Prague in Bohemia, were repairing the wals of their Town for fear of the Turkes; but with all he addeth, that if the stink of the streets kept him not thence, there was no assurance to be looked for of the wals. I know now not how true it is of that City, I am sure it may be justly verified of this. It was therefore not unjudiciously said of an English Gentleman, that he thought Paris was the strongest Town in Christendome; for he took (strong) in that sense as we do in England, when we say such a man hath a strong-breath. These things consider [...]d, it could not but be an infinite happinesse granted by nature to our Henry V. that he never stopped his nose at any stink, as our Chronicles report of him. Otherwise, in my conscience, he had never been able to keep his Court there. But that which most amazed me, is, that in such a perpetuated constancy of stinks, there should yet be found so large and admirable a variety. A variety so speciall and distinct, that any Chymicall nose (I dare lay my life on it) [Page 70] two or three perambulations, would hunt out blindfold, each severall street by the smell, as perfectly as another by his eye. A Town of a strange composition, one can hardly live in it in [...]he Summer without poisning, in the Winter with­out miring.

For the buildings, they are I confesse very handsomely and uniformely set out to the street-ward; not unseemly in themselves, and very sutable one with another. High and perpendicular, with windowes reaching from the top almost to the bottom. The houses of the new mould in London, are just after their fashion: wherein the care and designe of our late Soveraign King James is highly to be magnifyed. Time and his good beginnings well seconded, will make that City nothing inferiour for the beauty and excellency of her structures, to the gallantest of Europe; in­somuch that he might truly have said of his London, what Augustus did of his Rome, [...], Urbem quem lateritiam inveni marmoream relinquo, as Dion hath it. But as London now is, the houses of it in the inside, are both better contrived, and richlyer furnished by far, then those of Paris; the inward beauty and ornaments most commonly following the estate of the builders, or the owners. Their houses are distinguished by signes as with us, and under every sign there is printed in Capitall letters, what signe it is; neither is it more then need. The old shift of This is a Cock, and this is a Bull, was never more re­quifite in the infancy of painting, then in this City. For [...]o hideously and so without resemblance to the thing sig­nified, are most of these pencil-works: that I may without danger say of them as Pseudolus in Plautus doth of the let [...]er which was written from Phoenicium to his young master [...], An [...] hercle, habent quoque gallinae manus? nam has [...] [...]ma scripsit. If a hen would not scrape better por­traitures on a dunghill then they have hanged up before their doors, I would send to my Hostess of Tostes to be executed. And indeed generally, the Artificers of Paris are as slovenly in their trades, as in their houses; yet you may finde nim­ble d [...]ncers, prety fidlers for a toy, and a Tayler that can trick [...]u up after the best and newest fashion. Their Cutlers make [Page 71] such abominable and fearfull knives, as would grieve a mans heart to see them: and their Glovers, are worse then they; you would imagine by their Gloves, that the hand for which they are made, were cut of by the wrist: yet on the other side they are very perfect at tooth-picks, beard bru [...]es, and (which I hold the most commendable art of them) at the cutting of a seal. Their Mercers are but one degree removed from a Pedler; such as in England we call Chapmen, that is a Pedler with a shop. And for Goldsmiths there is little use of them, glasses being there most in request, both because neat, and be­cause cheap. I perswade my self that the two severall ranks of shops in Cheapside, can shew more plate, and more variety of Mercery wares, good and rich, then three parts of Paris. Merchants they have here, but not many, and they not very wealthy. The river ebbs not, and floweth not [...]igher then 75 miles or thereabouts, and the boats which thence serve the City, being no bigger then our Western Barges. The principall means by which the people do subsist, are the Court of the King, most times held amongst them; and the great resort of Advocates and Clients to the chambers of Parli­ament. Without these two crutches the Town would get a vile halting, and perhaps be scarce able to stand. What the estate of some of their wealthyest Citizens may amount to, I cannot say, yet I dare conjecture it, not to be superflu­ous. The Author of the book entituled Les estat du monde, reckoneth it for a great marvell that some of our London Merchants should be worth 100000 crownes, we account [...] estate among us not to be so wonderfull, and may thence safely conclude, that they who make a prodigie of so little, are not worth so much themselves.

If you believe their apparell, we may, perhaps, be perswa­ded otherwise; that questionlesse speaketh no lesse then mil­lions, though like it is, that when they are in their best clothes, they are in the midle of their estates. But concerning the ridiculous bravery of the poor Parisian, take along with you this story: Upon our first coming into Paris, there came to visit a German Lord, whom we met a ship-bord, a couple of French Gallants, his acquaintance; the one of them (for I [Page 72] did not much observe the other) had a suit of Turkie grogram doubled with Taffeta, cut with long slashes, or carbona­do's, after the French fashion, and belaied with bugle lace. Through the openings of his doublet appeared his shirt of the purest Holland, and wrought with curious needle­work; the points at his waste and knees, all edged with a silver edging; his garters, roses and hat-band, sutable to his points; a beaver hat, and a pair of silk ftockins; his cloke also of Turkey grogram, cut upon black Taffeta. This Lord (for who would have dared to guesse him other?) applyed himself to me, and perceiving my ignorance in the French, accosted me in Latine, which he spake indifferently well. Af­ter some discourse, he took notice of mine eyes, which were then sore and sea-sick, and promised me, if I would call on him at his lodging the next morning, to give me a water, which suddenly would restore them to their strength and vigor. I humbly thanked his Lordship for such an ineffable and immerited favour, in the best complement and greatest obeisance I could devise. It was not for nought, thought I, that our English extoll so muth the humanity of this people; nay I began to accuse the report of envy, as not having published the one half of their graces and affabilities. Quan­tillum enim virtutum illarum acceperim! And thus taking my leave of his Honor, I greedily expected the next morning. The morning come, and the hour of visiting his Lord­ship almost at hand, I sent a servant to fetch a Barber to come trim me and make me neat, as not knowing what occasion I might have, of seeing his Lady or his daughters. Upon the return of the messenger, presently fol­loweth his Altitude, and bidding me sit down in his chair, he disburdened one of his pockets (Quis [...] credat, nisi sit pro [...]este vetustas?) of a case of instruments, and the other of a bun­dle of linnen. Thus accommodated, he falleth to work a­bout me, to the earning of a quardesou. In my life I had never more adoe to hold in my laughter. And certain­ly, had not an anger or vexation at my own folly, in casting away so much humble rhetorick the night before upon him, somewhat troubled me; I should either have [Page 73] laught him out of his fine suit, or have broke my heart in the restraint. ‘Quid domini facient, audent cum talia fures?’ If a Ba [...]ber may be thus taken in suspicion for a Lord, no doubt but a Mercer may be accused for a Marquesse.


Paris divided into four parts. Of the Fauxbourgs in generall. Of the Pest-house. The Fauxbourg and Abby of St. Germain. The Queen Mothers house there. Her purpose never to reside in it. The Provost of Merchants, and his authority. The Armes of the Town. The Town-house. The Grand Chastelet. The Arcenall. The place Royall, &c. The Vicounty of Paris. And the Provosts seven daughters.

THey which write of Lusitania divide it into three parts, viz. Ulteriorem, lying beyond Duerus, North; Citeriorem, lying from Tagus, South; and Interamnem, situate betwixt both the rivers. Paris is seated just as that Province, and may in a manner admit of the same division; for the River of Seine, hath there so dispersed itself, that it hath divided this French Metropolis into three parts also, viz. Citeriorem, lying on this side the river, which they call La Ville, the Town; Ulteriorem, lying beyond the further branch of it, which they call L'Universitiè; and Interamnem, situate between both the [...]reams in a little Island; which they call La Citè. To these add the Suburbs, or (as [Page 74] they call them) the Fauxbourgs, and you have in all four parts of Pa [...]is.

These Fauxbourgs are not incorporated unto the Town, or joyned together with it, as the Suburbs of London are unto that City. They stand severed from it a pretty distance, and app [...]ar to be what indeed they are, a distinct body from it; For then ost part the houses in them are old and ruinou [...]: y [...] the [...] of St. Iacques is in a prety good [...]ashion and the least unsightly of them all, except St. Germains. The Faux­ [...]ourg also of St. M [...]rcell hath somewhat to commend it, which is that the great Pest-house built by Henry IV. is within the P [...]cincts of it: a house built quadrangular wise, very large and capacious; and seemeth to such as stand afar off it (for it is not safe venturing nigh it or within) to be more like the Palace of a King, then the Kings Palace it self. But the p [...]incipallest of all the Suburbs is that of St. Germains, a place lately repaired, full of divers stately houses, and in bignesse little inf [...]rior unto Oxford. It took name from the Abbey of S. Germ [...]in, seated within it, built by Childebert the son of Clouis, anno 1542. in the honor of St. Vincent. Afterwards it got the name of St. German a Bishop of Paris, whose body was there buried, and at whose instigation it had former­ly been founded. The number of the Monks was enlarged to the number of 120 by Charles the balde, (he began his reign anno 841) and so they continue till this day. The present Abbot is Henry of Burbon Bishop of Metz, base son un­to Henry IV. He is by his place Lord of all this goodly Sub­ [...]b; hath power of levying Taxes upon his tenants: and to him accrew all the profits of the great Fair holden here every February.

The principall house in it is that of the Queen Mother, not yet fully built. The Gallery of it, which possesseth all the right side of the square, is perfectly finished, and said to be a most roy [...]ll and majesticall peece. The further part also, op­posite to the gate, is finished so far forth as concerneth the outside and strength of it; the ornamentall parts and trap­pings of it being yet not added. When it is absolutely con­summate, if it hold proportion with the other sides, both within and without, it will be a Palace for the elegancy and [Page 75] politenesse of the Fabrick, not [...] in Europe. A Palace answerable to the greatnesse of her mind that built it; yet it is by divers conjectured that her purpose is never to reside there: for which cause the building goeth but slowly forward. For when upon the death of her great Privado, the Marquesse D'Ancre, she was removed to Blois: those of the opposite [...]acti­on in the Court got so strongly into the good opinion of the King, that not without great struglings, by those of her party, and the hazard of two civill wars, she obtained her former neernesse to his Majesty. She may see by this what to trust to, should her absence leave the Kings mind any way prepared for new impressions. Likely therefore it is, that she will rather choose to leave her fine house unhabited fur­ther then on occasions for a Banquet, then give the least op­portunity to stagger her greatnesse. This house is called Luxembourg Palace, as being built in place of an old house belonging to the Duke of that Province. The second house of note in this Suburb is that of the Prince of Conde, to whom it was given by the Queen Mother, in the first year of her Reg [...]ncy.

The Town of Paris, is that part of it, which lyeth on this side of the hithermost branch of the Seine towards Picar­die. What was spoken before in the generall hath its refe­rence to this particular; whether it concern the sweetn [...]sse of the streets, the manner of the building, the furniture of the artificer, or the like. It containeth in it 13 Parish Churches, viz. St. German de l'Auxerre, 2 St. Eustace, 3 Les Saints Inno­ [...]ents, 4 St. Savueur, 4 St. Nicolas des champs. 6 Le Sepul [...]re. 7 St. Iacques de la bouchierie, 8 St. Josse, 9 St. Mercy, 10. St. Jean, 11 St. Gervase, and St. Protasse, 12 St. Paul, and 13 St. Jean le [...]onde It also hath in it 7 Gates, sc. 1 St. Anthony upon the side of the river neer unto the Arcenall. 2 Porte du Temple. 3 St. Martin. 4 St. Denis. 5 Mont martre. 6 St. Honorè, and 7 Porte Neufue, so called because it was built since the others, which joyneth hard upon the Tnilleries, the Garden of the Louure.

The principall Governour of Paris, as also of the whole Isle of France, is the Duke of Monbazon, who hath h [...]ld this office ever since the year 1619. when it was surrendred by [Page 76] Luines; but he little medleth with the City. The particular Governours of it are the two Provosts, the one called Le Provost du Paris, the other Le Provost des Merchands. The Provost of Paris determineth of all causes between Citizen and Citizen, whether they be criminall or civill. The office is for term of life; the place of judgement, the Grand Chastelet. The pre­s [...]nt P [...]st i [...] called Mr. Seguier, and is by birth of the No­bility; a [...] all which are honoured with this office must be. He hath as his assistants three Lieutenants; the Lieutenant cri­minall, which judgeth in matters of lise and death; the Lieutenant civill, which decideth causes of debt or trespasse between party and party; and the Lieutenant particular, who supplyeth their severall places in their absence. There are also necessarily required to this Court the Proeureur, and the Advocate, or the Kings Solli [...]itour, and Attorney, 12 Counsel­lours, and of und [...]r-officers more then enough. This Office is said to have been [...] in the time of Lewis the son of Charles the great. In matters criminall there is app [...]al admitted from hence to the Tournelle. In matters civill, if the sum ex­ceed the value of 250 Livres, to the great Chamber, or Le grande Chambre in the Court of Parliament. The Prov [...]st of the Merchants, and his authority was first instituted by Philip Augustus, who began his reign anno 1190. His office is to con­serve the liberties and indulgences, granted to the Merchants and Artificers of the City: to have an eye over the sales of Wine, Corn, Wood, Cole, &c. and to impose taxes on them; to keep the keyes of the Gates, to give watchword in time of war; to grant Past-ports to such as are willing to leave the Town, and the like. There are also four other Officers joyned unto him, [...] they call them, who also car­ry a great sway in the City. There are moreover [...] to them in their proceedings, the Kings Sollicitour (or P [...]cureur) and 24 Counsellours. To compare this Corpora­tion with that of London, the Pr [...]st is as the Maior, the Es [...]evins as the Sheriffs, the 24 Counsellours as the A [...]dermen, and the Procureur as the Recorder. I omit the under-officers, whereof there is no scarcity. The place of their meetings is called L' [...]stel de ville, or the Guilde-ball The present Provost, Mr. de Grieu [...], his habit, as also that of the [...], and Coun­sel [...]urs, [Page 77] half red, half skie coloured, the City livery with a hood of the same.

This Provost is as much above the other in power, as men which are loved, commonly are above those which are feared. This Provost the people willingly, yea sometimes [...]ctiously obey, as the [...] of their liberties; the other they only dread as the Judge of their liv [...]s, and the tyrants over their Estates. To shew the power of this Prov [...]st, both for and with the people against their Princes, you may please to take notice of two instances. For the people against Philip d [...] Valois, anno 1349. when the said King desiring an Impost of one Livre in five Crowns, upon all wares sold in Paris, for the better managing of h [...]s Wars against the English, could obtain it but for one year only; and that not with­out speciall letters reversall, that it should no way [...] their priviledges. With the people, anno 1357, when King John was P [...]isoner in England, and Charles the Daulphin, afterwards the [...] of that name, labour [...]d his ransome a­mongst the Parisians. For then S [...]phen Mar [...]ll the Provost, at­tended by the Vulgar [...], not only brake open the Daulphins Chamber, but sl [...]w J [...]hn de Conflans and Robert of Clermount, two Marschals of France, before his face Nay, to add yet further [...] to this, he took his party­coloured hood off his head, pu [...]ting it on the Daulphins, and all that day wore the Daulphins hat, being a b [...]own bl [...]ck; Pour signal de sa dictature, as the token of his Dictatorship. And which is more then all this, he sent the Daulphin cloth to make him a Gowne and an Ho [...]d of the City livery; and compelled him to avow the massacre of his servants above nam [...]d, as done by his commandement: Horrible insolen­cies! Quam miserum est [...]um haec impune facere [...]? as Tully of Marcus Antonius.

The Arm [...]s of this Town, as also of the Corporation of the Provost and [...], are Gules, a Ship Argent; a Chi [...] p [...]dred with flower de L [...]ces, Or. The seat or place of their assembly, is called (as we said) L'h [...]stell de ville, or the Guld-hall. It was built or rather finished by Francis the first, [...] 1533. and since [...] and repaired by Francis Miron, once [...] des Merchands, and afterwards Privie [...] to the [Page 78] King. It standeth on one side of the Greve, which is the publick place of execution, and is built quadrangular wise, all of free and polished stone, evenly and orderly laid toge­ther. You ascend by 30 or 40 steps, fair and large, before you come into the Quadrate; and thence by severall staires into the severall rooms and Chambers of it, which are very nearly contrived and richly furnished. The grand Chastelet is said to have been [...] by Julian the Apostata, at such time as he was Governor of Gaul. It was afterwards new built by [...] Augustus: and since repaired by Lewis XII. in which time of [...], the Provst of Paris kept his Courts in the Palace of the Louure. To sight it is not very gratious, what it may be within I know not. Certain I am, that it looketh far more [...] a prison (for which use it also serveth) then a Town [...] or seat of judgment.

In this part of Paris called Laville, or the Town, is the Kings Arcenal or Magazin of War; it carryeth not any great face of majesty on the out-side, neither indeed is it necessary; such places are most beautifull without, when they are most terrible within. It was begun by Henry [...] finished by Charles the ninth, and augmented by Mr. De Rhosny, great Master of the Artillery. It is said to contain 100 field-pieces and their carriages; as also Armor sufficient for 10000 horse, and 50000 foot. In this part also of Paris is that excellent pile of building called the Place Royall, built partly at the charges, and partly at the encouragement of Henry IV. It is built in forme of a quadrangle, every side of the square being in length 72 [...]; the materials [...] of divers colours, which makes it very pleasing, though lesse durable. It is [...] round, just after the fashion of the Royall Exchange in London, the walks being paved under foot. The houses of it are very fair and large, every one having its Garden aud other out-lets. In all they are 36, nine of a side, and [...] to be sufficient capable of a great retinue; the Ambassa­dour for the estate of Venice, lying in one of them. It is [...] in that place, whereas formerly the solemn Til­ting were performed, a place famous and [...] for the death of Henry II. who was here [...] with the splinters of a Lance, [Page 79] as he was running with the Earl of Montgomery, a Scotish-man; a sad and heavie accident.

To conclude this discourse of the Ville or Town of Paris, I must a little wander out of it; because the power and command of the Provost saith it must be so: for his authori­is not confined within the Town. He hath seven daugh­ters on which he may exercise it; Les sept filles dela Prevoste de Paris, as the French call them. These seven daughters are seven Bailiwicks, comprehended within the Vicountie of Paris, viz. 1 Poissy. 2 St. German en lay. 3 Tornon 4 Torcie en Brie. 5 Corbeil. 6 Montlierie. And 7 Genness[?] en France. Over these his jurisdiction is extended, though not as Pro­vost of Paris. Here he commandeth and giveth judgement as Lieutenant civill to the Duke of Monbazon, or the supream Governour of Paris, and the Isle of France, f [...]r the time being. Yet this Lieutenant being an Office perpetually annexed to the Provostship, is the occasion that the Bailiwicks[?] above named are called Les sept filles de la Prevoste.


The University of Paris, and Founders of it. Of the Colledges in general. Marriage when permitted to the Rectors of them. The small maintenance allowed to Scholars in the Universities of France. The great Colledge at Tholoza. Of the Colledge of the Sor­bonne in particular; That and the House of Parlia­ment, the chief Bulwarks of the French liberty. Of the Polity and Government of the University. The Rector and his precedency; The disordered life of the Scho­lars there being. An Apologie for Oxford and Cam­bridge. The priviledges of the Scholars, their de­grees, &c.

THat part of Paris which lyeth beyond the further­most branch of the Seine, is called the University. It is little inferiour to the Town for [...], and lesse superior to it in sweetness or opulency. Whatsoever hath been said of the whole in general, was intended to this part also, as well as the others: all the learning in it, being not able to free it from those inconveniences, where­with it is distressed. It containeth in it only [...] parish Churches: the paucity whereof is supplyed by the multi­tude of religious houses, which are within it. These six Churches are called by the names of St. Nicholas du Chardo­nuere, 2. St. Estienne, at this time in repairing. 3. St. Se­verin. 4. St. Bennoist. 5. St. Andre. And 6. St. Cosome. It hath also eight Gates, viz. 1. Porte de Neste, by the water side over against the Louure. 2. Porte de Buçi. 3. St. Germain. 4. St. Michell. 5. St. Jacques. 6. St. Marcell. 7. St. Victor, and 8. Porte de la Tornelle. It was not accounted as a distinct member of Paris, or as the third part of it, untill the year [Page 81] 1304. at what time the Scholars having lived formerly dispersed about the City, began to settle themselves toge­ther in this place: and so to become a peculiar Corpo­ration.

The University was founded by Charles the great, anno 791. at the perswasion of Alcuine an Oxford man, and the Scho­lar of venerable Bede: who brought with him three of his con disciples to be the first readers there: their names were Rabbanus Maurus, John Erigena, surnamed [...]; & Claudus, who was also called Clement. To these four doth the Uni­versity of Paris owe its originall and first rudiments: nei­ther was this the first time, that England had been the School­mistiess unto France; we lent them not only their [...] Do­ctors in Divinity and Philosophy; but from us also did they receive the mysteries of their Religion, when they were Heathens. Disciplina in Britannia reperta, (saith Julius [...] Com. 6.) atque inde in [...] esse existimatur. An authority not to be questioned by any, but by a Caesar. Learning thus new born at Paris, continued not long in any full vigour. For almost 300 years it was fallen into a deadly trance: and not here only, but also through the greatest part of Europe: anno 1160. or [...] Peter Lom­bard, Bishop of Paris, the first author of Scholastical Divi­nity; and by his followers called the Master of the Sen­tences; revived it here in this Town by the savour and en­couragement of Lewis 7. In his own house were the Le­ctures first read: and after as the numbers of Students did encrease, in sundry other parts of the Town; Colledges they had none till the year 1304. The Scholars till then sojourning in the houses of the Citizens, accordingly as they could bargain for their entertainment.

But [...] 1304 Joane, Queen of Navarre, [...] to Philip the fair, built that Colledge, which then and ever since hath been called the Colledge of Navarre: and is at this day the fairest and largest of all the rest. Non [...] exempla ubi coeperunt, sed in tenuem accepta tramitem, latissime [...] viam sibi faciunt: as Velleius. This good example ended not in it self: but incited divers others of the French Kings, and p [...]o­ple, to the erecting of convenient places of study. [...] that [Page 82] in process of time, Paris became enriched with 52 Col­ledges. So many it still hath, though the odde forty are little serviceable unto learning, for in twelve only of them is there any publick reading, either in Divinity or Philo­sophy. Those twelve are the Colledges of Harcourte. 2. Caillvi, or the P [...]tit Sorb [...]nne. 3. Lisseux, or Lexovium. 4 Bon­courte. 5. M [...]ntague. 6. Le Marche. 7. Nav [...]re. 8. De la Car­di [...]al de Moyne. 9. Le Plessis. 10. De Beavais. 11. La Sor­bonne. 12. De Clermont, or the Colledge of the Jesuites: there are also publique readings in the houses of the four orders of Fryers Mendicants, viz. the Carmelites, the Augustins, the Fran [...]ans, or Cordeliers, and the Dominicans. The other Colledges are destinated to other uses. That of Arras is converted to an house of English fugitives; and there is ano­ther of them hard by the Gate of St. Jacques, employed for the reception of the Irish. In others of them there is lodg­ing allotted out to Students, who for the [...]r instructions have resort to some of the 12 Colledges above men­tioned.

In each of these Colledges there is a Rector: most of whose places yeeld to them but small profit. The greatest commodity which accreweth to them is raised from cham­ber Rents: their preferments being much of a nature with that of a Principal of an Hall in Oxford; or that of a Trea­surer in an Inne of Chancery in London. At the first ere­ction of their Colledges, they were all prohibited marriage, though I see little reason for it. There can hardly come any inconvenience or dammage by it, unto the scholars un­der their charge, by the assuming of leases into their own hands: for I think few of them have any to be so imbezled. Anno 1520. or thereabouts it was permitted unto such of them as were Doctors in Physick, that they might marry: the Cardinall of Toute Ville, L [...]gat in France, giving unto them that indulgence. Afterwards in the year 1534. the Doctors of the Lawes petitioned the University for the like priviledge: which in fine was granted to them, and confir­med by the Court of Parliament. The Doctors of Divi­nity are the only Academicals now barred from it: and that not as Rectors, but as Pri [...]sts. These Colledges for their [Page 83] buildings are very inelegant, and generally little behol­ding to the curiosity of the artificer. So confused and so proportioned in respect of our Colledges in England, as Exeter in Oxford was some 12. years since, in comparison of the rest: or as the two Temples in London now are, in re­ference to Lincolns Inne. The revenues of them are suita­ble to the Fabricks, as mean and curtailed. I could not learn of any Colledge, that hath greater allowances then that of Sorbonne: and how small a trifle that is, we shall tell you presently. But this is not the poverty of the Univer­sity of Paris only: all France is troubled with the same want, the same want of encouragement in learning: neither are the Academies of Germanie in any happier state, which occasio­ned Erasmus that great light of his times, having been in Eng­land and seen Cambridge, to write thus to one of his Dutch ac­quaintance, Unum Collegium Cantabrigiense (confidenter dicam) superat vel decem nostra. It holdeth good in the neatness and graces of the buildings, in which sense he spake it: but it had been more undeniable had he intended it of the reve­nues. Yet I was given to understand, that at Tholoze there was amongst 20 Colledges, one of an especiall quality: and so indeed it is, if rightly considered. There are said to be in it 20 Students places, (or fellowships as we call them). The Students at their entrance are to lay down in deposito 6000. Florens, or Livres; paid unto him after six years, by his successor: Vendere jure potest, emerat ille prius. A pretty market.

The Colledge of Sorbonne, which is indeed the glory of [...]is University, was built by one Robert de Sorbonne of the [...]hamber of Lewis the 9. of whom he was very well beloved. It consisteth meerly of Doctors of Divinity: neither can any of another profession, nor any of the same profession not so graduated, be admitted into it. At this time their number is about 70; their allowance, a pint of wine, (their pinte is but a thought lesse then our quart) and a certain quantity of bread daily. Meat they have none allowed them, unless they pay for it: but the pay is not much: for five Sols (which amounte [...]h to six pence English) a day, they may challenge a competency of flesh or fish, to be served to [Page 84] them at their chambers. These Doctors have the sole power and authority of conferring degrees in Divinity: the Re­ctor and other officers of the University, having nothing to do in it. To them alone belongeth the [...]mination of the [...]udents in the faculty, the approbatio [...], and the be­st [...]ing of the honour: and to their Lectures do all such assid [...] usly repair, as are that way minded. All of them in their [...] discharge this office of reading, and that by six [...]s in a day: th [...]e of them making good the Pulpit in the [...]noon; and as many in the a [...]noon. These Do­ctors are accounted, together with the Parliament of Paris, the principal pillars of the French Liberty: whereof in­ [...]d they are exc [...]ding jealous, as well in matter [...] Ecclesia­stical as Civil. When Gerson Chancellor of Paris (he died Anno 1429.) had published a book in approbation of the Councell o [...] [...]; where it was enacted that the autho­rity of the Councell was greater then that of the Pope: the So [...]ne Doctors declared that also to be their Doctrine. Af­terwards when Iewis the 11. to gratifie Pope Pius the 2. purposed to abolish the force of the pragmatick sanction; the Sorlonnisis in behalf of the Church Gall [...]an and the Uni­versity of Paris; Magnis obsistebant animis, (saith Sleidan in his Commentaries) & a Papa provocabant ad [...]cilium. The C [...]uncell unto which they appealed was that of B [...]sil; where that sanction was made: so that by this appeal, they veri­fied their former Thesis; that the Councell was above the Pope. And not l [...]ng since, anno viz 1613. casually mee­ting with a book written by [...]nus, entituled, Co [...]troversia Anglicana de potes [...]te regis & papae: they called an assembly, and condemned it. For though the main of it, was against the power and su [...]macy of the Kings of England: yet did it reflect also on the authority of the Pope over other Ch [...] ­stian Kings by the bie, which occasioned the Sentence. So jealous are they of the least circumstances, in which the im­munity of their nation may be endangered.

As for the Government of the University, it hath for its chief direct [...]ur, a Rector: with a Chancellor, four Procu­rators or Proctors, and as many others, whom they call [...]es Intra [...], to assist him; besides the Regents. Of these [Page 85] the Regents are such Masters of the Arts, who are by the consent of the rest, selected to read the publick Lectures of Logi [...]k and Philosophy. Their name they derive a re­gendo, eo quod in artibus rexerint. These are divided into four Nations, viz. 1 The Norman 2 The Picarde. 3 The Ger­man. And 4 The French. Under the two first are compre­hended the students of those several Provinces: under the third, the S [...]udents of all forein natio [...]s, which repair hi­ther for the attainment of knowledge. It was heretofore called natio A [...]glica: but the English being thought unwor­thy of the honour, because of their separation from the Church of Ro [...]e; the name and credit of it was given to the Germans. That of the French is again subdivided into two parts: that which is immediately within the Diocese of Paris; and that which containeth the rest of Gallia. These four Nations (for notwithstanding the subdivision above m [...]ioned the French is reckoned but as one) choose year­ly four Proctors or Procurators; so called, quia negotia na­tionis suae procurant. They choose four other officers, whom they call les I [...]trantes: in whose power there remaineth the Delegated authority of their several Nations. A [...]d here it is to be observed, that in the French Nation, the Procura­tor, and Intrant, is one year of the Diocese of Paris; and the following year of the rest of France: the reason why that Nation is subdivided. These four Int [...]antes thus na­med, have amongst them the election of the Rector: who is their supreme M [...]gistrate.

The present Rector is named Mr. Tarrienus, of the Col­ledge of Harcourte: a Master of the Arts, for a Doctor is not capable of the Office. The honour lasteth only three moneths; which time expired, the Intrantes proceed to a new electi­on: though oftentimes it hapneth that the same man ha [...]h the lease renued. Within the confines of the University, he taketh place next after the Princes of the bloud: and at the pub­lique exercises of learning before the Cardinals, otherwise he giveth them the [...]. B [...]t to Bishops or Arch­bishops he will not grant it upon any occasion. It was not two moneths before my being there, that there hapned a shrewd controv [...]e ab [...]ut it. For their King had then [Page 86] summoned an assembly of 25. Bishops of the Provinces ad­joyning, to consult about some Church affairs; and they had chosen the Colledge of Sorbonne to be their Senate-house: when the first day of their sitting came, a Doctor of the house being appointed to preach before them: began his oration with Reverendissime Rector, & vos amplissimi praesules. Here the Archbishop of R [...]n, a man of an high spirit, in­terrupted him and commanded him to invert his stile. He obeyed, and presently the Rector riseth up with Impono tibi silentium: which is an injunction within the compasse of his power. Upon this the Preacher being tongue-tied, the con­troversie grew hot between the Bishops and the Rector, both parties very eagerly pleading their own priority. All the morning being almost spent in this altercation, a Cardinal wiser then the rest, desired that the question might for that time be layed aside: and that the Rector would be pleased to permit the Doctor to deliver his Sermon, be­ginning it without any praeludium at all. To which request the R [...]ctor yeelded, and so the contention at that time was ended.

But salus academiae non vertitur in istis. It were more for the honour and profit of the University, if the Rector would leave off to be so mindefull of his place, and look a little to his office. For certainly never the eye and utmost diligence of a Magistrate was wanting more, and yet more necessary, then in this place. Penelopes suitors never behaved them­selves so insolently in the h [...]use of Ulysses, as the Acade­micks here do in the houses and streets of Paris.

Nos numeri sumus, & fruges consumere nati,
Spon [...] Penelopes, n [...]bolones Alcinoi (que)

not so becoming the mouth of any as of those. When you hear of their behaviour, you would think you were in Turkie: and that these men were the Janizaries. For an Angel given amongst them to drink, they will arrest whom you shall appoint them: double the money, and they shall break open his house, and ravish him into the Gaole. I have not heard that they can be hired to a murder: though nothing [Page 87] be more common amongst them then killing, except it be stealing. Wi [...]ness those many [...] which are f [...]und dead in the morning, whom a desire to secure themselves and make re [...]nce to their pillages; hath only made earth again. Nay, which is most horr [...]ble, they have regulated their villanous practises into a Common-wealth: and have their captains and other officers, who command them in their night-walks; and dispose of their purchases. To be a Gipsie and a Scholar of Paris, are almost Sy [...]ma. One of their Captains had in one week (for no lon [...]er would the gallowes let him enjoy his honour) stolne no [...]r then 80 cloaks. Num suit Auto [...]i tam piceata manu [...]? For these thefts, being apprehended, he was adjudged to the wheel: but because the [...]udges were informed that during the time of his reign, he had kep [...] the hands of himself and his co [...] ­pany unpolluted with bloud; he had the favour to be hanged. In a word, this ungoverned rable, (whom to call scholars were to profane that title) omit no outrages or turbulent misdemeanors, which possibly can be, or were ever known to be committed in place; which consis [...]h meerly of priviledge, and nothing of statute.

I would heartily wish that those who are so ill con­ceited of their own two Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, and accuse them of dissolut [...]ness in their behaviour; would either spend some time in the Schools beyond seas: or en­quire what newes abroad, of those which have seen them. Then would they doub [...]less see their own errors, and cor­rect them. Then would they admire the regularity and civility of those places, which before they condemned of debauchednesse. Then would they esteem those places as the seminary of modesty and vertue, which the [...] now ac­count as the nurseries only of an [...] rud [...]ness. Such an opinion I am sure some of the A [...]ista chi of these d [...]ies, have lodged in their breasts, concerning the misgovern­ment of our Athens. Perhaps a kinsm [...]n of theirs hath played the unthri [...]t, equa [...]ly of his time a [...]d money: hence their malice to it, and their invectives agai [...]st it. Thus of old,

—Pallas exurere [...]lassem
Argivam, at (que) ips [...]s potuit submergere ponto
Unius ob cu [...]pam & furias Ai [...]is Oïlei.

An injustice more unpardonable, then the greatest sin of the Universities. But I wrong a good cause with an unne­cessary patronage. Yet such is the peccant humour of some, th [...]t they know not how to expiate the follics of one but with the calumnie and dispraise of all An unmanly weaknesse, and yet many poss [...]ssed with it. I know it un­possible, that in a place of youth and liberty some should [...]ot give occasion of offence. The Ark wherein there were eight persons only, was not without one Cham, and of the twelve wh [...]ch Christ had chosen, one was a Devill. It were then above a miracle, if amongst so full a cohort of young souldi [...]rs, none should forsake the Ensign of his Ge­nerall: he notwithstanding that should give the imputa­tion of cowardize to the whole army; cannot but be ac­counted malitious or peevish. But let all such as have evill will at Sion, live unregarded, and die unremembred, sor want of some Scholar to write their Epitaph. Certainly a man not wedded to envie, and a spitefull v [...]tion of spirit, upon a due examination of the civility of our Ly­ [...], and a comparison of them with those abroad, cannot but say, and that justly, N [...]n habent Academiae Anglicanae pares, nisi [...] as.

The principal cau [...]e of the rudeness and dis [...]rders in Paris have been chi [...]y [...] by the great priviledges where­with the Kings of France intended t [...]e furtherance and secu­rity of [...]. Having thus let them get the bridle in t [...]ir own hands, no marvel if th [...]y grow si [...]k with an un­ [...]ntrolled [...]. O [...] th [...]se priviledges some are, [...] no S [...]rs g [...]ds can be seized upon, for the pay­ [...] of his debts: that none of them should be liable to any [...] or impositions (a royall [...] to such as are [...] with France:) that they might carry and r [...]y [...]ir [...] without the least molestation: that they should have the Provost of Paris to be the k [...]er and defender of [Page 89] their liberties, who is therefore stiled, Le conservateur des pri­vileges royaux de l' Universite de Paris, &c.

One greater priviledge they have yet then all these; which is their soon taking of degrees. Two years seeth them Novices in the Arts, and Masters of them. So that enjoy­ing by their degrees an absolute freedome, before the [...]ol­lies and violences of youth are broke in them: they be­come so unruly and insolent, as I have told you. These degrees are conferred on them by the Cha [...]cellor, who sel­dome examineth further of them then his [...]ees. Those pay­ed, he presenteth them to the Rector, and giveth them their Letters Patents sealed with the University Seal: which is the main part of the creation. He also setteth the Seal to the Authenticall Letters (for so they term them) of such whom the Sorbonnists have passed for Doctors. The present Chancel­lor is named Petrus de Pierre vive, Doctor of Divinity, and Ca­non of the Church of Nostre Dame: (as also are all they which enjoy that office). He is chosen by the Bishop of Paris, and taketh place of any under that dignity. But of this ill-managed University, enough, if not too much.


The City of Paris sealed in the place of old Lute [...]ia. The Bridges which joyn it to the Town and Uni­versity. King Henry's Statua. Alex [...]nder's in­jurious policy. The Church and revenues of No­stre dame. The Holy-water there. The original mak [...]ng and vertue of it. The Lamp before the Altar. The heathenishnesse of both customes. Paris best seen from the top of this Church: the great Bell there never rung but in time of Thunder: the baptizing of Bels, the grand Hospital and decency of it. The place Daulphin. The holy Chappel and Reliques there. What the Ancients thought of Reliques. The Exchange. The little Chastelet. A transition to the Parliament.

THE Isle of Paris, commonly called L'Isle du Palais, seated between the University and the Town: is that part of the whole, which is called La Cite, the City, the [...]pitome and abstract of all France. It is the swee­test and best ordered part of all Paris; and certainly if Paris may be thought to be the eye of the Realm; this Island may be equally judged to be the apple of that eye. It is by much the lesser part, and by as much the richer, by as much the dec [...]nter: and afsordeth more variety of objects, then both the other. It containeth an equall number of Parish Churches, with the Town, and double the number of the University. For it hath in it 13 Churches parochial, viz. la Magdalene. 2 St. Geniveue des ardents. 3 St. Christopher. 4 St. Pierre aux Boeufs. 5 St. Marine. 6 St. Lander. 7 St. Sym­phorian. 8 St. Denis de la chari [...]e. 9 St. [...]. 10 St. [...] [Page 91] d [...]s Asfis. 11 St. Croix. 12 St. Marciall. 13 St. German de vreux. S [...]ed it is in the middle of the Seine, and in that place wh [...]re stood the old Lutetia: Labienus cum quatuor le­gionibus (saith Jul. Caesar 70 Comment.) Lutetiam proficiscitur: id est opidum Parisiorum positum in medio fluminis Sequanae. It is joyned to the main land, and the other parts of this French Metropolis, by six Bridges, two of wood, and four of stone: the stone Bridges, are 1 Le petit pont, a Bridge which cer­tainly deserveth that name. 2 Le pont de Nostre dame, which is all covered with two goodly ranks of houses: and those adorned with portly and antick imagery. 3 Le pont St. Mi­chell, so called, because it leadeth towards the Gate of St. Mi­chell; hath also on each side a beautifull row of houses: all of the same fashion, so [...]xactly, that but by their severall doors, you would scarce think them to be several houses. they are all new, as being built in the reign of this present King, whose armes is engraven over every door of them.

The fourth and largest Bridge, is that which standeth at the end of the Isle next the Louure; and covere [...]h the waters now united again into one stream. It was begun to be built by Katharine of Medices, the Queen-Mother, anno 1578. her Son King Henry the 3. laying the first stone of it. The fini­shing of it was reserved unto Henry 4. who as soon as he had setled his affairs in this Town, presently set the workmen about it. In the end of it where it joyneth to the Town, there is a water-house which by artificiall engines forceth up waters from a fresh spring, rising from under the river: done at the charge of this King also. In the midst of it is the Statua of the said Henry 4. all in brasse, mounted on his barbed Steed, of the same mettle. They are both of them very unproportionable unto those which they represent: and would shew them big enough, were they placed on the top of Nostre dame Church. What minded King Lewis to make his father of so gigantive a stature, I cannot tell. Alex­ander at his return from his Indian expedition, scattered Ar­mours, Swords, and Horsebits, far bigger then were service­able: to make future ages admire his greatnesse. Yet some have hence collected, that the acts he performed are not so [Page 92] great as they are reported: because he strived to make them seem greater then they were. It may also chance to happen, that men in the times to come, comparing the at­chievements of this King, with his brazen portraiture: may think that the histo [...]ians have as much belied his valour as the statuary hath his person.

A ponte ad pontifices. From the Bridge proceed we to the Church, the principal Church of Paris▪ being that Nostre dame. A Church very uncertain of its fi [...]st founder, though [...]ome report him to be St. Savinian: of whom I can meet with no more then his name. But who ever laid the first foundation, it much matters not: all the glory of the work being now cast on Philip Augustus; who pitying the ruines of it, began to build it anno 1196. It is a very fair and awfull building, adorned with a very beautiful front, and two towers of especiall height. It is in length 174 paces, and 60 in bredth: and is said to be as many paces high: and that the two towers are 70 yards higher then the rest of the Church. At your first entrance on the right hand, is the effigies of St. Christopher, with our Saviour on his shoulders. A man, the Legend maketh him as well as the Mason, of a gyant like stature; though of the two, the Mason's workman­ship is the more admirable: his being all cut out of one main stone; that of the Legendary being patched up of ma­ny fabulous and ridiculous shreds: it hath in it four ranks of pillars 30 in rank; and 45 little Chappels, or Masse­closets, built between the outermost range of pillars, and the wals. This is the seat of the Archbishop of Paris, sor such now he is. It was a Bishoprick only till the year 1622. When Pope Gregory the 15. at the request of King Lewis, raised it to a Metropolitanship. But by this addition of honour, I think the present Incumbent hath got nothing, ei­ther in precedency or profit. He had before a necessary voice in the Court of Parliament, and took place immedi­ately next after the Presidents, he doth no more now. Be­fore he had the priority of all the Bishops, and now he is but the last of all the Archbishops: a preferment rather in­tellectuall then reall: and perhaps his successors may ac­count it a punishment; for besides that the dignity is too [Page 93] un weildy for the revenue, which is but 6000 Livres or 600 l. English yearly: like enough it is, that some may come into that Sea of Caesar's minde, who being in a small village of the Alps, thus delivered his ambition to his followers, Mal­lem esse hic primus, quam Romae secundus. The present posses­sor of this Chair, is Francis de Gondi, by birth a Florentine: one, whom I have heard much famed for a Statesman, but little for a Scholar. But had he nothing in him, this alone were sufficient to make him famous to posterity, that he was the fi [...]st Archbishop, and the last Bishop of the City of Paris. There is moreover in this Church a Dean, 7 Digni­ties, and 50 Canons. The Deans place is valued at 4000 Livres, the D [...]gnities at 3000, and the Canons at 2000; no great intrados: and yet unproportionable to the Archbi­sh [...]ick.

At Dieppe (as I have said) I observed the first Idolatry of the Papists: here I noted their first su [...]erstitions; which were the needlesse use of Holy-water, and the burning of Lamps before the Altar. The first is said to have been the inven­tion of Pope Alexander the 7. Bishop of Rome in their ac­count after Peter. I dare not give so much credit un [...]o Pla­tina, as to believe it of this antiquity; much less unto Bel­larmine, who deriveth it from the Apostles themselves. In this paradox, he hath enemies enough at home, his own Doctors being all for Alexander, yet they also are not in the right. The principall foundattion of their opinion, is an Epistle decretory of this Alexander: which in it self carr [...] ­eth its own [...]. The citations of Scripture, on which [...]his Superstition is thought to be grounded, are all taken out of the vulgar Latine translation attributed to St. Hierome, whereas neither was there in the time of Alex­ander any publick Translation of the Bible into Latine: neither was St. Jerome born within 300 years after him. Holy-water then is not of such a standing in the Church, as the Papists would perswade us: and as yet I have not met with any, that can justly inform me at what time the Church received it; many corruptions they have among them where­of neither they nor we can tell the beginnings.

It consisteth of two ingredients, salt and water: each of [Page 94] them severally consecrated or rather exorcised; for so the words go: Exorcizo te creatura salis. And afterwards, Exor­cizo te creatura aquae &c. This done, the salt is sprinkled in­to the water in form of a crosse, the Priest in the mean time saying, Commixtio salis & aquae pariter fiat, in nomine patris, &c. Being made, it is put into a cistern standing at the en­trance of their Church: the people at their coming in, sometimes dipping their fingers into it, and making with it the sign of the crosse on their foreheads: and sometimes be­ing sprinkled with it by one of the Priests, who in course bestow that blessing upon them. Pope Alexander who is said to be the father of it, gave it the gift of purifying and san­ctifying all which it washed: Ut cuncti illa aspersi purificentur, & sanctificentur, saith his Decretall. The Roman Rituall pub­lished and confirmed by Paulus 5. maketh it very soveraign, ad abigendos daemones, & spiritus immundos. Bellarmine main­taineth it a principall remedy, ad remissionem peccatorum venia­lium, and saith; that this was the perpetuall doctrine of the Church. Augustin Steuchus in his Commentaries on Num­bers, leaveth out venialia, and pronounceth it to be necessary, ut ad ejus aspersum delicta nostra deleantur, so omnipotent is this Holy-water, that the bloud of our Saviour Christ may be in a manner judged unnecessary; but it is not only used in the Churches, the Rituale Romanum, of which I spake but now, alloweth any of the faithfull to carry it away with them in their vessels, ad aspergendos aegros, domos, agros, vineas & alia: & ad habendam eam in cubiculis suis. To which pur­poses you cannot but think this water to be exceeding ser­viceable.

The second superstition which this Church shewed me was the continuall burning of a Lamp before the Altar, a ceremony brought into the Churches (as it is likely) by Pope Innocent 3. anno 1215. at what time he ordained that there should a pix be bought to cover the bread, and that it should be therein reserved over the Altar. This honour one of late times hath communicated also unto the virgin Mary: whose image in this Church, hath a lanthorn ex dia­metro before it: and in that a candle perpetually burning. The name of the Donour, I could not learn, only I met on [Page 95] the skreen close by the Ladies image this inscription, Une ave Maria, et un' pater noster, pour l' in qui [...] donne: which was intended on him that bestowed the Lanthorn. No question but Pope Inn [...]cent, when he ordered this Vestall [...] to be kept amongst the Christians, thought he had done God good ser­vice in reviving his old Comm [...]dement given to Moses in Exod. 27. 20, 21 if so, the world cannot clear him of Judaism; therefore the best way were to say he learned it of the Gentiles: For we read that the Athenians had [...] inextincti luminis, before the Statua of their Pallas: that the Persians also had Ignem pervigilem in their Temples: and so also had the Medi­ans and Assyrians. To omit the everlasting fire of V [...]ta, and come neer home▪ we meet with it also here in Br [...]tain; In Britannia quoque (saith a good Philosopher) Minervae numen eolitur, in [...] temploperpetui ignes, &c. Afterwards the [...] of the Court applying divine honours unto their Kings, this custome of having fire continually burning before them, began to grow in fashion among the Romans. Herodian a­mongst other the ensignes of imperiall majesty, is sure not to omit this, and therefore telleth us, that notwithstanding Commodus was fallen out with his sister Lucilla, he permitteth her her antient seat in the Theatre, [...], and that fire should still be carryed before her. The present Romans succeed the [...]ormer, as in their possessions, so in their follies. For calling the Sacrament their Lord God, and the Virgin their Lady, they thought they should rob them of half their honour, sh [...]uld they not have their Lamps and fires also burning before them.

As are their lamps, so is their holy-water, meerly Heath [...]sh: Siquidem in omnibus sacris (as we read in the [...]ourth Book Genialium dierum) sac [...]rdos cum diis imm [...]lat, & rem di­vinam facit, corporis ablutione purgatur. The author giveth a reason for it, and I would have no Papist, no not [...] himself to give a better; Aquae enim aspersione labem tolli, & [...] praestari [...]. [...] did the Priest on­ly use it [...], but he sprinkled also the people with it;

Spargere rore levi, & ramo foeli [...]is olivae,
Lustravitque viros:—As Virgil in the Aeneid's.

In which place two things are to be noted: First, Ramus olivae, now called [...], or the sprinkling rod, where­with the water is sprinkled on the by-standers. And second­ly, the term lustrare, meerly the name of Aqua lustralis, by which they call it. That the laicks also of the Gentiles, were clen­sed of sin by this water, is evident by that of Homer, where he maketh Orestes having killed his mother, and thereupon grown mad, at once restored to his wits and quiet thoughts, by washing in the water. Perhaps Pilate might allude to this custome, when having condemned our Saviour, he washed his hands in the middest of the Congregation. Here­unto also Ovid:

O faciles nimium, qui tristia crimina caedis
Fluminea tolli posse putatis aqua.
Too facile souls, which think such hainous matters
Can be aboliz'd by the river waters.

Indeed, in the word [...], the Poet was somewhat ou [...], the waters only of the Sea serving for the expiation of any crime; the reason was, Cum propter vim igneam magnopere purga­ [...]bus [...] putaretur; and for this cause [...], do the Popish Priests use salt in the cons [...]cration of their holy-water; that it might as nigh as was possible, resem­ble the waters of the Sea in saltnesse. So willing are they in all circumstances to act the Heathens.

But I have kept you too long within the Church, it is now time to go up to the top, and survey the outworks of it. It hath, as we have already said, at the front two Towers of ad­mirable beauty they are both of an equal height, and are each of them 377 steps in the ascent. From hence we could clearly see the whole [...] of Paris, and each severall street of it▪ such as we have already described, of an orbicular form and [Page 97] neatly compacted. From hence could we see the whole valley round about it, such as I have also delineated already, though not in such lively colours as it meriteth.

In one of these Towers there is a ring of Bels, in the other two only, but these for worth are equall to all the rest; the bigger of the two is said to be greater then the B [...]ll of Roven so much talked of; as being 8 yards and a span in compasse, and two yards and a half in depth; the bowl also of the clapper being one yard and a quarter round: of a great weight it needs must be, and therefore ‘Multorum manibus grande levatur onus,’ there are no lesse then four main ropes, besides their severall tale-ropes, to ring it. By reason of this trouble it is never rung, but in time of thunders, and those no mean ones nei­ther, lesser bels will serve to disperse the lesser tempests; this is used only in the horrider claps, and such as threaten a dissolution of nature. But how well, as well this as the smaller bels discharge that office, experience would tell us were we void of reason; yet so much do the people affiance themselves to this conceit of the power of them, that they suppose it inherent to them continually, after the Bishop hath baptized them; which is done in this manner. The bell being so hanged that it may be washed within and without, in comes the Bishop in his Episcopall robes, attended by one of his Deacons, and sitting by the Bell in his chaire saith with a loud voice the 50, 53, 56, 66, 69, 85, and 12 Psalmes, or some of them: then doth he exorcize severally the salt and the water, and having conjured these ingredi­ents into an Holy-water, he washeth with it the Bell, both on the inside and the outside, wiping it dry with a linnen cloth, he readeth the 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, and 150 Psalms; he draweth a crosse on it with his right thumb dipped in hallowed oyl, (Chrisme they call it) and then prayeth over it. His prayer finished, he wipeth out that crosse, and having said over the 48 Psalm, he draweth on it with the same oyl, seven other crosses, saying, Sanctificetur & [Page 98] consecretur Domine campana ista, in nomine, &c. After another prayer, the Bishop taketh the Censour, and putting in­to it Myrrhe and Frankincense, setteth it on fire, and putteth it under the Bell that it may receive all the fume of it. This done, the 76 Psalm read and some other prayers repeated, the Bell hath received his whole and entire B [...]ptisme, and these virtues following, viz. Ut per illius tactum procul pellantur omnes insidiae inimici, fragor grandium, pro [...]lla turbinum, impetus tempestatum, &c. For so one of the prayers reckoneth them prescribed in the Roman Pontificall, authorized by Clement VIII. A strange piece of Religion that a Bell should be Baptized; and so much the stranger, in that these inanimate bodies can be recei­ved into the Church, by no other ministry then that of the Bishop; the true Sacrament being permitted to every hedge Priest.

Not farre from the West gate of this Church of Nostre dame, is the Hostel dieu, or Le grand Hospital de Paris; first founded by St. Lewis, anno 1258. it hath been since beautifyed and enlarged, anno 1535. by Mr. Anthony Pratt Chancellour of France, who augmented the number of Hospitalers; and gave fair revenues for the maintaining of Chirurgeons, Apothecaries, and Religious men among them. Since that time, the Provosts and Eschevins of Paris have been especiall Benefactors unto it. At the first en­trance into it, you come into their Chappell, small, but handsome and well furnished; after, you passe into a long gallery, having four ranks of beds, two close to the two wals, and two in the middle. The beds are all sutable one to the other; their Valence, Curtains and Rugs being all yellow. At the right hand of it, was a gallery more then double the length of this first, so also fur­nished. At the further end of this a door opened into another Chamber, dedicated only to sick women: and within them another room, wherein women with childe are lightned of their burden, and their children kept till seven years of age, at the charge of the Hospitall. At the middle of the first gallery towards the left hand, [Page 99] were four other ranks of beds, little differing from the rest, but that their furniture was blew; and in them there was no place for any but such as were somewhat woun­ded, and belonged properly to the Chirurgeon. There are numbred in the whole Hospitall no fewer then 700 beds (besides those of the attendants, Priests, Apothe­c [...]ries, &c) and in every bed two persons. O [...]e would imagine that in such a variety of wounds and diseases, a walke into it, and a view of it, might [...]avour more of curiosity, then discretion, but indeed it is nothing lesse; for besides that no person of an infectious dis­ease is admitted into it: which maketh much for the safety of such as view it; all things are there kept so cleanly, neatly and orderly, that it is sweeter walk­ing there then in the best street of Paris, none ex­cepted.

