The mirrour of true nobility and gentility being the life of the renowned Nicolaus Claudius Fabricius, Lord of Pieresk, Senator of the Parliament at Aix / by Petrus Gassendus ; englished by W. Rand.

THE LIFE OF PEIRESKIUS.

The Firſt Book.

PEireskius was deſcended from that moſt ancient Familie of the Fabrii or Fabricii, whoſe Originall was from Piſa in Italy, being transferred from thence into thisProvence in France. Province in the daies of St. Lewis, ſo called, King of France, and in the year of our Lord, one thouſand two hundred Fifty and Four. For our Hiſtories record that Hugo Fabrius making one among the Gentlemen of Piſa, that had engaged themſelves in the holy War, was by St. Lewis aforeſaid brought into the Coaſts of Provence, when returning out of the Eaſt he landed at Yeres, Arcas, or Nieras, which was anciently termed Olbia. Where being detained by ſickneſſe, and commended by the King at his departure, he grew into ſo much favour and became ſo powerfull with the chief Men of that Place, as to be able to compoſe their differences, when they contended about the Government of the Caſtle and City. After which, marrying a wife out of the Sollerien Family, he ſetled himſelf to make his conſtant abode at Yeres. That place being afterwards aſſigned for the Princes patrimony, he was choſen Provoſt or Governor thereof, in the year—70. by Charles the Firſt, Earle of Provence and King of Sicilie, who loved him as dearly as King Lewis did. Soon after he began to make divers Fortifications both in the City and in the Caſtle; but his Son Aycardus finiſhed what he had begun, leaving his name to one or the Gates which even at this day is corruptly called Caſabria. Hugo Fabricius had another Son beſides Aycard, named Paul, whom Charles the ſecond made chief Judge of Marſeilles: Alſo another named William, who having returned ſafe from divers travels, built an Hoſpitall for the accommodation of Pilgrims going to and coming from the holy Land. But, to be ſhort, there ſucceeded theſe a noble Progenie, renowned for ſeats of Armes, Learning and Piety; who in their ſeverall Ages and Families were Governors of Regium, Spinoſa, Gramuſa, Saint-Julian, St. Janit, St. Laurence, Laverna, Calaſe, Pe • riſea, Ʋalveſium, and Riantium.

Yet, for all our haſte Antony muſt not be paſſed over in ſilence, who was the Grandchild of Aycardus in the Fourth Generation: to whom and to his Son Raimond, there are extant to be read at this day in Noſtredame very civill letters of King Renatus, which he wrote when he was about to undertake his Expedition for Naples. Raymond was brought up with Renatus from a Child, in the Court of King Lewis, the ſecond; and beſides Antony, he had another ſonne called Amadis who becauſe he was the younger brother, he bore in his Coat of Armes which was a ſwart Lion in a Golden field, a ſcarlet label for diſtinction ſake. It is recorded, that he alſo was Governour of Eres, and of intimate acquaintance with Charles the Third, to whom the King of France, did ſoon ſucceed. From him the familie was again divided into two Branches: for he had two Sons Fulke and William, both of them expert Souldiers and skillfull in the Lawes. For having borne Armes in the Expedition of Pidmont, after their return they gave themſelves wholly to the ſtudy of the Laws. For, William the younger being adopted by his great Uncle Elziarius Portanerius Brinonienſis a learned Man; he went to Orleance and Vierron to ſtudy the Laws; and having married a wife who was an Arvernian, he ſetled his abode in that Country: & to expreſſe his gratitude he took unto himſelf the Coat of Armes of the Houſe of Portaneria, which was a Bende with Roſes argent, in a field Azure. And he left behind him, beſides Hugh a famous Lawyer, another Son named John, the father of another John, who begat another John, the Father of that John who is now Maſter of Requeſts, having two Honourable Ladies to his Siſters viz. the Lady Magdalena wife to the iluſtrious Chancellor of France & the Lady Mary, wife to Philbertus Pompadorius Viceroy or Governour of the Limoſins.

But Fulke after the Supreame Senate was erected at Aix, in the beginning of the ſoregoing Age, did plead cauſes with great commendation, and was many times by the Governours of that Province taken in, to ſit with them as an Aſſiſtant, and employed more then once to Lewis the twelfth, and to Francis the firſt. Who perceiving the Learning and Integritie of Fulke, made him a Senator by his bare command, in the year—32. And when the Emperour Charles was about to invade Provence, he joyned him as Counſellour to Annaeus Monmorantius Generall of his Majeſties Forces. Alſo that good Advice is worthy to be recorded which he gave to Monmorancie which he alſo practiſed, tranſporting the ancient Records of the Crown into the Caſtle of Baulcs; by which meanes thoſe precious Monuments eſcaped burning, when as afterwards the Palace of Aix, was fired by the Duke of Savoy his Souldiers. Moreover, when the City could not hold out againſt the Emperours forces, he adviſed the Cittizens to withdraw themſelves, and that they might not leave any thing therein to relieve the Enemie, he began in ſo good earneſt to exhort them to deſtroy their food and what elſe might advantage the Enemie, that he himſelf was the firſt that emptied his Granarie into a well, and ſtaved his veſſels of Wine and Oyle and let them run about the Streets. Fulke being dead, his Son Nicolaus was made a Senator in the year—45. whoſe virtue alſo was taken notice of, not only by Claudius Sabaudus Governour of Provence and Earle of Tenda; but alſo by Charles the 9th. himſelf. Who taking away the Senate, and ſetting in place thereof a Coutt of ten Chief-Juſtices, it was his pleaſure that Nicolaus ſhould be one of the ten: and he gave of his own accord to his Brother Charles after he had brought his forces off, from the Expedition of Corſica, and behaved himſelf there exceeding Valiantly, the Lordſhip of Brigantium to him and his Heires.

And now that we may draw near to the Father of our Peireskius, Nicolaus left two Sons, Claudius and Reginaldus. Claudius had a ſmall and infirme body, but a mind truly generous and mettleſome; ſo that from the year —72. in which he was inveſted with the Honour and Dignity of his Father and Grandfather, he was much renowned both in the Senate and the whole Province, and exceeding favoured by Henricus Engoliſmenſis great Maſter of the French Knights of Malta, and Viceroy of Provence. But Reginald being brought up from a boy with Renata Dutcheſs of Ferraria and Daughter of Lewis the twelfth, when ſhee betook her ſelf to paſſe over her old daies at Montargis, he gave himſelf to ſtudy the Law, and was made one of the Lords of the Subſidies and the Church's Patrimony; and a Maſter of the accounts. And when thoſe troubleſome times of the Henotick faction or league happened, he and his Brother remained conſtant in their Loialtie to the King, & (which Bernardus Nogaretius Valletanus at that time Viceroy, counted a notable piece of ſervice) he procured by the power that he had the Caſtle of Eres and all that Coaſt to revolt from the Duke of Savoy. And whereas his Brother lived a ſingle life he himſelf married Margareta Bomparia, who of her Fathers ſide was deſcended from Knights and Praeſidents; and on her Mothers ſide ſhee did belong to the families of Vallevoria and Forbinus. Now we have heard it reported, that ſhee was of ſo neat and comely a countenance, and ſo compoſed; that when Catharina Medicea the Queen Mother was viſited at Aix by the Ladies of that place, ſhee made choice of her alone among all the reſt upon whom he would vouchſafe to beſtow the honour of a Kiſſe, And this Reginaldus Fabrius it was, and this very Margarcta Bomparia, whom our Peireskius of whom we treat did acknowledge for his Parents.

But becauſe he was born at Beaugenſier; we muſt take notice that this Towne is ſeated in a very ſtraight yet exceeding pleaſant valley, enriched by the Interfluxe of the ſame River Gapell, It is diſtant from Tolon on this hand, and from Eres on that, juſt as far as thoſe Cities are diſtant one from the other, namely, about three Province mi • es; and being ſeated North of both, it likewiſe far excells them in goodneſſe of Aire. The nearneſſe of ſituation was the cauſe, that his Anceſtors having their abode at Eres, did not only procure certaine Country houſes in that Towne, but in their retirement thither, they dwelt in an ancient Caſtle, which is now demoliſhed: for the Houſe with thoſe goodly Gardens joyning to it, was not yet built; into which that water might more ſafely and plentifully be derived from the adjacent River, Claudius built a fair Aqnaeduct or Conduit.

Peireskius therefore was born in the Caſtle of Belgenſer or Beaugenſier aforeſaid,1580. when his Parents did retire thither by reaſon of that memorable Peſtilence, which, in the year 1580. began to rage all over Provence, but eſpecially at Aix. He was born upon the firſt day of December in the year aforeſaid, near upon ſeven a-Clock in the Evening. Which I therefore mention, that I may not ſeeme negligent touching the Circumſtance of time; but not to give an occaſion to Fortune-tellers, to calculate his Nativitie, and tell his deſtinie after his Death, with more certainty then they were able to do, during his life. For it is wonderfull to conſider how many lies the Aſtrologers have told, either in reſpect of years which he never lived, or of Wife and Children & other things which he never had; or touching many other things which he attained. Moreover, his Parents having lived together divers years without a Child; his Mother for that cauſe, as ſoon as ſhe perceived that ſhee was great, with child ſhee took up a reſolution that the Childs Godfather ſhould be no Noble Man; but, ſuch was her pietie, the firſt poor man they ſhould meet with. Whereupon, when he was carried to be Chriſtened, they called the firſt poor man they met, and he anſwered for him at the Font as Godfather, and named him by his Uncles name Claudius. But his Uncle coming in juſt as they were conferring the name, he would have him called likewiſe by his Grandfathers name, whereupon he was called Nicolaus. Claudius. Nevertheleſſe not only while he was a Child he was commonly called Nicolas without the Addition of Claudius: but alſo when he was well in years, even as alſo Authors terme him frequently Nicolaus Faber, Fabrius, or Fabricius. And here we may take notice of a great miſtake of the learned John Selden, who takes that ſame Nicolas Faber who is cited by Baronius and was Scoole-Maſter to the moſt Chriſtian King Lewis the Thirteenth, for our Faber Peireskius. For in his preface to the Hiſtory of Eadmerus Cantuarienſis, mentioning thoſe Epiſtles of Lantfrank recorded by Baronius, in the eleventh tome of his Annals; He acknowledges himſelf (ſaies Selden) if I miſtake not that he received the Copie from that moſt renowned and Learned man Nicolas Faber Petriſcius, a worthy Judge of the Court of Aquens, and my very much honoured freind. And indeed Baronius cites Nicolas Faber, but he adds Pariſienſis not Petriſcum, which Epithet was given this Faber of ours from a Town in his Mothers juridiction, which is called in Latin Petriſcum and in French commonly Peireſc, from whence he had his moſt renowned name; which I to the end it might be rightly pronounced, have rendered it Peireskium, and not as many others Pereſcium, Perezium, or the like.

It is reported that when he was hardly two months old, an ancient woman that was a witch entered the Chamber, and threw down before his Mother an hatchet, which ſhee held in her hand, ſaying that ſhee had brought it her againe; from which time the mother loſt her ſpeech, and the child his crying; and both their heads were ſo depreſſed upon one ſhoulder, and held ſo ſtifly in that poſture, that they could not bend them. The ſtory ſaies further, that when his Uncle knew it, he cauſed the Old Woman to be beaten who was found in the chimney with her neck upon one of her ſhoulders, who as ſoon as ever ſhee lifted up her head to ſignifie that ſhee had beating enough and to deſire them to hold their hands, ſhee ſaid, which appeared to be true, That the mother and the Child were both well. This I heard, not only from others, but from Peireskius himſelf, who did relate the ſtory to me juſt as his Uncle was wont to tell it. Doubtleſſe tis a very ſtrange thing, that an Old Hag bowing her own neck, ſhould dart out ſpirits with ſo ſtrong a Nerve, as to turn the Head of one diſtant from her, in like manner aſide, and tye the tongue of another with the like violence to it, wherewith ſhee held her own; ſo that neither their Heads could be ſtirred, nor their tongues looſed, untill ſhee remitting of her rigor ſhould let looſe the diſtended, yet, as it were, unſenſible ſtrings. Many ſuch accidents as theſe are uſually referred to the Devil; yet, though the moſt good God may ſuffer innocent babes to become the objects of their malice; and though Satan may ſome wayes make uſe of miſerable old women to ſuch intents and purpoſes; yet (I ſay) it is a clear caſe, that the greateſt part of theſe ſtories are fables, or have no other foundation than the ſymptoms of certain diſeaſes, to which Infants are ſubject; Alſo it is certain, that theſe tales are moſt frequent in the countrey among the common people, whoſe credulity is awakened and cheriſhed by every ſleight occaſion.

A yeer and an half after, viz. in the moneth of June, in the yeer 1582,1582. famous for the reformation of the Calendar then made, he had a brother born who was named Palamedes. This is he who was afterwards, from ſome place where he had juriſdiction, called Valaveſius; at what time alſo Nicolas began to be called Peireskius. For till they had paſt their youths-age, they were called ſometimes Fabricii, otherwhiles Calaſii, which name was commoly given to their father and uncle from a town called Calaſum, which they governed. When Palamedes was born, his father was abſent about buſineſſe at Grenoble: and his mother died the ſecond moneth after he was born, being 22 yeers old. And their father Reginald took another wife, but not till fourteen yeers after. Her name was Catharina Vaſſalla Caradetea, being deſcended from illuſtrious anceſtours both on father and mothers ſide: her anceſtours on the fathers ſide were princes of Achaia; by her mothers ſide they were allied to the Fliſcani of Genoa. She was a widow when he married her (having had for her former huſband Olivarius de Thulia, one of the Senatours) with one only daughter living, named Marchiſa, who was afterwards married to Palamedes. By this ſecond marriage, he had beſides other children, which all died either in their childhood or youths-age; Suſanna who is yet living, being married to Henricus Seguiranus, the firſt Preſident of the Maſters of the Accounts, and of the patrimoniall Senatours.

To return to Nicolas, he alwayes looked upon, and reſpected his uncle as another father, and that not without cauſe. For he intending that he ſhould ſucceed him in his Dignity, took eſpeciall care to give him ingenuous education, judging that it was in vain for a child to be happily born, and not liberally educated. And he was ſo much the more encouraged to be carefull in this point, becauſe he ſaw in him even from the cradle, a vertnous mind adorned and rendered more amiable by a beautifull body. For he was ſcarcely weaned from the breaſt, when he began to diſcover his Genius, being very attentive to whatever he ſaw and heard: and he was alwayes accuſtomed with a moſt pleaſing countenance and ſweet voice, to demand of his nurſe, his father, his maſter, and of any elſe that came in his way, what every thing was, and how and wherefore it was made. So when he was firſt taught his letters, and delighted to be handling of books and papers, he would frequently ask what was the argument handled in thoſe books, and becauſe he took it hainouſly that any ſhould make anſwer, that it was above his capacity to underſtand, they were fain to invent ſomewhat or other, and relate it to him as the argument of the ſaid books, which he might hear with pleaſure. Theſe things indeed are ſmall matters in themſelves, but worthy conſideration in regard of his yeers, and that it is a pleaſure to ſee trees bearing fair buds and bloſſoms. Old men, I am ſure, have admired theſe things and told them to me, avouching that he never was taken with, nor never reliſhed any childiſh thing.

When he was ſeven yeers old,1587. and was educated with his brother at Brinonia, where the Court of Subſidies and Accounts were then kept, becauſe the peſtiſence was at Aix, he deſired that he might be inſtructed in the San-Maximitan Colledge, which had the repute to flouriſh in the ſtudies of learning. Nor is it a thing to be paſt over in ſilence, how he perſwaded his father,1588. to commit his brother, being younger, to his care, that he might overſee his young ſtudies:1589. nor muſt it be forgotten, how he was from this time forward, in ſtead both of a father and a maſter to his brother; and how his brother did reverence him both as a paret and maſter, A yeer being paſſed over, and the plague beginning at Sanmaximinus, they were called to Belgenſer, and a yeer after from thence to Aix, where their uncle then abode.

Afterwards when the civil wars grew hot upon the death of Henry the third,1590. they were ſent to Avenion, where they ſtudied five whole yeers in the Jeſuites Colledge. And Peireskius was wont to relate, that he was much indebted to Antonius Colombatius, and Andreas Valladerius; whom he heard, they being the chief Profeſſors of Humanity. For he ſaid they were wont to abate him ſomewhat in other ſtudies, that he might ſurely addict himſelf to the reading of Hiſtories, not neglecting in the mean while the ſtudie of poetrie, and of the Greek tongue. For thoſe Learned men rejoyced that there was not ſo much need to guide his Courſe, as to ſhew him the way a far off; for which they deſerve Commendations, in that they would not burthen his Noble breſt with that ſervitude, which makes many altogether hate the ſtudies of Humanity and polite literature; or too much to accuſtome themſelves to mean matters. Alſo he was wont to tell how mightily he was encouraged, when they alſo publikely commended him, becauſe he had the whole Hiſtory of Juſtin, and the Metamorphoſis of Ovid at his fingers ends; and could never make an end of conſulting with Books, whereby he might come to know all the particular circumſtances of every matter. For which cauſe he was a verſe unto all plaies and ſhews; that he might give himſelf wholly to the reading and tranſcribing of all particularities. Wherein I conceive he over did; for the mind muſt be unbent by fits, nor muſt a man ſtudy preſently after meat; which becauſe the Overſeer of his ſtudies were not ſufficiently carefull of, hence it came that he was pained oftentimes, in his ſtomack and in his head.

He had well high finiſhed the 15. year of his Age,1595. when he returned to Aix, where he ſtudied Philoſophie an whole year. His Uncle was deſirous that he ſhould Learn in the mean while to handle Armes, ride the Horſe and exerciſe his limbs with dancing. But becauſe theſe exerciſes robbed him of other more pleaſing houres, he performed them indded, to pleaſe his Uncle, but no longer then his Maſters were by that taught him; for he would never practiſe by himſelf: ſo much better did he account it, to be alwaies reading, writing or hearing ſome point of Learning. About this time there was brought to his Uncle, a peice of Golden Coine of Arcadius, which was found at Belgenſer. He preſently deſired to have it, and when he had read the Letters about it, and had ſet down the Emperors name whoſe Coine it was, he brought it preſently to his Uncle again, who to gratifie him, gave him not only two other peices of ancient Coine, but alſo Books, by which he might be further inſtructed in the knowledge of ſuch Antiquities. And from this time forwards his moſt curious mind began to burn like fire in a wood for he began eagerly to ſeek out, and collect all the ancient Coines which he could come by, being eagerly bent to read and Interpret their Inſcriptions, upon which occaſion alſo he began to ſeek out all kind of Inſcriptions, whether belonging to Sepulchers or others, and ſtudiouſly to obſerve them.

Then he was ſent with his Brother to Turney, 1596. that he might there go through a Courſe of Philoſophie (as they were wont to call it) his Brother being as yet taken up with Humanitie. And being in a ſpecial maner inflamed with the ſtudy of the Mathematicks, he eagerly drunke in that Coſmographie which was there taught, aſſuring himſelfe that Hiſtory without it and Chronologie, was altogether in the dark and unintelligible. And therefore after the uſe of the Sphere he Learnt the uſe of the Aſtrolabe; writeing divers Letters to a workman, and expoſtulating the matter with him, becauſe he had long ſince promiſed to make him an Aſtrolabe, but had been negligent in the performance of his promiſe. In that mean ſeaſon, he abated nothing in his ſtudies of Antiquity (upon which account he was dearly affected by Petrus Royerus one of the profeſſors) nor in his ſtudies of Humanitie in generall, in which he was as it were his Brothers Maſter and Inſtructer. But to do all this he was fain to ſit up late in the night at his ſtudy. Hence it was that partly by reaſon of the naturall weakneſſe of his Conſtitution, partly by his continuall labours and late watchings, he encreaſed the weakneſſe of his ſtomach formerly contracted, which made him uſe a powder which in his Letters to his Father, he called his Digeſſive powder. And becauſe I have mentioned his Letters, it is ſeaſonable to obſerve, that from this time forward, he was accurate in his ſtyle, writing his Letters over and over againe in ſeverall papers, which it has been my hap to view; by which it is appatent that he uſed no phraſes which were luxuriaot or undigeſted. For he evermore expreſſed what he intended with common words; yet not without that Elegancy and civilitie, with which in teſtifying his good will, obſervance, and gratitude, in excuſing, commending, congratulating, and ſuch like paſſages, he was admirable. For, to inſtance, writing to his mother in Law upon occaſion of certain Tokens received from her, he thus expreſſed himſelf, Foelices videmur, ô mater, quód beneficiis tuis cumulamur: ſed infoelices tamen, quando ſic illis obrisimur, ut agnoſcendo impares ſimus. That is, I account my ſelf happy, dear mother, in the frequent expreſſions of your love; yet am I therein unhappie, that their multitude is ſuch, that I cannot ſufficiently acknowledge or requite them. And while he wrote thus, he returned the beſt Tokens he was able; for even in thoſe younger years, he could not endure to be overcome with kindneſſe, as far as his ability would give him leave. Sutable hereunto writing to a freind equall to himſelf in years, and even then hating ingratitude; I would lay violent hands upon my ſelf (ſaies he) if I might be juſtly accuſed of the least neglect of my duty to my freinds. From the ſame gratefull inclination it was, that he commended the care of his Inſtructers, that they might by that meanes receive from his Father and Uncle, far larger Gratuities then had been promiſed.

To come again to his ſtudies. His Uncle was not willing that he ſhould ſpend three years upon Philoſophie:1597. but after he had ſpent a year at Tournon, he would needs ſend for him back again to Aix, that he might ſtudy Law, becauſe when time ſhould come, he was to be one of the Senate. This alſo he deſired while he was yet at Tournon, for he wrote unto him that he ſhould timely take in hand the Manuall of Rubricks: but he to deferr yet a little longer the ſtudy of Law, wrote thus by way of excuſe; Your deſire was (Uncle) that I ſhould ſeriouſly addict my ſelf to the ſtudy of Oratory: That ſhall therefore, if you pleaſe, be now my buſineſſe, becauſe this place is very convenient for that purpoſe, and I will then begin to ſtudy the Law, when I leave this Citty: Howbeit you may pleaſe to command me what you ſhall thinke moſt couvenient; for if you ſhall perſiſt to requirè my returne, I ſhall in all things ſhew my ſelf ready to fulfill your pleaſure. Therefore being called home, he addicted himſelf to ſtudy Law under the Turorage of Franciſcus Fortius Andinus, who being an Advocate in the Court at Aix, and very skillful to teach the Lawes, was withall able to compare with any man, in the more polite ſtudies of Humanity. This man being much reſected by the Parents of Peireskius, began with much care to read unto him the Inſtitutions; and he himſelf partly through occaſion of this ſtudy, and partly that he might not wholly intermit the courſe of thoſe learned Studies which he had begun, he took in hand of his own Head to make a Catalogue of thoſe Emperors, who had made the Lawes. He made alſo a Catalogue of the Conſuls and other Magiſtrates in their order, ſearching every where for their Coines, that he might know the Lawmakers as well by their Countenances as their Acts. Alſo he endeavoured to get the Pictures of all the moſt famous Lawyers, that ſo when he met with any of their Reports and Interpretations, his memorie might be ſtrengthened by calling to minde their Countenances. Alſo there was at the ſame time at Aix, Petrus Antonius Raſcaſius Bagarrius, a moſt skillfull Antiquary: for afterwards Henry the great, moved by the famous report that went of him, ſent for him; and made him the Maſter of his Jewells and Rarities. Peireskius therefore did, at ſpare times frequently viſit him; to queſtion and learn of him, and he admiring his Sagacitie and Learning and friendly embracing his ardent deſire of further knowledge, joyned with modeſty, he could not conceale any thing from him;1598. for he both ſhewed him divers Rarities divers daies together, and alſo brought forth his Books to ſtrengthen and make good his own conjectures and explications, making no bones to allow and commend the peculiar Interpretations of Peireskius.

When the year was over, he went again to Avenion, where he had a private Maſter named Petrus David, a Burgundiau, who was afterwards a Judge in criminall cauſes at Semur in his own Country. This man likewiſe beſides his ability in Law, was alſo well ſeen in the more polite ſtudies of Humanity and Antiquity; and that made him well content, that Peireskius, to the ſtudy of Law, joyned his care in ſearching after Antiquities. And therefore it was that he wrote frequently to Bagarrius touching Coines and other rarities. Once he ſent him a writing of all the Rarities which he had obſerved in the Cloſet of one Romeus Arelatenſis, and among other things he ſent him the pattern of a ſculpture of Deianira raviſhed by Neſſus, which was engraven upon a neat Jaſper ſtone. Sometimes alſo having gained fair pieces of the Coines of Nero and Vitellius, he ſent them to his Uncle, beſeeching him to beautifie them, and make them like the Hercules and Agrippa, which he had by him adorned. He alſo entreated him to ſend him a certaine Ring, which he hoped to change for a Cornelian or Onyx ſtone, which he he ſaid was graven by a moſt excellent workman, and of ineſtimable value though unknown to him that had it. I ſer down theſe paſſages inſtead of many others, that it may appear how skillfull he was, even at that Age in theſe kind of Curioſites. But he that moſt of all did feed his curious mind, was Petrus Antonius Ghibertus of Naples, who was then Auditor to Cardinall Aquaviva. For he ſhewed him certain rarities ſuch as had never been ſeen before; and among other books he lent him, for divers daies together, ſome of Hubortus Goltzius his ſetting forth, which he had not before peruſed. Moreover, ſeeing that he was of a quick and piercing ſpirit, he adviſed him to make a journey into Italie, where he ſhould find, eſpecially at Rome, curioſities wherewith to ſatisfie his deſires.

He was 18. years of Age, when thinking to take a journey into Italie, he did learn the Art of ſwimming. Before that, he was wont in the ſummer to waſh himſelf in the leſſer ſtream of the River Rhodanus which runs by the Head of the Iſland Barthalaſſe and into which the Brook Serga empties it ſelf. Once upon a time he felt the ground which he had wont to find even and fort, to be grown hard with little round balls or bunches, like hard boiled Eggs when their ſhell is peeled of. At which wondering, he took ſome of them up and carried them home, that he might ſhew them to his Maſter & demand of him the reaſon. But the miracle was increaſed when a few daies after returning to the River, he ſound thoſe little balls or lumps turned into perſect pebble ſtones, which he obſerved likewiſe to befall thoſe which he had carried and laid up at home. And upon this occaſion he began to play the Philoſopher and to enquire into the Generation of ſtones; but of that, hereafter. Finally having a longing deſire to viſit Rome, and fearing that his Parents would not give way, he requeſted onely that they would ſend him to Padua, which was then famous for Law-ſtudies. Now he thought with himſelf, that the year of Jubilre being at hand; he might upon that occaſion go from Padua to Rome.

In the beginning of the year 1599. the Cardinall Joyeux being to return into Italie,1599. intended to go to Ferrara: Becauſe Pope Clement the ſecond was come thither, to take poſeſſion of that Territorie fallen to him by the Death of Alphonſus Atteſtinus the ſecond of that name; therefore the Cardinall directed his journey thither, and not to Rome. And therefore Peireskius had a great deſire to put himſelf and his Brother into the Cardinalls retinue; but his Parents conſented not. For they reſolved to ſatisfie his laudable deſires; but they thought it beſt that they ſhould ſtay till Autumne, both that the weather might be more temperate, and that the youths might inure themſelves to another Climate, rather in the winter then the following ſummer, as alſo that neceſſaries for their journey might be the better provided. For in the firſt place there was a tutor to ſeek, who might regulate both their ſtudies and behaviour; though the modeſtie and diſcretion of them both, but eſpecially of Peireskius was ſuch; that it was rather a point of Honour, then any matter of neceſſity to appoint them a Tutor. Wherefore, Paulus Gudanes Fonvivius a Gentlem an of Berne, who was returned from his Travailes in Italie, Poland Germanie, and other Countries and had ſeen the ſeverall Humors of many Nations and their Cities; and whom the Chancellour Bellevre had reſolved to ſend with his own Son; he was choſen to be their Tutour.

With him therefore they departed about the beginning of September, and Peireskius choſe rather to ſet out at the Haven of Cannes then any where elſe, both that he might viſit an ancient Monaſtery ſituate not far off in the Iſland Lerius, as alſo that he might view in paſſing the ancient Monuments of Freius. When they were come to Geniia and had ſufficiently viewed thoſe magnificent Palaces, they were yet to ſaile by Porto-Venere and L'Ericy; but Peiresk us would go the reſt of the way by Land, both becauſe he was ſick at Sea, and becauſe he intended curiouſly to view ſome things which he had in his mind. For he had made himſelf by his own Induſtry a Iournall Book, and was reſolved not ſo to travaile right on from City to City, but if he heard of any thing worthy obſervation here or there, he would turn out of his rode and go thither, if he had a mind to it. For which cauſe, he never of his own accord joyned himſelf in Company with any Strangers; and when others joyned themſelves to him, he would uſe ſome civill excuſe to intimate before hand, that they muſt ſhortly part Company. And theſe digreſſions of his at the very beginning, had like to coſt him dear, for turning out of his way to ſee the Mines of Maſſa, one of the Baudity or Robbers ſo called, had ſo took upon him to be his guide, that unleſſe ſhee had been timely diſcovered, he would have brought him where he ſhould have had his throat cur. Having ſtaid a while at Luca, he deſired to view a rare Cloſet of Curioſities which was at Piſa: but he could not do it before he had viſited Liburnum, and returned thither again. And I remember among other things which he was wont to tell us he ſaw there, how he wondered moſt at a ſprig of Corall which grew upon a dead mans skull: which I therefore obſerve, becauſe this was none of the leaſt reaſons which moved him to go and ſee men fiſh for Corall: of which we ſhall ſpeak hereafter in its place.

Briefly to paſſe over other places, he went from thence thorow Florence, Bononia, Ferraria; and when he had ſtaid a few dayes at Venice, he finally ſettled his abode at Padua. He had been there hardly a few moneths, when his vertue began to be renowned thorow the whole Univerſity. For though he and his brother were frequent hearers and viſiters of the Profeſſours of Law, and namely of Jacobus Gallus, Bartholomaeus Silvatcius, Joachimus Scainus, and Ottonellus Piſcalcius: yet did he viſit all the other learned men of the Univerſity, and quickly brought them into an admiration of him. Among the reſt Thomas Segetus, the very ſame whom Lipſius had commended in the third Century of his Epiſtles, did ſo teſtifie his good will and reſpects unto him, that he put down this by way of preface and title, GENIO GALLIAE NARBONENSIS, INGENIO, ET MATURAE, IMMATURO AEVO, NICOLAI FABRICII VIRTUTI SACRUM PRID. NATAL. CHRISTI M.D.IC. that is, To the Genius of Provence in France; to the wit and in unripe yeers ripe vertue of Nicolaus Fabricius, I conſecrate this teſtimoniall. And that rare man Erycius Puteanus, not only praiſed by Lypſius, and afterward his Succeſſour in the Univerſity, but now already ordained to be, both the Kings Chronologer, and chief Profeſſour of Oratory at Millain, made uſe of this following Inſcription: CUI GRATIAE ADOLESCENTIAM ORNANT, ERUDITIO JUVENTAM, PRUDENTIA SENECTAM; IS ADULESCENS VOLUPTATEM AMICIS CREAT, JUVENIS HONOREM PATRIAE, SENEX UTRUMQUE SIBI. TU VERO, NICOLAE FABRICI, CUNCTA SIMUL AMICIS, PATRIAE, TIBI; IN SPE AETATIS, ET FLOREM JUVENTAE, ET FRUCTUM SENECTAE PROFESSUS. PATAVII ∞ DC. KAL. FEBR. That is, He whoſe youth is adorned by the Graces, his mature age with learning, and his old age with wiſdom, is a Pleaſure to his frieuds in his youth, an Honour to his Countrey in his riper yeers, and both to himſelf, in his old age. But as for thee, O Nicolas Fabricius, Thou art all at once to thy Friends, thy Countrey, and thy Self; for in thy hopefull yeers thou diſcovereſt at once both the bloſſoms of youth and the fruits of old age. 1600. Padna, the Kalends of February 1600. And theſe are the teſtimoniall Inſcriptions, which among many others I thought good to relate.

And as he drew the eyes and attentions of all men, ſo was he beſt known and moſt dear to the renowned Johannes Vincentins Pinellus, who being by originall and blood from Genoa, and born at Naples, made choice of that city, wherein quietly to paſſe his dayes, giving himſelf wholly to promote good Arts and ingenuous Literature. For he had provided a moſt complearly furniſht Library, and a Store-houſe of all moſt exquiſite rarities and curioſities; ſo that he furniſhed all the learned men of that age, both far and near, with ſuch books or other things, as they ſtood in need of. He being moſt skilfull in all curious things, did ſtir up all men to ſtudy, and kept open houſe to entertain the diſcourſes and acquaintance of learned men, both Italians and other Countrey-men. Lipſius, and Scaliger, and Thuanus, and Caſaubon, and Pithaeus, have given teſtimony of his worth; and who not among the learned? He therefore being ſuch a man, fell preſently in love with the Genius of Peireskius, as being ſo very like his own: So that he did both admire and reverence vertue and learning grown up and almoſt come to maturity in a Youth. There are many Letters yet to be ſeen, whereby he teſtified the greateſt familiarity poſſible; one while asking his advice in many particulars about coins, the places where matters mentioned in ſtories had been acted, touching the anſwers which he was to return to the demands of Urſinus, Velſerus, and others: otherwhiles giving him thanks for his interpretations of hard matters & places in anthors, for ſending him books. patterns of rarities, copies of manuſcripts, and other things: ſometimes by way of requitall ſending him ſuch books, rarities, inſcriptions, letters, as he had received lately from Rome, or other parts; otherwhiles inviting him to know, diſcourſe, behold, paſſe his judgement, and the like, all which to particularize would be redious; not to ſpeak of the Letters, which to the number of ſourty he wrote to him, when he was at Venice, Florence, or Rome, all very familiar and full of teſtifications of the greateſt good will imaginable.

Now Peireskius was wont to go once a quarter to Venice, both to receive moneys to defray his neceſſary charges by Bils of Exchange, and alſo to enjoy the ſociety of learned men, lovers of Antiquity, ſuch as Father Paul Sarpi, Dominicus Molinus, and many others; likewiſe that he might ſee what ever in that city was of repute for coſtlineſſe or rarity. To which purpoſe he was very much aſſiſted by the authority of Philippus Canaius Fraxineus, the moſt Chriſtian King of France his Embaſſadour there; he himſelf alſo making ſuch friends, as by whoſe authority he attained the ſight and knowledge of what ever he deſired. The chief of which was Fridericus Contarenus, Procurator of St. Mark, who having a ſtudy richly furniſhed with rarities, was nevertheleſſe unacquainted with the value thereof, till Peireskius ſhewed him what every rarity was, and how to be valued; what the Greek Inſcriptions both of Moneys and Tombs did ſignifie, and the like, by which he gained a ſingular intereſt in his affections. And not onely in his, but his whole Families, which was the riſe of that acquaintance which he had with Angelus Contarenus, when as twenty yeers after he was Embaſſadour for the Republike in France; and with Vincentius Contarenus, who ſix yeers after ſetting out a book of Divers Readings, So far as from France (ſaith he) the moſt noble Nicolas Fabricius, excellently skilled both in the Laws and in all Antiquities, did think ſit very lovingly to advize me. I paſſe over Johannes Mocenicus, who had very rare curioſities, I paſſe over Bembus the Knight, all whoſe ſtock of rarities, in a manner, which he had received by tradition from Cardinall Bembus, he bought up. I paſſe over the Patriarch of Aquileia, in whoſe cloſet he was wont to relate, how he had ſeen to the number of 300 very rare Achates, or Agats, precious ſtones ſo called: beſides many others of other kindes. I will onely relate what Putean being at Venice wrote to Pinellus on the 11th of the Kalends of June, in that Epiſtle of his which is extant, being the 82 of his Promulſis. I was, ſayes he, in the houſe of Scaramellus: I ſaw the monument of Septumia, though to little purpoſe: all things were ſo juſtly expreſſed, that verily I know not whether I ſhould more admire the industry or the memory of our Fabricius, or both, who in great haſte had ſo happily painted it forth, or directed the hand of him that afterward did ſo happily paint and form it. From which we may obſerve how induſtrious and diligent he was in obſerving every thing.

But going to Venice about the end of Auguſt, he diſcovered his longing deſire and deſigne of going to Rome; for though the Porta-ſancta were not to be opened, nor the Jubilee celebrated till the beginning of the following yeer: yet he was of opinion, that if he ſhould wait there ſome moneths beforehand, he ſhould not loſe his time. He had been informed that ſhortly the famous marriage of the moſt Chriſtian King with Maria Medicea, who is now the Queen-mother, was to be celebrated at Florence; and he would not for any thing, but be preſent at the Solemnity to behold the ſame. Wherefore after he had written to Padua, and particularly to Pinellus, ſending him certain Inſcriptions and other things, and withall intreating him to write by him to his friends at Rome: he departed in the beginning of September, hiring a Bark to Ferraria, or at leaſt as far as to Francolin. But he came not to Florence till the twentieth day of the moneth, becauſe what ever he met with worthy the ſight, he ſtayed ſo long as to take a perfect view thereof. But he made his longeſt ſtay at Bonnonia, becauſe Julius Caeſar Velius, who was reputed a moſt exquiſite Antiquary, being much taken with his ſweet converſe, would needs hold him the longer to enjoy his company. Nor could that good old man forbear to write moſt cunning Letters touching his happineſſe in the acquaintance of Fabricius, which were full of wonderfull commendations. Pinellus, I am ſure, cals them moſt cunning Letters, commending Fabricius that he was none of thoſe, who in their travels do nothing but poſt from place to place, and therefore according to that of Seneca, are wont to have many hoſts, but few friends.

Coming to Florence, he received Letters from his parents, and among ſome recommendatory Epiſtles, he found one from Charles of Lorram the Duke of Guiſe and Lieutenant of Provence, to Nicolas Brularrus Sillerius, who was afterward Chancellour of the Kingdom, and at preſent the Kings Embaſſadour at Rome, being come thither to celebrate the marriage. He therefore deſired to have Peireskius and his brother in his family, that by his countenance they might have a more free admittance to ſee every thing. But beſides the Solemnity, he was chiefly delighted to ſee thoſe brave Libraries, where he took notice of, and that I may ſo ſpeak, almoſt adored the monuments both of great princes and of learned men, by whom good letters began to be reſtored to the world. I ſhall not ſpeak in particular of the Pandects, which though they were moſt charily kept up in the palace of the great Duke, yet he found means to ſee them, being well aſſured, that the learned world could not produce a more illuſtrious monument of Antiquity than they were. Alſo he made himſelf friends there, but none, as I remember, more conſtant than Richard Richards, a Student in the knowledge of plants and marbles, who conducted him up and down to ſhew him the publike edifices and gardens. After a moneth he went to Sena where his greateſt care was to ſalute Celſus Cittadinus, who was then writing a book, touching the originall and progreſſe of the Latine and Italian tongues. Finally, departing thence, he came to Rome about the end of October.

Now it is not to be expreſſed, how ſoon he became famouſly known at Rome; not onely becauſe the letters of Pinellus and others, had already made his name renowned; but, alſo principally, becauſe as ſoon as he began to frequent the company of the learned men there, he made them exceedingly both to admire and love him. It were long to recount the excellent Perſonages, whom he there honoured as friends, by all which, for his ſparkling wit and moſt temperate manners, he was highly reſpected: but becauſe I cannot paſſe them all over in ſilence, they that deſerve in the firſt place to be mentioned, are thoſe two great Cardinals, Baronius and Bellarmin. The former of which was aſtoniſhed, when he heard him diſcourſe in his preſence, touching the Inſcriptions inſerted in his Annals, and other abſtruſe points of Hiſtory. And what may we ſuppoſe he thought,1560. when he ſhewed him certain precious ſtones, and divers pieces of coin, upon which the Baſilidians, Valentinians, & other hereticks, were wont to write certain barbarous words, thereby to conceal their opinions? For he had collected many of theſe, to illuſtrate what he had inſerted into his ſecond Tome from the Amethyſt of Fulvius Urſinus, touching the word A B P A Ξ A Ω, or A B P C Ξ, by which the Baſilidians did ſignifie the moſt high God, containing ſeven Angels, which governed the ſeven Heavens; as alſo their 365 Virtues, equall in number to the dayes of the yeer; and this by reaſon of the ſeven letters, and their value in numeration (adding together the numbers, according to the place of each letter in the Alphabet) and ſuch like conſiderations, which he likewiſe afterward explaned in certain Letters to Natalitius Benedictus. But Bellarmin hearing the ſame things, with other matters touching hereſies and all ancient hiſtory, was at a ſtand which he ſhould commend moſt, whether his ſagacity in ſearching out, his ſharpneſſe in conjecturing, his judgement in chooſing, his memory in relating, or his pleaſant and delightfull manner of expreſſing himſelf. But he was juſtly enamoured with his meek and gentle manners: for to omit other inſtances, when he preached in a familiar way to inſtruct his Pariſhioners, he had him for his Auditour, ſitting for the moſt part in the middeſt of the common people.

The next to be mentioned is Jacobus Sirmondus a Jeſuite, even at that time of great repute; for with him he contracted a moſt intimate frendſhip, with whom he did communicate all his ſtudies. The next is Laelius Paſohalinus, who had a moſt goodly Cloſet of Rarities, and who ſo admired his Learning and loved his Diſpoſition, ſo that he had it once in his mind, and was reſolved to give him what ever he had that was rare, to carry away with him: After him comes that ſame moſt renowned Fulvins Urſinus, a name of all others moſt known and framed among the Lovers of Antiquities, who by reaſon of certain Interpretations, which Pincllus had wrote unto him, had a burning deſire to be acquainted with Peireskius, The next is Philippus Pigafetta, to whom whereas Pinellus had not at firſt written, tis wonderfull with what Commendations he did expiate that forgetfulneſſe. After him, comes the ſelf ſame Ghibertus with whom he been already acquainted at Avenion, who went abroad with him and ſhewed him divers things. The next was Paulus Gauldus a Learned Gentleman of Virentia, who alſo led him to many places, and having wondered at him when he ſaw him in the Houſe Pinellus, he was now aſtoniſhed at him in Rome. Alſo Petrus Stephanonus, Dionyſius Octavius Sada, muſt be remembered, and generally all the Learned men which were in the City, with all the Lovers of good Arts and Letters. But we muſt not forget Arnaldus Cardinalis Oſſatus at that time the Kings Argent at Rome, a man ſingularly remarkable for Learning, Prudence, Integrity and ſweetneſſe of manners: who could ſcarſe ever be fatisfied with the Company of Peireskius, and when he came to viſit him, he could never diſmiſſe him without Regret. Nor muſt we forget Abbas Moutanus, Uncle to the Archbiſhops of Arles, who, moved more by the Commendation of the Virtues of Peireskius, then that of his Nephew the Archbiſhop, would have him to be in a manner his perpetuall Gueſt.

It is hard now to expreſs with what eagerneſſe of minde he ſought out diligently all the monuments of Antiquity. For in the Firſt place he deſired to know the ſituation of Rome, and the Grounds which it had contanied. When he ſaw the tops of the mountaines ſo low which he had imagined ſo high, he wondered at it. He was amazed among the reſt to ſee the Hill Palatinus ſo quite deſolate, which was anciently as populous as any. He enquired if by any meanes he might come to know the utmoſt bounds of the Pomaerium both in the times of the Kings and under the Emperors: and as he diligently marked all the gates and waies, ſo did he moſt diligently examine the Aurelian, becauſe of the reliques thereof, which are yet to be ſeen in Provence. Then paſſing through the Quarters and Streets, he would fain know, as much as might be, where ſtood the Temples of the Ancients, their Chappels, Altars, Groves, Sepulchers, Sanctuaries, Schooles, Libraries, Amphitheaters, Theaters, Wraſtling-places, Horſe-race-places, Places to repreſent Seafights, Fields, Muſick-Rooms, Markets, Faires, Granaries, Armories, Baths, Hotbaths, Waters, Bridges, Coloſſuſes, Spires, Columns, Statues and a thouſand other things which in his reading of Authors he had obſerved, and noted into Books which he carried about with him. And he could hardly be ſatisfied with beholding, when he found any ancient piece remaining, whether it were whole or mangled.

In this manner he ſpent many daies about the Pantheon, a rare peice of Architecture, in conſidering the ſame & conferring therewith, all that Ludovicus Demontiſius had reaſoned touching the ſame. Alſo, becauſe he knew there were kept in the Vatican a ſtatue of Hercules, and Laocoon with his two Sons, moſt exquiſite pieces, and eſteemed by Michael Angelus for wonders of Art; therefore he went more then once to view them. Alſo he went divers times to ſee the two ſtatues of Alxander and Bucephalus, which are yet extant as monuments of the famous Carver Phidias and Praxiteles. So, he went divers times to ſee the Sepulcher of C. Seſtius Epulo, in the way which is termed Oſtienſis, becauſe of the moſt ancient and noble Reliques thereof, yet abiding. So he divers times viewed ſundry Obeliſques or Spires, but none oftener, then that of Conſtantine; for the digging up, Tranſportation and erection thereof, he could not ſufficiently praiſe the generous deſigne of Pope Sixtus the fift. So alſo the pillars, but eſpecially one of Traian and another of Antoninus. The former that he might ſatisſie Pinellus, who was not contented with an whole volumne thereof (that is of the Hiſtorie of the two Dacian Wars, waged by Traianus, according as Alphonſus Ciaconus had gathered it out of the Columne) written: and therefore he deſired Peireskius both to get him a more perfect Coppy of that Book; and that he would compare thoſe pictures of Perſons, Armes and Geſtures which were in the Book with what was to be ſeen upon the Columne it ſelf. The latter, that is the the Columne of Antoninus, that he might cauſe the Picture of Jupiter raining gently upon the Army of the Romans, and throwing thunderbolts upon the Head; of their Enemies, to be diligently drawn therefrom. And indeed when afterwards he preſented a draught thereof to Scaliger, to illuſtrate what Euſebius had written of a War between Antoninus and the Germans and Hungarians in the firſt year of the 138. Olympiade: This, ſaid he, is one of the moſt notable things and beſt worthy to be ſeen, among all the Monuments of Antiquitie, which it was my good hap to ſee at Rome.

Nor was he only deſirous to have the pictures of theſe things; but alſo of all other rare Statues, which he ſought out in the Capitoll, in the Vatican, in the Farneſian and Caeſian Houſes; alſo in the Gardens and Vineyards, and, to be brief, in all private and publick places; taking painters with him, for to draw not only Statues and other works which were entire; but alſo broken Statues and the Ruines of ancient Buildings, where ever he met with any. Alſo he was wont to carry along with him certain choiſe Coines, which he would compare wth the ſtatues, ſearching out the Age of every one, and for the moſt part diſcerning the hand of the Workman: for his Acutenes was ſuch, that he could diſcern in a moment, what was truely ancient, and what only by imitation. Alſo he would have Copies of all Inſcriptions ſavouring of Antiquity, endeavouring by his Sagacitie to ſupply ſuch words or Letters as were eaten out, and to reſtore ſuch as were in a manner deſperate. Moreover he peruſed as much as he could, though not ſo much as he deſired, ſuch Manuſcripts as were preſerved in the Vatican Farneſian or other Libraries, and ſuch as ſeemed to him moſt rare, he noted in his Table-book In like manner he noted down the Veſſels, Pfctures, Images, and what ever he met with worthy of obſervation in ſundry Conſervatories of Metals, Conſervatories of Images, Sore-houſes, Studies, Walks, and Galleries: to paſſe over an innumerable Company of things which either he bought with his mony, or by exchange, or had given him; and of which he obtained at leaſt the Patternes, the Figures in moles, the Seals or Stamps. One thing grieved him, viz. that he could neither obtain nor any where ſo much as ſee the Coines of Tullius Hostilius and Servius Tullius mentioned by Goltzius; nor yet thoſe other Coines, mentioned with theſe Inſcriptions Col. Aquae-Sextiae. Col. Arclate. Col. Avenio. Col. Arauſio-Secundanorum, and ſuch like; which in love to his Country, he moſt earneſtly ſought for, but in vain.

By this meanes, he cauſed himſelf to be exceedingly admired, not only at Rome, where all Learned Men were ambitious of his friendſhip, but in ſar remore places, whitherſoever the ſame of him did ſpread it ſelf. And at this time it was, that his great acquaintance began with Natalitius Benedictus, a man moſt amply furniſhed, with moſt exquiſite Rarities, who dwelt then at Fullinium; and with Adolphus Occo a Phyſitian of Augsburge, who was then ſetting out the ſecond time a Book of the Coines of the Roman Emperors: not to ſpeake of thoſe he knew before, as Hieronymus Rubens at Ravenna, Caeſar Nichezola at Verona, Antonius Tolentinus at Cremona, Caeſar Camnanus at Vicentia, and many in other places. But it is wonderfull how famous he grew, at Padua eſpecially, as the Letters ſent him about that time by Laurentius Pignorius do teſtifie; who, though himſelf ſo skilled in Antiquities, did yet profeſſe that he Learned more out of one of his Letters, then out of ten Volumes of Antiquaries. And who admired not only the abundance of the things which he collected, but the rare choice that he made, when as, of two peices, of Conſtantines Coine which were ſent him, he ſaid he knew them as men are wont to know the Lion by his claw. The like Expreſſions were written by Emundus Brutius, Georgius Raguſaeus, Jacobus Papifavius, Martinus Sandellus, and whom I ought to have named firſt, Marcus Cornarus the moſt worthy Major of the City, with whom he afterwards exerciſed friendſhip by Letters as long as he lived. But in what eſteem he was at Padua this one thing does teſtifie, that whereas the Print of a Sapphire being ſent thither from Augsburge, with an Inſcription in which the word Xiphiae did puzzle all the curious Antiquaries; Pinellus writ unto him referring unto him the Examination and Judgment thereof. I omit how he ſatisfied their Doubts, and gave Light to that word, cheifly from Strabo, who from Polybius makes mention of the hunting of the Xiphia, which was a Sea-monſter.

As for what concerns the ſtate of new Rome, there was no Temple College, nor Hoſpital, which he went not into: no magnificent Palace, no famous worke of any of the Popes, which he viſited not: no Picture of Raphael Urbin, Michael Angelo, Polydorus Caraevagius, Titianus, or any other famous Painrer, which he viewed not. Likewiſe the Burning places, and ſecret Caves under the ground, places full of Veneration and Monuments of Chriſtian Pietie and Conſtancie. Alſo he was preſent at the Performance of Religious Ceremonies, as much as he thought he might with ſafety. For, being but or a weakly complexion, he was loath to thruſt himſelf into a tumultuous Crowd of People. And therefore, as concerning the uſuall ſolemnities of the Jubilee, he ſaw and obſerved them as far as he was able; but he committed the Care of ſeeing all cloſe at hand, to his Brother Valavaſius, as being the ſtronger of the two, from whom he was to receive the Relation of all.1601. The ſame he did with Reverence to the Ceremonies (as they are called) of the Lords Supper: about which time, both he and his Brother, that they might ſee the Pope, waiting upon thoſe poor Men whom he daily feeds, and ſitting with them at Table in the ſame Hall; they bought the turnes of Two poor men, and putting on their Cloathes, they were preſent among the reſt, and though the Pope knew who they were, yet he pleaſantly diſſembling his knowledge, and taking no notice of them, they ſaw all.

The feaſt of Eaſter, being over at Rome, and after he had diſtributed divers tokens which he received from home, and alſo had ſent ſome to Pinellus, he journeyed to Naples. It were ſuperfluous to reckon up, how far and how often he went out of his way, to enquire after divers places both in Latium and Campania, celebrated by Authors. Then he was, he ſaid, moſt affected, when he ſaw and diligently viewed thoſe places recorded by Virgil, 1601. as Cajeta, Cuma, and their Reliques; Mons Miſenus the Avernian Lake, and ſuch like. As alſo the Places where they ſay Cicero and Lucullus had their Country Houſes; or where Sciplo Africanus and Virgil were buried: and ſuch other matters relating to great Perſonages. He ſaid moreover, that when he entered into that Cave, or, as Seneca calls it, that long and dark Priſon, viz. the Mountain Pauſilippus, which was dug a mile throrough, which he paſt and repaſt; it grieved him that the Man who had attempted ſo rare an Action, ſo much for the accommodation of Travellers and ſhortening of their Journey, was either altogether unknown, or not certainly known at moſt. For he judged that he was more worthy of Commendation then Xerxes, who warring againſt Greece, did not only ſeparate the Mount Athos from the Continent, but alſo dug a way thorough the midſt of it.

As ſoon as ever he came to Naples, he could not contain himſelf, but he muſt viſit the two Porta's, thoſe famons Bretheren. Now after he was brought in to the elder Brother, whoſe name was Johannes Vincentius, he was ſo taken after a little diſcourſe, that crying out as a man in admiration, he led him in to his younger Brother Johannes Baptiſta, that he likewiſe might be ſtrucken with the like Admiration. And Peiresk • us was wont to relate, that though Johannes Faptiſta was already well in years, and venerable for his hoary haires; yet that he was wont with ſuch Reverence to obſerve the Commands and be at the Beck of John Vincent his Brother, that he could not give more reſpect to the preſence and commands of his Father. And as he of his own accord gave them many things, ſo did he receive the like from them again: nor did he only ſee what ever they kept in their ſtudies, and precious treaſuries, but he was preſent at their Experiments of all kinds almoſt, intimating to them his earneſt deſires that way. Hence it was that he grew exceeding familiar with both of them; and they afterward maintained mutuall friendſhip by divers Letters which paſt between them, and ſundry kindneſſe; they did one for another. He viſited moreover the ſtudie of Ferrans Ineperatus, which was likewiſe very well furniſhed with Ratities of nature: alſo that of Adrian Williams, Mars Gurguſhlola, and of Mathaeus Capuanus Princeof the Conchans although he was fain to go out of the Citty to him. Moreover he diligently ſought out of all Monument; of Antiquity; and certain Columnes, above the reſt, he would needs have drawn out, being of Corinthian work; alſo Apollo with his Tripes, and ſome ſuch live Figures. Alſo he enquired and learnt as much as he could poſſible, touching ſuch Families as had been tranſlated from Naples to Provence, and of ſuch Provencian Families as had been tranſlated from thence to Naples. And knowing that in the Church dedicated to Saint Clare there were many Sepulchers of Kings and Princes of the Royall blood of kin to Charles the Firſt, who (as we ſaid before) was Brother to St. Lewis King of France: therefore he viewed them very lilizently, drew out the chief of them, and writ out the Epitaphs. Moreover he carefully enquired after the Sepulcher of Simon Portius a famous Philoſopher not long ſince deceaſed: for indeed Pinellus had deſired him to enquire if there were any Sepulcher of his to be ſeen, eſpecially with an Inſcription.

There dwelt then at Naples a certain Woman which was famous for her holineſſe and the courſe of life which ſhe led. Shee being called to Rome in the dayes of Pope Gregory the thirteenth, and examined and approved of by the good Bellarmin, was ſaid to be rapt into an extaſie, as ſoon as ſhe received the Euchariſt, ſo that juſt in the poſture wherein ſhe received it, upon her knees, ſo ſhe remained, immoveable and ſtiffe as a ſtake, her eyes being open and ſhe not ſeeing, nor feeling at all over her whole body. And therefore Peiresk • us would not leave that City, before he had ſeen and tryed ſo wonderfull a matter. And indeed he could not obtain his deſire without much ado; but he, as one that could breake thorough all that ſtood in his way, obtained his will at laſt, and carried with him Johannes Porcelletus Malliancus, who was afterwards Biſhop of Toul. He ſaw her therefore and tried her, and when he related it, he was wont to admire whether any ſuch thing could happen by the Art of Man; nor was he eaſie to believe Cardan, who reports that he could caſt himſelf into ſuch a kind of extaſie, as often as he pleaſed.

After he had ſufficiently viewed the Cirty and admired the Elegancie and Pleaſantneſſe thereof, he deſired nothing more, then that he might go to the mount Veſuvius and contemplate that place, where the great Pliny died. That being accompliſhed, he was exceedingly deſirous to ſee Sicilia, and to paſſe as far as to Malta. Now there were three things which he chiefly deſired to ſee, the Straights of Scylla, the Burning of Aetna, and the Antiquities of Syracuſe: but Fonvivius would not conſent, nor would he ever go to any place without his Tutors conſent. Wherefore it ſufficed him to go round about all that Country, and likewiſe to return again to certain places, as towards the Puteoli and Baiae, that he might ſee with his eyes two buildings under ground, which were termed, Piſcina mirabilis and Labyrinthus, that is, the wonderfull Fiſhpond and the Labyrnith, And I know not whether I ſhould add, how when he conſidered the ſhoar near the Puetoli and towards Baiae, and asked to ſee that kind of duſt which would in the Sea-water turn to ſtone; how there was likewiſe diſcovered unto him, among the Sands a certain lead-coloured duſt, wherewith Sculptures, eſpecially ſuch as are made on the Onyx ſtone may be preſerved. And whereas, on that ſhoare Coines were ſound almoſt eaten aſunder, he conceived the cauſe thereof to be ſulphur, which is thought not diſcernable, by ſenſe, in all thoſe Coaſts; a blackiſh Vapour ariſing withall from the Sea, with a corroſive facultie in it.

A month after he went again to Rome, that he might take leave of his friends, beſtowing divers gifts amongſt them, and ſending ſome to other parts. For he had reſolved with himſelf to return to Padua before the Solſtice and great heat ſhould come; and therefore after a few daies he left Rome mourning for his Abſence. He bent his. courſe to Peruſia, both for the Univerſities ſake and that he might behold the Lake of Thraſumen. From thence he turned ande to Eugubium, by reaſon of a Braſen Table which was lately there ſound, with an In cription upon it in the Old Hetruſcan Language. Then having at Aſſiſium ſaluted the Monument of St. Francis, he viſited Natalitius Benedictus at Fullinium, who moſt earneſtly expected him. Then he ſaw at the Mount Falco among the Reliques of St. Clare, three remarkeable found Balls which had heen found in her Gall-bladder being of an exceecing light ſubſtance. Then having done his devotions at the ſo famous Chappell of our Lady of Loretto, he went to Ancona, and from thence to Urbin, that he might get a Licence to peruſe the Dukes Libraries: departing thence to Piſaurum and Ariminum, he came to Ravenna, where Hieronymus Rubens that ſame famous Phyſitian and ſcearcher out of the Antiquities of his Country, longed to embrace him, and to ſhew him, in the very ſeat of the ſecret treaſury, I know not what Reliques of Gothiſh Barbariſme, and the Ornaments of the Emperors and contemporary Kings, with theſe names; ATHALARICUS RIX, WITIGES RIX, THEOD OHA TUS and ſuch like; Alſo to ſhew him certain Ornaments of Gallia placidia in I know not what Church, which Vellius conceived were not ancient: finally that he might give him with his own hand a Coppy of the Hiſtory of Ravenna. From thence he came to Venice, where having ſaluted his friends to their great Contentment, he was deſirous to be thoroughly acquainted with Axtonlus Poſſevinus an excellent Man of the ſociety of Jeſus, to whom when he deſired Letters commendatory, Sirmondus writ Back unto him in theſe words. Why do you ſeek a Broker, ſeeing you are able to make your ſelf known, and beloved, of all you ſhall come to? Finally not many daies after, that is to ſay about the middle of June, he came to Padua, where he was received with ſo much joy, that a Man would have thought, that ſome god of Students was come to Town. But his return did moſt of all rejoyce the good Pinellus, who ſound himſelf drawing towards death, by reaſon of certain Lingring Diſeaſes which had a long time troubled him, and which were now grown worſe then formerly. A day could not ſuffice to hear what he had ſound; not to look upon what he had brought away; nor to underſtand the Interpretations which he made, of ſuch things as ſeemed obſcure. I know not whether I ſhould do well to relate, how Peireskius, being wont to boaſt among his Acquaintance of the happineſs he had in making Baronius and Bellarmin his friends, the good Pinellus was thereby moved to relate what had happened to himſelf touching thoſe two Cardinals? When (quoth he) the Popethree years ago came to Ferrara, they vouchſafed to viſit me, but concealing their names, and in a diſguiſed habit, ſaying that they were only a Couple of Prieſts. I, by their Pictures which I had, knew preſently who they were: but making as if I knew them not, I brought them into that part of my ſtudy where the Pictures of famous men hung, and theirs amongſt the reſt. And ſhewing to Baronius the Picture of Bellarmine, Honeſt friend (quo th I) does not this Picture exceedingly reſemble this companion of yours? And ſhewing Bellarmin the picture of Baromus; Does not this alſo (quoth I) excellently reſemble that companion of yours? Whereupon perceiving that they thinking to deceive, were themſelves deceived, they diſcovered themſelves, and lovingly embraced me.

Furthermore, Peireskius foreſeeing that after a yeer was over, he ſhould be ſent for home again into his own countrey; therefore he ſet himſelf ſeriouſly to the ſtudy of Law, which he had intermitted of late: yet ſo ordering his time, that he had leiſure for many other things. For beſides divers kindneſſes (of which hereafter) performed for learned men, he made continuall progreſſe in the knowledge of abſtruſe Hiſtories and remoteſt Antiquities. Of which he gave a remarkable inſtance, when a controverſie ariſing among the curious, touching the mount Argaeus, he diſcourſed from a jaſper, and divers pieces of money coined at Caeſarea and other places, the originall and the various ceremonies, wherewith that mount was anciently adored in Cappadocia. Alſo he continually ſtudied ſuch languages as he thought might be uſefull to him. For he learnt ſo much of the Hebrew, both in the vulgar and Samaritan character, and of the Syrian Dialect, and the Arabian Idiom, as he thought neceſſary to interpret the inſcriptions of ſhekels, and other ſuch like pieces, being inſtructed by a certain Jew dwelling at Padua, whoſe name was Rabbi Solomon. As for the Greek tongue, he took more pains in the ſtudy thereof, both becauſe of the divers Inſtitutions of the Greek Emperours, and the Originall of the Law it ſelf, which is reckoned to be from Greek fountains; as alſo for the ſtudy of Philoſophy or wiſdome, and the moſt ancient monuments of Poetry and Hiſtory, which remain in that language; alſo for the explication of jewels, marbles, and coins, whoſe inſcriptions are in Greek, in the illuſtration whereof, it ſeemed to him a goodly thing and full of delight to ſpend his ſerious endeavours. And therefore, when he wrote unto any man that was a Lover of Greek, as for example to Occo (who was alwayes accuſtomed to ſtrew his Epiſtles with Greek ſentences) he alſo was wont to teſtifie his learning in that kinde, ſometimes by putting a Greek verſe in the front of his Letters, otherwile interweaving ſome Greek ſentence, verſe or proſe, in ſome convenient place of his Letters; as to the foreſaid Adolphus Occo, when he wrote thus, Fortunate ſenex te divae illius antiquae & venerandae, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 filiae, non jam 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ſed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 duplici nomine Germanum dicent. ſhat is, Happy old man now will the daughters of that aneient and venerable Goddeſſe Mnemoſyne call thee no longer Adolphos,He alludes to his Nation becauſe a German. but Adelphos [that is, Brother] or, frater Germanus, in a twofold reſpect.