Next unto these succeedeth La Sancte Chappelle, situate in the middle of the Palais; a Chappell famous for its forme, but more for its Reliques. It was founded by Lewis IX. vulgarly called St. Lewis, 1248. and is divi­ded into two parts, the upper and the lower, the lower serving for the keeping of the Reliques; and the upper for celebrating the Masse. It is a comely spruce Edifice without, but far more curious within; the glasse of it for the excellency of painting, and the Organs for the richnesse and elaborate workmanship of the case, not giving way to any in Europe. I could not learn the number o [...] Chanoins, which are maintained in it, though I heard they were places of 300 Crowns revenue. As for their Treasurer, Le Threasururier, so they call their Gover­nour; He hath granted him by especall priviledge li­cence to wear all the Episcopall habits, except the Crosier-staffe; and to bear himselfe as a Bishop within the liberties of his Chappell. In the top of the up­per Chappell (it is built almost in forme of a Synagogue) there hangeth the true proportion (as they say) of the Crown of thornes: but of this more when we have gone over the Reliques. I was there divers times to [Page 100] have seen them, but (it seemeth) they were not vi­ble to an Hug [...]ots eyes; though me thinketh, they might have considered, that my money was Catho­lique. They are kept, as I said, in the lower Chap­pell, and are thus [...] in a Table, hanging in the upper; know then that you may believe that they can shew you the crown of thornes, the bloud which ran from our Saviours brest, his swadling cloutes, a great part of the Crosse (they also of Nostre dame have some of it) the chaine by which the Jewes bound him, no small peece of the stone of the Sepulchre, Sanctam toelam tabulae insertam, which I know not how to English. Some of the Virgins milke, (for I would not have those of St. Denis think, that the Virgin gave no other milk, but to them) the head of the Lance which pierced our Saviour, the purple Robe, the Sponge, a piece of his Shroud, the napkin wherewith he was gir [...]ed when he washed his Disciples feet, the rod of Mos [...]s, the heads of St. Blase, St. Clement, and St. Simeon, and part of the head of John Baptist. Immediately under this recitall of these Reliques (and venerable ones I durst say they were, could I be p [...]rswaded there were no imposture in them) there are set down a Prayer and an Anthem, both in the same Table; as followeth.


Quaesumus Omnipotens Deus, ut qui sacra sanctissimae redemptionis nostrae insignia, tem­poraliter veneramur: per haec indesinenter mu­niti, aeternitatis gloriam consequamur, per dominum nostrum, &c.

De sacrosanctis reliquiis
Christo plebs dedita, Tot Christi donis praedita
Jocunderis hodie, Tota sis devota,
Erumpens in jubilum, Depone mentis nubilum;
Tempus est laetitiae, Cura sit summota,
Ecce crux et Lancea, ferrum, corona spin [...],
Arma regis gloriae, Tibi offerantur,
Omnes terrae populi, laudent actorem seculi,
Per quem tantis gratiae signis gloriantur. Amen.

Pretty Divinity, if one had time to examine it. These Reliques as the Table [...] us, were given unto St. Lewis, [...]. 1247. by Baldwin the II. the last King of the Latines in Constantinople; to which place the Christians of [...] had brought them, during the times that those parts were harryed by the Turks and Sara [...]ns. Certainly, were they the same, which they are given out to be, I see no harme in it, if we should honour them. The very reverence due unto antiquity and a silver head, could not but ex [...]ract some acknowledgment of respect, even from an Heathen. It was therefore commendably done by Pope Leo, having received a parcell of the Crosse from the [...] of Jerusalem, that he entertained it with [...], Particulam dominicae crucis (saith he in his 72. Epistle) cum Eulogiis [...] tuae venera tur accepi. To adore and worship that or any other Relick whatsoever, [Page 102] with Prayers and Anthems, as the Papists you see do; never came within the minds of the Antients, and there­fore St. Ambrose calleth it, Gent [...]s error, & [...] impio­ [...]um. This also was S [...]. [...] Religion, as himself testifieth in his Epist [...] to Riparius, Nos (saith he) non di [...] Martyrum reliquias, sed ne Solem quidem & Lunam, non Angelos, &c. c [...]limus & odoramus. Thus were those two fathers mind [...]d towards such Reliques, as were known to be no others then what they seemed: Before too many centuries of years had consumed the true ones; and the impostures of the Priests had brought in false, had they lived in our times, and seen the supposed remnants of the Saints, not honoured only, but adored and worshipped by their blind and infatuated people; what would they have said? or rather, what would they not have said? Questionlesse the least they could do, were to take up the complaint of Vigilantins (the Papists reck on him for an Here­tick) saying, Quid necesse est t [...]nto honore non solum honorare, sed etiam adorare, illud nes [...]io quid, quod in vasculo transferendo co [...]s?

P [...]esently without the Chappell is the B [...]se, La Gallerie des Merchands; a rank of shops, in shew, but not in sub­stance, like to those in the Exchange in London It reacheth from the Chappell unto the great hall of Parliament; and is the common through-fare between them. On the bot­tome of the staires and round about the severall houses, consecrated to the execution of Justice, are sundry shops of the same nature, meanly furnished if compared with ou [...]s; yet I perswade my self the richest of this kind in Paris. I should now go and take a view of the Parliament house; but I will step a little out of the way to see the Place [...] in, and the little Chastelet; this last serveth now only as the Gaole or Common-prison belonging to the Court of the Provost of Merchants, and it deserveth no other imployment. It is seated at the end of the Bridge called Petit Pont, and was built by Hugh Aubriot once Provost of this Town, to represse the fury and insolencies of the Scholars, whose [...]udenesse and misdemeanors can no wayes be better [Page 103] bridled. Omnes eos, qui nomen ipsum Academiae, vel serio, vel joco nominossent, haereticos pronunciavit, saith Platina of Pope Paul the [...]. I dare say it of this wildernesse, that who­soever will account it as an Academy, is an Heretick to Learning and Civility. The Place Daulphin, is a beauti­full heap of building, situate nigh unto the new Bridge. It was built at the encouragement of Henry IV. and en­tituled according to the title of his Son. The houses are all of brick, high built, uniforme, and indeed such as deserve and would exact a longer description, were not the Parliament now ready to sit, and my self sommoned to make my appearance.


The Parliament of France when begun; of whom it consisted. The dignity and esteem of it abroad, made sedentarie at Paris, appropriated to the long robe. The Palais by whom built, and converted to seats of Justice. The seven Chambers of Parliament. The great Chamber. The number and dignity of the Presidents. The Duke of Biron afraid of them. The Kings seat in it. The sitting of the Grand Signeur in the Divano. The authority of this Court in causes of all kinds; and over the affaires of the King. This Court the main pillar of the Liberty of France. La Tournelle, and the Judges of it. The five Chambers of Enquestes severally instituted, and by whom. In what cause it is decisive. The forme of admitting Advocates into the Courts of Parlia­ment. The Chancellour of France and his Autho­rity. The two Courts of Requests, and Masters of them. The vain envy of the English Clergy against the Lawyers.

THe Court of Parliament was at the first instituted by Charles Martell Grandfather to Charlemaine, at such time as he was Maire of the Palace, unto the la [...]e and rechlesse Kings of France. In the beginnings of the French Empire, their Kings did justice to their people in person: afterwards banishing themselves from all the affaires of State, that burden was cast upon the shoulders of their Maiors; an office much of a nature with the Praefecti praetorio in the Roman Empire. When this office was bestowed upon the said [Page 105] Charles Martell, he partly weary of the trouble, partly in­tent about▪ a businesse of an higher nature, which was, the [...] the Crown in his own posterity; but princi­p [...]lly to endeer himself to the common people, ordained this Court of Parliament, anno 720. It consisted in the be­ginning of 12 Peers, the Prelates and noble men of the best fashion, together with some of the principallest of the Kings houshold. Other Courts have been called the Parliaments with an [...]ddition of place, as of Paris, at Roven, &c. this only [...], the Parliament. It handled as well causes of estate, as those of private persons. For hither did the Ambassa­dors of neighbour Princes repaire, to have their audience and dispatch; and hither were the Articles agreed on, in the nationall Synods of France sent to be confirmed and ve­rified; here did the subjects tender in their homages, and Oaths of fidelity to the King; and here were the appeals heard of all such as had complained against the Comites, at that time the Governours and Judges in their severall Counties. Being furnished thus with the prime and choycest Nobles of the Land, it grew into great estimation abroad in the world; insomuch that the Kings of Sicilie, Cyprus, Scotland, Bo [...]emia, Portugall, and Navarre, have thought it no dispa­ragement unto them to sit in it; and which is more, when Frederick II. had spent so much time in quarrels with Pope Innocent IV. he submitted himself and the rightnesse of his cause to be examined by this Noble Court of Parliament. At the first institution of this Court, it had no setled place of residence, being sometimes kept at Tholoza, sometimes at [...] la Chappelle, sometimes in other places, according as the Kings pleasure, and ease of the people did require. During its time of peregrination, it was called Ambulatoire, follow­ing for the most part the Kings Court, as the lower sphaeres do the motion of the primum mobile; but Philip le bel (he be­gan his reign anno 1286) being to take a journey into Flan­ders, and to stay there a long space of time, for the setling of his affaires in that Countrey, took order that this Court of Parliament should stay behind at Paris; where ever since it hath continued.

[Page 106]Now began it to be called Sedentaire or setled, and also peua peu, by little and little to lose much of its lustre. For the chie [...] Princes and Nobles of the Kings retinue, not able to live out of the aire of the Court, withdrew them­selves from the troubles of it; by which means at last it came to be appropriated to them of the Long robe, as they term them, bo [...]h Bishops and Lawyers. In the year 1463. the Prelates also were removed by the command of Lewis XI. an utter enemy to the great ones of his Kingdome, only the Bishop of Paris, and Abbot of St. Denis, being permitted their place in it: since which time the Professors of the civill law have had all the sway in it, Et cedunt arma togae, as Tully.

The place in which this Sedentarie Court of Parliament is now kept, is called the Palace, being built by Philip le [...]el, and intended to be his mansion or dwelling house. He began it in the first year of his reign, anno 1286. and after­wards assigned a part of it to his Judges of the Parliament: [...] being not totally and absolutely quitted unto them till the dayes of King Lewis XII. In this the French Subjects are beholding to the English; by whose good example they got the ease of a Sedentarie Court: our Law courts also removing with the King, till the year 1224 when by a Statute in the Magna Charta it was appointed to be fixt; and a part of the Kings Palace in Westminster allotted for that purpose.

Within the verge of this Palais are contained the seven Ch [...]mbers of the Parliament; that called La grande Chambre; [...]ve Chambers of Inquisition, Des Enquestes; and one other called La Tournelle. There are moreover the Chambers, des [...]es, des accomptes, de l' edict, des monnoyes, and one called La Chambre Royall; of all which we shall have occasion to [...]eak in their proper places: these not concerning the [...]mon government of the people, but only of the Kings revenues. Of these seven Chambers of Parliament, La grande Chambre is most famous; and at the building of this house by Philip le bel, was intended for the Kings bed. It is no such beautifull piece as the French make it, that of Roven being far beyond it; although indeed it much excell the [Page 107] fairest room of Justice in all Westminster; so that it standeth in a middle rank between them, and almost in the same pro­portions as Virgil betwixt Homer and Ovid.

Quantum Virgilius magno concessit Homero;
Tantum ego Virgilio Naso poeta meo.

It consisteth of seven Presidents, 22 Counsellours, the Kings Atturney; and as many Adv [...]cates and Proctours as the Court will please to give admission to. The Advocates have no setled studies within the Palais, but at the Barre; but the Procureurs or Attorneys have their severall pews in the great Hall, which is without this Grande Chambre, in such manner as I have before described at Roven: a large building it is, fair and high roofed: not long since ruined by a casualty of fire, and not yet fully finished. The names of the Presi­dents are Mr. Verdun, the first President, or by way of ex­cellencie, Le President, the second man of the Long robe in France. 2. Mr. Sequer, lately dead, and likely to have his son succeed him, as well in his Office, as in his [...]ands. 3. Mr. Leiger. 4. Mr. Dosambe. 5. Mr. Sevin. 6. Mr. Baillure. And 7 Mr. Meisme. None of these, neither Presidents nor Counsellors, can go out of Paris, when the Lawes are open, without leave of the Court: it was ordained so by Lewis XII. anno 1499. and that with good judgement; Sentences being given with greater awe, and businesses managed with greater majesty when the Bench is full: and it seemeth indeed that they carry with them great terror; for the Duke of Biron, a [...]an of as uncontrouled spirit, as any in France, being cal­led to answer for himself in this Court, protested, that those scarlet roabs did more amaze him, then all the red cassocks of Spain.

At the left hand of this Grande Chambre, or Golden Cham­bre as they call it; is a Throne or seat Royall, reserved for the King, when he shall please to come and see the admini­stration of Justice amongst his people; at common times it is naked and plain, but when the King is expected, it is clothed with blew-purple Velvet, semied with flowers de lys; on each side of it are two formes or benches, where the Peers [Page 108] of both habits, both Ecclesiasticall and Secular, use to fit and accompany the King. But this is little to the ease or bene­fit of the Subject, and as little availeable to try the integrity of the Judges; his presence being alwayes foreknown, and so accordingly they prepared. Far better then is it, in the Grande Signeur, where the Divano, or Councell of the Turkish affairs holden by the Bassas, is hard by his bed-chamber which looketh into it: the window which giveth him this entervenue is perpetually hidden with a curtain on the side of the partition, which is towards the Divano; so that the Bassas and other Judges cannot at any time assure themselves that the Emperor is not listning to their sentences: an action in which nothing is Turkish or Mahometan.

The authority of this Court extendeth it self unto all causes within the jurisdiction of it, not being meerly ec­clesiasticall. It is a law unto it self, following no rule written in their sentences, but judging according to equity and conscience. In matters criminall of greater consequence, the processe is here immediately examined, without any pre­paration of it by the inferior Courts; as at the arraignment of the Duke of Biron: and divers times also in matters perso­nall. But their power is most eminent in disposing the affaires of State, and of the Kingdome. For such preroga­tives have the French Kings given hereunto, that they can neither denounce War, nor conclude Peace, without the con­sent (a formall one at the least) of this Chamber. An alie­nation of the Lands of the Crown, is not any whit valid, unlesse confirmed by this Court: neither are his Edicts in force, till they are here verified: nor his Letters Patents for the creating of a Peer, till they are here allowed of. Most of these, I confesse, are little more then matters of form, the Kings power and pleasure being become boundlesse; yet sufficient to shew the body of authority which they once had, and the shadow of it, which they still keep; yet of late they have got into their disposing one priviledge belong­ing formerly to the Conventus ordinum, or the Assembly of three Estates, which is the conferring of the regency or pro­tection of their King during his minority. That the Assem­bly of the three Estates formerly had this priviledge is evi­dent [Page 109] by their stories. Thus we finde them to have made Queen Blanche Regent of the R [...]alm, during the nonage of her son St. Lewis, 1227. That they declared Philip de Valois successor to the Crown, in case that the widow of Charles le b [...]l, was not delivered of a son, 1357. As also Philip of Burgogne, during the Lunacy of Charles VI. 1394. with divers other. On the other side we have a late [...]xample of the power of the Parliament of Paris in this very case. For the same day that Henry IV. was [...] by Ravilliae, the Parlia­ment met, and after a short consultation, declared Mary de M [...]dices, Mother to the King, Regent in France, for the government of the State, during the minority of her son, with all power a [...]d authority. Such are the words of the In­strument, Dated the 14 of May 1 [...]10.

It cannot be said but that this C [...]urt deserveth not only this, but also any other indulgence, whereof any one [...] of the Common-wealth is c [...]pable. So watchfull are they over the health of the State, and so tenderly do they take the least danger threatned to the liberty of that Kingdom, that they may not unjustly be called, patres patriae. In the year 1614. they seized upon a discourse written by Suarez a Jesuite, Entituled, Adversus Anglicanae sectae errores: wherein the Popes temporall power over Kings and Princes is aver­red: which they sentenced to be burnt in the Palace­yard by the publick hangman. The year before they in­ [...]cted the same punishment upon a vain and blasphemous discourse penned by Gasper Scioppius, a fellow of a most desperate brain, and a very incendiary. Neither hath Bel­larmine himself, that great Atlas of the Roman Church, escaped much better: for writing a book concerning the t [...]mporall power of his Holinesse, it had the ill luck to come into Paris, where the Parliament finding it to thwart the liber­ty and royalty of the King and Countrey, gave it over to the Hangman, and he to the fire. Thus it is [...]vident that the titles which the French writers give it, as the true Temple of French Justice, the [...]uttresse of equity, and the gardian of the rights of France, and the like, are abundan [...]ly deserved [...] it.

[Page 110]The next Chamber in esteem is the Tournelle, which hand­leth all matters criminall. It is so called from tourner, which [...] to change or alter; because the Judges of the other severall chambers give sentence in this, according to their severall turns; the reason of which institution is said to be, lest a continuall custome of condemning, should make the Judges lesse mercifull, and more prodigall of bloud: an order full of health and providence. It was instituted by the above named Philip de bel, at the same time when he made the Parliament sedentarie at Paris; and besides its pecu­liar and originall imployments, it receiveth appeals from, and redresseth the errors of the Provost of Paris. The other five Chambers are called Des Enquestes, or Camerae in­qu [...]sitionum; the first and antientest of them was erected also by Philip le bel, and afterwards divided into two by Charles VII. Afterwards the multitude of Processes being greater then could be dispatched in these Courts, there was added a third. Francis the first established the fourth for the better raising of a sum of money which then he wanted; every one of the new Counsellors paying right deerly for his place. The fifth and last was sounded in the year 1568. In each of these severall Chambers there are two Presidents, and 20 Counsellors, besides Advocates and Proctours ad placitum. In the Tou [...]nelle, which is an aggregation of all the other Courts, there are supposed to be no sewer then 200 officers of all sorts; which is no great number considering the many causes there handled. In the Tournelle, the Judges sit on life and death; in the Chamber of Enq [...]s, they examine only civill [...] of estate, title, deb [...], or the like. The pleaders in these Courts are called Advo [...]ates, and must be at the least [...] in the study of the Law. At the Parliaments of [...] and [...], they admit of none but Doctors. Now the [...] of admitting them is this: In an open and fre­que [...]t Court, one of the aged'st of the Long roab presenteth the party, which desireth admission, to the Kings Attorney generall, saying with a loud voice, Paise a cour recevoir N. N. [...] (or Docteur) en droict civil, a la office a' Advocate; This said, the Kings Attorney biddeth him hold up his hand, and saith to him in Latine, Tu jurabis observare omnes regias con­suetudines; [Page 111] he answereth [...], and departeth. At the Chamber door of the Court, whereof he is now sworn an Advocate, he payeth two crowns; which is forth with put into the com­mon treasury appointed for the relief of the [...] wi­dows of ruined Advocates and [...]; [...] veniam pe [...]i­musque damusque, it may be their own cases, and therefore it is paid willingly. The highest preserment of which these Advo­cates are capable is that of Chanc [...]llor, an office of great power and profit: the present Chancellor is named Mr. d' [...], by birth of Chartres. He hath no settled Court wherein to ex­ercise his authority, but hath in all the Courts of France the Supream place whensoever he will vouchsa [...]e to visite them. He is also P [...]sident of the Councell of Estate by his place; and on him dependeth the making of good and sacr [...]d laws, the admin [...]stration of Justice, the reformation of [...], and abrogation of unprofitable Edicts, &c. He hath the keeping of the Kings great seal, and by virtue of that, either [...] or putteth back such Letters p [...]tents and [...] as are exhibi­ted to him. He hath under him, immediately for the better dispatch of his affaires, four Masters of the Requests and their Courts. Their office and manner of proceeding, is the same which they also use in England; in the persons there is thus much d [...]fference, for that in France, two of them must be p [...]r­petually of the Clergy. One of their Courts is very antient, and hath in it two Presidents, which are two of the M [...]sters; and 14 Counsellors. The other is of a later erection as being [...]ounded anno 1580 and in that, the two other of the [...] and eight Counsellors give sentence.

Thus have I taken a view of the severall Chambers of the Parliament of Paris, and of their particular jurisdictions, as far as my information could conduct me. One thing I not [...]d further, and in my mind the fairest ornament of the Palace, which is the neatnesse and decency of the Lawyers in their apparell; for besides the fashion of their habit, which is I assure you, exceeding pleasing and comely, themselves by thei [...] own care and love to handsomenesse, add great lustre to their ga [...]ments, and more to their persons. Richly drest they [...], and well may be so, as being the abl [...]st and most power [...]ull men under the Princes and la Noblesse, in all the Countrey; an [Page 112] happinesse, as I conjecture rather of the [...] then the men. [...] been the fate and destinie of the Law to strengthen and inable its professors beyond any other Art or Science: the pleaders in all Common-wealth [...], [...]h for sway amongst the people, and [...] amongst the military men, having alwayes had the preheminence. O [...] this rank were Pericles, [...], [...], and D [...]sthenes amongst the Athenians, Antonius, Cato, Caesar and Tully at Rome; men equally famous for Oratory and the Sword: yet this I can confidently say, that the severall states above mentioned, were more indebted to Tully and Demo­sibenes, b [...]ing both meer gown-men, then to the best of their Captains; the one freeing Athens from the armies of Macedon, th [...] other delivering Rome from the conspiracy of Catiline. ‘O fortunatam natam te Consule Romam!’ It is not then the fate of France only, nor of England, to see so much power in the hands of the Lawyers: and the case being generall, me thinks the envie should be the lesse: and lesse it is indeed with them then with us. The English Clergy, though otherwise the most accomplisht in the world, in this folly de­serveth no Apologie; being so strongly ill affected to the plea­ders of their Nation, that I fear it may be said of some of them, Quod invidiam non ad causam, sed per sonam & ad voluntatem dirigunt; a weaknesse not more unworthy of them, then prejudiciall to them. For by fostering between both gowns such an unne­cessary emulation, they do but exasperate that power which they cannot controul, and betray themselves to much envie and discontentednesse; a disease whose cure is more in my wishes then my hopes.


The Kings Palace of the Louure, by whom built. The unsutablenesse of it. The fine Gallery of the Queen Mother. The long Gallery of Henry IV. His magnanimous intent to have built it into a qua­drangle. Henry IV. a great builder. His infinite project upon the Mediterranean and the Ocean. La Salle des Antiques. The French not studi­ous of Antiquities. Burbon house. The Tuille­ries, &c.

WE have discharged the King of one Palace, and must follow him to the other, where we shall finde his residence. It is seated at the West side of the Town or Ville of Paris, hard by Portenufue, and also by the new bridge. A house of great fame, and which the Kings of France have long kept their Court in. It was first built by Philip Augustus, anno 1214. and by him in­tended for a Castle: it first serving to imprison the more potent of the Nobles; and to lay up the Kings treasury. For that cause it was well moated, strengthned with wals and drawbridges, very serviceable in those times. It had the name of Louure, quasi L'oeuure, or the work, the buil­ding, by way of excellency. An etymologie which draw­eth nigher to the ear, then the understanding, or the eye; and yet the French writers would make it a miracle. Du Chesne calleth it, Superbe bastiment, qui n'a son esgal en toute la Christientè; and you shall hear it called in an other place, Bestiment qui passe, aujourd hui en excellence et en gran­deur, tous les autres. Brave elogies, if all were gold that glistered. It hath now given up its charge of money and [Page 114] great prisoners to the Bas [...]ile, and at this time serveth only to imprison the Court. In my life, I never saw any thing more abused by a good report, or that more belyeth the rumors that go of it. The ordinary talk of vul­gar travellers, and the big words of the French, had made me expect at the least some prodigie of architecture; some such Maj [...]sticall house as the Sunne Don Phoebus is said to have dwelt in, in Ovid.

Regia S [...]lis erat sublimibus alta columnis,
Claramicante auro, flamasque imit [...]nte pyropo,
Cujus ebur nitidum, &c.

Ind [...]ed I thought no fiction in Poetry had been able to have paralleld it: and made no doubt but it would have put me into such a passion as to have cryed out with the young Gallant in the Comedy, when he had seen his sweet-heart, Hei mihi qualis erat? talis erat qualem nunquam [...]di; But I was much deceived in that hope, and could finde nothing in it to admire, much lesse to envie. The Fable of the Mountaine which was with childe, and brought forth a mouse; is questionlesse a fable: this house and the large [...]ame it hath in the world, is the morall of it. Never was there an house more unsutable to it self in the particular examination of parts, nor more unsu [...]able to the character and esteem of it in the generall Survey of the whole.

You enter into it over two draw bridges, and through three ga [...]es, ruinous enough, and abundantly unsightly. In the Q [...]adrangle you meet with three severall fashions of building, of three severall ages, and they so unhappi­ly joyned one to the other, that one would half believe they had been clapped together by an earthquake. The South and West parts of it are new, and indeed Princelike; being the work of Francis the first, and his son Henry. Had it been all cast into the same mould, I perswade my self that it would be very gracious and lovely. The other two are of an ancient work, and so contemptible, that they disgrace the rest; and of these I suppose the one [...] [Page 115] to be at the least 100 years older then his partner: such is it without. As for the inside, it is far more gracefull, and would be pleasing at the entrance, were the Guard­chamber reformed. Some Hugonot architect, which were not in love with the errours of Antiquity, might make a pretty room of it; a catholick Carpenter would never get credit by it: for whereas the provident thrift of our fore­fathers intended it (for the house would else be too narrow for the Kings retinue) both for a room of safety and of pleasure, both for bill-men and dancers; and for that cause made up some six ranks of seats on each side; that sparingnesse in the more curious eyes of this time, is little Kinglike: Countrey wenches might with indifferent stomach abuse a good Galliard in it, or it might perhaps serve with a [...]age at one end to entertain the Parisians at a play, or with a partition in the middle, it might be di­vided into two prety plausible Cockpits; but to be em­ployed in the nature it now is, either to solace the King and Lords in a dance, or to give any forain Ambassador his welcome in a Maske, is little sutable with the Majesty of a King of France. The Chambers of it are well built, but ill furnished; the hangings of them being somewhat below a meannesse; and yet of these there is no small scarcity. For as it is said of the Gymnosophists of India, that Una Do­mus & mansioni sufficit & sepulturae: so may we of this Prince, the same Chamber serveth for to lodge him, to feed him, and also to confer and discourse with his Nobility. But like enough it is that this want may proceed from the severall Courts of the King, the Monsieur, the Queen Mother and the Qeen Regnant, being all kept within it.

Proceed we now to the two Galleries, whereof the first is that of the Queen Mother, as being beautified and ador­ned exceedingly by Katharine de Medices, mother to Henry III. and Charles IX. It containeth the pictures of all the Kings of France, and the most loved of their Queens, since the time of St. Lewis. They stand each King opposite to his Queen, she being that of his wives which either brought him most estate, or his successors. The tables are all of a just length, very fair, and according to my little acquain­tance [Page 116] with the Painter, of a most excellent workmanship, and which addeth much grace to it, they are in a manner a perfect History of the State and Court of France in their severall times. For under each of the Kings pictures, they have drawn the portraitures of most of those Lords whom valor and courage in the field enobled beyond their births. Under each of the Queens the lively shapes of the most prin­cipall Ladies, whose beautie and virtue had honored the Court. A dainty invention, and happily expressed. At the further end of it standeth the last King and the present Queen Mother; who fill up the whole room. The succeeding Princes, if they mean to live in their pictures, must either build new places for them, or else make use of the long Gallery built by Henry IV. and which openeth into that of the Q [...]een Mother. A Gallery it is of an incredible length, as being above 500 yards long, and of a breadth and height not unporportionable; a room built rather for ostentation then use, and such as hath more in it of the majesty of its [...]ounder then the grace. It was said to have been erected purposely to joyn the Louure unto the House and Garden of the Tuilleries, an unlikely matter that such a stupendious building should be designed only for a cleanly conveyance into a Summer house: others are of an opinion that he had a res [...]lution to have made the house quadrangular, every side being correspondent to this which should have been the common Gallery to the rest. Which design had it taken effect, this Palace would at once have been the wonder of the world, and the envy of it. For my part, I dare be of this last minde, as well because the second side is in part begun, as also considering how in finitely this King was in­clined to building. The Place Daulphin, and the Place Royall, two of the finest piles in Paris, were erected partly by his purse, but principally by his encouragement. The new Bridge in Paris was meerly his work; so was also the new Palace, and most admirable waterworks of St. Germans en lay. This long Gallery and the new Pest house oweth it self wholly to him; and the house of Fountainebleau, which is the fairest in France, is beholding to him for most of its beauty; add to this his Fortifications bestowed on the Bastile; [Page 117] his walling of Arles; and his purpose to have strengthned Parts according to the modern art of Towns: and you will finde the attribute of Parietaria or wall flower, which Con­stantine scoffingly gave unto Trajan for his great humour of building, to be due unto this King; but seriously and with reverence.

Besides the generall love he had to building, he had also an ambition to go beyond example, which also induceth me fur­ther to believe his intent of making that large and admirable quadrangle above spoken of, to have been serious and reall. For to omit others, certain it is, that he had a project of great spirit and difficulty, which was to joyn the Mediterranean sea and the Ocean together; and to make the Navigation from the one to the other through France, and not to passe by the straight of Gibraltare. It came into Councell, anno 1604, and was resolved to be done by this means: The river Garond is Navigable from the Ocean almost to Tholoza; and the Mediterranean openeth it self into the Land by a little River, whose name I know not, as high as Narbonne. Betwixt these two places was there a Navigable channell to have been digged, and it proceeded so far towards, being actuated, that a workman had undertaken it, and the price was agreed upon. But there arising some discontents be­tween the Kings of France and Spain, about the building of the Fort Fluentes in the Countrey of the Grisons; the King not knowing what use he might have of Treasure in that quar­rell, commanded the work not to go forward. However he is to be commended in the attempt, which was indeed Kinglike, and worthy his spirit: praise him in his heroick purpose and designe.

Quem si non tenuit, magnis tamen excidit ausis.

But the principal beauty, if I may judge of this so much ad­mired Palace of the Louure, is a low plain room, paved under foot with bricks, and without any hangings or tapestrie on the sides; yet being the best set out and furnished to my con­tent of any in France. It is called, La Salle des Antiques, and hath in it five of the antientest and venerablest pieces of all [Page 118] the Kingdome. For this Nation generally is regardlesse of Antiquity, both in the monuments and studie of it, so that you shall hardly find any ancient inscription, or any famous ruine snatched from the hand of time, in the best of their Cities or Churches. In the Church only of Amiens could I meet with an ancient character, which also was but a Gothish Dutch letter, and expressed nothing but the name and virtue of a Bishop of the Church on whose tomb it was. So little also did I perceive them to be inclined to be Antiquaries, that both neglects considered, Si verbis audacia detu [...], I dare confidently aver, not only that the Earl of Arundels Gardens have more antiquities of this kind, then all France can boast of; but that one Cotton for the Treasury, and one Selden (now Mr. Camden is dead) for the study of the like antiquities; are worth all the French. As for these five pieces in La Salle des Antiques, they are I confesse worthy observation, and respect also, if they be such as our Trudgemen enforme us. At the far­ther end of it is the Statua of Diana, the same, as is said, which was worshipped in the renowned Temple of Ephesus; and of which Demetrius the Silversmith and his fellow artists, cryed out [...], Great is Diana of the Ephesians. Of a large and manly proportion she seemeth to be. Quantum & quale latus, quam invenile femur! As Ovid of his Mistresse.’ She is all naked save her feet, which are buskin'd; and that she hath a skarfe or linnen rowl, which coming over her left shoulder, and meeting about her middle, hung down with both ends of it a little lower. In the first place on the right hand as we descended towards the door, was the Statua of one of the Gods of Ethiopia, as black as any of his people, and one that had nothing about him to expresse his par­ticular being. Next to him the Effigies of Mercury, naked all except his feet, and with a pipe in his mouth, as when he inchanted Argus: Namque reperta fistula nuper erat, saith the Metamorphosis. Next unto him the portraiture of Venus quight, and most immodestly unapparelled; in her hand her [Page 119] little son Cupid, as well arraied as his mother, sitting on a Dolphin. Last of all Apollo also in the same naked truth, but that he had shooes on, he was portraied as lately retur­ned from a combate, perhaps that against the Serpent Python.

Qu [...]m Deus arcitenens & nunquam talibus armis
Ante nisi in damis capreisque fugacibus usus,
Mille gravem telis, (exhausia paene pharetra)
Perdidit effuso per vulnera nigra [...]. As Ovid.
The Archer god, who ere that pr [...]nt tide
Nere us'd those armes, but against the Roes and Deer:
With thousand [...], the earth made to be died
With Serpents bloud, his quiver emp [...]ied cleer.

That I was in the right conjecture, I had these reasons to perswade me, the quiver on the Gods right shoulder al­most emptied, his warlike belt hanging about his neck, his garments loosely tumbling upon his left armes, and the slain Monster being a water Serpent, as Python is fained to be by the Poets: all of these were on the same side of the wall, the other being altogether destitute of ornaments: and are confidently said to be the Statuas of those Gods, in the same formes as they were wo [...]shipped in, and taken from their severall Temples. They were bestowed on the King by his Holinesse of Rome, and I cannot blame him for it, it was worthy but little thanks, to give unto him the Idols of the Heathens, who for his Holinesse satisfacti­on had given himself to the Idols of the Romans. I believe that upon the same termes, the King of England might have all the Reliques and ruines of Antiquity which can be found in Rome.

Without this room, this Salle des Antiques and somewhat on the other side of the Louure, is the house of Burbon, an old decayed fabrick, in which nothing was observable, but the Omen, for being built by Lewis of Burbon, the [Page 120] third Duke of that branch, he caused this motto ESPERANCE to be engraven in Capitall Letters over the door, signifying his hope, that from his loi [...]s should proceed a King which should joyn both the Houses and the Families, and it is acccordingly hapned. For the Tuilleries I having nothing to say of them, but that they were built by Katharine de Medices in the year 1564. and that they took name from the many Lime-kils and Tile­pits there being, before the foundation of the House and the Garden, the word Tuilleries importing as much in the French language, I was not so happy as to see, and will not be indebted to any for the relation.

The End of the Second Book.




Our Journy towards Orleans, the Town, Castle, and Battail of Mont l'hierrie. Many things imputed to the English which they never did. Lewis the II. brought not the French Kings out of wardship. The town of Chartroy, and the mourning Church there. The Countrey of La Beause and people of it. Estampes. The dancing there. The new art of begging in the Innes of this Countrey. Angerville. Tury. The sawciness of the French Fid­lers. Three kindes of Musick amongst the Ancients. The French Musick.

HAving abundantly [...] our spirits in the [...]ink of Paris, on Tuesday being the 12 of July, we took our leave of it, and prepared our selves to enter­tain the sweet Air and Wine of Orleans. The day fair and [Page 122] not so much as disposed to a cloud, save that they began to gather together about noon, in the nature of a curtain to def [...]nd us from the injury of the Sun. The wind rather sufficient to fan the air, then to di [...]urb it, by qualifying the heat of the Celestial fire, brought the air to an excellent mediocrity of temper: you would have thought it a day meerly framed for the great Princesse Nature to take her pleasure in, and that the birds which cheerfully gave us their voices from the neighbouring bushes, had been the loud musick of her Court. In a word, it was a day solely consecrated to a pleasant journey, and he that did not put it to that use, mis-spent it: having therefore put our selves into our wagon, we took a short farewell of Pa­ris, exceeding joyfull that we yet lived to see the beauty of th [...] fi [...]lds again, and enjoy the happinesse of a free heaven. The Countrey such as that part of the Isle of France to­wards Norma [...]y; only that the corn grounds were larger, and more even. On the left hand of us we had a side-glance of the royall house of Boys St. Vincennes, and the Castle of Bise [...]re; and about some two miles beyond them we had a [...]ight also of a new house lately built by Mr. S [...]ery Chan­cellor of the Kingdome, a pretty house it promised to be, having two base Courts on the hither side of it, and beyond it a park; an ornament whereof many great mansions in France are altogether ignorant.

Four leagues from Paris, is the the Town of Mo [...]liherrie, now old and ruinous: and hath nothing in it to commend it, but the carkasse of a Castle: without it, it hath to brag of a large and spacious plain; on which was fought that me­morable battail between Lewis the 11. and Charles le hardie, Duke of Burgogne, a battail memorable only for the running away of each Army: the field being in a manner empti [...]d of all the forces, and yet neither of the Princes victorious. Hic spe celer, ille salute, some ran out of fear to die, and some out of hope to live: that it was hard to say, which of the Souldiers made most use of their heels in the combat. This notwithstanding, the King esteemed himself the co [...]querour, not that he overcame, but because not vanquisht. He was a Prince of no heart to make a warriour, and therefore re­sistance [Page 123] was to him almost hugged as victory. It was An­tonies case in his war against the Parthians: a Captain whose Launce King Lewis was not worthy to bear after him. Crassus before him had been taken by th [...]t people: but An­tonius made a retreat, though with losse, Ha [...] [...]a (que) fugam suam, quia vivus exierat, victoriam vocabat; as Paterculus, one that loved him not, saith of him. Yet was King Lewis so puffed up with this conceit of victory, that he ever after slighted his enemies: and at last ruined them, and their cause with them. The war which they undertook against him, they had entituled the war of the Weal publick: because the occasion of their taking armes was for the liberty o [...] their Countrey and people: both whom the King had be­yond measure oppressed. True it is, they had also their particular purposes; but this was the main, and failing in the expected event of it, all that they did, was to confirm the bondage of the Realm, by their own overthrow. These Princes once disbanded, and severally broken; none durst ever afterwards enter into the action; for which reason King Lewis used to say that he had brought the Kings of France, Hors pupillage, out of their ward-ship: a speech of more brag then truth. The people I confesse, he brought into such terms of slavery; that they no longer merited the name of subjects, but yet for all his great bo [...]st, the No­bles of France are to this day the Kings Guardians. I have already shewn you much of their potency. By that you may see that the French Kings have not yet sued their li­very, as our Lawyers call it. Had he also in some measure broken the powerableness of the Princes, he had then been perfectly his words-master; and till that be done, I shall still think his successors to be in their pupillage. That King is but half himself which hath the absolute command only of half his people.

The battail foughten by this Town, the common peo­ple impute to the English; and so do they also many others which they had no hand in. For hearing their Grandames talk of their wars with our nation, and of their many fields which we gained of them; they no sooner hear of a pitched field; but presently, (as the nature of men in a fright [Page 124] is) they attribute it to the English; good simple souls, Qui nos non solum laudibus nostris ornare velint, sed onerare alienis, as Tully in his Philippicks. An humour just like unto that of little children, who being once frighted with the tales of Robin Goodfellow, do never after hear any noise in the night, but they straight imagine, that it is he which maketh it; or like the women of the villages neer Oxford, who having heard the tragicall story of a duck or an hen killed, and car­ried to the University: no sooner misse one of their chickens, but instantly they cry out upon the Scholars. On the same false ground also, hearing that the English, whilest they had possessions in this Countrey, were great builders; they bestow on them without any more adoe, the foundation and perfecting of most of the Churches and Castles in the Countrey. Thus are our Ancestors said to have built the Churches of Roven, Amiens, Bayon, &c. as also the Castles of Bois, St. Vincennes, the Bastile; the two little forts on the river side by the Louure: that of St. Germans; and amongst many others, this of Mont l' Hierrie, where we now are; and all alike: as for this Castle, it was built during the reign of K. Robert, anno 1015. by one of his servants, named Thi­ [...]ld: long before the English had any possessions in this Con­tinent. It was razed by Lewis the Grosse, as being a har­bourer of rebels in former times; and by that means, as a strong bridle in the mouth of Paris: nothing now standing of it, save an high Tower, which is seen a great distance round about, and serveth for a land mark.

Two leagues from Mont l' Hierrie is the Town of Castres; seated in the sarthest angle of France, where it confineth to La Beause. A Town of an ordinary size, somewhat bigger then for a Market, and lesse then would beseem a City, a wall it hath, and a ditch; but neither serviceable further then to resist the enemy at one gate, whil [...]st the people run away by the other: nothing else remarkable in it, but the habit of the Church, which was mourning: for such is the fashion of France, that when any of the Nobles are buried, the Church which en [...]ombeth them is painted black within and with­out, for the breadth of a yard, or thereabouts; and their Coats of Armes drawn on it. To go to the charges of [Page 125] hanging it round with cloth is not for their profits: be­sides, this counterseit sorrow feareth [...]o theef; and dareth out-brave a tempest: he for whom the Church of Castres was thus apparelled, had been Lord of the Town: by name, as I remember, Mr. St. Benoist; his Armes were Argent, three Cressants, Or, a Mullet of the same; but whether this Mul­let were part of the Coat, or a mark only of difference, I could not learn. The like Funeral Churches, I saw also at Tostes in Normandie; and in a village of Picardie, whose name I minde not, Nec operae pretium. And now we are pas­sed the confines of France; a poor river, which for the nar­rowness of it, you would think to be a ditch; parting it from the Province of La Beause.

La Beause hath on the North, Normandie; on the East the Isle of France; on the South, Nivernois and Berry; and on the West the Countreys of Toureine and Lemaine. It lyeth in the 22 and 23 degree of Longitude; and 48 and 49 of Lati­tude: taking wholly up the breadth of the two former, and but parts only of each of the later; if you measure it with the best advantage for length, you will finde it to extend from la ferte Bernard in the North-west corner of it, to Gyan, in the South east; which according to the proportion of degrees, amounteth to 60 miles English, and somewhat bet­ter: for breadth, it is much after the same reckoning. The antient inhabitants of this Province, and the reason of the name I could not learn amongst the people: neither c [...]n I finde any certainty of it in my books with whom I have consulted. If I may be bold to go by conjecture, I should think this Countrey to have been the seat of the Bel­locassi, a people of Gaule Celtick mentioned by Caesar in his Commentaries. Certain it is, that in or neer this tract they were seated; and in likelihood in this Province: the names ancient and modern, being not much different in sense, though in sound; for the Francks called that (which in La­tine is Pulcher, or Bellus) by the name of Bel, in the Mascu­culine Gender, (Ben they pronounce it) and Beau i [...] it were Feminine; so that the name of Bello cassi, is but varied into that of Beause; besides, that Province which the Roman writers stile Bellovaci, the French now call Beauvais; where [Page 126] Bello is also turned into Beau. Add to this that the Latine writers do term this▪ Countrey Belsia; where the antient Bello is still preserv'd; and my conjecture may be pardoned, if not approved. As for those which have removed this people into Normandie; and found them in the City of Baieux: I appeal to any understanding man, whether their peremptory sentence, or my submisse opinion, be the more allowable.

—Haec si tibi vera videntur,
Dedemanus; tausi falsa est, [...] contra.

The same night, we came to Estampes, a Town situate in a very plentisul and fruitful soyl; and watred with a river of the same name, stored with the best crevices. It seemeth to have been a town of principall importance; there being five wals and gates in a length, one before another: so that it appeareth to be rather a continuation of many towns to­gether, then simply one. The streets are of a large breadth; the building for substance are stone; and for fashion as the rest of France. It containeth in it five Churches, whereof the principal, which is a Colledge of Chanoins, is that of Nostre dame; built by King Robert: who is said also to have foun­ded the Castle; which now can scarsely be visited in its [...]. Without the town, they have a fine green medow, daintily seated within the circlings of the water; into which they use to follow their recreations. At my being there, the sport was dancing; an exercise much used by the French, who do naturally affect it. And it seemeth this natural inclination, is so strong and deep rooted; that neither age nor the absence of a smiling fortune can prevail against it. For on this dancing green, there assembled not only youth and Gentry, but age also and beggery. Old wives which could not put foot to ground without a Crutch, in the streets; had here taught their feet to hoble; you would have thought by the cleanly conveyance of their bodies that they had been troubled with the Sciatica: and yet so eager in the sport, as if their dancing daies should never be done. Some there were so ragged, that a swift Galliard would almost [Page 127] have shaked them into nakedness: and they also most vio­lent to have their carkasses [...] in a measure. To have attempted the staying of them at home, or the perswading of them to work, when they had heard the Fiddle, had been a task too unwieldy for Hercules. In this mixture of age and condition, did we observe them at their pastime; the rags being so interwoven with the silks, and wrinkled browes so interchangeably mingled with fresh beauties: that you would have thought it, to have been a mummery of for­tune. As for those of both sexes, which were altogether past action; they had caused themselves to be carried thi­ther in their chairs, and trod the measure with their eyes. The Inne which we lay in was just like those of Normandy; or at the least so like as was fit for sisters; for such you must think them.

—Facies non omnibus una,
Nec diversa tamen, qualem decet esse sororum.

All the difference between them lay in the morning: and amongst the maid-servants. For here we were not troubled with such an importunate begging as in that other Coun­trey. These here had learned a more neat and compendious way of getting money; and petitioned not our ears, but our noses. By the rhetorick of a posie, they prevailed up­on the purse; and by giving each of us a bundle of dead flowers tacked together, seemed rather to buy our boun­ties, then to beg them. A sweeter and more generous kinde of Petitioning then the other of Normandie; and such as may seem to employ in it some happy contradiction. For what else is it, that a maid should proffer her self to be deflowred without prejudice to her modesty: and raise to her future husband an honest stock, by the usury of a kindness? [...] with these savours, we took our leave of Estampes, and the dancing miscellany: jogging on through many a beautifull field of corn, till we came unto Augerville which is six leagues distant. A Town of which I could not [...], nor hear of any thing memorable; but that it was taken by Montacute Earl of Salisbury; as he went this [Page 128] way to the siege of Orleans; and indeed, the taking of it was no great miracle, the wals [...] so thin, that an arrow would almost as soon make a breach in them as a Canon. The same fortune befell also unto Toury, a place not much be­yond it in strength or bigness: only that it had more con­fidence (as Savage an English Gentleman once said) in the wals ofbones, which were within it, then in the wals of stones which were without it.—This Town standeth in the middle way betwixt Estampes and Orleans: and there­fore a fit stage to act a dinner on; and to it we went. By that time we had cleared our selves of our pottage, there en­tred upon us three uncouth fellowes, with hats on their heads like covered dishes▪ As soon as ever I saw them, I cast one eye on my cloak, and the other on my sword: as not knowing what use I might have of my steel, to maintain my cloth. There was great talk at that time of Mr. Soubises be­ing in armes: and I much feared that these might be some straglers of his Army: and this I suspected by their coun­tenances, which were very theevish and full of insolences. But when I had made a survey of their apparel, I quickly altered that opinion; and accounted them as the excrement of the next prison: deceived alike in both my jealousies; for these pretty parcels of mans flesh, were neither better nor worse, but even arrant fidlers: and such which in England we should not hold worthy of the whipping-post. Our leave not asked, and no reverence on their parts performed, they abused our ears with an harsh lesson: and as if that had not been punishment enough unto us, they must needs add to it one of their songs. By that little French which I had gathered, and the simpring of a fille de joy of Paris who came along with us; I perceived it was bawdy; and to say the truth, more then could be patiently endured by any but a French man. But quid facerem, what should I do but endure the misery? for I had not language enough to call them Rogues handsomely; and the villains were inferiour to a beating: and indeed not worthy of mine or any honest mans anger.

Praeda canum lepus est, vastos non implet [...];
Nec gaudettenui sanguine tanta sitis.

They were a knot of rascals so [...] below the severity of a statute, that they would have discredited the stocks; and to have hang'd them, had been to hazard the reputati­on of the gallowes. In a year you would hardly finde [...] some vengeance for them, which they would not [...] in the suffering: unless it be not to hearken to their ribaldry, which is one of their greatest torments. To proceed, after their song ended, one of the company (the Master of them it should seem) draweth a dish out of his pocket, and lay­eth it before us: into which we were to cast our benevo­lence: custome hath allowed them a Sol for each man at the table: they expect no more, and they will take no lesse. No large sum, and yet Ile assure you richly worth the Mu­sick: which was meerly French, that is, [...] in the composure; and French also, that is [...] handled in the playing.

Among the Ancients I have met with three kindes of Mu­sick, viz. first that which the Greeks call ` [...], which consisteth altogether of long notes, or spondaeus. This was the gravest and saddest of the rest; called by Aristotle in the last chapter of his Politicks, [...], or morall; because it set­led the affections. Boetius whom we account the Classical author in this faculty, calleth it [...], [...] in much use with those of that Nation, at this day we may call it Italian, as being [...] a peculiar musick to that [...]. This is the musick which [...] [...] for, to invite unto him the spirit of [...], 1 King. 3. 15. and this is it which is yet sung in our Churches. A practice which we derive from the ancients, [...] some of late have opposed it: and which is much commended by S. [...]; this being the use of it; Ut per [...], [...] in pietatis affectum assurgat. The second kinde the artists call [...], which [...] of a mixture of long and and [...] notes, or of the [...]. The philosopher termeth it [...] or active because it raised up the affections. Boetius termeth it the Dorian, because it had [...] in much esteem amongst the Dores a Greek nation: we may now call it Eng­lish; and is that musick which cheereth the spirits, and is so soveraign an antidote to a minde [...]; and [Page 130] which as the Poet hath it, doth saxa movere sono. The third sort is that which the Greeks call [...] consisting alto­gether of short notes, or Tribrachys. [...] calleth it [...] or ravishing; because it unhinged the affections, and stirred them to lasciviousnesse. B [...]etius termeth it Phry­gian, as being the strain of the wanton and luxuriant peo­ple. In these times we may call it French, as most delighted in, by the stirring spirits, and lightness of this nation. A note of musick forbidden unto youth by Aristotle and Plato; and not countenanced by any of them but on the com­mon theatres, to satisfie the rude manners and defires of the vulgar; [...] and to give them also content in their recreations: yet is this musick altogether in use in this Countrey, no lesson amongst their profest Musitians that I could hear, which had any gravity or solid art shewed in the composition. They are pretty fellowes I confess for the setting of a Maske, or a Caranto; but be­yond this, nothing: which maketh the musick in their Churches so base and unpleasing. So that the glory of per­fect musick, at this time lyeth between the English, and Italian: that of France being as trivial as their behaviour, of which, indeed, it is concomitant: Mutata musica, mutantur mores, saith Tully: and therefore he giveth us this lesson, Curandum ita (que) est ut musica quam gravissima & sedatissima reti­neatur: a good Item for the French.


The Country and site of Orleans like that of Wor­cester. The Wine of Orleans. Praesidial Towns in France, what they are. The sale of Offices in France. The fine walk and pastime of the Palle Malle. The Church of St. Croix founded by Su­perstition and a miracle. Defaced by the Hugo­nots. Some things hated only for their name. The Bishop of Orleans, and his priviledge. The Chappel and Pilgrims of St. Jacques. The form of Masse in St. Croix. Censing an Heathenis [...] custome. The great siege of Orleans, raised by Joane the Virgin. The valour of that woman: that she was no witch. An Elogie on her.

WEE are now come into the Countrey of Orleans, which though within the limits of La Beause, will not yet be an entire County of it self. It is a dainty and pleasing Region, very even and large in the fields of it, insomuch that we could not see an hill, or swel­ling of the ground within eye-sight. It consisteth in an in­different measure of Corn, but most plentifully of Vines; and hath of all other fruits a very liberall portion; neither is it meanly beholding to the Loyre, for the benefits it re­ceiveth by that river: on which the City of Orleans it self is sweetly seated. Of all places in England, [...], in mine opinion, cometh most nigh it; as well in respect of the Countrey, as the situation of the Town. For certainly that Countrey may be called the Epitome of England; as this of France. To the richest of the corn-fields of Orlean [...]s we may compare the Vale of Evesham: neither will it yeeld for the choise and variety of fruits, the Vine only excepted. The hedges in that Countrey are prodigall and lavish of those [Page 132] [...]ees which would become the fairest [...] of the rest; and in a m [...]nner [...] the want of Wine, by its pl n­ [...]y of Perry and [...]. In a word, what a good writer hath [...] of o [...], we may say of both; [...] & solum adeo [...], ut salubritate & ubertate [...] non concedant. But [...] betwixt the Towns, is more happy. Both [...] the second river of note in their several Countreys; [...] much unlike in their several cou [...]s. [...] [...] the wals of [...], [...]d passing nigh unto [...], [...] on a little [...] and its homager, divideth the [...] Britains from the rest of the English. The Loyre, [...] by the City of Tours, and passing nigh to Aug [...]ire, [...]ted also up the land, on a little river, and one of its [...], [...] the modern B [...]etagnes from the r [...]st of the French. Pos [...] est in loco [...] ad flumen, qu [...]d [...] conjungitur, & muro satis firmo munita, saith Mr. Cam­den of Worcester: Orleans is seated on the like declivity of an hill; hath its bridge well fortified with turrets, and its wals of an equall ability of resistance. Sed de [...]us est ab incolis, qui sunt num [...] si & humani: ab aedificiorum n [...]tore, a templorum nu­mero, & maxime a sede episcopali; saith he of ours in general; we shall see it fitly applyed to this in each particular.

The people of this town are not of the fewest: no Town in France, the capacity of it considered, b [...]ing more popu­lous; for standing in so delicate an air, and on so commo­dious a river, it inviteth the Gentry o [...] Nobles of the Coun­trey about it, to inhabit there: and they accept it. Concer­ning their behaviour and humanity, certainly they much ex­ceed the Parisians. I was about to say all the French men; and indeed, I need not grudge them that Elogie which Caesar giveth unto those of Kent: and verifie, that they are omnium incolarum longe humanissimi; my self here observing more courtesie and affability in one day, then I could meet withall in Paris, during all my abode. The buildings of it are very suitable to themselves, and the rest of France; the streets large and well kept: not yeelding the least offence to the most curious nosethrill. Parish Churches it hath in it 26 of different and unequall being: as it useth to be in other places. Besides these, it contains the Episcopal [Page 133] Church of St. Croix, and divers other houses of religious persons[?]; amongst which St. Jacques: of both which I shall speak in their due order. Thus much for the resemblance of the Towns: the difference betwixt them is this. That Orleans is the bigger, and Worcester the richer; Orleans con­sisteth much of the Nobles, and of sojourners; Worcester of Citizens only, and home dwellers. And for the manner of life in them; so it is, that Worcester hath the handsomer women in it; Orleans the finer (and in mine opinion the lovliest of all France:) Worcester thriveth much on Clothing; Orleans on their Vine-presses.

And questionless the Vine of Orleans is the greatest riches not of the Town only, but of the Countrey[?] also about it. For this cause Andre du Chesne calleth it the prime cellar of Paris. Est une pais (saith he) si heureuse & si fecunde sur t [...]ut en vine, qui on la dire l' un de premiers celiers de Paris. These Vines wherein he maketh it to be so happy, deserve no less a commendation then he hath given them: as yeelding the best wines in all the Kingdome. Such as it much griev'd me to mingle with water; they being so delicious to the palat, and the epicurism of the taste. I have heard of a Dutch Gentleman, who being in Italy, was brought acquainted with a kinde of Wine, which they there call Lachrymae Christi. No sooner had he tasted it, but he fell into a deep melancholy: and after some seven sighs, besides the additi­on of two grones, he brake out into this pathetical ejacu­lation: Dii boni, quare non Christus lachrymatus esset in nostris regionibus! This Dutch man and I, were for a time of one minde: insomuch that I could almost have picked a quar­rell with nature, for giving us none of this liquor in Eng­land: at last we grew friends again, when I had perceived how offensive it was to the brain, (if not well qualified) for which cause it is said, that King Lewis hath banished it his Cellar: no doubt to the great grief of his drinking Courtiers, who may therefore say with Martiall,

Quid tantum fecere boni tibi pessima vina?
Aut quid fecerunt optima vina mali?

This Town called Genabum by Caesar, was reedified by Au­relian the Emperour, anno 276. and called by his name Au­re [...]anum; which it still retaineth amongst the Latines. It hath been famous heretofore for four Councels here cele­brated; and for being the siege royal of the Kings of Orleans, though as now I could not hear any thing of the ruines of the Palace. The fame of it at this time consisteth in the University, and its seat of justice: this Town being one of them which they call Seiges presidiaux. Now these Seiges Presidiaux, Seats or Courts of Justice were established in di­verse Ci [...]ies of the Realm, for the ease of the people; anno 1551, or thereabouts. In them all civil causes not excee­ding 250 liv [...]es in money, or 10 livres in rents; are heard and determined soveraignly and without appeal. If the sum exceed those proportions, the appeal holdeth good, and shall be examined in that Court of Parliament under whose jurisdiction th [...]y a [...]e. This Court here consisteth of a Bailly whose name is Mr. Digion, of 12 Counsellors, two Lieu­tenants, one civil and the other criminal; and a publick no­tary. When Mr. Le Comte de St. Paul, who is Governor or Lieutenant Generall of the Province, cometh into their Court, he giveth precedency to the Bailly: in other places he receiveth it. This institution of these Presidentiall Cou [...]s, was at first a very profitable ordinance, and much ea [...]d the people: but now it is grown burthen some: the r [...]ason is, that the offices are made salable, and purchased by th [...]m with a great deal of money, which afterwards they wrest again out of the purses of the pesants: the sale of offices drawing necessarily after it, the [...]ale of justice; a mis­ [...] w [...]ich is spread so far, that there is not the poorest under- fficer in all the Realm, who may not saf [...]ly say with the Captain in the 22▪ of the Acts and the 28. vers. [...] with a great sum of mo­ [...]y obtained I this freedome. Twenty years purchase is [...] to be no extraordinary rate: and I have read, that only by the sale of [...], one of the Kings had raised in 20 ye [...]rs 139 millions: which amounteth to the proportion of seven millions yearly, or thereabouts: of all wai [...]s to thrift and treasure the most unkingly. In the year 1614 the King [Page 135] motioned the abolishing of the sales of this [...], but it was upon a condition more prejudicial to the people then the [...]: for he desi [...]d in lieu of it, to have a grea­ter imposition laid upon S [...]lt and on the Aides: which those who were Commissioners for the Commonalty would not admit of; because then a common misery had been bought out of the State to make their particular misery the greater, and so the corruption remaineth unal [...]d.

This Town, as it is sweetly seated in resp [...]ct of the air: so is it finely convenienced with walks: of which the chief are that next unto Paris Gate, having the wall on one hand, and a rank of palm-trees on the other; the second that near unto the Bridge, having the water pleasingly running on both sides: and a third, which is indeed the principal, on the east side of the City. It is called the Palle Malle, [...]rom an exercise of that name, much used in this Kingdome: a very Gentleman like sport, not over violent; and such as afford [...]th good opportunity of discourse, as they walk from one mark to the other. Into this walk, which is of a wonderful length and beauty, you shall have a clear evening empty all the Town: the aged pe [...]ple borrowing legs to carry them; and the younger, armes to guide them. If any young Dame or Monsieur, walk thither single, they will quickly finde some or other to link with them: though per­haps such with whom they have no familiarity. Thus do they measure and re-measure the length of the Palle Malle, not minding the shutting in of the day, till darkness hath taken away the sense of blushing. At all hours of the night, be it warm and dry, you shall be sure to finde them there, thus coupled: and if at the years end, there be found more chil­dren then fathers in the Town; this walk and the night are suspected shrewdly to be accessaries. A greater incon­venience in my opinion then an English kisse.

There is yet a fourth walk in this Town called L'Estapp, a walk principally frequented by Merchants: who here meet to conferre of their occasions. It lyeth before the house of Mr. Le Comte de St. Paul the Governour, and reacheth up to the Cloyster of St. Croix: of the building of which Chu [...]ch, I could never yet hear or read of any thing, but that which [Page 136] is meerly fabul [...]us, for the Citizens report, that long since, time out of mind [...], th [...]e appeared a vision to an holy Monk, which lived th [...]reabouts, and bad him dig deep in such a place, where he should finde a piece of the holy Crosse, charging him to preserve that blessed relique in great ho­nour, and to cause a Church to be built in that place where it had been bu [...]d: upon this warning the Church was founded, but at whose charges they could not enform me: so that all which I could learn concerning the foundation of this Church, is that it was erected only by Superstition and a lie. The Sup [...]stition is apparent in their wo [...]shipping of such rotten stick [...], as they imagine to be remnants of the Crosse; their calling of it holy, and dedicating of this Church unto it. Nay they have consecrated unto it two holy dai [...]s, one in May, and the other in September: and are bound to salute it as often as they see it in the streets or the high▪waies, with these words, Ave salus totius saeculi arbor sa­lutifera. Horrible blasphemy, and never heard but under Antichrist! Cruces subeundas esse non adorandas, being the les­son of the Ancients. As for the miracle, I account it as others of the same stamp: [...]qually false and ridiculous. This Church in the year 1562. was defaced a [...]d [...]ined by the Hu­g [...]nots, who had entred the Town under the conduct of the P [...]ince of C [...]nde. An action little [...]vouring of humanity, and lesse of Religion: the very Heathens themselves ne­ver demolishing any of the Churches, of those Towns which they had taken. But in this action, the Hugonots con [...]ulted only with [...]ashnesse, and a zealous sury, think­ing no title so glorious as to be called the Sc [...]urge of Papists, and the overthrowers of Popish Churches. ‘Quid facerent hostes capta crudelius [...]be?’ The most barbarous enemy in the world could not more [...] exercised their malice on the vanquished; and this I [...] my s [...] had been the fate of most of our Churches, [...] tha [...] had got the upper hand of us. But this Church not [...]anding, is likely now to survive their [...]. [...] Henry the 4. began the repairing of it, and [Page 137] his Son Lewis hath since continued: so that the quire is now quite finished, and the workmen are in hand with the rest. What should move the Hugonots to this execution, I cannot say: unlesse it were a hate which they bare unto the name; and perhaps that not unlikely. We read how the Romans having expelled their Kings, banished also Gol­latinus their Consul: a man in whom they could finde no fault but this, that his surname was Tarquin; tantum ob nomen & genus regium, saith Florus: afterwards, quam invisum regis nomen, is very frequent in the stories of those times. Amongst those which had been of the conspiracy against Ju­lius Caesar, there was one named Cinna, a name so odious amongst the people, that meeting by chance with one of Cae­sar's chief friends, and hearing that his name was Cinna, they presently murthered him in the place, for which cause one [...], which was also the name of one of the Conspi­rators, published a writing of his name and pedegree: shew­ing therein, that he neither was the traytor, nor any kin to him. The reason of his action Dion giveth us [...] Quod Cinua nominis causa occideretur. With a like hate it may be were the French Protestants possessed against the name of the Crosse: for they not only ruined this temple but beat down also all those little crossets, betwixt Mont Martre, and St. Denis, though now King Lewis hath caused them to be re-edified. And what troubles the French party here in England have raised, because of that harmlesse ceremony of the crosse; Notius est quam ut stilo egeat, and therefore I omit it. This Church is the seat of a Bishop, who acknowledgeth the Archbishop of Sens, for his Metropolitan. The present Bishop is named Francis [...]us d' Aubespine, said to be a worthy Scholar, and a sound Po­lititian; though he were never graduated further then the arts. Of his revenue I could learn nothing, but of his pri­viledge this: namely, that at the first entrance of every new Bishop into this Church, he hath the liberty of setting free any of the prisoners of the Gaole: though their crime be never so mortall. For, the original of this indulgence: we are beholding to St. Aignan, once Bishop here, and who defen­ded the City against Attila the Hunne. At his first en­trance [Page 138] into the town, (saith the story) after he was inve­sted Bishop, he besought Agrippin [...] the Governour, that for his sake he would let loose all his prisoners, ut omnes quos pro variis criminibus poenalis carcer detinebat inclusos, in sui introi­tus gratiam redderet absolutos; when the Governour had heard his request, he denied it: and presently a stone falleth upon his head, no man knew from whence: wounded and ter­rified with this, the Governor granteth his desire, recover­eth her health: and ever since the custome hath continued. For the truth of this story, I intend to be no Champion: for I hold it ridiculous and savouring too much of the Le­gend: but this I am certain of, that every new Bishop ma­keth a very solemn and majestick entry into the City; and at his entry, releaseth a prisoner.

Let us follow the Bishop into his Church, and there we shall finde him entertained with an high Masse; the cere­monies whereof are very pretty and absurd. To go over them all, would require a volume, I will there [...]ore mention those only wherein they differ from other Masses: and they are two: the one fantastical, the other heathenish. For as soon as the priest at the altar hath read a certain lesson, but what, his voice was not audible enough to tell me: out marcheth the Dean, or in his absence, the senior Canon, out of the Church. Before him two or three torches, and a long crosse silvered over, after him all those of the Church, and lastly the lay people, both men and women: so that there is none le [...]t to keep possession, but the Priest and the Altar; and such strangers as come thither for curiosity, they go out at one door, and having fi [...]st circuited the quire, and afterwards the body of the Church; they return to their places: and the Priest proceedeth. I have seen many a dumb shew in a play just like it. This only is the difference, that here we had no interpreter nor Chorus afforded us to shew us the mysterie of this silent gesticulation. The other addition which I observed here at the Masse (though I have since been told that it is ordinary at high Masses, in the Cathedral Churches) was the censing of the people: which was per­formed in this manner. Whilest the Priest was busie at the Altar, there entred into the quire at a side door, two boyes in [Page 139] their Surplices, bearing wax-tapers in their hands: and immediately after them the foresaid fellow with the Crosse, in the rere there came two of the Priests in their copes, and other stately vestiments: between both a young lad with the incense-pot, made full of holes to let out the sume; which he swingeth on all sides of him, with a chain, to which it was fastned: having thus marched through the Church and censed the people, he ascendeth unto the Altar, and there censeth the crosse, the relicks, the bread, the wine, the chalice, the images: and I know not what not. A custome very much used amongst the Heathen. Omnibus viris factae sunt statuae & ad eas thus & cerei, saith Tully: and, Jane tibi primum thura merum (que) fero, saith Ovid in his de Fastis. So have we in Martiall, Teprimum piathura rogent: and the like in divers other writers of antient. At what time it crept in­to the Churches of the Christians, I cannot tell. Sure I am it was not used in the primitive times, nor in the third age after our Saviour: save only in their burials, Sciant Sabaei (saith Tertullian, who at that time lived) pluris & ca­riores merces suas, Christianis sepeliendis profligari, quam fumigan­tibus. Arnobius also in the 7 book adversus gentes, disclaim­eth the use of it: and yet the Councell of Trent in the 22. Session, defineth it to be as boldly, ex Apostolica institutione & traditione, as if the Apostles themselves had told them so. I know they had rather seem to derive it from the 30 chap. and 7. vers. of Exodus: and so Bishop Durand is of opinion in his Rationale divinorum: but this will not help them. Aa­ron there is commanded only to burn incense on the Altar: and not to cense men and images, crosses and relicks, &c. as the Papists do. So that will they, nill they, they must be counted followers of the Heathen: though I envie them not the honour of being Jewes.

From the history and view of the Church, proceed we to that of the Town: where nothing occurreth more me­morable then the great siege laid before it by the English. A siege of great importance to both parties. France having been totally won unto King Henry, if this Town had yeelded, and once so nigh it was to submit it self, that the people proffer'd to yeeld themselves to Philip Duke [Page 140] of Burgundie, then a great consederate of our Nation: who had not been present in the Camp. But this the English Generall would not consent to; and it was the resolution of Antigonus i [...] long time before us. Negavit Antigonus (saith Justine) se in ejus belli praedam socios admittere, in [...]ujus periculum solus descenderat. On this determinate sen­tence of the General (he was Montacute Earl of Sol [...] ­bury) the Town purposed to hold out a little longer, and was at the last relieved by Joane D' Arc, a maid of Vau­coleur in Lorrein: whom they called La Pusille: how that ex­cellent souldier the Generall was slain, and the siege rai­sed, I need not relate. It is extant in all our Chronicles. This only now, that ever since that time the people of Orleans keep a solemn procession on every eighth day of May: on which day anno 1427. their City was delivered from its enemies.

But the atchievements of this brave Virago stayed not here, she thinks it not enough to repulse her enemies unlesse she also vanquish them: arm'd therefore, Cap ape, she went to seek occasion of battail: and was alwa [...]es formost, and in the head of her troops.

Ducit Amazonidum lunatis agmina bellis
Penthiselea furens: [...] in millibus ardet.

For her first service she taketh Jargeau, discomfiteth the Eng­lish, which were within it, and maketh the Earl of Suffolk prisoner. Soon after followed the battail of Patay: in which the English were driven out of the field, and the great Talbot taken. This done, she accompanieth Charles the 7. whose Angel Guardian she was, through all Cam­pagne unto Rhemes: where she saw him solemnly crowned: all the Towns of those Countreys yeelding upon the ap­proach of her, and the Kings Army. Finally, after ma­ny acts performed above the nature of her sexe, which I will not stand here to particulate, she was taken prisoner at the siege of Camp [...]igne: delivered over unto the Duke of Bedford, by him sent unto Roven, and there burnt for a Witch on the 6. of July, anno 1431. There was also another crime objected against her, as namely that she [Page 141] had abused the nature of her sexe, marching up and down in the habit of a man, Et nihil muliebre praeter corpu [...] gerens. Of all accusations the most impotent, for in what other habit could she dresse her self, undertaking, the actions of a Generall? and besides, to have worn her womans weeds in time of battail, had been to have betrayed her safe­ty; and to have made her self the mark of every arrow. It was therefore requisite that she should array her self in com­pleat harnesse; and in that habit of complete armour, have those of Orleans erected her Statua all in brasse, upon the mid­dle of their bridge.

As for that other imputation of being a Witch, saving the credit of those which condemn'd her, and theirs also who in their writings have so reported her: I dare be of the contrary opinion, for dividing her actions into two parts, those which preceded her coming unto Orleans, and those which followed it: I finde much in it of cunning, some­what perhaps of valour: but nothing that is devillish. Her relieving of Orleans, and courage shewn at the bat­tails of Patay and Gergeau, with her conducting of the King unto Rhemes: are not such prodigies, that they need to be ascribed unto witchcraft. She was not the first woman whom the world knew famed in armes, there being no N [...] ­tion almost of the earth, who have not had a Champion of this sexe, to defend their Liberties: to omit the whole Nation of Amazons. To the Jewes in the time of their af­flictions, the Lord raised up salvation by means of two women, Deborah and Judith: and God is not the God of the Jewes only, but also of the Gentiles; amongst the Syrians Ze­no [...]ia Q [...]een of P [...]ira is very famous; the Romans whom she often foyled, never mentioning her without honour. The like commendable testimony they give of Velleda, a Q [...]een amongst the Germans: a woman that much hindred their affairs in that Countrey. Thus had the Gothes their Ama­lasunta: the Assyrians their Semiramis, the Scythians their To­myris, the Romans their Fulvia: all brave Captains, and such as posterity hath admired without envie. To come home unto our selves, the writers of the Romans mention the revolt of Britain, and the slaughter of 70000 [...] Consederates [Page 142] under the conduct of Voaditia: and she in the beginning of her incouragements to the action, telleth the people this, Solitum quidem Britannis foeminarum ductu bellare. Of all these heroical Ladies, I r [...]ad no accusation of witch [...]raft: inva­sive courage and a sense of injury, being the armes they sought withall; neither can I see why the Romans should ex­ceed us in modesty; or that we need envie unto the French this one female warriour, when it is a fortune which hath befaln most Nations. As for her atchievements, they are not so much beyond a common being: but that they may be imputed to natural means: for had she been a Witch, it is likely she would have preven [...]ed the disgrace which her va­lour suffered, in the di [...]ches of Paris, though she could not avoid those of Compeigne, who took her prisoner: the Devill at such an exigent only being accustomed to forsake those which he hath entangled. So that she enjoyed not such a perpetuity of [...]elicity, as to entitle her to the Devils assist­ance, she being sometimes conqueror, sometimes overthrown, and at last imprisoned. Communia fortunae ludibria, the ord [...]nary sports of fortune. Her actions before her march to Orleans, have somewhat in them of cunning, and perhaps of impo­ [...]ure, as the vision which she reported to have incited her to these attempts, her finding out of the King disguised in the h [...]bit of a countrey man; and her appointing to her self an old Sword hanging in St. Katharines Church in Tours. The French were at this time meerly crest faln: not to be raised but by miracle. This therefore is invented, and so that which of all the rest [...]ust prove her a sorceresse, will only prove her an impostor. Gerrard, Seigneur du Hailan, one of the best wri­ters of France, is of opinion that all that plot of her coming to the King, was contriv'd by three Lords of the Court; to hearten the people; as if God now miraculously intended the restauration of the Kingdome. Add to this, that she never commanded in any battail, without the assistance of the b [...]st Captains of the French Nation: and amongst whom was the Bastard of Orleans, who is thought to have put this device into her head. The Lord of Bellay in his discourse of arte militarie, proceed [...]th further, and maketh her a man: only thus habited, pour faire revenir le courage aux Francois: which, [Page 143] had it been so, would have been discovered at the time of her burning. Others of the later French writers (for those of the former age savour too much of the Legend) make her to be a lusty Lasse of Lorrein, trained up by the Bastard of Orleans, and the Seig [...]eur of Baudri [...]te; only for this service. And that she might carry with her the reputation of a Prophe­tesse, and an Ambassadresse from heaven; admit this, and fare­well witchcraft. And [...]or the sentence of her condemnation, and the confirmation of it by the Divines and University of Paris; it is with me of no moment: being composed only to humour the Victor. If this could sway me, I had more reason to incline to the other party, for when Charles had setled his estate, the same men, who had cond [...]mned her of sorcery, absolved her: and there was also added in desence of her innocency, a Decree from the Court of Rome Joane then with me shall inherit the title of La pucille d' Orleans: with me she shall be ranked amongst the famous Captains of her times; and be placed in the same throne, equall with the valiantest of all her sexe, in time before her. Let those whom partiality hath wrested aside from the path of truth, proclaim her for a sorceresse, for my part I will not flatter my best fortunes of my Countrey to the prejudice of a truth: neither will I ever be enduced to think of this female warrier, otherwise then of a noble Captain.

—Audet (que) viris concurrere virgo.
Penthesilea did it. Why not she
Without the stain of spels and sorcerie?
Why should those acts in her be counted sin,
Which in the other have commended bin?
Nor is it fit that France should be de [...]'d
This female souldier, since all Realms beside,
Have had the honour of one: and relate
How much that sexe hath re-enforc'd the state
Of their decaying strengths. Let Scythia spare
To speak of Tomyris, th' Assyrians care
[Page 144]Shall be no more to hear the deeds recited
Of Ninus wife. Nor are the Dutch delighted
To hear their Valleda extoll'd: the name
Of this French warrier hath eclips'd their fame:
And silenc'd their atchievements. Let the praise,
That's due to vertue, wait upon her. Raise
An obelisque unto her, you of Gaule,
And let her acts live in the mouthes of all
Speak boldly of her, and of her alone,
That never Lady was as good as Jone.
She died a virgin: 'twas because the earth
Held not a man, whose vertues, or whose birth
Might merit such a bl [...]ssing. But above,
The gods provided her a fitting love:
And gave her to St. Denis, shee with him
Protects the Lillies and their Diadem.
You then about whose armies she doth watch,
Give her the honour due unto her match.
And when in field your standards you advance,
Cry loud, St. Denis and St. Jone for France.


The study of the Civill Law revived in Europe. The dead time of learning. The Schools of Law in Orleans. The oeconomie of them. The Chan­cellour of Oxford antiently appointed by the Dio­cesan. Their methode here, and prodigality in bestowing degrees. Orleans a great conflux of strangers. The language there. The Corporation of Germans there. Their house and priviledges. Dutch and Latine. The difference between an Aca­demie and an University.

I Have now done with the Town and City of Orleans, and am come unto the University or Schools of Law which are in it; this being one of the first places in which the study of the Civill Lawes was revived in Europe. For immediately after the death of Justinian, who out of no lesse then 2000 volumes of law writers had collected that bodie of the Imperiall Lawes, which we now call the Digests, or the Pandects: the study of them grew neglected in these Western parts, nor did any for a long time professe or read them; the reason was, because Italy, France, Spain, England and Germany, having received new Lords over them; as the Franks, L [...]mbards, Saxons, Saracens, and others were fain to submit themselves to their Laws. It happened afterwards that Lotharius Saxo the Emperour, who began his reign, anno 1126. (being 560 years after the death of Justinian) having taken the City of Melphy in Naples, found there an old copy of the Pandects. This he gave to the Pisans his confederates, as a most reverend relick of Learning and Antiquity; whence it is called [Page 146] Littera Pisana. Moreover he founded the University of Bologne or Bononia, ordering the Civill Law to be profest there: one Wirner being the first Professor; upon whose advice the said Emperor ordained that Bononia should be Legum & juri [...] S [...]hola una & sola: and here was the first time and place of that study in the Western Empire But it was not the fate only of the Civill Laws, to be thus neglected. All other parts of learning, both Arts and languages, were in the same despe­rate esta [...]s; the Poets exclamation of O saeclum insipiens & infacetum, never being so applyable as in those times. For it is with the knowledge of good letters, as it was with the effects of nature; they have times of groweth alike, of per­fection and of death. Like the sea, it hath its ebbs as well as its flouds; and like the earth, it hath its Winter, wherein the seeds of it are deaded and bound up, as well as a Spring wherein it reflourisheth. Thus the learning of the Greeks lay forgotten, and lost in Europe for 700 years, even un­till Emanu [...]l Chrysolaras taught it at Venice, being driven out of his Countrey by the Turks. Thus the Philo­sophy of A [...]istotle lay hidden in the moa [...]h of dust and libraries, [...]t nominabatur potius quod legebatur, as Ludovious Vives observeth in his notes upon St. Austine, untill the time of Alexander Aphrodiseus. And thus also lay the ele­gancies of the Roman tongue obscured, till that Erasmus, More and Reuchlyn, in the severall Kingdomes of Germany, England, and France, endeavoured the r [...]stauration of it.

But to return to the Civill Law. After the foundati­on of the University of Bologne, it pleased Philip le bel King of France to found another here at Orleans, for the same purpose, anno 1312. which was the first School of that profession on this [...]de the mountains. This is evident by the Bull of Clement V. dated at Lyons in the year 1367. where he giveth it this ti [...]le, Fru [...]erum universitatis Aure­lianensis intra caetera citramontana studia, prius s [...]lennius, anti­quius, tam civilis, quam [...] facultatis studium. At the first there were instituted eight Prosessors, now they are reduced to four only; the reason of this decrease, being the increase of Universities. The place in which they read [Page 147] their Lectures, is called Les grand escoles, and part of the City, La Universite; neither of which attributes it can any way [...]emit. Colledge they have none, either to lodge the students, or enter­tain the Professors, the former sojourning in divers places of the Town, these last in their severall houses. As for their place of reading which they call Les grans escol [...]s, it is only an old barn converted into a School, by the addition of five ranks of formes, and a pew in the middle, you never saw a thing so mock its own name: Lucus not being more properly called so a non lucendo, then this ruinous house is a great School, because it is little. The present professors are Mr. Furner, the Rector at my being there; Mr. Tui [...]erie, and Mr. Grand. The fourth of them named Mr. Augrand. was newly dead, and his place like a dead pay among Souldiers not supplyed; in which estate was the function of Mr. Br [...]dee, whose office it was to read the Book of Institutions, unto such as come newly to the Town. They read each of them an hour, in their turns, every morning in the week, un­lesse Holydayes and Thursdayes, their hearers taking their Lectures in their tables. Their principall office is that of the Rector, which every three months descends down unto the next, so that once in a year, every one of the professors hath his turn of being Rector. The next in dignity unto him is the Chancellour, whose office is during life, and in whose name all degrees are given, and the Letters Authenticall, as they term them, granted. The present Chancellour is named Mr. Bouchier Dr. of Divinity and of both the Laws, and Prebend also of St. Croix; his place is in the gift of the Bishop of Orleans; and so are the Chancellors places in all France at the bestowing of the Diocesan. Antiently it was thus also with us at Oxford; the Bishop of Lincolne nominating to us our Chancellors, till the year 1370. William of Remington being the first Chancellour elected by the University.

In the bestowing of their degrees here, they are very libe­rall, and deny no man that is able to pay his [...]ees. Legem ponere is with them more powerfull then legem dicere, and he that hath but his gold ready, shall have a sooner dispatch, then the best Scholar upon ticket.

Ipse licet v [...]nias Musis comitatus Homere,
Si nihil attuleris, ibis Homere foras.

It is the money wch disputeth best with them, [...], money makes the man; said the Greek, and English proverb. The exercise which is to be performed, before the degree taken, is very little, and as trivially performed. When you have chosen the Law which you mean to defend, they conduct you into an old ruinous chamber. Th [...]y call it their Li­brary; for my part, I should have thought it to have been the warehouse of some second hand Bookseller. Those few books which were there, were as old as Printing; and could hardly make amongst them one cover, to resist the violence of a rat. They stood not up endlong, but lay one upon the other, and were joyned together with cobwebs in stead of strings. He that would ever guesse them to have been looked into since the long reign of ignorance, might justly have condemned his own [...]harity; for my part, I was prone to believe that the three last centuries of years had never seen the inside of them; or that the poor paper had been troubled with the disease called N [...]li me tangere. In this un­luckie roome do they hold their disputations, unlesse they be solemn and full of expectation, and after two or three arguments urged, commend t [...]e sufficiency of the Respondent, and pronounce him worthy of his degree. That done, they cause his Authenticall Letters to be sealed; and in them they tell the Reader with what diligence and pains they si [...]ed the Candidati; that it is necessary to the Common­wealth of learning, that industry should be honoured; and that on that ground they have thought it fitting post [...] solamen, post vigilias requietem post dolorem gaudia, (for so as I remember goeth the [...]orm) to recompense the labours of N.N. with the degree of Doctor or Licentiate; with a great deal of the like sormall foolery, Et ad hun [...] modum fiunt Do­ctores.

From the study of the Law, proceed we unto that of the Language, which is said to be be [...]ter spoken here, then in any part of France, and certainly the people hereof speak it [Page 149] more distinctly then the rest; I cannot say more [...]legantly. Yet par [...]ly for this reas [...]n, partly because of the study of the Law, and partly because of the sweetnesse of the aire; the Town is never without abundance of strangers of all Nations which are in correspondency with the French. But in the grea [...]est [...] it is replenished with those of Germany who have here a corporation, and indeed do make amongst themselves a better University, then the University. This Cor­poration consisteth o [...] a Procurator, a Q [...]tor, an A [...]or, two Bi­bliothecarii, & 12 Counsellors. They have all of [...] their d [...]stinct jurisdiction, and are solemnly elected by the rest of the com­pany every third moneth. The Consulship of R [...]me was never so welcome to Cicero, as the office of Pr [...]urator is to a Dutch Gentleman; he for the time of his comman [...] ordering the affaires of all his Nation; and to say truth, being much re­sp [...]cted by those of the Town. It is his office to admit of the young comers, to receive the moneys due at their ad­mission, and to receive an account of the dispending of it of the Questor at the expiring o [...] his charge. The office of Ass [...]ssor is like that of a Clerk of the Councels, and the Se­cretary mixt. For he registreth the Acts of their Coun­c [...], writeth Letters in the name of the House to each of the French Kings, at their new coming to the Crown; and if any prime or extraordinary Ambassador cometh to the Town, he entertaineth him with a speach. The Bibliothe­carii looke to the Libtary, in which they are bound to remain three hours in a day in their severall turns. A prety room it is, very plentifully furnished with choise books, and that at small charge; for it is here the custome, that every one of the Nation at his departure, must leave with them one book, of what kind or price it best pleaseth him. Besides, each of the officers at the resigning up of his charge, giveth unto the new Questor a piece of gold about the value of a Pistolet, to be expended according as the nec [...]ssitie of the [...]ate requires; which most an end is bestowed upon the increase of their Libr [...]ry.

Next unto this citè des Lettres (as one of the French writers calleth Paris) is their Councell house; an [...]andsome square Chamb [...], and well furnished. In this they hold their Con­sultations, [Page 150] and in this preserve their Records and Privi­ledges, the keeping of the one, and [...] the other, being meerly in the hands of the [...]. About the Table they have five chairs for the five principall Officers; those of the Councell sitting round the Chamber on stools, the armes of the Empire being placed directly over every of the seats. If it happen that any of them die there, they all ac­company him to his grave, in a manner mixt so orderly of grief and state, that you would think the obsequies of some great Potentate were solemnized. And to say truth of them, they are a hearty and a loving Nation, not to one another only, but to strangers, and especially to us of England. Only I would wish that in their speech and complement, they would not use the Latine tongue, or else speak it more congruously. You shall hardly finde a man amongst them, which cannot make a [...] to expresse himself in that lan­ [...]age; nor one amongst a hundred that can do it Latinly▪ Galleriam, Compagniam, [...], and the like, are as usuall in their common discourse, as to drink at three of the clock; and as familiar as their [...]. Had they bent their studies that way, I perswade my self they would have been excellent good at the Common Lawes; their tongues so naturally [...] upon those words which are necessary to a D [...] ­ration. But amongst the rest, I took notice of one Mr. Ge­bour, a man of that various mixture of words, that you would have thought his tongue to have been a very Amster­dam of languages. Cras main [...] nous irons ad magnam Galleriam, was one of his most remarkable speeches, when we were at Paris; but here at Orleans we had them of him thick and threefold. If ever he should chance to die in a [...] place where his Countrey could not be known, but by his tongue, it could not possible be, but that more Na­tions would strive for him, then ever did for Homer. I had before read of the confusion of Babel; in him I came ac­quainted with it, yet this use might be made of him and his hotch-pot of languages, that a good Chymicall Physitian would make an excellent medicine of it against the stone. In a word, to go no more upon the particular, I never knew a people that spake more words, and lesse Latine.

[Page 151]Of thesee ingredients is the University of Orleans, com­pounded, if at the least it be lawfull to call it an University, as I think it be not. The name of Academie would beseem it better, and God grant (as Sanco Panco said of his wife) it be able to disebarge that calling. I know that those names are indiffe­rently used, but not properly. For an Academie (the name is derived from a place neer Athens, called Academia, where Plato first taught Philosophy) in its strict and proper sense, is such a study, where some one or two Arts are professed; as Law at Orleans and Bononia, and Physick at Montpelier and Padua; an University is so called, Quod Universae ibi traduntur disciplinae, as the name importeth; where learning is professed in the gene­rality, and in the whole [...] of it; the first the Germans call Schola illustris; the latter Generale studium; very opposite titles, and in which there is little of a German.


Orleans not an University till the coming of the Jesuites. Their Colledge there by whom built. The Jesuites no singers. Their laudable and ex­act method of teaching. Their policies in it. Received not [...] great difficulty into Paris. Their houses in that University. Their strictness unto the rules of their order. Much maliced by the other Priests and Fryers. Why not sent into England with the Queen; and of what order they were that came with her. Our returne to Paris.

THe difference between an University and an Aca­demie standing thus, Those which lived in our Fathers dayes could hardly have called Orleans an University; a School of Law being the name most fit for it. At this time since the coming of the Jesuites, that appellation may not misbecome it, they having brought with them those [...] of learning, which before were wanting in it: but this hath not been of any long stand­ing, their Colledge being not yet fully finished. By an inscription over the gate, it seemeth to be the work of Mr. Cagliery, one of the Advocates in the Parliament of Paris, a man of large practise, and by [...], of great [...]; and who having no childe but this Colledge, is [...] to intend the fastning of his estate upon it. In this house do those of this order apply themselves to the study of good Letters, in the pursuit whereof, as the rest of this [...] are, they are good proficients, and much exceed all other [...] of Fryers, as having better teachers and [Page 153] more leasure to learn. That time which the other spent at high Masses, and at their Canonicall hours, these men bestowed upon their books: they being exempted from these duties by their order. Upon this ground they trouble not their heads with the crotchets of Musick, nor spend their moneths upon the chanting out of their services. They have other matters to imploy their brains upon, such as are the ruin of Kingdoms, and desolation of Countries. It was the saying of Themistocles, being requested to play a lesson on the Lute, That he could not fidle, but he could tell how to make a little Town a great City. The like we may say of the Jesuites; They are no great singers, but are well skil­led in making little Cities great, and great ones little. And certain it is, that they are so far from any ability or desire this way, that upon any of their solemn Festivals▪ when their Statutes require musick, they are faine to hire the singing men of the next Cathedrall. As here upon the feast of their Patron St. Ignatius, being the 21 of July, they were compelled to make use of the voyces of the Church of St. Croix.

To this advantage of leasure is added the exact method of their teaching, which is indeed so excellent, that the Protestants themselves in some places send their sons to their Schools; upon desire to have them prove exquisite in those arts they teach. To them resort the children of the rich as well as of the poor, and that in such abundance, that wheresoever they settle, other houses become in a manner desolate, or frequented only by those of the more heavie and phlegmatick constitutions. Into their Schooles when they have received them, they place them in that forum or Classis into wch they are best fitted to enter. Of these Classes, the lowest is for Grammar: the second for Composi­tion, or the making of Theames, as we call it: the third for Poetry: the fourth for Oratory: the fifth for Greek Grammar and compositions: the sixt for the Poesie and Rhetorick of that language: the seventh for Logick: and the eight and last for Philosophy. In each of these Schooles there is a severall Reader or Institutor, who only mindeth that art, and the perfection of it, which for that year he [Page 154] teacheth. T [...]t year ended, he removeth both himself and Scholars with him, into the Cl [...]ssis or Schooles next beyond him, till he hath brought them through the whole studies of humanity. In this last forme, which is that of Philosophy, he continueth two years, which once expired, his Scholars are made perfect in the University of learning, and them­selves manumitted from their labours, and permitted their private studi [...]s. Nor do they only teach their Scholars an ex­actnesse in those several parts o [...] Learning which they handle, but they also endevour to breed in them an obstinacy of mind, and a sturdy eagernesse of spirit to make them thereby hot prosecutors of their own opinions, and impatient of any con­trary consideration. This is it which maketh all those of their education, to affect victory in all the controversies of wit or knowledge, with such a violence, that even in their very Grammaticall disputations, you shall find little boyes maintaine arguments with such a fierie impatience, that you would think it above the nature of their years. And all this they performe freely and for nothing; the poor Paisants son being by them equally instructed, with that of the Noblest.

By this means they get unto their Society, great honour, and great strength; honour in furnishing their Schooles with so many persons of [...]xcellent quality or Nobility, of whom afterwards they make their best advantages f [...]r their strength also. As for those of the poorer sort, they have also their ends upon them; for by this free and liberall education of their children, the common people do infinitely affect them: besides that, out of that ranke of their Scholars they assume such into their fraternity, whom they finde to be of a rare wit and excellent spirit, or any other way fitted for their pro­fession. Thus do they make their own purposes out of all [...], and refuse no fish which either they can draw into their nets, or which will offer it self unto them. Si locuples quis est, avari sunt, si pauper, ambitiosi, quos non oriens, non occidens satiaverit, soli omnium opes atque inopiam pari affectu concu­piscunt: Galgacus a British Captain, spake it of the Souldiers of the Romans Empire: we may as justly verifie it of these Souldiers of the Romish Church, they being the m [...]n whom [Page 155] neither the West nor East-Indies can satisfie; and who with a like servencie desire the education of the needy and the wealthy. Moreover, by this method of teaching they do not only strengthen themselves in the affections of men a broad, but also fortifie themselves within their own wals at home; for by this means, there is not one of their society, who hath not only perfectly concocted in his head the whole [...] of knowledge, but hath gained unto him­self the true art of speaking, and a readinesse of expressing what he knoweth; without the least demurre or haesitancie: the greatest happinesse of a Scholar. To conclude then and say no more of them, and their rare abilities (for virtus & in hoste probatur) it is thought by men of wisdome and judge­ment, that the planting of a Colledge of J [...]suites in any place, is the onely sure way to reestablish that Religion which they professe, and in time to eate out the contrary.

This notwithstanding, they were at the first institution of them mightily opposed, and no where more violently then in the University of Paris. An University that stan­deth much upon its liberty and priviledges; to which this order was imagined to be an hindrance: it being lawfull for them to take any degree in their own houses, without reference to any publick exercise or examination. In the year 1554. at what time they first began to set foot in France, the Colledge of the Sorbonists made a long decree against them, in the end whereof are these words, and they are worth the reading, Uidetur haec societas in n [...]gotio fidei pericu­losa, pacis Ecclesiae perturbativa, monasticae religionis eversiva & magis ad destructionsm, quam ad aedificationem; a censure too full of vineger and bitternesse. Afterwards in the year 1564. they preferred a Petition to the University, that the Colledge which the Bishop of Clermont had built for them, might be incorporated into the University, and enjoy the immunities of it. Upon the Universities deniall of their desire, there arose a suit between them and the University in the high Court of Parliament; Peter Versoris pleading for the Jesuits, and Stephen Pasquier for the other party. [Page 156] In the end they were admitted, though upon terms of won­drous strictnesse. Anno 1594. John Castell a novice of this order, having wounded King Henry IV. in the mouth, occasioned the banishment of this Society out of all France, into which they were not again received till the year 1604. and then also upon limitations more strict then ever. Into Paris they were not readmitted untill anno 1606. neither had the liberty of reading Lectures and instructing the youth confirmed unto them till anno 1611. which also was compassed not without great trouble and vexation.

Per varios casus & tot discrimina rerum, As Aen [...]as and his com­panions came into Latium.

In this University they have at this instant three houses, one of the Novices, a second of Institutors, which they call the Colledge; and a third of professed Jesuites, which they style their Monastery, or the professed house of St. Lewis. In their house of Novices they train up all those whom they have culled out of their Schooles to be of their order, and therein initiate them in the arts of Jesuitism, and their mysteries of iniquity. They there teach them not Gram­maticall constructions or composition, but instruct them in the paths of virtue, courage and obedience, according to such examples as their Authors afford them. This they say of themselves and their friends for them. But he that made the funerall Oration for Henry IV. anno 1610. reporteth it otherwise, Latini sermonis obtentu (saith he) impurissime Gal­licae juventutis mores ingenuos foedant. Bonarum litterarum praetextu, pessimas edocent artes. Dum ingenia excolunt, animas perdunt, &c. In their Colledge they have the same method of teaching which the others of their company use in Orleans. A Col­ledge first given unto them by Mr. William Pratt Bishop of Clermount, whose house it was; but much beautifyed by them­selves after his decease. For with the mony which he gave un­to them by his will, which amounted (as it was thought) to [Page 157] 60000 crowns; they added to it the Court called De Langres, in St. James street, anno 1582. Their Monastery or house of profession is that unto which they retire themselves after they have discharged their duties in the Colledge, by reading and studying publickly in their severall Classes. When they are here, their studies both for time and quality is ad [...]; though generally their only studie in it is Policy, and the advantage of their cause. And indeed out of this Trojan horse it is, that those firebrands and incendiaries are let out to disturb and set in combustion the affaires of Christen­dom, out of this forge come all those stratagems and tricks of Machiavillianism, which tend to the ruine of the Protestants, and the desolation of their Countries. I speak not this of their house of Profession here in Paris, either only or prin­cipally; wheresoever they settle, they have a house of this nature, out of which they issue to overthrow the Gospell. Being sent once by their Superiors, a necessity is layed upon them of ob [...]dience, be the imployment never so dangerous. And certainly this Nation doth most strictly obey the rules of their order, of any whatsoever, not excepting the Capou­chins nor the Carthusians This I am witnesse to, that where­as the Divinity Lecture is to end at the tilling of a Bell; one of the Society in the Colledge of Clermont, reading about the fall of the Angels, ended his Lecture with these words, Denique in quibuscunque; for then was the warning given, and he durst not so far trespasse upon his rule, as to speak out his sentence.

But it is not the fate of these Jesuits to have great persons only, and Universities only to oppose their fortunes: they have also the most accomplisht malice, that either the secular Priests or Fryers amongst whom they live, can fasten upon them. Some envie them for the greatnesse of their possessi­ons, some because of the excellency of their learning; some hate them for their power, some for the shrewdnesse of their brains; all together making good that saying of Patercu­lus, that Semper eminentis fortunae comes est invidia. True in­deed it is, that the Jesuits have in a manner deserved all this clamor and stomach by their own insolencies; for they have not only drawn into their own hands all the principall [Page 158] affairs of C [...]urt and state; but upon occasions cast all the scorn and contempt they can, upon those of the other Orders. The Janizaries of the Turke never more neglect­fully speak of the Asapi, then those doe of the rest of the Clergy. A great crime in those men, who desire to be ac­counted such excellent Masters of their own affections. Nei­ther is the affection born to them abroad, greater then that at home; amongst those I mean of the opposite par­ty; who being so often troubled and crumped by them, have little cause to afford them a liking, and much lesse a wel­come. Upon this reason they were not sent into England with the Queen, although at first they were destinate to that service. It was well known how odious that name was amongst us, and what little countenance the Court or Countrey would have afforded them. They therefore who had the Governance of that businesse, sent hither in their places the Oratorians, or the Fratres congregationis Ora­torii; a race of men never as yet offensive to the English, further then the generall defence of the Romish cause, and so lesse subject to envie and exception. They were first in­stituted by Philip Nerius, not long after the Jesuits, and advanced and dignified by Pope Sixtus V. principally to this end, that by their incessant Sermons to the people, of the lives of Saints, and other Ecclesiasticall Antiquities, they might get a new reputation; and so divert a little the torrent of the peoples affections from the Jesuites. Baronius, that great and excellent Historian, and Bozius that deadly ene­mie to the Soveraignity of Prince [...], were of the first foundati­on of this Order.

I have now done with Orleans and the Jesuits, and must prepare for my return to Paris. Which journey I begun the 23 of July, and ended the day following. We went back the same way that we came, though we were not so fortunate as to enjoy the same company we came in, for in st [...]ad of the good and acceptable society of one of the French Nobles, some Gentlemen of Germany, and two Fryers of the Order of St. Austin; we had the per­petuall vexation of four tradesmen of Paris, two filles de joye, and an old woman; the Artizans so slovenly atti­red [Page 159] and greasie in their apparell, that a most modest ap­prehension could have conceived no better of them, then that they had been newly raked out of the scullery. One of them by an Inkehorne that hung at his girdle, would have made us believe that he had been a N [...]arie; but by the thread of his discourse, we found out that he was a Sumner: so full of ribaldrie was it, and so rankly did it [...]avour of the French bawdie-courts. The r [...]st of them talked according to their skill, concerning the price of commodities; and who was the most likely man of all the City, to be made one of the next years Es [...]evins. Of the two wenc [...]s, o [...]e so extreamly impudent, that even any immodest ear would have abhorred her language, and of such a shamelesse deportment, that her very behaviour would have frighted lust out of the most incontinent man li­ving. Since I first knew mankinde and the world, I never observed so much i [...]udence in the generall, as I did then in her particular, and I hope shall never be so miserable, as to suffer two dayes more the torment and hell of her con­versation. In a word, she was a wench born to shame all the [...] with whom she had traficked, for she would not be casta, and could not be cauta, and so I leave her; a creature extreamly bold, because extreamly faulty. And yet having no good property to red [...]em both these, and other unlovely qualities; but (as Sir Philip Sydney said of the Strumpet B [...]ha in the A [...]adia) a little coun­terfeit beauty disgraced with wandring eyes, and unwayed speeches. The other of the younger females (for as yet I am doubtfull whether I may call any of them women) was of the same profession also, but not half so rampant as her companion. ‘Haec habitu c [...]sto cum non sit, casta videtur,’ as Ausonius giveth it one of the two wanton sisters. By her carriage a charitable stranger would have thought her honest; and to that favourable opinion had my self been inclinable, if a French Mo [...]sieur had not given me her [...] [Page 160] at Orleans: besides there was an [...] twinkling of her eye, which spoyled the composednesse of her coun­tenance; otherwise she might have pass [...]d for currant. So that I may safely say of her, in respect of her fellow Har­lot, what Tacitus doth of Pompey, in reference to Caesar, viz Secretior Pompeius, Caesare non melior. They were both equally guilty of the sin; though this last had the more cunning to dissemble it, and avoid the infamie and censure [...]e unto it. And so I come to the old woman, which was the last of our goodly companions. A woman so old, that I am not at this day fully resolved whether she were ever young or no. 'Twas well I had read the Scriptures, otherwise I might have been very prone to have thought her one of the first pieces of the creation, and that by some mischance or other, she had escaped the flood; her face was for all the world like unto that of Sibylla Erythraea in an old print, or that of Solo­mons two harlots in the painted cloth; you could not at the least but have imagined her one of the Relicks of the first age after the building of Babel; for her very com­plexion was a confusion more dreadfull then that of languages. As yet I am uncertain whether the Poem of our arch-poet Spencer, entituled, The Ruines of time, was not purposely intended on her; sure I am it is very applyable in the title. But I might have saved all this labour: Ovid in his description of Fames, hath most exactly given us her portraicture; and out of him, and the eight book of his Metamorphosis, you may take this view of her.

Nullus erat crinis, cava lumina, pallor in ore,
Labra incana situ, scabri rubigine dentes,
Dura cutis, per quam s [...]ctari vis [...]era possent;
Ventris erat pro ventre locus: pendere putares
Pectus, et a spinae tantummodo crate teneri.
Unhair'd, pale-fac'd, her eyes sunk in her head,
Lips hoary-white, and teeth most rustie-red,
[Page 161]Through her course skin, her guts you might espie,
In what estate and posture they did lie.
Belly she had none, only there was seen
The place whereas her belly should have been.
And with her hips her body did agree,
As if 'twas fastned by Geometrie.

But of this our companion, as also of the rest of the Coachfull, Sunday-night, and our arrivall at Paris, hath at the last delivered us. A blessing for which I can never be sufficiently thankfull; and thus

—Dedit Deus his quoque fi nem.
The End of the Third Book.




Our return towards England. More of the Hugonots hate unto Crosses. The town of Luzarch, and St. Loupae. The Country of Picardie and people. The Picts of B [...]i­tain not of this Country. Mr. Lee Dignicoes Governor of Picardie. The off [...]ce of Constable what it is in France. By whom the place supplyed in England. The marble table in France, and causes there handled. Clermount, and the Castle there. The war raised up by the Princes against D'Ancre. What his designes might tend to, &c.

JUly the 27. having dispatched that businesse which brought us into France, and surveyed as much of the Countrey, as that opportunity would permit, we b [...]gan our journey towards England in a Coach of Amiens. [Page 163] Better accompaned we were then when we came from Orleans, for here we had Gentlemen of the choicest fashi­on, very ingenious, and in my opinion of finer condi­tion then any I had met withall in all my acquaintance with that Nation. We had no vexation with us in the shap [...] of a French woman, which appeared unto me some­what miraculous, to torment our ears with her discourse, or punish our eyes with her complexion. Thus associated we began to jog towards St. Loup, where that night we were to be lodged. The Countrey such as already I have described it in the Isle of France, save that beyond St. Denis it began to be somewhat more hilly. By the way I ob­served those little crossets erected in the memorie of St. Denis, as being vainly supposed to be his resting places, when he ran from Mont-martre with his head in his hand, which the zealous madnesse of the Hugonots had thrown down, and were now reedified by King Lewis. It could not but call to mind the hate of that Nation unto that harmelesse monument of Christs sufferings, the Crosse; which is grown it seemeth so exorbitant, that the Papists make use of it to discover an Hugonot. I remember as I passed by water from Amiens to Abbeville, we met in the boat with a levie of French Gentlewomen; to one of them, with that French as I had, I applyed my self, and she perceiving me to be English, questioned my Religion. I answered (as I safely might) that I was a Catholick: and she for her better sa­tisfaction proffered me the little crosse which was on the top of her beads to kisse, (and rather should I desire to kisse it then many of their lips) whereupon the rest of the company gave of me this verdit, that I was Un urai Christien, & ne point un Hugon [...]. But to proceed in our journall. The same day we parted from Paris, we pas­sed through the Town of Luzarch, and came to that of St. Loup. The first famous only in its owner, which is the Count of Soissons. The second in an Abbey there situate built in memory of St. Lupus Bishop of Trios in Cham­pagne. These Townes passed, we were entred into Pi­cardie.

[Page 164] Picardie is divided into the higher, which containeth the Countries of Calice and Boulogne, with the Town Monstrevill: and the lower, in which are the goodly Cities of Amiens, Abbeville, and many other places of principall note. The higher which is the lesser, and more Northern part is bounded North and West with the English Ocean; and on the East with Flanders and Artoys. The lower, which is the larger, the richer and the more Southern, hath on the East the little Country of Veromandys; on the West Normandy; and on the South the Countrey of Champagne. In length it comprehendeth all the 51 degree of Latitude, and three parts of the 50; extending from Calice in the North, to Clermont in the South. In breadth it is of a great inequality. For the higher Picardie is like Linea amongst the Logitians, which they desine to be longitudo sine latitudine, it being indeed nothing in a manner, but a meer border. The lower is of a larger breadth, and containeth in it the whole 24 degree of longitude, and a fourth part of the 23; so that by the proportion of degrees, this Province is 105 miles long, and 25 broad.

Concerning the name of Picardie, it is a difficulty beyond my reading and my conjecture. All I can do is to over­throw the lesse probable opinions of other writers, and make my self subject to that scoffe which Lactantius bestoweth on Aristotle, Rectè hic sustulit aliorum disciplinas, sed non recte fundavit suam. Some then derive it from Piquon, one forsooth of Alexander the greats Captains, whom they fain to have built Amiens and Piquigni; an absurdity not to be honoured with a con­futation: some from the Town of Piquigni it self, of which mind is Mercator; but that Town never was of such note as to name a Province: others derive it from Picardus a fanaticall Heretick of these parts, about the year 1300 and after; but the appellation is far older then the man: others fetch it from the Picts of Britain, whom they would have to flie hither after the discomfiture of their Empire and Nation by the Scots; a transmigration of which all Histories are silent: this being the verdict of the best Antiquary ever was nursed up in Bri­tain, Picti itaque funesstissimo praelio debellati, aut penitus fuerunt ex­tincti, aut paulatim in Scotorum nomen & nationem concesserint. [Page 165] Lastly, some others derive the name from Pique, which signifieth a Lance or a Pike, the inventors of which warlike weapon, the fathers of this device would fain make them. In like manner some of Germany have laboured to prove that the Saxons had that name given them from the short swords which they used to wear, called in their language Seaxon; but neither truely. For my part I have consulted [...] for all the Nations; and the I [...]rarium of Ant [...]nius for all the Towns in this tract, but can find [...]one on which I may fasten any probable Etymolo­gie. All therefore that I can say, is, [...] which R [...]bert Bishop of Auran [...]es in Normandy hath said before me, and that only in the generall, Quos itaque aetas nostra Picardos appelat verae Belgae dicendi sunt: qui post modum in Picardorum nomen tra [...]mi­grarunt.