Nor was he onely ſtudious of Humanity, but he took great pains alſo in the Mathematicks, being from this time forward dearly beloved of Galileus, whom he firſt grew acquainted with at the houſe of Pinellus, and much admired him for the engin he invented to drain out the waters, which then infeſted the city. Alſo he was very induſtrious to ſearch out the cauſes of wonderfull things in Nature. For he both divers times asked divers Philoſophers, touching thoſe three. Suns and threefold Rainbowes which were ſeen the ſeventh day of February, about the 21 hour of the day. Alſo intending to Philoſophize, touching fiſhes and other things turned into ſtone, he both procured great ſtore of them, and placed them in a corner of his ſtudy, and likewiſe obtained a platform or deſcription of that mount, which at Vincentium abounds with ſuch things. And what any man knew touching things digged out of the earth, minerals and metals, either by rewards, or by gentle intreaties he gained the communication thereof; but eſpecially at Venice, where, as he ſaid, he ſaw and obſerved many rarities in the Arſenall or Armoury there; yet was there nothing, which he more delighted to behold, than the forming of Alum into an octahedricall figure, ſo as to make a body that had eight ſides. Alſo he frequently viſited the rarer ſort of gardens, to ſearch out the ſeverall ſiens and vertues both of homebred and ſorrain plants, intending to ſend ſome of them into Provence, and others likewiſe from Provence, ſometimes to the garden of Pinellus, otherwhiles to other friends. And he was wont to be preſent, not onely at the publike diſſections of the Anatomiſts, but alſo at the private ones of Hieronymus Fabricius ab Aqua Pendente; who out of the ſingular good will he bare to Peireskius, did admit him to be preſent; when of a parcell of eggs upon which an Hen did ſit, he took out every day one, that he might thereby make obſervation of the formation of the Chick, all along from the very beginning to theend. And ſo much as touching his ſtudies.

It ſollows that we now ſhew, how from this time forward learned and ſtudious men did acknowledge that Peireskius had taken the helm of learning in his hand, and began to guide the Common-wealth of Letters. I mentioned before, how that when he came from Rome, the moſt excellent Pinellus began to be worſe than ordinary in point of ſickneſſe, and to tend towards the grave. He therefore, not long after, viz. about the beginning of Auguſt departed this world, neer ſeventy yeers old: to the great grief truly of all good and learned men; but of Peireskius more eſpecially, who accounted him as another father, and did reverence him accordingly. But though he left the whole learned world ſenſible of its loſſe, occaſioned by his death; yet was it a comfort that he ſeemed to have delivered his Lampe to Peireskius, leaving him the ſucceſſour of his virtues and ſtudies. For he had ſo moulded himſelf according to the manners of Pinellus; he became ſo animated with the ſtudie of noble and brave things, and advancing of good Arts, that he might juſtly be thought to have inherited his heroicall virtues. For the clearer evincement whereof, I ſhall collect ſome teſtimonies to witneſſe the truth of what is ſuggeſted in this particular.

And in the firſt place I ſhall cire the famous Paulus Gualdus, who wrote the life of Pinellus, and of whom mention was lately made. He, after he had lamented the death of that worthy man, and ſaid, That Nature was ſparing in her production of ſuch perſonages, and that they had need to live Met huſelahs age, who ſhould look for another Pinellus, viz. ſuch an one, whoſe ſtudy might reſtore the ſtudies of Humanity to their ſplendour, whoſe riches might be laid out in collecting the moſt renowned books; and whoſe Dignity might be a Patronage to learned Men; at laſt he adds. Verily, if our Age ſhall produce ſuch another, ſure I am it cannot be any ſave Nicolas Fabricius a French-man of Aix in Provence, a moſt renowned young Gentleman, who at Rome and Padua, when he was but a youth in compariſon, did ſo earneſty and eagerly embrace Pinellus and his ſtudies, that he ſeemed to us, and all learned men delighted with theſe ſtudies, a very Miracle.

This was indeed an excellent Prediction: But let us conſider likewiſe the Wiſh of Erycius Puteanus, then (as we ſaid before) Profeſſor of Eloquence and Chronologie at Millain. He writing to Peireskius, O the wound (quoth he) Which we have received by the death of Pinellus! That never to be forgotten man is gone away, ſatisfied with honour and renown, and ſecure of his own fame: But he hath left us in Griefe and want and the muſes in mourning weeds. Who ſhall ſtand up in his ſtead and take ſorrow from us and Sack-cloath from the muſes? Not only Learning but Wealth alſo is requiſite for ſuch a work. Who will be the Man? Does mymind deceive me? or are you the man called to this work to be what Pinellus was? I wiſh it, I vow it; and ſo God ſave thee thou hopefull young man. And here peradventure it will not be unpleaſing to inſert the anſwer of Peireskius; which was in theſe words, You tear my ſoul in pieces with grief while you rip up that wound which is made in my mind by the Death of that incomparable man. 'Tis not without cauſe you double your mournfull and ſorrowfull words; you juſtly bewaile our hard hap; and cauſe enough you have, while you invite us all to mourn, and exclaime, Who will take grief from us and Sackcloath from the Muſes? But in the Concluſion you make us laugh, when, as if you would propheſie, you, add that I ſhall be what Pinellus was; and ſeriouſly wiſh the ſame, as if it were a thing poſſible. Which is all one: as if when an huge Fir-Tree is Cutt down, you ſhould wiſh that ſome low ſhrub, might aequal the Strength & Tallneſſe thereof. But your love to me forced this vow and wiſh from you, when you were thinking of ſome other thing, for which I ſuppoſe you never imagined you ſhould he called in queſtion. And in caſe, I wiſhing and vowing the ſame thing to you, ſhould ſay with the Poet TUNUNC ERIS ALTER AB ILLO, THOU SHALT TO HIM SUCCEED, theſe, I am ſure, who thoroughly know you, will ſay, that I am no vain Prophet; for in this caſe there is need of your help and not of mine. A witty and neat anſwer verily; how beit he takes no notice of that which was moſt truly ſaid by Putean, that to undergo ſuch a ask there was alſo need of Wealth as well as Learning.

There were likewiſe other very elegant Letters which paſſed betwixt them, one of which is printed in the ſecond Century of the Epiſtles of Putean, wherein about the beginning of the next year which was 1602. he, after a moſt becoming way, complaines, that he was termed Deorum Genus one of the immortall Race of the Deities. There were, I ſay, other Letters written: but I have collected what is uſefull to my preſent purpoſe, by which it is eaſy to undentand, how fitly Janus Gruterus in the Preface to his great Volume of Inſcriptions, did joyne together by way of Commendation Erycius Puteanus and N'colaus Fabricius, calling them, Young men who excell all others.

Whouſe to haunt the Muſes ſacred Springs, And drink dry Aganippes Waterings.

Moreover, that great Volumne was in the Preſſe, when Pinellus departed this life: and Peireskius ſupplied ſuch things as were to be inſerted thereinto, not only out of the Treaſuries of Pinellus; but alſo from what he had obſerved and written-out at Rome, Venice, and other Places: as appears by that which is ſo frequently read at the bottome of the Inſcriptions, Ont of the Papers of Nicolaus Fabricius.

I come now to Marcus Velſerus, at whoſe requeſt Gruterus obtained thoſe Papers. He was almoſt equall to Pinellus, and his ſingular friend, flouriſhing at Augsburg, where he was one of the two that Governed the City. Though I hold my tongue, his own writings, and all Learned men having had experience of his munificent and moſt ready Aſſiſtance, do ſufficiently ſpeake, how brave a man he was, and how great a ſoule he had. Velſerus therefore, in Letters which he wrote to Peireskius, did teſtifie that he ſo highly valued him and his friendſhip, that there was nothing that Pinellus leſt behind him, which he had rather inherit: yea and he alſo not only acknowledging him to be the heir of the Virtues of Pinellus, but conjecturing that he ſhould be likewiſe the ſucceſſor of his own, he began to love him as if he had been his Son. not ceaſing ſo long as he lived, by frequency of Letters to reſtifie his affection. In this one thing he dealt hardly with him, conſtantly refuſing to let him have his Picture, which Reſolution he held towards all others, that moſt paſſionately deſired the ſame.1602. Yet Peireskius cauſed him, as he had done ſome others, to be drawn when he knew not of it, hiring a Painter to ſtand in a ſecret place, where he might ſee his Countenance. And ſo he obtained what Occotold him it was in vain to hope for, when he received this anſwer from Velſerus, Cato major was deſirous that Poſterity ſhould enquire, why no Statue had been erected for him: contrarily, it lies me in hand, I ſuppoſe to take heed, leaſt any hereafter ſhould, wonder if not diſdaine and ask, what Ambition it was, that made me creep into the Society of thoſe famous men, whoſe Images or Pictures, Fabricius pretends to Collect. I forbear to tell how excellently our Peireskius anſvvered that paſſage of his: for, writing back to Occo, Cato (quoth he) ſaid both wittily and diſcreetly, that he had rather poſterity ſhould enquire why he had no Statue, then why a ſtatue was erected in Memorie of him; yet he never, that I ever read of, refuſed to ſuffer himſelf to be painted or figured out in a Statue; witneſſe thoſe many Figures of him, which go up and down even at this day. And therefore neither ought Velſerus, the true Picture of Cato, to refuſe the ſame; to which end I pray you entreat him, that he may not refuſe, and give not ever (I again beſeech you) untill you have perſwaded him.

After Velſerus, Joſephus Juſtus Scaliger muſt follow, that renowned Perſon, more famouſly known then, to need my Commendation. He (I ſay) muſt follow to make it appear how freely and cheerfully Peireskius devoted himſelf to him and other Learned Men. For he, truly, exceedingly applauded his own good fortune, that ſuch a friend had ſucceeded into the Place of Pinellus. That you may underſtand the occaſion, it was thus. Scaliger had writ to Pinellus, to procure him, certain Hebrew Books, alſo certain Coines of the Scaligers that had been Princes; and ſent with all certain things of his own and fathers wriring, which they had written with their own individuall hands; alſo both their Pictures, as he had deſired him. Carolus Cluſius wrote at the ſame time, and ſent one of his Books of the Hiſtory of rare Plants, and the Picture of Lobelius which was deſired: not to ſpeake of the Letters which Scaliger ſent to Carolus Leberoneus Biſhop of Valence, who dwelt then at Padua. They came to Padua when not only Pinellus was dead, but Caeſar alſo the Duke of Atheruntium was gone out of the City, who was Pinellus his Brothers Son. And becauſe he had left Order with Gualdus, that if any Letters came to his Uncle, he ſhould receive them & ſend them to him to Naples; therefore Gualdus received all, and before he ſent them, did make Peireskius therewith acquainted. Whereupon Peireskius ſet pen to paper and wrote back to Scaliger, acquainting him with the death both of Pinellus and the Biſhop, and aſſuring him that what he had ſent would be thankfully accepted by the ſoreſaid Caeſar: he took upon himſelf the Care of procuring thoſe Hebrew Books, and Coines, which he had deſired Pinellus to get for him: promiſing that he would at leaſt by the firſt opportunity ſend him ſome which he had already, offering alſo to communicate ſome other things in his Cuſtody, tending to the Illuſtration of the familie of Scaligers, which becauſe he had in Veneration, he added, that he could not let thoſe Pictures of him and his Father go, before he had procured Copies of them. He wrote, in like manner, to Cluſius; and it cannot be expreſſed, how much they profeſſed themſelves obliged to ſo generous a diſpoſition and ſuch ſingular Humanity. Which occaſioned this ſpeech of Scaliger in a Letter to Velſerus, which is inſerted into the third Book, in which, I received (quoth he) thoſe Coines of the Familie of Scaligers together with yours and our friend Fabricius his Letters; for which I give you thanks. I have not yet received thoſe Hebrew Books, which he ſent me out of Italie; becauſe they are among the goods of Raphelengius, which are not yet arrived. As ſoon as I ſhall receive them, I will both write to him, to give him thankes, and you ſhall be ſure to hear again from me. Now this Letter was written, on the fourth of the Ides of May.

And to acquaint you with ſome others to whom he cheerfully lent his aſſiſtance: In the firſt place, what ever Pinellus had taken in hand in favour of Learned men, he endeavoured with all his might, to accompliſh and bring the ſame to perfection. For he left no ſtone unturned, nothing uneſſaied that he might effect what Pinellus had promiſed to Proſper Alpinus a very famous Phyſitian, about the gayning of a Treatife touching a third Sect of Methodicall Phyſitians. And whereas we ſhould ſpeake of thoſe, whom after the example of Pinellus he aſſiſted, one may ſerve inſtead of all, viz. the foreſaid Pignorius; who interpreting the Table, of Iſis (that is to ſay a famous Brazen table, full of Aegyptiun Hieroglyphicks, which being a Relick of Petrus Bembus the Cardinall, was at that time kept as a rarity, in the Library of the Duke of Mantua,) gives thankes in the firſt place to Velſerus, but then adds, and to Nicolas Frabricius Lord of Chalaſium, a young Gentleman moſt illuſtrious by the Splendor of his family and and his own profound Learning; who has not only bountifully communicated, moſt rare reliques of Antiquitie (wherewith he is moſt richly furniſhed) for the uſe of my ſelf and other ſtudents; but has been very careful that we might have the uſe of the Rarities of othermen. By his Induſtrie it is, that not only at Venice, I have upon all occaſious had acceſſe to the rare Coines, and prccious ſtones of the moſt illuſtrious Fridericus Contarenus, Procurator of St. Marke; and of Johannes Mocenicus: but alſo at Rome, I was admitted to the rich Treaſurie of that gallant man, Laelius Paſcalinus, out of which I was furniſhed with Coines, Gemms, Seales; all rare. From the ſaid Fabricius, I muſt acknowledge to have received all, which I publiſh to the world, out of the precious Treaſuries of Natalitius Benedictus, from which theſe Augmentations of ours have received both ſtrength and ſpirit. For, all which we have produced, to Illuſtrate the Hiſtory of Epiphanius, Irenaeus, and the other Fathers, touching their cudgelling of the ancient Sectaries, came from thence. Theſe things I have ſet down at large; becauſe they confirme much of what has been ſaid before.

And I ſhall add, as touching Pignorius, how when he wrote his book of the Antiquities of Padua, Peireskius procured for him of Johannes Vincentius Porta, that which he afterward did commit to writing, as alſo Philippus Tomaſinus, touching an arm of Titus Livius, viz. how the Citizens of Padua took an arm from among the bones of Titus Livius (which they kept) and beſtowed it upon that renowned Patron of learning, Alphouſus King of Arragon, he moſt earneſtly, by Antonius Panormita his Embaſſadour, deſiring the ſame in the yeer of Chriſt, 1451. And when no body knew what was become of this arm, Peireskius took occaſion to ſend certain tokens to Porta, as it were in recompence of the Effigies of a certain marble, wherein was expreſſed the ancient manner of putting Souldiers ſub jugum, under the yoke or Gallows; and withall, earneſtly deſired him to write him word, what he could, by his great ſagacity, diſcover touching the ſaid arm. Who returned him by way of anſwer, that neither King Alphonſus being prevented by death, nor yet Panormita, could accompliſh the buriall of the ſaid arm, according as they deſired: but his ſucceſſour, being Secretary of State, had placed it under a marble ſtone, without the Oratory, with this Inſcription: Here lies the arm of Titus Livius the Hiſtoriographer, which was in times paſt procured by Antonius Panormita, and many yeers after, buried in this place, by Johannes Jovianus Pontanus. Nevertheleſſe, this marble had not been ſeen for many yeers laſt paſt, by reaſon of a Chappell built thereupon, by a Covent of I know not what Friers.

Moreover, as Peireskius was bountifull towards Pignorius; ſo was he likewiſe to Ulyſſes Aldrovandus, that ſame famous writer of the Hiſtory of all kind of living Creatures; who had of him many Coines, eſpecially Aſiatick towards the Illuſtration, of what he had already publiſhed touching the Symbolicall uſe of Living Creatures, and was now again fitting for the Preſſe. And he writing from Bononia, did very gratefully promiſe, to make honourable mention, of him by whom he had been aſſiſted: but being ſoon after taken blind, he could not perform what he had promiſed. Johannes Baptista Villalpandus promiſed the ſame thing, careſully enquiring after his Name, Country, and Condition, that he might acquaint the world, from whom he had received the Shekels, and many others things towards the amplification of his Treatiſe of Hebrew Mony, after thoſe large Commentaries upon Ezechiel. Alſo, it falls here fit to tell, how Sirmondus, though he would receive of Peireskius at his departure from Rome, no Coines but ſuch of which he had two at leaſt of a ſort; yet he deſired and obtained of him, after he was come back to Padua, more then two hundred of Greek Coines alone. For he had collected at that time above a thouſand of that kind, which had never been ſo much as mentioned by ſuch as wrote of Coines: and having ſuch as had been coined both before and after the Roman Empire, in all the chief Citties of Greece and Aſia, of which he made up the Succeſſion of the Princes of the Selucidae, from Alexander to the Romans: for this cauſe, Sirmondus deſired to know this ſucceſſion, that after the Example thereof, he might ſet down and make a ſucceſſion of the Princes of Aegypt. But we muſt not dwell too long upon theſe matters.

To proceed therefore having ſpent now almoſt three years in Italie, he began to make proviſion for his return. And, he was, indeed, deſirous to paſſe from Venice to Augsburge, both that he might there viſit Verſerus and Occo: as alſo that from thence he might, paſſing along the River Danow, view the bordering parts of Germany and Hungary, and paſſe at laſt through the Euxine Sea and Thracian Boſphorus unto Conſtantinople, intending afterwards to travell as much of the Grecian Territories as he could, But Fonvivius his Tutor was abſolutely againſt that motion, either becauſe he thought his Father and his Uncle would not approve of it, as being too long a digreſſion and very full of hazard; or elſe becauſe he himſelf was called back again to Paris. Peireskius therefore not in the leaſt daring to do any thing contrary to his Tutors mind, ordered his Buſineſſe ſo, that in the firſt place he did by Letters take leave of all his friends in Italie, of whom he could not take leave in Perſon, and by the tender of his ſervice, and tokens alſo for the moſt part added thereto, he obliged them unto him. So he did likewiſe by his Friends in other Countries, and eſpecially Scaliger, to whom beſides the things aforeſaid, he ſent certain Coines which he had newly received from his friends at Verona, and ſome other things appertaining to the Family of Scaligers. Then he collected all the rare Books, Gemmes and other exquiſite things he could come by: thinking with himſelf, that he ſhould not find ſuch plenty in his own Country. Being ready to depart, he put them all, with his other baggage into certain Cheſts, which he directed to Genüa, from thence to be conveigh'd to Marſcilles: he only reſerved ſome things which were moſt rare and colly, to go with himſelf, and fare as he fared. For, when he had viewed what he thought good in Liguria, he was defirous to paſſe through Gallia Ciſalpina and ſo come to Lions, there to ſee how he might receive Letters from his friends, and to ſend to them again. Finally, leaving hehind him a great miſſe of himſelf, at Padua eſpecially, and at Venice (not to ſpeake of Augs-burge, where Velſerus failing of the exſpectation he had to ſee him, mourned as if he had loſt halfe his Soul) he began his journey.

He made his firſt ſtop at Vicentia to ſalure his friends there, and to ſee that Mountain, whoſe delineation he had deſired; as we before hinted. Alſo he viewed at Guſtoſa that ſame conveighance of the wind by pipes and channells: alſo he heard and ſet down in his Table-Book, the Hiſtory of him that brought the wind out of a place a good way off, through a paſſage under ground into his houſe, in ſuch manner; that at laſt, he could cut, and diſtribute the ſame, this way and that way as he pleaſed himſelf. He came then to Verona, where his chief care was to look after the Sepulchers of the Scaligers; the Pictures whereof, becauſe he could not then obtain, he did afterward compaſſe them by the medi • tion of Caeſar Nichezola and Marcus Antonius Montanus. When he was at Mantua, there he ſaw and noted down many things in the Dukes Chamber of Rarities, ſo that when ſome years ſince he underſtood, that it was plundred, when the Germans deſtroyed the City, he could ſcarce ſufficiently comfort himſelf for many daies together; ſuch a loſſe he e • eemed it. Among the reſt, he curionſly viewed that ſame AEgyptian Table, that he might ſatisfie many ſcruples, of Pignorius thereabouts. Having ſeen Cremona, he would needs ſtep aſide to Brixia and Bergamus, and come to Millain, where not only Putean and the two Septalii, and other friends; but eſpecially that never to be enough praiſed Arch-biſhop and Cardinall Fridericus Borromaeus, Founder of the Ambroſian Library, which even then began to be frequented, did moſt courteouſly entertain him many daies together. From thence, departing through Ticinum, Novaria and Verſellis, he came to Taurinum, and thence over the Alpes to Geneva; were having run over many Bookes, and viewed the Lake Lemmanus, he went to a village called Tononom, that he might become an Eyewitneſſe of thoſe wonderfull things which were then ſaid to be performed by perſons poſſeſſed with the Divell. Having paſſed over the Lake, and viewed the bordering parts of Switzer-Land, he was pleaſed to performe his devotions at the famous Church of St. Claudius, eſpecially praying for the Health of his Uncle being of the ſame name. From thence he would have gone out of his way to Semurium, that he might ſalute that ſame David, who was ſometimes his Maſter, and to ſee thoſe Houſes, in which Genebrardus died three years before: but the condition of affaires in Burgundy being altered and made dangerous, by the Faction of Marſhall Biron did deterre him from that Purpoſe. He turned therefore aſide to Lions rather, where receiving mony he bountifully remunerated his Tutor, who was (as we hinted before) to go to Paris.

Moreover, though he loved his Country and Parents, yet he cunningly deſired not to go directly home, but to depart to Mon-pellier, where Julius Pacius of Beriga, a Lawyer of Vicentium, was reported to profeſſe Law with great Commendations. For becauſe he had not ſatisfied himſelf in the ſtudy of the Lawes, and was reſolved neither to require nor accept the Title of Doctor, without gaining ſingular honour in teſtification of his Learning; therefore he would not go home, leaſt he ſhould be compelled whether he would or no, to commence Doctor, and that he might firſt become more Learned under ſo famous a Profeſſor. And therefore he went to Monpellier about the beginning of July, and preſently put himſelf and his Brother to board with Pacius. And he preſently acquainted his Father and his Uncle with his Intentions, who never ſuſpecting ſuch a thing, were ſomewhat afraid, leſt that he had not ſufficiently plied his Law-ſtudies in Italie. For beſides his going aſide to Mon-pellier, they ſaw ſufficiently, both by the Cheſts which they received from Genüa, and thoſe remaining choiſer Rarities, of which he disburthened himſelf at Mon-pellier, that he muſt needs beſtow ſo much time in the Collection and knowledge of them, that there would remaine little or none, to ſtudy the Lawes.

Which when he came to underſtand he made a kind of Apologie, whereby to remove that ſuſpicion, viz. That he had cut off none of the time which was due to his Law-Studies; but look what houres other young Men did beſtow in Games and Plaies, in Compotations, or Dalliance with women, that he ſpent in gaining of Antiquity. And that Maſſe of Antiquities which they ſaw, was at leaſt a token, that the money which he had been furniſhed with, was not conſumed in naughty and Diſſolute Living. And that he likewiſe knew, that the ſtudy of antiquity was not unuſefull towards the knowledge of the Lawes, ſeeing without that, moſt places of the Digeſts and the Codes could not be underſtood; and that they themſelves might find ſo much by experience, ſeeing for example ſake Interpreters knew not what to make of thoſe Virtolas ex Smaragdis often mention'd by Ulpianus and Paulus which himſelf could underſtand, by meanes of ſome which he had got at Rome out of certain Ruines, and which he would ſend to them; A thing which had not been ſeen now for many Ages together. That there was likewiſe among his Baggage, many reliques of that kind of mony which the ancients termed Aes grave (becauſe they were wont to weigh it) and among the many parts of the Roman As, there was a Quadrans, which upon the one ſide had the image of a Sow by meanes of which and other pieces ſtamped in like manner with a Bull and a Sheep, money was termed Pecunia a Pecudibus, from Beaſts marked upon it. Alſo they ſhould find almoſt innumerable things beſides, of which to hear him diſcourſe in their preſence, muſt needs be a matter of delight unto them both. Finally that both himſelf and his Brother had placed themſelves with Pacius, not becauſe they thought themſelves leſſe knowing in the Laws, then others of their years; but becauſe they deſired to know ſomewhat more excellent and beyond all others.

This defence which he made for himſelf did wonderfully pleaſe his Parents, and his Uncle eſpecially, who was inflamed with ſo great a deſire to ſee him, that ere three moneths were well over, he would needs ſend for him home. He came away therefore; and reached his Fathers Houſe in the moneth of November: but he brought Pacius along with him, that ſo he might avoid being kept at home, if by no other meanes, yet at leaſt under the pretence of accompanying Pacius back again. But his Brother was left behind, becauſe being then newly recovered from ſickneſſe, he could not undertake the journey with ſafety. It is not my purpoſe in this place to recount, with what exultation Peireskius was entertained when he came home, nor how highly Pacius was reſpected. I ſhall only ſay, that the rare Man, Guillelmus Varius, who was then Preſident of the Senate of Aix, and was afterward (as ſhall be told in its place) made Chancellour, could not ſufficiently admire ſo excellent a wit, and ſo rare Learning, joyned with ſo much modeſty; nor be ſatisfied with asking and hearing what he related ſo knowingly, ſo clearly, and with ſo much ſweetneſſe.

A few daies after being upon this return with Pacius to Mon-pellier, he would needs go out of the way to ſhew him the Fountain De Vau-Cluſe, not more famous for the plentifull ſtreames of water iſſuing therefrom, then for the Loves of Petrarch and Laura: as alſo that tryumphant Arch, which is to be ſeen at Orenge thought to be built C. Marius, thought he judged it to be rather the work of Fabius Maximus; and likewiſe the City of Avenion, and the Bridge of Wardon or Guardon, built with a triple row of Arches, and certain rarities at Niſmes, which he had not before ſeen, though he had been there two years together.

Now as ſoon as he returned, he fell to ſtudy the Lawes with ſo much Alacritie, that he daily ſpent ten whole houres therein; yet he was wont every day to ſpend ſome hours, eſpecially towards Bedtime, in the ſtudies of Humanity and Antiquity. Which Pacius did not wholly diſlike, being wonderfully delighted to hear him diſcourſe of divers things, eſpecially belonging to the ancient Lawes; yea, and he did not only give way, but advized him, I may ſay, to ſee thoſe ancient Monuments of Antiquitie at Narbon; but eſpecially that Altar which was vowed and dedicated to Auguſtus, of which being digged up thirty years before, he got the Picture printed at Burdeaux with the Illuſtrations of Elias Vinetus. For, the Book of Inſcriptions of Gruterus, was not as yet brought unto him, in which he afterward obſerved, that the Tribuneſhip of Auguſtus, which Tacitus records to have been the 37th. in order, was by this very Inſcription the thirty eighth.

Moreover, becauſe Pacius was very willing to diſcourſe of matters pertaining to naturall Philoſophy; he took all occaſions to ask him Queſtions touching the more abſtruſe cauſes of Nature; eſpecially at ſuch houres as were allowed him for his Recreation. Thus happening one night upon certain ſcales of fiſhes, that ſhone in the darke, he gathered them together, and conveighed one privately into the ſtudy of Pacius; and afterwards entring with him, he on purpoſe, put out the Candle which he carried before him, that he being firſt amazed and then wondering at the light, he might ask him the Cauſe thereof. Pacius referred it to the Heat which was cauſed by Putrefaction. But Peireskius asked him, Why therefore the Heat could not be felt, neither in thoſe Scales, nor in rotten peices of wood? Why heaps of Corne growing hot by putrefaction, and quick lime wet with water and other things being ſo very hot, did not ſhine in like manner? Why, if glow-wormes ſhine by reaſon of heat, other living Creatures which are much hotter, ſhould not alſo ſhine? To which Pacius anſwered, that the Heat which the Schooles call virtuall might ſuffice; and that befides, a certain diſpoſition in the matter was requiſite, which is found in things which are not hot to the ſenſe, but not in thoſe which are ſenſibly hot. I ſhall not ſtand to ſay how that when theſe and ſuch like reaſons could not ſatisfie Peireskius; nothing ſeemed to him more probable, then that all light is a kind of flame, though very thin and exceeding ſubtile: which may be known by the Light of the Sun, which being contracted and thickened is wont to burn; juſt as a vapour, is nothing but rarified water, which being again compacted and thickened, reaſſumes the forme of water. And whereas the direct or primary Light of the Sun, is yet pretty compact, ſo as it gives a ſenſible Heat; yet the reflected or ſecondary Light thereof, becomes ſo thinne that the Heat thereof is not perceptible by ſenſe. And therefore it is no wonder, that the ſmal Light of fiſh-ſcales and ſuch like things is not ſenſibly hot, ſeeing it is much more ſubtile then the Secondary Light of the Sun, in preſence whereof it becomes inviſible. And that hotter things do not ſhine; the reaſon may be, that the vehemency of the heat ſtirs up foule vapours and ſmoakie fumes, which ſuffer not the imbred light to flow out pure, ſo as to become viſible.

Moreover, being very curious in the knowledge of Anatomie and Plants; for that cauſe, as often as he could, he would get into the Kings Gardens (which had been four years in furniſhing) unto Richerius Bellivallius, who was Teacher of both, unto whom the Company of Peireskius was allwaies moſt wellcome and delightfull. Alſo he went oftentimes to Franciſeus Ranchinus, who adorned his rare skill in naturall Philoſophie and Phyſick by adjoining thereto the knowledge and ſearch of Antiquities. Touching Johannes Dortomannus, what ſhall I ſay, whoſe rare Learning and ſingular Affection towards him, he was ever wont to commend? He made uſe of him for his Phyſitian. When he had a Light Feaver, and was vexed with a more greivous paine of the Hemorrhoids then formerly he had felt, alſo with ſome difficulty in making his water. I know not whether I ſhould add that which he often related, how Dortomannus viſiting him upon a time when he was ſick, and being demanded why he came latter then he was wont to do, made anſwer, that he came from a memorable Conſultation about a woman of Beaucaire, who had been with Child three and twenty moneths. She being married the ſecond time, and having in her former husbands daies brought forth divers Children with whom ſhee had gone Nine-moneths; by her latter husband ſhee brought forth three; the firſt of eleven months,1603. the ſecond of fourteen, the third of eighteen: & becauſe from the danger of her foregoing Labours, ſhee judged that the greateſt danger of all was impendent from this fourth; therefore ſhee conſulted with Phyſitians, to know how ſhee might (if poſſible) eſcape this danger likewiſe. And I remember that I objected that he ſhould conſider whether it was not the ſame woman whom not long ſince Antonius Saporta and other Phyſitians, from ſome ſuch occaſion concluded to be out of her wits. But he avouched it was another, adding that ſhee not long after brought forth a child, with long haire and Teeth; and that ſhe got her Husband to promiſe her, that he would touch her no more in a carnall way.