This Countrey is very plenti [...]ull of Corne and other grain, with which it abundantly surnisheth Paris; and hath in it more store of pasture and medow grounds, th [...]n I [...]lse saw in any part of France. In Vines only it is defective, and that (as it is th [...]ught) more by the want o [...] industry in the people, then any inhability in the soil. For inde [...]d they are a people that will not labour more then they needs must, st [...]nding much upon their state and distance, and in the carriage of their bodies savouring a little of the Spaniard; whence Picar­der, to play the Picard, is usually said of those who are lo [...]ty in their looks, or glu [...]tonous at their tables: this last being also one of the symptomes of a Picard. The Governor of this Province is the D [...]ke of Les Diguieres, into which office he succe [...]ded Mr. Luynes, as also he did into that of the Consta­ble. Two preferments which he purchased at a deer rate, having sold or abandoned that religion to c [...]mpasse them, which he had professed more then 60 y [...]ars together; an apo­stasie most unworthy of the man, who having for so many years supported the cause of religion, hath now forsaken it; and thereby made himself gilty of the co [...]ardise of M. An­tonius, Qui cum in desertores saevire debuerat, [...] sui exe [...]t: [...]us factus est. But I [...]ear an he [...]vier censure waiteth upon him; the crown of immortality not being promised to all those which run, but to those only which hold out till the end. For the present indeed he hath augmented his honours by this office, [Page 166] which is the principall of all France. He hath place and com­mand before and over all the Peers and Princes of the bloud; and at the Coronation of the French Kings, ministreth the oath: when he entreth a City in state, or upon the rediti­on of it, he goeth before with the Sword naked; and when the King [...] in an assembly of the three estates, he is pla­ced at [...] Kings right hand. He hath command over all his Majesties forces; and he that killeth him is guilty of high treason. He sitteth also as chief Judge at the Table of marble upon all suits, actions, persons, and complaints whatsoever concerning the wars.

This Table de Marbre was wont to be continually in the [...] hall of the Palais at Paris; from whence upon the burn­ning of that hall, it was removed to the Louure. At this table doth the Admirall of France hold his Sessions, to judge of trafick, prizes, letters of marts, piracy, and businesse of the like nature. At this table judgeth also Le grand Maistre des eaues et forrests; we may call him the Justice in Eire of all his Majesties Forrests and waters. The actions here handled, are Thefts, and abuses committed in the Kings Forrests, Rivers, Parks, Fi [...]h­ponds, and the like. In the absence of the grand Maistre, the power of sentence resteth in the Les grand Maistres Enquesteurs, et generaux reformateurs, who have under their command no fewer then 300 subordinate officers. Here also sit the Mar­shals of France, which are ten in number, sometimes in their own power, and sometimes as Assistants to the Constable, under whose direction they are. With us in England the Marshalship is more entire, as that which besides its own ju­risdiction, hath now incorporated into it self most of the au­thority, antiently belonging to the Constables, which office ended in the death of Edward Lord Duke of Buckingham, the last hereditary and proprietary Constable of England. This office of Constable, to note unto you by the way so much, was first instituted by Lewis the grosse, who began his reign, anno 1110. and conferred on Mr. Les Diguieres on the 24 of July, 1622. in the Cathedrall Church of Grenoble, where he first heard Masse, and where he was installed Knight of both Orders. And so I leave the Constable to take a view of his Province, a man at this time beloved of neither parties; [Page 167] hated by the Protestants as an Apostata, and suspected by the Papists not to be entire.

To proceed, [...] the 28. we came unto Clermont, the first Town of any note that we met with in Picardie: a prety neat Town, and finely seated on the [...] of an hill. For the de­fence of it, it hath on the upper side of it, an indifferent large Castle, and such which were the situation of it somewhat hel­ped by the strength of Art, might be brought to do good ser­vice. Towards the Town, it is of an easie accesse, to the fieldwards more difficult, as being built on the perpendicular [...] of a [...]. In the year 1615, it was made good by Mr. Ha­rancourt with a Regiment of eight [...], who kept it in the name of the Prince of Conde, and the rest of that confe­deracy; but it held not long, for at the [...] D' [...] coming before it with his Army, and Artillery, it was [...] ­sently yeelded. This war, which was the second civill war which had happened in the reign of King Lewis, was under­taken by the Princ [...]s, chi [...]fly to thwart the designes of the Queen mother, and crush the power [...]ulnesse of her grand fa­vourite, the Marshall. The pretence (as in such cases it com­monly is) was the good of the Common-wealth: the oc­casion, the crosse marriages then consummated by the Mar­shall, between the Kings of France and Spain; for by those marriages they seemed to fear the augmentation of the Spani­ards greatnesse; the alienation of the affections of their an­tient allies; and by consequence the [...]uine of the French Empire. But it was not the [...]ate of D' Anire, as yet to [...]. Two-years more of command and insolencies, his [...] allow'd him, and then he tumbled. This opportunity of his death ending the third civill war, each of which his saulty greatnesse had o [...]oned.

What the [...] of his designes did t [...]nd to, I dare not absolutely d [...]termine; though like enough it is, that they aimed further then at a private, or a personall potencie; for having u [...]der the favour and countenance of the Q [...]een mo­ [...] [...] himself [...] the Kings ear, and of his Coun­cell; he made a [...] to get into his own hands an authority almost as unlimited, as that of the old Mayre of the Palace. For he had suppressed the liberty of the [...] estates, and of the [Page 168] soveraign [...]; removed all the officers and Counsellors of the last King; ravished one of the Presidents of the great Chamber, by name Mr. le Jay, out of the Parliament into, the prison, and planted Garrisons of his own in most of the good Towns of Normandy, of which Province he was Governour. Add to this, that he had caused the Prince of Conde, being acknowledged the first Prince of the bloud, to be imprisoned in the Bastile, and had searched into the continuance of the lives of the King and his brother, by the help of Sorcery and Witchcraft. Besides, he was suspected to have had secret in­telligence with some forain Princes, ill willers to the State; and had disgraced some and neglected others of the Kings old confederates. Certainly these actions seem to import some project beyond a private and obedient greatnesse, though I can hardly believe that he durst be ambitious of the Crown; for being a fellow of a low birth, his heart could not but be too narrow for such an hope, and having no party amongst the Nobility, and being lesse gracious with the people, he was altogether [...] of means to compasse it. I therefore am of an opinion, that the Spanish gold had corrupted him to some project concerning the enlargement of that Empire, upon the French dominion; which the crosse marriages, whereof he was the contriver, and which seemed so full of danger to all the best Patriots of France, may seem to demon­strate. And again, at that time when he had put the Realm into his third combustion, the King of Spain had an Army on foot against the Duke of Savoy, and another in the Coun­tries of Cleve and Juliers; which had not the timely fall of this Monster, and the peace ensuing prevented it, might both perhaps have met together in the midst of France. But this on­ly conjecturall.


The fair City of Amiens; and greatnesse of it. The English feasted within it; and the error of that action; the Town how built, seated and fortified. The Citadell of it, thought to be impregnable. Not permitted to be viewed. The overmuch opennesse of the English in discovering their strength. The watch and form of Government in the Town. Amiens a Visdamate: to whom it pertaineth. What that honour is in France. And how many there en­joy it, &c.

THat night we went from Clermont to a Town called Brettaul, where we were harboured: being from Clermont 6 French leagues; and from Paris 20. Our entertainment there such as in other places: as sluttish, as inconvenient. The next day being the 29, about ten of the clock, we had a sight of the goodly City of Amiens. A City of some four English miles circuit within the wals, which is all the greatnesse of it: for without the wals it hath houses few or none. A City very capacious, and for that cause hath been many times honoured with the per­sons and trains of many great Princes: besides that once it entertained almost an whole Army of the English. For King Lewis the 11. having made an advantagious peace with our Edward 4. and perceiving how ungratefull it was amongst the military men, he intended also to give them some manner of satisfaction: He sent therefore unto them 300 carts loaden with the best Wines: and seeing how ac­ceptable a present that had proved; he intended also to feast them in Amiens, within half a league of which their Camp was lodged. This entertainment lasted four daies, [Page 170] each street having in it two long tables: and each table be­ing furnished with very plentiful provision. Neither were they denied entrance into any of the Taverns, and Victu­alling houses, or therein stinted either in meats, or drinks; whatsoever was called for, being defrayed by King Lewis. An action wherein, if mine opinion might carry it, there was little of the politician. For there were permitted to [...]nter into the Town so many at once of the English men, that had they been but so minded, they might easily have made themselves Masters both of the place, and of the Kings person. Nine thousand are reckoned by Comines to have b [...]en within it together, and most of them armed: so that they might very easily have surprised the Gates, and let in the rest of the Army. Those of the French Kings Counsell much scared it, and therefore enformed both Princes of the dan­ger, the one of his Town, the other of his Honour. But this jealousie was but a French distrust, and might well have been spared: the English being of that Generals minde, who scorned to steal a victory, and of that generous disposition, that they would not betray their credits. Nunquam illis adei ulla opportuna visa est victoriae occasio, quam damno pensarent fi­des: as the Historian of Tib [...]rius. If this City then escaped a sack or a surprisal, it cannot be imputed to the wisdome of the French, but to the modesty and fair dealing of the English. But this was not the only soloecism in point of state, committed by that great politick of his time, King Lewis: there never being man so famed for his brain, that more grosly over-reached himself, then that Prince, though perhaps more frequently.

The buildings of this Town are of diverse materials, some built of stone, others of wood, and some again of both. The streets very sweet and clean, and the air not giving pl [...]ce to any for a lively pureness. Of their buildings the principal are their Churches, whereof there are twelve on­ly in number: Churches I mean parochial, and besides those belonging to Religious houses. Next unto them the work of most especial note, is a great and large Hospital; in me­thod and the disposing of the beds much like unto the Ho­stel Dieu in Paris, but in number much inferiour; Et me [Page 171] [...]amen rapuerant, and yet the decency of them did much de­light me. The sweetnesse and neatnesse of the Town, pro­ceeded partly as I said from the air, and partly from the con­veniency of the River of Some, on which it is seated. For the river running in one entire bank at the further end of the Town, is there divided into six channels, which al­most at an equall distance run through the several parts of it. Those channels thus divided, receive into them all the ordure and filth, with which the Town otherwise might be pester'd: and affordeth the people a plentifull measure of water wherewith to purge the lanes, and bie cor­ners of it, as often as them listeth. But this is not all the benefit of these Channels: they bestow upon the City mat­ter also of commodity, which is the infinite number of Grist-mils, that are built upon them. At the other end of the Town the Channels are again united into one stream: both those places, as well of the division, as of the union of the Channels being exceeding well fortified with chains and piles, and also with bulwarks and out­works.

Neither is the Town well fortified and strengthned at those passages only: the other parts of it having enough of strength to inable them to a long resistance. The ditch round about it, save where it meeteth with the Citadell, is exceeding deep, and steepie: the wals of a good height, broad, and composed of earth and stone equally: the one making up the outside of them, and the other the inside. The Gates are very large and strong, as well in the sinewie composition of themselves, as in the addition of the Draw­bridge, Suburbs this City hath none, because a Town of war: nor any liberal circuit of territory, because a frontier. Yet the people are indifferently wealthy, and have amongst them good trading; besides the benefit of the Garrison, and the Cathedral. The Garrison consisteth of 250 men, (500 in all they should be) who are continually in pay to guard the Citadel, their pay eight Sols daily. The Governor of them is the Duke of Chaune, who is also the Lieutenant or Deputy Governour of the whole Province under the Con­stable: their Captain Mr. Le Noyre, said to be a man of good [Page 172] experience, and worthy his place. This Citadel was built by Henry 4. as soon as he had recovered the Town from the [...], anno 1597. It is seated on the lower part of the City, though somewhat on the advantage of an hill, and seemeth in mine opinion, better situate to command the Town, then to defend it; or rather to recover the Town being taken, then to save it from taking. They who have seen it, and know the arts of fortification, report it to be [...].

—Quod nec Jovis ira, nec ignis,
Nec [...] ferrum, nec edax abolere vetustas.

Nor am I able to contradict it. For besides that it is a skill beyond my profession, we were not permitted to come within it, or to take a survey of it, but at a distance. As soon as we approached nigh unto it, one of the Garrison proffer'd us the Musket: a sufficient warning not to be too venturous. So that all which I could observe was this: that they had within themselves good plenty of earth to make their Gabions, and repair their breaches. With the same jealousie also, are the rest of the Forts and Towns of impor­tance guarded in this and other Countreys: no people that ever I heard being so open in shewing their places of strength and safety unto strangers, as the English. For a dozen of Ale a foreiner may pace over the curtain of Portsmouth, and measure every stone and bulwark of it. For a shilling more he shall see their provision of powder and other muni­tion. And when that is done, if he will he shall walk the round too. A French crown fathometh the wals of Dover Ca­stie: and for a pinte of wine one may see the nakednesse of the blockhouses at Gravesend. A negligence which may one day cost us dearly: though we now think it not. For what else do we in it, but commit that prodigall solly, for which Plutarch condemned Per [...]les: that is, to break open all the pales and inclosures of our land, to the end that every man might come in freely, and take away our fruit at his pleasure. Jealousie, though a vice in a man towards his wife, is yet one of the safest vertues in a Governor to­wards [Page 173] his [...]: and therefore I could wish that [...] Eng­lish man, would in this particular borrow a [...] of the Italian.

[...] these souldiers which are [...] in garrison for the defence of the Citadell, there are also 300 which keep watch every night for the defence of the City. The watchmen receive no pay of the King, but discharge that duty amongst themselves, and in turns, every house finding one for that service, twelve nights in the year. The wea­pons which they use, are pikes only, and muske [...]: there being not one pi [...]ce of Ordinance all about the Town, or on the wals of it. The Governor of this Town, as it hath reference to the King, is a B [...]illy, who hath belonging to him all the au [...]hority which belongeth to a siege [...]. Under him he hath a Lieutenant generall, and particular; seven Counsellors, a publi [...]k Notary, and other inf [...]rior Officers and Magistrates. As it is a Corporation, the chief Governor of it is a Maior, and next to him the Eschevins, or She [...]iffs, as protecto [...]s of the inhabitants and their liber­ties: besides those of the Common-councell.

Another circumstance there is, which ennobleth, this Town of Amiens, which is, that it is a Visdamate: or that it giveth honour to one of the Nobility, who is called the Vis­dame of Amiens. This title at this time belongeth to the Duke of Chaune, Governor of the Citadell, together with the Lordship of Piquigni: both which he obtained by marrying the daughter and heir of the last Visdame of Ami­ens, and Lord of Piquigni, anno 1619. A marriage which much advanced his fortunes, and which was compassed for him by the Constable Luynes his brother, who also obtained for him of the King, the title of Duke: his highest attribute before being that of Mr. de Cadinet, by which name he was known here in England, at such time when he was sent extraordinary Embassador to King James. This honour of Visdame, is for ought I could ever see, used only in France. True it is that in some old [...] Charters we meet [...] this title of Vice-dominus. As in the Charter of King Edred to the Abbey of Crowland in L [...]shire. dated in the year 948. there i [...] there subscribed Ego Ingulph Vice-dominus: but with us, and at [Page 174] those times, this title was only used to denote a subordina­tion to some superior Lord, and not as an honorary attri­bute, in which sense it is now used in France. Besides that, with us it was frequently, though falsly used for Vice comes. Between which two offices of a Vicount and a Visdame, there are found no small resemblances. For as they which did [...] vicem Comitis, were called Vicecomites or Vicounts: so were they also called Vidames or Vicedomini, qui domini epi­scopi vicem gerebant in temporalibus. And as Viscoun [...]s from offi­cers of the Earls became honorary: so did the Vidames dis­claim their relation to the Bishop, and became Signieural or honorary also.

The Vidames then according to their first institution were the substitutes of the greater Bishops, in matter of secular ad­ministration: for which cause, though they have altered their tenure, they take [...]ll of them their denomination from the chie [...]town of some Bishoprick. Neither is there any of them, who holdeth not of some Bishoprick or other. Con­cerning the number of them that are thus dignified I cannot determine. Mr. Glover, otherwise alled Somerset Herald, in his Discourse of Nobility, published by Mr. Milles of Canter­bury, putteth it down for absolute, that here are four only, viz. of Amiens, of Cha [...]tres, of Chalons, and of Gerber [...]y in Beau­vais; but in this he hath deceived both himself and his rea­ders, there being, besides those divers others, as of Rheimes, Mans, and the like. But the particular and exact number of them, together with the place denominating, I leave to the French Heralds: unto whose prosession it principally be­longeth.


The Church of Nostre D [...]me in Amiens. The prin­cipal Churches in most Cities called by her name. More honour performed to her then to her Saviour. The surpassing beauty of this Church on the [...]ut­side. The front of it. King Henry the sevenths Chappel at Westminster. The curiousnesse of this Church within. By what means it became to be so. The sumptuous masking closets in it. The excel­lency of perspective works. Indulgences by whom first founded. The estate of the Bishoprick.

THere is yet one thing which add [...]th more lustre to the City of Amiens then either the [...] or the Citadel, which is the Chur [...]h of Nostre Dame. A name by which most of the principal Churches are known in France. There have we the Nostre Dame in Roven, a second in Paris, a third in this City, a fourth in Bou [...]gne, all Cathedrall: so als [...] a Nostre Dame in Abbeville and ano­ther in Estampes: the principal Church in those Towns al­so: had I seen more o [...] their Towns, I had met with more of her Temples: for of so many I have heard of, that it there be more then two Churches in a Town, one shall be sure to be dedicated unto her, and that one of the fairest: of any temples consecrated to the name and memory of our Saviour, ne gry quidem: there was not so much as a word stir­ring, neither could I marvail at it, considring the honours done to her, and those to her son; betwixt which there is so great a disproportion, that you would have im [...]gined that Mary, and not Jesus had been our Saviour. For one Pater noster the people are enjoyned ten A [...]e Maries, and to recompense one [...] to Christs Sepulchre at [...], [Page 176] you shall hear 200 undertaken to our Lady of Loretto: and whereas in their Kalendar they have dedicated only four [...]stivals to our Saviour, which are those of his birth, circumcision, resurrection, and ascension, (all which the En [...]ish Church also observeth) for the Virgins sake they have more then doubled the number. Thus do they solem­nize the seasts of her purification, and annuntiation, at the times which we also do: of her visitation of Elizabeth, in July; of her dedication and assumption in August: of her nativity in September: of her presentation, in November: and of her conception in the womb of her mother, in December. To her have they appropriated set formes of Prayers prescribed in the two books called, one Officium, and the other Rosarium b [...]atae Mariae virginis, whereas her son must be contented with those oraisons which are in the common Masse-book. Her shrines and images are more glorious and magnificent, then those of her son. And in her Chappel are more vowes paid, th [...]n before the Crucifix. But I cannot blame the vulgar, when the great mast [...]rs of their souls are thus also beso [...]ed. The Officium before mentioned, published by the command of Pius 2. saith thus of her. Gaude Maria virgo; tu sola om­nes haereses [...] in universo mundo. Catharinus in the Councel of Trent, calleth her fidelissimam dei sociam: and he was mo­ [...]st if compa [...]ed with others. In one of their Councels, Christs name is quite forgotten, and the name of our Lady [...] in the place of it. For thus it beginneth: Autoritate Dei pat [...]is, & beatae virginis, & omnium sanctorum: but most horrible is that of one of their writers (I am lo [...]h to say it was Bernard) Beata virgo monstra te esse matrem jube filium: which Harding in his confutation of the apologie, endea­v [...]uring to m [...]ke good; would needs have it to be only an [...] of minde, or a spiritual sport and dalliance. But [...]om all such sports and dalliances, no lesse then from the plague, pestilence and famine, Good Lord deli­ver us.

Leaving our Lady, let us go to see her Church, which questionlesse is one of the most glorious piles of building under the heavens. What Velleius saith of Augustus, that he was [...] qui omnibus omnium gentium viris inducturus erat caliginem: [Page 177] or what Suetonius spake of Titus, when he called him Delitias humani generis; both those attributes and more too, may I most fitly fasten on this most magnificent Structure. The whole body of it is of most curious and polisht stone, every where born up by buttresses of that excellent composure, that they seem to add more of beauty to it then of strength. The Quire of it, as in great Churches commonly it is, is of a fairer fabrick then the body, thick set with dainty pillars, and most of them reaching to the top of it, in the fashion of an arch. I am not well able to judge, whether this Quire, or the Chappell of King Henry VII. at Westminster, be the more exquisite piece of Architecture; though I am not ignorant that Leland calleth that of our King Miraculum orbis. I perswade my self, that a most discerning eye could find out but little difference between them, and that difference more subtile then sound: for if such perfection may receive the word of more, it might be said, that there were more majesty in this of Amiens, and more of lovelinesse in that of Westminster; yet so that the ones majesty did exceed in lovelinesse, and the others lovelinesse exceed in majesty.

Tam bene conveniunt, & in una sede morantur
Majestas & amor.

But now we are come unto the divinity of the workman­ship; the front, which presenteth it self unto us with two Towers, and three gates, that in the midst being the princi­pall. The front of Welles or Peterborough, which we so much fame in England, deserve not to be named in the same myriad of years, with this of Amiens; for here have you almost all the sacred stories engraven so lively, that you would no longer think the story of Pygmalions image to be a fable; and indeed at the first sight, you would confidently believe that the histories there presented were not carved, but acted. To say no more of it (for all my abilities will but disgrace it in the description) that of Zeuxis may most fitly be inscribed up­on it, Invisurum facilius aliquem, quam imitaturum; so infinitely it is above the ambition of imitation.

[Page 178]The outside of the Church being admirable, you would have thought that art and treasure had left nothing of them­selves to bestow within it: yet herein would such thoughts deceive you; for although the beauty of the Nostre dames in Paris and Roven lay most without, yet here it serveth but as a maske to hide and conceal those most admirable graces which are within. As soon as entred you will suppose that the mate­rials of it are all of gold; such a lustre doth it cast upon the eyes of all those that look upon it. The glory of Solomons Temple, next unto the description of it in the Scriptures, is best read in this Church, of which it seemeth to have been the pattern. Jupiters house in heaven described by the Poets, was never half so gorgeous as this on the earth; that therefore which Ovid Poetically spake concerning that imaginary Palace of the false God, we may positively verifie of this reall mansi­on of the true God.

Hic locus est, quem, si verbis audacia detur,
Haud timeam magni dixisse palatia regis.

To instance in particulars; the partition between the Quire and the body, is so overlaid with gold, that the acutest sight could apprehend no other substance of it; and yet the art of the workman so fully expressed its power on it, that the cost was much inferiour to the workmanship; so curi­ously was it adorned with excellent Imagery, and what else the hand of man could fashion into portraiture: on the top of it was the Statua of our Lady in the just height and pro­portion of a woman, all either of gold or gilded; her child in her armes, of the same making. She was there expressed as standing in a round circle, unto every point of which she darted out rayes and beams of gold; just as the Sun doth seem to do, when the Painter hath drawn him in his full lustre. The glasse of the Church generally, and particularly that about the Quire, and the Virgins Chappell, is the ful­lest of life and beauty, of any that I ever yet set eye upon. As much as that of St. Denis exceedeth ours at Canterbury, so much doth this St. Denis. But the largest measure of per­fection in it is that of the Pillars, which though full of [Page 179] majesty in their height and compasse, have yet an ornament added to them more majesticall then the majesty, for upon each of them (there are four ranks of them in all) are fastned four Tables, which take up their whole circle, every Table being in length two yards or thereabout. In every of these, are the pictures of sundry men and women of the better qua­lity, so exactly limmed, that neither a curious eye could de­sire, nor a cunning hand discharge it better. These Tables are the Monuments and Tombs of the Burgers of the City, or of the noblest of the Countrey nigh unto it; who in them have caused their pictures to be drawn with as great art and state as cost could procure them, and in a subscription of golden letters, have eternized their names and that act to all succeeding posterity. So that we may justlysay of the sum­ptuousnesse of this Church, what the Historian doth of the Temple of Delphos, Multa igitur ibi, & opulenta regum populorumque visuntur munera; quaeque magnificentia sui, reddentium vota gratam voluntatem manifestant. Neitheir have these Sepulchrall or­naments been of any great standing; the antientest of them which I could observe having been erected since the year 1570. Add to these the curious works which the ingraver hath cut in the main wals, and then you perhaps will fall into the same extasie that I did, and pick a quarell with nature and the heavens, that they had not made you all into an eye.

In this Church, as in others also of this party, be­sides the high Altar in the middest of the Quire, there are divers others in the private Clossets, which are de­ [...]tinate to the mumbling of their low Masses. Of these there are in number 24. all of them seated between the two outermost rankes of pillars and the wals; prety neat places, and it is pity they should be abused to such Idolatries. Of three of them I took especiall notice, they being indeed the chiefest of the rest, either for furni­ture or use.

The first of them was that of the Virgin, which was divided from the rest of the Church by a sphere made of wood, which reached unto the tops of the parti­tion. [Page 180] On the outside the Planets, Starres and Con­stellations were most artificially set down in their pro­per orbes, with the times of absolving their severall courses. On the in [...]de, those spaces were filled up with a pack of Verses in commendation of our Lady. The Altar there, was for matter and making, the most glori­ous that ever I yet looked upon; that on the other side in the Quire, and over which is the image of our Sa­viour, being more despicable then were fit for the credite of a Village. Over this Altar was the Virgins Statua, all gilt, and of a full and womanly proportion; two Angels of the same materials attending on her. Finally, this Chappell considering the richnesse and glory of it, may be styled the Epitome of the Church; that attribute of Immensae opulentiae Templum, being no more deservedly ap­plyable to Solomons Temple, of which Tacitus spake it, then to this.

The second of them, stood as I remember, at the [...]urther end of the Church behind the Quire; not di­rected for ought I could perceive to any particular Saint, yet not to be passed over without a due remem­brance. It was separated from the rest of the Church by two ranks of brasse pillars, one rank above the o­ther. The pillars all curiously casted, and such as would not shame the workman. In this Massing Closet over the Altar there was hanged a tablet, which by the many lines and shadowes drawn in it, seemed to represent some piece of building. Moving my hand towards mine eye in the nature and kind of a Perspective glasse, I per­ceived it to be the representation of that Church in which I stood to see it; and it was done with that cun­ning, that it would almost have perswaded a man out of himself, and made him believe, that he had been in the Church yard. So perfectly did it shew the majesty of the Front, the beauty of the Iles, the number of the Pillars, and the glory of the Quire. A kinde of work, in mine opinion of all others the most excellent, and such as would infinitely delight an optick. Had not [Page 181] such pieces been vulgar to me; it had more affected me; but in the Gallery of Mr. Cr [...]ne of Cambridge, once b [...]longing to tha [...] humorous Phy [...]tian Mr. Butlar; and in that of Sir Noel Caron, late Leiger for the States, at Lambeth, I had seen divers of them, whereof some perfecter.

The third of these M [...]ssing closets was that of St. Pe­ter, not so gorgeous as the rest unto the eyes of them that saw it, but more usefull to the souls of those, who had a minde to take the benefit of it. For therein hung an indulgence granted by Pope Gregory the fifteenth unto that Church; Dated the 27 of July, anno 1622. and of his Popedome the second. The contents of it were an absolute exemption from the paines and place of Pur­gatory to those, who upon the Feast of Al-soules (Fe­stum commemorationis defunctorum, the brief calleth i [...]) and the Octaves of it; would come to pay their devotions and moneyes, in that Temple. Had the [...]xtent of it been generall, it would quickly have emptied the Popes Treasury; and in time have put an end to Purga­tory. His Holinesse therefore did wisely restra [...]n it in his Bull, to the natives of that Diocesse. The Author and first founder of this granting of Indulgences (if it be law [...]ull to note so much by the way) was Pope Urban the second, who began his Popedome anno 1088. who conferred them upon all such as would goe unto the warres for the recovering of Jerusalem; next they began to be conferred on those, who would side with the P [...]pe, in his [...]wfull warres against the Emperours. And lastly, about the time of C [...]ement the fifth (he began his reign anno 1306) they began to be merchantable; for to him that gainfull invention of the Church Treasury, consisting of the merits of our Saviour and the Saints is imputed. But I return againe to the Church of Amiens.

This glorious Church is the seat of a Bishop, who acknowledgeth for his Metropolitan, the Archbishop of [Page 182] Rhemes, Primate of [...] France; the first Bishop of it was one Firminus, a native o [...] Pampelune in the Kingdom of Navarre, wh [...] suffered Martyrdome under the Empe­rour Dio [...]ian. To hi [...] succeeded another Firminus, to whom the first foundation of the Church is attribu­ted. The present Diocesan is named Franciscus Faber, his intrade about 6000 crownes a year. Chanoins there are in the Church to the number of forty, of whose revenue I could not learn any thing; neither could I be so happy as to see the head of St John Baptist, whis is said to be here entire; though it cannot be denied that a piece of it is in the holy Chappell at Paris, besides those fractions of it which are in other places.


Our Journey down the Some, and Company. The Town and Castle of Piquigni, for what famous. Comines censure of the English in matter of Prophecies. A farewell to the Church of Ami­ens. The Town and Castle of Pont D' Armie. Abbeville how seated; and the Garrison there. No Governour in it but the Maior or Provost. The Authors imprudent curiosity; and the curte­sie of the Provost to him. The French Post­horses how base and tired. My preferment to the Trunke-horse. The horse of Philip de Comines. The Town and strength of Monstreville. The im­portance of these three Towns to the French border, &c.

JUly the 30. we took boat to go down to Abbeville, by the river of Some; a river of no great breadth, but deep and full; the boat which carryed us was much o [...] the making of those Lighters which live upon the Thames, but that is was made more wi [...]ldie and fit for speed. There were in it of us in all, to the number of 30 persons or thereabouts: people of all conditions, and such with whom a man of any humor might have found a companion Under the tilt we espied a bevie of Lasses, mixt with some young Gentlemen. To them we applyed our selves, and they taking a delight to hear our broken French, made much of our company; for in that little time of our abode there we had learned only so much of the French, as a little child after a years practise hath of his mothers tongue; Linguis [Page 184] dimidiata adhuc verba tentantibus; & loquela ips [...] offensantis [...] fragmine dulciori. The Gentlewomen next those of Orleans, were the handsomest that I had seen in France, very pleasant and affable; one of them being she which put my Religion to the touchstone of kissing the crosse of her beads. Thus associated, we passed merrily down the streame, though slowly; the delight which our lan­guage gave the companie, and the content which their liberal humanity afforded to us, beguiling the tediousnesse of the way.

The first thing we met with observable, was the Town and Castle of Piquigni. The Town poor and beggerly, and so unlikely to have named the Province, as Mercator would have it; besides the disproportion and dissimilitude of the names. The Castle situate on the top of the hill, is now a place of more pleasure then s [...]rength, as having command over an open and goodly Countrey, which lyeth below it. It belongeth as we have said, to the Vidamate of Amiens; and so doth the Town also. This Town is famous among the French for a Tradition and a truth, the Tradition is of a famous defeat given unto the English near unto it; but in whose reign, and under whose conduct, they could not tell us. Being thus routed, they fled to this Town, into which their enemies followed with them, intending to put them all to the sword: but at last their fury being allaied, they proposed that mercy to them, which those of Gilead did unto those of Ephraim in the Scriptures: life and liberty being promised to all them which could pronounce this word Piquigni. It seemeth it was not in those dayes a word possible for an English mouth; for the English saying all of them Pequenie in stead of Piquigni, were all of them put to the sword: thus far the Tradition. The Truth of story, by which this Town is famous in the writers of both Nati­ons, is an enterview here given betwixt our Edward IV. and their Lewis XI. upon the concluding of their nine years truce. A circumstance of no great moment of it self, had not Philip de Comines made it such by one of his own obser­vations. Upon this meeting the Chancellor of England, being Bishop of Ely, made an oration to both Kings, begin­ning [Page 185] with a prophesie; which said, that in this place of Piquigni, an honourable peace should be concluded between the two Kingdoms: on this ground, which himself also is the only man that relateth, he hath built two observations; the one (I have not the originall by me) That the English men are never unfurnished with Prophesies; the other, That they ground every thing they speak upon Prophesies. How far those times were guilty of that humor, I cannot say; though sure I am, that we are not the only men that were so af­fected. Paulus Jovius in some place of his Histories (I remem­ber not the particular) hath vindicated that quarrell for us, and fastned the same imputation on the French. So true is that of the Tragedian, Quod quisque fecit patitur, authorem scelus repetit. And now being past Piquigni, I have lost the sight of the Church of Amiens.

The fairest Fabrick, and most rich to see
That ere was guilty of mortalitie.
No present Structure like it, nor can fame
In all its bed-rols boast an equall name.
Let then the barbarous Egyptians cease
So to extoll their huge Pyramides;
Let them grow silent of their Pharus, and
Conceale the other triumph of their Land.
And let the Carians henceforth leave to raise
Their Mausolaea with such endlesse praise.
This Church alone doth them as much excell,
As they the lowest Cottages, where do dwell
The least of men: as they those urnes which keep
The smallest ashes which are laid to sleep.
Nor be thou vext thou glorious Queen of night,
Nor let a cloud of darknesse mask thy light.
That renownd Temple which the Greeks did call
The worlds seventh wonder, and the fair'st of all:
That pile so famous, that the world did see
Two only great and high, thy fame and thee:
Is neither burnt and perisht, Ephesus
Survives the follies of Erostratus.
On [...]y thy name in Europe to advance,
It was transported to the Realm of France.
And here it stands, [...] robb'd of any grace
Which there it had, nor altred, save in place.
Cast thy beams on it, and twill [...] be prov'd
Thy Temple w [...]s not [...] but remov'd.
Nor are thy rites so chang'd; but thou' [...] aver
This Christian is thy old Idolater.
But oh go [...]d God! how long shall thy decree
Permit this Temple to Idolatrie?
How long shall they profane this Church, and make
T [...]se sacred wals and pavements to partake
Of their loud sins: and here that Doctrine teach,
'Gainst which the very stones do seem to preach?
Reduce them Lord unto thee; make them see
How ill this building and their [...]ites agree:
Or make them know, though they be still the same,
This house was purpos'd only to thy name.

The next place of note that the water conveied us to, was the Town and Castle of Pont d' Arme: a place now scarce visible in the ruines, and belonging to one Mr. Quercy. It took name, as they say, from a bridge here built for the transportation of an Army; but this I cannot justifie. Three leagues down the river is the Town of Abbeville; a Town conveniently seated on the Some, which runneth through it. It is of greater circuite within the wals, then the City of Amiens, and hath four Parish Churches more then it; but is not so beautifull, nor so populous. For the houses here are of an older stampe, and there is within the Town no scarcity of wast ground. I went round about the wals, and ob­served the thinness of the houses, & the largeness of the fields, which are of that capacity and extent, that for ought I could apprehend, the Town need never fear to be compelled by famine, if those fields were husbanded to the best advantages. The wals are of earth within and stone without, of an un­equall breadth, and in some places ruinous. A Castle it once had, of which there is now scarce any thing remaining. In stead of which, and in places more convenient, they built out [Page 187] three Bastions, very large and capacious; and such well man­ned need not yeeld upon a summons. There are also a couple of mounts raised nigh unto the wall, at that place where the Countrey is most plain, upon which good O [...]dinance would have good command; but at this time there were none upon it. Without the wals it is diversly strengthned, having in some places a deep ditch without water, in some a shallower ditch but well filled by the bene­fit of the river, in others only a moorish and fennie levell, more dangerous to the enemie, and secure to the Town, then either of the rest, and therefore never guarded by the Souldiers of the Garrison. But the chief strength of it, is five Companies of Swiss, 100 in a company, proper tall fel­lowes in appearance, and such as one would imagine fit for the service. It was my chance to see them begin their watch; to which imployment they advanced with so good order, and such a shew of stomach, as if they had not gone to gua [...]d a Town, but possesse one. Their watch was at Porte de Beyes[?], and Porte St. Valery; the first lying near un­ Hesdin a frontier Town of Artoys; the other five leagues on­ly from the Sea and Haven of St. Valery. From [...]hose places most danger was feared, and therefore there kept most of their Souldiers, and all their Ordin [...]nce. Their Captain is named Mr. Aillè[?] a Grison by birth, and reported for a good Souldier. Besides him they have no military Commander[?]; the Maior of the Town, contrary to the nature [...] Towns[?] of war, being there in highest authority. A [...] granted unto the Maiors hereof, not long since, as a reward due to one of their integrities, who u [...]standing that the Gover­nour of the Town held intelligence with the Arch-duke; apprehended him and sent him to the Court, where he re­ceived his punishment. This Abbeville (and so I leave it, and in it my bevie of French lasses) is so called quasi Abbatis Villa, as formerly belonging to the Abbot of it.

And yet before I leave this Town, I must needs take notice of an Adventure which might have proved prjudi­ciall to me, if my good fortune had not overcome all con­trary accidents. My companions had no sooner landed out of the boat which brought us from Amiens, but presently [Page 188] they betook themselves to the Post-house without the Town, that they might be ready for Bologne the next morning. But I who did not think that I was to make such a gollopping journey thorow France, as the foolish traveller affirmed he had made thorow Venice, resolved to satisfie my self in all those particulars which I found capable of note and observation. Which having done, and thinking I had still day enough for my curiosities, I betook my self to the Corps du guard, where being soon known to be a Gentleman of England, I easily obtained leave to walk round about the works of the Town, and to observe the situation, strength, and defences of it. But so it hapned that before I came to the gate which led towards the Post-house, I found it newly locked up by the Captain of the watch for that night, and thought I might have found passage at the next gate, had I hastned towards it; yet I was so taken up with the orderly march of the Guards, being all proper fellowes and well ap­pointed, that before I came to that gate, it was locked up also: which being the two only gates on that side of the River, deprived me of all ordinary means to come that night to my Companions, who were resolved to be on horse back the next morning by the break of day. I had now liberty enough to traverse and consult the streets, within which I seemed to be imprisoned, but could meet none that could informe me how to free my self out of that restraint; at last I met with an old Burger of a comely presence, who I thought promised better satisfaction then the rest had given me; who being acquainted with my desire of uniting my self with my companions, and the difficulty which my curiosity had brought upon me, di­rected me to the house of the Provost, who, as he told me, had the keeping of a Water gate under one of the Arches of the wall by which the River passed thorow the Town, by which I might finde a way out of it, if I could wooe him to make use of his priviledge in that point, which he thought hard, if not impossible to be effected. Well, to the Provosts house I went, whom I found at home, acqua [...]nted him that I came with Letters from [Page 189] the Court of England, that I was returning thither with my dispatches, that my companions being lesse curious then my self, had presently betook themselves to their lodgings without the Town, that it would be a great reproach to me, if I should not be in England as soon as they, and there­fore humbly did beseech him (in as good French as I could) that he would be my means to set me on the other side of the River without the Town, which I un­derstood to be in his power. To this request he yeelded with a great deal of chearfulnesse, assuring me that he thought himself exceeding happy in having opportunity of doing any acceptable service to an English Gentleman: which said, he p [...]esently dispatched a servant for his Bayliffe de [...]eaw, or Water Bailiffe (being a sworn officer of the Town) to attend upon him, and in the mean time enter­tained himself with such discourses as I was able to make him of the Queens reception. News being brought that the Water Bailiffe was coming forwards, he conducted me into a low Parlor very handsomely furnished, where I found a Banquet or Collation provided for me, consisting of cold bake-meats, choise Marmelets, and most excellent Wines, and (which I looked upon as the greater favour) his Wife and Daughters ready for my entertainment. We had scarce ended this refreshment, when the B [...]iliff brought word that he had made a boat ready to carry me to the Water-gate; whereupon having had the honor to kisse the hands of the women, I made accompt to take my leave of the Provost also, who on the other side was re­solved to accompany me to the water side, and not to leave me till he saw me passed thorow the gate (whether out of civility to me, or compliance with the trust reposed in him, I determine not) which was done accordingly; one of his servants waiting on me till he had brought me to the Inne where I was to lodge.

July the last, we took Post-horse for Bologne; if at the least we may call those Post-horses, which we rid on. As lean they were, as Envie is in the Poet; Ma [...]es in [...] [...]oto, being most true of them. Neither were they only lean enough to have their ribs numbred, but the very [Page 190] spur-g [...]ls had made [...]uch ca [...]ements thr [...]ugh their skins, that it had been no great d [...]fficulty to have survey [...]d their entrai [...]s. A strange kind of C [...]ll in my mine opinion, and such as had neither flesh on their bones, nor skin on their fl [...]sh, nor hair on their skin; sure I am they were not so [...]lusty as the horses of the Sun in Ovid; neither could we say of them F [...]ammiferis implent hinnitibus auras. All the [...]eighing we could hear from the proudest of them, was only an old dry cough, which I'le assure you did much comfort me, for by that noise I first learned there was life in them. Upon such Anatomies of horses, or to s [...]eak more properly, upon such severall heaps of bones, when I and my Companion mounted; and when we ex­pected, however they seemed outwardly, to see somewhat of the Post in them, my beast began to move after an Aldermans pace, or like Envie in Ovid, ‘Surgit humi pigre, passuque incedit inerti.’ Out of this gravity no perswasion could work them; the dull Jades being grown unsensible of the spur, and to hearten them with wands would in short time have disforested the Country. Now was the Cart of Dieppe thought a speedy con­veyance; and those that had the happinesse of a Waggon were e [...]eemed too blessed, yea though it came with the hazard of the old woman and the wenches. If good nature, or a sight of their journeyes end, did chance to put any of them into a pace like unto a gallop, we were sure to have them tire in the middle way, and so the remainder of the Stage was to be me [...]sured by our own feet. B [...]ing weary of this trade, I made bold to d [...]smount the Postilion, and ascended the trunk-horse, where I sat in such a magnificent posture, that the best Car­rier in Paris might envie my felicity. Behind me I had a good large Trunk and a Port mantle; before me a bundle [...] cloaks, a cloak-b [...]g, and a parcell of boots; sure I w [...]s if my stirrups could poise me equally on both sides, that I could not likely fall backwards nor [...]orwards. Thus prefer­red, I encouraged my companions, who cast many an envi­ous eye upon my prosperity. And certainly there was not [Page 191] any of them, who might not more justly have said of me, Tuas un me [...]lleur temps que le Pape, then poor [...] master did when he allowed him an Onion only for four dayes. This circumstance I confesse might have well b [...]n omitted, had I not great example for it Ph [...]p de Comines in the mi [...]est of his grave and serious relation of the B [...]tail of [...] H [...]rie, hath a note much about this nature, which gave m [...] encourage­ment, which is, That himself had an old [...] halfe [...] (and this was just my case) who by chance thrust [...] [...]ead into a pale of wine and dranke it off, which made him lus [...]er and fr [...]sher that day, then ever b [...]fore: but in that, his horse had better luck then I had.

On the right hand of us, and almost in the middle way betwixt Abbeville and Bologne, we left the Town of Monstrueil, which we had not leasure to see. It seemeth dai [...]tily sea [...]ed [...]or command and resistance, as being built upon the top and decli­vity of a hill. It is well strengthned with B [...]stions and Ram­part [...] on the outside, & hath within it a Garrison of [...] Com­panies of Souldiers; their Govern [...]ur (as I learned of one of the Paisants) being called Lannoy And indeed it concerne [...]h the King of France to look wel to the Town of Monstruell, [...]s being a border Town, within two miles of Artoys; and especially considering that the taking of it, would cut [...]ff all entercourse between the Countries of Bol [...]gne and Calais, with the rest of France. Of the like importance also are the Towns of Abbeville and Amiens; and that the French Kings are not ignorant of. Insomuch that those two only, together with that of St. Quintain, being put into the hands of Philip D. of Burgundy, to draw him from the party of the En [...]sh; were redeemed again by Lewis XI. for 450000 crownes, an infinite sum of money, according to the standard of those times; and yet it seemeth the King of France had no bad bargain of it. For upon an hope only of regaining these Towns, Charles Eal of Charaloys son to D. Philip undertook that war against King Lewis, by which at the last, he lost his life, and hazarded his estate.


The County of Boulonnois, and Town of Boulogne by whom Enfranchized. The present of Salt-butter. Boulogne divided inte two Towns. Procession in the low [...]r Town to divert the Plague. The forme of it. Procession and the Letany by whom brought into the Church. The high Town Garrisoned. The old man of Boulogne; and the desperate visit which the Author bestowed upon him. The neglect of the English in leaving open the Havens. The frater­nity De la Charite, and inconvenience of it. The costly Journey of Henry VIII. to Boulogne. Sir Walt. Raleghs censure of that Prince con­demned. The discourtesie of Charles V. towards our Edward VI. The defence of the house of Bur­gundy how chargeable to the Kings of England. Boulogne yeilded back to the French; and on what conditions. The curtesie and cunning of my Host of Bovillow.

WE are now come to the County of Boulonnois, which though a part of Picardie, disdaineth yet to be so accounted, but will be reckoned as a County of it self. It comprehendeth in it the Town of Boulogne, Estaples, and N [...]uf-Chastell, besides divers Villages; and con­sisteth much of Hils and Vallies, much after the nature of England; the soil being indifferent fruitfull of Corne, and yielding more Grasse then any other part of France (which we saw) for the quantity. Neither is it only a County of it self, but it is in a manner also a free County, it being holden [Page 193] immediately of the Virgin Mary, who is, no question, a very gracious Landladie. For when King Lewis XI. after the decease of Charles of Burgundy, had taken in Boulogne, anno 1477. as new Lord of the Town (thus John de Serres rela­teth it) he did homage without Sword or Spurs, bare-headed and on his knee, before the Virgin Mary, offering unto her Image an heart of massie gold, weighing 2000 crowns. He added also this, that he and his successors Kings after him, should hold the County of Boulogne of the said Virgin, and do homage unto her image in the great Church of the higher Town dedicated to her name, paying at every change of a Vassall an heart of pure gold of the same weight. Since that time, the Boulonnois being the Tenants of our Lady, have en­joyed a perpetuall exemption from many of those Tributes and Taxes, under which the rest of France is miserably afflicted. Amongst others they have been alwayes freed from the Gabell of Salt; by reason whereof, and by the goodnesse of their Pastures, they have there the best butter in all the Kingdome. I said partly by reason of their salt, because having it at a low rate, they do liberally season all their Butter with it; whereas they which buy their Salt at the Kings price, cannot afford it any of that deer commodity: upon this ground it is the custome of these of Boulonnois to send unto their friends of France and Paris, a barrell of Butter seasoned according to their fashion; a present no lesse ordinary and acceptable, then Turkies, Capons, and the like, are from our Countrey Gentlemen to those of London.

As for the Town of Boulogne, it is divided into two parts, La haute Ville, and La basse V [...]lle, or the high Town, and the low Town, distant one [...]rom the other above an hundred paces, and upwards. The high Town is seated upon the top of an hill; the low Town upon the declivity of it, and towards the Haven. Or else we may divide it into other parts, viz. the Town, and the City; the Town that towards the water, and the City that which lyeth above it. It was made a City in the reign of Henry II. anno 1553. at which time the City of Terovenne w [...]s totally ruined by the Impe­rials, and the Bishops seat was removed hither; the Church [Page 194] of Nostre D [...]me being made the Ca [...]hedrall. There came along hither, upon the remove of the Bishop, 20 Canons, which number is here still retained, their revenue being about 1000 Livres yearly. As for the present [...], his name is Pierre d' Armè his intrado 2000 Livres, his Metropolitan he of [...]. The Town, or as they call it, the low Town, is bigger then the City, and better built, the streets larger, and the people richer, most of the Merchants living in it, because it lyeth upon the Haven.

But that which made this low Town most pleasing to me, was a [...] procession that passed through the streets of it, intending to pacifie Gods anger, and divert the plague, which at that time was in the City. In the first front there was carried the Crosse, and after that the holy or sanctified Ban­ner; next unto it followed all the Priests of the Town bare-headed, and in their Surplices, singing as they went the Services destinate to that occasion. After them followed the men, and next to them the women of the Town, by two and two, it being so ordered by the Roman Rituall, Ut laici a clericis, foeminae a viris prosequantur se paratae. On the other side of the street went the Brethren De la Charitè, every one of them holding in his hand a little triangular Banner, or a Pennon; after them the boyes and wenches. In this method did they measure solemnly every lane and angle of the Town; the Priests singing, and all the people answering them in the same note. At the Church they began it with prayers, and having visited all the Town, they returned again thither to end it with the same devotion. An action very grave and solemn, and such as I could well allow of, were it not only for one prayer which is alwayes said at the time of this performance, and the addition of the Banners. The Prayer is this: Exaudi nos Deus salutaris noster, & intercedente beata & gloriosa Viigine, & beato Sebasti­ano Martyre tuo (this Sebastian is their Aesculapius or tutelary Saint against the Sicknesse) & omnibus Sanctis; populum tuum ab iracundiae tuae terroribus libera, & misericordiae tuae fac largi­tate securum, Amen. This only excepted, there is nothing in all the liturgie of it, which can be offensive to any con­science, not idlely scrupulous.—These Processions [Page 195] were first instituted by Pope Stephanus [...]. who be [...]an his Popedome anno 752. the intent of them, as [...] [...] it, Ad placandam Dei iram. The fi [...]st place that ever they went to in procession, was the Church of our Lady in the Shambles; or Ad [...] Dei [...] ad praesepe, as the Historiian calleth them. As for the L [...]ny, which is a principall part of it, it was first compiled by Mamereus Bishop of Vienna in Daulphine, in the time of Pope Leo the first, which was 308 years before the time of Stephanus. The motive of it, was the often danger to which France was subject, by reason of the frequency of Earth quakes. Since those beginnings, which were fair and commendable, the Romish Church hath added much to them of magnificence, and somewhat of impiety, and pro [...]anenesse. As for the [...] ­thren Dela Charitè, I could not learn any thing of their originall, but much of their Office; for they are bound to visit all such as are infected with the Plague, to minister unto them all things necessary, and if they die, to shrowde them and carry them to their graves. These duties they per­forme very willingly, as being possessed with this fancie, that they are priviledged from contagion, by virtue of their Order. And to say the truth, they are most of them old, and so lesse subject to it; and indeed such saplesse, thin, un­bodies fellowes, that one would think almost no disease could catch them. Yet hath their prerogative not always held to them; of 33 of them in Calice, three only surviving the disease, about four yeers since. But were the danger to which themselves are liable, all the inconveniency of it, I should not much disallow it. There is a greater mischief waiteth upon it, and that is, the infecting of others; they immediately after their return from the Pest house, mix­ing themselves with any of their neighbours. A most speedy means to spread the Pestilence, where it is once begun; though neither they nor the people will be per­swaded to it.

The City or the high Town, standeth, as we have said, on the top of the hill, environed with deep ditches, a strong wall, and closed with a treble gate and two draw bridges. A little small Town it is, not much above a flights shot [Page 196] thwart, where it is widest; and hath in it but one Church be [...]ides that of Nostre D [...]me, which is Cathedrall. The [...]reets not many, and those narrow, unlesse it be in the M [...]rket-place, where the Corpus du [...]uarde is kept. What the out works are, or whether it have any or no, I cannot say. Ev [...]n in this time o [...] League and Peace, their jealousie will not permit an English m [...]n to walke their wals, either within or without the Town. A Castle they said that it hath; but such a one as serv [...]th more for a dwelling then a Fort. The Garrison of this Town consisteth of five Com­panies, 60 in a Company, which amount in all to 300: their Governour being Mr. D' Aumont, son to the Marshall D' Au­mont; who so [...] adhered to Henry IV. in the begin­ning of his troubles. The cause why this Town being so small, is so st [...]ongly Garrisoned, is the safe keeping of the Haven which is under it, and the command of the passage from the Haven up into the Countrey. The first of the ser­vices it can hardly performe, without much injury to the low Town, which standeth between them: but for the ready discharge of the last, it is d [...]intily seated, for though to spare the low Town, they should permit an enemie to land; yet as soon as he is in his march up into the higher Countrey, their Ordinance will tear him into pieces.

But for the immediate security of the Haven, their An­cestors d d use to fortifie the old Tower, standing on the top of the hill, called La tour d' ordre. It is said to have been built by Julius Caesar, at the time of his second expedition into Britaine; this Haven being then named Portus Gessoriaeus. This Tower which we now see, seemeth to be but the re­mainder of a greater work; and by the height and situati­on of it, one would guesse it to have been the Keepe or Watch-tower unto the rest. It is built of rude and vulgar stone, but strongly cemented together, the figure of it is six square, every square of it being nine paces in length. A compasse too little for a Fortresse, and therefore it is long [...]ince it was put to that use; it now serving only as a Sea­marke by day, and a Pharos by night; Ubi [...] noctu [...]. The English man calleth it, The old [Page 197] man of Boulogne, and not improperly, for it hath all the [...]ignes o [...] age upon it. The Sea by undermining it, hath taken from it all the earth about two squares of the bottom of it; the stones begin to drop out from the top, and upon the least ri [...]ing of the wind, you would think it were troubled with the Palsie. In a word, two hard Winters, seconded with a violent tempest, mak [...]th it rubbish; what therefore is wan­ting of present strength to the Haven in this ruine of a Tower, the wisdome of this age hath made good in the Garrison. And here me thinks I might justly accuse the im­ [...] thrift of our former Kings of England in not laying out some money upon the strength and sa [...]ty of our Haven Towns: not one of them, Portesm uth only excepted being Garrison [...]d. True it is, that Henry VIII. did er [...]ct Block­houses in many of them; but what bables they are, and how unable to resist a Fleet royally appointed, is known to e­very one. I know, indeed, we w [...]re [...] garrisoned by our Navy, could it either keep a watch on all particular places, or had it not sometimes occasion to be absent I hope our Kings are not of Darius mind in the story, [...] glori [...]sius ratus est hostem repellere quam non admittere; nei [...]her will I take upon me, to give counsell; only I could wish that we were not inferior to our neighbours, in the greatnesse of our care; since we are equall to the best of them in the goodnesse of our Countrey.