But be it how it will (for I ſhall not undertake for the truth of this ſtory): partly by reaſon of Sickneſſe, and partly becauſe of his vehement ſtudying, it fell out that he wrote ſeldome to his friends. Whence it followed, that having forborn to write for four whole moneths together, ſome Letters alſo which he had ſent into Italie being loſt, it was frequently reported at Rome and Padua that he was dead; and Pignorius wrote a conſolatory Letter to his Father; But Gualdus finding the report to be falſe, wrote unto him as to one raiſed from the dead, ſweetly calling him cruell, becauſe by his negligence in writing he went about to kill with grief ſuch good and conſtant friends. For, they would not allow of what he had wrote, how, that he muſt expect to hear ſeldom from him, till he had finiſhed his ſtudies of the Law. Wherefore, he was in concluſion compelled to write often; and not only to his Italian friends, but alſo to Velſerus, Scaliger, and Cluſius. And becauſe it was too far about, to ſend Letters from Augsburge and Francfort to Holland, therefore Scaliger advized, that they ſhould mutually ſend their Letters to Paris, to that ſame rare preſident Jacobus Auguſtus Thuanus, whoſe renown is vaſter then to be comprehended by any Commendation. For becauſe Scaliger had found by experience, both that he exceedingly loved him, and that out of his ſingular Reſpect to all good all Learned men, he was moſt ready to do him any office of Love; therefore he made no ſcruple to commit the care of ſuch Letters as ſhould come from both of them to him. So that upon this occaſion firſt of all, began that great Acquaintance between Peireskius and Thuanus, which was afterwards cheriſhed and maintained betwixt them.

But he wrote moſt frequently (and good reaſon) to his Farher and Uncle: but chiefly that he might not be called home till the end of that year which was, 1603. And becauſe he knew that the Cittizens of Aix were at that time endeavouring to procure not only a Roiall Colledge for the ſtudy of Humanity and Philoſophie; but alſo to adorne their ancient Univerſitie and make it illuſtrious with Kings Profeſſors; therefore writing to his Parents, he was very earneſtly carefull, that there might be a Large ſtipend allowed the chiefe Profeſſor of Law to the end that Pacius might be called to that Univerſitie. For he very well knew that both the Count Palatine and the Overſeers of the Univerſitie did invite him with mighty promiſes to Heidelberge, where he had already for divers years together given a ſufficient proofe of his abilities; but he was both deſirous that the Univerſitie of Aix might boaſt it ſelf of ſuch an Ornament; and he was likewiſe troubled that he ſhould faile of the great hopes he had conceived, to make him at laſt a Roman Catholick.

But when he could no longer withſtand the Deſires of his Uncle, who having reſigned to him his Senatorian Dignity, had, ever ſince the beginning of the year, laboured to get the Kings Patent; he came at laſt to Aix, that he might receive the degree of a Doctor; which was neceſſarily required. But he came not before he was perfectly exerciſed, getting leave to defer his coming till the latter end of the year, both that he might bring Pacius with him to keep his Chriſtmas there, and that in the mean time he might the better prepare himſelf to keep divers Acts. For ſeeing it was then the Cuſtome in the Univerſitie of Aix, that no man ſhould be admitted Doctor, before that (beſides other trialls) he had defended his Theſes three daies together; therefore it was neceſſary for him to collect Miſcellaneous Theſes, both out of the civil and Common Law, and to cauſe them to be printed. Moreover, becauſe being upon one day to receive the Doctorall Ornaments from his Uncle, and reſolving to confer them the next day himſelf upon his Brother; therefore he would have time to ſearch for ſuch things as might be requiſite to explaine the Original and Antiquitie of theſe doctorall Enſignes and Badges.

He came therefore at laſt with Pacius to Aix in Mid-winter:1604. though he took not his Degree, till the 18. of January the year following. It would peradventure be tedious, if I ſhould but briefly run over the heads, of the things which, with large teſtimony of his Learning, he diſcourſed in thoſe ſeverall Acts which he performed for his Degree. Let it ſuffice to ſay, that he carried himſelf with ſo much alacrity and vigour, that he did not only raviſh all the by-ſtanders with admiration; but he ſeemed alſo to Pacius even very much to exceed himſelf. Two daies after, when he was to confer the Doctorall Ornaments upon his Brother, it cannot be expreſſed with what ſweet content he filled the Minds of his Hearers. For, from a certain ſtatue of Metrodorus; with his hat, Arcadian Cap, and Labells, with his Philoſophers Cloake, and ring on his leſt hand: alſo from certain Statues of Hippocrates with the like Cloake and an Hood upon it: from a certain Inſcription of Eubulus Marathonius, and a Statue with Labels, not about his Neck but his Head: from the like Statues of Plato, Theophraſtus, Phavorinus, and others: out of certain Gothick Pieces, upon which there were Mitres not much unlike Caps; in a word, out of innumerable other Monuments; he ſhewed how the uſe of theſe Ornaments came from the Greeks to the Latines, and ſo down to us; and how from the Philoſophers and ancient Prieſts, it was by degrees introduced among the Profeſſors of ſeverall Sciences in our modern Univerſities: All which he confirmed by frequent Citations of Councells, Fathers, Poets, Hiſtorians, and Orators.

THE LIFE OF PEIRESKIUS. The Second Book.

THe ſolemnitie was hardly finiſhed when the Patent aforeſaid was to be preſented to the Senate, leſt a years time ſhould be loſt. It was therefore given in, and commanded to be recorded: yet Peireskius procured, that he ſhould not therefore preſently be admitted, and entred into the Catalogue of Senators; both becauſe he would not ſeeme to thruſt his moſt loving Uncle out of that number; and becauſe he feared, leſt if he were once obliged by office, he ſhould too ſoon be deprived both of the Liberty to ſtudy, and that opportunity of Travelling. Moreover writing unto his friends, and pretending his emploiments concerning his Commencement as an excuſe of his long ſilence, he ſignified withall that he was compelled againſt his Mind, to take upon him the Dignity of a Senator: to which he received divers anſwers; the moſt, congratulating with him, as ſuppoſiing that he was already received into the Senate. Among theſe, was Scaliger, who both commended this new Dignity and congratulating his Doctorſhip, added, that he had formerly been at Aix, and was a witneſſe how ſeverely the Univerſity did examine ſuch as were to be graduated. Velſerus alſo was one, who did not onely congratulate with him touching his Degree and new Senatorian dignity but added withall an Admonition and fatherly exhortation: telling him among other things, that he muſt not be faint-hearted: the office of a Senatour though it were thorny, yet was it ſo only at the firſt; time would make every thing eaſiy: nothing would be required of him above his ſtrength; God would aſſiſt him; he was bound to aſſiſt his Country; and ſome other things to the ſame purpoſe. Pacius alſo in like manner exhorted him, as ſoon as he was returned to Mon-pollier, in an Epiſtle dedicatory, wherein he dedicated to him his Analyſis of the Emperiall Inſtitutions; howbeit becauſe he knew that he was not yet received into the number of the Senators, he only dedicated his Book to him as one deſigned to be the Kings Councellour in the Senate of Aix.

Nor ſhall it ſeeme tedions in this place to tranſſcribe the very words of the dedication and Exhortation. Thus therefore Pacius addreſſed himſelf. But unto you, my Fabricius, I ſend my Writings. For ſeeing you, who retaine the Virtues of the ancient worthies, when with your ſweet natured Brother you departed from my Houſe to return into your Countrie, did conſer upon me excellent Tokens or Preſents, leaving behind you a Teſtimony of your own good will and the good will of your Uncle and Father (two moſt bountifull and worthy Gentlemen) to me and mine: it concernes me likewiſe, that I may obſerve that ancient and moſt laudable Cuſtome, to return ſome Teſtimony of my thankfullneſſe. And what could I preſent more acceptable to you, then the fruit of thoſe ſtudies and that kind of Learning, in which your moſt noble family does exceedingly flouriſh? You want no mony neither have I any to ſpare: but theſe kind of ſtudies you love & exerciſe your ſelf in; and you are wont readily to confeſſe that you have profited by my Lectures, and Exerciſes. Alſo you are pleaſed to make me a ſharer of that great Commendation, which worthily, you gaind in the taking of your Degree of Doctor, as if by my Admonitions and Inſtructions you had been aſſiſted to advance your ſelf to that high pitch of Learning where to many aſpire in vain. Touching which new Honour of yours and your good Brother, I rejoyce with you from my very Heart; and exhort you again, that you would now aſſume the minds of Senators; and now turn all your thoughts to the Common-wealth, which requires your Helpe, making the publick good, the perpetuall object of all your Counſells. Nothing can more become you, nothing can be more pleaſing to your Parents (for you acknowledge your Uucle to be another Father) nor more acceptable; nor can any other thing render you more illuſtrious. So far, Pacius.

But Peireskius, though he continued in the mind to joyn himſelf when time ſhould ſerve to the Senatours, and not intermit wholly his ſtudy of the Law, which he had taken upon him: yet having obtained a delay, he applied his mind to more tree ſtudies, to court the ſweeter and more delightfull Muſes, to advance good Arts, and to help, as much as in him lay, all the Promoters of learning. And, in the firſt place being by divers ſollicited to marry, he preferred a ſingle life; being perſwaded within himſelf, that he could not take care for a wife and children, and be free to follow his ſtudies, and patronize learned men. And therefore, when his father, without his knowledge, had almoſt made an agreement touching his marriage with the onely daughter of the renowned John Ceppedaeus, firſt Preſident of the Accounts, he earneſtly begged of him, that he might not forſake his reſolution. For he had in ſuch a manner dedicated himſelf, and betrothed himſelf, as it were, to Pallas and the Muſes, that he ſhould count it ſacriledge to think of any other marriage. As for the example of Pinellus, though it was deeply rooted in his mind, yet would he not propound the ſame to his father; yet he propounded the example of Varius, becauſe it was preſent and illuſtrious; adding that he had, more than others a domeſtick example before his eyes, which he ſuppoſed he could not imitate, without commendation. He therefore imitating his uncle gave his brother leave to marry; who therefore the ſummer following took to wife the foreſaid Marchiſa, daughter of Olivarius de Thulia, by whom the third yeer after he had a ſon, whom his uncle Claudius, being then living, as God-father, called by his own name.

Moreover, not long after he was made Doctor, it was his pleaſure to take a view of all the ſea-coaſt, both to ſearch out all the monuments of Antiquity, and to get the rareſt plants which that Countrey afforded, which were to be ſent to the garden of Belgenſer. The reaſon why he began with the Antiquities of Freius (which to have ſeen once, as he went into Italy, did not content him) was becauſe he was to conduct ſome Gentlemen of his kinred, who had been to ſolemnize his Commencement, as far as Draguignan. But his chiefeſt deſire was to ſee a work worthy the Romane name and renown, viz. A rock cut quite thorow, or a large hollow channell dug in the ſteep ſide of an hill, by which an arm of the river Siagne, was to be brought five Provence-miles, thorow the turnings and windings of the valleys and the woods. Now it would be tedious to reckon up all that he obſerved and collected in his whole progreſſe: It ſhall ſuffice to ſay, that thence he took occaſion to write and ſend many things to his friends.

But among the reſt, he made great account of a certain Conſulary piece of coin, which he ſaid was not to be had, not being ſo much as mentioned either by Goltzius, Urſinus, or any other writer; which he ſent to Pignorinus, that he might ſhew it to Fridericus Contarenus. Alſo he made great account of certain Inſcriptions of Flaminius and Dudiſtius, touching the filling up whereof (for ſome letters were eaten away) he conſulted chiefly with Velſerus. Alſo he highly eſteemed other choiſe rarities, which he ſent to Scaliger, and certain (I know not what) ſhells of ſea-fiſhes, by occaſion whereof he wrote unto Pena the Phyſician, touching the ſhell of a Brand-gooſe or Sea-duck, which was faſhioned like the ſhell of a Limpin. But to ſpeak in particular of Plants, he took along with him an Herbaliſt, skilfull in the knowledge of all plants, at all times; and therefore he did not onely ſend plants into his own garden; but he ſent alſo roots of moſt of them to Cluſius, & among the reſt of Tragacantha, whence Gum Tragant (or, as the common people ſay, Cum Dragon) is received, of Ariſtolochia or Birthwort, of Aſphodelus or Daffodill, and of the two ſorts of Arbute-trees ſo called. Withall, he ſignified the deſire he had to enjoy the company of Cluſius a while at Belgenſer, where he would ſhew him a Styrax or Storax tree, being a low ſhrubby tree, with leaves like thoſe of a Quince tree, and flowers or bloſſoms not unlike the bloſſoms of an Orenge tree, and in the ſweet ſmelling liquour that comes from it, not inferiour to the Storax of Syria: which grows within a mile of the Town, and not to be found in any other place. Alſo he would ſhew him a Lentisk tree, which ſweats maſtich, no leſſe than the Lentisk trees of Chios, which are accounted the beſt. Alſo he would ſhew him ſome other things, which he ſhould hardly ſee elſewhere.

When he returned, he began to think of erecting a Covent of Heremites of Camaldoli, in that goodly Deſart, by the Chappell under a rock, which being dedicated to Saint Mary de Angelis, is almoſt in the mid way between Maſſilia and Aix. The reaſon whereof was, becauſe when he lived at Padua, he exceedingly liked the Orders of thoſe kind of Heremites; and a learned man of that Order, called Elias, was then at Aix, about a Novice that was to be received, or was newly received. Peireskius therefore, delighted with his company, kept him there many moneths together, nouriſhed him in the Deſart, and often would viſit him, and ſtay divers dayes with him. In the mean while he procured, that by a decree of the Citizens of Maſſilia and Aix, ſuch a Covent ſhould be deſired. Alſo he procured leave to erect the ſame from the Lord of Mimet, in whoſe Lordſhip the place was, and bought the ground round about the place. He uſed all diligence poſſible, by the mediation of the Biſhop of Padua, and the Cardinall P • ll • vicinus, to move the Superiours of that Congregation, not onely to leave Elias there, but to ſend ſome other religious perſons, the better to ſtock the new Covent. He intreated that they would at leaſt ſend ſome to view the place; and ſent money to bear their charges. And great hopes he had: but, at the laſt, all his labour proved in vain. In like manner, his ſecond endevours for Pacius, ſucceeded not according to his deſire. For whereas in the beginning of the Spring he had ſo wrought the matter, that thoſe of Aix had reſolved that Pacius ſhould be chief Profeſſour of Law, and that his ſtipend ſhould be two thoſuand four hundred pounds Tours, a yeer: he went himſelf to Monpellier with a Councellour of Aix, to remove any difficulty that might ſtand in the way. Nevertheleſſe, he returned without effecting what he went for; Pacius pretending, that he expected three thouſand pounds, beſides what he might occaſionally gain; but his wife was in deed and in truth the cauſe, who hating to dwell in a Catholike City, choſe rather to go to Heidelberg.

Preſently after, he ſell ſick: of which ſickneſſe he hardly recovered in the beginning of the Summer. The wonderfull tenderneſſe of his skin proved very troubleſome; for on whatſoever part of his body his cloaths did ſit never ſo little hard, a red ſwelling would preſently ariſe with vehement itching. This gave him occaſion to conſider the cauſe of thoſe ſpots and marks, which many bring from their mothers wombs. For it came into his mind, that it might in like manner fall out, that look on what part of their bodies women with child did lay their hands, when they have a longing deſire after ſomewhat, on the ſame part of the child in the womb, the ſtain of the thing longed for, is printed. This he told more than once, and particularly not many yeers before his death, when we were philoſophizing about the image of a dog, ſeen in the urine of a man bitten by a mad dog. But the difficulty was, why the mark ſhould not be made rather in the mothers body than the childs: yet he was convinced, that the child in the womb was one body with the mother, and nouriſhed and quickened with the ſame kind of nouriſhment, and the ſame ſpirits in all its parts, even as it was at firſt formed of ſeed that came from all the parts of the body. And therefore its tender body was affected with the ſame accidents as its mothers: and any mark might be ſo much the eaſilier imprinted thereupon, while with the ſpirits carrying the imagined ſhape, it is, by that touch of the mother, as it were imprinted; by how much it is tenderer than the body of its mother. And this I remember hath been confirmed by a memorable example which I have heard reported; viz. How a woman with child, in a town of Provence called Cippieres, about threeſcore yeers ſince, being ſtabbed with a dagger, a child was taken out of her womb, which had ſo many black and blue marks, as the mother had ſtabs, and in the ſelf ſame parts. And the reaſon why at the time when thoſe kinds of fruits, as Cherries, Strawberries, and the like, being in ſeaſon are red, the imprinted characters likewiſe of thoſe fruits upon the child in the womb, are of a more lively red than at other times; the cauſe may be ſaid to be the diſpoſition of the air at that ſeaſon, which is fit enclined to raiſe up like ſpirits: as wine in the Hogſhead is wont to work, when the Vine trees flouriſh. But ſo much may ſerve to have ſpoken of this ſubject in this place.

Peireskius recovered of his ſickneſſe, chiefly by the uſe of baths, his blood being thereby tempered, and his body rendered more tranſpirable, by opening the pores thereof. And it was in the mean while a great refreſhment, that he gained in that time two moſt delightfull companions. The one was the noble Franciſcus Villanovanus Baron of Flayoſcum, naturall brother to the Marqueſſe of Tranſium, who being excellently skilled in the Greek tongue, and all kind of Hiſtory, was perfectly acquainted with well neer all the monuments of Antiquity in whole Provence, which he had at his fingers ends. The other was that ſame famous man Franciſcus Malherbius, who was afterwards the great Maſter and Controller of the French Language, and without controverſie, Prince of Poets. For both of them viſited him; and whereas to the former he was endeared, becauſe he was his Countrey-man, and delighted in the ſame kind of ſtudies; the commendation of Varius gained him the latter, and the renown which he had in Provence, ſince the time that he was Secretary to the great Prior of France aforeſaid. For hereupon Peireskius began to be acquainted with the Poems of Malherbius, to admire them, and to commend them to thoſe of other countreys. For when as in the moneth of September, that ſame memorable ſiege of Oſtend was finiſhed, and thoſe lovely verſes, Area parva Ducum, &c. were turned into French verſes, not onely by Varius, but alſo by Malherbius, he ſent them preſently, both unto others, and to Scaliger himſelf, whom he ſuppoſed to be Authour of the Latine verſes. I forbear to mention how Scaliger wrote to him again, that the Authour was Hugo Grotius, a moſt rare young man; as for himſelf, being grown old, the Heliconian Maidens turned their backs upon him long ago; by which he alſo excuſed his not ſending the verſes which Peireskius had deſired of him for Pinellus.

Paſſing the Autumn at Belgenſer, or Beugenſier, he beheld that ſame rare concourſe of the three ſuperiour Planets, which happens but once in eight hundred yeers, which is juſtly called the Great, or rather Greatest Conjunction. And a wonderfull thing it was, that there ſhould ariſe in that Conjunction, a ſtar like Jupiter in greatneſſe, which abode more than a yeer in the ſame foot of Serpentarius, juſt as another ſtar abode in the Conſtellation of Caſſiopaeia, two and thirty yeers ſince, and another three yeers ago in the Conſtellation of the Swan. But becauſe Peireskius had not then a Celeſtiall Globe by him, whence he might be inſormed of the names of the fixed ſtars; therefore he was very apt to think that new ſtar to be one of the old ones, eſpecially when he ſaw that the light thereof was not flat and dull, like that of the Planets which ſtood about it, but that it twinckled and ſparkled wonderfully,1605. juſt as the fixed ſtars do. Some moneths after, he received letters from Pignorius, and was informed that it was a new ſtar, and that Galileus obſerved it, even then when it changed from an evening into a morning ſituation: but becauſe he fell into the diſeaſe, which had much troubled him at the beginning of the Spring, and becauſe his Father, Brother, Uncle, Mother in Law, and ſome of the Servants were ſick, therefore he forbore to take pains to make obſervations thereof. But when afterwards he looked to thoſe parts of the Heavens, the ſtar was then ſo diminiſhed, that being not a whit bigger than the fixed ſtars ſtanding about it, which alwayes keep their ſtation, he took it for one of them, and judged that it was vaniſhed. But in after yeers he could not ſufficiently grieve, that he had not more ſtudiouſly regarded ſo rare a ſpectacle, which in its ſeaſon might eaſily have been obſerved.

About this time, when he went from Marſeilles to Belgenſer [Beaugenſier] he would needs take his way by Caſtellet, to viſit the Pariſh-Prieſt called Julius, whom he already dearly affected, by reaſon of his ingenuous curioſity. Being by him led a little without the village, they met aKeeper of mules. Mulettour, carrying a branch of myrtle, with a broad leaf and full flower, ſuch as Peireskius had never ſeen, nor knew that there was ſuch a thing in Nature. Wondering therefore at the Plant, he would be brought into the middle of the wood, where it grew, and cauſed the ſame to be taken up, that it might be manured and propagated. But he would not have it ſet in the garden of Belgenſer, becauſe there was no body that would have a ſufficient care thereof; but rather into Julius his own Garden, for he was confident that he would be exquiſitely carefull thereof. And he indeed did manure it as was fitting, till ſuch time as the plant remaining with ſafety, might be propagated into the Garden of Belgenſer. This I thought good to mention, becauſe a Myrtle Tree with a full Flower, was a thing unknown in Europe; and the thankes is due to Peireskius, that it is now to be ſeen in the Kings Gardens, at Rome, in the Low-Countries and other Places. I ſay nothing, how we owe the knowledge of that kind of Muſhrompe called Fungus Coralloïdes, to him likewiſe; Touching which when Cluſius wrote back to him, I will make mention (quoth he) in the Addition which I ſhall make to my Hiſtory of exotick Plants, which I hope will ſhortly come forth, of your name, acknowledging that I had the knowledge of that kind of Muſhrompe from you.

But here I ſhould have told you, that Mr. Du-Vaix. Varius was ſo exceeding delighted with his Company, that while he was at Aix, he would continually in a manner have him at his Table. Alſo he would have him to journey with him and travell into the Country to take the Aire. And when about the beginning of June he was to go to Marſeilles, to viſit Carolus Neovilla Alincurius the Kings Embaſſadour returning from Rome, he took him along with him for his good company, to ſalute the ſaid Embaſſadour. And when he was reſolved to proceed to Paris, he asked him if he would not go ſee the City and Court. He pro • eſſed that he deſired nothing more, eſpecially in ſuch honourable Company; but he ſaid his Uncle was unwilling, who when upon another occaſion he would have gone thither about buſineſſe, would not let him go, pretending that his Brother was ſhortly to depart. For there was a buſineſſe then in agitation before the Kings Councell, about the paiment of certain Scots or Taxes, which thoſe of Rians pretended to be due from Reginald, by reaſon of certain Lands which he had. But Varius took the buſineſſe upon himſelf, to procure that he ſhould rather be ſent; and indeed perſwaded his Uncle, that he was over tender, and that it was an injurie rather then kindneſſe, to hinder one of ſo rare a towardlineſſe, from the Conſummation of his Virtue. Wherefore his Uncle, becauſe he reverenced Varius, giving his conſent (as for his Father, he never openly denied him any thing) Peireskius accompanied Varius, in the beginning of Auguſt 1605.

But it is incredible to relate, how ſoon he became famous at Paris, by the Commendation, partly of his own Virtue, and partly of his friend Varius. The firſt Man that he longed to ſee, was the Renowned Auguſtus Thuanus; as well to give him thanks for his exceeding Civility and lindneſſe, as to receive any thing that might have been ſent him from Scaliger. And himſelf was wont to ſay, that it cannot be expreſſed how joyfully he entertained him. For he admitted him preſently both into the Kings and his own private Library; ſhewed him whatſoever records he kept up under lock and key, to aſſiſt him in the Compoſing of his Hiſtory; opened his very heart and Bowels to him, brimfull of wonderfull ſincerity. He then informed him of many things, which he inquired after concerning the Learned men of Italie; and becauſe he wanted ſome particulars, to furniſh the commendatorie Teſtimonialls of the ſaid Learned men, he promiſed to procure what he deſired by Letters from his friends.

When he viſited him the ſecond time, preſently Iſaac Caſaubon, was ſent for, who had the Charge of the Kings Librarie under Thuanus. He, at the very firſt meeting was ſo affected, that it is hard to ſay whether he admired or loved him more. For the truth is, he received ſo many things, and learnt ſo much of him that he could not ſorbear to ſpeak thereof, both publikely and in his private and ſamiliar Epiſtles. For in the firſt place printing his Notes upon the Epiſtle of Gregorie Nyſſen to Euſtathia, Ambròſia and Baſiliſſa, he made mention of a piece of braſſe money of the Coine of Rogerius King of Sicilie, which (quoth he) among many others with Inſcriptions in Arabick, and divers Images of ſeverall Princes, the moſt Learned Fabricius Peireskius a Senator of Aix did ſhew me. Moreover when Peireskius diſcovered to him the Errors which are in Urſinus and Goltzius, who giving more heed to Jacobus Strada then the ancient Coines, had corrupted divers of the Sirnames of certain Emperors, reckoned among the thirty Tyrants under Gallienus, and namely of Marcus Piawonius Victorinus & Lucius Aelianus, (whom they made falſly to the Marcus Aurelius Victorinus, and Spurius Servilins Lollianus, contrary to what appears upon the Coines, which he let him ſee) Caſaubon gave him very great thankes; ſaying moreover, I beſe • ch you by our newly begun and yet most ancient friendſhip, if poſſibly you can, that you will communicate to me what you have of that kind. Doubtleſſe that way which you have undertaken to clear up the dark paſſages of Antiquity is the most ſure and only way. I eagerly expect what the great Scaliger will obſerve touching theſe kind of Antiquities: but I foreſee, there will be place for your gleanings after his Harveſt. For it was an happie thing that you ſhould meet with theſe Coines, which have given you light in ſuch dark paeſſages. But that I may not be tedious, I ſhall only add what he wrote unto him a year or two after, in theſe words. I beſeech God to grant all health and happineſſe to ſo great a Patron of the Muſes. And I beg of you: that as you have already judged me worthy of your favour, ſo you will proceed to aſſure me of the ſame, and be intreated to go on as you have begun of your own accord. I do already find that I am much indebted to you, and doubt not but I ſhall be farther obliged hereafter, if you ſhall meet with any opportunity to aſſiſt me in my ſtudies. I know not whether you have heard, that the moſt Serene Duke of Urbin, has ſent me that Copie of Polybius, which you told me of: and therefore I am chiefly beholden to you, for that kindneſſe &c.

Caſaubon is a man well known and renowned among the Learned, ſo that by him you may judge of the reſt. For what need I ſpeake of Fronto Ducaeus, Papyrius Maſſonus and ſome others, to whom he carried commendations from Velſerus? Of Nicolaus Faber, Jacobus Bongarſius, Scaevola, and the San-marthani Brethren, Franciſeus Pithaeus Peters own Brother 〈◊〉 almoſt an innumerable company of 〈◊〉 with whom he grew then familiarly ac • ua • ited? It is better to tell you that there was no famous Library, which he ranſackt not, but eſpecially and beſides the fore-recited, that of San-Victoria, in which he told us that he ſaw beſides many other things, one which he moſt regarded, viz. All the Acts of the Maid of Orleance, with an Apologie for her, and her Picture, of all which a great Book was written, by the Command of a certain Abbot, who lived at the ſame time. Alſo he talked of many things which he had ſeen in the ſtudies of private Perſons, as namely of Johannes Jacobus Memmius Rociacus, a man illuſtrious as well for his generous diſpoſition and proper Virtue, as the worthy familie he deſcended from and his hopefull iſſue, who is yet living in an happy old Age, Prince of the Counts of the Conſiſtorie. Alſo of Renatus Poterius Biſhop of Bellovacum or Beauvois, of whom he reported, that he was honourable for histase Learning. Likewiſe of Panlus Patavinus, whoſe thouſand Manuſcript Books he commended; yet made more account of his Chamber of Rarities. And though he ſaw it exceedingly well ſurniſhed, yet would he of his own accord, needs augment the ſame, with the Coines of divers Kings, both of the firſt and ſecond Family. For he gave him ſome, in which the names of the Kings were read, as for example, of Clotarius Crowned with a Crown of jewells (after the manner of Conſtantime who inſtead of a Crown of Laurell, uſed one of Jewells) and ſome with the names of ſuch Counts under wh • 〈◊〉 • ny was coined, as of Filarius of Rhemes, 〈…〉 In ſcription Remus fit. In like manner 〈◊〉 • mended the Rarities and Books of Franciſcus Olivarius Fontanaeus. And Bagarrius being now keeper of the Kings Jewell-Houſe of rarities, it was no more then reaſon, that he ſhould ſee all that there was to beſeen. Moreover he approved of the deſigne of transferring all the ſtore of Rarities of Franciſcus Pererius Gentleman of Aix, excellently furniſhed with moſt rare Curioſities, into the Kings Store-houſe: for he confeſſed, there were yet many things wanting, that it might be eſteemed worthy the name of a King.

And becauſe among other things, Bagarrius ſhewed him an exceeding neat Amethyſt, wherein was ingraven the Countenance of Solon by the Hand of that famous Graver Dioſcorides, who wrought for Auguſtus; hereupon he took occaſion to teach him, what was meant by thoſe little holes in the Inſcription, which he ſhewed him in the Seale ſtanding in this order.

inscription

For he ſaid they were holes wherein little N • iles had been faſtened to hold Greek Letters made of mettals, which did expreſſe the name of the Graver, or ΔΙΟСΚΟΥΡΙΔΟΥ, but they muſt be read backwards as the manner is in all Ingroſſements and Seales. This he made manifeſt, when having drawn in a white paper thoſe holes, as above, he drew lines between the ſaid holes, which expreſſed thoſe Letters in this manner.

inscription

Thus he ſaid he interpreted certain holes which were ſeen at Aſſiſium, in I know not what old Church. For when as no man could tell what they ſignified, he divined that it was an Inſcription or Dedication made JOVI OPT. MAX. Which he demonſtrated by certain lines completing the Holes after this manner.

inscription

So he hoped he ſhould interpret a certain Set of Holes in the Cathedrall Church at Niſmes, called Domus quadrata, when he had got a pattern thereof.

But to return to Paris, there was hardly any publick monument, which he did not examine, of which he did not paſſe his Judgment. For the ſecond moneth after he came thither, he ſent Letters to Flayoſceus, in which he wrote that he had not indeed as yet ſeen the Monuments of the ancient Kings at Saint Denis: but he had already convinced of falſhood thoſe tombes built for Clodovaus at Saint Genoveſes, and for Chilpericus at Saint Germins. And a few daies after he ſaid when he came to judge of thoſe at Saint Denis, I could find nothing (quoth he) elder then the times of St. Lewis, that gave me ſatisfaction; and I am of opinion that all thoſe moſt ancient Tombes, were built at one and the ſame time, and that not long before St. Lewis. And that which pleaſed me moſt, is the Tombe of our Country-woman Margaret, the eldeſt Daughter of Beatrice, wife to Saint Lewis. Finally commending the ancient Seales which he ſaw, (bringing their Repreſentations away with him) in the Treaſuries of St. Denis, St. German, St. Maurus, and others, as wherein were contained the true Effigies of Charles the great Hludovicus pius, the Emperour Hlotarius Pipin, King of Aquitania, Charles the bald, Charles the Simple, and other Kings of the ſecond Stock or family: theſe (quoth he) do ſufficiently refute thoſe tombs and Statues of theſe Princes made four or five hundred years ago.