But though the old man was too old to performe this service, or to contribute any thing toward the defence of the Town and Haven, yet I conceived my self obliged to give him a visite; partly out of the reverent esteem which I had of Antiquity, but principally that I might from thence take a [...]ull view of my dearest England, from which sor want of winde and Company, I was then re­strained. With these desires I made a boy of the Inne ac­quainted, who told me that there was no way but by the P [...]st-houses from the Town to the Tower, and that if we were noted to walke that way, we should both be presently s [...]ut up as infected persons, or committed to the custody of the Brethren of Charity, the [...] [...]ondition [Page 198] of the two. But finding the impatiencie of my desires not so easily satisfied, and the temptation of a Quart d' es [...]ue, not to be [...]; he told me that if I would venture to climb up the Rocks, as he and other boyes of the Town used to do sometimes, he would undertake to bring me thither. This offer I readily accepted, and as soon as the tide was low enough for us, we began our [...]alke upon the Beach till we came to the bottom of the Rocks where the old man dwelt, and presently we began to mount, as if we meant to take the Fortresse by Scalado. I found the way more troublesome and dan­gerous then I had conceived, and my self before I came [...]lfe way towards the top, which seemed still to be farther of then it was at the first, so vexed and bruised, that I began to be amazed at my own fool-hardinesse, and was many times in a minde to descend again; and questi­onlesse I had done accordingly, if a resolution of not giving over any enterprise which I was engaged in, and a fear least the boy would laugh at me when we came to the Town, had not pushed me on. Having breathed our selves a while, we advanced again. The old cripplo who is fabled to have stolen Pauls weather-cock, used not more pains and cunning in climbing to the top of that lofty [...], then we in mounting to the top of these mighty Rocks; which when we had attained at last, me thought I was much of the same humor with old Tom of Od [...]ombe on the top of the Alpes, of whom the Poet hath informed us:

That to the top at last being got,
With very much adoe god wot;
He eagerly desired,
That mighty Jove would take the pains
To dash out their unworthy brains,
Who offered to be tired.

No sooner had my eyes got above the height of the Cliffes, but the first fight I met with was a row of Pest­houses [Page 199] not [...] distant, and some old women dry [...] the [...] on a bank adjoyning; the fight whereof had almost made me recoil backward with more hast then [...]. But having overcome the danger of that apprehension, I first saluted the old man, taking full no­tice of his great stature, old age, and many infirmi [...]ies. That done, I turned my face toward England, wh [...]ch afforded me a most pleasing object; the course thereof lying with­in my view at so great a length, that one might easily discerne from D [...]ver Castle E [...]stward, to the West of [...]: an object of so rich contentment and so full of ravishing contemplations, that I was almost of his mind who said B [...]num est nobis esse hic; and certainly I had dwelt there l [...]nger, if the boy had not put me in mind that the flood was coming back amain (as ind [...]ed it was) and that if we made not speed to recover the Town before it was got near the foot of the Rocks, we must of necessity be fain to abide there the great [...]st part of the night till the ebb ensuing. On this advertisement, there was no need to bid me hasten: but then a new humor seized upon me, when I beheld those dreadfull precipices, which I was to descend, together with the infinite dist [...]nce of the Beach from the top of the Rocks, the danger of being shut up by the sea, if we made not hast, and of tumbling into it if we did. But as curiosity had carryed me up, so necessity brought me down again, with greater safety, I con [...]esse, then I had deserved. This adventure being like some of those actions of Alexander the great, whereof Curtius telleth us that they were, magis ad temeritatis quam ad gloriae famam.

This Town of Boulogne, and the Countrey about it, was taken by Henry VIII. of England, anno 1545. himself being in person at the siege; a very costly and charge­able victory. The whole list of his Forces did amount to 44000 Foot, and 3000 Horse; Field pieces he drew after him above 100 besides those of smaller making: and for the conveyance of their Ordinance, B [...]gage and other provision, there were transported into the Continent, [Page 200] above 25000 h [...]rses. True it is, th [...]t his d [...]signes had a further aime, had not Charles the Emperor, with [...] he was to joyne, left the field and made peace without him. So that, judging only by the successe of the expedi­tion, we cannot but say, that the winning of Boulon­nois was a deer purchase. And indeed in this one par­ticular Sir Walter Raleigh in the Preface to his most ex­cellent History saith not amisse of him; namely, That in his vain and fruitlesse expeditions abroad, he consumed more treasure, then all the rest of our Victorious Kings before him did in their severall Conquests. The other part of his censure c [...]ncerning that Prince, I know not well what to think of, as meerly composed of gall and bitternesse. Onely I cannot but much [...]arvell, that a man of his wisdome, be­ing raised from almost nothing by the daughter, could be so severely invective against the Father; certainly a most charitable Judge cannot but condemne him of want of true aff [...]ction and duty to his Q [...]een: seeing that it is as his late Maj [...]sty hath excellently noted in his [...], A thing monstrous to see a man love the childe, and bate the Parents; and therefore he earnestly en­joyneth his son Henry, To represse the insolence of such as un­der pretence to taxe a vice in the person seek craftily to stain the race.

Presently after this taking of Boulogne, the French a­gain endevoured their gaining of it, even during the life of the Conquerour; but he was strong enough to keep his gettings. After his death, the English being engaged in a war against the Scots, and Ket having raised a re­bellion in Norfolke, they began to hope a Conquest of it, and that more violently then ever. Upon news of their preparations, an Embassador was dispatched to Charles the fi [...]h, to desire succor of him, and to lay before him the infancy and severall necessities of the young King, who was then about the age of ten years. This desi [...]e when the Emperour had refused to hearken to, they be [...]ought him, that he w [...]uld at the least be pleased to take into his hands and keeping, the Town [Page 201] of Boulogns; and that for no longer time, then untill King Edward could make an end of the troubles of his Subjects at home. An easie request. Yet did he not only deny to satisfie the King in this, except he would restore the Catholick religion; but he also expresly commanded that neither his men or munition, should go to the assistance of the English. An ingratitude, for which I cannot finde a fitting epithite; considering what fast friends the Kings of England had alwayes been to the united houses of Burgundie and Austria; what moneys they have helped them with, and what sun­dry Warres they have made for them, both in Belgium to maintain their Authority, and in France to augment their potencie.

From the marriage of Maximillan of the family of Austria, with the Lady Mary of Burgundy, which happe­ned in the yeere 1478. unto the death of Henry the eighth, which fell in the yeere 1548. are just 70 yeeres. In which time only it is thought by men of knowledge and experience, that it cost the Kings of England, at the least six millions of pounds, in the meer quarrels and defence of the Princes of those houses. An expence, which might seem to have earned a greater requitall, then that now demanded. Upon this deniall of the un­mindfull Emperour, a Treaty followed betwixt England and France. The effect of it was, that Boulogne, and all the Countrey of it should be restored to the French, they paying unto the English, at two dayes of pay­ment 800000 Crownes. Other Articles there were, but this the principall. And so the fortune of young Ed­ward in his beginning, was like that of Julius Caesar towards his end, Dum clementiam, quam praestiterat, expectat, incautus ab ingratis occupatus est.

I am now at the point of leaving Boulogne, but must first reckon with mine Host, to whom we were growne into arrears since our first coming thither. Our stock was grown so low, when we came from Paris, that had not a French Gentleman whom we met at Amiens disbursed [Page 202] for us, it would not have brought us to this Town, so that our Host was fain to furnish us with some me­nies to make even with him. After which staying there from Sunday noon to Wednesday morning, and being then fain to make use of his credit also to provide of a Boat for England (which alone stood us in three pound) our engagements grew greater th [...]n he had any just reason to adventure on us. But being an ingenuous man, and seeing that we fared well, spent freely, and for the most part entertained him and his family at our table, he was the lesse diffident of payment, as he told me after­wards. Having stayed three dayes for Company, and none appearing, we were fain to hire a boat expresse for my companion and my self to passe over in. In order whereunto, I told him of our present condition, assured him that we had friends in Dover who would supply us with all things necessary (as indeed we had) that ha­ving summed up what we owed him, and what he had contracted for our passage over, he should have a note under our hands for the payment of it, and that one of us should remain prisoner in the Boat till the other raised money to redeem him. To which he answered, that we had carryed our selves like Gentlemen, which gave him no distrust of a reall payment; that he would take if we pleased a Bill of our hands for the money to be paid in Dover; and desired that we would give him leave to send over a servant in our Boat with a basket of poultery, who should receive the money of us and give back our Bond. This being agreed upon, the n [...]xt mor­ning we took boat [...]or England, the Mariners knowing nothing else, but that the servant went over only to sell his Poultery (that being an opportunity frequently in­dulged by them unto those of the Town) though we knew well enough he went on another errand; and as we could not but commend my Host for his courtesie and his care taken of our credit, so we had reason to esteem our selves in a kinde of custody in that he would not let us stir without a Keeper. Nor did my Host lose any thing by his kindnesse to us. For we not only paid him [Page 203] honestly all his full demands, but bestowed a reward upon hi [...] servant and sent a present of Gloves and Knives (commodit [...] much prized in France) to his Wife and Daughters; that he might see we knew as well how to requi [...]e as receive a curtesie. Which said, I must step back into France ag [...]n that having taken a brief view al­ready of the Principall Provinces; I may render some accompt of the Government also in reference to the Courts, the Church and the Civill Stat [...].

The End of the Fourth Book.



Describing the Government of the Kingdom generally, in reference to the Court, the Church and the Civill Sate


A transition to the Government of France in generall. The person, age and marriage of Ki [...]g Lewis XIII. Conjecturall reasons of his being issuelesse. Iaqueline Countesse of Holland kept from issue by the house of Burgundy. The Kings Sis [...]ers all married; and his alliances by them. His naturall Brethren, and their preferments. His lawfull brother. The title of Monseiur in France. Monseiur as yet unmarried; not like to marry Montpensiers daughter. That Lady a fit wife for the Earl of Soissons. The difference between him and the Prince of Conde for the Crown, in case the line of Navarre fail. How the Lords stand affected in the cause. Whether a child may be born in the 11 moneth. King Henry IV. a great lover of fair Ladies. Monseiur Barradas the Kings favorite, his birth and offices. The omniregency of the Queen Mother; and the Cardi­nall of Richileiu. The Queen mother a wise and prudent woman.

HAving thus taken a survey of these four Provinces, which we may call the Abstract and Epitome of the Realm of France; and having seen in them the [...]emper, humo [...] and conditions of the people of it: We will [Page 205] n [...]xt take a generall view of the G [...]vernors and Government thereof, with reference to the Court, the Church and the Civill State.

First for the Court, we must in reason in the first place begin with the person of the King, with [...]ut whose influence and presence, the Court is but a dead carkasse, void of life and Majesty. For person he is of the middle [...]ture, and rather well proportioned then large, his face knoweth li [...]le yet of a beard, but that which is black and swarty, his com­plexion also much of the same hew, carrying in it a certain boisterousnesse, and that in a farther measure then what a gracefull majesty can admit of, so that one can hardly say of him, without a spite of Courtship, which Pater [...]lus did of Tiberius, Quod v [...]us praetul [...]rit principem, that his countenance proclaimed him a King. But q [...]stionlesse lesse his great [...]st defect is want of utterance, which is very unpleasing, by reason of a desperate and uncurable stammering; which defect is likely more and more to grow upon him. At this time he is aged 24 years and as much as since the 27 day of last September, which was his birth day; an age which he beareth not very plau­sible; want of beard, and the swarthinesse of his complexion, making him seem older. At the age of 11 years he was affi­anced to the Lady Anna Infanta of Spain, by whom as yet he hath no children. It is thought by many, and covertly spoken by divers in France, that the principall c [...]use of the Q [...]eens barrennesse proceedeth from Spain; that people being loath to fall under the French obedience, which may very well happen, she being the eldest Sister of the King. For this cause in the seventh Article of the marriage, there is a clause, that neither the said Infanta nor the children born by her (to the King) shall be capable to inherit any of the Estates of the King of Spain. And in the eight Article she is bound to make an Act of Renunciation, under her own hand­writing, as soon as she cometh to be 12 years old, which was accordingly performed. But this being not sufficient to secure their fears, it is thought, that she was some way or other disabled from conception before ever she came in­to the Kings imbraces. A great crime, I con [...]sse, if true; yet I cannot say with Tully in his defence of Ligarius, Novum [Page 206] Crimen Caje Caear, & ante hoc tempus inauaitum. Iaqueline Coun [...]sse of Holland, was Cousen to Philip Duke of Burgundy, her [...] would have debarred h [...]m [...]rom those Estates of Holland, Z aland and W [...]st Friezland; therefore though she had th [...]ee husbands, there was order taken she should never have child: with her first two husbands the Duke would never suffer her to live; and when she had stolen a wedding with Frane of Borselle one of her servants, the Dukes Physitians gave h [...]m such a potion, that she might have as well marryed an Eunuch; upon this injury, the poor Lady dyed, and the Duke succeeded in those Countries: which by his Grand­childe Mary, were conveyed over into the house of Austria, together with the rest of his estates. I dare not say that that Family hath inhe [...]ited his practises with his Lands; and yet I have heard, that the Infanta Isabella had the like or worse measure afforded her before she was bedded by the Arch-Duke Allertus. A Diabolicall trick which the prostitutes of the Heathen used in the beginning of the Gospell, and before; of whom Octavius complaineth, Quod originem futuri hominis ex­tinguant, & paricidium saciunt, antequam pariunt,—Better luck then the King hath his Sister beyond the Mountains, I mean his eldest Sister Madam E [...]izabeth, marryed to the King of Spain now living, as being (or having been) the mo­ther of two children. His second Sister Madam Christian, is marryed unto Amadeo Victor principe major, or heir appa­rent to the Duke of Savoy: to whom as yet she hath born no issue. The youngest Madam Henrietta Maria is newly marryed to his most Excellent Majesty of England, to whom may she prove of a most happy and fruitfull womb, Et pulcra faciat te prole parentem. Of these Alliances, the first were very profitable to both Princes, could there be made a marriage between the Kingdoms, as well as the Kings. But it is well known that the affections of each people are divided with more unconquerable mountains, then their Dominions. The French extreamly hating the proud humor and ambition of the Spaniard, and the Spaniard as much loathing the vain and unconstant lightnesse of the French; we may therefore account each of them, in these inter marriages, to have ra­ther intended the perpetuity of their pa [...]ticular houses, then [Page 207] the strength of their Empires; and that they more desired a noble st [...]ck wherein to gra [...] poster [...], then [...]. The Alliance with Sav [...]y is more advantagious, though lesse powerfull, then that of Spain: for if the King of France can keep this Prince on his party, he need not fear the great­nesse of the other, or of any of his faction. The continuall fiding of this house with that of Austria, having given great and many impediments to the fortune of the French. It stand­eth so fitly to countenance the affaires of either King in It [...]ly or Germany, to which it shall encline, that it is just of the same nature with the state of Florence between Millaine and Venice, of which [...] faith, that [...] le cos [...]d' Italia bilanciate. On this r [...]ason Henry IV. [...]nestly desired to m [...]tch one of his children into this Co [...]trey, and left this desire as a Legacy wi [...]h his C [...]uncell. But the Alliance of most use to the State of France, is that of England, as being the nighest and most able of all his neighbours; an alliance which will make his estate invincible, and encompassed about as it were with a wall of brasse.

As for the Kings bastard B [...]hren, they are four in num­ber, and born of three severall beds. The elder is Alexander, made Knight of the Order of St. John or of Malta, i [...] the life time of his F [...]her. He is now Grand Prior of France, and it is much labou [...]ed and hoped by the French, that he shall be the next M [...]ster of the O [...]der; a place of great credit and command. The second and most loved of his f [...]ther, whose lively image and character he is said to be, is Mr. Cesar made D [...]ke of Vendosme by his father and at this time Govern [...]ur of Britain, a man of a brave spirit, and one who swayeth much in the affai [...]s of state; his fath [...]r took a great care for his adv [...]ncement b [...]fore his death, and therefore marryed him to the daughter and heir of the Duke of M [...]rcuer, a man of great possessions in Britain. It is thought that the inheritance of this Lady, both by her Fathers side, and al [...]o by the Mothers, who was of the family of M [...]rtiques, being a stock of the old Ducall tree, is no lesse then 200000 crownes yearly: both these were borne unto the King by Madam Galriele, for her excellent beauty surnamed La belle, [Page 208] Dutchesse of Beauforte; a Lady whom the King entirely affected even to her last gaspe, and one who never abused her power with him. So that one may truly say of her, what Velleius flatteringly spake of Livia the wife of Augustus, Ejus potentiam nemo sensit, nisi aut levatione periculi, aut accessione digni­tatis. The third of the Kings naturall brethren, is Mr. Henry now Bishop of Metz in Lorreine, and Abbot of St. Germans in Paris; as Abbot he is Lord of the goodly Fauxbourg of St. Ger­mans, and hath the profit of the great Fair there holden, which make a large revenue. His Bishoprick yeeldeth him the profits of 20000 Crowns and upwards, which is the remainder of 6000, the rest being pauned unto the Duke of Lorreine by the last Bishop hereof, who was of that Family. The mo­ther of this Mr. Henry, is the Marchionesse of Verneville, who before the death of the King, fell out of his favour into the Prison, and was not restored to her liberty, till the begin­ning of this Queen mothers Regency. The fourth and youngest is Mr. Antonie, born unto the King by the Countesse of Marret, who is Abbot of the Churches of Marseilles and Cane, and hath as yet not fully out 6000l. a year, when his mother dyeth he will be richer.

The Kings lawfull Brother is named John Baptist Gaston, born the 25 of Aprill, anno 1608; a Prince of a brave and manlike aspect; likely to inherit as large a part of his Fathers spirit, as the King doth of his Crown. He is intituled Duke of Anjou, as being the third Son of France; but his next elder Brother the Duke of Orleans being dead in his child­hood, he is vulgarly and properly called Monseiur. This title is different from that of Daulphin, in that that title only is ap­propriated to the Heir Apparent, being the Kings eldest Son living, this limited to the Heir Apparent being the Kings eldest Brother surviving; if there be neither Son nor Brother, then the next Heir Apparent is [...]tyled only Le pri­mier Prince du sang, the first Prince of the bloud. This title of Monseiur answereth unto that of Despote in the Greek Empire, and in imitation of that is thought to have been instituted. Others of the French Princes are called Monseiurs also, but with some addition of place or honour. The Kings eldest Brother only is called Monseiur sans quene, as the French use [Page 209] to say; that is, simply Monseiur. This young Prince is as yet unmarryed, but destinate to the bed of the young Dutchesse of Montpenster, whose Father dyed in the time of Henry IV. Had the Duke of Orleans lived, he had espoused her long ere this; but it is generally believed, that this Prince is not so affected; he seeth his elder Brother as yet childlesse, him­self the next heir to the Crown, and it is likely he will look on a while, and expect the issue of his fortune.—Some that speak of the affairs of the Court, holdeth her a fitter match for the young Count of Soissons, a Prince of the bloud, and a Gentleman of a fine temper; the Lady her self is said not to be averse from the match; neither will the King not be inclinable unto him, as hoping therein to give him some satisfaction, for not performing a Court promise made unto him, as some say, about marrying the young Madam now Queen of England. As for the Count it cannot but be advantagious to him divers wayes, partly to joyne together the two families of Montpensier and Soissons, both issuing from the house of Burbon; partly to enrich him­self by adding to his inheritance so fair an Estate; and partly by gaining all the friends a [...]d allies of that Ladies kindred to his, the better to enable his opposition against the Prince of Conde; the difference between them standeth thus, Lewis the first Prince of Conde, had by two wives, a­mongst other children two Sons, by his first wife Henry Prince of Conde; by the second Charles Count of Soissons. Henry Prince of Conde had to his first wife Mary of Cleve daughter to the Duke of Nevers, by whom he had no children. To his second wife he took the Lady Katharine of Tremoville, sister to the Duke of Thovars, anno 1586. Two years after his marriage, he dyed of an old grief took from a poisoned cup, which was given him, anno 1552. and partly with a blow given him with a Lance at the battail of Contras, anno 1587. In the 11 moneth after his decease, his young Princesse was brought to bed with a young Son, which is the now Prince of Conde. Charles Count of Soissons in the reign of Henry IV. began to question the Princes Legiti [...]ation; whereupon the King dealt with the Parliament of Paris to declare the place of the first Prince of the Bloud, to belong to the Prince of Conde. [Page 210] And for the clearer and more evident proof of the title, 24 Physitians of good faith and skill, made an open protestati­on upon oath in the Court, that it was not only possible, but common for women to be delivered in the 11 moneth. On this it was awarded to the Prince.—This Decree of Parliament not withstanding, if ever the King and his Bro­ther should die issuelesse, it is said, that the young Count of Soissons (his father died anno 1614) will not so give over his title. He is Steward of the Kings house, as his Father also was before, a place of good credit, and in which he hath de­meaned himself very plausibly. In case it should come to a try [...]ll, quod [...], which God prohibit, he is like to make a great party, both within the Realm, and without it. Without it, by means of the house of Savoy, having matched his eldest Sister unto Don Thomazo the second son of that Dukedome now living, a brave man of armes, and indeed the fairest fruit that ever grew on that tree; next heir of his father after the death of Don Amadeo yet childlesse. With­in the Realm, the Lords have already declared themselves, which hapned on this occasion. In the year 1620, the month of March, the King being to wash, the Prince of Conde laid hold of the towell, challenging that honour as first Prince of the bloud; and on the other side, the Count of Soissons seized on it, as appertaining to his office of Steward, and Prince of the bloud also. The King to decide the contro­versie for the present, commanded it to be given Monseiur his Brother; yet did not this satisfie, for on the morning, the friends of both Princes came to offer their service in the cause. To the Count came in generall all the opposites of the Prince of Conde, and of the Duke of Luynes, and Guise; in particular the Duke of Maien, the Duke of Vendosme, the Dukes of Longueville, Espernon, Nemours, the Grand Prior, the Dukes of Thovars, Retz, and Rohan, the Viscount of Aubeterre, &c. who all withdr [...]w themselves from the Court, made themselves masters of the best places in their governments, and were united presently to an open faction, of which the Queen Mother declared herself head. As for the Commons, without whom the Nobility may quarrel, but never fight; they are more zealous in behalf of the Count, as being brought [Page 211] up alwayes a Papist and born of a [...] [...], where­as the Prince, though at this [...] a [...], yet non fuit sic ab initio; he was born, they say, and brought up an Hugonot, and perhaps the alteration is but [...]m­bled.

Concerning the Prince of Conde, he hath a sentence of Parliament on his side, and a verdict of P [...]ians, b [...]th weak helpes to a Soverainty, unlesse well backed by the sword. And for the verdict of the Phy [...]tians, thus the case is stated by the Doctors of that faculty. [...] a pro­fessour of Montpellier in Langue [...], in his [...]xcellent Treatise of Anatomie, maketh three terms of a womans delivery primus, intermedius and ultimus. The first is the seventh moneth after conception, in each of which the childe is vitall, and may live if it be borne. To this also consenteth the Doctor of their chaire Hippocrates, saying, [...] that a child born in the seventh moneth, if it be well looked to, may live. We read also how in Spain, the women are oftentimes lightned in the end of the seventh moneth, and commonly in the end of the eight. And further, that Sem­pronius and Corbulo, both Roman Consuls, were born in the seventh moneth, Pliny in his Naturall History reporteth it as a truth; though perchance the women which told him, either misreckoned their time, or [...]lse dissembled it to conceal their honesties. The middle time (terminus intermedius) is in the ninth and tenth moneths, at which time children do seldome miscarry. In the former two moneths, they h [...]d gathered life; in these latter, they only consummate strength, so said the Physitians generally. Non enim in du [...]us sequentibus mensibus (they speak it of the intermed [...]i) ad [...]tur aliquod od perfectionum partium, sed perfectionem roboris. Th [...] l [...]st time (terminus ultimus) in the common account of this pro­fession, is the eleaventh moneth, which some of them hold neither unlikely, nor rare. Massurius recordeth Papi [...]us a Roman Praetor, to have recovered his inheritance [...] open Court, though his Mother confessed [...] to be [...] in the thirteeenth moneth. And Avicen a Moore of Co [...]ba re [...]eth (as he is cited in Laurentius) that he had s [...]n a a childe born after the fourteenth. But these are but the [Page 212] impostures of women: and yet, indeed, the modern Do­ctors are more charitable, and refer it to supernaturall causes, Et extraordinariam artis considerationem. On the other side, Hippocrates giveth it out definitively, [...], that in ten moneths at the fur­thest (understand ten moneths compleat) the childe is borne. And Ulpian, the great Civilian of his times, in the title of the Digests de Testamentis, is of opinion, that a childe born after the tenth moneth (compleat) is not to be admitted to the inheritance of his pretended father. As for the Common Law of England, as I remember (I have read it in a book written of Wils and Testaments) it taketh a middle course between the charity of nature, and the severity of the Law; leaving it meerly to the conscience and circumstance of the Judge.

But all this must be conceived (as it was afterwards alleaged by the party of the Earl of Soissons, taking it in the most favourable construction) of the time alter the conception of the mother, and by no means after the death of the Father: and so no way to advantage the Prince of Conde. His Father had been extremely sick no small time before his death, for the particular, and supposed since his poison taken anno 1552. to be little prone to women in the generall. They therefore who would have him set besides the Cushion, have cunningly, but maliciously, caused it to be whisppered abroad, that he was one of the by-blowes of King Henry IV. and to make the matter more suspiciously probable, they have cast out these con­jectures for it; but being but conj ctures only, and pro­secuted for the carrying on of so great a project, they were not thought to be convincing, or of any considerable weight or moment amongst sober and impartiall men. They there­fore argued it,

First, From the Kings care of his education, assigning him for his Tutor Nicholas de F [...]bure, whom he also designed for his Son King Lewis.

Secondly, From his care to work the Prince, then young, [...] agi, to become a Catholick.

[Page 213]Third y, The infirmity of Henry of Conde, and the privacy of this King with his Lady, being then King of Navarre, in the prime of his strength, and in discontent with the Lady Mar­guerite of Valoys his first wife; add to this that Kings love to fair Ladies in the generall, and then conclude this probabili­ty to be no miracle. For besides the Dutchesse of Beauforte, the Marchionesse of Verneville, and the Countesse of Morret already mentioned; he is believ [...]d to have been the Father of Mr. Luynes the great favourite of King Lewis. And certain it is, that the very year before his death, when he was even in the winter of his days, he took such an amorous liking to the Prince of Condes wife, a very beautifull Lady, and daughter to the Constable, Duke of Montmorencie; that the Prince to save his honour was compelled to flie, together with his Prin­cesse, into the Arch-Dukes Countrey; whence he returned not, till long after the death of King Henry. If Mary de Me­dices i [...] her husbands life time, had found her self agriev [...]d it, I cannot blame her, she only made good that of Quin [...]ian, Et uxor mariti exemplo incitata, aut imitari se putat aut vind. core. And yet perhaps a consciousnesse of some injuries, not only mooved her to back the Count of Soiss [...]ns and his faction a­gainst the Prince and his; but also to resolve upon him for the husband of her daughter—From the Princes of the bloud, descend we to the Princes of the Court; and there in the first place we meet with Mr. Barradas, the Kings present favourite; a young Gentleman of a fresh and lively hew, little bearded and one whom as yet the people cannot accuse for [...]ny oppression or misgovernment. Honours, the King hath con [...]er­red none upon him, but only pensions and offices; he is the Governour of the Kings children of honour, (Pages we c [...]ll them in England) a place of more trouble then wealth or credite. He is also the Master of the horse, or Legrand [...], the esteem of which place recompenseth the emp [...]inesse of the other; for by vertue of this office, he carryeth the Ki [...]s sword sheathed before him at his entrances into Pa [...]is. The cloth of estate carryed over the King by the Provost and Fs [...]evins, is his see. No man can be the Kings spurmak [...]r, his S [...]ith, or have any place in the Kings Stables, but from him, and the like. This place (to note so much by the way) was [Page 214] taken out of the Constables office, (Comes stabuli is the true name) to whom it properly belonged, in the time of Charles VII. Besides this, he hath a Pension of 500000 Crowns year­ly; and had an office given him, which he sold for 100000 Crowns in ready money. A good fortune for one, who the other day was but the Kings Page.

And to say truth, he is as yet but a little better, being only removed from his servant to be his play-fellow. With the affairs of State he intermedleth not, if he should, he might ex­pect the Queen mother should say to him, what Apollo in Ovid did to Cupid:

—Tibi quid cum fortibus armis
Mipuer? ista decent humeros gestamina nostros.

For indeed first during her Sons minority, and after since her reintegration with him, she hath made her self so absolute a mistresse of his mind, that he hath intrusted to her the entire conduct of all his most weighty affaires. For her assistant in the managing of her greatest business, she hath peeced her self to the strongest side of the State, the Church; having principally (since the death of the Marshal D'Ancre, I mean) assumed to her coun­sels the Cardinall of Richileiu, a man of no great birth, were Nobility the greatest parentage; but otherwise to be ranked amongst the noblest. Of a sound reach he is, and a close brain; one exceedingly well mixt of a lay understanding, and a Church habit; one that is compleatly skilled in the art of m [...]n, and a perfect master of his own mind and affecti­ons; him the Queen useth as her Counsellour, to keep out frailty; and the Kings name as her countenance to keep off envie. She is of a Florentine wit, and hath in her all the vir­tues of Katharine de Medices, her Ancestor in her Regency, and some also of her vices; only her designes tend not to the ruine of the Kingdome and her children. Joan de Seirres telleth us in his Inventaire of France how the Queen Katha­rine suffered her son Henry III. a devout and a supple Prince, to spend his most dangerous times, even uncontrouled upon his bead [...]; whilest in the mean time, she usurped the Govern­ment of the Realm. Like it is that Queen Mary hath learned [Page 215] so much of her Kinswoman, as to permit this son of hers to spend his time also amongst his play-fellowes and the birds, that she may the more securely manage the State at her discreti­on. Andto say nothing of her untrue or misbecoming her ver­tue, she hath notably well discharged her ambition; the Realm of France, being never more quietly and evenly governed, then first during her Regencie, and now during the time of her favour with the King. For during his minority she carryed her self so fairly between the factions of the Court, that she was of all sides honoured; the time of this Marquesse D' Ancre only excepted; and for the differences in Religion, her most earnest desire was not [...]o oppresse the Protestants, insomuch that the war raised against them, during the com­mand of Mr. Luynes, was presently after his death, and her restoring into grace ended. An heroicall Lady, and worthy the report of posterity; the frailties and weaknesse of her, as a woman, not being accounted hers, but her sexes.


Two Religions strugling in France, like the two twins in the womb of Rebecca. The comparison be­tween them two, and those in the generall. A more particular survey of the Papists Church in France, in Policie, Priviledge and Revenue. The complaint of the Clergy to the King. The acknow­ledgment of the French Church to the Pope meerly titular. The pragmatick sanction, Maxima tua fa­tuitas, and Conventui Tridentino, severally writ­ten to the Pope and Trent Councell. The tedious quarrell about Investitures. Four things pro­pounded by the Parliament to the Jesuites. The French Bishops not to medle with Fryers, their lives and land. The ignorance of the French Priests. The Chanoins Latine in Orleans. The French not hard to be converted, if plausibly bu­moured, &c.

FRom the Court of the King of France, I cannot bet­ter provide for my self then to have recourse to the King of heaven; and though the Poet meant not Exeat aula qui vult esse pius, in that sense, yet will it be no treason for me to apply it so. And even in this, the Church, which should be like the Coat of its Redeemer, without seam; do I finde rents and factions: and of the two, these in the Church more dangerous then those in the Louure. I know the story of Rebecca, and of the children strugling in her, is gene­rally applyed to the births and contentions of the Law and [Page 217] the Gospel; in particular we may make use of it in expressing the State of the Church and Religions of France: [...]r certain it is, that here were divers pangs in the womb of the French Church before it was delivered. And first she was delivered of Esau, the Popish faith being first after the strugling coun­tenanced by authority; And he came out red all over like an hairy garment, saith the text, which very appositely expresseth the bloudy and rough condition of the French Papists at the birth of the Reformation, before experience and long ac­quaintance had bred a liking between them. And after came his Brother out, which laid hold on Esaus heel, and his name was called Jacob; wherein is described the quality of the Pro­testant party, which though confirmed by publick Edict af­ter the other, yet hath it divers times endevoured, and will perhaps one day effect, the tripping up of the others heels And Esau (saith Moses) was a cunning hunter, a man of the field; and Jacob a plain man, dwelling in tents: in which words the comparison is made exact. A cunning hunter, in the Scripture signifieth, a man of art and power mingled; as when [...] in Genesis 10. is termed a mighty hunter. Such is the Papist, a side of greater strength and subtility, a side of war and of the field; on the other side the Protestants are a plain race of men, simple in their actions, without craft and fraudulent behaviours, and dwelling in tents, that is, having no certain abiding place, no Province which they can call theirs; but living dispersed and scattered over the Countrey; which in the phrase of the Scripture is dwelling in tents. As for the other words differencing the two brethren, and the elder shall serve the younger, they are rather to be accounted a Prophesie then a Character; we must therefore leave the analogie it holds with this Rebecca of France and her two children, to the event and to prayer.

For a more particular insight into the strength and sub­tilty of this Esau, we must consider it in the three main par­ticular strengths of it; its Polity, Priviledges and Revenue. For the first, so it is that the Popish Church in France is governed like those of the first and purest times, by Arch­bishops and Bishops. Archbishops it comprehendeth 12, and of Bishops 104; of these the Metropolitan is he of Rheimes, who [Page 218] useth to anoint the Kings, which office and preheminence hath been an [...]xed unto this seat ever since the times of [...]. [...] Bishop hereof, who converted Clovis King of the Franks unto the Gospell. The present Primate is son unto the Duke of Guise, by name Henry de Lorrain, of the age of 14 yea [...]s or thereabouts, a burden too unweildie for his shoulders.

—Et quae non viribus istis
Mu [...]era conveniunt, n [...] tam puerilibus annis.

For the better government therefore of a charge so weighty, they have appointed him a Coadjutor to discharge that great function till he come to age to take orders. His name is Gifford an English fugitive, said to be a man worthy of a great fortune, and able to bear it. The revenues of this Archbishop­rick are somewhat of the meanest, not amounting yearly to above 10000 Crowns, whereof Dr. G [...]fford receiveth only 2000, the remainder going to the Caidet of Lorreine. This trick the French learn of the Protestants in Germany, where the Princes after the Reformation began by Luther, took in the power and Lordships of the Bishops, which together with their functions, they divided into two parts. The lands they bestowed upon some of their younger sons or kinsmen, with the title of Administrator; the office and pains of it they conferred with some annuall pension, on one of their Chaplaines, whom they styled the Superintendent of the Bishoprick. This Archbishop together with the rest of the Bishops have under them their severall Chancellours, Com­missaries, Archdeacons, and other officers attending in their Courts; in which their power is not so generall as with us in England. Matters of testament never trouble them, as be­longing to the Court of Parliament; who also have wrest [...]d to their own hands almost all the businesse of importance; sure I [...]m, all the causes of profit originally belonging to the Church, the affairs meerly Episcopall and spirituall are le [...]t unto them, as granting Licence for Marriages, pu­nishing whoredome by way of penance and the like; to go beyond this were ultra crepidam, and they should be sure [Page 219] to have a prohibition from the Parliaments. Of their privi­ledges the chiefest of the Clergy men is, the little or no de­pendence upon the Pope, and the little profits they pay unto their King; of the Pope anon; to the King they pay only their Dismes, or Tithes according to the old ra [...]e; a small sum if compared unto the payments of their neighbours; it being thought that the King of Spain receiveth yearly one half of the living of the Churches; but this I mean of their livings only, for otherwise they pay the usuall gabels and customes, that are paid by the rest of the Kings liege people. In the generall assembly of the three Estates the Clergy hath authority to elect a set number of Com­missioners, to undertake for them and the Church; which Commissioners do make up the first of the three Estates, and do first exhibit their grievances and Petitions to the King. In a word, the French Church is the freest of any in Chri­stendome, that have not yet quitted their subjection to the Pope, as alwayes protesting against the Inquisitions, not sub­mitting themselves to the Councell of Trent, and paying very little to his Holinesse, of the plentifull revenue, where­with God and good men have blessed it.

The number of those which the Church Land maintai­neth in France is tantum non infinite, therefore the Intrado and Revenue of it must needs be uncountable. There are numbred in it, as we said before, 12 Archbishops, 104 Bishopricks; to these add 540 Archpriories, 1450 Abbies, 12320 Priories, 567 Nunneries, 700 Covents of Fryers, 259 Commendames of the order of Malta, and 130000 Parish Priests. Yet this is not all, this reckoning was made in the year 1598. Since which time the Jesuits have divers Colledges founded for them, and they are known to be none of the poorest. To maintain this large wilde [...]nesse of men, the Statistes of France, who have proportioned the Countrey; do allow unto the Clergy almost a fourth part of the whole. For supposing France to contain 200 milli­ons of Arpens (a measure somewhat bigger then our Acre) they have allotted to the Church for its temporall revenue, 47 of them. In particular of the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots and Parish Priests, they of Aux, Alby, Cluniac and [Page 220] St. Estiennes in Paris, are said to be the wealthyest; the Archbishoprick of Aux in Gascoine is valued at 400000 Livres or 40000 l. English yearly. The Bishop of A [...]y in Lanquedoc, is prized at 10000 Florens, which is a fourth part of it; a great part of this revenue rising out of Saffron. The Abbot of Cluniac in the Dutchie of Burgundy, is said to be worth 50000 Crowns yearly; the present Abbot being Henry of Lorreine, Archbishop of Rheimes, and Abbot of St. Dennis. The Parish Priest of St. Estiennes, is judged to receive yearly no fewer then 8000 Crowns, a good Intrado. As for the vulgar Clergy they have little Tithe and lesse Glebe, most part of the revenue being appropriated unto Abbeys and other Religious houses; the greatest part of their means is the Baisse-maine, which is the Church-offerings of the people at Christnings, Marriages, Burials, Dirges, Indulgences, and the like; which is thought to amount to almost as much as the temporall estate of the Church, an income able to maintain them in good abundance, were it not for the greatnesse of their number; for reckoning that there are (as we have said) in France 130000 Parish Priests, and that there are only 27400 Parishes; it must of necessity be, that every Parishone with another must have more then four Priests; too many to be rich.

But this were one of the least injuries offered to the French thrift, and would little hinder them from rising, if it were not that the goodliest of their preferments were before their faces given unto boyes and children. An affront which not only despoileth them of the honors due unto their calling, but disheartneth them in their studies and by consequence draweth them unto debauched and slande­rous courses.

Quis enim virtutem exquireret ipsam,
Praemta si tollas?

The Clergy therefore anno 1617. being assembled at the house of Austin Fryers in Paris (as every two years they use to do) being to take their leaves of the King, elected the Bishop of Aire to be their spokesman; and to certifie his [Page 221] Majesty of their grievances. In performing which businesse, the principall thing of which he spake was to this purpose; That whereas his Majesty was bound to give them fathers, he gave them children; that the name of Abbot signifieth a Father; and the function of a Bishop is full of fatherly au­thority: that France notwithstanding was now filled with Bishops and Abbots, which are yet in their Nurses armes, or else under their Regents in Colledges; nay more, that the abuse goeth before their being; Children being com­monly designed to Bishopricks and Abbacies, before they were born. He made also another complaint, that the Soveraign Courts by their decrees, had attempted upon the authority which was committed to the Clergy, even in that which meerly concerned Ecclesiasticall discipline and government of the Church. To these complaints he gave them, indeed, a very gracious hearing, but it was no further then an hearing, being never followed by redresse. The Court of Parlia­ment knew too well the strength of their own authority, and the King was loath to take from himself those excellent ad­vantages of binding to himself his Nobility, by the speedy preferring of their children; and so the clergie departed with a great deal of envy, and a little satisfaction. Like enough it were, that the Pope would in part redresse this injury, especially in the point of jurisdiction, if he were able. But his wings are shrewdly clipped in this C [...]untrey, neither can he fly at all, but as far as they please to suffer him. For his temporall power they never could be indu­ced to acknowledge it, as we see in their stories, anno 1610. the Divines of Paris in a Declaration of thei [...]s tendred to the Queen Mother, affirmed the supremacie of the Pope, to be an Erroneous Doctrine, and the ground of that hellish position of deposing and killing of Kings. Anno 1517. when the Coun­cell of Lateran had determined the Pope to be the head of the Church in causes also temporall: the University of Paris testifieth against it in an Apology of theirs, Dated the 12 of March the same year; Leo decimus (saith the Apology) in quodamcoetu, non tamen in Spiritu Domini congregato, contra fidem Catholicam, &c. Sacrum Bisiliense concilium damnavit. In which councell of Basil, the Supremacy of the Pope was condem­ned. [Page 222] Neither did the K [...]ngs of France forget to m [...]intain their own authority. And therefore when as Pope Boni­face VIII had in a peremptory Letter, written to Philip le Bell King of France, styled himself Dominus totius mundi tam in temp [...]ralibus quam in spiritualibus: the King returned him an answer with an Epithite sutable to his arrogancy, Sciat maxima tua fatuitas nos in temporalibus al [...]ui n [...]n subesse, &c. The like answer, though in modester termes, was sent to another of the Popes, by St. Lewis, a man of a most milde and sweet disposition, yet unwilling to forgoe his royalties.

His spirituall power is alwayes as little in substance, though more in shew; for whereas the Councell of Trent hath been an especiall authorizer of the Popes spirituall supremacy; the French Church would never receive it. By this means the Bishops keep in their hands, their own full authority; whereof an obedience to the decrees of that Councell would deprive them. It was truely said by St. Gregory, and they well knew it, Lib. 7. Epist. 70. Si unus universalis est, restat ut vos Episcopi non sitis. Further the Uni­versity of Paris in their Declaration, anno 1610 above men­tioned, plainly affirme, that it is directly opposite to the Doctrine of the Church which the University of Paris al­wayes maintained, that the Pope hath the power of a Mona [...]ch in the spirituall government of the Church. To look upon higher times, when the Councell of C [...]nstance had submitted the authority of the Pope unto that of a Councell; John G [...]rson, Theologus Parisiensis magni nominis, as one calleth him, defended that decree: and intitu [...]eth them, [...] admodum esse adulatores qui [...] istam in Eccle­siam [...], quasi nullis leg [...]m teneatur vinculis, quasi neque pa­ [...]ere [...]beat co [...]lio Pont [...]x, nec ab eo jud [...]cari queat The K [...]ngs [...] also befriend their Clergy in this cause; and th [...]ore not only protested against the Councell of Trent, wherein this spirituall tyranny was generally consented to by the Catholick faction. But Henry II. also wou [...]d not acknowledge them to be a Councell, calling them by another name then Conv [...]ntus Tridentinus. An indignity which the [...] took very offensively.

[Page 223]But the principall thing in which it behoveth them not to acknowledge his spirituall Supremacy, is the collati­on of Benefices and Bishopricks, and the Annats and first fruits thence arising. The first and greatest contro­versie between the Pope and Princes of Christ [...]ndome, w [...]s about the bestowing the livings of the Church, and giving the investure unto Bishops; the Popes had long thirsted after that authority, as being a great means to advance their f [...]llowers, and establish their own great­nesse: for which cause in divers p [...]tty Councels, the re­ceiving of any Eccl [...]siasticall preferment of a Lay man was enacted to be Simony. But this did little edifie with such patr [...]ns as had good livings. As soon as ever Hildebrande, in the Catalogue of the Popes called Gregory VII. came to the Throne of Rome, he set himself entirely to ef­fect this [...] as well in Germany, now he was Pope, as he had d [...]ne in Fran [...]e whilest he was Legat; he com­mandeth therefore Henry III. Emperour, Ne deinceps Episc­p [...]tus & beneficia (they are Platinas own words) per [...]pidi­tatem Simonaicam committat; aliter se usu [...]um in ipsum censuris Ec­cl [...]siasticis. To this injustice, when the Emperour would not yeeld, he called a solemn C [...]uncell at the Lateran; wherein the Emperour was pronounced to be Simoniacall, and afterwards Excommunicated; neither would this Tyrant ever leave persecuting of him, till he had laid him in his grave. After this there followed great strug­ling for this matter, between the Popes and the Empe­rours; but in the end the Popes got the victory. In England here, he that first beckoned about it was William Rusus; the controversie being, whether he or Pope U [...] ­ban should invest Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury. An­selme would receive his investure from none but the Pope, whereupon the King banished him the Realm, into which he was not admitted till the Reign of Henry II. He to endeer himself with his Clergy, relinquished his right to the Pope, but afterwards repenting himselfe of it, he revoked his grant; neither did the English Kings wholly lose it, till the reign of that unfortunate prince King John. Edward the first again recover [...]d it, and his [...] kept it.

[Page 224]The Popes having with much violence and opposition wre­sted into their hands, this priviledge of nominating P [...]iests and investing Bishops, they spared not to lay on what taxes they pleased; as on the Benefices, first fruits, pensions, subsidies, fifteenths, tenths; and on the Bishopricks for palles, miters, crofiers, rings, and I know not what bables. By these means the Churches were so impoverished, that upon complaint made to the Councell of Basil, all these cheating tricks, these aucupia & expil [...]di rationes, were abolished. This decree was called Pragmatica functio, and was confirmed in France by Charles VII. anno 1438. An act of singular improvement to the Church and Kingdome of France; which yearly before, as the Court of Parliament manifested to Lewis XI. had drained the State of a million of Crowns; since which time the Kings of France have sometimes omitted the rigor of this sanction, and some­times also exacted it, according as their affairs with the Pope stood; for which cause it was called Froenum p [...]ntificum. At last King Francis I. having conquered Millaine, fell into this com­position with his Holinesse; namely, that upon the salling of any Abbacy or Bishoprick, the King should have 6 months time allowed him to present a fit man unto him, whom the Pope should legally invest. If the King neglected his time li­mited, the Pope might take the benefit of the relapse, and in­stitute whom he pleased. So is it also with the inferior Benefices, between the Pope and the Patrons; insomuch that any or every Lay-patron, and Bishop together in England, hath for ought I see (at the least in this particular) as great a spiri­tuall Supremacy, as the Pope in France.

Nay to proceed further, and shew how meerly titular both his supremacies are, as well the spirituall as the temporall, you may plainly see in the case of the Jesuites, which was thus: In the year 1609 the Jesuites had obtained of K [...]ng Hen [...]y IV. licence to read again in their Colledges of Paris; but when their Letters patents came to be verified in the Court of Parliament, the Rector and University opposed them, on the 17 of D [...]cember, 1611. both parties came to have an hearing, and the University got the day, unlesse the Jesuites would subscribe unto these four points. viz.

1. That a Councell was above the Pope.

[Page 225]2. That the Pope had no temporall power over Kings, and could not by Excommunication deprive them of their Realm and Estates.

3. That Clergy men having heard of any attempt or con­spiracy against the King or his Realm, or any matter of trea­son in consession, he was bound to reveal it.

And 4. That Clergy men were subject to the secular Prince or politick Magistrate. It appeared by our former discourse, what little or no power they had left the Pope over the Estates and preferments of the French.

By these Propositions (to which the Jesuites in the end subscribed, I know not with what mentall reservation) it is more then evident, that they have left him no command neither over their consciences, nor their persons; so that all things considered, we may justly say of the Papall power in France, what the Papists said falsly of Erasmus, namely that it is Nomen sine rebus.

In one thing only his authority here is intire, which is his immediate protection of all the orders of Fryers, and also a superintendency or supreme eye over the Monks, who ac­knowledge very small obedience, if any at all, to the French Bishops: for though at the beginning every part and mem­ber of the Diocesse, was directly under the care and command of the Bishop; yet it so happened that at the building of Monasteries in the Western Church, the Abbots being men of good parts and a sincere life, grew much into the envie of their D [...]ocesan. For this cause, as also to be more at their own command, they made suit to the Pope that they might be free from that subjection, Utque in tu [...]elam divi Petri admit­te [...]entur; a proposition very plausible to his Holinesse am­bition, which by this means might the sooner be raised to its height; and therefore without difficulty granted. This gap opened, first the severall orders of Fryers; and after even the Deans and Chapters, purchased to themselves the like exemptions. In this the Pop [...] power was wonderfully strengthned, as having such able, and so main props to up­hold his authority; it being a true Maxime in State, Qu [...]d qui privilegia obtinent, ad eadem conservanda tenentur authoritatem concedentis tueri. This continued till the Councell of Trent [Page 226] unquestioned. Where the Bishops much complained of their want of authority, and imputed all the Schismes and Vic [...]s in the Church, unto this, that their hands were tyed; hereupon the Popes Lega [...]s thought it fit to restore their ju­risdiction, their D [...]ans and Chapters. At that of the Monks and Monasteries, there was more sticking, till at the last Se­bastian Pighinus, one of the Popes officers, found out for them this satisfaction; that they should have an eye and inspecti­on into the lives of the Monks, not by any authority of their own, S [...]d tanquam a sede Apostolica delegati. But as for the Orders of Fryers, the Pope would not by any means give way to it. They are his Janizaries, and the strongest bul­warke of his Empire, and are therefore called in a good Au­thor, [...] Romanae curiae instrumenta. So that with them the Diocesan hath nothing to do, each several religious house being as a Court of Peculiars, subjects only to the great Metro­politan of Rome.

This meer dependence on his Holinesse, maketh this gene­ration a great deal more regardlesse of their behaviour, then otherwise it would be: though since the growth of the Re­formation, shame and fear hath much reformed them, they have still howsoever, a spice of their former wantonnesse, and on occasions will permit themselves a little good fellowship; and to say truth of them, I think them to be the best compa­nions in France for a journey, but not for acquaintance. They live very merrily, and keep a competent table, more I sup­pose then can stand with their vow; and yet far short of that affluency whereof many of our books accuse them. It was my chance to be in a house of the Franciscans in Paris, where one of the Fryers upon the intreaty of our friends, had us into the hall, it being then the time of their refectory; a fa­vour not vulgar; there saw we the Brothers sitting all of a side, and every one a pretty distance from the other, their se­verall commons being a dish of pottage, a chop of Mutton, a dish of cherries, and a large glasse of water: this provision together with a liberall allowance of ease, and a little of study keepeth them exceeding plump and in a good liking, and maketh them, having little to take thought for, as I said before, passing good company. As I travailed towards Orleans [Page 227] we had in our Coach with us [...] of these mortified sinners, two of the Order of St. Austin, and one Franciscan; the mer­ryest crickets that ever chirp [...]d, nothing in them but mad tales and complements; and for musick, they would sing like hawkes. When we came to a vein of good wine they would cheer up themselves and their neighbours with this comfor­table Doctrine, Vivamus ut bibamus, & bibamus ut vivamus. And for courtship and toying with the wenches, you would easily believe that it had been a trade with which they had not been a little acquainted; of all men, when I am marryed, God keep my wife from them, till then, my neighbours.

On the other side, the common Priests of France, are so dull and blockish, that you shal hardly meet with a more contemp­tible people. The meanest of our Curates in England, for spirit and discourse, are very Popes to them; for learning they may safely say with Socrates, Hoc tantum scimus quod ne­scimus; but you must not look they should say it in Latine. Tongues they have none but that of their Mother and the Masse book: of which last they can make no use except the book be open, and then also the book is fain to read it self. For in the last Romanum Missale, established by Pius V. and re­cognized by Clement VIII. anno 1600. every syllable is divers­ly marked, whether it be sounded long or short; just as the versifying examples are in the end of the Grammar. When I had lost my self in the streets of Paris, and wanted French to enquire homeward, I used to apply my self to some of these reverend habit. But O seculum insipiens & infacetum! you might as easily have wrung water out of the flint, as a word of Latine out of their mouths. Nor is this the disease of the vulgar Masse mumbler only, it hath also infected the right Worshipfull of the Clergy. In Orleans I had businesse with a Chanoin of the Church of St. Croix, a fellow that wore his Surplice (it was made of Lawn and lace) with as good a cre­dit, as ever I saw any, and for the comlinesse and capacity of his Cap, he might have been a Metropolitan: perceiving me to speak to him in a strange tongue, for it was Latine, he very readily asked me this question, Num potestis loqui Gallia? which when I had denyed, at last he broke out into another interro­gatory, viz. Quam diu fuistis in Gallice? To conclude, having [Page 228] read over my Letter, with two or three deadly pangs, and six times rubbing of his temples, he dismissed me with this cor­diall, and truly it was very comfortable to my humour, Ego negotias vestras curabo. A strange beast, and one of the greatest prodigies of ignorance, that I ever met with in mans ap­parrell.

Such being the Romish Priests, it is no marvel that the French Papist be no more setled and resolute in their Religion. If the eye be blinde, the body cannot choose but be darkned. And certainly there is nothing that hath prepared many of this Realm more to imbrace the Reformation, then the blockish­nesse of their own Clergy. An excellent advantage to the Protestant Ministers, could they but well humor it, and like­ly to be a fair enlargement to their party, if well husbanded. Besides this, the French Catholicks are not over earnest in the cause, and so lie open to the assaults of any politick enemy. To deal with them by main force of argument, and in the servent spirit of zeal, as the Protestants too often do, is not the way; men uncapable of opposition, as this people gene­rally are, and furious if once thwarted; must be tamed as Alexander did his horse Bucephalus; those which came to back him with the tyranny of the spur and cudgell, he quickly threw down and mischiefed. Alexander came otherwise pre­pared, for turning the horse towards the sun that he might not see the impatience of his own shadow, he spake kindly to him, and gently clapped him on the back, till he had left his flinging and wildnesse, he lightly leapt into the saddle, the horse never making resistance: Plutarch in his life relateth the story, and this is the morall of it.