I muſt likewiſe ſpeake of his Study, of all other things worth enquiry after: for there was no wonder of art, nor rare worke of nature which he heard of, which he did not carefully view, as Aedifices, Rare works, Engins, Plants, Animals, Metals, and other things dug out of the Earth; In a word, all things which were worthy of obſervation. And in the mean while, he kept correſpondence with his friends far and near, by Letters; and when he had very carefully enquired of Paul Servita, of Scaliger, of Caſaubon, and of other Learned men, if they knew what was become of Juvencus Caelius Callanus, the Dalmatian, whoſe Manuſcript Book of the Life of Attilas, he had brought with him from Venice; he intended to cauſe it to be printed.

In the beginning of the Spring the year following,1606. Varius being ſhortly to return into Provence, he obtained, with ſmall labour, leave to go ſee England, eſpeciall being to accompany the Illuſtrious Antonius Boderius, who was ſent thither as the Kings Embaſſadour. Nor did Varius only ſuffer that, but praiſing his intention (wherein Thuanus, Memmius, Mericus Vicus and other friends did agree with him) he took upon him to procure, that his Father and Uncle, ſhould approve of the Fact. When he departed, Peireskius would bring him on his way as far as Orleance; and before he returned from thence, he viewed more attently then formerly, the ancient remaines of Holy-Croſſe-Church, which he accounted to be at leaſt a thouſand years old: and likewiſe beſides other Statues and Images both of Charles the Seventh, and his little Daughter Joane; he would ſee thoſe which were kept (as was ſaid) in the Guild-Hall; and particularly, he perceived that the Picture wherein the King is repreſented with a beard, and St. Michaells Collar, is not perfectly in all reſpects true. Moreover, it was now the beginning of May, and Boderius departing, he was caſt ſome daies behind, being forced to ride poſt, that he might overtake him at Callis. When they were at Sea, there were very few in the whole Company, that were not Sea-ſick, by reaſon of the Toſſing of the ſhip, and the Steam of the Sea. Peireskius to prevent the ſame in himſelf, left the reſt of the Company, and ſate by the Main-maſt, where he was not ſo ſick, as they were. The reaſon being asked, he ſaid there was leaſt Agitation in that part of the ſhip; and that therefore he withdrevv himſelf thither, that he might not be Stomach-ſick as the reſt were, who being in the Head or Sterne, were much more roſſed.

Being arrived in England, and having, after the Embaſſadour, ſaluted King James, he was tenderly reſpected by him, who ſent for him divers times: as when he was to relate the Story of a famous drinking Match. For it fell out, that in a certain feaſt of Learned Men, Doctor Torie dranke a huge Cup to Peireskius himſelf: Whereupon he excuſed himſelf becauſe of the largeneſs of the Cup; becauſe he was not wont to drink pure wine; becauſe of the weakneſſe of his ſtomack; and becauſe he was not accuſtomed to drink: But when no excuſe would ſerve his turn, he required at leaſt, that he might be allowed after he had pledged Dr. Torie, to begin to him again as he pleaſed. All the company conſented. Whereupon taking Courage, as being conſtrained by neceſſity, he ſetcht off the Luſty Bowle of wine, and cauſing it to be repleniſhed with water, he began to Dr. Torie and (as if he meant to temper the wine he drank immediately before) drank it quite of again. He, as if he had been thunderſtuck, or newly dropt out of the Clouds, had much ado to come to himſelf, and becauſe it was a bargain from which he could not go back, he puft and blowed, he put the cup to his mouth and took it away again, ſo often powring out in the mean while ſo many Verſes out of all the Greek and Latin poets, that he ſpent the day well near, ere he could get the water down his unaccuſtomed throat. And this was the ſtory, which the King having heard from others, would needs have it from his own mouth. Alſo he was admitted into the Chamber where there was a ſolemne Convention or Aſſemby of his Majeſty and the Peers, and ſate among the chief of the Lords.

As for the Learned men which he met with either at London, or Oxford, or in other places, the firſt was Mr. William Camden, who has merited ſo much of his Country, Britannia, with whom falling once into a diſcourſe of the Antiquity of the Britiſh Language, to which the Language of Bretagne in France does belong, after he had asked him about many words uſed in ſeverall Countries of France, he demanded among the reſt what Arelate or Arles and Tolo or Tolon might ſignifie: to which Camden anſwered that Arelate in the Brittiſh tongue did ſignifie a City ſtanding on moiſt or mariſh ground; and that Tolon ſignified an Harpe, peradventure by reaſon of a neighbouring Promontory called Cithariſtes or Harpers Hill. He learned alſo of Camden other ſuch like Interpretations, by which he was brought almoſt to be of the mind of Strabo, Tacitus, and other who write that the French-men and the Britaines, had at firſt but one and the ſame Language. The next was, Sr. Robert Cotton, eminent amongſt the honeſtly curious fort of men. Alſo Jacobus Collius and his Father in Law Matthias Lobellus, the Kings Herbaliſt, both whom he was deſirous to oblige. Alſo Albericus Gentilis, Sr. Henry Savill, Johannes Nordenus, and many more. Nor muſt I paſſe over, the then Learned young Man John Barclay, whom how much he affected, ſhall be ſhewn hereafter. But he was wont to greive that he was not acquainted, neither with Dr. Gilbert who wrote the Book touching the Nature of the Load-ſtone, nor with Thomas Lydiate a a famous Mathematician. I ſhall not here recount the many Libraries, wherein he obſerved ſuch books as were moſt rare; nor the ſtudies which he ſaw, and out of which he procured all precious rarities he could. But above all others, he made great account of a precious ſtone, which coſt an hundred and fifty pounds Tours, by reaſon that Aetio was graven thereupon, with a Phrygian Tiara or Turbant upon his head, being ſuppoſed to be the father of Andromache the wife of Hector. I ſhall only tell you, how that becauſe he would depart ſooner than was hoped, he left a great miſſe of himſelf, both in the Family of the Embaſſadour, and among his learned friends, who making afterwards ſundry times mention of him, it ſhall ſuffice here to extract a ſaying of the foreſaid Camden, in his deſcription of Britain, where ſpeaking of certain coins belonging to this matter in hand, he ſayes, Such as theſe were never dug up any where elſe, that ever I heard of, till of late the moſt noble Nicolas Faber Petriſcius, excellently skilled, and moſt acute in judging of ancient Coins, ſhewed me ſome of the ſame kind, which were found in France.

And he had ſtayed indeed ſomewhat longer in England: but becauſe he had promiſed to be abſent but three moneths, therefore a moneth after he went into Holland, which from the firſt he was reſolved to take a full view of, though he kept his intent ſecret. When he was to depart, a company of young Gentlemen would needs bear him company, who came from France with Boderius. But they were taken up with the exerciſe of Arms and other ſtudies; whereas he proceeded to make it his chief buſineſſe to find out learned men. And in the firſt place he ſaluted ſuch as he underſtood to be moſt renowned at Middleburg, Dort, Roterdam, Delft and the Hague: but this he did only in paſſing and curſorily, becauſe his chief care was to viſit Scaliger, whole abode was at Leiden.

His reſolution was to ſpeak with him firſt under the notion of a ſtranger: wherefore he changed his name, and preſented him with a Letter commendatory, as written by Peireskius. When Scaliger had read it, he embraced him exceeding courteouſly for Peireskius his ſake. After much diſcourſe, divers books being occaſionally brought forth, Peireskius deſired to write a few ſines out of one of them: whereupon having given him pen, ink, and paper, and reading unto him that which he deſired to write out; he had no ſooner writ a line or two, but Scaliger knew his hand, whereupon he fell to embrace him, in moſt amiable manner, complaining how he had beguiled him. And falling afterwards into a moſt delicious diſcourſe of divers matters; Scaliger among other things declared, that he intended to make a ſecond Edition of Euſebius (for the firſt Edition did not altogether pleaſe him) and of his Fathers Commentary upon Aristotle de Animalibus: but that afterwards, nevertheleſſe, he was intended to return into France, and to lay his bones by the bones of his Father Julius. And when Peireskius replied, That he would not then die in a falſe beleef [that is, a Proteſtant] Scaliger wept, but gave him no anſwer. Peireskius having expounded to him divers coins, and eſpecially ſhekels, he beſtowed upon him (though againſt his will) a rare Semi-ſhekel, whoſe interpretation he admired above all the reſt. He alſo gave him again by way of requital many things. & which was moſt delightfull to him, he gave him the deſired and expected draught of the ſepulchres of the Scaligers, with the verſes written upon the ſaid ſepulchres, which he brought along with him to that end. For he had received the ſaid draught but the March before from Verona, nor could he get it before, though he writ often about it, becauſe Nichezola had been ſundry times ſick, and becauſe Sylvius Donius, who firſt began the work, died while he was about it. One thing there was, about which Peireskius would fain have asked Scaliger, but he never durſt do it, leſt he ſhould trouble him: that was, his book touching the Quadrature of a Circle, which he had printed twelve yeers ago, and which was preſently by Franciſcus Vieta, and Adrianus Romanus (aud afterwards by Chriſtofer Clavius, the beſt Geometrician among the Jeſuites) and other learned and expert Mathematicians, convicted to be erroneous. For he had been forewarned, that if he ſhould harp upon that ſtring, it would ſtir his choler. And as concerning his pedigree, he would not make ſhew of the leaſt doubt, whether he were indeed deſcended from the Princes of Verona, whoſe ſtock he ſaid did end in him: yet with a little more freedom, and as deſirous to know how he ſhould anſwer others, he laid before him, what was objected by Scioppius, Guillandinus, and others.

After Scaliger, his care was to viſit Carolus Cluſius, who being over fourſcore yeers old, began to be troubled with the gout, as alſo Scaliger had begun to be troubled therewith, a few months before. He found him taking care that the figure of the Fungus Coralloïdes, or Corall-faſhioned-Muſhromp, which he had ſent him out of Provence, with almoſt an innumerable company of other kinds of Plants, Roots, and Seeds, might be printed in the ſecond Appendix to his Hiſtory of Outlandiſh Plants. And he ſeaſonably advertized him touching ſome Indian Plants, in the deſcription whereof he had erred, and ſome which he had never heard of before, producing withall the deſcriptions of them, according to the Fruits ſhewed him at Paris by Vespaſianus Robinus. After Cluſius, he viſited the chief Lights of the Univerſity, and particularly contracted friendſhip with Bonaventura Vulcanius, who was then buſied about the Edition of Procopius, with Dominicus Baudius, who beſides his skill in Hiſtory, was an elegant Poet, and with ſome others. But he was wont to grieve, becauſe Heinſius was then abſent from Leiden, whom he heard Scaliger more than once commend.

He went afterwards to Amſterdam, where he could hardly be ſatisfied with queſtioning about, and viewing ſo many excellent rarities, which are brought out of both the Indies, to that famous Mart. He went to Enchuyſen, to ſee the cloſet of rarities of Bernardus Paludanus, where he could have ſpent his whole life with content. In his return, ſtaying a while at the Hague, he would not depart till he became acquainted with Hugo Grotius, who though a young man, was adorned with mature learning of all ſorts: Alſo he ſtept aſide to Scheveling, to make triall of the carriage and ſwiftneſſe of a waggon, which ſome yeers before was made with ſuch Art, that it would run ſwiftly with ſails upon the land, as a ſhip does in the ſea. For he had heard how Grave Maurice, after the victory at Nieuport, for triall ſake, got up into it, with Don Franciſco Mendoza taken in the fight, and within two hours was carried to Putten, which vvas fourteen miles from Scheveling. He therefore vvould needs try the ſame, and vvas vvont to tell us hovv he vvas amazed, vvhen being driven by a very ſtrong gale of vvind, yet he perceived it not (for he vvent as quick as the vvind) and vvhen he ſavv hovv they flevv over the ditches he met vvith, and skimmed along upon the ſurface onely of ſtanding vvaters, vvhich vvere frequently in the vvay; hovv men vvhich ran before ſeemed to run backvvards; and hovv places vvhich ſeemed an huge vvay off, vvere paſſed by almoſt in a moment, and ſome other ſuch like paſſages.

At Delft, he was pleaſantly entertained by Abrahamus Gorlaeus, whom it was his hap to find, taking care to have certain Greek Coins engraven, ſome of which he had ſent him from Paris, having formerly given him to the quantity of a thouſand, which he had brought with him out of Italy. For Gorlaeus was endeavouring to ſupply ſuch Coins as were wanting, which he had promiſed in his Dactyliotheca [or Treaſury of Rings and Seals, a book ſo called] therefore he committed the copy, which was ſhortly to be printed, to Peireskius, that he according to his candor might weigh the ſame, and blot out what he did not like: and he faithfully followed his corrections, eſpecially in ſomewhat which he had writ touching Trajan. And here he was wont to relate a thing worth obſervation, viz. How Gorlaeus, though unacquainted with the Latine tongue, yet underſtood all Latine books concerning Coins, after the ſame manner as Forcatulus underſtood all Mathematicall books: ſo effectuall is obſtinate labour, ſpringing from a moſt vehement defire of knowing any thing. He ſaw alſo at Delft a Nun yet remaining alive, ever ſince the Hollanders had apoſtatized from the Romane Catholike Religion; having formerly ſeen at Utrecht a Canon [a kind of Friar] permitted to live according to his firſt profeſſion. And whereas he admired not only all the monuments of Antiquity, which were remaining at Utrecht; but alſo whatever the Domination of the Dukes of Burgundy leſt remaining; ſo did he moſt of all admire, and exceedingly commend the Hollanders, becauſe they refrained from demoliſhing the Temples, preſerving the Quires untoucht, with the Scutcheons of the Knights of the Golden Fleece annexed thereunto, which were inſtitured in the dayes of Philip ſirnamed the Good.

But he intended to return thōrow Brabant, Flanders, and the reſt of the Belgick Provinces, having firſt obtained a ſaſe conduct or paſſe from the Hollanders and the Arch-Duke. And firſt of all he came to Antwerp, about the end of July, where he contracted friendſhip with Andreas Schottus, and Carolus Scribanius, learned men of the Society of Jeſus; alſo with Aubertus Miraeus, Dean of the Church, and excellently skilled in the Belgick and Eccleſiaſticall Hiſtories; and with Nicolaus Roccoxius, a man exceedingly delighted with the ſtudy of Antiquities, and with Henricus Sedulius, Authour of the life of St. Elziarius. Afterwards, when he came from Mechlin to Lovain, nothing ſo much grieved him, as the death of Juſtus Lipſius, that ſame excellent Light and Load-ſtar of all good literature, extinguiſhed a few moneths before. For he hoped quickly to have obliged him as well as he had done Scaliger, by all kind of civilities and ſervices. He grieved likewiſe that Adrianus Romanus, that famous Mathematician, was not there at that time, whom he exceedingly longed to reconcile to Scaliger. After he had ſeen the Academy, and the learned men which were therein, he would needs go to the houſe of a certain Phyſicians widow, to ſee a couple of Hares with horns, which were ſaid to have been brought from Norwey. And becauſe he found one of them dead, he would buy, what ever it coſt him, both the horns thereof, and the pictures of both of them.

At Bruſſels he became acquaſnted with Carolus Bromanius, Count of Brovey, and ſome others; but he was moſt of all taken with the ſamous Painter Venceſlaus Cobergus, who had then in hand a rare quadripartite work of the Architecture, painting, and writing of the Ancients; of the images of the Gods; of the Coins, or rather Medals, or brazen pieces, from Julius Caeſar to Galienus. Moreover, he was wont to tell of divers diſcourſes he had with him, concerning the ſeverall parts thereof, but eſpecially the laſt, becauſe of the opinion of Cobergus, that theſe Medals could not be money; his chief argument being, becauſe the ſtamp which was upon them, would ask the workman two moneths to make it; ſo that, ſeeing there could not above two hundred be coined by the ſame ſtamp, the price of the work would have amounted far above the value of the money. Touching this diſcourſe, I onely remember that Peireskius made anſwer, that they uſed the labour of their ſervants, which coſt them nothing; and Cobergeus replied, that this was done, when it was forbidden to ſervants, not onely to paint any thing, but to learn the Art of Painting.

When he was about to depart from Bruſſels, he wrote a very learned Epiſtle to Sir Robert Cotton, and ſent him alſo the prints of divers moneys, and namely one of Commodus, by reaſon of the unuſuall orthography of the word Brittania, with a doublet and ſinglen. Then he ſalnted at Gaunt Laurentius Deebrotius, whom he knevv in Italy. At the Iſles, Florentius Nallaeus, a learned Canon, Authour of the Liturgick Antiquities. At Tornay, Dionyſius Willerius, a Canon and Chancellour, and Hieronymus Winghemius alſo a Canon; the one a rare Antiquary, the other exceedingly addicted to the knowledge of rare Plants. At Doway, William Richardotus, the ſon of John the Preſident, with whom he kept ſriendſhip ever ſince his being in Italy; and Andreas Hojus, Greek Proſeſſour, whom I have heard relate, with what delight he was preſent at the moſt ſweet diſcourſes of Peireskius and Richardotus.

And in this place, truly mention ought to be made, before any other, of that rare Prince, Charles Duke of Croy and Arſchot, who kept him ten dayes together in his renowned houſe of Beaumont, continually contemplating innumerable curiofities, and rare jewels of Antiquity, moſt rich boxes of Medals, wherewith that moſt curious and learned Prince had beautified his moſt noble ſtudy; yea, and at his departure, forced him to take with him all the Coins he had, as well gold as ſilver, made under the ancient Kings of France; alſo to the number of ſixty Greek pieces; beſides certain ancient veſſels, weights and meaſures; whereas he would not accept of Peiresk • us any thing, ſave one braſſe Coin of that ſame John, who in the dayes of Theodoſius and Placidius Valentinianus, ſeized upon the Empire. Upon which occaſion it coms into my mind how he brought out of Flanders pieces of Coins of the Frend; Kings, fourty golden ones beſides ſilver, of the firſt ſtock; and of the ſecond fifty ſilver pieces, beſides a golden one of Lewis ſirnamed the Godly, which he highly eſteemed, becauſe he not onely counted it to be very rare, but was apt to think there was not another to be had.

The time now drew near, when it was ſaid there would be rare ceremonies performed at Fontain-bleau, at the Baptiſm of the Prince Dauphine that is to ſay, the eldeſt ſon of the King of France. For his Godfather was ſaid to be the Pope; and the Popes Nuncio, Maffeus Barberinus, was to ſtand in his ſtead. Wherefore, about the end of August he left the Low-Countries and coming timely enough, he was preſent at the ſolemn pomp, which was performed on the 24th day of the moneth following. Meanwhile he heard from home, that his mother in Law was dead, and that his return was expected, for the ordering of divers affairs. And therefore bidding adieu to his friends, partly in perſon, partly by letters; he returned into Provence about the beginning of the moneth following.

Being returned home, he refuſed not the counſell which his father and brother chiefly had deviſed (for his Uncle was ſomewhat againſt it) which was to buy the Barony of Rians; in whoſe juriſdiction, becauſe the Manour of Valaves was feated, therefore it was the Originall cauſe of many Suites and Contentions. Whereupon he himſelf undertook to bargaine and contract with Ludovicus Grollaeus Medullioneus, Marques of Briſack, and went on purpoſe to him into Dauphine; and returned ſped, about the beginning of the year following,1607. which was 1607.

After his return he buſied himſelf about many excellent deſignes, but with none was he more delighted, then in procuring a maniſold deſcription of the remainders of the Citty and Haven of Carthage. For he conceived divers excellent Authors could by no other meanes be reconciled; and he intended thereby to gratifie Caſaubon, with whom he had diſcourſed, chiefly about the Situation and form of the Haven, and yet he knew his doubts were not fully ſatisfied. He wrote alſo at large to Alardus a Canon of Compiegne, about Coines, and among things touching the uſe of the GoldenSpurroi • l. Shilling in France, even to the Beginning of the third Stock, ſhewing that two and twenty of thoſe Shillings weighed an whole pound (though the mony-pound conſiſted but of twenty of them) and demonſtrating that the Solidum or ſhilling, was not alwaies given out for twelve Silver deniers only. but ſometimes for more, even to the number of Forty. He was in the mean while taken with a moſt troubleſome diſeaſe in his Eyes, of which he was ſearce freed in the middle of the Spring.

Then did his Uncle begin exceedingly to provoke him, that he ſhould ſet himſelf to obtain the Senatorian Dignity, which was long ſince ordained for him. For he grew ſickly, and was exceedingly moleſted with pains in his joints, for the abatement whereof, he was reſolved to go to our Bathes at Digne, before the Summer: but fearing leſt he might happen to die in that journey, he was reſolved not to ſet foot out of the City, before he had ſeen his Ne phew received into the Company of the Senators. As for Peireskius he evermore invented dilatory Excuſes as handſomely as he could; howbeit; his Uncle carried him, one day, concealing his purpoſe, to Varius, that he might urge him to nudergo the neceſſary examination; & ſo joyn himſelf to the Senate. Whereupon Peireskius ſuppoſing that the buſineſſe could be now no longer delayed, he deſired only eight daies, that he might be the better provided for his examination. It was the middle of June; and, a yearly Vacation, conſiſting of three moneths in which the Parliament was not to ſit, was at hand: and therefore he was forced to make haſte, becauſe he could not be examined and approved ſave before the Parliament ſitting. He came therefore prepared, and approved himſelf before the Aſſembly on the firſt of July.

A Law was propoſed to him to expound out of the firſt Book of the Code, by which the Emperor Gordianus did enact, That he that had received no Legacie, nor feoffment in haſte, nor inheritance, or any donation by reaſon of death could not leave any thing by way of feoffment in haſte.

In the expoſition of which Law, he forgot not to mention that which is recorded by Valerius and Saluſtius touching the gallant behaviour of Scipio Aemiltaenus, who being by Maſiniſſa King of Numidia, who dearly reſpected him, made Heir of his whole Kingdome, by his laſt Will, earneſtly deſiring him, to part it equally by way of Inheritance, amongit his Fiſty fo •• Sons which he had living, he did ſo punctually performe the ſame, that he kept nothing at all for himſelf. Nor did he paſſe over in Silence how Ariſtotie in his Politicks deteſts the Lawes of the Carthaginians and Locrenſians, ſome of which had equall Patrimonies, others could not ſell what they had; that ancient Inhetitances might abide the longer in their reſpective ſamides; for beſides other Inconveniendes hence it would come to paſſe, that the Cittizens would grow lazie both in gaining and poſſeſſing their Patrimonies.

I paſſe over other things, that I may touch upon that which made him moſt admired. For though it was believed that he would come very well p • epared, in re • pect of the Theorie and Queſtions of Law thereunto pertaining; yet in p •• int of the Practice, and formes of proceeding in the Courts, it was thought he was not ſo well provided. But his manner had been to let ſlip no occaſion, neither at Paris nor at Aix to queſtion the Practitioners, Proctors, Attorneies, Ad • ocates; and he would nore in his Book what ever he Learned from them by word of mouth, or by pe • uſing the Inſtruments and Deeds of all Linde, Al •• he profited by the Counſell and Example of Aut • xius Thoronius one of the beſt of the Sena • ors and moſt s • i • ed in the Lawes; nor would he 〈◊〉 any word paſſe him in the whole prac ••• ce of the Courts, whoſe notation & canſe he did not ••• rch into, that he might the better underſtand the uſe thereof, and fix it in his Mind. In a word he was with great Applauſe and Commendation, inrolled among the Senators.

After this, his Uncle grew exceedingly deſirous to go to Digne, but the encreaſe of his diſeaſe, and the extreame heat of the Sun, hindred him: for the Dog daies were at hand, in which it is the manner to abſtain from all manner of Bathes. Alſo Peireskius deſired to go with his Uncle, both by his ſervice to reſtifie his perpetuall Gratitude, and that he might viſit the Lord Flayoſceus, who having married the only Daughter of Guilelmus Falconius Proſene call of Digne, abode with his Father in Law. But his Uncle would not ſuffer him, either becauſe he would not have him abſent from his Senatorian Employment in matters of Judicature, or that he might not go from Varius, who could hardly endure that he ſhould be from him; or that he might not neglect the Charge he had, having been requeſted to overſee Cayerus the Painter, while he drew the pictures of the Kings of France upon the Arched Sieling of the Palatin Hall. For himſelf alone was able to ſurniſh a long Beadroll of their true Pictures, which he had drawn from Coines, Seales, Sepulchers, Glaſſewindowes, and other the like monuments: and I remember, when he could not for a long time get the true Face of Hngh Caput, he ofrentimes ſaid that he owed thankes to the excellent Auguſtns Galandns, becauſe, of him he procured it, being Printed upon a peice of wax from the Seale on which it was graven. His Uncle therefore went without him, when the Dog-daies were over.

Varius indeed, minding to do them both a Courteſie, reſolved in the moneth of September to come and bring Peireskius with him, that they might both together, viſit his Uncle and both together take a view of that Countrey. And ſome footſteps of Antiquitie, indeed, they met with, worthy of obſervation: but notthing ſeemed more wonderfull then out Countrey Bathes, in a Vault under the a Rock, which a ſtream of hot water running by, does ſo warme, that gently procuring ſweat, it is exceeding good againſt all flegmatick and cold humours, eſpecially if they be firſt prepared and made fluxive, by a certain Bath, which is termed the Virtuous Bath, by reaſon of its rare activity, whereby it workes wonderfull Cures, ſuch as no other Medicines could effect. Moreover they were likewiſe deſirous to ſee thoſe Serpents which were wont to fall from a very high Rock facing the ſouth, at the Root wherof are hot Baths and Baths eſpecially, becauſe they were harmleſſe and void of Poiſon: but they are not wont to fall down, ſave in May and June, and for the moſt part coupled together in the way of generation, or at leaſt two at a time; for being netled with an itching deſire of Generation, they glide up and down out of one clift of the rock into another, till not regarding the Praecipice, they fall down.

And here (peradventure) I ſhall do a thing not unpleaſing to our Countrymen, by recording two things, touching which they heard Peireskius diſcourſe. The one was at the Houſe of Peter Trichauud preſident of the Court of Enqueſts, at St. Martins, who being accuſ • omed to make his aboad at Digne in the ſummer time, entertained him at his Houſe with Varius. For when as the Cauſe of the Heat which is in the waters of naturall Baths, was demanded, and Guillelmus Alamandius ſaid, that it was not an actuall but a potentiall fire, that was the cauſe; he replied that it ſhould rather be an actuall fire burning in the Cavities of the Earth, which thereby growing hot, do heat the waters which run through them; for neither Bitumen, nor Brimſtone, nor any other materiall, only potentially hot, can heat water, either paſſing through, or being inſuſed therein, no not if it were impraegnated with Vitriol, Nitre, and other ſuch like mineralls. He added that the ſumes or Vapours of the Bath-waters, paſſing into the clifts of the rocks, did ſo work upon the ſerpents, that they did either hinder the generation of Poiſon or correct the ſame; by the ſame reaſon, as wormwood works the ſame effect in Pontus, according to Plinyes relation. Which Pliny, ſeeing in one Place heſeemes to grant, that the Poiſon of Serpents is in their Galls; and that, when they intend to ingender, they vomit up their gall; it ought not to ſeeme ſtrange, if, when theſe Serpents do couple themſelves and ſo fall, they are void of Poiſon.

The other was at the Houſe of Sr. Antonius de Bouonia a Biſhop, who the day following invited them both and Mr. Trichaud with them to a feaſt. For whereas from the Scurcheons of the houſes of Porcelet & Ville-neufve, which Flayoſceus had ſhewed him in two Chappells in the great Church, he had diſcourſed of the times, in which we had excellent Prelates out of thoſe Families; a Queſtion aroſe touching the time and Titles in and by which Avenion and the Country of Venaiſcin, came to belong unto the Pope. And whereas the reſt of the Company, could give no further account, then that Queen Joane ſold them to Pope Clement the ſixth, in the year one thouſand three hundred ſorty and eight, for fourſcore thomand Florens; he related the whole ſtory, from the year two hundred and nine, in which Raimond the Sixth of that Name Earle of Tolonſe, being a favourer of the Hereſie of the Albigenſes, and believed to be Author of killing the Legat, was by Pope Innocent the third again excommunicated. For, from that time he began to be ſpoiled of his Dominion; and nineteen years after, ſuch a Tranſaction was made at Paris, as thereby it was agreed, that Raimond his Son and Father in Law to Alphonſus Erle of Poictiers, ſhould have only the City of Tolouſe, with a few adjacent places; the reſt of the places beyond the River Rhodanus, ſhould belong to the King of France, and thoſe on this ſide the river to the Pope. And becauſe the People of that Country, were not well pleaſed, becauſe they were frequently ſummoned to Rome, they took Ra • monds part. Wherefore Pope Roniface the Eighth of that name, would have no more Appeales made to Rome; and Clement the fifth, the more to gaine their affections, would alſo keep his Court there. And when in the Rome of John the 22th, Clement the 6th. was made Pope, Sale was made of all the Rights belonging to the Erle of Provence, ſince the Diviſion made between Raymondus Berengarius Erle of Provence, and Alphonſus Erle of Tolouſe, in the year 1125.

Theſe things and many more he related, and in concluſion accompanied Varius who returned three daies after. As for his Uncle, that he might preſerve the Health which he had recovered, and that he might paſſe the remainder of his daies with greater Tranquillity, at his return, he went not to Aix, but to Beaugenſier. Peiresk • us went to meet him, and did not only accompany him home, but was reſolved not to depart from him, but to be alwaies at hand to ſerve him: but his Uncle would not ſuffer it, deſiring rather that he ſhould return to Aix, becauſe of the Feſtivall of St. Regimius, at what time the Parliament ſhould re-aſſemble. Peireskius therefore returned, and it grieved him the leſſe, becauſe he heard Varius with that ſweerneſſe of Language which was naturall to him, make an oration touching Diſcord and Concord, and of the Love of Juſtice and of the Magiſtrates which adminiſter the ſame.

After which he began ſo to execure his Office, that nothing was found wanting in him. For although Varius when he ſhared out the Buſineſſe of the Court would not at the firſt, burthen him with the conſideration of many cauſes, but committed a few only to him; which he was wont ſo leiſurely and acutely to weigh and ponder according to all the Rules and Circumſtances of the Lawes, that having made moſt pithy Breviates of the Inſtruments and Deeds, he would afterwards moſt diſtinctly and wirh the greateſt fidelitie poſſible, report them to the Court. But when he was to give his judgment touching ſome cauſe, reported by another, he was wonderfully delighted, when time was allowed for deliberation, or when he had received, the ſtate of the Caſe before hand from the Parties in ſuit, for he was aſhamed to give his voyce one way or another, unleſſe he were perfectly furniſhed to juſtifie the ſame. Moreover, becauſe he was oftentimes in doubt, becauſe of the perplexity of ſome Caſes, he was wont to go to the forementioned Thoronius, who would ſatisfie his Scruples; nor did he make any bones, to propound the more weighty Cauſes even to Varius himſelf, who by the exceeding clearneſs of his moſt grave and ſound Judgment, would illuſtrate the ſame. And this he did chiefly at his Evening diſcourſes; for Varius invited him every night to a frugal Supper, that they might diſcourſe freely without any body to take notice what they ſaid.