The correspondency between the French King and the Pope. This Pope an Omen of the Marriages of France with England. An English Catholicks conceit of it. His Holinesse Nuncio in Pa [...]is. A learned Argument to prove the Popes universality. A continuation of the allegory between Jacob and Esau. The Protestants compelled to leave their Forts and Towns. Their present estate and strength. The last War against them justly undertaken; not fairely managed. Their [...] and disobe­dience to the Kings command. Their purpose to have themselves a free estate. The war not a war of Religion. King James in justice could not assist them more then he did. First forsaken by their own party. Their happinesse before the war. The Court of the edict. A view of them in their Churches. The commendation which the French Papists give to the Church of England. Their Discipline and Ministeries, &c.

WE have seen the strength and subtility, as also somewhat of his poverties at home: Let us now see the alliance which this French Esau hath abroad in the world; in what credit and opinion he standeth in the eye of Beeri the Romish Hittite, the daughter of whose abominations he hath marryed. And here I find him to hold good correspondency, as being the eldest son of the Church, and an equall poise to ballance the affaires of Italy [Page 230] against the Potency of Spain On this ground the present Pope hath alwayes shewn himself very favourable to the French side, well knowing into what perils an unnecessary and impolitick dependance on the Spanish party only; would one day bring the State Ecclesiastick. As in the generall, so also in many particulars hath he expressed much affection unto him. As

1. By taking into his hands the Valtolin, till his Sonne of France might settle himself in some course to re­cover it.

2. His not stirring in the behalf of the Spaniard, during the last wars in Italy. And

3. His speedy and willing grant of the dispensation for Madams marriage, notwithstanding the Spaniard so earnestly laboured the deniall, or at least the delay of it.

To speak by conjectures, I am of opinion, that his Genius prompted him to see the speedy consummation of this marriage, of which his Papacy was so large an Omen, so far a prognostick. ‘Est Deus in nobis, agitante calescimus illo.’ The Lar or angell guardian of his thoughts hastned him in it; in whose time there was so plausible a Presage, that it must be accomplished. For thus it standeth: Malachi now a Saint, then one of the first Apostles of the Irish, one much reverenced in his memory unto this day by that Nation; left behind him by way of Prophesie a certain number of Mottoes in Latine, telling those that there should follow that certain number of Popes only, whose conditions suc­cessively should be lively expressed in those Mottos, accor­ding to that order which he had placed them. Messingham an Irish Priest, and Master of the Colledge of Irish fugitives in Paris, collected together the lives of all the I [...]ish Saints; which book himself shewed me. In that Volume, and the life of this Saint, are the severall Mottos and severall Popes set down Column wise one against the other: I compared the lives of them with the Mottos, as far as my memory would carry me, and found many of them very answerable.

[Page 231]As I remember there are 36 Mottos yet come, and when just so many Popes are joyned to them, they are of opinion (for so Malachie forefold) that either the world sh [...]uld end, or the Pop [...]dom be [...]. Amongst the others, the Motto of the presen [...] Pope was m [...]st remarkable, and sutable to the action lik [...]ly to happen in his time: being this, Lilium & Rosa, which they interpret, and in my mind not u [...]happily, to be intended to the conjunction of the French Lilly and English Rose. To take from me any suspicion of Imposture, he shewed an old book, printed almost 200 years agoe, written by one Wion a Flemming, and comparing the num­ber of the Mottos with the Catalogue of the Popes: I found the name of Urban (the now Pope) to answer it. On this ground an English Catholick; whose acquaintance I gained in France; made a copy of Verses in French, and presented them to the English Ambassadours, the Earls of Carlile and Holland. Because he is my friend, and the con­ceit is not to be despised, I begged them of him, and these are they.

Lilia juncta Rosis.
Embleme de bon presage de l' Alliance de la France, avec l' Angle terre.
Ce grand dieu qui d'un oeil voit tout ce queles a [...]s,
Soubs leurs voiles sacrez vont a nous yeux cachans.
Decouure quelque fois, anisi qui bon lui semble,
Et les maux a ven [...]r, et les biens teut ensemble,
Anisi fit-il jades a celui, qui primier.
Dans l' Ireland porta de la froy le laurier;
Malachie son nom qu' au tymon de leglise
On verra seoir un jour, cil qui pou [...] sa devise.
[Page 232]Aura les lys chenus ioints aux plus belles fleures,
Qui dorent le prin-temps, de leurs doubles colours.
CHARLES est le fl [...]uron de la Rose pourpree;
Henritte est le Lys, que la plus belle pree
De la France nourrtit: pour estre quelque jour
Et la Reina des fleurs, et des roses l' amour,
Adorable banquet, b en heureuse couronne,
Que la bonte du ciel e parrage nous donne;
Heureuse ma partie, heureuse mille fois,
Celle qui te fera reflorier en les roys.

With these Verses I take my leave of his Holinesse, wishing none of his successors would presage worse luck unto Eng­land I go now to see hi [...] Nuncio, to whose house the same English Catholick brought me, but he was not at home; his name is Bernardino d' Espada: a man, as he informed me, able to dis­charge the trust reposed in him by his Master, and one that very well affected the English Nation. He hath the fairest house, and keepeth the largest retinue of any ordi­nary Ambassador in the Realm; and maketh good his Masters Supremacies, by his own precedency. To honour him against he was to take his charge, his Holinesse created him Bishop of Damiata in Egypt; a place which I am cer­tain never any of them saw but in a map, and for the profits he rec [...]iveth thence, they will never be able to pay for his Cr [...]zier. But this is one o [...] his H [...]linesse usuall policies, to satisfie his followers with empty titles. So he made Bishop, whom he sent to govern for him in England, Bishop o [...] Chal­ [...]don in Asia; and Smith also who is come over about [...]he same businesse, with the Queen, Bishop of Archidala a City of Thra [...]e. An old English Doctor used it as an especiall argu­ment to prove the universality of power in the Pope, be­cause he could ord [...]in Bishops over al Cities in Christendom; i [...] he could as easily give them also the revenue, th [...]s reason (I confesse) would much sway me, till then I am sorry that m [...]n should still be boyes, and play with bubbles. By the same authority he might do well to make all his Courtiers [Page 233] Kings, and then he were sure to have a most royall and beg­gerly Court of it.

To proceed a little further in the Allegory, so it is that when Jacob saw Esau to have incurred his [...]athers and mothers anger, for his heathenish marriage, he set himself to bereave his elder brother of his blessing. Prayers, and the sweet smell of his Venison, the sweet smelling of his sacrifices, obtained of his Lord and Father a blessing for him: for indeed the Lord hath given unto this his French Jacob, as it is in the text, the dew of heaven, and the fatnesse of the earth, and plenty of corne and wine, Gen. 27. 28. It followeth in the 41. vers. o [...] the Chapter. And Esau hated Jacob, because of the blessing wherewith his father had blessed him; and Esau said in his heart, The days of mourning for my father are at hand, then will I slay my brother Jacob. The event of which his bloudy resolution was, that Jacob was [...]ain to relinquish all that he had, and flie unto his Uncle. This last part of the story, expresseth very much of the present estate of the French Church. The Papists hated the Pro­testants to see them thrive and increase so much amongst them. This hatred moved them to a war, by which they hoped to root them out altogether; and this war com­pelled the Protestants to abandon their good Towns, their strong holds, and all their possessions, and to flie to their friends wheresoever they could finde them. And indeed, the present estate of the Protestants is not much better then that of Jacob in Mesopotamia, nor much different. The blessing which they expect lyeth more in the seed then the harvest. For their strength it consisteth principally in their prayers to God: and secondly, in their obedience to their Kings. Within these two [...]ortresses, if they can keep themselves, they need fear none ill; because they shall deserve none. The only outward strengths they have left them, are the two Towns o [...] [...] and Rochell, the one deemed invincible, the other threatned a speedy destruction. The Duke of Espernon (at my being there) lay round about it, and it was said, that the Town was in very bad term [...]: all the neighbouring Towns, to whose opposition they much trusted, having yeelded at the first fight of the Canon. Rochell, it is thought, cannot be forced [Page 234] by ass [...]ult, nor compelled by a [...]amine. Some Prote­sta [...]ts are glad of, and h [...]pe to see the French Church rest [...]d to i [...]s former power [...]ulnesse, by the r [...]ance of [...]hat Town meerly. I rather think, that the perverse and stub­born condition of it, will at last, drive the young King in­to a sury, and incite him to revenge their contradiction, on their innocent friends, now d [...]armed and disabled. Then will th [...]y see at last the issue of their own peremptory resolutions, and begin to believe, that the Heathen Hi­ [...]an was of the two the better Christian, when he gave us this note, Non turpe est ab eo vinci, quem vincere ess [...]t nefas, [...]que illi in [...]nesie etiam submitti, quem fortuna super omnes [...]. This we [...]knesse and misery whic [...] hath now be­ [...]allen the Protestants, was an effect, I confesse, of the ill­wi [...]l which the other party bare them; but that they bare them ill will, was a fruit of their own graffing. In this circumstance, they were nothing like Jacob, who in the h [...]red which his brother Esau had to him, was simply passive; they being active also in the birth of it. And in­ [...]d that la [...]entable and bloudy war, which [...] upon hem, t [...]ey not only endevoured not to avoid, but invited, du­ring the reign of Henry IV. who would not see it, and the troublesome minority of Lewis XIII. who could not molest them, they had made themselves masters of 99 Towns, well fort [...]yed and enabled for a fiege: a strength too great for any one facti [...]n to keep together, under a King which desires to be himself, and rule hi [...] people. In the opini [...]n of this th [...]ir potency, they call Assemblies, Parliaments as it were, when and as often as they pleased. There they consulted of the common affairs of Religion, made new Laws of govern­ment, removed and rechanged their generall officers; the Kings leave all this while never so much as formally de­manded. Had they only been guilty of too much power, that crime alone had been sufficient to have raised a war a­gainst them, it not standing with the safety and honour of a King, not to be the absolute commander of his own Su [...]s. But in this their licentious calling of Assemblies, they abused their power into a neglect, and not dissol­ving them at his [...] commandment, they increased [Page 235] their neglect into into a [...]. The Assembly which principally occasioned the war and their ruine, was that of Roehell, called by the Protestants presen [...]ly upon the Kings journey into Bearn. This generall meeting the King pro­hibited by his especiall Edicts, declaring all them to be guilty of treason; which notwithstanding they would not [...] to, but very undutifully went on in their purposes. It was said by a Gentleman of their party, and one that [...]ad been imployed in many of their affairs, That the fiery zeal of some who had the guiding of their consciences, had thrust them into those desperate courses; and I believe him;

Tantum relligio potuit suadere malorum.

Being assembled, they sent the King a Remonstrance of their grievances, to which the Duke Lesdiguiers, in a Letter to them written, gave them a very fair and plausible answer, wherein also he intreateth them to obey the Kings Edict, and break up the Assembly. Upon the receipt of this Letter, those of the Assembly published a Declaration, wherein they verified their meeting to be lawfull, and their purpose not to dismisse themselves, till their desires were granted. This affront done to the King, made him gather together his Forces; yet at the Duke of Lesdiguiers request, he allow­ed them 24 dayes of respite; before his Armies should march towards them, he offered them also very fair and reasonable conditions, such also as their Deputies had s [...] ­licited, but far better then those which they were glad to accept, when all their Towns were taken from them. Pro­fecto ineluct abilis fatorum vis, cujus fortunam mu [...]are constituit, ejus corrumpit consilia. It held very rightly in this people, who turned a deaf eare to all good advice, and were r [...]l­ved it seemeth, Not to hear the voice of the Charmer, charmed he never so sweetly. In their Assemblie therefore they m [...]ke Lawes and Orders to regulate their [...], as, That no peace should be made without the consent of the gene­rall Convocation, about paying of Souldiers wages, f [...]r the detaining of the Revenues of the King and Cle [...]y, and the like. They also there divided France into seven cir [...]es or [Page 236] parts, assigning over every circle severall Generals and Lieutenants, and prescribed Orders how those Generals should proceed in the wars.

Thus we see the Kings Army leavied upon no slight gr [...]nd, his Regall authority was neglected, his especiall Edicts violated, his gracious profers slighted, and his Revenues [...]orbidden him, and his Realm divided before his face, and allotted unto officers not of his own election. Had the prosecution of his action been as fair, as the cause was, just and legall, the Protestants had only deserved the infa­my; but hinc illae lachrymae. The King so behaved himself in it, that he suffered the sword to walk at randome; as if his main design had been, not to correct his people, but to ruine them. I will instance onely in that tyrannicall slaughter, which he permitted at the taking of Nigrepetisse, a Town of Quercu; wherein indeed, the Souldiers shewed the very [...]igour of severity, which either a barbarous victor could inflict, or a va [...]quished people suffer, Nec ullum saevitiae genus [...]misit ira & victoria, as Tacitus of the angred Romans. For they spared neither man, nor woman, nor childe, all equally subject to the cruelty of the sword and the Conquerour. The streets paved with dead carkasses, the channels running with the bloud of Christians; no noise in the streets, but of such as were welcoming death, or suing for life. Their Churches, which the Goths spared at the sack of Rome, were at this place made the Theatres of lust and bloud; neither priviledge of Sanctuary, nor fear of God, in whose holy house they were, qualifying their outrage; this in the com­mon pl [...]ces.

At domus interior gemitu, miseroque tumultu
Mis [...]tur; penitusque cavae plangoribus aedes
Foemineis ululant.—As Virgil in the ruine of Tr [...]y.

But the calamities which besell the men, were mercifull and sparing, if compared to those which the women suffered; when the [...] had made them the objects of their lust, they made them also the su [...]jects of their fury, in that only [Page 237] pittifull to that poor and distressed sex that they did not let them survive their honours. Such of them who out of fear and faintness had made but little re [...]ance, had the favour to be stabbed; but those whose virtue and courage mainta­ned their bodies valiantly from the rapes of those villains, had the secrets of nature (procul hino este castae & misericordes aures) filled with gun-powder, and so blown into ashes. Whither, O you divine powers! is humanity fled when it is not to be found in [...]? or where shall we look for the effects of a picifull nature, when men are b [...]come so unnaturall? It is said that the King was ignorant of this barbarousnesse, and [...] at it. Off [...]nded I perswade my self he could not but be, unlesse he had totally put off him­self, and degenerated into a Tyger But for his ignorance I dare not conceive it to be any other then that of Nero, an ignorance rather in his eye then understanding: Sub­duxit oculos Nero (saith Tacitus) jussitque s [...]lera, non spectavil—Though the Protestants deserved [...]icti [...]or their disobe­dience; yet this was an execution above the nature of a punishment, a misery beyond the condition of the crime. True it is, and I shall never acquit them of it, that in the time of their prosperity, they had done the King many affronts, and committed many acts of disobedience and in­solency, which justly occasioned the war against them; for besides [...]hose already recited, they themselves first broke those Edicts, the due execution whereof seemed to have been their only petition. The King by his Ed [...]ct of pacifi­cation, had licenced the free exercise of both Religion [...], and thereupon permit [...]ed the Priests and Jesuits to preach in the Towns of Cau [...]n, being then in the hands of the Prot [...]stants. On the other side, the Protestants assembled [...]t Loudun, strictly commanded all their Governors, Maiors and Sheriffs, not to suffer any Jesuits, nor any of any othe [...] Order to preach in their Towns, although licenced by the Bishop of the Di [...]se. When upon dislike of their pro­ceedings in that Assembly the K [...]g had d [...]clared [...] meeting to be unlawfull, and contrary to his peace; and this Declaration was verified against them by the Parlia­m [...]nt: [Page 238] they [...] would not separate [...], but stood still upon terms of capitulation, and the justifiable­ness of their action again. Whereas it [...]apned, that the Lord of [...], a Town full of those of the Religion, dyed in the year 1620 and left his daughter and heir in the bed and mar­riage of the Viscount of Cheylane, a Catholick: this new Lord according to law and right, in his own Town changed the former Garrison, putting his own servants and dependan [...]s in their places. Upon this the Protestants of the Town and Countrey round about it, draw themselves in troops, surprise many of the Towns about it, and at last compelled the young Gentleman to flie from his inheritance; an action, which jumping even with the time of the Assembly at [...], made the King more doubtfull of their since [...]ity. I could add to these divers others of their undutifull practises, being the effects of too much felicitie, and of a fortune which they could not govern.

Atqui animus meminisse horret, luctuque refugit.

These their insolencies and unruly acts of disobedi­ [...], made the King and his Counsell suspect, that their designes tended further then Religion, and that their purpose might be to make themselves a free State, a [...]ter the example of Geneva, and the Low-countrey­m [...]n. The late power which they had taken of calling their own Synods and Convocations, was a strong ar­gument of their purpose; so also was the intelligence which they held with those of their own faith. At the Synod of Gappe, called by the permission of Henry the four [...]h, on the first of October, anno 1603. they not only gave audience to Ambassadours, and received Letters from [...] Princes; but also importuned his [...] to have a generall liberty of going into any other Countries, [...] assisting at their Councels: a matter of esp [...]cial im­ [...]: and therefore the King upon a foresight of the dangers, wisely prohibited them to goe to any [Page 239] A [...]mblies without a particular Licence, upon pain to be d [...]clared Traytors. Since that time growing into greater strength, whensoever they had occa [...]n of busi­nesse with King Lewis, they would never [...]reat with him, but by their Ambassadours, and upon [...]speciall Articles.

An ambition above the quality of those that pros [...]sse themselves Subjects, and the only way, as [...] Seirres noteth, To make an Estate in the State. But the answers made unto the King by those of [...] and M [...]ntauban, are pregnant proo [...]s of their intent and meaning in this kinde; the first being summoned by the King and his A [...]my the 21 of July, Anno 1621. returned [...]hus, That the King should suffer them to [...]njoy th [...]ir Li [...]erties, and leave [...] as they were, for the sa [...]ety of their lives, and [...] would de [...]lare themselves to be his Subj [...]cts. They of Montauban, made a fuller expression of the generall design and disobedience, which was, That they were resolved to live and die in the union of the Churches, had they said [...] the service of the King, it had been spoken bravely, but now [...].

This Union and Confederacy of theirs, King Le [...]is used to call the Common wealth of Rochell; for the over­throw of which, he alwayes protested, that he had only taken armes, and if we compare circumstances, we shall [...]nde it to be no other.

In the second of Aprill, before he had as yet advanced into the field, he published a Declaration in favour of all those of the Religion, which would contain them­selves within d [...]ty and [...]. And whereas some of Tours, at the beginning of the wars, had tumul­tuously mol [...]sted the Pr [...]testants, at the buriall of one of their dead; five of them, by the Kings commande­ment, were openly [...]. When the war was [...] abroad, those of the Religion in Paris lived as securely as ever, and [...] meeti [...]gs at Char [...]n­ton; so had also those of other places. Moreover, when tidings came to Paris of the Duke of May [...]ns death, [Page 240] slain before Montauban, the rascall French, according to their hot headed dispositions, breathed out nothing but ruine to the Hugonots. The Duke of Monbazon gover­nour of the City commanded their [...]ouses and the streets to be safely guarded. After, when this rabble had burnt down their Temple at Chare [...]ton, the Court of Parliament on the day following ordained, that it should be built up again in a more beautifull manner, and that at the Kings charge. Add to this, that [...]nce the ending of the wars, and the reduction of almost all their Towns, we have not seen the least alteration of Religion. Besides that, they have been permitted to hold a Nationall Synod at Charenton for establishing the truth of their Doctrine, against the errours of Arminius professour of Arminius in Hol­land.

All things thus considered in their true being, I connot see for what cause our late Soveraign should suffer so much censure as he then did, for not giving them assistance. I cannot but say, that my self have too often condemned his remissenesse in that cause, which upon better consideration I cannot tell how he should have dealt in. Had he been a medler in it further then he was, he had not so much preserved Religion, as [...] Rebellion; besides the consequence of the exam­ple. He had Subjects of his own more then enough, which we [...]e subject to discontent, and prone to an apos [...]asie from their alleagiance. To have assisted the dis­obedient French under the colour of the liberty of con­science, had been only to have taught that King a way into England upon the same pretence; and to have trod the path of his own hazard. He had not long before denied succour to his own children, when he might have given them on a better ground, and for a fairer purpose; and could not now in honour countenance the like action in another. For that other, deniall of his helping hand, I much doubt how far posterity will acquit him, though certainly he was a good Prince, and had been an happy instrument o [...] the peace of Christendome, had not the [Page 241] latter part of his reign hapned in a time so full of troubles. So that betwixt the quietnesse of his nature, and the turbulency of his latter dayes, he [...]ell into that misera­ble exigent mentioned in the Historian, Miserrimum est cum [...], aut natura sua excedenda est, aut minuenda dignitas. Add to this, that the French had been first abandoned at home by their own friends, of seven Generals which they had appointed for the seven circles into which they divided all France; four of them never giving them incourage­ment. The three which accepted of those unordinate Governments, were the Duke of Rohan, his brother M. Soubise, and the Marquesse of Lafforce; the four others being the Duke of Tremoville, the Earl of Chastillon, the Duke of Lesdisg [...]ier, and the Duke of Bovillon, who should have commanded in chief. So that the French Protestants can­not say that he was first wanting for them, but they to themselves.

If we demand what should move the French Prote­stants to this Rebellious contradiction of his Maje [...]ies commandements. We must answer, that it was too much happinesse: Causa hujus belli eadem quae omnium, nimia foelicitas, as Florus of the Civill wars between Caesar and Pompey. Before the year 1620 when they fell first into the Kings disfavour, they were possessed of almost 100 good Towns, well [...]ortified for their safety; besides beautifull houses and ample possessions in the Villages, they slept every man under his own Vine and his own Fig-tree; nei [...]her fearing, nor needing to fear the least disturbance: with those of the Catholick party, they were grown so intimate and entire, by reason of their inter-marriages, that a very few years would have them incorporated, if not into one faith, yet into one family. For their better satisfa­ction in matters of Justice, it pleased King Henry the fourth, to erect a Chamber in the Court of the Parlia­ment of Paris, purposely for them. It consisteth of one President and 16 Counsellours; their office to take know­ledge of all the Causes and Suits of them of the reformed Religion, as well within the jurisdiction of the Parliament [Page 242] of Paris, as also in Normandy and Britain, till there should be a Chamber erected in either of them. There were appoin­ted also two Chambers in the Parliaments of Burdeaux and Gren [...]ble, and one at the Chastres for the Parliament of Tho­loza. These Chambers were called Les Chambre de l' Edict, because they were established by especiall Edict, at the Towns of Nantes in Britain, Aprill the 8. anno 1598. In a word, they lived so secure and happy, that one would have thought their [...]elicities had been immortall.

O faciles d [...]re summa deos, eademque tueri

And yet they are not brought so low, but that they may live happily, if they can be content to live obediently; that which is taken from them, being matter of strength only, and not priviledge.

Let us now look upon them in their Churches, which we shall finde as empty of magnificence as ceremony. To talke amongst them of Common-prayers, were to [...]right them with the second coming of the Masse; and to mention Prayers at the buriall of the dead, were to perswade them of a Purgatory. Painted glasse in a Church window, is ac­counted for the flag and en [...]gne of Antichrist: and for Or­gans, no question but they are deemed to be the Devils bag­pipes. Shew them a Surplice, and they cry out, a rag of the Whore of Babylon; yet a sheet on a woman, when she is in child bed, is a greater abomination then the other. A strange people, that could never think the Masse book sufficiently reformed, till they had taken away Prayers; nor that their Churches could ever be handsome, untill they were ragged. This foolish opposition of their first Reformers, hath drawn the Protestants of these parts into a world of dislike and envie, and been no small disadvantage to the side. Whereas the Church of England, though it dissent as much from the Papists in point of Doctrine, is yet not uncha­ritably thought on by the Modern Catholicks, by reason it retained such an excellency of Discipline. When the Liturgie [Page 243] of our Church was t [...]anslated into Latine by Dr. Morket, once Warden of All-Souls Colledge in Oxford, it was with great approofe and applause received here in France, by those whom they call the Catholicks royall; as marvelling to s [...]e such order and regular devotion in them, whom they were taught to condemn for Hereticall. An allowance, which with some little help, might have been raised higher, from the practice of our Church, to some points of our judge­ment, and it is very worthy of our observation, that which the Marquesse of Rhosny spake of Canterbury, when he came as extraordinary Ambassadour from King Henry IV. to welcome King James into England. For upon the view of our solemn Service and ceremonies, he openly said unto his followers, That if the reformed Churches in France, had kept the same orders amongst them which we have, he was assured that there would have been many thousands more of Protestants there, then now are. But the Marquesse of Rhosny was not the last that said so, I have heard divers French Papists, who were at the Queens coming over, and ventured so far upon an ex­communication, as to be present at our Church solemn Services, extoll them and us for their sakes, even almost unto hyperboles. So graciously is our temper entertained amongst them.

As are their Churches, such is their Discipline, naked of all Antiquity, and almost as modern as the men which imbrace it. The power and calling of Bishops, they abrogated with the Masse, upon no other cause then that Geneva had done it. As if that excellent man Mr. Calvin had been the Pytha­goras of our age, and his [...], his ipse dixit, had stood for Oracles. The Hierarchie of Bishops thus cast out, they have brought in their places the Lay-Elders, a kind of Monster never heard of in the Scriptures, or first times of the Gospell. These men leap from the stall to the bench, and there [...]rtly sleeping, and partly st [...]oaking of their beards; ena [...] laws of Government for the Church, so that we may justly take up the complaint of the Satyrist, saying, Surgunt nobis e sterquilinio Magistratus, nec dum lotis manibus publica tractant negotia; yet to these very men, composed equally [Page 244] of ignorance and a trade, are the most weighty matters of the Church committed. In them is the power of ordaining Priests, of co [...]ferring places of charge, and even of the severes [...] censu [...]e of the Church, Excommunication. When any busi­nesse which concerneth the good of the Congregation is befallen, they must be called to councell, and you shall finde them there as soon as ever they can put off their Aprons; having blurted out there a little Classicall non-sense, and passed their consents rather by nodding of their heads, then any other sensibl [...] articulation, they hasten to their shops, as Quinctius the Dictator in Florus did to his plough, Ut ad [...]pus relictum festinasse vid [...]atur. Such a plat-form, though it be, that needeth no further confutation then to know it, yet had it been tolerable if the contrivers of it had not en­devoured to impose it on all the Reformation. By which means what great troubles have been raised by the great zelots here in England, there is none so young, but hath heard some Tragicall relations. God be magnified, and our late King praised, by whom this weed hath been snatched up out of the garden of this our Israel.

As for their Ministery, it is indeed very learned in their studies, and exc [...]eding painfull in their calling. By the fi [...]st they confute the ignorance of the Roman Clergy; by the second their lazinesse. And questionlesse it behoveth them so to be, for living in a Countrey [...]ull of opposition, they are enforced to a necessity of book-learning, to maintain the cause, and being continually as it were beset with spies, they do the oftner [...]requent the Pulpits, to hold up their credits. The maintenance which is allotted to them, scarce amoun­teth to a competency, though by that name they please to call it. With receiving of tithes they never meddle, and therefore in their Schismaticall tracts of Divinity, they do hardly allow of the paying of them. Some of them hold that they were Jewish, and abrogated with the Law. Others think them to be meerly jure humano, and yet that they may lawfully be accepted, where they are tendred. It is well known yet that there are some amongst them, which will commend grapes, though they cannot reach them. This competence may come unto 40 or 50 l. yearly, or a little more. B [...]za that great and famous [Page 245] Preacher of Geneva, had but 80 l. a year; and about that rate was Peter de Moulins pension, when he Preached at Charenton. These stipends are partly payed by the King; and partly raised by way of Collection. So the Mini­sters of these Churches, are much of the nature with the English Lecturers.

As for the Tithes, they belong to the severall Parish Priests in whose Precincts they are due; and they, I'le warrant you, according to the little learning which they have, will main­tain them to be jure divino. The Sermons of the French are very plain and home-spun, little in them of the Fathers, and lesse of humane learning; it being concluded in the Synod of Gappe, that only the Scriptures should be used in their Pulpits. They consist much of Exhortation and Use, and of nothing in a manner which concerneth knowledge; a ready way to raise up and edifie the Will and Affections, but withal to starve the understanding. For the education of them being children, they have private Schools; when they are better grown, they may have [...]ree recourse unto any of the French Academies; besides the new University of Saumur, which is wholly theirs, and is the chiefe place of their study.


The connexion between the Church and Common­wealth in generall. A transition to the particular of France. The Government there meerly regall. A mixt forme of Government most commendable. The Kings Patents for Offices. Monopolies above the censure of Parliament. The strange office in­tended to Mr. Luynes. The Kings gifts and expences. The Chamber of Accounts. France di­vided into three sorts of people. The Conventus Ordinum nothing but a title. The inequality of the Nobles and Commons in France. The Kings power how much respected by the Princes. The powerablenesse of that rank. The formall executi­on done on them. The multitude and confusion of Nobility. King James defended. A censure of the French Heralds. The command of the French Nobles over their Tenants. Their priviledges, gibbets and other Regalia. They conspire with the King to undoe the Commons.

HAving thus spoken of the Churches; I must now treat a little of the Common-wealth. Religion is as the soul of a State, Policy as the body; we can hardly discourse of the one, without a relation to the other; if we do, we commit a wilfull murder, in thus de­stroying a republick. The Common-wealth without the Church, is but a carkasse, a thing inanimate. The Church without the Common-wealth is as it were anima separata, [Page 247] the joyning of them together maketh of both one flourish­ing and permanent body; and therefore as they are in nature, so in my relation, Connubio jungam stabili. More­over, such a secret sympathy there is between them, such a necessary dependance of one upon the other, that we may say of them, what Tully doth of two twins in his book De fato, Eodem tempore, [...]orum morbus gravesoit, & eodem levatur. They grow sick and well at the same time, and commonly run out their races at the same instant. There is besides the ge­neral r [...]spect of each to other, a more particular band betwixt them h [...]re in France, which is a liken [...]sse and resemblance. In the Church of France we have found an head and a body; this body again divided into two parts, the Catholick and the Prot [...]stant: the head is in his own opinion, and the minds of many others, of a power unlimited; yet the Catholick party hath strongly curbed it. And of the two parts of the body, we see the Papists [...] and in triumph, whilest that of the Protestant is in misery and affliction. Thus is it also in the body Politick. The King in his own conceit boundlesse and omnipotent, is yet a [...]onted by his Nobles; which Nobles enjoy all the free­dome of riches and happinesse; the poor Paisants in the mean time living in drudgery and bondage.

For the government of the King is meerly, indeed, regal, or to give it the true name despoticall; though the C [...]untrey be his wife, and all the people are his children, yet do [...]h he neither govern as an husband or a father; he accoun­teth of them all as of his servants, and therefore comman­deth them as a Master. In his Edicts which he over frequen­ly sendeth ab ut, he never mentioneth the good will of his Subjects, nor the approbation of his Councell, but con­cludeth all of them in this forme, Car tell est nostre plaisir, Sic volo sic [...]. A forme of government very prone to degenerate into a tyranny, if the Princes had not oftentimes strength and will to make resistance. But this is not the vice of the entire and Soveraign Monarchy alone, which the Greek call [...]; the other two good formes of regiment, being subject also to the same frailty. Thus in the reading of Histories have we observed an Aristocracie, to have been fre­quently [Page 248] [...]rupted into an Oligarchie; and a [...] (or Common-wealth properly so called) into a Democratie. For as in the body naturall, the purest complexions are lesse lasting, but easily broken and subject to alteration; so is it in the body Civill, the pure and unmixt formes of Govern­ment, though perfect and absolute in their kinds, are yet of little continuance, and very subject to change into its opposite. They therefore which have written of Republicks do most applaud and commend the mixt manner of rule, which is equally compounded of the Kingdome and the Politeia; because in these the Kings have all the power be­longing to their title, without prejudice to the populacie. In these there is referred to the King, absolute Majesty; to the Nobles, convenient authority; to the People, an incor­rupted liberty: all in a just and equall proportion. Every one of these is like the Empire of Rome, as it was modera­ted by Nerva, Qui res olim dissociabiles miscuerat, principatum & libertatem; wherein the Soveraignty of one endamaged not the freedome of all. A rare mixture of Government, and such at this time is the Kingdome of England, a King­dome of a perfect and happy composition; wherein the King hath his full Prerogative, the Nobles all due re­spects, and the People, amongst other blessings per­fect in this, that they are masters of their own pur­poses, and have a strong hand in the making of their own Laws.

On the otherside, in the Regall government of France, the Subject frameth his life meerly as the Kings variable Edicts shall please to enjoyn him; is ravished of his money as the Kings taske-masters think fit; and suffereth many other oppressions, which in their proper place shall be specified. This Aristotle in the third book of his Politicks calleth, [...] or the command of a Master, and defineth it to be [...] Such an Empire by which a Prince may com­mand, and do whatsoever shall seem good in his own eyes. One of the Prerogatives Royall of the French Kings. For though the Court of Parliament doth seem to challenge a perusall of his Edicts, before they passe for Laws; yet is [Page 249] [...] but a meer formality. It is the [...]rtel est nostre p [...]aisir, which maketh them currant; which it seemeth these Princes learned of the Roman Emperors. Jus [...]inian in the book of Institutions, maketh five grounds of the Civill Laws, viz. Lex, (he meaneth the law of the 12 Tables) Plebiseita, Sena­tusconsulta, [...] Responsa, & Principum placita; to this last he addeth this generall strength, Quod principi pla [...]uerit, legis habet valorem; the very foundation of the French Kings power [...]ulnesse. True it is, that the Courts of Parliament do use to demur sometimes upon his Patents and Decrees, and to petition him for a reversall of them; but their an­swer commonly is, Stat pro ratione voluntas. He knoweth his own power, and granteth his Letters patents for new Offices and Monopolies abundantly. If a monied man can make a friend in Court, he may have an office found for him, of six pence upon every Sword made in France; a Livre, upon the selling of every head of Cattell; a brace of Sols, for every paire of boots, and the like. It is the only study of some men to finde out such devices of enriching them­selves, and undoing the people. The Patent for Innes granted to St. Giles Mompesson, was just one of the French offices.

As for Monopolies, they are here so common, that the Subject taketh no notice of it; not a scurvey petty book be­ing Printed, but it hath its priviledge affixed, Ad imprimen­dum solum. These being granted by the King, are carryed to the Parliament, by them formally perused, and finally verified; after which, they are in force and virtue against all opposition. It is said in France that Mr. Luynes had obtained a Patent of the King, for a quart d' es [...]u to be paid unto him upon the Christning of every child thoughout all the Kingdome. A very unjust and unconscionable ex­tortion. Had he lived to have presented it to the Court, I much doubt of their deniall, though the only cause of bringing before them such Patents, is onely intended that they should discusse the justice and convenience of them.

As the Parliament hath a formality of power left in them, of verifying the Kings Edicts, his grants of Offices [Page 250] and Monopolies. So hath the Chamber of Accounts, a super­ficiall survey also of his gifts and expences. For his ex­pences, they are thought to be as great now as ever, by reason of the severall retinues of himself, his Mother, his Queen, and the Mons [...]iur; neither are his gifts l [...]ssened. The late Wars which he managed against the Protestants cost him deer, he being fain to bind unto him most of his Princes by money and pensions. As the expenses of the King are brought unto this Court to be examined, so are also the Gifts and Pensions by him granted to be ratified. The ti­tulary power given unto this Chamber, is to cut off all those of the Kings grants which have no good ground and foundation; the officers being solemnly (at the least formally) sworn, not to suffer any thing to passe them, to the detriment of the Kingdome, whatsoever Letters of command thay have to the contrary. But this Oath they oftentimes dispense with. To this Court also belongeth the Enfranchisement or Naturalization of Aliens, anciently certain Lords, officers of the Crown, and of the prime counsell were appointed to look unto the accounts. Now it is made an ordinary and soveraigne Court, consisting of two Presidents and divers Auditors, and other under Of­ficers. The Chamber wherein it is kept, called La Chambre des comptes, is the beautifullest peece of the whole Palais; the great Chamber it self, not being worthy to be named in the same day with it. It was built by Charles VIII. anno 1485. afterwards adorned and beautified by Lewis XII. whose Statua is there standing in his royall robes, and the Scepter in his hand. He is accompianed by the four Cardinall ver­tues expressed by way of Hieroglyphicks, very properly and cunningly; each of them having its particular Motto, to declare its being. The Kings portraiture also as if he were the fifth virtue, had its word under written, and con­tained in a couple of Verses, which let all that love the Muses skip them in the reading, and are these:

Quatuor has comites soveo, Coelestia dona,
[...] pacis prospera [...] gerens,

From the King descend we to the Subjects, ab equis (quod aiunt) ad [...], and the phrase is not much improper; the French commonalty being called the Kings asses. These are di­vided into three ranks or Classes, the Clergy, the Nobles, the Paisants; [...]ut of which certain delegates or Commit­tees, chosen upon occasion, and sent to the King, did an­tiently concur to the making of the Supreme Court for Justice in France. It was called the Assembly of the three Estates, or the Conventus ordinum; and was just like the Parli­ament of England. But these meetings are now forgotten, or out of use; neither, indeed, as this time goeth, can they any way advantage the State; for whereas there are three principall, if not sole causes of these conventions, which are, the desposing of the Regency during the nonage or sicknesse of a King; the granting Aides and Subsidies; and the redressing of Grievances: there is now another course taken in them. The Parliament of Paris, which speaketh, as it is prompted by power and greatnesse, appointeth the Regent; the Kings themselves with their officers determine of the Taxes; and as concerning their Grievances, the Kings eare is open to private Petitions.

Thus is that little of a Common-wealth which went to the making up of this Monarchie, escheated, or rather devoured by the King, that name alone containing in it both Clergy, Princes and People. So that some of the French Counsellors, may say with Tully in his Oration for Marcellus unto Caesar, Doleoque cum respub. immortalis esse debeat, eam unius mortalis anima consistere. Yet I cannot withall but affirme, that the Princes and Nobles of France, do, for as much as concerneth themselves, upon all advantages flie off from the Kings obedience; but all this while the poor Paisant is ruined; let the poor Tenant starve, or eat the bread of care­fulnesse, it matters not, so they may have their pleasure, and be counted firme zelots of the common liberty. And cer­tainly this is the issue of it, the former liveth the life of a slave to maintain his Lord in pride and lazinesse; the Lord liveth the life of a King to oppresse his Tenant by fines and exactions. An equality little answering to the old plat­formes of Republicks. Aristotle, Genius ille naturae, as a [Page 252] learned man calleth him, in his fourth book of Politicks hath an excellent discourse concerning this disproporti­on. In that Chapter, his project is, to have a correspon­dency so far between Subjects under the King or people of the same City, that neither the one might be over rich, nor the other too miserably poor. They, saith he, which are too happy, strong, or rich, or greatly favour­ed, and the like, can not nor will not obey, with which evill they are infected from their infancy. The other through want of these things are too abjectly minded and base; so that the one cannot but command, nor the o­ther but serve. And this he calleth [...], a City inhabited onely by Slaves and Tyrants. That questionlesse is the most perfect and compleat forme of Government, Ubi veneratur protentem humilis, non timet; antecedit, non contemnit humiliorem potens, as Velleius. But this is an un­happinesse of which France is not capable; their Lords be­ing Kings, and their Commons Villains.

And not to say lesse of them then indeed they are, the Princes of this Countrey, are but little inferiour in matter of Royalty, to any King abroad; and by consequence little respective, in matter of obedience, to their own King at home. Upon the least discontent, they withdraw them­selves from the Court, or put themselves into armes; and of all other comforts are ever sure of this, that they shall never want partizans. Neither do they use to stand off from him fearfully, and at distance, but justifie their re­volt by publick Declaration, and think the King much in­debted to them, if upon fair terms and an honourable re­concilement, they will please to put themselves again into his obedience. Henry IV. was a Prince of as unda [...]nted and uncontroulable a spirit, as ever any of his predecessors, and one that loved to be obeyed; yet was he also very frequent­ly baffled by these Roytelets, and at the last dyed in an af­front. The Prince of Conde perceiving the Kings affection to his new Lady, began to grow jealous of him, for which reason he retired unto Bruxells: the King offended at his retreat, sent after him, and commanded him home. The Prince returned answer, that he was the Kings most hum­ble [Page 253] Subj [...]ct and servant; but into France he would not come unlesse he might have a Town for his assurance; withall he protested in publick writing a nullity of any thing that should be done to his prejudice in his absence. A stomach­full resolution, and misbecoming a Subject; yet in this op­position he [...], his humor of disobedience out-living the King whom he had thus affronted. But these tricks are ordinary here, [...]therwise a man [...] have construed this action, by the term of Rebellion. The [...] means where­by these Princes [...] so head st [...]ng, are an immunity given them by their Kings, and a liberty [...] they have taken to themselves. By th [...]ir Kings they have been abso­lutely ex [...]mpted from all Tributes, Tolles, Taxes, Customes, Impo [...]tions and Subsidies. By them also they have been estated in whole entire Provinces, with a power of haute a [...]d m [...]n Justice (as the Lawyers term it) passed over to [...]; the Kings having scarce an homage or acknowledgment of them. To this they have added much for their strength and securi­ty, by the insconcing and fortifying of their [...], which both oft [...]n moveth, and afterwards inableth them [...]o c [...]n­temn his M [...]jesty. An example we have of this in the Castle of Rochfort belonging to the Duke of Tremoville, which in the long Civill wars endured a [...] of 5000 shot, and yet was not taken. A very imp [...]tick course (in my conceit) of the French, to bestow honours and immunities upon those, Qui (as the Historian noteth) e [...] suo arbitrio aut reposituri, a [...]t retenturi videantur; quique modum habent in sua voluntate. For upon a knowledge of this strength in themselves, the Princes have been always prone to Civill wars, as having suff [...]nt means for safety and resistance On this ground also they slight the Kings au hority, aud disobey his Justice. In so much that the greater sort of Nobles in this Kingdome, can sel­dome be arraigned or executed in person; and therefore the Lawes cond [...]mn them in their images, and hang them in their pictures. A pretty device to mock Justice. If by chance, or some handsome sleight, any of them are apprehended, they are put under a sure guard, and not done to death without great fear of tumult and unquietnesse.

Neither is it unus & alter, only some two or three, that [Page 254] thus stand upon their d [...]stance with the K [...]ng, but even all the Nobility of the Realm a rout so disorde [...]ed, unconfined, and numberlesse, that even Fabius himself would be out of breath in making the [...]eckoning. I speak not here of those that are styled La Noblesse, but of Titulados, men only of titular Nobility, of the degree of Baron and above. Of these there is in this Countrey a number almost innume­rable. Quot Coelum Stellas; take quantity for quantity, and I dare be of the opinion, that heaven hath not more Stars, then France Nobles. You shall meet with them so thick in the Kings Court especially, that you would think it almost impossible the Countrey should bear any other fruit. This, I think, I may safely affirme, and without Hyperbole, that they have there as many Princes, as we in England have Dukes; as many Dukes, as we Earls; as many Earls, as we Barons; and as many Barons as we have Knights; a jolly company, and such as know their own strength too. I can­not therefore but much marvell, that these Kings should be so prodigall in conferring honours; considering this, that every Noble man he createth, is so great a weakning to his power.

On the other side, I cannot but as much wonder at some of our Nation, who have murmured against our late Soveraign, and accused him of an unpardonable unthriftiness, in be­stowing the dignities of his Realm, with so full and liberall a hand. Certainly, could there any danger have arisen by it unto the State, I could have been as impatient of it as another. But with us, titles and ennoblings in this kind, are only either the Kings favour, or the parties merit, and maketh whomsoever he be that receiveth them, rather re­verenced then powerfull. Raro eorum honoribus invidetur, quorum vis non timetur, was a good Aphorisme in the dayes of Paterculus; and may for ought I know be as good still. Why should I envie any man that honour, which taketh not from my safety; or repine at my Soveraign for raising any of his Servants into an higher degree of eminency, when that favour cannot make them exorbitant? Besides it con­cerneth the improvement of the Exchequer, at the occasi­ons of Subsidies, and the glory of the Kingdome, when the [Page 255] Prince is not attended by men meerly of the vulgar. Add to this, the few Noble men of any title wch he [...]ound at his h [...]p­py co [...]ing in amongst us, and the additi [...]s o [...] power which his comming brought unto us; and we shall [...]de it pro­portionable, that he should enlarge our Nobili [...]y with our Empire: neither y [...]t have we, indeed, a number to be talked of, comparing us with our neighbour [...]. We may s [...]e all of the three first ranks in the books of Mil [...]s, Brooke, and Vincent; and we are promised also a [...] of the Crea­tions and successions of all our Barons. Then we should see that as yet we have not surfeited. W [...]e this care tak [...]n by the Heralds in France, perhaps the Nobility there would not seem so numberlesse; sure I am not so consused. But this is the main vice of that profession, o [...] six Heralds which they have amongst them, viz. Montjoy, Normandy, [...], Val ys, Bretagne, and Burgogne, not one of them is repo [...]ed to be a Genealogist; neither were their Predecessors better affected to this study. Paradine the only man that ever was amongst them, hath drawn down the Genealogies of 24 of the chief families, all ancient and of the bloud, in which he hath excellently well discharged himself. But wh [...]t a small pittance is that compared to the present mul­titude?

The Nobles being so populous, it cannot be but the Noblesse, as they call them; that is, the Gentry, must needs be thick set and only not innumerable. Of these Nobles there are some which hold thei [...] estates immediately of the Crown, and they have the like immunities with the Princes. Some hold their Fe [...]es (or feuda) of some other of the Lords, and he hath only Basse Justice permitt [...]d to him, as to mulct and amerce his Tenants, to imprison them, or give them any other correction under death. All of them have power to raise and inhance up their Rents, to Tax his Subjects on occasion, and to prohibit them such pleasures, as they think fit to be reserved for themselves. By Brettaul in Pi­ [...]ardy, I saw a post fastned in the ground, like a race-post with us, and therein an inscription; I presently made to it, as hoping to have heard of some memorable battell there foughten; but when I came at it, I [...]und it to be nothing [Page 256] but a D [...]claration of the Prince of Condes pleasure, that no man should hunt in those quarters; afterwards I observed them to be very frequent. But not to wander through all particulars, I will in some few of them only give instance of their power here. The first is Proict de bailli age, power to keep Assize, or to have under him a Bailli, and a Superiour seat of Justice, for the decision of such causes as fall under the compasse of ordinary jurisdiction. In this Court there is notice taken of Treasons, Robberies, Murders, Protecti­ons, Pardons, Faires, Markets, and other matters of priviledge. Next they have a Court of ordinary jurisdiction, and there­in a Judge whom they call Le guarde de Justice, for the d [...]cision of smaller businesse, as Debts, Trespasses, breach of the Kings peace, and the like In this the purse is only emptied, the other extendeth to the taking of life also; for which cause every one which hath Haute Justice annexed to his Feife, hath also his peculiar Gibbet; nay which is wonder­fully methodicall, by the criticisme of the Gibbet, you may judge at the quality of him that owneth it. For the Gibbet of one of the Nobles hath but two pillars, that of the Chastellan three, the Barons four, the Earls six, the Dukes eight; and yet this difference is rather precise then generall. The last of their jura r [...]galia, which I will here speak of, is the command they have upon their people, to follow them unto the wars; a command not so advantagious to the Lord, as dangerous to the Kingdom.

Thus live the French Princes, thus the Nobles. Those sheep which God and the Lawes hath brought under them, they do not sheer but fleece; and which is worse then this, having themselves taken away the Wooll, they give up the naked carkasse to the King. Tondi oves meas volo, non deglubi, was accounted one of the golden sayings of Tiberius; but it is not currant here in France. Here the Lords and the King, though otherwise at oddes a­mongst themselves, will be sure to agree in this, the undo­ing and oppressing of the poor Paisant; Ephraim against Ma­nasseh, and Manasseh against Ephraim, but both against Judah, saith the Scripture.

[Page 257]The reason why they thus desire the poverty of the Commons, is, as they pretend, the safety of the State, and their owne particulars. Were the people once warmed with the feeling of case and their own riches, they would presently be hearkning after the warres; and if no imployment were proffered abroad, they would make some at home. Histories and experience hath taught us enough of their humour in this kind; it being im­possible for this hot-headed, and hare-brained people, not to be doing. Si extraneus deest, domi hostem quaerunt, as Justin hath observed of the Ancient Spaniards; a prety quality, and for which they have often smarted.


The base and lo [...] estate of the French Paisant. The misery of them under their Lord. The bed of Pro­crustes. The suppressing of the Subject prejudici­all to a State. The wisdome of Henry VII. The French forces all in the Cavallerie. The cruell impositions laid upon the people by the King. No Demaine in France. Why the tryall by twelve men can be used only in England. The Gabell of Salt. The Popes licence for wenching. The Gabell of whom refused, and why. The Gascoines im­patient of Taxes. The taille, and taillion. The Pan­carke or Aides. The vain resistance of those of Paris. The Court of Aides. The manner of ga­thering the Kings moneys. The Kings revenue. The corruption of the French publicans. King Lewis why called the just. The monies currant in France. The gold of Spain more Catholick then the King. The happinesse of the English Subjects. A congratulation unto England. The con­clusion of the first Journey.

BY that which hath been spoken already of the Nobles, we may partly guesse at the poor estate of the Paisant, or Countreymen; of whom we will not now speak, as subjects to their Lords, and how far they are under their commandment; but how miserable and wretched they are in their Apparell and their Houses. For their Apparell it is well they can allow themselves [Page 259] Canvasse, or an outside of that nature. As for Cloth it is above their purse equally, and their ambiti [...]n; i [...] they can aspire unto Fustian, they are as happy as [...]heir wishes, and he that is so arrayed, will not spare to aime at the best place in the Parish, even unto that of the Church-wa [...]den. When they go to plough or to the Church, they have shooes and stockins; at other times they make bold with nature, and wear their skins. H [...]ts they will not want, though their bellies pinch for it; and that you may be sure they have them, they will alwayes keep them on their heads: the most impudent custome of a beggerly fortune, that ever I met with, and which already hath had my blessing. As for the women, they know in what degree nature hath created them, and therefore dare not be so fine as their Husbands; some of them never had above one pair of stockins in all their lives, which they wear every day, for indeed they are very durable. The goodnesse of their faces tell us, that they have no need of a band, therefore they use none. And as concerning Petticoats, so it is, that all of them have such a garment, but most of them so short, that you would imagine them to be cut off at the placket. When the Parents have sufficiently worn these vestures, and that commonly is till the rottenn [...]e of them will save the la­bour of undressing, they are a new-cut-out and fitted to the children. Search into their houses, and you shall finde them very wretched, destitute as well of furniture as pro­vision. No Butter salted up against Winter, no pow­dring tub, no Pullein in the Rick-barten, no flesh in the pot or at the spit, and which is worst, no money to buy them. The defcription of the poor aged couple Philemon and Bauc [...] in the eight book of the Metamor­phosis, is a perfect character of the French Paisant, in his house-keeping; though I cannot affirme, that if Jupiter and Mercury did come amongst them, they should have so hearty an entertainment; for thus Ovid marshalleth the dishes:

Ponitur hic bicolor sincerae bac [...]a Minervae,
Intybaque, & radix, & lactis massa coacti,
Ovaque non a [...]i leviter versata favilla,
Prunaque, & in patulis redolentia mala canistris.
Hic nux, hic mixta est rugosis caricapalmis,
E [...] de purpureis collectae vitibus [...]vae;
Omnia fictilibus nitide.—
They on the table set Minerva's fruit,
The double-colour'd Olive, Endive-root;
Radish and Cheese: and to the board there came
A dish of Egges, rear-roasted by the flame.
Next they had Nuts, course Dates and Le [...] figs,
And Apples from a basket made of twigs,
And Plum [...], and Graps cut newly from the tree:
All serv'd in earthen dishes, Housewifely.

But you must not look for this cheer often. At Wakes or Feasts dayes, you may perchance be so happy as to see this plenty; but at other times, Olus omnepatella, the best provision they can shew you is a piece of B [...]con wherewith they fatten their pottage; and now and then the inwards of Beasts killed for the Gentlemen. But of all miseries, this me thinketh is the greatest, that sowing so many acres of excellent wheat in an year, and gathering in such a plentifull Vintage as they do, they should not yet be so fortunate, as to eat white bread, or drink wine; for such infinite rents do they pay to their Lords, and such innumerable taxes to the King, that the profits arising out of those commo­dities, are only sufficient to pay their duties, and keep them from the extremities of cold and famine. The bread then which they eat, is of the courseft flowre, and so black, that it cannot admit the name of brown. And as for their drink, they have recourse to the next Fountain. A people of any, the most unfortunate, not permitted to enjoy the fruit of their labours; and such as above all [Page 261] others are subject to that Sarcasme in the Gospell, This man planted a V [...]eyard, and doth not drink of the fruit thereof.

Nec prosunt domino, quae prosunt omnibus, artes.