But becauſe he could not tell how to ſpend any time idly, therefore there was enough remaining for him to ſtudy good Arts, and to maintain his correſpondence with Learned men. Among other things, he procured an exquiſite Anatomie to be made of a great Tortoiſe (a cubit long) which being taken out of the Martigian Sea [Mer de Martigues] he had kept about three moneths, and fed it with little fiſhes. And whereas many rarities were obſerved in that Section, this was none of the leaſt, that the ſhoulder blades were ſituate before and not behind. That the Aſpera Arteria or Weſand, was halſe a cubit long, and divided into three branches, three fingers breadth from the Lungs, producing ſmall certain twigs as far as the kidneys and bladder, That the rings thereof were perfectly round, as well on the Gullet-ſide as elſewhere, and of a Cartilaginous or griſtlely Subſtance, and that the Larynx had no Epiglottis. That Veines were diſtributed into the Intralls thereof, not only from the Vena Portae, but very many alſo out of the remaining hollow part of the Liver; from which part the Porus Cholidochus, or Gallpaſſage did proceed double, into a Gut twelve fingers long. That there was no diſtinction of great and ſmall Guts, no Appendix of the Caecum, alſo no ſplene, no fat encompaſſing the Heart (yet it ſwam in water which was incloſed in the Peri-cardium or Heart-Bag) and ſome other ſuch like things.

He found out ſomewhere not far from the City, a great number of, not only the Bones of Men, but likewiſe of other Living-Creatures; alſo of Plants, Leaves, Flowers, and ſuch like, turned into a ſtony ſubſtance: which he forthwith diſtributed, almoſt all Europe over. He ſent alſo with them certain ſtones ſhaped in the forme ofLike the Diamond on Cards. Lozenges both Chryſtalline and Rubie-coloured, which were dug out the ground in Rians: which were herein admirable, in that when they were divided into ſmall particles, each particle was ſhaped after the ſame Diamond or Lozenge faſhion. Alſo when he ſent them to Paris, he added a great Quantitie of ſundry ſorts of the Shelfiſh and other fiſhes, which are found in the Mediterranean or Midland Sea, of monſtrous ſhapes: alſo the skin of a Sea-Cat, and innumerable other things, which he ſent chieſly to the famous Painter Daniel Monſterius, from whom he exſpected the Pictures of Varius, Thuanus, Caſaubon, and Malherbius.

When he ſent into Italy, and namely to Gualdus, he heard to his great griefe, that Baronius was dead, and wrote unto Flayoſceus and others touching that lamentable accident. When to the Low-Countries, he condoled with Villerius for his loſſe of a piece of money coined by Adrian, on the Back-ſide whereof was ſigured, as Villerius judged, a Phoenix: but, in Peireskius opinion, a Stork: which he gathered from the length of the neck and legs, whereas the Phoenix is uſually repreſented rather like an Eagle: alſo from the Serpent placed at the feer thereof, and the inſeription of the word PATRI, whereby the naturall affection of Hadrian towards Trajan was ſet forth. Finally, by ſome other very convincing tokens, whereby he endeavoured to comfort the man, ſhewing that the thing which he had loſt, was not ſo rare as he imagined: ſo he comforted him touching the loſſe of a Jaſper ſtone, which repreſented the Argaean mountain: which he did, himſelf wanting in the mean time conſolation, by reaſon that a certain ſervant had ſtolen from him the golden Coins of the firſt Emperours, certain Onyx ſtones, and other precious ſtones, moſt rarely ingraven.

Mean while his uncle Claudius fell into a deadly ſickneſſe, not long after the feaſt of the Three Kings [Twelfth Day] the yeer following 1608, Peireskius did viſit him in the Chriſtmas Holydayes; and becauſe he left him well and in health, he was wonderfully caſt down when he heard of this ſickneſſe, which on the ſeventh day after he began to keep his bed, bereſt him of his dearly beloved uncle. The good old man had given order, that his heart and intrals ſhould be buried at Beaugenſier, and the reſt of his body carried to Aix, to the ſepulchre of his Anceſtours. This therefore was performed with great funerall pomp, the Court being invited (as the manner then was) with a Panegyrick Oration, by John Peter Olivarius, a moſt virtuous Senatour, unto which Varius gave conſent by another rare Oration, which is extant among the funerall Orations printed after his death, being the ſixteenth in number. At the end whereof may be ſeen what eſteem he had of Peireskius, ſeeing he ſo highly commends the care of his uncle, in chooſing and providing ſuch a Succeſſour. I know not whether I ſhould relate that which the whole City admired, how the moſt faithfull dog of the deceaſed old Gentleman, followed the Coarſe all along, ſtood waiting upon the bier, could not for many dayes be gotten from the Tomb, and after he was brought back to the houſe, ſtood a long time ſtill before his picture.

Peireskius, his grief being ſomewhat abated, compoſed himſelf, as formerly, to attend upon his Senatorian Office; and in like manner he ceaſed not to ſet aſide ſome good hours for the ſervice of his ſtudies and ſtudious friends and acquaintance. For in the firſt place he wrote ſundry Letters to divers friends; but larger to none than to Laelius Paſcalinus, touching the miſtakes of Urſinus the pictures of the French Kings, Seals, Coins, Titles (chiefly confuring ſuch as conceived that Charles the ſon of Pipin uſurped the name of Great) ſtatues of Players; touching his Aetio, whom though Velſerus conceived to be a Painter of whom Lucian makes mention in Herodotus, he perſiſted in his opinion, by reaſon of the Phrygian Tiara, or royall Diadem, conceiving that it was to be reſerred rather to the father of Andromache; touching Hercules pillars, the Oſtien Port, and other things of inexhauſtible curioſity. In like manner, he treated with Fontanaeus touching moneys; and with Strada, eſpecially concerning ancient Coins: with Claudius Frereus, Maſter of the Requeſts, and afterward chief Preſident of the Parliament at Grenoble, touching the French Hiſtory: with the San-marthani [brethren ſo called] about Genealogies; with Pignorius touching purple; with Nicolaus Faber, and with others about a thouſand things beſides.

Moreover, he made innumerable obſervations, touching ſuch kinds of fiſhes as are wont to be caſt away when they are caught, as unfit for food, which he cauſed to be ſalted, or otherwiſe preſerved at Martigium [de Martigues] and all other places; alſo concerning ſhell-fiſh, plants, and other things (which he variouſly diſtributed up and down) eſpecially when about April he ſojourned at Beaugenſier with Varius; where he diſcourſed moſt deliciouſly touching many things by him produced, which the other had never ſeen before. For they diſcourſed touching a blue Sea-fiſh ſhell, found in the Olbien field or Countrey, out of which a colour is extracted bearing the ſame name; as alſo out of a certain Marble which reſembles the Lapis Lazuli, touching a ſtarred ſtone reſembling Corall, and ſtreaked like a ſtar; touching the Lepadites, or Lepas, being not unlike the ſhell of a ſingle-ſheld Sea-fiſh, all which were dug out of the fields of Caſteler. Alſo of a ſtreakedſtone called Conchites, which he had out of the Antipolitan country, & the territories of For: touching jeat and yellow Amber, dug at the Tower de Bevons. By occaſion whereof he fell to argue, that Amber was a thing which naturally grows in the earth,1608. and is from thence dug out. For they dig it alſo up in Sicily; where, by the violent force of running waters it is diſcovered, and carried as far as to the Sea, and beaten back by the waves of the Sea, it is often found upon the ſhore. And that therefore he ſaid, It is probable that the Amber, which they fiſh out of the Baltick Sea, was pluckt out of the earth by the violence of land-waters, and brought into the Sea, eſpecially ſeeing it contains in like manner flies, and other ſuch like creatures encloſed therein. And therefore that it was fabulous which hath been reported by ſome, that there are very great trees in Norwey, out of which this kind of Amber drops like a Gum, and then congeals and becomes hard.

The truth is, nothing in this whole yeer did more pleaſe him, then that he obſerved and philoſophized about the bloody rain, which was commonly reported to have fallen, about the beginning of July; great drops thereof were plainly to be ſeen, both in the City it ſelf, upon the wals of the Church-yard of the great Church, which is neer the City wall, and upon the City wals themſelves; alſo upon the wals of Villages, Hamlets and Towns, for ſome miles round about. For in the firſt place he went himſelf to ſee thoſe where with the ſtones were coloured, and did what he could, to come to ſpeak with thoſe Huſband-men, who beyond Lambesk, were reported to have been ſo affrighted at the falling of the ſaid tain, that they left their work, and ran as faſt as their legs could carry them into the adjacent houſes. Whereupon he found that it was a fable which was reported touching thoſe Husbandmen. Nor was he pleaſed that the Naturaliſts ſhould refer this kind of rain to vapours drawn up out of red earth aloſt into the Air, which congea • ing afterwards into liquour, fall down in this form; becauſe ſuch vapours as are drawn aloſt by heat, aſcend without colour, as we may know by the alone example of red Roſes, out of which the vapours that ariſe by heat, are congealed into tranſparent water. He was leſſe pleaſed with the common people, and ſome Divines, who judged that it was a work of the Devils and Witches, who had killed innocent young children; for this he counted a meer conjecture, poſſibly alſo inju •• ous to the goodneſſe and providence of God.

In the mean while an accident happened, out of which he conceived he had collected the true cauſe thereof. For ſome moneths before he ſhut up in a box a certain Palmer-worm which he had found, rare for its bigneſſe and form: which when he had forgotten, he heard a buzzing in the box, and when he opened it, found the Palmer-worm, having caſt its coat, to be turned into a very beautifull Butterfly, which preſently flew away, leaving in the bottom of the box a red drop as broad as an ordinary Sous [or Shilling.] And becauſe this happened about the beginning of the ſame moneth, and about the ſame time an incredible multitude of Butterflies were obſerved flying in the Air: He was therefore of opinion, that ſuch kind of But terflies reſſting upon the wals, had there ſhed, as their excrement, ſuch like drops, and of the ſame bigneſſe. Wherefore he went the ſecond time, and found by experience, that thoſe drops were not to be found on the houſe tops, nor upon the round fides of the ſtones which ſtuck out, as it would have happened, if blood had fallen from the sky; but rather where the ſtones were ſomewhat hollowed, and in holes, where ſuch ſmall creatures might ſhroud and neſtle themſelves. Moreover, the wals which were ſo ſpotted, were not in the middle of Towns, but they were ſuch as bordered upon the fields, nor were they on the higheſt parts, but only ſo moderately high as Butterflies are commonly wont to flie. Thus therefore he interpreted that which Gregory of Tours relates, touching a bloody rain ſeen at Paris in divers places, in the dayes of Childebert; and on a certain houſe in the Territory of Senlis. Alſo that which is ſtoried touching raining of blood about the end of June. in the dayes of King Robert; ſo that the blood which fell upon fleſh, garments, or ſtones, could not be waſhed out, but that which fell on wood might. For it was the ſame ſeaſon of Butterflies, and experience hath taught us, that no water will waſh theſe ſpots out of the ſtones, whiles they are freſh and new. When he had ſaid theſe and ſuch like things to Varius, a great company of Auditours being preſent, it was agreed that they ſhould go together and ſearch out the matter, and as they went up and down here and there thorow the fields, they found many drops upon ſtones and rocks: but they were only on the hollow and under parts of the ſtones, but not upon thoſe which lay moſt open to the skies.

Soon after he received out of Italy, and ſent to Thuanus the commendatory Elogies of certain men, as of Hierenymus Columna, Gabriel Faernus, Cruceius, and ſuch like, of whom he intended to make mention in his Hiſtory. Scaliger had ſometime intreated him, that he would renew his commerce which he had eſtabliſhed in the Eaſt, by the Agencie of Peter Oſtagerius, who was in times paſt his Hoſt at Marſeilles, for the buying up of Samaritan, Aegyptian, and Arabick books; grieving that for the ſpace of fifteen yeers which he had ſpent in Holland, he had not heard a word of the Samaritan Pentateuch, which Oſtagerius had promiſed to endeavour to procure for him. Peireskius therefore, having indeed formerly endeavoured ſomewhat in that buſineſſe, did now beſtir himſelf more earneſtly, giving order that the foreſaid book, among many others, ſhould be bought in Aegypt, and conveyed to him. But the ſhip in which it was coming, was pillaged by Pirats, and the book could not be recovered, but was utterly loſt. And ſo was Scaliger deprived of that moſt deſired book, nor did he ever receive the anſwer which he had ſo much expected, which came happily to the hands of Peireskius after his death. For Scaliger had written to the Samaritans of Aegypt, and to their chief Prieſt Eleazar, who dwelt in a City called Sichem, asking them divers queſtions, about the obſervation of the Sabbath, and other Feſſivals, about the Meſſiah, and how they named him; and in concluſion, he deſired of them a copy of their Pentateuch, or five books of Moſes. They anſwered him in two Letters; but becauſe they fell into the hands of Genebrardus and others, they were detained, till ſuch time as Scaliger being dead, Peireskius both obtained them, and cauſed them lately to be turned into Latine, by the exceedingly learned Johannes Morinus. Alſo about this time he re-aſſumed his care of calling Pacius to profeſſe at Aix, and, which is more, of procuring that he might not any longer perſiſt in an un-orthodox Religion: but very many things did intervene, which did again fruſtrate his manifold cares and endeavours.

His brother Valaveſius was at that time in Paris, about the buſineſſe of Rians: and becauſe he ſhould have ſome moneths vacation from his buſineſſe, therefore Peireskius intreated him, that at leaſt for his ſake he would go ſee England and the Low-Countries, and ſalute his friends there, preſenting ſuch tokens as he ſhould ſend them, and procuring certain rarities for him. Alſo he exceedingly intreated him, that he would go to Aquiſgranum, that he might there diſigently view what ever monuments were remaining of Charles the Great, write out the Inſcriptions, and cauſe all the Pictures to be copied, which he ſhould meet with, in Eccleſiaſticall Books, Glaſſe-windows, Copes or Veſtments, Stones or any other things; not neglecting to get the Platform of places and ornaments, the Copies of Charters, and the Prints of Seals, prece or pretio, for money or fair words. He added that it ſo repented him when he was in Holland, that he went not to Aquiſgrane, that, were it not that he confided in his brother, he was reſolved on purpoſe, and for no other intent, to make another voyage thither. Moreover, his brother did all which he deſired of him to the full, with wonderfull care, diligence, and fidelity; himſelf in the mean time, after the beginning of the yeer went to Monpellier, about the ſelf ſame buſineſſe: for the Marquiſſe of Oreſon had ſued Briſack, for making ſale of the whole Juriſdiction of Rians.

He returned about the middle of the Spring,1609. being tormented with a moſt inexpreſſible toothach, and not long after his Father fell into a moſt dangerous diſeaſe, himſelf alſo, being taken with a fever, which was very laſting, and when it went away, left him ſo weak, that he was hardly well recovered by Autumn. And here I muſt record, what he himſelf related often. When he had no appetite, but loathed all meat, ſo that he waſted away, Jacobus Fontanus a famous Phyſician, and his kinſman, asked him, if there were nothing which he had a mind to eat. He ſaid there was, but he was very well aſſured, that it would not be allowed him. Whereupon he was urgent to know what it was. He told him, Musk-melons: the Phyſician replied, Take heart, and be of good cheer; for I do not onely permit, but adviſe, yea and charge you to eat of them; but eat them at the beginning of your meal, without bread, and drink a little pure wine before and after: which advice he followed, and did well upon it; ſo that all his life time after, he did in this manner eat Musk-melons without any prejudice.

When he was recovered, he divers wayes aſſiſted divers learned men, as Johannes Taxilis, who was writing ſomewhat touching the new ſtar which appeared in the great Conjunction aforeſaid; Gaſparus Bricius, a Pariſh-Prieſt in the ſame City, a good induſtrious man and obſervant of the Celeſtial Bodies; Johannes Baptista Hanſenius, whom he grew acquainted with at Rome, in the learned family of Cardinall Baronius, and who by his procurement was chief Rector of the School at Aix three yeers together. And theſe, with other learned men he obliged, while he was yet in a weak condition of body, his diſeaſe being onely abated, not perfectly cured; which was in much meaſure cauſed and lengthened, by the loſſe of three excellent friends, who died in Holland.

The firſt of which was Scaliger who had newly begun his Commentary of Hebrew moneys, when he was taken with a dropſie, through diſtemper of his liver, which the fourth or fifth moneth after, on the 21 of January, brought him to his end. The ſecond was Cluſius, who through weakneſſe of nature, rather than the gout, which had newly ſeized him, died on the fourth of April. His Poſthumus works were ſet forth by his Executour Franciſcus Raphelengius, wherein Peireſkius was frequently metioned, as in this following paſſage for example. There was brought out of Ginny into France an ear of corn not unlike the former the picture where of was ſent to Cluſius from Aix in Provence, by the moſt noble & honorable Nicolaus Fabricius Lord of Peiresk. And afterwards. The following picture of the Gum Tragant-tree was ſent from Aix in Provence, by the moſt magnificent and noble Gentleman Nicolaus Fabricius Lord of Peiresk, Councellour to his Majeſty of France in the Parliament of Aix, with Letters to the moſt renowned Cluſius. And again: Here may be added an Epiſtle of the moſt learned Mr. Doctor Fontane, which was ſent to us from Aix, by the moſt magnificent and moſt prudent Gentleman Nicolaus Fabricius Lord of Peiresk, in the Letter which he wrote to the moſt famous Cluſius; which though it came to us after the death of the renowned Cluſius aforeſaid, yet we conceive it worthy to be inſerted in this Supplement. Moreover, mention was made in that Epiſtle, of a certain rare Aloes tree, which having been planted in a Garden at Avenion, an hundred years ſince, ſprouted forth about the beginning of May in the year 1599. and within 45. daies ſhot up 32. foot high, according to the feet of Provence, which make 24. Paris feet, and near half a foot over. Of which kind alſo, I afterwards ſaw divers ſprouting forth in Provence and eſpecially at Draguinan. The third was Abrahamus Gorlaeus, who dyed before he could finiſh his work in hand, which he called Paralipomena.

And there wanted but little for Varius to make a fourth. He, when it was Vacation, in the moneth of September, went to Antipolis, in the Kings name to take poſſeſſion of that Place, being gained to the Kings Patrimony. And when he had viſited his Brother Peter Varius Biſhop of Vintium, he fell into a moſt dangerous Feaver, which laſted full out a moneth. Which when Peireskius came to hear, he could hardly be kept, though ſick himſelf, from vifiting his ſick friend. Which though he could not do, he was extremely ſollicitous or rather anxious how he might help him. Among other things, he wrote to Marſeilles and provoked Carolus Caſſaneus a famous Phyſitian to viſit him, and provided for him a Coach and a Barke, that he might go with ſpeed either by Land or by water, as he pleaſed. He ſent almoſt every day one or other to carry him ſome exquiſite Medicines or choiſe matter of Diet, and to bring word, what was the condition of the Diſeaſe. And as ſoon as ever there was hopes of Recovery. he ſent him the eaſieſt Saddle he had: howbeit Varius could not be brought back, ſave in an Horſe-litter.

Afterwards, during the time they were both upon the recovery in the remaining part of Autumn, and ſpent whole daies together in familiar diſcourſe, can you imagine their diſcourſes were void of Learning? One diſcourſe I cannot omit, which Peireskius himſelf, did afterwards often relate, and which was the occaſion of ſome alteration even after his death. The occaſion whereof were divers aſſemblies which all the kingdom over were newly called together, by the Kings command, to conſult about the making of ſome perpetuall Statutes, touching the Value and uſe of Coine. For whereas ſeven years ago, the King had made a Proclamation, that a Peice of Gold which had wont to go for threeſcore Shillings, ſhould for the time to come be worth threeſcore and five; it was ſince grown to be worth ſeventy ſhillings and more. Whereupon Varius deſiring his Opinion, Peireskius anſwered, that it was ſcarce to be hoped that any ſtop can be put to ſo growing a miſchiefe. For the cauſe thereof was the Traffick with Neighbour Nations, where gold was higher prized then it is with us. For at that time Gold with us was twelve times as dear, as ſilver; but in Spain it was thirteen times as dear, and that by reaſon of a very late Proclamation, whereby the King of Spain had raiſed the Value of Gold a tenth part higher, not altering at all the Value of Silver. In which, truly, he did not imitate our King, who raiſing the Value of Gold, raiſed likewiſe the Value of Silver, that the proportion between them might not ſeem to be altered. He added; Although not only our King, but the King of England and other Princes, ſhould by new Proclamations vary and en hanſe that proportion; yet would it ſtill happen, that each particular Prince and State, through emulation either raiſing the eſtimation of Gold, or diminiſhing its weight, or at leaſt, intrinſecall Value of Silver, no conſtant Rule could be ſet. For there would never be wanting, either occaſions of wars, by which their Treaſuries being exhauſt, they would be forced to help themſelves that way; or Nations politick enough, by this artifice to keep the purer ſorts of Gold and Silver Monies at home, or to draw them out of other Countries.

For an Example hereof we have the Romans, with whom their As aereus, and Denarius Argenteus, with their Solidus aureus [monies ſo called] were by little and little ſo debaſed, that at laſt they grew quite out of uſe; and particularly the Solidus aureus it felf, which at firſt was exchanged for two of thoſe Golden pieces which were termed Solati, came at laſt to ſo low a Value, as to be exchanged only for a Silver Coine, which did alſo degenerate, that we may reckon it came to the Value of our uſuall Shilling or Spur-roiall, But not to ſeek ſo far for exams ples, it may ſuffice that we conſider the Value-of that piece only which is termed Solatus, whichs in the ſpace of an hundred years laſt paſt, has ſo encreaſed, that the internall goodneſſe of the Solidus or ſpur-roiall decreaſing withall, it is now valued at twice ſo many Solidi or ſpur-roialls, as in daies of old. Nor is it probable that it ſhould ſo reſt, but queſtionleſſe in a few years it will come to paſſe, that the value hereof will ariſe, to a triple or quadruple proportion, and the Solidus, mean while, ſhall not only be diminiſhed in weight, but will become wholly Braſſe, and then alſo loſe of its weight. Nor was this a vain Conjecture: ſeeing the Solatus has been ſome few years ſince by publick Proclamation valued at a hundred and four Solidi; by occaſion whereof Peireskius himſelf, being yet alive, made it his obſervation, that Gold was near Fifteen times the value of Silver.

But to return to the Diſcourſe of Peireskius, when he had ſhewed occaſionally, that the Roman AS firſt weighed an whole pound or welve ounces; and grew afterwards to be diminiſhed unto two, to one, yea and lower: and the Denarie weighing in the times of the Kings the third part of an ounce, under the ancient Rpeublick weighed only a ſixth part, under the latter Republick a ſeventh, under the firſt Caeſars an Eighth or a dram (equall to an Artick dram): finally the Solidus was at firſt the eight and thirtieth part of a pound, afterwards the fortieth, the fortie fifth, fiftieth, and ſo forwards: Varius then asked, what difference there was between thoſe Pounds and Ounces, and ſuch as we uſe? Peireskius anſwered, that he was himſelf in that point not ſufficiently ſatisfied. For he had indeed in his Cuſtodie ancient weights, of thirty pounds, ten pounds, three pounds, and pounds a piece; which he had compared, with the Paris pound Standart of ſixteen ounces; and all he could find, was, that twelve Roman Ounces were aequivalent in weight to about ten ounces of Paris. I ſay about ten Ounces; for in ſome weights he found an exceſſe, in ſome a defect, to three, four and five drams. And although learned Budaeus has written that the proportion is very near one and an half, as ſuppoſing that a Roman pound, with half an Ounce addition, was aequall to a pound Marck or eight Ounces of Paris, at leaſt. Howbeit he durſt not yet determine the matter; becauſe thoſe Denaries had likewiſe been worn, and he waited till he could obtain from Rome a pattern of that Congius or Gallon-meaſure which being in the daies of Veſpaſian conſecrated in the Capitoll, was yet extant, being preſerved in the Farneſian Palace; and, containing ten pounds of wine or water, might be a meanes to diſcover, how many pounds and Ounces of Paris might be contained in ſuch a weight.

He allowed of what he ſaid, and asked him how many he thought the Roman Congius or Gallon did contain of our Pints? To which Peireskius anſwered, that it muſt likewiſe be determined by the meaſure aforeſaid; but in the mean time he was of opinion, that the Roman Congius contained about three Pots or Pints of Provence, and that the truth thereof might be certainly found out, if the proportion between the ancient Roman Foot, and the foot now in uſe, were known. For as the Romans defined their Amphora which contained 8. of the foreſaid Congii or Gallons, to be a Cubick foot; ſo they ordained that their Congius ſhould be in widneſſe half a Cubick foot. Afterwards, in proceſſe of time, he obtained not only one, but two patterns of the Congius. but he never had leaſure ſufficient, to ſearch into the matter fully accordingly to his deſire; and after he obtained the latter Pattern, he ſoon after died, or he had, without queſtion, experimented the Difference.

But becauſe I according to my ability, have ſupplied that care of his, I know not whether it will be too great a digreſſion to relate what I have don. Doubtleſſe. I am obliged to gratifie our Countrymen, who have hoped that Peireskius would compare the weights & meaſures of the Ancients, not only one with another, but with ſuch as are in uſe with us. In a word therefore, we uſed the ſame Cautions which Lucas Paetus and Villalpandus did uſe; for we filled the veſſell to the top of the Neck with pit water, then weighed it, ſubducting the weight of the veſſell. And we found the water, which according to the Roman weight was to be ten pounds, or an hundred and twenty Ounces, to be ſeven pounds lacking two drams according to the Paris pound; or an hundred and eleven Ounces and 2. drams. From which proportion we afterwards collected, that the Roman Ounce does contain five hundred thirty ſix of thoſe granes, whereof five hundred ſeventy ſix are contained in the Pariſian Ounce, ſo that being contracted into Drams, there fell to every Roman Dram, threeſcore and ſeven granes: which we therefore conceived to be the weight of the Denarie coined by the Caeſars, which is ſaid to have weighed a Dram.

This being done, it was not hard to expreſſe the value of the Denarie aforeſaid, and of any other the like Coines, by our monies which we uſe, eſpecially ſince the late new Proclamation in the year 1636. Forſeeing from the preſcribed value and weight of Silver, we gather that an ounce of Silver is worth threeſcore Shillings of Tours: therefore the Roman Denarie was of the Value of ſeven Shillings and five Denaries of Tours, with the third part of a Tours Denarie (and ſo it will very little exceed the value of a Spaniſh Real) and this we may underſtand to have been the dayes wages of a Soldier not only with the Romans, but alſo with the Greeks, becauſe a Denarie and a Drachma were of equall value. And therefore a Quinarius or Victoriatus will be worth three Shillings and eight Denaries of Tours and the eight part of a Denarie; a Seſtertius will be worth one Shilling and ten Denaries and the third part of a Denarie. And becauſe, for examples ſake, an Hebrew Shekell was according to Joſephus, of the value of four Drams or four Roman Denaries; therefore it was worth 29. of the Shillings of Tours aforeſaid, with nine Denaries and a third part of a Denarie of Tours. Hence likewiſe becauſe the thirty Peices for which our Saviour Chriſt was ſold by the Traytor Judas, being called Denaries, ſeem to have been thirty Shekells; therefore we collect their Value to have been forty four pounds Tours, thirteen Shillings four pence, or four Denaries.

As for the Comparing of thoſe Roman weights with the weights of Provence, we have obſerved, that the ſelf-ſame water aforeſaid, or ten pounds Roman, did weigh 9. pounds of Provence with the third part of an Ounce. We have obſerved that the Pound of Paris compared with our Standard of Provence, does contain as many Ounces, with four ounces and a dram over. But it is to be noted, that our Clarke of the Markets, ſo orders the Standard, that he adds to every pound weight from one to an hundred an ounce, becauſe of the Waſt of ſuch Commodities as are bought by whole ſale & ſold out again by retaile: ſo that an hundred pounds of Paris, which ſhould weigh an hundred twenty nine of our pounds and a third part of a pound; do weigh, as it is ordered, only an hundred twenty two pound, fourteen ounces and a dram.

And whereas we might compare the Roman meaſure, both with the meaſures of Paris and Provence, by meanes of the weights aforeſaid; I ſhall only add, that we found upon triall that fourteen Paris Pints, did make juſt eleven of our Provence Pots or pints ſo called; and the great Meaſure of Paris containing two hundred and eighty pints, containes four of our Provence meaſures which we call Meillerolle, with twenty eight pots or pints over; our Meillerolle aforeſaid containing forty eight Pots, each of which weighs three pounds Provence and a quarter. From whence you may gather, that the Roman Congius does containe two of our Pots of Provence with almoſt five Sixts over; or three Pints Paris and very near half a pint over: and you may underſtand, for examples ſake, how much Novellius Torquatus the famous Toſſe-pot of Millaine drank, who is reported to have fetcht off at one draught, in the preſence of the Emperor Tiberius, three Congii or Roman Gallons of wine; for which he was afterward called Tricongius. Alſo you may know, how much according to our meaſures the Urna did contain, which held four of the Congii; and the Amphora which held eight; and the Sextary which was a ſixth part of the Congius; and the Semi-ſextary which was a twelfth part, and was alſo termed Hemina and Cotyle, where you may obſerve, if you pleaſe, that the Pariſians do call the fourth part of their Pint Semi-ſextarius, becauſe it comes very near in quantity to the Roman Semirextarie.

And ſo much, by the way, touching the Modius Liquidorum, the great meaſure of Liquid things: but as for the Roman Modius Aridorum, or their Buſhell to meaſure dry Comodities, which containes an hundred and forty four Boxes or wooden meaſures, fourteen of which have been found to equalize the Weight of five Heminae or ten Pannals according as we have reckoned their weight; ſuch a Modius, I ſay, is equivalent to ten of our Charges or burthens and very near three Pannalls. And this is that which it chiefly concerns our Countrymen to know in this Subject, unleſſe I ſhould add, that we devided the Pariſian Foot, into a thouſand parts, and obſerved that our Provence Palme or Span, which is the 8th. part of a Can or Rod, does contain only ſeven hundred ſixty and three of thoſe parts: but the old Roman foot containes nine hundred and ſix of the ſaid parts; the Engliſh foot nine hundred thirty three, that of Holland 966; that of Lions and Grenoble a thouſand fifty and two; and that of Florence, one thouſand, eight hundred and two. But of this, enough and too much.

I return now to Peireskius, who ſoon after, in the year 1610. went again to Mon-pellier, And having effected his buſineſſe according to his hearts deſire, he returned, in the beginning of May, at which time he happened to dream a dream,1610. which as often as he related to me (which was divers times) he would alwayes premiſe, that if another ſhould have related it unto him, he could not have beleeved it. There was in his company Jacobus Rainerius a Citizen of Aix, who was wont to lodge in the ſame chamber with him, and their lodging was at the white Inn, between Monpellier and Niſmes. Now Peireskius was in a dream, and talked to himſelf obſcurely of I know not what ſtrange buſineſſe: whereupon Rainerius awaked him, asking him what was the matter. To whom he replied, Alas and well away, what a ſweet and pleaſant dream have you robbed me of! I dreamt I was at Niſmes, and that the Goldſmith offered to ſell me a golden piece of Julius Caeſars coin for four Cardecues; and I was juſt ready to give him the money, that I might have the piece, whereas by your unſeaſonable waking of me, the Goldſmith vaniſhed out of my ſight, and the piece of coin out of my hands. Soon after, not thinking of the dream, he went to Niſmes, and while dinner was making ready, he walkt about the Town.