Yet were their case not altogether so deplorable, if there were but hopes left to them of a better, if they could but compasse certainty, that a pain [...]ull drudging and a thrifty saving, would one day bring them out of this hell of bondage. In this, questionlesse, they are intirely mise­rable, in that they are sensible of the wretchednesse of their present fortunes, and dare not labour nor expect an alteration. If industry and a sparing hand hath raised any of this afflicted people so high, that he is but 40 s. or 5 l. richer then his neighbour, his Lord immediately en­haunceth his Rents, and enformeth the Kings task-masters of his riches, by which means he is within two or three years brought again to equall poverty with the rest. A strange course, and much different from that of England, where the Gentry take a delight in having their Tenants thrive under them, and hold it no crime in any that hold of them to be wealthy. On the other side, those of France can abide no body to gain or grow rich upon their farmes; and therefore thus upon occasions rack their poor Tenants. In which they are like the Tyrant Procrustes, who laying hands upon all he met, cast them upon his bed; if they were shorter then it, he racked their joynts till he [...]ad made them even to it, if they were longer, he cut as much of their bodies from them, as did hang over; so keeping all that sell into his power in an equality. All the French Lords are like that Tyrant.

How much this course doth depresse the military power of this Kingdome is apparent by the true principles of war, and the examples of other Countries. For it hath been held by the generall opinion of the best judgements in matters of war, that the main Buttresse and Pillar of an Army is the foot, or (a [...] the Martialists term it) the Infan­ [...]ery. Now to make a good Infantery, it requireth that men [Page 262] be brought up not in a sl [...]vish and needy fashion of life, but in some free and liberall manner. Therefore it is well observed by the Vicoun [...] St. Albans in his History of Henry VII. that i [...] a State run most to Nobles and Gentry, and that the Husbandmen be but as their meer drudges, or else simply Cottagers, that that State may have a good Caval­lery, but never good stable bands of foot. Like to Coppice woods, in which if you let them grow too thick in the stadles, they run to bushes or bryers, and have little clean under-wood. Neither is this in France only, but in Italy also, and some other parts abroad; in so much, that they are enforced to imploy mercenary Souldiers for their [...]attalions of foot: whereby it cometh to passe, that in those Coun­tries they have much people, and few men. On this con­sideration King Henry VII. one of the wisest of our Princes took a course so cunning and wholesome, for the increase of the military power of his Realm; that though it be much lesse in territory, yet it should have infinitely more Souldiers of its native forces, then its neighbour Nations. For in the fourth year of his Reign, there passed an Act of Parliament pretensively against the depopulation of Vil­lages, and decay of tillage, but purposedly to inable his sub­jects for the wars. The Act was, That all houses of husbandry which had been used with twenty acres of ground and upwards, should be maintained and kept up for, together with a competent proportion of Land, to be used and occupied with them, &c. By this means, the houses being kept up, did of necessity enforce a dweller, and that dweller, beca [...]se of the proportion of Land, not to be a begger, but a man of some substanc [...], able to keep Hinds and Servants, and to set the plough a going. An order which did wonderfully concerne the might and manhood of the Kingdome; these Farmes be­ing sufficient to maintaine an able body out of penu­ry; and by consequence to prepare them for service, and encourage them to higher honours, for

Haud facile emergent, quorum virtutibus obstat
Res angusta domi.—As the Poet hath it.

But this O dinance is not thought o [...] such use in France, where all the hopes of their Armies consist in the Cavallery or the horse; which perhaps is the cause why our An­cestors have won so many battailes upon them. As sor the French foot, they are quite out of all reputation, and are accounted to be the basest and unworthyest company in the world.

Besides, should the French people be enfranchised, as it were, from the tyranny of their Lords, and estated in free­holds and other tenures, after the manner of England, it would much trouble the Councell of Fra [...]ce, to find out a new way of raising his revenues, which are now meerly sucked out of the bloud and sweat of the Subject. Anti­ [...]ntly the Kings of France had rich and plentifull demeans, such as was sufficient to maintain their greatnesse and Ma­jesty, without being burden some unto the Countrey. Pride in matters of sumptuousnesse, and the tedious Civill wars, which have lasted in this Countrey, almost ever fince the death of Hen [...]y II. have been the occasion that most of the Crown lands have been sold and morgaged, in so much that the people are now become the Demaine, and the Sub­ject only is the Revenue of the Crown. By the sweat of their browes is the Court sed, and the Souldier paid; and by their labours are the Princes maintained in idlenesse. What impositions soever it pleaseth the King to put upon them, it is almost a point of treason not only to deny, but to question. Apud illos vere regnatur, nefasque quantum regi liceat, dubitare; as one of them. The Kings hand lyeth hard upon them, and hath almost thrust them into an Egyptian bondage, the poor Paisant being constrained to make up dayly his full tale of bricks, and yet have no straw allowed them. Upon a sight of the miseries and poverties of this people, Sir John Fortescue, Chancellour of England in his book in­tituled, De Laudibus legum Angliae, concludeth them to be un fit men for Jurors or Judges, [...] the custome of the Countrey admit of such tryals. For having proved there unto the Prince, (he was son to Henry VI.) that the manner of tryall according to the Common Law, by 12 Ju [...]ates, was more commendable then the practise of the Civill or [Page 264] Emperiall L [...]wes, by the deposition only of two wi [...]esses, or the forced confession of the persons, arrained, the Prince seemed to [...], Cur ea lex Angliae quae tam f [...]ugi & optabilis est, non sit toti mundo c [...]mmunis. To this he maketh answer, by shewing the [...]ree condition of the English Subjects, who alone are used at these indictments; men of a fair and large estate, such as dwell nigh the place of the deed com­mitted, men that are of ingenuous education, such as scorn to be suborned or corrupted, and afraid of infamie. Then he shewe [...]h how in other places all things are contrary, the Husbandman an absolute begger, easie to be bribed by reason of his poverty; the Gentlemen living far asunder, and so taking no notice of the fact; the Paisant also neither fea­ring infamie, nor the losse of goods, if he be found faulty, because he hath them not. In the end he concludeth thus, Ne mireris igitur princeps, si lex per quam in Anglia veritas inqui­ [...]itur, alias non pervagetur nationes, ipsae namque ut Anglia neque­runt facere sufficientes consimilesque Juratas. The last part of the latine, savoureth somewhat of the Lawy [...]r, the word Juratas being put there to fignifie a Jury.

To go over all those impositions, which this miserable people are afflicted withal, were almost as wretched as the pay­ment of them; I will therefore speak only of the principall. And here I meet in the first place, with the Gabell or Im­position on Salt. This Gabelle de sel, this Impost on Salt was first begun by Philip the Long, who took for it a double (which is half a Sol) upon the pound. After whom Philip of Valoys, anno 1328. doubled that. Charles the VII. raised it unto three doubles; and Lewis the XI. unto fix. Since that time it hath been altered from so much upon the pound to a certain rate on the Mine, which containeth some 30 bushels English; the rates rising and falling at the Kings pleasure. This one commodity were ve [...]y advantagious to the Exchequer, were it all in the Kings hands; but at this time a great part of it is morgaged. It is thought to be worth unto the King three millions of Crowns yearly; that only of Paris and the Provosts seven Daughters, being farmed at 1700000 Crowns the year. The late Kings since anno 1581. being intangled in wars, have been constrained to [Page 265] let it out to others; in so much that about anno 1599. the King lost above 800000 Crowns yearly: and no longer agone then anno 1621. the King taking up 600000 pounds, of the Provost of Merchands and the Eschevines, gave unto them a rent charge of 40000 l. yearly, to be issuing out of his Customes of Salt, till their money were repaid them. This Gabell is, indeed, a Monopoly, and that one of the un­justest and unreasonablest in the World. For no man in the Kingdom (those Countries hereafter mentioned ex­cepted) can eat any Salt, but he must buy of the King and at his price, which is most unconscionable; that being sold at Paris and elsewhere for five Livres, which in the ex­empted places is sold for one. Therefore that the Kings profits might not be diminished, there is diligent watch and ward, that no forain Salt be brought into the Land, upon pain of forfeiture and imprisoment. A search which is made so strictly, that we had much ado at Dieppe to be pardoned the searching of our trunks and port-mantles, and that not, but upon solemn protestation, that we had none of that commodity. This Salt is of a brown colour, being only such as we in England call Bay-salt; and imposed on the Subjects by the Kings Officers with great rigour, for though they have some of their last provision in the house, or perchance would be content (through poverty) to eat meat without it, yet will these cruell villaines enforce them to take such a quantity of them; or howsoever they will have of them so much money.

But this Tyranny is not generall, the Normans and Pi­cards enduring most of it, and the other Paisant the rest. Much like unto which was the Licence which the Popes and B [...]shops of old granted in matter of keeping Concu­bines. For when such as had the charge of gathering the Popes Rents happened upon a Priest which had no Concubine, and for that cause made deniall of the Tributes; the Collectours would return them this an­swer, that notwithstanding this, they should pay the money, because they might have the keeping of a wench if they would.

[Page 266]This Gabell, as it sitteth hard on some, so are there some also which are never troubled with it. Of this sort are the Princes in the generall released, and many of the Nobless in particular; in so much that it was proved unto King Lewis, anno 1614. that for every Gentleman which took of his Majesties Salt, there were 2000 of the Commons. There are also some intire Provinces which refuse to eat of this Salt, as Bretagne, Gascoine, Poictou, Quercu, Xaintogne, and the County of Boulonnois. Of these the County of Boulonnois pretendeth a peculiar exemption, as belonging immediately to the patrimony of our Lady ( [...] Dame); of which we shall learn more when we are in Bovi [...]on. The Bret [...]gnes came united to the Crown by a fair marriage, and had strength enough to make their own capitulations, when they first entred into the French subjection. Be [...]ides, here are yet divers of the Ducall family living in that Countrey, who would much trouble the peace of the Kingdome, should the people be oppressed with this bon­dage, and they take the protection of them. Poicto [...] and [...] have compounded for it with the former Kings, and pay a certain rent yearly, which is called the Equivalent. Xaint [...]gne is under the command of Rochell, of whom it recei­veth sufficient at a better rate. And as for the [...], the King dareth not impose it upon them for fear of Rebelli­on. They are a stuborne and churlish peop [...]e, very impati­ent of a rigorous yoak, and such which inherit a full measure of the Bis [...]anes liberty and spirit, from whom they are descended. Le droict de fo [...]age, the priviledge of levying a certain piec [...] of money upon every chimney in an house that smoketh, was in times not long [...]nce one of the jura regalia of the French Lords, and the people paid it without grumbling; yet when Edward the black Prince returned from his unhappy journey into Spain, for the paying of his Sould [...]rs to whom he was indebted, laid this Fouage upon this people, being then English, they all presently re­volted to the French, and brought great prejudice to our affairs in those quarters.

Next to the Gabell of Salt, we may place the Tail [...]e or Taillon, which are much of a nature with the Subsidies [Page 267] in England, as being levied both on Goods and Lands. In this again they differ, the Subsidies of England being gran­ted by the people, and the sum of it certain; but this of France being at the pleasure of the King, and in what man­ner he shall please to impose them. Antiently the Tailles were only levyed by way of extraordinary Subsidie, and that but upon four occasions, which were, the Knighting of the King Son, the marriage of his Daughters, a Voyage of the Kings beyond sea, and his Ransome in case he were taken Prisoner; Les Tailles ne sont point devis de voir or­dinaire (saith Ragneau) ains ont este accordeès durant la necessite des affaires seulement. Afterwards they were continually levyed in times of war; and at length Chales the VII. made them ordinary. Were it extended equally on all, it would amount to a very fair Revenue. For supposing this, that the Kingdome of France containeth 200 millions of Acres (as it doth) and that from every acre there were raised to the King two Sols yearly, which is little in respect of what the Taxes impose upon them: That income alone, besides that which is levyed on Goods personall, would amount to two millions of pounds in a year. But this payment also lyeth on the Paisant; the greater Towns, the officers of the Kings house, the Officers of War, the President, Counsellors and Officers of the Courts of Parliament, the Nobility, the Clergy, and the Scholars of the University being [...]reed from it.

That which they call the Taillon, was intended for the ease of the Countrey, though now it prove one of the greatest burdens unto it. In former times the Kings Soul­diers lay all upon the charge of the Villages, the poor people being fain to finde them diet, lodging, and all necessaries, for themselves, their horses, and the harlots which they brought with them. If they were not well pleased with their entertainment, they used commonly to beat their Host, abuse his family, and rob him of that small provision, which he had laid up for his children; and all this C [...]m privilegio. Thus did they move from one Village to another, and at the last again returned to them from whence they came; Ita ut non sit ibi villula una expers cala­mitatis [Page 268] [...]; quae non semelaut bis in anno, hac nefanda pressura depiletur, as Sir John Fortes [...]ue [...]bserved in his time. To re­dresse this mischief, King He [...]ry II. anno 1549. raised this im­position called the Taillon.

The Panca [...]te comprehendeth in it divers particular Im­posts, but especially the Sol upon the Livre; that is, the twentieth penny of all things bought or sold, Corne, S [...]ts, and the like only excepted. Upon wine, besides the Sol upon the Livre, he hath his severall Customes of the entrance of it into any of his Cities, passages by Land, Sea or Rivers. To these Charles the IX. ann [...] 1461. added a Tax of five Sols upon every Muye (which is the third part of a Tun) and yet when all this is done, the poor Vintner payeth un­to the King the eight penny he takes for that Wine which he selleth. In this Pancar [...]e is also contained the Haut passage, which are the Tolles paid unto the King for pas­sage of Men and Cattell over his bridges, and his City gates, as also for all such commodities as they bring with them: a good round sum confidering the largenesse of the Kingdome; the through-fare of Lyons, being farmed yearly of the King for 100000 Crowns. Hereunto belong also the Aides, which are a Tax of the Sol also in the Livre, up­on all sorts of Fruits, Provision, Wares, and Merchandise, granted first unto Charles Duke of Normandy, when John his father was Prisoner in England, and since made perpetuall. For such is the lamentable fate of this Countrey, that their kindnesses are made duty; and those moneys which they once grant out of love, are always after exacted of them, and payed out of necessity. The Bedroll of all these impo­sitions and Taxes, is called the Pancarte, because it was han­ged in a frame, like as the Officers fees are in our Dioce san Courts; the word Pan signifying a frame or a pane of Wainscot. These Impositions time and custome hath now made tolerable, though at first they seemed very burden­some, and moved many Cities to murmuring, some to rebellion; amongst others, the City of Paris, proud of her antient liberties and immunities, refused to admit of it. This indignity so incensed Charles the VI. their King, then young and in hot bloud, that he seized into his hands all [Page 269] their privil [...]es, took from them their Pr [...]vost des Mer­chands, and the Esch [...]vins, as also the Keyes of their gates, and [...]he Ch [...]ines of their streets, and making through the whole Town such a face of mourning, that one might justly have said, ‘Haec facies Trojae, cum caperetur, erat.’ This hapned in the year 1383. and was for five years toge­ther con [...]inued, which time being expired, and other Cities warned by that example, the Imposition was [...]stablished, and the priviledges restored. For the better regulating of the Profits arising from these Imposts, the French King erected a Court called, Le Ceur des Aides; it consisted at the first of the Generals of the Aides, and of any [...]our of the Lords of the Councell, whom they would call to their assistance. Afterwards Charles the V. anno 1380 or there­abouts setled it in Pa [...]is, and caused it to be numbred as one of the Soveraign Courts. Lewis the XI. dissolved it, and committed the managing of his Aids to his houshold servants, as loath to have any publick officers take notice how he fleeced his people. Anno 1464. it was restored a­gain. And finally, Henry II. anno 1551. added to it a second Chamber composed of two Presidents and eight Counsel­lours; one of which Presidents, named Mr. Chevalier, is said to be the best monied man of all France. There are also others of these Courts in the Countrey, as one at Roven, one at Montferrant in Avergne, one at Burd [...]aux, and another at Montpelier, established by Charles VII anno 1437.

For the levying and gathering up of these Taxes, you must know that the whole Countrey of Fran [...]e is divided into 21 Generalities. or Counties as it were, and those a­gain into divers Eslectiones, which are much like our Hun­dreds. In every of the Generalities, there are 10 or 12 Trea­surers, 9 Receivers for the generalty, and as many Com­ptollers; and in the particular Eslectiones, eight Recei­vers and as many Comptrollers, besides all under­officers, which are thought to amount in all to 30000 men.

[Page 270]When then the King levyeth his Taxe [...], he sendeth his Letters Patents to the principall Officers of every Generalty, whom they call Les Genereaux des Aides, and they dispatch their Warrant to the Esleus or Commissioners. These taxing every one of the Parishes and Villages within their severall divisions at a certain rate, send their receivers to collect it, who give account for it to their Comptrollers. By them it ascendeth to the Esleus, from him to the Receiver generall of that Generalty, next to the Comptroller, then to the Trea­surer, afterwards to the Generall des Aides; and so

Per varios casus & tot diserimina rerum
Tendimus ad Latium.—

By all these hands it is at last conveyed into the Kings purse; in which severall passages, Necesse est ut aliquid haereat, it cannot be but that it must have many a shrewd snatch. In so much that I was told by a Gentleman of good credence in France, that there could not be gathered by the severall exactions above specified, and other devises of prowling, which I have omitted, lesse then 85 millions a year, where­of the King receiveth 15 only. A report not altogether to be slighted, considering the President of the Court of Ac­comptes made it evident to the Assembly at Bloys, in the time of King Henry IV. that by the time that every one of the Of­ficers had his share of it, there came not to the Kings Cof­fers one teston (which is 1 s. 2 d.) of a Crown; so that by reckoning 5 testons to a Crown or Escu (as it is but 2 d. over) these Officers must collect five times the money which they pay the King, which amounteth to 75 millions, and is not much short of that proportion which before I spake of. The Kings Revenues then, notwithstanding this infinite oppres­sion of his people, amounteth to 15 millions (some would have it 18.) which is a good improvement in respect of what they were in times afore. Lewis the XI. as good a husband of his Crown, as ever any was in France, gather­ing but one and a half only. But as you reckon the flood. so also if you may reckon the ebb of his Treasures, you will finde much wanting of a full sea in his Coffers; it be­ing [Page 271] generally known, that the fees of officers, pen [...]ons, gar­risons, and the men of armes, draw from him yearly no fewer then 6 of his 15 millions.

True it is, that his Treasure hath many good helps by way of Escheat, and that most frequently, when he cometh to take an accompt of his Treasurers and other Officers. A Nation so abominably full of base and unmanly villaines in their severall charges, that the Publicans of Old-Rome, were milke and white broath to them. For so miserably do they abuse the poor Paisant, that if he hath in all the world but eight Sols, it shall go hard, but he will extort from him five of them.

Non missura [...] nisi plena eruoris hirundo.

He is just of the nature of the Horse-leech, when he hath once gotten hold of you, he will never let you go till he be filled. And which is most strange, he thinks it a greater clemency that he hath left the poor man some of his money, then the injury was in wresting from him the rest. Nay they will brag of it, when they have taken but five of the eight Sols, that they have given him three, and expect thanks for it. A kindnesse of a very theevish nature, it being the condi­tion of Robbers, as Tully hath observed, Ut commemorent iis se dedisse vitam, quibus non ademerint. Were the people but so happy, as to have a certain rate set upon their miseries, it could not but be a greater ease to them, and would well defend them from the tyrany of these Theeves. But (which is not the least part of their wretchednesse) their Taxings and Assessements are left arbitrary, and are exacted accor­dingly as these Publitans will give out of the Kings ne­cessities; so that the Countryman hath no other remedy, then to give Cerberus a crust, as the saying is, to ki [...]e his rod and hug his punishment. By this means the Questors thrive abundantly, it being commonly said of them, Heri bouvier aviourdhui chevalier, to day a Swine-heard, to mor­row a Gentleman; and certainly they grow into great riches. Mr. Beauma [...]chais one of the Treasurers (Mr. De Vilroy, who slew the Marquesse D' An [...]re, marryed his only [Page 272] Daughter) hav [...]ng raked unto himself, by the villanous abuse of his place, no lesse then 22 millions of Livres, as it was commonly reported. But he is not like to carry it to his grave, the King having s [...]ized upon a good part of it, and himself being condemned to the gallowes by the grand Chambre of Parliament, though as yet he cannot be apprehended and advanced to the Ladder. And this hath been the end of many of them, since the reign of this present K [...]ng, whom (it may be) for this cause, they call Lewis the just. This fashion of affixing Epithites to the names of their Kings was in great use heretofore with this Nation. Carolus the son of Pepin, was by them sur­named Le Magne: Lewis his son Debonaire, and so of the rest. Since the time of Charles VI. who was by them surnamed the B [...]loved, it was discontinued; and now re­vived again in the persons of King Henry IV. and his son King Lewis. But this by the way. It may be also he is called the Just by way of negation, because he hath yet committed no notable act of injustice, (for I wink at his cruell and unjust slaughter at Nigrepelisse) it may be also to keep him continually in mind of his duty, that he may make himself worthy of that attribute;

Vere imperator sui nominis,—As one said of Severus.

Let us add one more misery to the State and com­monalty of France, and that is, the base and corrupt money in it. For besides the Sol, which is made of Tinne, they have the Double made of Brasse, whereof six make a Sol, and the Denier, whereof two make a Double; a coyne so vile and small of value, that 120 of them go to an English shilling. These are the common coynes of the Countr [...]y; silver and gold not being to be seen but upon holydayes. As for their silver, it is most of it of their own coyning, but all exceeding clipt and shaven; their gold be­ing most of it Spanish. In my little being in the Countrey, though I casually saw much gold, I could only see two [Page 273] pieces of French stampe, the rest coming all from Spain, as Pistolets, Demi pistolets and Double-pistolets. Neither is F [...]ance alone furnished thus with Castilian coyn, it is the happi­nesse also of other Countries, as Italy, Barbary, Brabant▪ and elsewhere; and indeed it is kindly done of him, that being the sole Monopolist of the mines, he will yet let other nations have a share in the [...]. Were the [...] as Ca­tholick as his money, I think I should be in some fear of him, till then we may lawfully take that ambitious title from the King, and bestow it upon his pictures. The Soveraignty of the Spanish gold is more universally em­braced, and more seriously acknowledged in most parts of Christendome, then that of him which stampt it. To this he which entituleth himself Catholick is but a prisoner, and never saw half those Provinces, in which this more powerfull Monarch hath been heartily welcomed. Yet if he will needs be King, let him grow somewhat more jealous of his Queen, and confesse that his gold doth royally deserve his imbraces, whom before the extent of his dominion, the Ancient Poets styled Regina pecunia. True it is, that by the figure and shape of this Emperesse, you would little think her to be lovely, and lesse worthy of your imbracement. The stones which little boyes break into Quoits, are a great deal better proportioned; if a Geometrician were to take the angles of it, I think it would quite put him be­sides his Euclide; neither can I tell to what thing in the world fitter to resemble it, then a French Cheese; for it is neither long, nor square, nor round, nor thin, nor thick, nor any one of these, but yet all, and [...] none of them. No question, but it was the Kings desires, by this unsight­ly dressing of his Lady, to make men out [...]f love with her, that so he might keep h [...]r to himself. But in this his hopes have conusened him; [...] as in other [...], so in this; some men will be bold to keep his wife from him, be it only in spight.

These circumstances thus laid together and considered, we [...] the clearer and the better see our own felicities, which to expresse generally and in a word, is to say only this, That the English Subject is in no circumstance a French-man. [Page 274] Here have we our money made of the best and purest, that only excepted, which a charitable consideration hath coy­ned into farthings. Here have we our Kings royally, and to the envie of the world, magnificently provided for, with­out the swe [...]t and bloud of the people, no Pillages, no Impositions up [...]n our private war [...]s, no Gabels upon our commodities; Nullum in tam ing [...]nti regno vectigal, non in [...] pontiumve discriminibus, Publicanorum stationes; as one truely h [...]th observed of us. The monies which the King wanteth to supply his necessities, are here freely given him. He doth not here compell our bounties, but accept them. The Laws by which we are gov [...]rned, we in part are m [...]kers of, each Paisant of the Countrey hath a free voice in the [...]acting of them; if not in his person, yet in his proxie. We are not here subject to the lusts and tyranny of our Lords, and may therefore say safely, what the Jewes spake sactiously, That we have no King but Caesar. The greatest Prince here is subject with us to the same Law, and when we stand before the tribunall of the Judge, we ac­knowledge no difference. Here do we inhabite our own houses, plough our own Lands, enjoy the frui [...]s of our labour, comfort our selves with the wives of our youth, and see our selves grow up in those children, which shall inherit after us the same felicities. But I forget my self. To endevour the numbring of Gods bl [...]ssings, may perhaps deserve as great a punishment as Davids numbring the people. I conclude with the Poet,

O fortunati minium, bona si sua norint
Agricolae nostri.—

And so I take my leave of France, and prepare for England, towards which (having stayed 3 days for winde and com­pany) we set forwards on Wednesday the 3 of August, the day exceeding fair, the Sea as quiet, and the winde so still that the Mariners were fain to takedown their Sails, and betake themselves unto their Oares. Yet at the last with much endevour on their side, and no lesse patience on [Page 275] ours, we were brought into the midst of the channell, when suddainly—

But soft, what white is that which I espie,
Which with its [...]ustre doth ec ipse mine eye;
That which doth N [...]ptunes sury so disdain,
And beates the Billow back into the main?
Is it some dreadfull Scylla fastned there,
To shake the Sailor into prayer and fear?
Or is 't some Island floating on the wave,
Of which in writers we the story have?
Tis England, ha! tis so! clap, clap your hands,
That the full noise may strike the neighbouring Lands
Into a Palsie. Doth not that lov'd name
Move you to extasie? O were the same
As dear to you as me, that very word
Would make you dance and caper over board.
Dull shipmen! how they move not, how their houses
Grow to the planks; yet stay, here's sport enough.
For see, the sea Nymphs foot it, and the fish
Leap their high measures equall to my wish.
Triton doth sound his shell, and to delight me
Old Nereus bobleth with his Amphitrite.
Excellent triumphs! But (curs'd fates!) the main
Quickly divides and takes them in again;
And leaves me dying, till I come to land,
And kisse my dearest Mother in her sand.
Hail happy England! hail thou sweetest Isle,
Within whose bounds, no Paganrites defile
The purer faith: Christ is by Saints not mated,
And [...]e alone is worship'd that created.
In thee the labouring man enjoyes his wealth,
Not subject to his Lords rape, or the stealth
Of hungry Publicans. In thee thy King
Feares not the power of any underling;
But is himself, and by his awfull word,
Commands not more the begger then the Lord.
In thee those heavenly beauties live, would make
Most of the Gods turn mortals for their sake.
Such as outgo report, and make same see
They stand above her big'st Hyperbole.
And yet to strangers will not grutch the blisse
Of salutation, and an harmelesse kisse.
Hail then sweet England! may I breath my last,
In thy lov'd armes, and when my dayes are past,
And to the silence of the grave I must;
All I desire is, thou wouldst keep my dust.
The End of the Fifth Book and the first Journey.

THE SECOND JOURNEY: CONTAINING A SURVEY of the ESTATE of the two ILANDS Guernzey and Jarsey, With the ISLES appending.

According to their Politie, and Formes of Government, both Ecclesiasticall and Civill.


LONDON, Printed by E. Cotes for Henry Seile over against St. Dunstans Church in Fleetstreet, 1656.

A SURVEY of the ESTATE OF Guernzey and Jarsey, &c.

The Entrance.

(1) The occasion of, &c. (2) Introduction to this Work. (3) The Dedication, (4) and Method of the whole. The beginning, continuance of our Voyage; with the most remarkable passages which hapned in it. The mercenary falsnesse of the Dutch exemplified in the dealing of a man of warre.

WHen fi [...]st I undertook to attend upon my Lord of Danby to the Islands of Guernzey and Jarsey; besides the purpose which I had of doing service to his Lordship, I resolved also to do somewhat for my self: and, i [...] possible, unto the places. For my self, in bettering [Page 280] what I could my understanding, if peradventure the persons or the place might add unto me the knowledge of any one thing, to which I was a stranger. At the least I was in hope to satisfy my curiosity, as being not a little emulous of this kind of living, Multorum mores hominum qui vidit & urbes; which had seen so much of men and of their manners. It was also not the last part of mine intention, to do something in the honour of the Island, by committing to memory their Antiquities, by reporting to posterity their Arts of Government, by representing, as in a Tablet, the choycest of their beauties; and in a word, by reducing these and the Achievements of the people, as far as the light of Authors could direct me, into the body of an History. But when I had a little made my self acquainted with the place and people, I found nothing in them which might put me to that trouble. The Churches naked of all Monuments, and not so much as the blazon of an Armes permitted in a win­dow, for fear, as I conjecture, of Idolatry. No actions of importance to be heard of in their Legends, in their re­membrancers; whereby to ennoble them in time to come, unlesse perhaps some slight allarmes from France, may occa­sion speech of them in our common Chronicles. The Coun­trey, indeed, exceeding pleasant and delight some, but yet so small in the extent and circuit, that to speak much of them, were to put the shooe of Hercules upon the foot of an Infant. For being in themselves, an abridgement only of the greater works of nature, how could the character and description of them be improved into a Volume? Having thus failed in the most of my designes, I applyed my self to make enquirie after their form of Government, in which, I must needs confesse, I met with much which did exceedingly affect me. Their Lawes, little beholding in the composition of them, to Justinian; and of no great af­finity with the laws of England, which we call Municipall or common. The grand Customarie o [...] Normandy, is of most credit with them; and that indeed the only rule by which they are directed, save that in some few passages it hath been al­tered by our Prince, for the conveniency of this people.

[Page 281] Sed quid hoc ad Iphycli b [...]ves? But what had I, a Priest of the Church of England, to do with the Laws and Customes of the Normans? Had I gone forward in my purpose, I deny not, but I had mingled that knowledge which I have gotten of their Laws, amongst other my Collections; but failing in the main of my intent, I must only make such use of them, as shall be necessary for this present argument. An Argument not fo much as in my thoughts, when fi [...]st I resolved upon the Journey; as little dreaming that any alterations had lately hapned in the Churches of those Islands, or that those alterations could afford one such varie­ty. An Argument more sutable to my profession, as having had the honour to be reputed with the Clergy; and such as in it self may justly be intituled to your Lordships patro­nage. God and the King have raised you above your bre­thren to be a Master in our Israel, a principall pillar in the glorious structure of the Church. An advancement which doth call upon you for the establishment and supportation of the meanest Oratory dependant on the Church of Eng­land, your most indulgent, and in you most happy mother. No marvail therefore, if those little Chappels, even those two Tribes and a half, which are on the other side of the flood, most humbly cast themselves at your Lordships feet, and by me [...]ay open their estate unto you.

Which that I may the better do, in discharge of the trust reposed in me, and for your Lordships more ample satisfacti­on I shall proceed in this order following.

First, I shall lay before your Lordship, the full successe and course of our Navigation, till we were setled in those Islands; that so the rest of this discourse being more ma­teriall, may receive no interruption in the processe of it.

Next, I shall briefly, as in a map, present your Lord­ship with the situation, quality and story of the Islands; with somewhat also of their Customes, of their Government; but this (as the great Cardinall acknowledgeth the Popes power in temporall affaires) in ordine tantum ad spiritualia: the better to acquaint you with the occurrents of their Churches.

[Page 282]That done, I shall draw down the successe of their af­fairs from the beginning of the Reformation in matters of Religion, to the accomplishment of that innovation which they had made in point of discipline; and therein, the full platforme or discipline it self, according as by Snape and Cartwright it was established in their Synods.

In the third place, I shall shew your Lordship, by what degrees and means the Ministers and Church of J [...]rsey, were perswaded to conforme unto the discipline of England; to­gether with a copy of those Canons and constitutions Eccle­siasticall, whereby the Church and Ministery of that Island is now governed.

L [...]st of all, I shall commence a suit unto your Lord­ship in the name of those of Guernzey for their little sister which hath no breasts; that by your Lordships place and [...]ower the one Island may conf [...]rme unto the other, and both to England. In which I shall exhibit unto your Lord­ship a just survey of such motives, which may have most sway with you in the surthering of a work so commenda­ble; and shall adventure also upon such particulars, as may conduce to the advancing of the businesse. Not that therein I shall presume positively to advise your Lordship, or to di­rect you in the re [...]diest way for the accomplishment of this designe; but that by this propounding of mine own conceits, I may excite your Lordship to have recourse unto the excel­lent treasures of your own mind, and thence to fashion such particulars for this purpose, as may be most agreeable to your Lordships wisdome.

In order whereunto your Lordship may be pleased to c [...]ll to mind that on provocation given unto the French at the Isle of Rhe, the King received advertisement of some reci­proc [...]ll affront intended by the French on the Isl [...]s of Jarsey and Guernzey, with others thereupon appendant, the only re­mainders of the Dukedome of Normandy in the power of the English; and that for the preventing of such inconveniences as might follow on it, it was thought good to send the Earl of Danby (then Governour of the Isle of Guernzey) with a con­siderable supply of Men, and Armes, and Ammunition to make good those Islands, by fortifying and assuring them [Page 283] against all invasions. This order signified to his Lordship about the beginning of December, anno 1628. he chearfully embraced the service, and prepared accordingly. But being deserted by his own Chaplaines in regard of the extremi­ty of the season, and the visible danger of the enterprise, he proposed the businesse of that attendance unto me (not otherwise relating to him then as to an honourable friend) in whom he found as great a readinesse and resolution, as he [...]ound coldnesse in the other. According to his Lordships summons, I attended him in his Majesties house of St. James, a little before the Feast of Christmas; but neither the Ships, money, nor other necessaries being at that time brought to­gether, I was dismissed again at the end of the Holydayes, untill a further intimation of his Lordships pleasure. Toward the latter end of February I received a positive command to attend his Lordship on Friday the 20 of that month, at the house of Mr. Arthur Brumfeild, in the Parish of Tichfeild near the Sea, situate between Portsmouth and South­hampton; whither accordingly I went, and where I found a very chearfull entertainment. It was a full week after that, before we heard of his Lordships coming, and yet his Lordship was fain to tarry two or three dayes before he had any advertisement that his Ships, Men and Ammunition (which he thought to have found there in readinesse) were Anchored in the road of Portsmouth. News whereof being brought unto us on the Monday morning, we spent the re­mainder of that day in preparations for our Journey, and taking leave of those good friends by whom we were so kind­ly entertained and welcomed.

On Tuesday March the 3. about ten in the morning, we went aboard his Majesties Ship called the Assurance, being a Ship of 800 tun, furnished with 42 pieces of Ordinance, and very well manned with valiant and expert Sailors; welcomed aboard (after the fashion of the Sea) with all the thunder and lightning which the whole Navy could afford from their severall Ships. Our whole Navy consisted of five Vessels, that [...]s to say, the Assurance spoken of before, two of his Majesties Pinnaces called the Whelps, a Catch of his Majesties called the Minikin, and a Merchants ship called [Page 284] the Charles, which carryed the Armes and Ammunition for the use of the Islands. Aboard the Ships were stowed about 400 foot with their severall Officers, two Companies where­of under the command of Collonell Pipernell (if I remember his name aright) and Lieutenant C [...]llonell Francis Connisby were intended for the Isle of Guernzey; the other two under the command of Lieutenant Collonell Francis Rainford, and Captain William Killegre for the Isle of Jars [...]y. The Admirall of our Navy (but in subordination to his Lordship when he was a [...] Sea) was Sir Henry Palmer one of the Admirals or the Narrow-seas. All of them men of note in their se­verall wayes, and most of them of as much gallantry and ingenuity, as either their own birth or education in the Schoole of war could invest them with. The Sea was very calme and quiet, and the little breath of winde we had, made us move so slowly, that the afternoon was almost spent be­fore we had passed through the Needles, a dangerous pas­sage at all times, except to such only who being well skilled in these sharpe points, and those dread [...]ull fragments of the Rocks, which so intituled them, could [...]ear a steady course between them: Scylla and Charybdis in old times, nothing more terrible to the unskilled Mariners of those dayes, then those Rocks to ours. Being got beyond them at the last, though we had got more Sea roome, we had little more winde, which made us move as slowly as before we did, so that we spent the greatest part of the night with no swifter motion, then what was given us by the tide. About 3 of the clock in the morning we had winde enough, but we had it directly in our teeth, which would have quickly brought us to the place we had parted from, if a great Miste arising toge­ther with the Sun, had not induced our Mariners to keep themselves aloofe in the open Sea for fear of falling on those Rocks wherewith the Southside of the Wight is made unac­cessable. About 2 of the clock in the afternoon, the winds turning somewhat Eastward, we made on again, but with so little speed, and to so little purpose, that all that night we were fain to lie at Hull (as the Mariners phrase it) without any sensible moving either backward or forward, but so un­easily withall, that it must be a very great tempest indeed, [Page 285] which gives a passenger a more sickly and unpleasing mo­tion. For my part I had found my self good Sea-proof in my Voyage to France, and was not much troubled with those disturbances to which the greatest part of our Land-men were so sensibly subject. On Thursday morning about day­break being within sight of Portland, and the winde serving very fitly, we made again for the Islands. At 11 of the clock we discovered the main Land of Normandy, called by the Mariners Le Hagge. About 2 in the a [...]ternoon, we [...]ell even with A [...]dernie or Au [...]nie; and about 3 discerned the Isle of Jarzey to which we were bound, at which we aimed, and [...]o which we might have come much sooner then we did had we not found a speciall entertainment by the way to retard our haste. For we were ha [...]dly got within sight of Jarsey but we descried a sail of French con­sisting of ten barks laden with very good [...] Wines, and good choyce of Linen (as they told us afterwards) bound from St. Malloes to N [...]w-Haven for the trade of Paris, and convoyed by a Holland-man of war, for their safer pas­sage. These being looked on as good prize, our two Whelpes and the Catch gave chace unto them, a great shot being first made from our Admirals Ship to call them in. The second shot brought in the Holland-man of war, who very sordidly and basely betrayed his charge before he came within reach of danger; the rest for the greatest part of the afternoon, spun before the winde, sometimes so neer to their pursuers, that we thought them ours, but presently tacking about, when our Whelpes were ready to seaze on them, and the Catch to lay fast hold upon them, they gained more way then our light Vessels could reco­ver in a long time after. Never did Duck by frequent di­ving so escape the Spaniell, or Hare by often turning so avoid the Hounds, as these poor Barks did quit themselves by their d [...]xterity in sailing from the present danger. For my part I may justly say that I never spent an afternoon with greater pleasure, the greater in regard that I knew his Lord­ships resolution to deal favourably with those poor men if they chanced to fall into his power. Certain I am, that [Page 286] the description made by Ovid of the Hare and Hound, was here fully veryfied, but farre more excellently in the application then the fi [...]st originall; of which thus the Poet:

Ut canis in vacuo leporem cum Gallicus arvo
Vidit, & hic praedam pedibus petit ille salu [...]em;
Alter inhaesuro similis jam [...] tenere
Sperat, & obtento stringit vest [...]gia collo;
Alter in ambiguo est, an sit compressus, & ipsis
Morsibus eripitur, tangentiaque ora relinquit.

Which I finde thus Englished by G. Sandi [...].

As when the Hare the speedy Gray-hound spies;
His feet for prey, she hers for safety plies.
Now beares he up, now, now he hopes to fetch her;
And with his snowt extended strains to catch her.
Not knowing whether caught or no, she slips
Out of his wide-stretcht-jawes and touching lips.

But at the last a little before the close of the evening, three of them being borded and brought under Lee of our Ad­mirall, the rest were put to a necessity of yeelding, or venturing themselves between our two great ships and the shoar of Jarsey, to which we were now come as near as we could with safety. Resolved upon the last course and favoured with a strong leading gale, they passed by us with such speed and so good successe, (the duskinesse of the evening contributing not a little to a fair escape) that though we gave them 30 shot, yet we were not able to affirme that they received any hurt or dammage by that en­counter; with as much joy unto my self (I dare boldly say) as to any of those poor men who were so much in­teressed [Page 287] in it. This Chase being over, and our whole Fleet come together, we Anchored that night in the Port of St. Oen, one of the principall Ports of that Island; the Inhabitants whereof (but those especially which dwel­led in the inland parts) standing all night upon their guard, conceiving by the thunder of so many great shot, that the whole powers of France and the D [...]vill to boot were now falling upon them; not fully satisfied in their fears, till by the next rising of the Sun they descried our colours.

On Friday March the 6. about nine in the morning (having fi [...]st landed our foot in the long boats) we went aboard his Majesties Catch called the Minikin, and doub­ling the points of Le Corbiere and of Normoint, we went on shoar in the Bay of St. Heliers, n [...]er unto Mount St. Albin in the Parish of St. Peter. The greatest part of which day we spent in accommodations and refreshments, and receiving the visits of the Gentry which came in very frequently to attend his Lordship. You need not think, but that sleep and a good bed were welcome to us, after so long and ill a passage; so that it was very near high noon before his Lordship was capable to receive our services, or we to give him our atten­dance; after dinner his Lordship went to view the Fort Elizabeth (the chief strength of the Isl [...]nd) and to take order for the fortifying and repair thereof. Which having done he fi [...]st secured the Man of War and the three French Barks, under the command of that Castle; and then gave leave to Sir Henry Palmer and the rest of the sea Captains to take their pleasures in Forraging and scowring all the Coasts of France, which lay near the Islands, commanding them to attend him on the Saturday following. Next he gave liberty to all the French which he had taken the day before, whom he caused to be landed in their own Countrie, to their great rejoycing, as appeared by the great shout they made when they were put into some long boats at their own disposing. The three Barks still remaining untouched in the [...] they were, save that some wines were taken out of them for his Lordships [...]. On Sunday March 8. [...]t was [Page 288] ordered, that the people of the Town of St. Heliers should have their divine offices in that Church performed so early, that it might be left wholly for the use of the English by nine of the clock, about which time his Lordship attended by the Officers and Souldiers in a solemn Mi­litary pompe (accompanied with the Governours of the Town and chief men of the Island) went toward the Church, where I officia [...]ed Divine Service according to the prescript form of the Church of England, and after preached on those words of David, Psal. 31. 51. viz. Offer unto God thanksgiving, &c. with reference to the good successe of our Voyage past, and hopes of the like me [...]cies for the time to come. The next day we made a Journey to Mount Orgueil, where we were entertained by the Lady Carteret (a Daughter of Sir Francis Douse of Hampshire) And after Dinner his Lordship went to take a view of the Regiment of Mr. Josuah de Carteret, Sei­gnieur de la Trinity, mustering upon thé Green upon Havre de Bowle in the Parish of St. Trinitie. On Tuesday, March the 10. his Lordship took a view of the Regi­ment of Mr. Aron Misservie Col. and on Wednesday, March the 11. went unto St. Oen, where we were fea­sted by Sir Philip de Carteret, whose Regiment we like­wise viewed in the afternoon. The Souldiers of each Regiment very well arrayed, and not unpractised in their Armes; but such, as never saw more danger then a Training came to. On Thursday his Lordship went into the Cohu or Town-hall, attended by Sir John Pal [...]r the Deputy Governour, Sir Philip de Carteret, the Justices, Clergy, and Jurors of the Island, with other the subordinate Officers thereunto belonging; where being set, as in a Parliament or Sessions, and having given order for redresse of some grievances by them presented to him in the name of that people, he de­clared to them in a grave and eloquent speach the great care which his Majesty had of their preservation in sen­ding Men, Money, Armes, and Ammunition to defend them against the common Enemies of their peace and [Page 289] consciences; assuring them that if the noise of those pre­parations did not keep the French from looking towards them, his Majesty would not fail to send them such a strength of Shipping, as should make that Island more impregnable then a wall of Brasse; in which regard he thought it was not necessary for him to advise them to continue fathfull to his Majesties service, or to be­have themselves with respect and love towards those Gentlemen, Officers, and common Souldiers, who were resolved to expose themselves (for defence of them, their Wives and Children) to the utmost dangers. And finally, advising the common Souldiers to carry them­selves with such sobriety and moderation towards the natives of the Countrey, (for as for their valour towards the enemies he would make no question) as to give no offence or scandall by their conversation. This said, the Assembly was dissolved, to the great satisfaction of all parties present; the night ensuing and the day follow­ing being spent for the most part in the entertainments of rest and pleasures.

The only businesse of that day was the disposing of the three Barks which we took in our Journey, the goods whereof having before been inventoried and ap­prized by some Commissioners of the Town, and now exposed to open sale, were for the most part, bought together with the Barks themselves by that very Holland man of warre, whom they had hired to be their Convoy: Which gave me such a Character of the mercenary and sordid nature of that people, that of all men living, I should never desire to have any thing to do with them, unlesse they might be made use of (as the Gibeonites were) in hewing wood, and drawing water for the use of the Tabernacle; I mean in doing servile offices to some mightier State which would be sure to keep them under.

On Saturday, March the 14. having spent the greatest part of the morning in expectation of the rest of our Fl [...]t, which found better imployment in the Seas then [Page 290] they could in the Haven, we went aboard the Mer­chants ship, which before I spake of, not made much lighter by the unlading of the one halfe of the Ammuni­tion which was left at Jarsey, in regard that the 200 foot which should have been distributed in the rest of the ships, were all stowed in her. Before night, be­ing met by the rest of our Fleet, we came to Anchor neer St. Pier port or St. Peters Port within the Bay of Castle Cornet, where we presently landed. The Castle divided from the Town and Haven, by the inter-cur­rency of the Sea; in which respect we were fain to make use of the Castle-hall in stead of a Chappell. The way to the Town Church being too troublesome and uncertain to give us the constant use of that, and the Castle yeelding no place else of a fit capacity for the recei­ving of so many as gave their diligent attendance at Reli­gious exercises.

On Monday, March the 16. our Fleet went out to Sea againe, taking the Charles with them for their greater strength, which to that end was speedily unladen of such ammunition as was designed for the use of that Island.

The whole time of our stay here was spent in visi­ting the Forts, and Ports, and other places of impor­tance, taking a view of the severall Musters of the na­turall Islanders, distributing the new come Souldiers in their severall quarters, receiving the services of the Gentry, Clergy and principall Citizens; and finally in a like meeting of the States of the Island, as had before been held in Jarsey.

Nothing considerable else in the time of our stay, but that our Fleet came back on Wednesday, March 25, which hapned very fitly to compleat the triumph of the Friday following, being the day of his Majesties most happy inauguration; celebrated in the Castle, by the Divine Service for that day, and after by a noble [...]east, made by him for the chief men of the Island; and solemnized without the Castle by 150 great shot, [Page 291] made from the Castle, the Fleet, the Town of St. Peters Port, and the severall Islands, all following one another in so good an order, that never Bels were rung more closely, nor with lesse confusion.

Thus having given your Lordship a brief view of the course of our Voyage; I shall next present you with the sight of such observations, as I have made upon those Islands at my times of leasure; and that being done, hoise sail for England.


(1) Of the convenient situation, and (2) condition of these Islands in the generall. (3) Alderney, (4) and Serke. (5) The notable stratagem whereby this lat­ter was recovered from the French. (6) Of Guern­zey, (7) and the smaller Isles neer unto it. (8) Our Lady of Lehu. (9) The road, and (10) the Castle of Cornet. (11) The Trade, and (12) Priviledges of this people. (13) Of Jarsey, and (14) the strengths about it. (15) The Island why so poor and populous. (16) Gavelkind, and the nature of it. (17) The Governours and other the Kings Officers. The (18) Politie, and (19) administra­tion of Justice in both Islands. (20) The Assembly of the Three Estates. (21) Courts Presidiall in France what they are. (22) The election of the Justices, (23) and the Oath taken at their ad­mission. (24) Of their Advocates or Pleaders, and the number of them. (25) The number of Atturneys once limited in England. (26) A Catalogue of the Governours and Bailiffs of the Isle of Jarsey.

TO begin then with the places themselves, the Scene and Stage of our discourse, they are the only remain­ders of our rights in Normandy; unto which Duke­dome they did once belong. Anno 1108. at such time as Henry I. of England had taken prisoner his Brother Robert, these Islands as a part of Normandy, were annext unto the [Page 293] English Crown, and have ever since with great testimony of [...]aith and loyalty, continued in that subjection. The sentence or arrest of confiscation given by the Parliament of France ag [...]st King John, nor the surprisall of Norman­dy by the French forces, could be no [...]swasion unto them to change their Masters. Nay when the French had twice seized on them, during the Reign of that unhappy Prince, and the state of England was embroyled at home, the people valiantly made good their own, and faithfully returned un­to their first obedience. In aftertimes as any war grew hot between the English and the French, these Islands were principally aimed at by the enemy, and sometimes also were attempted by them, but with ill successe. And certainly, it could not be but an eye sore to the French, to have these Isles within their sight, and not within their power; to see them at the least in possession of their ancient enemy the English; a Nation strong in shipping, and likely by the op­portunity of these places to annoy their trade. For if we look upon them in their situation, we shall find them seated purposely for the command and Empire of the Ocean. The Islands lying in the chief trade of all shipping from the Eastern par [...]s unto the West, and in the middle way between St. Malos and the river Seine, the only trafick of the Nor­mans and Parisians. At this St. Malos, as at a common Empory do the Merchants of Spain and Paris barter their Commodities; the Parisians making both their passage and return by these Isles; which if wel aided by a smal power from the Kings Navy, would quickly bring that entercourse to nothing. An opportunity neglected by our former Kings in their attempts upon that Nation, as not being then so powerfull on the Seas as now they are, but likely for the future to be husbanded to the best advantage, if the French hereafter stir against us. Sure I am, that my Lord of Danby conceived this course of all others to be the fittest, for the impoverishing if not undoing of the French; and according­ly made proposition by his Letters to the Councell, that a squadron of eight Ships (viz five of the Whelpes, the Assurance, the Adventure and the Catch) might be employed about these Islands for that purpose. An advice which had this Summer [Page 294] took effect, had not the Peace between both Realms, been so suddenly concluded.

Of these, four only are inhabited, and those reduced only unto two Governments; Jarsey an entire Province as it were within it self; but that of Guernzey having the other two of Alderney and Serke dependant on it. Hence it is, that in our Histories, and in our Acts of Parliament, we have men­tion only of Jarsey and of Guernzey, this last comprehending under it the two other. The people of them all live as it were-in libera custodia, in a kind of free subjection; not any way acquainted with Taxes, or with any levies either of men or money. In so much, that when the Parliaments of England contribute towards the occasion of their Princes, there is al­wayes a proviso in the Act, ‘That this grant of Subsidies or any thing therein contained, extend not to charge the inhabitants of Guernzey and Jarsey, or any of them, of, for or concerning any Mannors, Lands, and Tenements, or other possessions, Goods, Chattels, or other moveable substance, which they the said Inhabitants, or any other to their uses, have within Jarsey and Guernzey, or in any of them, &c. These priviledges and immunities (together with divers others) seconded of late dayes with the more powerfull band of Religion, have been a principall occa­sion of that constancy, wherewith they have persisted faith­fully in their allegiance, and disclaimed even the very name and thought of France. For howsoever the language which they speak is French, and that in their originall, they either were of Normandy or Britagne; yet can they with no patience endure to be accounted French, but call themselves by the names of English-Normans. So much doth liberty, or at the worst a gentle yoak, prevail upon the mind and fancy of the people.

To proceed unto particulars, we will take them as they lie in order, beginning first with that of Alderney, an Island called by Antonine, Arica, but by the French and in our old Records known by the name of Aurigny and Aurney. It is situate in the 49 degree between 48 & 52 minutes of that de­gree, just over against the Cape or promontory of the Lexobii, called at this time by the Mariners the Hague. Distant from [Page 295] this Cape or Promontory three leagues only, but thirty at the least from the nearest part of England. The aire healthy, though some imes thickned with the vapours arising from the Sea. The soil indifferently rich both for husbandry and grasing. A Town it hath of well-near an hundred fa­milies, and not far off, an haven made in the manner of a semicircle, which they call Crabbie. The principall strength of it, are the high rocks, with which it is on every side envi­roned, but especially upon the South; and on the East side an old Block-house, which time hath made almost unser­viceable. The chief house herein belongeth unto the Cham­berlains, as also the dominion or Fee-farme of all the Island, it being granted by Queen Elizabeth unto George the son of Sir Leonard Chamberlain, then Governour of Guernzey, by whose valour it was recovered from the French, who in Queen Maries dayes had seized upon it. Neer unto the Fort or Block-house afore mentioned, a great quantity of this little Island is overl [...]id with sand, driven thither by the fury of the Northwest-winde. If we believe their Legends, it proceeded from the just judgement of God upon the owner of those grounds, who once (but when I know not) had made booty and put unto the Sword some certain Spaniards, there shipwracked

Four leagues from hence, and to the Southwest and by west, lyeth another of the smaller Islands, called Serke; six miles in circuit at the least, which yet is two miles lesser in the whole compasse then that of Alderney. An Isle not known at all by any name amongst the Antients, and no marvail, for till the fifth of Q [...]een Elizabeth or thereabouts, it was not peopled. But then, it pleased her Majesty to grant it for ever in Fee farme to Helier de Carteret, vulgarly called Seigneur de St. Oen, a principall Gentleman of the Isle of Jarsey, and Grandfather to Sir Philip de Carteret now living. By him it was divided into severall estates; and leased out unto divers Tenants, collected from the neigh­bour Islands, so that at this day it may contain some forty housholds; whereas before it contained only a poor her­mitage, together with a little Chappell appertaining to it; the rest of the ground serving as a Common unto those [Page 296] of Guernzey for the breeding of their Cattell. For strength it is beholding most to nature, who hath walled it in a man­ner round with mighty rocks, there being but one way or ascent unto it, and that with small forces easie to be defen­ded against [...]he strongest power in Christendome. A pas­sage lately fortified by the Farmers here, with a new plat­forme on the top of it, and thereupon some four pieces of Ordinance continually mounted. In this Island, as also in the other, there is a Bailiff and a Minister, but both of them subordinate in matter of appeal unto the Courts and Collo­quies of Guernzey.