Now it happened wonderfully, that he hit upon a Goldſmith, and asking him if had any rarities, he anſwered that he had a Julius Caeſar in gold. He asked him, what he would take for it, he ſaid, Four Cardecues. Whereupon he preſently gave him the money, took his Julius Caeſar; and ſo was his dream wonderfully and moſt happily fulfilled. Wonderfully, I ſay, for he might eaſily think upon Niſmes, whither he was to go the following day: he might well dream of that piece of Coin of Julius Caeſar, which waking he had often deſired: and that he might meet with it in that City wherein there were ſo many reliques of Romane Antiquity: and he might dream of a Goldſmith; for to men of that trade ſuch pieces are commonly brought by them which dig them up: he might dream of an indifferent price, ſuch as Goldſmiths rather than Antiquaries are wont to ſet upon ſuch commodities: he might have thought of four Cardecues, with which as a moderate price a Goldſmith might be content: Finally, a Goldſmith, and at Niſmes, might have ſuch a piece at ſuch a price: but that all theſe ſhould concur, and that the event ſhould anſwer to the dream, is altogether wonderfull. Yet Peireskius was not the man that would conclude, that this dream did therefore proceed from any preternaturall cauſe; if ſuch dreams had often happened, he might peradventure have thought ſo: but knowing the ſport which Fortune is wont to make, he reckoned this accident onely among thoſe rare caſes which are wont to amaze the vulgar, ſuch as they likewiſe relate of Eudemus the familiar acquaintance of Aristotle at Pherae, and of the two Arcadians at Megara, and ſome other ſuch like: howbeit, the truth of all ſuch like Hiſtories, reſts wholly upon the credit of the Relatours.

Afterwards Peireskius ſtayed certain dayes at Arles, that beſides many other obſervations elſewhere, he might curiouſly ſearch into certain rare monuments, at the monaſtery of Mon-majour. And when returning from thence, he came neer to Salon, a Poſt met him from the Arch-Biſhop, to acquaint him ſpeedily with the unheard of and lamentable death of King Henry. Being wonderfully daunted, he made haſte nevertheleſſe to comfort Varius, who was already acquainted with the thing, and was beginning to endeavour, by ſending Meſſengers and Letters, to preſerve the Inhabitants of Provence in their obedience. Moreover, it is not to be forgotten, how at the very beginning of the yeer, and before Peireskius departed from Mon-pellier, there was brought him out of Spain an Almanack, or yeerly Prognoſtication, made by Hieronymus Ollerius of Barcellona, and the November foregoing printed at Valence, in which the lamentable accident aforeſaid was clearly foretold. For he had ſo ſet down the circumſtances of his nativity, and certain principall things which had happened concerning him, that no other King ſave Henry the Great, could be thereby intended. Which when he had ſhewed to Varius, and acquainted Joſephus Galterius Prior, and the Lord of Valetta therewith, a man excellently skilled in all the Mathematicall Arts, but eſpecially in Aſtronomy; though no great heed were to be given to Aſtrologicall Predictions, yet it ſeemed a matter not to be ſleighted, as concerning the life of ſo worthy a Prince. Whereupon Varius preſently ſent the book to the King.

I ſhall not ſtand to relate, how that great and truly generous Prince, commending the care of Varius, did contemn and ſleight the Prognoſtication: but becauſe the event proved it to be true, and Ollerius himſelf afterwards writing a Prognoſtication for the following yeer, did wonderfully boaſt thereof; therefore I muſt needs ſay that, which at leaſt may make it doubtfull, whether it was from the ſtars, or ſome other hints rather, that he conjectured the ſaid event. For, as for the vanity of Aſtrologie, it is needleſſe for me to ſpeak any thing in this place, eſpecially ſeeing the nativities calculated 3 yeers ſince did prognoſticate no ill, till four yeers more were paſt. Nor am I one of thoſe that are in the leaſt ſuſpicious, that the prophet had ſome traffick with evil ſpirits, which might reveal and preſage the ſame: onely, I ſay, it is poſſible he was acquainted with the plot, by which ſo an abominable, and not to be named Parricide was committed. Sure I am, it could not be perfectly concealed, neither in Spain, nor in Italy; for even the Kings Embaſſadours, and namely, the moſt excellent Johannes Bochartus Lord of Champigny, then Agent at Venice, had already pre-advertized his Majeſty thereof. And it was ſufficiently proved, that all the Sea-faring men of Marſeilles, who for two moneths before came from Spain, brought word that there was a report ſpred abroad in Spain, that the King of France either was already, or ſhould be killed, by a ſword or knife. Alſo. Peireskius related and writ to Malherbius, that which may fitly be here inſerted, viz. How on the Saturday, three dayes after that the kings death was publiſhed, there paſſed thorow Aix a moſt illuſtrious Venetian, of the family of the Priuli, who had been Agent for the Commonwealth at Paris, and was then going to be Agent at Madrid; who, when he went to viſit Varius, told him among other things, how journeying thorow Millain, he ſaluted there the Earl of Fontane: and having, by way of diſcourſe, expreſſed what a mighty Army his Majeſty of France had in readineſſe; the Earl anſwered, he was not at all afraid thereof, becauſe the death of one man would ſhortly overthrow the ſame. But I muſt not harp too long upon this ſtring.

Not long after, Peireskius received Letters from Pignorius written the third day of the ſame moneth, wherin he was made acquainted, that Galilaeus, by his newly invented Teleſcope, had diſcovered certain great and wonderfull ſights, concerning the Stars, and principally four new Planets, which are carried about Jupiter, which he had called the Medicean Planets. For, in the beginning of the former yeer, which was 1609, Jacobus Metius of Alcmair in Holland, while he was compounding and fetting together ſundry ſorts of glaſſes, to try their effects, he happened accidentally upon that ſame compariſon and compoſition of a convex and a concave glaſſe, by which, eſpecially the Tube being interpoſed, he that lookt thorow the ſame might ſee ſmall things grow great, and things diſtant brought neer (whereupon the invention of the Teleſcopium, or Perſpective-Glaſſe is attributed to him; though Johannes Baptiſta Porta had already publiſhed ſome ſuch thing in print) but Galilaeus only by the rumour of ſuch a thing which he had heard, began to invent not onely the cauſe of the effects of the Teleſcope, or Perſpective-Glaſſe; but alſo the way to make one; whereupon after divers eſſayes and trials, he hit at laſt upon the way to make a moſt exact one. And that was it, by which in the two firſt moneths of the tenth yeer aforeſaid, he accompliſhed thoſe obſervations, which he publiſhed in March, under the Title of Sidereus Nuncius, or the Heavenly Intelligencer.

Peireskius therefore being acquainted therewith, himſelf with great ardency of affection, that he might obtain his Book and a Teleſcope, or Proſpective glaſſe as ſoon as poſſibly he could. But though he got a Book, yet was it long ere he could obtain an exquiſite Teleſcope, though he got ſome both from Italie, Holland, and Paris, as ſoon as they began to be made there. And this was the reaſon that before November he could not diſcover, nor obſerve the Planet's aforeſaid moving about Jupiter; at leaſt he could not perceive their full number. But as ſoon as he diſcovered them, tis wonderfull with what joy he did contemplate ſo rare a ſight. For preſently he ſhewed the ſame to Varius, and other friends; and that he might loſe no time he made him an Obſervatorie, and invited the foreſaid Galterius, and kept him divers daies, and ſpent almoſt two whole years together in his obſervations with him. His Brother was yet at Paris: wherefore he never ceaſed to urge and ſollicite him, till he had cauſed divers glaſſes for proſpectives to be made, which he ſent him to the number of Fortie. For he hoped at laſt to obtain ſome of the beſt ſort and ſuch as Galileus made uſe of.

Meanwhile notwithſtanding, having contemplated certain revolutions, he began to conſult with Galterius about framing of Hypotheſes and Tables of their Motions. Wherefore Galterius having undertaken the buſineſſe, prevailed in a ſhort time ſo far, that be determined as exquiſitely as he might, the times in which the ſaid Mecicean Stars did firſt finiſh their Circum volutions viz, the outtermoſt in 16. daies and 16. houres: the next in ſeven daies three hours and an half: the third in three daies, thirteen hours and an half likewiſe; the innermoſt, in one day, 18 hours and an half. I reckon not the minutes, becauſe though computation was made even to the Seconds (as Aſtronomers ſpeake) yet daily experience taught, that there was ſtill ſomewhat to be added and diminiſhed, ſo that there ſtill remaines ſomething for the Obervation and diligence of following times to amend. I only touch upon theſe things, to intimate, how vehemently Peireskius endeavoured, that this new Invention might be ſpeedily perfected. For he made choice likewiſe of Johannes Lombardus a diligent Man to aſſiſt in the obſervations; and of Petrus Robertus a Candidate in Phyſick and Johannes Baptiſta Morinus a Candidate in Philoſophie two young Men, to aſſiſt Galterius in the arithmeticall comptuations, which would have been too tedious for him alone to calculate.

Alſo he got the obſervations which Johannes Keplerus the Emperors renowned Mathematician, and others alſo beſides Galileus, had made; that by comparing of them, the Hypotheſes might be perfected. Alſo he cauſed aan Artificiall Machine or Sphere mechanicall Theorie or Inſtrument to be made like the Vulgar one of Peurbachius; that the Roots of the Motions being praeſuppoſed, the Places of the Medicean Stars might be calculated for years, moneths, daies, and hours, Alſo he gave them names, that they might be the better diſtinguiſhed one from another. For ſeeing Galileus had called them all in generall, the Medicean Stars, he would not by any meanes change that Appellation: but yet he choſe out certain Princes of the Medicean familie, whoſe names he would confer upon the ſeverall Stars. And becauſe he was bound, ſaving the Honour of the Familie, to give the names of two renowned Queens, which that houſe had yeilded France, unto two Stars: therefore he gave the name of Catharine to the outmoſt Planet; to the other, which ſhines more gloriouſly then the reſt, the name of Mary; to that which follows, the name of Coſmus Major, and to the innermoſt Coſmus minor. He purpoſed afterwards to publiſh in print both his Oblervations and Tables; but underſtanding, that Galileus was earneſtly endeavouring the ſame thing; therefore, leſt he ſhould ſeem to go about to ſnatch away the Honour which was due to him, he deſiſted from his purpoſe.

Finally it came into his mind to aſſiſt the Geographers in delivering the Method of finding out the longitude. For ſeeing the motions of theſe Planets are exceeding ſwift, and their Configurations every night different; therefore he conceived, that if obſervation were made in ſeveverall places Eaſt and Weſt, at what moments they happened; the diſtances of places, according to the varietie of times, might moſt punctually be known: and that conſequently, Geographical Maps and Carts might be ſo amended and perfected, that for time to come the Art of Navigation might attain the higheſt pitch of perfection. Wherefore he ſent Letters to this effect to Jodocus Hondius at Amſterdam, wherein alſo he deſired, that he would ſend him the name and Country of him that invented the firſt proſpective Glaſſe; for as yet he knew not that it was he whom we mentioned before. He wrote alſo largely to his Brother in Paris, deſiring him to ſend ſeverall ſorts of Proſpectives, which he had ordained to make obſervations in ſundry places, but eſpecially in the Eaſterne Countries, and in the new world [Weſt-Jndies] whither ſome of his friends were ſhorly to go. And afterward he obtained indeed ſome obſervations, principally, from the forenamed Johannes Lombardus, who went Eaſtward as far as Aleppo; but they did not ſufficiently ſatisfie him; nor could he conceive, though all the Configurations of theſe Planets were ſet down in the Ephemerides, that the invention could prove ſo generall, as he had hoped. For he knew that Seafaring men could not make any obſervation, either in the day, or when the skie was cloudy, nor when Jupiter was in conjunction with the Sun, or when in the night he ſhould be beneath the Earth; nor for half a year when they ſhould be on one ſide of the world and Jupiter on the other; and ſuch like Caſes. Wherefore he laid that care aſide, ſuppoſing that Galileus or Kepler at one time or other, would take this Charge upon them, and by their dexterity perfectly finiſh the ſame. Doubtleſſe, it did not alittle rejoyce him, when he heard that Galileus intended to finiſh the Method and acquaint the Hollanders therewith, who ſo earneſtly deſired to find out the ſecret of Longitudes.

Moreover though Peireskius was about this time very much emploied; yet ceaſed he not to take care of many things for the advancement of knowledge. It was in the year 1611. that in the little Garden which Peirskius had belonging 〈…〉 his houſe at Aix,1611. Tulips were firſt ſeen. For in the ſaid garden, he had the Autumn before ſet ſome of their Bulbous roots, which Winghemius had ſent from Tornay. Now he was wont to relate, how at the ſame time, when the garden was manuring, a parcell of earth being heaped together, a little Bitch which he kept, called Marphiſa, ſought her whelps, whom he had cauſed to be thrown away, and buried them under that heap of earth, and lay by it certain dayes, not ſuffering any one to come neer, though to bring her meat. I do not well remember, whether that Bitches name was Sultana, whoſe death, though he was much troubled at, yet was he glad of the experiment occaſioned by her.

She gave ſuck to three puppies, which with the mother were all ſick of the ſame diſeaſe. One of the puppies being dead and caſt away, the mother likewiſe died. No body underſtanding the cauſe, he ſent for an Anatomiſt, and cauſed her to be opened to ſee her entrals. And they found all along her guts, certain bunches of little white knobs, like the ſeeds of a Gourd or Cowcumber; ſo that they ſeemed to be a ſort of thoſe worms, which are by ſome termed Vermes Cucurbitales. Now they were beneath larger and harder, and upwards they became ſmaller and ſofter, ſo that at the top there appeared nothing but a confuſed whiteneſſe. Peireskius therefore not liking ſuch things as were brought from Surgeons and Phyſicians, for the cure of this diſeaſe, commanded (led by I know not what Genius) that they ſhould bring him ſome Treacle; ſome of which when he he had laid upon the foreſaid matter, he obſerved, to the great amazement of himſelf and the by-ſtanders, how it began to melt, and run downwards. Whereupon he commanded, that ſome of the Treacle ſhould be given to the two whelps which were living, ſuppoſing that it was an Antidote for the diſeaſe. And one of the whelps being at the laſt caſt, died as they were giving it; the other being ſtronger, took the medicine, and grew perſectly well thereupon.

The ſelf ſame yeer happened that ſo much tallt-of ſtory of Ludovicus Gaufridus, reported to be a Conjurer, and of Magdalena Paludana, poſſeſſed with a devil through his witcheries. Which buſineſſe much troubled the whole Court of Parliament; but Peireskius eſpecially, who was very much buſied thereabout, and writ very neer the whole Hiſtory thereof at large. And for a time indeed he was in the ſame opinion with the common people, moved chiefly by thoſe ſenſleffe ſcars, which were ſound upon both their bodies, and beleeved to be tokens of witchcraft; but he began afterwards to doubt, whether in the whole buſineſſe there were not ſome ſecret impoſture, or dotage. Howbeit, he alwayes juſtified the ſentence of the Court, by which the Magician was condemned to be burnt: who had, howſoever, libidinouſly profaned and deſtroyed the ſacred myſteries of Religion. He ſaid moreover, that though Magicians have not ſo much commerce with the Devil, as is ſuppoſed, yet ought they to be puniſhed for their bad mind, in revolting from Almighty God, and imploring the aſſiſtance of evil Spirits. In like manner, though after they have anointed themſelves, they are not indeed tranſported into thoſe meetings, as they imagine, where they may act all kind of abominations; yet is their will to be puniſhed, whereby they deſire and endeavour to accompliſh ſuch a thing.

Now that which wrought moſt with him was an impoſture, whereby not long after a certain Prieſt of Marſeilles was accuſed of Magick, being diſcovered by a certain Devil, which Gaufridus was ſaid to have conjured into a poor woman. For he was freed by the Court, having been firſt pricked all his body over, to find out thoſe ſame inſenſible places ſtigmatized by the Devil, which could no where be diſcovered. And Peireskius did call the matter ſo much the more in queſtion, foraſmuch as three yeers after he was informed by Winghemius, that the like ſtory had happened in Flanders, viz. touching a Canon that had been pricked all his body over, and was at laſt pronounced guiltleſſe. Which is doubtleſſe a notable warning, that we give not ſo eaſie credit to the Devil, whom the Scripture ſtyles the father of lies; nor to a ſilly woman, who partly by the weakneſſe of her nature, partly through the vehemencie of vapours diſturbing her brain, partly through malice, or hatred, & partly by a conceived opinion, long cheriſhed and deeply rooted in her mind, may eaſily deceive. As for thoſe Stigmata, or inſenſible parts, Peireskius was in doubt, whether or no they were true ſignes of a Witch, eſpecially after that he knew it was a matter controverted by Martinus Delrius, and other very learned men. For peradventure they might be naturall, and belong to ſome peculiar of that diſeaſe which is termed Elephantiaſis; or at leaſt, the Magicians might make them upon their own skins, as with a Cauſtick, and in their troubled fancies perſwade themſelves, they received thoſe brand-marks from the Devil, juſt as they imagine they receive thoſe ointments from the Devil, which they themſelves make, and give one to another, confidently perſwading themſelves, that by virtue thereof they ſhall be tranſported to thoſe wicked aſſemblies of Devils and Witches.

Peireskius was all this yeer ſomewhat crazie in his health; but he was worſt about the beginning of the Summer; howbeit, he fell not into any notable ſickneſſe, neither ceaſed he his wonted ſtudies. Yea, and he judged himſelf ſufficiently ſtrong to be with Varius, who lay ſick fourty dayes together of a moſt grievous Ague, at a Countrey-houſe neer Marſeilles, which he had, called Florida. I ſhall not relate how diligently he endeavoured to ſerve him; one thing onely I muſt not paſſe over. Varius amended but ſlowly, becauſe he had no appetite, but wonderfully loathed all kinds of meat. Now while Peireskius diligently endeavoured to find if there were any thing which he could long for, and would of purpoſe intermingle diſcourſes of pleaſant meats; it happened upon a time, that Varius did occaſionally intimate, that the Trouts which are caught in the lake of Geneva, were not unpleaſant in taſte. He therefore cloſely marking the ſame, by his great diligence, procured a fair Trout taken in the foreſaid lake, and put into paſte to be preſented him from ſome other friend; which Varius nevertheleſſe, by the expedition, judged to be one of Peireskius his adventures.

In like manner he endeavoured to provoke his appetite by preſenting him with a diſh made of the Tongues of certain Birds called Phoenicopteri, though it was in the winter, at which time only thoſe kind of Sea-birds are taken in the Moores of Arles. Thoſe tongues were not much leſſe then Kids-tongues: and yet becauſe they ſeemed ſweeter in the eating, Varius would not ſay, nor could divine what they were, till Peireskius brought forth that verſe of Martiall.

Dat mihi Penna rubens Nomen, ſed Lingua guloſis Noſtra ſapit. My name I have from my red-feather'd Coat My Tongue's a Bit to p'eaſe a Glutton's Throat.

Then he asked him, How the fleſh of thoſe Birds taſted? To which he anſwered, that he wondred why Apicius in Pliny, and the Emperours Caligula and Vitellius in Suetonius, and Heliogabalus in Lampridius, and ſome others had accounted it for ſuch a dainty diſh; for it was of an unpleaſant or at leaſt of no exquiſite taſte, like that of all other water foule, and ſmelt of fiſh; and therefore the Inhabitants of Provence, did for the moſt part, throw the fleſh of thoſe Birds away, making uſe only of the Skin and Feathers, to cover the fleſh of other Birds, when they are to be ſerved in, at pompous Feaſts.

THE LIFE OF PEIRESKIUS. The Third Book.

1612. THe following year he went again to Paris: for Valaveſius had ſent for him thither, at what time he ſuppoſed the Buſineſſe of Riantium would come to a finall hearing. And it is ſo fell out, that while he tarried by the way, the Judgment was paſſed in the mean time, of which he was iuformed by Letters which he received as he was upon his journey; but becauſe he undertook the ſame not ſo much for the Buſineſſe ſake, as out of deſire to ſee his friends, therefore he would not return; but proceeding more couragiouſly on his way, he came to Paris; juſt when his Brother was to have departed. But his good Deſtinie kept him ſtill in the City: for he fell into a diſeaſe, which held him with ſuch vehemencie an whole Moneth together, that unleſſe his moſt dear Brother had come and ſtood by him, he could hardly have recovered out of the ſame. And though he recovered his former health in the moneth of June, yet would he not depart without his Brother, who deſerred his departure till November. His pretence was, that the late Judgment touching the Buſineſſe of Rians was not altogether decretory or finall: for to underſtand the ancient Law of Provence, ſometime was interpoſed, to hear what the Aſſembly of the States would ſay. Whereupon, becauſe ſuch an Aſſembly could not be gathered without the Duke of Guiſe, who was Vice-roy, and he could not till then leave the Court, therefore Peireskius reſolved not to retun till then.

It is needleſſe here to recount, with how much joy and how great eſteem of his Virtue, he was entertained by Thuanus, Campinius, Rociacus, Faber, and other of his friends and rare men, whom we ſpake of before, and ſuch as had already knowledge of him either by Face or Frame. It is needleſſe to reckon up the kind offices whereby he obliged very many Learned men, not only ſuch as were in the City, as (beſides the forenamed) Johannes Savato, Carolus Labbeus, and others; but alſo in other Places, as in the other Cities of France, in Italie, England, and the Low-Countries.

And whereas he was alwaies buſied in the Advancement of Liberall Arts, his care in the obſervation of the Heavenly Bodies, was of all others moſt remarkable, and his Diſcourſes which he had thereof with Mathematicians and other Learned Men. Whence it came to paſſe, that no man was better acquainted with the new Phaenomena, no man laboured with greater ardency and conſtancie to know the ſame. So that it was accounted almoſt a miracle, that being diſtracted with ſo many other Cares, he could gaine ſo exact a knowledge of theſe kind of things. For he declared many things not only touching the Phaenomena themſelves, but alſo about the making and uſe of the Teleſcope or Proſpective; for for which purpoſe he was wont for the moſt part to carry ſome with him both to obſerve the fabrick of the Inſtrument and the way to uſe the ſame. And when he took paines about the Medicean Planets, he obſerved ſomewhat, which will not prove ungrateful to ſuch as are pleaſed with theſe ſtudies.

Viz. He obſerved that Jupiter paſſed beyond the Lions Heart to the North, on the 30. day of June, a little before evening; and that Venus being horned, went yet more to the North, between the evening aforeſaid and the Evening of the firſt of July next following; in which likewiſe ſhee paſſed a little beyond a Conjunction with Jupiter: whereas even the Moon at that time, being the moſt Northern of all, ſtood very near conjoined to the ſelf ſame Lions heart aforeſaid.

In like manner he obſerved two Eclipſes, one of the Moon and another of the Sun. And as for that of the Moon which happened the 14. of May, he had noted in his Papers, that the Clouds hindered him from obſerving any thing, ſave that the Eclipſe was begun, and encreaſed near to the fourth part of the Diameter when the Town Clocks did variouſly ſtrike nine, and it was by his own watch nine, and half an hour over; and that it vvas augumented almoſt to the Semi-diameter, vvhen by the Tovvn Clocks it vvas half an hour paſt nine, and by his ovvn Watch ten. But he vvrote ſomevvhat more exquiſitely about the Suns Eclipſe, which happened the thirtieth day of the ſame moneth; viz. hovv he obſerved that the Sun vvas become like the Moon when ſhee is near half dark, vvhen it vvas nine a clock in the morning by the Town-clocks, and a third part of an hour over. Afterwards at half an hour after ten and ſomewhat more, he ſaw the Eclipſe encreaſed; but at eleven of the clock it began to decreaſe, and was reduced to the centre of the Sun. A little after, there was ſcarce a digit over: Finally, when it was twelve a clock, wanting the ſixth part of an hour, the Eclipſe ceaſed. Which I ſet down, that you may ſee that there was no diligence, at the leaſt, wanting in him. And he wiſhed aſterward, that he had obſerved all things more exquiſitely: yet he thought there was enough done, whereby he might with extream delight compare his obſervation with one made at Rome of the Moons Eclipſe, which Johannes Remus Quietanus; a famous Phyſician and Mathematician, had made; and with two, touching both Eclipſes, made at Haſnia, by the renowned Chriſtianus Severinus Longomontanus, who was the Affiſtant of Ticho Brahe.

About this time there came forth a book in the Italian Tongue, intitled Squinitius, wherein the Venetian Liberty was examined, from the very foundations of the Republike. Which book, becauſe it ſeemed to contain rare skill in the Hiſtory of the Empire, and the Gothiſh Kings, therefore it was preſently beleeved (as many at this day think) that Peireskius was Author thereof. But the truth is, I can bear him witneſſe that he never intended ſuch a thing; but contrarily, he alwayes ſo reverenced the Majeſty of the Republike, and his friends which he had therein, that he was rather enclined to do any ſervice thereunto, than to act any thing in ciſgrace thereof. Nor do I enquire, whether the Author of this book was Antonius Albizius, that noble Florentine, who had two yeers before ſet out the Pedegrees of Chriſtian Princes, as ſome were of opinion; or, which is more likely, the renowned Marcus Velſerus, of whom we have frequently ſpoken, by reaſon of his excellent learning, and ſingular propenſity to the Houſe of Auſtria. I ſhall onely ſay, that ſome have unjuſtly ſuſpected, that Gualdus and Pignorius did either aſſiſt in the writing thereof, or communicated their notes for him to digeſt: for they were more ingenuous and greater lovers of their Countrey, than to be ſtained with ſuch impiety. But to be ſure, Peireskius never dreamt of ſuch a thing.

Moreover, being about to depart from Paris, and taking leave of his friends, he undertook among other things to ſend to Mericus Vicus at the beginning of Winter a pair of Phoenicopteri, or Red-wings, birds ſo called. For he had a great deſire to bring up ſome of thoſe birds, not onely for their Scarlet-coloured wings (which makes our Countrey-men call them the Flaming Birds) nor the longneſſe of their thighs and neck, which made Juvenal term this bird Phoenico-pterus ingens; but chiefly becanſe of the manner of their diet, with which Peireskius related, ſome of them had been kept by Varius. For he related how they did eat their meat rather in the night than in the day (which meat was commonly made of bread moiſtened with water); how they could diſcern the approach of cold weather, and would come to the fire, ſo as ſometimes to burn their feet; and when one foot pained them, they would go upon their other foot, and uſe their bill in ſtead of the burnt foot; how they ſlept ſtanding upright upon one foot, with the other drawn up to their breſt amongſt their feathers; that a little ſleep ſerved their turn, and ſuch like. At his departure, he was moſt exceedingly grieved for the death of his moſt loving friend Nicolas Faber, who not onely many dayes before had commended to the King that rare man Thomas Billonus, when he did preſent his moſt laborious and admirably happy Anagrams. In his journey, he was vexed with great difficulty of urine.

After he was returned, nothing ſo much grieved him,1613. as an injury which one of the Senatours had done unto Varius, both before the Nativity, and at the beginning of the new yeer; wherefore he never was from him all that while, ſave eight dayes, during which he was troubled with a grievous diſeaſe, about the end of April. His brother in the mean while returned to Paris, and he ſent divers tokens to his friends by him. Alſo he ſent many things into Italy to Paſcalinus, Benedictus, and others, with whom he diſcourſed about divers Subjects, and of whom he likewiſe deſired ſome things for his friends. Among whom was Caſaubon, as alſo Henricus Polanus the Mint-Maſter, who deſired him to procure for him out of Italy, divers books hard to be found, as alſo ancient weights, or at leaſt the compariſon which had been made between them and thoſe of Paris. Another while writing to Paris, he made it his chief buſineſſe to commend Hannibal Fabrotus, a famous Lawyer, rarely adorned with the knowledge of polite Literature, both to Thuanus, and to other of his friends, who had already heard of his learning.

As for what concerns other learned men, Sirmondus ſetting out, not long after, Notes upon Sidonius Apollinaris, did relate a Conſtitution, which Cuſanus took to have been made by Conſtantine the Great, and Scaliger judged that it was made by Conſtantine the Tyrant; but Peireskius ſhewed, out of aCivil Law book ſo called. Code of Arles, that it was rather made by the Emperours Honorius and Theodoſius, being written to Agricola, Preſident of the Gallick Provinces, touching the holding of an Aſſembly of the ſeven Provinces, once every yeer at Arles. Moreover, Jacobus Fontanus dedicating to him his Commentaries upon the Aphoriſms of Hippocrates, hath theſe words in his Epiſtle Dedicatory, The pains that I have taken in compoſing this book, I deſire may paſſe into the world ſhielded with your patronage, who gloriouſly ſhining with the abundance of all Virtues and Sciences, will chaſe away the evil ſpeeches of all cenſorious Detractours, and cauſe that this work, which is uſefull for Phyſicians, may be delightfull alſo, ſeeing your repute is ſo great, not onely with them, but with all others that are addicted to the ſtudies of learning, that they cannot challenge to themſelves any virtue, without the knowledge of your teſtification and acceptance thereof.

There was alſo at the ſame time a book ſet out and dedicated to him by the foreſaid Taxillus, containing his judgement of that new ſtar, which was ſeen nine yeers agone. But Peireskius could neither approve of his deſigne, nor of his judgement; becauſe he, contrary to better Authours, which even Peireskius had furniſht him with, did argue that the foreſaid ſtar was below the Moon, and no higher than the upmoſt region of the air. For he could not endure, that men ſhould ſeek out ſubtilties, to eſtabliſh the old opinions of the Schools, contrary to evident demonſtrations and obſervations, as if that time could teach nothing, and that experiments were not to be preſerred before dark and cloudy reaſonings. For which cauſe at the ſame time, he very much commended the candid ingenuity of Pacius, whoſe judgement being demanded concerning thoſe ſpots in the Sun, which were now diſcovered by the Proſpective-Glaſſe, he deſired time to conſider of it, profeſſing that he was confounded, and judging that from new Obſervations, new Hypotheſes ought to be framed.

About the ſame time there was a great rumor ſpread abroad, touching the bones of certain Gyants, which being found in Dauphine, the King commanded that they ſhould be ſent to him: for the report went, that there was found in a certain feigned place, not far from the ſtream which runs between Rhodanus and Iſara, a ſepulch • e made of Bricks, thirty foot long, twelve foot broad, and eight foot high, with a ſtone upon it, wherein was this Inſcription THEUTOBOCHUS REX. Alſo, that when the ſepulchre was opened, there appeared the Skeleton of a man, twenty five foot and an half long; ten foot broad between the ſhoulders, and five foot deep upon the cheſt. That the ſcull was obſerved to be five foot long, and ten foot in compaſſe. Which prodigious ſpectacle being viewed an whole day together, the reſt of the bones turned to aſhes; there remaining onely thoſe which were carried to Paris, and ſeen by every body viz. a part of the lower jaw-bone, two Vertebra's of the back-bone, ſome pieces of a rib, ſhoulder-blade and thighbone; the other thigh-bone, the ſhank, an huckle-bone, an heel; beſides ſome fragments which were not ſent to Paris, as namely, of a thigh-bone, and likewiſe two teeth. Moreover, it was reported, that there were ſound about fifty pieces of ſilver Coin, with the picture of Marius upon them, and on the other ſide, the letters MA, being the beginning of his name; from whence they would needs have it concluded, that Theutobachus the Teutonick King being vanquiſhed by Marius, was buried there, a man of ſo tall a ſtature, that Authors report him to have been higher than the trophies which were carried as tokens of victory, and that he was wont to leap over ſour or five, yea, ſix horſes.