During the reign of the late Queen Mary, who for her husband Philips sake, had engaged her self in a war against the French; this Island then not peopled, was suddenly surprized by those of that Nation, but by a Gentleman of the Netherlands, a subject of King Philips thus regained, as the story much to this purpose is related by Sir Wal. Raleigh. The Flemish Gentleman with a small Bark came to Anchor in the road, and pretending the death of his Merchant, besought the French that they might bury him in the Chappell of that Island, offering a present to them of such commodity as they had aboard. To this request the French were easily entreated, but yet upon condition that they should not come on shoar with any weapon, no not so much as with a knife. This leave obtained, the Fleming rowed unto the shoar with a Coffin in their Skiffe for that use purposely provided, and manned with Swords and Arcubuishes. Upon their landing, and a search so strict and narrow, that it was im­possible to hide a pen-knife; they were permitted to draw their Coffin up the Rocks, some of the French rowing back unto the Ship to fetch the present, where they were soon made fast enough and laid in hold. The Flemings in the mean time which were on land, had carryed their Coffin into the Chappell, and having taken thence their weapons, gave an alarme upon the French, who taken thus upon the suddain, and seeing no hopes of succour from their fellowes, yeelded themselves, and abandoned the possession of that place. A stratagem to be compared, if not pre [...]erred, unto any of the Ancients; did not that fatall folly reprehended once by [Page 297] Tacitus, still reign amongst us, Quod vetera exto [...]mus recentium incuriosi; that we extoll the former dayes, and are carelesse of the present.

Two leagues from Serke directly Westward, lyeth the chief Island of this Government, by Antonine called Sarnia; by Us and the French known now by the name of Garnzey, or of Guernzey. Situate in the 49 degree of Latitude, between the 39 and 46 minutes of that degree, eight leagues or there­abouts from the coast of Normandy, and well-neer in an equall distance from Alderney and Jarsey. The forme of it, is much after the fashion of the Isle of Sicily, every side of the triangle being about nine miles in length, and 28 in the whole compasse. In this circuit are comprehended ten Parishes, whereof the principall is that of St. Peters on the Sea, as ha­ving a fair and safe peer adjoyning to it for the benefit of their Merchants, and being honoured also with a Market, and the Plaidery or Court of Justice. The number of the Inhabitants is reckoned neer about twenty thousand, out of which there may be raised some two thousand able men; although their trained Band consists only of twelve hun­dred, and those, God knows, but poorly weaponed. The aire hereof is very healthfull, as may be well seen in the long lives both of men and women; and the earth said to be of the same nature with Crete and Ireland, not apt to foster any venemous creature in it. Out of which generall affirma­tion, we may do well to except Witches, of whom the people here have strange reports, and if an Ox or Horse perhaps miscarry, they presently impute it to Witcheraft, and the next old woman shall straight be hal'd to Prison. The ground it self, in the opinion of the Natives, more rich and battle then that of Jarsey; yet not so fruitfull in the harvest, because the people addict themselves to merchandise especi­ally, leaving the care of husbandry unto their hindes. Yet Bread they have sufficient for their use; enough of Cattell both for themselves and for their ships; plenty of Fish con­tinually brought in from the neighbour seas, and a Lake on the Northwest part of it, neer unto the sea, of about a mile or more in compasse, exceeding well stored with Carpes, the best that ever mortall eye beheld, for tast and bignesse.

[Page 298]Some other Isles yet there be pertaining unto this Go­vernment of Guernzey, but not many nor much famous. Two of them lie along betwixt it and Serke, viz. Arvie, and Jet-how, whereof this last serveth only as a Parke unto the Governour, and hath in it a few fallow Deer, and good plenty of Conies. The other of them is well-neer three miles in circuit, a solitary dwelling once of Canons regu­lar, and afterwards of some Fryers of the Order of St. Fran­cis, but now only inhabited by Pheasants, of which amongst the shrubs and bushes, there is said to be no scarcity. The least of them, but yet of most note, is the little Islet called Lehu, situate on the North side of the Eastern corner, and neer unto those scattered rockes, which are called Les Han­waux, appertaining once unto the Dean, but now unto the Governour. Famous for a little Oratory or Chantery there once erected and dedicated to the honour of the Vir­gin Mary, who by the people in those times, was much sued to by the name of our Lady of Lehu. A place long since demolished in the ruine of it, Sed jam pèriere ruinae, but now the ruines of it are scarce visible, there being almost no­thing left of it but the steeple, which serveth only as a sea­marke, and to which as any of that party sail along, they strike their top sail. Tantum religio potuit suadere, such a Religious opinion have they harboured of the place, that though the Saint be gone, the wals yet shall still be ho­noured.

But indeed, the principall honour and glory of this Island, I mean of Guernzey, is the large capaciousnesse of the harbour, and the flourishing beauty of the Castle; I say the Castle, as it may so be called by way of eminency, that in the vale, and those poorer trifles all along the Coasts, not any way deserving to be spoken of. Situate it is upon a little Islet just opposite unto Pierport or the Town of St. Peter, on the Sea; to which, and to the peere there it is a good assurance, and takes up the whole circuit of that Islet whereupon it standeth. At the first it was built upon the higher part of the ground only, broad at the one end, and at the other, and bending in the fashion of an horne, whence it had the name of Cornet. By Sir Leonard Chamb [...]rlane [Page 299] Governour here in the time of Queen Mary, and by Sir Thomas Leighton his successour in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, it was improved to that majesty and beauty that now it hath, excellently fortified according to the moderne art of war, and furnished with almost an hundred piece of Ordinance, whereof about sixty are of Brasse. Add to this, that it is continually environed with the Sea, unlesse some­times at a dead-low water, whereby there is so little possi­bility of making any approaches neer unto it, that one might justly think him mad, that would attempt it. And certainly it is more then necessary that this place should be thus fortified, if not for the safety of the Island, yet at the least for the assurance of the Harbour. An harbour able to contain the greatest Navy that ever sailed upon the Ocean; fenced from the [...]ury of the winds by the Isles of Guernzey, Jet-how, Serke and Arvie, by which it is almost encompassed; and of so sure an anchorage, that though our Ships lay there in the blustering end of March, yet it was noted that never any of them slipped an anchour. Other Havens they have about the Island, viz. Bazon, L' Aucresse, Fermines and others; but these rather landing places to let in the Enemy, then any way advantageous to the trade and riches of the people. A place not to be neglected in the defence of it; and full of danger to the English State and Trafick, were it in the hands of any enemy.

Upon the notable advantage of this harbour, and the con­veniency of the Peer so neer unto it, which is also warran­ted with six peece of good Canon from the Town; it is no marvell if the people betake themselves so much unto the trade of Merchandise. Nor do they trafick only in small boats between St. Malos and the Islands, as thos [...] of Jarsey; but are Masters of good stout Barks, and venture unto all these neerer Ports of Christendom. The principall commo­dity which they use to send abroad, are the works and la­bours of the poorer sort, as Wast-cotes, Stockins, and other manufactures made of wool, wherein they are exceeding cunning; of which wooll to be transported to their Island in a certain proportion, they lately have obtained a licence of our Princes. But there accreweth a further benefit unto [Page 300] this people, from their harbour then their own trafick, which is the continuall concourse and resort of Merchants thither, especially upon the noise or being of a War. For by an an­tient priviledge of the Kings of England, there is with them in a manner a continuall truce; and lawfull it is both for French men and for others, how hot soever the war be followed in other parts, to repair hither without danger, and here to trade in all security. A priviledge founded upon a Bull of Pope Six­tus IV. the 10 year, as I remember, of his Popedom; Edward IV. then reigning in England, and Lewis XI. over the French: by virtue of which Bull, all those stand ipso facto excommu­nicate, which any way molest the Inhabitants of this Isle of Guernzey, or any which resort unto their Island, either by Piracy or any other violence whatsoever. A Bull fi [...]st published in the City of Constance, unto whose Diocesse these Islands once belonged, afterwards verifyed by the Parliament of Paris, and confirmed by our Kings of England till this day. The copy of this Bull my self have seen, and some­what also in the practise of it on record; by which it doth appear, that a man of war of France having taken an English ship, and therein some passengers and goods of Guern­zey; made prize and prisoners of the English, but re­stored these of Guernzey to their liberty and to their own.

And now at last after a long passage, and through many difficulties, we are Anchored in the Isle of Jarsey; known in the former ages, and to Antonine the Emperor, by the name of Cesarea. An Island situate in the 49 degree of Latitude, between the 18 and 24 minutes of that degree; distant 5 leagues only from the Coast of Normandy, 40 or thereabouts from the neerest parts of England, and 6 or 7 to the South east from that of Guernzey. The figure of it will hold proportion with that long kind of square, which the Geometricians call Oblongum; the length of it from West to East 11 miles, the breadth 6 and upwards, the whole circuit about 33. The aire very healthy and little disposed unto diseases, unlesse it be unto a kinde of Ague in the end of Harvest, which they call Les Settembers. The soil sufficiently fertile in it self, but most curiously manured, and of a plen­ti [...]ull [Page 301] increase unto the Barn; not only yeelding Corne enough for the people of the Island, but sometimes also an ample surplusage, which they barter at St. Malos with the Spanish Merchants. The Countrey generally swelling up in pretty hillocks, under which lie pleasant Vallies, and those plentifully watered with dainty Rils or Riverets; in which watery commodity, it hath questionlesse the prece­dency of Guernzey.

Both Islands consist very much of small Inclosure, every man in each of them, having somewhat to live on of his own. Only the difference is, that here the mounds are made with ditches & banks of earth cast up, well [...] and planted with several sorts of apples, out of which they make a pleasing kinde of Sider, which is their ordinary drink; whereas in Guernzey they are for the most part made of stones, about the height and fashion of a Parapet. A matter of no small advantage in both places against the fury of an enemy, who in his marches cannot but be much annoyed with these incombrances, and shall be forced to pay deer­ly for every [...]oot of ground which there he purcha­seth.

For other strengths this Island is in part beholding unto Nature, and somewhat also unto Art. To Nature which hath guarded it with Rocks, and Shelves, and other shal­low places very dangerous; but neither these, nor those of Art, so serviceable and full of safety, as they be in Guernzey. Besides the landing places, here are more, and more accessible, as namely the Bay of St. Owen, and the Havens of St. Burlade, Boule, St. Katharines, with divers others. There is, indeed, one of them, and that the principall, sufficiently assured; on the one side by a little Blockhouse, which they call Mount St. Aubin; and on the other by a fair Castle, called the Fort Eli­zabeth. The Harbour it self is of a good capacity, in figure like a semicircle or a crescent, and by reason of the Town adjoyning, known by the name of the Haven of St. Hilaries. On that side of it next the Town, and in a little Islet of it self is situate the Castle, environed with the Sea at high water, but at an ebb easily accessible by land; but yet so natural­ly defended with sharpe Rocks and craggy clistes, that [Page 302] though the accesse unto it may be easie, yet the surprizall would be difficult. It was built not long since by our late Queen of famous memory, at such times as the Civill warres were hot in France about Religion, and the Kings Forces drawn downwards towards Normandy. Furnished with 30 pieces of Ordinance and upwards; and now, upon the prepa­rations of the French, there are some new works begun about it, for the assurance of that well. On the East side, just opposite and in the view of the City of Constantia, there is seated on an high and craggy rock, a most strong Castle, and called by an haughty name Mount Orgueil; of whose founder I could learn nothing, nor any other thing which might concern it in matter of antiquity, save that it was repaired and beautified by Henry V. It is for the most part the inhabitatiou of the Go­vernour, who is Captain of it; stored with about some forty pieces of Ordinance, and guarded by some five and twenty wardours. A place of good service for the safety of the Island; if perhaps it may not be commanded, or an­noied by an hill adjoyning, which doth equall, if not over­top it.

This Island, as before we noted, is some 33 miles in compasse, comprehending in it 12 Parishes, whereof the principall is that of S. Hilaries. A Town so called from an antient Father of that name, and Bishop of Poyctiers in France, whose body they suppose to be interred in a little Chappell neer unto the Fort Elizabeth, and consecrated to his memory. But of his buriall here, they have nothing further then tra­dition, and that unjustifiable; for St Jerome telleth us, that after his return from Phrygia, whereunto he had been confi­ned, he dyed in his own City; and we learn in the Roman Martyrologie, that his Obit is there celebrated on the 13 of January. The chief name the which this Town now hath, is for the conveniency of the Haven, the Market there every Saturday, and that it is honoured with the Co [...]u or Sessions house for the whole Island. The other Villages lie scattered up and down, like those of Guernzey, and give habita­tion to a people very painfull and laborious; but by reason of their continuall toyle and labour, not a little affected to a kinde of melancholy surlinesse incident to plough men. [Page 303] Those of Guernzey on the other side, by continu [...]ll converse with strangers in their own haven, and by travailing abroad being much more sociable and generous. Add to this, that the people here are more poor, and therefore more destitute of humanity; the children here continually craving almes of every stranger; whereas in all Guernzey I did not see one begger.

A principall reason of which poverty, I suppose to be their exceeding populousnesse, there being reckoned in so small a quantity of ground, neer upon thirty thousand li­ving souls. A matter which gave us no small cause of admi­ration; and when my Lord of Danby seemed to wonder, how such a span of earth could contain such multitudes of people, I remember that Sir John Payton the Lieutenant Go­vernour, made him this answer, viz. That the people mar­ried within themselves like Con [...] in a burrow; and fur­ther, that for more then thirty years they never had been molested either with Sword, Pestilence, or Fa­mine.

A second reason of their poverty (add also of their num­bers) may be the little liking they have to Trafick; whereby as they might have advantage to improve themselves, and employ their poor; so also might that service casual­ly diminish their huge multitudes, by the losse of some men, and diverting others from the thought of mar­riage.

But the main cause, as I conceive it, is the tenure of their Lands, which are equally to be divided amongst all the Sons of every Father, and those parcels also to be subdivided even ad infinitnm. Hence is it, that in all the Countries you shall hardly finde a field of Corne of larger compasse then an or­dinary Garden; every one now having a little to himself, and that little made lesse to his posterity. This Tenure our Lawyers call by the name of Gavel-kinde; that is, as some of them expound it, Give all-kinne, because it is amongst them all to be divided. For thus the Law speaking of the customes of Kent, in the 16 Chap. De praerogativa Regis. Ibidem omnes [...] masculi participabant baereditatem eorum, & similiter foeminae; sed foeminae non [...] cum viris. A tenure which on [Page 304] the one side hath many priviledges, and on the other side as many inconveniences.

For first, they which hold in this Tenure, are free from all customary services, exempt from wardship, at full age when they come to 15 years, and if they please, they may alienate their estates either by gift or sale, without the assent or knowledge of the Lord. But which is most of all, in case the Father be attaint of Felony or Murder, there is no Escheat of it to the Lord; the whole Estate, after the King hath had Diem annum & vastum, descending on the Heires. Et post annum & diem terrae & tenementa reddentur, & revert [...]ntur porximo haeredi cui debuerant descendisse, si felo [...]ia facta non fuisset; so the Lawyers.

On the other side, by this means their estates are infinite­ly distracted, their houses impoverished, the Kings profits in his Subsidies diminished, and no little disadvantage to the publick service, in the finding of Armours for the Wars. Whereupon, as many Gentlemen of Kent have altered by especiall Acts of Parliament, the antient Tenure of their Lands, and reduced it unto Knights-service; so is it wished by the better sort of this people, and intended by some of them, that their Tenure may be also altered and brought into the same condition. A matter of no little profit and advantage to the King, and therefore without difficulty to be compassed.

By this Tenure are their estates all holden in every of the Isl [...]nds, except 6 only which are held in Capite; whereof 4 in Jarsey, and 2 in Guernzey, and those called by the names of Signeuries. The Signeuries in Jarsey are first, that of St Oen, anciently belonging to the Carterets; and that of Rossell, bought lately of Mr. Dominick Perin, by Sir Philip de Carteret now living. 3. That of Trinity, descended upon Mr. Joshua de Carteret in the right of his Mother, the heir generall of the L' Emprieres. And 4 That of St. Marie, vulgarly called Lammarez, descended from the Paines unto the Family of the Du Maresque who now enjoy it. Those of Guernzey, as before I said, are two only; viz. that of [...], and that of De Sammarez; both which have p [...]ed by way of sale through divers hands, and now at [Page 305] last are even worne out almost to nothing. The pr [...]sent owners, Fashion and [...], both of them Eng [...] in their parentage.

The chief Magistrates in both these Isl [...]s, for as much as concernes the de [...]nce and s [...]ety of them, are the Gover­nours; whose office is not much unlike that of the Lord Lieutenants of our shires in England, according as it was established by King Alfred, revived by Henry III. and s [...] continueth at this day. These Governours are appointed by the King, and by him in times of warre, rewarded with an annuall pension payable out of the Exchequer; but since the encrease of the domaine by the ruine of Religi­ous houses, that charge hath been deducted; the whole Revenues being allotted to them in both Isl [...]nds for the support of their estate. In Civill matters they are directed by the Bailiffs and the Jurates; the Bailiffs and other the Kings Officers in Guernzey, being appointed by the Go­vernour; those of Jarsey holding their places by Patent from the King.

The names of which Officers, from the highest to the lowest, behold here as in a Tablet, according as they are called in each Island.

The Governourthe Earl of Danby.
The LieutenantNath. Darcell.
The BailiffeAymes de Carteret.
The Provost 
The Kings AdvocatePet. Beauvoir.
The ComptrollerDe la Marsh.
The ReceiverCarey.

[Page 306]

The GovernourSir John Peyton, Sen.
The LieutenantSir John Peyton, Jun.
The BailiffeSir Philip de Carteret.
The VicomptHampton.
Le ProcureurHelier de Carteret.
The AdvocateMesserney.
The ReceiverDisson.

By those men, accompanied with the Justices or Jurates, is his Majesty served, and his Islands governed; the places in each Island being of the same nature, though somewhat different in name. Of these in matters meerly Civill, and appertaining unto publick justice, the Bailiffe is the prin­cipall; as being the chief Judge in all actions both crimi­nall and reall. In matter of life and death, if they proceed to sentence of condemnation, there is requisite a concur­rence of seven Jurates together with the B [...]iliffe; under which number so concurring, the Offender is acquited. Nor can the Countrey finde one guilty, not taken, as we call it, in the matter; except that 18 voices of 24 (for of that num­ber is their Grand Enquest) agree together in the verdict. Personall actions, such as are Debt and Trespasse, may be determined by the Bailiffe, and two only are sufficient; but if a triall come in right of Land and of Inheritance, there must be three at least, and they decide it. For the dispatch of these busine [...]es, they have their Trmes, about the same time as we in London; their Writs of Arrest, Appearance and the like, directed to the Vicompt or Provost; and for the tryall of their severall causes, three severall Courts or Jurisdictions, viz. the Court Criminall, the Court of Chattel, and the Court of Heritage. If any finde himself agrieved with their proceedings, his way is to appeal unto the Councell-Tatle. Much like this forme of Government, but [Page 307] of later stampe, are those Courts in France, which th [...]y call Les Seiges Presideaux, instituted for the ease of the people by the former Kings, in divers Cities of the Realme, and since confirmed anno 1551 or thereabouts. Wherein there is a Bailiffe, attended by twelve Assistants (for the most part) two Lieutenants, the one criminall and the other civill, and other officers; the office of the Bailiffe being to preserve the people from wrong, to take notice of Trea­sons, Robberies, Murders, unlawfull assemblies, &c. and the like.

In this order, and by these men, are all such affaires transacted which concern only private and particular per­sons; but if a businesse arise which toucheth at the publick, there is summoned by the Governour a Parliament, or Conven­tion of the three Estates. For however Aristotle deny in the first of his Politicks, [...] that a great houshold nothing differs from a little City, yet certainly we may affirme that in the art of Government, a little Empire doth nothing differ from a greater; where­upon it is, that even these little Islands, in imitation of the greater Kingdomes have also their Conventus ordinum, or as­sembly of the States; viz. of the Governour as chief, the Bailiffe and Jurates representing the nobility, the Ministers for the Church, and the severall Constables of each Parish for the Commons. In this assembly generall, as also in all pri­vate meetings, the Governour takes precedence of the Bailiffe, but in the Civill Courts and pleas of law, the Bailiffe hath it of the Governour.

In this Assembly they rectifie such abuses as are grown among them, appoīnt[?] Deputies to solicite their affairs at Court, resolve on publick contributions, &c. and among other things, determine the election of the Justices. For on the vacancy of any of those places, there is notice given unto the people in their severall Parishes on the next Sun­day, after the morning exercise; and there the people, or the major part of them, agree upon a man. This nominati­on at the day appointed for the Assembly of the States is returned by the Constables of each Village, out of whom so [Page 308] named, the whole body chuseth him whom they think most serviceable for that Magistracy. This done, the new Jurate either then immediately, or at the next sitting of the Justic [...]s, sh [...]ll be admitted to his place and office; ha­ving first taken an Oath for the upright demeanour of himselfe, in the discharge of his duty, and the trust reposed in him. The tenour of which Oath, is [...]s followeth.

YOU Mr. N N. since it hath pleased God to call you lawfully to this charge, shall swear and promise by the fai [...]h and troth which you owe to God, well and truely to discharge the Office of a Ju­rate or Justiciar, in the Court Royall of our Sove­raigne Lord the King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, & [...] in this Isle of Jarsey; whose Majesty, next under God, you acknowledge to be supreme Gover­nour in all his Realmes, Provinces, and Dominions, renouncing all strange and forain powers. You shall defend the rights both of his Majesty and Subjects. You shall uphold the honour and glory of God, and of his pure and holy word. You shall administer true and equall Justice, as well to the poor as to the rich, without respect of persons; according to our Lawes, Usages and Customes, confirmed unto us by our pri­viledges, maintaining them together with our Liber­ties and Franchises, and opposing [...]our selfe against such as labour to infringe them. You shall also pu­nish and chastise all Traitours, Murderers, Felons, Blasphemers of Gods holy name, Drunkards and o­ther scand [...]lous livers, every one according to his de­sert; opposing your self against all seditious persons in the de [...]nce of the Kings Authority, and of his Justice. You shall be frequently assistant in the Court, and as often as you shall be desired, having no law­full excuse to the contrary, in which case you shall g [...]ve your [...] to some other Justice, giving your ad­vise, [Page 309] counsell, and opinion according to the since­rity of your conscience. You shall give reverence and due respect unto the Court. And shall defend, or cause to be defended, the rights of Widowes, Orphans, Strangers, and all other persons unable to help them­selves. Finally, in your verdict (or the giving your opinion) you shall regulate and conforme your self to the better and more wholesome counsell of the Bai­liffe and Justices.

All which you promise to make good upon your conscience.

A way more compendious then ours in England, where the Justices are fain to take three Oaths, and those foun­ded upon three severall Statutes, as viz. that concerning the discharge of their office, which seemeth to be founded on the 13. of Richard II. Cap. 7. That of the Kings Supremacy, grounded on the first of Queen Elazabeth Cap. 1. And lastly, that of Al'egiance, in force by virtue of the Sta­tute 3 Jac. Cap. 4. Of these Justices there are twelve in all in each Isl [...]nd; of whose names and titles in the next Chapter.

The other members of the Bailiffes Court, are the Advo­cates or P [...]eaders, whereof there be six onely in each Island; this people conceiving rightly, that multitudes of Lawyers occasion multitudes of businesse; or according to that me [...]ry saying of old Haywood, The more Spaniels in the fi [...]ld, the more game. Of these advocate, two of them which are (as we call them here in England) the Kings Attorney or Solliciteur, are called Advocati stipulantes, the others Advocati postulantes. Yet have they not by any order confined themselves to this number, but may en­large them according to occasion, though it ha [...] not been a Sol [...]cisme or a nov [...]lty, were the number limited. For it appeareth in the Parliament Record [...], that Edwa [...]d [...] first [...]strained the number both of Counsellers and Atturneys [Page 310] unto 140 for all England, though he also left authority in the Lord Chief Justice to enlarge it, as appeareth in the said Records, Anno 20. Rotul. 5. in dorso de apprenticiis & attornatis, in these words following. D. Rex injunxit Joh. de Metingham (he was made chief Justice of the Comm [...]n Pleas in the 18 of this King) & sociis suis quod ipsi per eorum discretionem provideant & ordinent certum numerum in quolibet Comitatu, de melioribus & legalioribus, & libentius addiscentibus, sec. quod intellexe [...]int quod curiae suae & populo de regno melius valere poterit, &c. Et videtur regi & ejus concilio quod septies viginti sufficere poterint. Apponant tamen praefati justiciarii plu­res, si viderint esse faciendum, vel numerum anticipent, &c. Thus he wisely and happily foreseeing those many in­conveniences which arise upon the multitudes of such as apply themselves unto the Lawes, and carefully pro­viding for the remedy.

But of this, as also of these Islands, and of their manner of Govenment, I have now said sufficient; yet no more then what may fairly bring your Lordship on to the main of my discourse and Argument, viz. the Estate and condition of their Churches.

I shall here only adde a Catalogue of the Governours and Bailiffs of the Isle of Jarsey (for of those of Guern­zey, notwithstanding all my paines and diligence I could finde no such certain con [...]at) which is this that fol­loweth.

[Page 311]

A Catalogue of the Governours and Bailiffs of Jarsey.
1301Pierre Vigeure.Edw. II. Otho de Grandison Sr. des I [...]es.
1389Geofr la Hague.Edw. III. Edm. de Cheynie Gard des Isles.
1345Guill. Hastings.Thom. de Ferrer. Capt. des Isles.
1352Rog. Powderham. 
1363Raoul L. Empriere. 
1367Rich de St. Martyn. 
1368Iean de St. Martyn. 
 Rich le Pe [...]il. 
1370Jean de St. Martyn. 
 Jean Cokerill. 
1382Tho. Brasdefer.Hen. IV. Edw. D. of York.
1396Ge [...]fr. Brasdefer.V. Jean D. of Bedford. 1414.
1405Guill. de Laick. 
1408Tho. Daniel.VI. Hum. D. of Glocester. 1439.
1414Jean Poingt dexter. 
1433Jean Bernard Kt. 
1436Jean l' Empriere. 
1444Jean Payne. 
1446Regin. de Carteret. 
1453J [...]an Poingt d [...]xter.Edw IV. Sir Rich. Harliston,
1462Nicol. Mourin. 
1485Guill. de Harvy Angl.Hen. VII. Mathew Baker Esq
1488Clem. le Hardy.Tho. Overcy Esq
1494Jean Nicols.David Philips Esq
1496Jean l' Empriere. 
1515Hel de Carteret.Hen. VIII. Sir Hugh Vaug [...]an.
1524Helier de la R [...]q.Sir A [...]ony U [...]erell.
  1526. R [...]ch.

[Page 312]

1526Rich Mabon. 
1528Jasper Penn. Angl. 
1562Hostes Nicolle.Edw. VI Edw. D. of Somers. L Protect.
 Jean du MaresqueCornish.
 Geo. Pawlet, Angl.Ma. R. Sir Hugh Pawlet.
1516Jean Herault Kt.Eliza. R. Sir Aimer Paulet.
1622Guill Parkhurst.Sir Antho. Pawlett.
16Philip de Carteret Kt.Sir Walt. Raleigh.
now living ann. 1644. Jac. Sir Joh. Peiton. S. a Cross ingrailed O.
  Car. Sir Tho. Jermin, now living.

Further then this I shall not trouble your Lordship with the Estate of these Islands in reference either unto Naturall or Civill Concernments. This being enough to serve for a foundation to that superstructure, which I am now to raise upon it.


(1) The City and Diocese of Constance. (2) The con­dition of these Islands under that Governmint. (3) Churches appropriated what they were. (4) The Black Book of Constance. (5) That called Domes day. (6) The suppression of Priours Aliens. (7) Priours Dative, how they differed from the Con­ventualls. (8) The condition of these Churches after the suppression. (9) A Diagram of the Revenue then allotted to each severall Parish, together with the Ministers and Justices now being. (10) What is meant by Champarte desarts and French querrui. (11) The alteration of Religion in these Islands. (12) Persecution here in the days of Queen Mary. The Authors indignation at it, expressed in a Poeticall rapture. (13) The Islands annexed for ever to the Diocese of Winton, and for what reasons.

BUt before we enter on that Argument, The estate and(1) The City. condition of their Churches, a little must be said of their Mother-City, to whom they once did owe Canonicall obedience. A City, in the opinion of some, once called Augusta Romanduorum, and after took the name of Constance from Constantine, the great, who repaired and beautified it. Others make it to be built in the place of an old standing campe, and that this is it which is called Con­st [...]ntia castra in Ammian. Marcellinus, Meantes (que) protinus prope and castra Constantia funduntur in Mare, lib 15. To leave this controversie to the French, certain it is, that it hath been [Page 314] and yet is a City of good repute; the County of Constantine (one of the seven Bailiwicks of Normandy being beholding to it for a n [...]me.)

As for the Town it self, it is at this day accounted for a [...]. [...], but more famous for the Bishoprick; the first Bishop of it, as the Roman Martyrologie (and on the 23, if my memory [...]ail not of September) d [...]h in [...]ruct us, being one Paternus. Du Chesne in his book of French Antiquities, attributes this ho­nour to St. Ereptiolus; the man, a [...] he conjectures, that first converted it into the faith: his next successors being St. Fxuperance, St. Leonard, and St Lo; which last is said to have lived in the year 473. By this account it is a City of good age; yet not so old but that it still continues beauti [...]ull. The Cathedrall here one of the fairest and well built pieces in all Normandy, and yeelding a [...]air prospect even as far as to these Islands. The Church, it may be, raised to that magnificent height, that so the Bishop might with greater ease survey his [...]. A Diocese containing antiently a good part of Countrey Constantine, and these Islands where now we are.

For the better executing of his Episcopall [...]sdiction(2) The con­dition of these Islands under that Govern­ment. in these places divided by the Sea from the main body of his charge, he had a Surrogat or Substitute, whom they called a Dean, in each Island one. His office consisting, as I guesse at it by the jurisdiction, of that of a Chancellour and an A ch­deacon, mixt; it being in his faculty to give institution and induction, to give sentence in cases appertaining to Ec­clesiasticall cognisance, to approve of Wils, and wi [...]hall to hold his v [...]ations. The revenue fit to entertain a man of that condition; viz. the best benefice in each Island, the profits ariseing from the Court, and a proportion of tithes allotted out of many of the Parishes. He of the Isle of Guernzey over and above this, the li [...]le Is [...] of Lehu, of which in the la [...] Chapter; and when the [...]ouses of Re [...]gi­on, as they called them, were suppressed, an allowance of an hundred quarters of Wheat, Guernzey measure, paid him by the Kings receiver for his Ti [...]. I say Guernzey measure, because it is a measure diffe [...]ent from ours; their quarter being no more then five of our bushels or [...]. The [Page 315] Ministery at that time not answerable in number to the Parishes, and those few very wealthy; the Religious houses having all the Prediall ti [...]hes appropriated unto them; and they serving many of the Cures, by some one of their own body li [...]nced for that purpose.

Now those Churches, or Ti [...]hes rather, were called(3) Churches appropriated what they were. Appropriated (to digresse a little by the way) by which the Patrons Papali authoritate intercedente, &c. the Popes authori­ty intervening, and the consent of the King and Dio­cesan first obtained, were for ever annexed, and as it were incorporated into such Colledges, Monasteries, and other foundations as were but sparingly endowed. At this day being irremediably and ever aliened from the Church; we call them by as fit a name, Impropriations.

For the rating of these Benefices, in the payment of(4) The black book of Con­stance. their first fruits and tenths or Annats, there was a note or taxe in the Bishops Register, which they called the Black book of Constance; like as we in England, the Black book of the Exchequer. A Taxe which continued constantly up­on Record till their disjoyning from that Diocese, as the rule of their payments and the Bishops dues. And as your Lordship well knowes, not much unlike that course there is alwayes a Proviso in the grant of Subsidies by the English Clergie; ‘That the rate, taxation, valuation, and esti­mation now remaining on Record in his Majesties Court of Exchequer, for the payment of a perpetuall Disme or Tenth granted unto King Henry the VIII. of worthy memory, in the 26 year of his Reign, concer­ning such promotions as now be in the hands of the Clergie, shall onely be followed and observed.’ A course learnt by our great Prelates in the taxing of their Clergie, from the example of Augustus, [...] in his taxing of the World. For it is reported of him by Co. Tacitus, that he had written a book with his owne hand, in quo opes publicae continebantur, wherein he had a particular estimate of all the Provinces in that large Empire; what Tributes and Imposts they brought in, what Armies they maintained, &c. and what [Page 316] went also in Largesse and Pensions out of the publick finances.

This Providence also exactly imitated by our Norman (5) [...]. [...], who had taken such a speciall survey of his n [...]w [...], that there was not one hide of Land in all the R [...]alme, but he knew the yearly Rent and owner of it; how many plow-lands, what Pastures, [...]nnes and Marishes; what Woods, Parkes, Farm [...]s and T [...]nements were in [...] shire, and what every one was worth.

This Censuall Roll, the English generally call Doomes­d [...]y b [...]ok, a [...] that as some suppose, because the judge­m [...]nt a [...]d [...] of it was as impossible to be declined as that in the day of doome. Sic cum orta suerit [...] de [...]is rebus quae [...] continentur cum ventum fuerit ad librum, ejus [...] a [...] n [...]n pote [...], vel impune declinari; so mine Authour. O hers conceive it to be corruptly called the [...]ook of Doomes-day, for the Book of Domus dei, or the Domus-dei book, as being by the [...] laid up in the Maison dieu or Gods-house in Winchester. A book careful­ly preserved, and that under three Keyes in his [...] es Exchequer, not to be look [...]ed into under the price of a Noble; nor any line of it to be tran­scribed without the payment of a [...]. Tanta. est au­thoritas vetustatis; So gr [...]at respect do we yeeld unto an­tiquity.

But to return again to my Churches whom I left in(6) The [...] of Priors Aliens. bondage under their severall P [...]iories, and other the Reli­gious houses. I will first free them from that yoak which the sup [...]rstition of their Pat [...]ons had put upon them. So it was, that those Houses of Religion in these Isl [...]ds, were not absolute foundations of themselves; but dependent on, and as it were the [...] of, some greater Abby or Monast [...]ry in France. In this condition they continued [...]ill the beginning of the R [...]ign of Kin [...] Hen [...] the V. who purposing a war agai [...]st the French, th [...]ught fit [...]o cut of all [...]lpes and succours as they had [...]om England, at that time [...]ull of Priors Aliens, and strangers posse [...]d of [Page 317] Benefic [...]s. To this end it was enacted, viz. ‘Whereas there were divers French men beneficed and preferred to Priories and Abbies within this Realm, whereby the trea­sures of the Realm were transported, and the counsels of the King, and the secrets of the Realm disclosed unto the Kings enemies to the great damage of the King and of the Realm; that therefore all Priors A [...]ns, and other French men beneficed, should avoid the Realm, exce [...]pt only Priors Con­ventuals, such as have insti [...]u [...]ion and induction: and this also with a Proviso, that they be Catholick, and give sufficient surety that they shall not disclose the counsels of the King or of the Realm; so the Statute 1 Hen 5. cap. 7.’ This also noted to us by Pol. Vergil ad Reip. commodum [...] est ut post haec ejusmodi externis hominibus nullus Anglicani sacerdotii possessio traderetur. Upon which point of statute the Britons be­longing to the Queen Dowager, the widow once of John de Montfort Duke of Bretagne, were also expelled the Land[?] by Act of Parliament, 3. Hen. 5. cap 3. By this means the Priors A [...]ens being banished, their possessions fell into the Kings hands, as in England so also in these Isl [...]nds; and their houses being all suppressed they became an accession to the patrimo­ny Royall, the demaine[?], as our Lawyers call it, of the Crown.

These Priors Aliens thus exiled, were properly called(7) Priors da­tive, h [...]w they differed from Conventuals[?]. Priors Dative, and removeable; but never such Aliens never so removeable, as they were now made by this Statute. What the condition of these Priors was, and wherein they differed from those which are called above by the name of Priors Con­ventuals; I cannot better tell then in the words of an other of our Statutes, that namely of the 27 of Hen. 8. cap. ‘The Parliament had given unto the King, all Abbies, Priories and Religious houses whatsoever, not being above the value 2 [...] l. in the old rent. Provided alwayes (saith the letter of the Law) that this Act, &c. shall not extend nor be prejudiciall to any Abbots or Proirs of any Monastery or Priory, &c. for or concerning such Cels of Religious houses appertaining or belonging to their Monasteries or Priories; in which Cels the Priors or other chief Governours thereof, be under the obedi­ence of the Abbots or Priors to whom such Cels be­long. [Page 318] As the Monke or Canons of the Covent of their Mo­nasteries or Priories, and cannot be sued by the Lawes of this Realm, or by their own proper names for the possessions or other things appertaining to such Cels, whereof they be Priors and Governors; but must sue and be sued in and by the names of the Abbots and Priors to whom they be now obedient, and to whom such Cels be­long, and be also Priors or Governours dative or re­moveable from time to time, and accomptez of the profits of such Cels, at the only will and pleasure of such of the Abbots and Priors, to whom such Cels belong, &c. This once the difference between them, but now the criticisme may be thought unnecessary.

To proceed, upon this suppression of the Priors and(8) The con­dition of these Churches after that suppressi­on. others the Religious houses in these Islands, and their Revenue falling unto the Crown; there grew a compo­sition between the Curates and the Governours about their tithes, which hath continued hitherto unalter­ed, except in the addition of the Deserts, of which more hereafter. Which composition in the proportion of tithe unto which it doth amount, I here present unto your Lordship in a brief Diagramme, together with the the names of their Ministers and Justices now beng.

[Page 319]

St. MartinsMr. Bandinell sen. the Dean.The 3 of the kings tithe.Josuab de Carteret Seign. de Trinite.
St. HilariesMr. Oliver the Sub-dean or Commissary.The 10 of the kings tithe.Dan du Maresque seign de Sammarez.
St. Saviours.Mr. Effart.The Deserts and 22 acres of Gleb.Ph. L' Empriere S [...]. de D [...]lament.
St. Clements.Mr. Paris.The 8 and 9 of the kings tithe.Ph. de Carteret Sr. de Vinchiles de haut.
St. Grovilles.Mr. de la Place.The 8 and 9, &c.Eli. du Maresque Sr. de Vinchiles ab [...].
St. Trinities.Mr. Mollet.The Deserts and the 10 of the kings tithe.Eli. de Carteret Sr. de la Hagne.
St. Johns.Mr. Brevin.The Deserts, &c.Joh. L' Empriere Sr. des au grace.
S. Lawrences.Mr. Prinde.The Deserts, &c.Aron Messervie.
St. Maries.Mr. Blandi­ve [...], jun.The 3 sheaf of the Kings tithe.Ben la [...]che Sr. de Longueville.
St. Owens.Mr. La cloche.The Deserts, &c.Jo. Harde.
St. Burlads. The 8 and 9, &c.Abr. Herod.
St. Peters.Mr. Grueby.The Deserts, &c.Ph. Marret.

Note that the taking of the 8 and 9 sheafe is called French querrui; as also that an acre of their measure is 40 Perches long and one in breadth, every Perche being 21 foot.

[Page 320]

[...]. [...].
St. Peters on the Sea.
M. de l [...] MarchThe 7 of tithe and champarte.Tho. A [...]drewes Sr. de Sammar [...]z.
St. Martins.Mr. de la PlaceThe like.Pet. Carey sen.
La Forest.M [...]. P [...]ote.The 9 of tithe and champarte.John Fautrat Sr [...]de Coq.
TortevallMr. Fautrat.The 3 of tithe and champarte.Joh. Bonamy.
S. Andrews The 4 of, &c.Joh. Ketville.
St. [...] d [...] [...]oys.
St. Peters in the Wood.
Mr. Perchard.The 3 of the tithe only.James Guile Sr. des Rohais.
St. Saviours The Desert and the [...]enths in all 600 sheafes.Tho. Blundell.
[...]hastell.Mr. Panisee.The 9 of the tithe only.Pet. de Beauvoyre Sr. des Granges St. Mich.
St. Michael in the valeMr. Millet.The 4 of the Kings tithe only.Pet. Gosselin.
St. Sampson The like.Josias Merchant.
Serke.Mr. Brevin.20 l. stipend and 20 quarters of corn.Pet. Carey jun.
Alderney.Mr. Mason.20 l. stipend. 

Note that the Parish called in this Diagram, La Forest, is de­dicated as some say, to the holy Trinity; as other to St Margaret, that which is here called Tortevall, as some suppose unto St. Philip, others will have it to St. Martha; but that of Chastell to the hand of the blessed Virgin, which is therefore called in the Records, our Ladies Castle. Note also, that the Justices or Jurates are here placed, as near as I could learn, according to their Seniority, [Page 321] not as particularly appertaining to those Parishes against which they are disposed.

For the better understanding of this Diagram, there are(10) What is meant by D [...]ts. three words which need a commentary, as being meerly Aliens to the English tongue, and hardly Denizens in French. O [...] these, that in the Diagrams called the Deserts, is the first. A word which properly signifieth a Wildernesse, or any wast ground from which ariseth little profit. As it is taken at this present and on this occasion, it signifieth a field which formerly was laid to waste, and is now made arable. The case this: At the suppression of the Priors Aliens and the com­position made betwixt the Curates and the Governours, there was in either Island much ground of small advan [...]age to the Church or to the owner, which they called Les D [...] ­serts. But the Countreys after growing populous, and ma­ny mouths requiring much provision, these Deserts were broke up and turned into tillage. Hereupon the Curates made challenge to the tithes, as not at all either intended or contained in the former composition. The Governours on the other side alleadging custome, that those grounds had never paid the Tithe, and therefore should not. Nor could the Clergy there obtain their rights untill the happy entrance of King James upon these Kingdoms. A Prince of all o­thers a most indulgent father to the Church. By him and by a letter Decretory from the Counsell, it was adjudged in favour of the Ministery; the Letter bearing date at Green­wich June the last, anno 1608. subscribed T. Ellesmere [...]anc. R. Salisbury, H. Northampton, E. Worcester, T. Suffolk [...], Ex [...]ter Z ueh, Wotton, Cesar, [...]erbert. A matter certainly of much importance in the consequence, as making known unto your Lordship how easie a thing it is in the authority royall to free the Church from that tyranny of custome and prescripti­on under which it groneth.

The next of these three words to be explained, is in theFrench Quer­rui, note French Querrui, which in the note is told us to be the 8 and 9 sheaf; by which account or way of tithing, the Minister in 50 sheafs receiveth 6, which is one sheaf more then the ordinary tithe. The word corrupted, as Iand by [Page 322] conceive, from the French word Charrue, which signifieth a Plough, and then French querrui is as much as Plough­right, alluding to the custome of some Lords in France, who used to give their husbandmen or villains, as a guerdon for their toyle, the 8 and 9 of their in­crease.

As for the last, that, viz. which the Diagram calleth Cham­part, Champart. it intimates in the origination of the word, a part or portion of the field, that which the Lord in chief reserved unto himself.

In Guernzey it is constantly the 12 sheaf of the whole crop, the Farmer in the counting of his sheafes casting aside the 10 for the King, and the 12 which is the Champart, for the Lord.

Now here in Guernzey (for those of the other Isle have no such custome) there is a double Champart, that namely Du Roy, belonging to the King, whereof the Clergy have the tithe, and that of St. Michael en leval, not titheable. The reas [...]n is, because at the suppression of the Priorie of St. Mi­chael, which was the only Religious house in these Islands, which subsisted of it self; the Tenants made no tendry of this Champart, and so it lay amongst concealments. At the last, Sir Thomas Leighton the Governour here recovered it unto the Crown by course of Law, and at his own charges; whereupon the Queen licenced him to make sale of it, to his best advantage, which accordingly he did.

For the Religion in these Islands, it ha [...]h been ge­nerally(11) The alte­ration of Reli­gion in these Islands. such as that professed with us in England, and as much varied. When the Priors Aliens were banished England by King Henry V. they also were exiled from hence. Upon the demolition of our Abbeys; the Priory of St. Michael, and that little Oratory of our Lady of Lehu, became a ruine. The Masse was here also trodden down whilest King Edward stood, and raised again at the exaltation of Queen Mary. Nay even that fiery tryall, which so many of Gods servants under­went in the short Reign of that misguided Lady, ex­tended [Page 323] even unto these poor Islanders; and that, as I conceive, in a more fearfull tragedy, then any, all that time presented on the Stage of England. The story in the brief is this;

Katharine Gowches a poor widow of St. P [...]ters in(12) [...] here in the dayes of Q [...]. Guernzey, was noted to be much absent from the Church, and her two daughters guilty of the same neglect. Upon this they were presented before Jaques Amy then Dean of the Island, who finding in them, that they held opi­nions contrary unto those then allowed, about the Sa­crament of the Altar, pronounced them Hereti [...] and condemned them to the fire. The poor women on the other side pleaded for themselves, that that Doctrine had been taught them in the time of King Edward; but if the Queen was otherwise disposed, they were con­tent to be of her Religion. This was fair, but this would not serve; for by the Dean they were delivered unto Elier Gosselin the then Bailiffe, and by him unto the fire, July 18. Anno Dom. 1556. One of these daugh­ters, Perotine Massey she was called, was at that time great with childe; her husband, which was a Minister, being, in those dangerous times, fled the Island; in the middle of the flames and anguish of her torments, her belly brake in sunder, and her child, a goodly boy, fell down into the fire, but was presently snatched up by one W. House one of the by-standers. Upon the noise of this strange accident, the cruell Bailiffe retur­ned command, that the poor Infant must be cast again into the flames; which was accordingly performed; and so that pretty babe was borne a Martyr, and added to the number of the Holy Innocents. A cruelty not paral­leld in any story, not heard of amongst the Nati­ons. But such was the pleasure of the Magistate, as one in the Massacre of the younger Maximinus, viz. Canis pessimi ne catulum esse relinquendum; that not any issue should be left alive of an Heretick Pa­rent.

[Page 324]The horrror of which fact stirred in me some Poe­ [...]icall Fancies (or Furies rather) which having long lien dormant, did break out at last, indignation thus supplying those suppressed conceptions.

Si natura negat, dabit indignatio versum.
Holla ye pampred Sires of Rome, forbear
To act su [...] murders, as a Christian ear
Hears with mo [...]e horrour, then the Jews relate
The dire effects of Herods fear and hate,
When that vilde Butcher, caus'd to out in sunder
Every Male c [...]ilde of two years old and under.
These Martyrs in their cradles from the womb
This pass'd directly to the fiery tomb;
Baptiz'd in Flames and Bloud, a Martyr born,
A setting sun in the first dawn of morn:
Yet shining with more heat, and brighter glory
Then all Burnt-offerings in the Churches story.
Holla ye pampred Rabines of the West,
Where learnt you thus to furnish out a Feast
With Lambs of the first minute? What disguise
Finde you to mask this horrid Sacrifice?
When the old Law so meekly did forbid,
In the Dams milk to boil the tender Kid.
What Riddles have we here? an unborn birth,
Hurried to Heaven, when not made ripe for Earth;
Condemned to die before it liv'd, a twin
To its own mother; not impeached of sin,
[Page 325]Yet doom'd to death, that breath'd but to expire,
That s [...]ap'd the flames to perish in the fire.
Rejoyce ye Tyrants of old times, your name
Is made lesse odious on the breath of fame,
By our most monstr [...]us cruelties; the Males
Slaughtered in Egypt, waigh not down these seales.
A Fod to equ [...]ll this no former age
Hath given in Books, or fancie on the Stage.

This fit of indignation being thus passed over, I can proceed with greater patience to the r [...]st of the story of this Island, which in bri [...] is this:

That after the death of [...] Ma [...]y, Religion was( [...]3) The Isl [...]nds an­n [...]xed for e­ver unto the Diocese of [...], and for what Reasons. again restored in the reformation of it to these Islands. In which state it hath ever since continued in the main and substance of it; but not without some alteration in the circumstance and forme of Government. For where­as notwithstand [...]ng the alteration of Religion in these Islands they still continued under the Diocese of Con­stance, during the whole Empire of King Henry the VIII. and Edward the VI. yet it seemed good to Queen Elizabe [...] upon some reasons of State, to annex them unto that of Winton.

The first motive of it was, because that Bishop re­fused to abjure the pretended power which the Pope chal­lengeth in Kingdomes, as other of the English Prelates did; but this displeasure held not long. For presently upon a consideration of much service and intelligence which might reasonably be expected from that Prelate, as having such a necessary dependence on this Crown, they were again per­mitted to his jurisdiction.

At the last, and if I well remember, about the 12 year of that excellent Ladies Reign, at the perswasion of Sir Amias Paulet, and Sir Tho. Leighton then Governours, they were for ever united unto Winchester. The p etences that [Page 326] so there might a fairer way be opened to the reformation of Religion; to which that Bishop was an enemy, and that the secrets of the State might not be carryed over into France, by reason of that entercourse which needs must be between a Bishop and his Ministers. The truth is, they were both resolved to settle the Geneva discipline in every Parish in each Island; for which cause they had sent for Snape and Cartwright, those great incendiaries of the English Church to lay the ground-work of that building. Add to this that there was some glimmering also of a Confiscation in the ruine of the Deanries; with the spoyles whereof they held it fit to enrich their Governments. Matters not possible to be effected, had he of Constance continued in his place and power. But of this more in the next Chapter.


(1) The condition of Geneva under their Bishop. (2) The alteration there both in Politie, and (3) in Reli­gion. (4) The state of that Church before the coming of Calvin thither. (5) The conception, (6) birth, and (7) growth of the New Discipline. (8) The quality of Lay-elders. (9) The different proceedings of Calvin, (10) and Beza in the pro­pagation of that cause. (11) Both of them ene­mies to the Church of England. (12) The first entrance of this platforme into the Islands. (13) A permission of it by the Queen and the Councell in St. Peters and St. Hilaries. (14) The letters of the Councell to that purpose. (15) The tumults raised in England by the brethren. (16) Snape and Cartwright establish the new Discipline in the rest of the Islands.

THus having shewed unto your Lordship the affairs(1) The con­dition of Gene­va under their Bi [...]hop. and condition of these Churches till the Refor­mation of Religion; I come next in the course of my designe, unto that Innovation made amongst them in the point of Discipline. For the more happy dispatch of which businesse, I must crave leave to ascend a little higher into the story of change, then the introduction of it into those little Islands. So doing, I shall give your Lordship better satisfaction, then if I should immediately descend upon that Argument; the rather because I shall de­liver nothing in this discourse not warranted to be by the [Page 328] chief contriv [...]rs [...]f [...]he [...]. To begin th [...]n with the first originall and commencement of it; so it is that it took the first begin [...]ing at a City of the Allobroges or Savoyards, called Geneva, and by that name mentioned in the [...] of [...] Commentaries. A Town situate at the end of Lacus Lemannus, and divided by Rhodanus or Rhosne into two parts. Belonging formerly in the Soveraignty of it to the Duke of Savoy; but in the profits and possession to their B [...]shop and homager of that Dukedome. To this Bishop then there appertained not only an Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction, as Governour of the Church under the Arch­bishop of Vienna, in Daulphinoys his Metropolitane; but a [...] also temporall, as Lord and Master of the Town under the protection of the Duke of Savoy. This granted by the testimony of Calvin in his Epistle unto Cardinall Sadolet, dated the last of August 1539. Habebat sane (saith he) jus gladii, & alias civilis jurisdictionis partes; but as he conceived, I know not on what grounds, Magistratui ereptas, fraudulently taken from the Civill Magistrate.

In this condition it continued till the year 1528. when(2) The altera­tion there both in Religion, those of Berne, after a publick disputation held, had made an alteration in Religion. At that time Viret and Farel­lus, men studious of the Reformation had gotten footing in Geneva, and diligently there sollicited the cause and entertainment of it. But this proposall not plausibly ac­cepted by the Bishop, they dealt with those of the lower rank, amongst whom they had gotten most credit, and ta­king opportunity by the actions and example of those of Berne, they compelled the Bishop and his Clergy to abandonand the Town, and after proceeded to the reforming of his Church. This also avowed by Calvin in his Epistle to the said Cardinall, viz. That the Church had been reformed and setled before his coming into those quarters by Viret and Farellus, and that he only had approved of their pr [...]cee­dings, Sed quia quae a Vireto & Farello facta essent, suffragio meo comprobavi, &c. as he there hath it.

Nor did they only in that tumult alter the Doctrine and( [...]) in Polity. orders of the Church, but changed also the Government of the Town, disclaiming all alleagiance ei [...]her to their Bishop or [Page 329] their Duke, and standing on their own liberty as a [...]ree City. And for this also they are indebted to the active counsels of Farellus. For thus Calvin in his Epistle to the Ministers of Zurich, dated the 26 of November 1553. Cum [...]ic nuper esset frater noster Farellus, [...]ui se totos debent, &c. and anone after, Sed depl [...]randa est senatus nostri caecitas, quod libertatis suae patrem, &c. speaking of their ingratitude to th [...]s Fa­rellus.

The power and dominion of that City thus put into the(4) The estate of that Church [...] the coming of Calvin thither. hands of the common people, and all things left at liberty