Moreover, as Peireskius queſtioned the truth of the report, ſo he conſidered with himſelf, what might give occaſion to ſuch a fable, eſpecially after he had read over a book, which Nicolaus Habigotus, a Chirurgeon of Paris, had written thereof. He queſtioned not but that ſuch bones were found in that place, and he granted that they might be the bones of ſome more ancient Gyant; but he could never be perſwaded that they were his bones, whoſe they were reported to be. For in the firſt place, neither Theutobochus, nor his Subjects uſed the Latine tongue, ſo that they ſhould make a Latine Inſcription upon any tomb which they would erect; nor would the Romans, in caſe (according to the kindneſſe they uſed towards their enemies) they had built the tomb, have made it of bricks (for a plaiſtered work it was not, which was not then in uſe for Sepulchres) but of marble, or at leaſt of ſome other ſtone, whereon they might engrave a memoriall both of their victory, and of the kindneſſe expreſſed to their enemies: alſo they would have choſen an high, or (at leaſt) a ſtony place: and not on ſo ſandy and infirm, as that was, leſt it ſhould eaſily come to be overwhelmed, or overturned. Alſo he wondered that the ſtone, with its Inſcription, was neither kept, nor ſhewed, which ought to have been ſent to Paris with the bones, and that the Sepulchre was not left untouched, or (at leaſt) ſome remarkable Reliques thereof; as the Lord of the place, who was curious to ſpread the report of the Gyants bones, could not but deſire. It increaſed his ſuſpition, in that the dimenſions of the ſcull were ſaid to be taken, it being found whole; and yet that it ſhould turn to duſt ſo ſoon, whiles other bones remained firm. For the hatchers of this fabulous ſtory ſeemed to fear, leſt by diligent inſpection thereof, and comparing the ſame with ſome dead mans ſcull, the truth might have been more eaſily found out.

As for the Coins, he ſaid, Thoſe letters did not ſignifie Marius, whoſe former name Caius would not have been omitted, nor would the name Marius have been ſet down to halfs, but entire after the Romane manner; but, that it ſignified rather MAſſilia [Marſeiles] which was then a Republike; and to which, as a Graecian City, that faſhion of Coin was proper, and not to the Romanes. And becauſe not long ago; nor • ar from that place, many ſuch pieces had been found, and he had received ſome from the renowned Frerius, of whom we ſpake before, for that cauſe he ſuſpected, whether or no the places, as well as the times, had not been feigned.

And whereas Theutobochus is recorded in ſtory to have been taller then the Trophies, that argues him to have been ten or twelve foot high according to our Vulgar feet, for ſuch was the height of the Trophies which were carried in Triumphs (reckoning in, the height of thoſe that carried them and the length of their Armes lifted up) and ſuch the Stature of the Heroes was reported to have been (viz. halſe as high again as the ordinary Stature of Men) but not 25. foot. Nor is that which is written of his leaping over or beſtriding four or ſix Horſes, ſo to be underſtood, as if he had ſtretched his thighes ſo wide, as to beſtride them all at once; but becauſe it was his cuſtome to paſſe from one Horſe to another; that is, to change his Horſes often; becauſe he ſoon wearied them with his Heavineſſe. Which may be gathered in that Florus (who recorded that paſſage) tells us, that he was wont to mount upon four or ſix Horſes, whereas when he fled he had hardly an Horſe to carry him, intimating that he had not ſuch a Multitude of Horſes with him as his cuſtome was to have for his own uſe. Finally he diſcourſed many things, both touching the place of the Victorie, & touching the Triumph, a Part or Pageant whereof was Theutobochus; and of ſome other things, whereby the Credit of the foreſaid Report was weakened.

He obtained alſo in his latter years ſome fragments of theſe kind of Bones: but by looking upon them he was more confirmed in his opinion, ſuppoſing at laſt, that theſe great Bones which we often admire at, when Sepulchers are digged up, to be Elephants Bones; as if the Lords of thoſe Beaſts had prized them, or peradventure intended to abuſe Poſterity, by their ſo carefull burying of them. Alſo he was of opinion, that Bones are ſometimes ſhewed which have been dug out of Sands or other Places, where they had been caſually overwhelmed with Earth; ſince it is hard to find a man deſerving credit, who has ſeen thoſe Sepulchers, ſo built, with his own eyes; only we credit ſuch us ſell them, ſhew them or p • o • eſſe that they found or digged them up. Which made him often wiſh that ſome man that could neither deceive nor be deceived, would ſaile into Sicilie, and make Inquiſition about thoſe Bones of Gyants which are ſaid to be dug up, not far from Palermo, eſpecially the Sculls. For he hoped, that ſuch a man would uſe that ingenious Speech of Suetonius, That at Capreae there are great Bones of vaſt Beaſts, which are ſaid to be the Bones of Gyants. But enough and too much of this Subject.1614.

The year following proved a cruell year by reaſon of the death of divers of his renowned friends. For he underſtood by Letters which Gualdus ſent him being dated in April, that Contarenus the Procurator was dead at Venice, Lalius Paſealinus at Rome, and Nichezola at Verona. Alſo he heard afterwards, that the moſt excellent Velſerus died at Augsburg on the 24. day of June; and ſoon after Caſaubon died in England. Yea and he alſo himſelf in a Letter which he wrote in the Moneth of May, to Natalitius Benedictus, makes mention of the Duke of Arſchotan as dead. In another Letter he makes mention of the death of Marquardus Frcherus a Lawyer and Hiſtorian, who died at Heidelberge, whoſe friendſhip Velſerus had procured him.1614. I know not whether there were any more; but he was wont to reckon the fifth year after as moſt unhappy through the death of a number of his moſt dearly beloved friends.

He added, that it was a comſort to him, that in the mean while, it was his happineſſe to gain the friendſhip of divers other very rare men. One was Johanues Franciſcus Vidius á Balneo, Archbiſhop of Patracum & then the Vicelegate of Avenion. For afterwards they became very great friends, either while he was at Avenion; or while he was the Popes nuncio to the Princes of the Low-Countries, and to the moſt Chriſtian King; or after he was made Cardinall, being rarely and remarkably virtuous. Another was Franciſus Savarius Brevius,, who was a long time the Kings Agent at Conſtantiople, and who returning then from Rome, was at Aix in the beginning of the Spring; and had with him Gabriel Sivinta of the order of the Maronites of Mount Libanus, already famous for expounding the Orientall Languages, into whoſe friendſhip Peireskius accounted it moſt delightfull yet more and more to inſinuate and confirme himſelf. Another was, Guilelmus Catellus, a great light in the Parliament of Tolouſe, to whom he communicated divers things, partly belonging to the Hiſtory of the Erles of Tolouſe, and partly to the Languedoc Commentaries; which he himſelf does ſomewhere witneſſe, where he termes Peireskius a moſt Learned and curious Gentleman.

Another unhappineſſe wherewith he was exerciſed the ſame year, was a moſt grievous diſeaſe, which for two whole moneths did ſo afflict his Father, that he out of the extream love he bare him, was ſcarce ever out of the Chamber or from his Beds ſide. It was in the mean while ſome ſolace unto him, that he received ſome Rarities out of the Low-Countries, and eſpecially the Picture of Jacobus Metius, who invented the Teleſcope or Prolſpective Glaſſe, which Winghemius procured him; that he obtained from Arles, the nine Muſes expreſſed in Marble; and another, of the two Muſes with Homer in the middle, and this inſcription O MHP ... and ſome other things, which with divers pieces of Coine, he ſent forthwith to Natalitius Benedictus, Alſo he reſerved ſome ſpare hours for reading, which therfore it was his pleaſure chiefly to ſpend in reading and weighing the Hiſtory of Provence, which Caeſar Noſtradamus did then ſet forth. And to ſpeake a word of his Cenſure thereof, he did not wholly like the Style, which for a great part of it was poeticall: nor did he like his giving credit to I knovv not what Commentaries, againſt which certain authentick Monuments were exſtant: nor his tranſpoſition of times, and his beginning of the year conſtantly at the Kalends of January, which he ſhould rather have reckoned from the day of Chriſts Nativity: nor his ſeeking to affix ancient Nobility upon ſome new Upſtarts, and taking the ſame away from ancient Families • or paſſing the ſame over in ſilence. Theſe & ſome ſuch other things he did not like. Howbeit he would excuſe theſe faults, becauſe the Author not being able to know all things himſelf, did relie upon the credit of others; and he much commended his Ingenuity, in that he choſe to begin the Catalogue of the Erles of Provence, rather from Gilbertus, whoſe ſtory was indubitably true, then from Boſo (ſo called); touching whom and his Succeſſors to Gilbertus, the opinions of Authors were ſo various.

I let paſſe, how Peireskius endeavoured to give light to the darkneſſe of the Hiſtory, from the Teſtimony of Inſtruments and Authentick Acts and Records. For he obſerved, how that to Rothboldus, who lived before the year one thouſand, there did ſucceed not only Boſo (touching whoſe progeny he could only find that he had a Son named Rothbold) but alſo another Son named William, who alſo left a Son o • his own name, who with his Brother Gauzfred was an Erle. To whom ſucceeded Bertramnus, who raigned partly with his Uncle Gaudfred, partly with William his Couſin-german. And that Bertramnus had a Son called William and another named Gauzfred, who was alſo Erle. And that it was probable that Gilbert was the Son of William; but there wanted authentick Inſtruments to atteſt the ſame, ſeeing Franciſcus Claperius interpoſed Odo. Nevertheleſſe he made a queſtion touching that ſame Odo, whom he writes to have lived from the year 1039. to the year 90. whereas he had evidently found, that in the intermediate years viz. 42.63. and others, William and Grauzfred did Raign; and that alſo in the 90th. year, beſides Gilbert, there was alſo an Erle of Provence named Raimundus Sancti Aegidii, who might be peradventure the Son of Gauzfredus.

I paſs over likevviſe, how he afterwards obſerved many things, wherein both Claperius and Noſtradamus were overſeen. For they (for example ſake) made not only Douce to be the Daughter of Gilbert and Tiburges, who was married to Raimond Erle of Barcellone; but alſo Phaitis, who was married to Ildefonſus Erle of Tolouſe: ſo that by this meanes the Province came to be divided between Raymondus and Ildefonſus, in the year (as we hinted before) 125; whereas nevertheleſſe Phaitis was rather the Daughter of Raimondus Sancti Aegidii and the Counteſſe Alvire; ſo that conſequently by that diviſion the ſmaller part of the Province fell to Phaitis, becauſe compenſation was made to the Erles of Ruthen and Givalden, whom Douce Daughter of Tiburgis had born. They alſo made him to have by Douce another Son Gilbert, who had for Daughter Stephanitis, who was married to Raimundus Bauleius; whereas there was never any ſuch ſecond Gilbert, and Stephanitis was not his Daughter, but Daughter of that ſame firſt and only Gilbert, and therefore the Siſter not the Neece of Douce, though not by Tiburgis but ſome other wife, either Geriberga or Franciſca. I will ſay no more, leſt I become troubleſome: ſeeing it is ſufficient that I have touched upon theſe things, to ſhew the care which Peireskius took, about his Fathers Sickneſſe and the Adventures of his friends.

A little after, happened that moſt grievous and cruell diſeaſe wherewith himſelf was afflicted. For in the Moneth of November, he went to Roquebrune, a town near Freius, being one of thoſe who notable to pay their debts, did ſatisfie their Creditors with their Lands; a ſpecial Comittee of ſuch as ſhould canvaſe and judge of the buſineſſe being appointed, and Peireskius for one. And becauſe he had reſolved not to return to the City before he had ſeen the buſineſſe he was ſent about accompliſhed; therefore he deſired leave of Varius to abide there, who by divers Letters moſt full of affection had given him to underſtand, that his abſence was very troubleſome unto him. He deſired the ſame of his Father, who had invited him to the Wedding of his Siſter Suſanna, who was married to Seguirannus aforeſaid, the January following. And indeed he could willingly have been there, eſpecially his Brother Valaveſius being abſent, the Nobility of Provence,1615. having ſent him to the generall Aſſembly or Parliament of whole France which was to be kept at Paris, the King being above fourteen years of Age: but being carefull of his Health; he thought it beſt to abſtain from Travailing, eſpecially at that ſeaſon.

But to come unto his Sickneſſe; he returned about the evening of the Kalends of February, from viewing I know not what ancient Monuments, when he ſaw a black cloud ariſing from that part of the sky, where the Sun is ſeen to ariſe in Winter, which warning him to make haſte, yet could he hardly get ſoon enough to Town. From the ſaid cloud there exhaled an almoſt intolerable ſtink; which made him conjecture that it was exhaled from Strongyle and thoſe other Hils, which are wont to vomit fire & ſmoak. The ſame cloud a little after, and that night following, powred down ſuch a Quantity of Haile, that it hindred people from paſſing, till it was ſhovelled out of the way. The third day there followed ſo much ſnow, that I remember how travelling at that time from this City to Aix, I was detained three vvhole daies at Vallanſole; the wayes were ſo filled with the plenty thereof.1616. But Peireskius was from that time taken with moſt unſpeakable pains, almoſt all his body over; but eſpecially in his back, along the backbone. So that he could neither lie, nor ſit, nor ſtand. He could endure, having on either ſide a ſervant ſupporting him, with their ſhoulders under his arms, to go a little. And his continuall want of ſleep was no ſmall vexation; for though he were very ſleepy, yet the pains ſtill kept him waking. Being carried to Aix, he found little amendment all the reſt of the year. All his hair came off his head, whereupon it happened, that in ſtead of thick and ſtiff hair, which he alwayes was wont to have (for upon occaſion of admiration, or ſome ſtarting, he was wont to feel them ſtand on end, yea, and to lift up his cap) there came thin and ſoft hair in the room, which continued ſo ever after.

The Spring now approaching, in the year 1616 he ſeemed to be on the mending hand, when as the Haemorrhoides brake forth, which bitterly vexed him. Yet did not the diſeaſe ſo much torment him, as that he was hindered from waiting upon Varius, as he had intended. For Varius being often ſent for by the King, to be Maſter of the Rols, & Keeper of the Broad-Seal, was now to go to Court, and all Provence was come to Aix, with tears to bring him on his journey, and take leave, as it were, of their parting Father; but Peireskius his diſeaſe ſeemed to ſtop him alone, of all the reſt, from performing this office. He had been ten dayes vexed with this infirmity, when Varius viſited him, bid him farewell, and truſted him with the key and care of his books and rarities. Whereupon he roſe from his bed, and cauſing an Horſe-litter to go beſide him for ſome part of the way, he made triall at firſt, if he could but a little endure the Horſes back. After he had tried this a while, he felt his ſtrength ſo to increaſe, that whereas at firſt he durſt ſcarce think of riding a few miles, he became at laſt able to hold out the whole journey.

It is needleſſe in this place to relate, with what applauſe Varius was received by the King, Queen-Mother, Princes, Nobles, and all good men; with what a generous proteſtation he took his oath, as Keeper of the great Seal; and with what conſtancie and integrity, he did afterwards perform that Office. It ſuits beſt with our matter in hand, to tell you that Peireskius was a great ſolace and refreſhment unto him, in the middeſt of all his weighty cares; and among other things, did note in a peculiar manner, and ſet down in writing, every memorable accident which did befall him. And therefore he choſe his lodging very near, that (as they were wont at Aix) he might every day enjoy his company at their frugall ſuppers, and have familiar diſcourſe with him late at night, for he had in a manner no other vacant time. And Peireskius made a law to himſelf, that he would commend no cauſe to Varius, unleſſe it were of ſome learned man. Which he alſo diligently obſerved in Provence, being alwayes afraid, though Varius were his moſt loving friend, leſt he ſhould prove troubleſome unto him. But he alwayes excepted learned men, both becauſe he could not refrain himſelf, when they were concerned; and he knew the diſpoſition of Varius, who as he was very juſt, ſo he could not endure that the ſervants of the Muſes ſhould be vexed, and delayed, with the perplexities of Law-ſuits.

Hence he proved a large Sanctuary, alwayes open to all learned men; for to him all had recourſe that had buſineſſe in Court, eſpecially ſuch as had to do with Varius; and no man ever went away, whoſe patronage he did not cheerfully undertake. The firſt that made experience of his care, was Johannes Barclaius aforeſaid, who after he had publiſhed his book De Summo Pontifice, and was not ſo much in favour with his King and Countrey-men, as formerly, as ſoon as ever he heard that Peireskius was at Paris, he ſecretly withdrew himſelf out of England, and crept into his friends boſome. And he did not onely receive him with very much humanity, but procured Varius alſo to embrace and receive him under his Patronage. When he was to depart to Rome, he ſent Letters before hand to all his friends on the way, and cauſed him to receive many friendly offices by that means; but eſpecially at Marſile from his kinſman Viaſſius, famous among the Poets of this age, who retained and cheriſhed him divers dayes, and providing him of a ſhip, ſent him away accommodated with all things neceſſary. I omit to tell how Peireskius was no leſſe carefull about the wife of Barclay, his ſon, and John Ludovicus Debonaerus his wives brother, when four years after they were to go to him at Rome.

The firſt thing likewiſe which he did towards the advancement of Learning, was the publiſhing of an Inſcription, which being dug up in Rome at Porta Capena, did coutain an Elogie, or commendation of Lucius Scipio, the ſon of Barbatus, for his expedition into Corſica, For he no ſooner had gotten a copy from Aleander and Pignorius, but he fell to work with all his might, to illuſtrate and expound the ſame. For he was of opinion, that there was hardly a more ancient to be ſeen, or one of an older-faſhioned character; that the Grammaticall conſtruction was quite different from the vulgar, yet ſavouring of the ancient times; finally, that things might here out be learnt, which muſt otherwiſe remain unknown; as what that verſe of Ovid means, which is as yet not underſtood:

Te quoque, Tempestas, meritam Delubra fatemur, Cum poene eſt Corſis, obruta Claſſis aquis, A Church we grant, ô STORM, thou oughtſt to have, Who ſunkſt our Fleet, wellnigh, in Corſick wave.

For thus went the Inſcription, HONC. OINO. PLOIRUME. COSENTIONT. R. DUONORO. OPTUMO. FUISE VIRO. LUCIOM. SCIPIONE FILIOS BARBATI. CONSOL. CENSOR. AIDILIS. HIC FUET. A. HEC CEPIT. CORSICA ALERIAQUE URBE. DEDET. TEMPE, TATIBUS. AIDE. MERETO. And therefore becauſe the explication of Sirmondus did moſt of all pleaſe him, who proved that this Inſcription was made in the 494th year after the building of Rome; and conſequently but a year later than the Dail • i •• Inſcription, or that of the Columna Roſtrata, hitherto accounted to be the moſt ancient, both for the Orthography, Phraſe, and matter contained; therefore, thus he conceived it ought to be read, HUNC UNUM PLUR IMI CONSENTIUNT ROMAE BONORUM, OPTIMUM FUISSE VIRUM, LUCIUM SCIPIONEM. FILIUS BARBATI, CONSUL. CENSOR, AEDILIS HIC FUIT. HIC CEPIT CORSICAM, ALERIAMQUE URBEM; DEDIT TEMPESTATIBUS AEDEM MERITO: Which may be thus Engliſhed, Very many good men at Rome do judge, that this Lucius Scipio was a ſinglar and moſt excellent man. He was the ſon of Barbatus, Conſul, Cenſor, Aedilis; he took Corſica; he built a chappell to Honouring them as Deities, becauſe they ſpared him at Sea. Tempests, not without cauſe. Peireskius approved this interpretation, and therefore cauſed it to be printed, concealing the name of Sirmondus, becauſe he of his modeſtie would not take the commendation to himſelf. But the truth is, Peireskius did not conceal his name, when ſending copies thereof up and down, he wrote Letters to his friends. Hence it was that Selden mentioned him in that ſame learned work of his, De DIS Syris; where he ſayes this Inſcription was communicated to him by Sir Robert Cotton, who had it out of France from Nicolaus Fabricius Petriſcius, a man moſt renowned for nobility and learning. Alſo the lately mentioned Aleander, who when it was reprinted at Rome, made an addition & anſwered the objections that had been made againſt it. And whereas among other things it ſeemed ſtrange, that no mention was made of that Triumph which Scipio made; Aleander anſwered, Verily that ſame quickſighted Gentleman, who is no leſſe a lover of learned men, than of learning it ſelf, Nicolaus Fabricius, Lord of Peiresk, does with good reaſon ſuſpect, that there wants another Inſcription of Scipio, which was counterpane to this of ours. For the Sepulchers of the ancients were of great Bulke; and it is no abſurdity to think, that as this Inſcription was on the one ſide, ſo that there was another Marble on the other ſide, on which the Triumph, Age, Day of death, &c. were ingraven.

With theſe and ſuch like matters did Peireskius buſie himſelf, when in the Moneth of November the Seal was taken from Varius, and that moſt renowned Gentleman reſtored to the Liberty of a private Life. But Peireskius who regarded not ſo much the glory of his Place, as the eminency of his Virtues, would never forſake him; thinking it an unworthy baſeneſs, if he that had ſtood by him in his Proſperity, ſhould withdraw himſelf, in his adverſe fortune. Howbeit, he was wont to teſtifie concerning Varius, that he accounted it no unhappy and ominous, but a moſt happy accident; as by which alone he was in a capacity of attaining the Tranquillity which he ſo much deſired. Wherefore he reſtored the Seal with great Alacrity, and returning from the Court, he would needs ſup more liberally than ordinary with Malherbius and Peireskius, as one that now had no buſineſſe to diſturbe him; and retiring himſelf, he led a moſt quiet and moſt ſweet life; converſing with his Books, his friends and learned men.

About this time the Buſineſſe about Riantium was removed from Paris to Tolouſe;1617. and his Brother Valaveſius, about the Beginning of the following year went into that City. And although his preſence was likewiſe deſired at Tolouſe which as was thought would have much advanced the Buſineſſe: yet could he never be induced, for any Danger never ſo great of the miſcarriage of that Suit, to leave Varius. Yet you muſt not Imagine, that for all this, he left his care of the cauſe of Learning. For he ſent an almoſt innumerable Company of Books to Learned men in all parts, partly of his own accord, partly being requeſted by them; as into Italy to Pignorius and Aleander, and to Scipio Cobellutius then newly honoured with a red Hat and the title of Cardinall of Saint Suſanna; and to whom not long after, the Cuſtodie of the Vatican Library was given as a favour. And into England to Cambden and Selden and others, who had ſeriouſly intreated him, that he would not envie the Learned Nation of Men, his Learned notes upon the ancient Coines and his Obſervations upon that part of France which is called Gallia Narbonenſis. Into Holland he ſent, as to others, ſo chiefly to Thomas Erpenius, the renowned profeſſor of Arabic; and he ſent with his Books and Letters, certain Arabick Coines, that he might lend his Aſſiſtance in their Interpretation, which he had not yet ſufficiently underſtood.

I forbear to mention how he received likewiſe back again many things which he deſired; as from Aleander a modell of the Farneſian Congius or old Galon-meaſure, with Letters ſignifying, that he had examined the Water of Tiber, Fountain water, and other waters, and after manifold compariſons of the one with the other, he could find no difference at all in their weight. From Nicolas Alemannus, a year before the Vatican-Library Keeper, he received a Catalogue of the Poets of Provence. From Andreas Bruggiotus a Supplement to his Index of the Grek Manuſcripts, which were kept in the foreſaid Library. From Pignorius, a Breviarie of the Life of that famous Ludovicus Cornarus, with the time of his Death; who by his ſobrietie had procured himſelf ſo long a life, and ſuch a luſtie old Age; for he wrote, that he was buried at Padua, the day after the Nones of May, in the year 1566. From Facobus Colius, a Book, with his excuſe for naming him only Nobiliſſimus Gallus without any further Illuſtration. From Sanderus, Elogies; from Johannes Meurſius, divers of his works; from Willerius, Genealogies: from Whinghemius Botanick Rarities, and from others, other; things.

Alſo about this time, he began to procure Notes upon the Calendar of Conſtantine, which 17, years after, Aegidius Bucherus did totally inſert into his Commentaries of the Canon of Paſchalis Victorianus, viz. from the 236. page to the 288. And the truth is, I queſtion not how thoſe papers were gotten, and by whom imparted to that ſame rarely good and Learned Man: only I deſire the Reader to take notice, that they were not tranſcribed, ſave from that ſame very rare Book which belonged to Peireskius, and is at this very day preſerved in his Library. Now he wrote largely thereabout both to Aleander, and to moſt other Learned men, who exceedingly deſired the publication thereof: for they eſteemed it as a mighty treaſure, to correct the Annals and to rectifie all Chronologie both ſacreed and profane. For examples ſake, we may obſerve therein the Conſulſhip of Probus and Paternus was not omitted in thoſe Calendars; which being omitted by Onnphrius, made him to err a year; nor yet the Antecedent which being alſo omitted by Baronius, made him miſſe two years concerning the Chriſtian Epoche, as has been noted by Scaliger and Sethus Calviſius. But not to mention any more of this kind, you may by the way hereby underſtand what the Learned Jacobus Godofredus his meaning was; when eleven year after ſetting forth a nameleſſe Geographer, and not daring to name Peireskius, becauſe he had not got his leave to publiſh the Kalendar, he concludes a paſſage thereabouts in theſe words. Though a thing may be contained within the narrow compaſſe of two or three pages, yet may it notwithſtanding be of very great montent; of which kind we expect ſhortly ſome ancient Memorialls, and Conſular Annals.

While theſe things were acting, he was inexpreſſibly grieved for the death of his moſt dearly beloved friend, Jacobus Auguſtus Thuanus. He could hardly ever mention him without a ſigh, without breaking forth into his Commendations; for he was alwaies wont to ſay, that he was one whom his ancient Nobility, his ſingular Pierie to God, his Country, and his Prince; his extreme Love to all Learned and good Men, his unexhauſtible goodneſſe and his moſt ingenuous manners had made truly Auguſtus or Venerable. He was comforted in the firſt place by his Noble Progenie, in which were already manifeſt the feeds of their Fathers and Anceſtors Virtues; and eſpecially in Franciſcus Auguſtus the eldeſt, who being hardly a grown youth, did already diſcover in himſelf the mind of a Senator; and reſolved to view as much of the world with his eyes, as his Father had deſcribed with his Pen. In the next place, becauſe the Care of the Kings Library, was committed to thoſe Noble and Learned Brethren Petrus and Jacobus Puteanus, the Sons of Claudius who was a Senator of Paris, being near of kin to him, who as they alwaies ſhewed favour unto and gratified all Learned men, ſo they were evermore moſt nearly conjoyned with Peireskius in the band of friendſhip. For he hoped, as the event proved, that they animating the ſame, the Genius of Thuanus would ſurvive; and that Noble Seat of the Muſes would be known, by the frequent Aſſembly of moſt choiſe wits, which their candour and ancient faithfulneſſe would draw thither. His death happened about the beginning of May.

And Varius being in the beginning of June reſtored to his place with huge Applauſe; Peireskius continued by him, and would not depart, no not in the Aſſemblie of the Notables, who being ſummoned out of whole France, ſate in Councell at Rouën, about the end of November. He vvas there the Sollicitor of the Common cauſe of his ovvn Senate of Aix, (eſpecially concerning a penſion by vvhich the places of Magiſtrates are made Hereditary) together vvith a good man, his Collegue and friend, Honeratus Agutius, who vvas come to the ſaid Aſſembly. And he did not only note dovvn vvhatever vvas conſulted, decreed and tranſacted in the ſaid Aſſemblie; but alſo becauſe choyſe men from all parts of France vvere there met together; therfore he vvould not let a man return into his ovvn Province, before he had endeavoured to oblige him by one courteſie or another, and by frequent diſcourſes, had learned the greateſt part (or all rather) of the rarities which his Country did afford. One thing, which very much troubled him, was the death of Mr. de Villeroy. Nicolaus Neovilla Villaregius, that ſame renowned Chief Secretary to his Majeſty, by whom he was ſingularly beloved, and who lett a great miſſe of himſelf in the Mind of Varius and all good Men. He had in great account a man of rare honeſty and Prudence Elias Deodatus, whom alſo Peiresk from that time forward could not but much admire: for beſides his other endowments, he had one thing common with him, viz. that he would leave no man in Eurpe renowned for Learning, unobliged. Afterwards, when he was upon his return; the January following, he would needs paſſe through Liſieux, by his Induſtry to mollifie ſome Lawes of the Chapter againſt the Biſhop; which he did for Varius his ſake, upon whom that Biſhop-rick was newly conferred.

Being returned to Paris, there was nothing which he deſired more, then to vindicate the Roiall Line from the Plots of one Theodoricus Piespordius Secretary to the Arch-Dukes or Princes of the Low-Countries, who in imitation of Johannes Valdeſius a Spaniſh Councellor, endeavoured to draw the Auſtrian familie in a ſucceſſion male, from Pharamond the King of France, and conſequently intitle the King of Spain to the Kingdome of France, by right of Succeſſion. For he had ſet out the year before, the Genealogie of the Auſtrian Family, drawn from the firſt Stock of the Kings, through the moſt Noble Erles of Habsburg; and a Copy thereof was ſent before Chriſtmas by Winghemius to Peireskius, 1618. another being formerly ſent and preſented to the King by the Arch-Dukes Agent, which Peireskius could not but reſent as a moſt heinous fact. And to confute the Impoſture, he eaſily made it appear that no Authentick Charter, nor no Author was cited above an hundred and twenty year Old; viz. before the time that Trithemius and others, flattering the Emperor Maximilian, were not aſhamed, though diſagreeing among themſelves, to patch together that long Pedigree of Anceſtors. Moreover, whereas Sigebert of Auſtria one of the Sons of the King Clotarius the ſeventh from Pharamond, was made choice of, to draw the Auſtrian family from; the intire ſucceſſion thereof, could not be made appear as far as to the Habsburg Princes; whom Piespordius had very abſurdly and untowardly ſo termed, before the year of Chriſt 720; whereas it is apparent that Habsburge was built no longer ago then the year 1027. Alſo Peireskius demanded, why thoſe Princes who are feigned to ſpring from Sigebert, and who lived in the daies of Pipin, and Capet, never complained of the Injurie which was done to them, they being ſurvivors of the ſtock of Pharamond, and by Lawfull Succeſſion called to the Crown of France.

But becauſe, notwithſtanding the Erles of Habsburg, according to the Line male, had deſcended from the Stock of our Kings, yet Peireskius knew that by the Acts of the Monaſtery of Muren in Switherland lately printed, it was proved, that the Princes of Auſtria do belong to the Habs-burgian Family only by the Mothers ſide; and that by the Fathers ſide they pertain only to the Tierſteinic family, whereof Peispordius and others ought not in the leaſt to have been aſhamed: wherefore with great earneſtneſſe of mind, and by writing Letter after Letter, he took care, that Vicus a friend of his, whom we formerly mentioned, who was then the Kings Agent in thoſe parts, might cunningly obtain a Copy of thoſe Acts in an authentick form, that it might be kept amongſt the Kings Records (ſo fearfull was he, leſt the Originall might miſcarry) and eſpecially that ancient Genealogie which was praefixed before the Acts of thoſe Princes who had founded Munſter. When he had put the matter out of Hazard, he carefully procured a ſecond Edition, both of all the Acts and likewiſe of that Genealogie, which without adding or taking away ſo much as a fyllable, he reduced into an evident Scheme or Table.

From which it ſoon appeared that Wernerus Erle of Habsburg who died in the year 1096. had a Daughter named ITA de Tierſtein or Homberg, that is, in the Language of the Genealogiſt, who was married to Rudolphus of Tierſtein or Homberg; who bare Wernerus the Father of Albertus, the Grandfather of Rudolphus, the great Grandſire of another Albertus, and the great Great-Grand-ſire of another Rudolphus, who was the firſt Emperor of that name, and of the Houſe of Auſtria. And truly, the ſleight is wonderfull whereby both Franciſcus Guillimanuus and Piespordius himſelf, do in ſuch manner diſſemble that Wernerus was the Son of ITA, as if he had been not Ita's but her Brothers Son; of whoſe progeny nevertheleſſe, there is no mention any where made: as neither of Adelbert another Brother, from whom the Habsburgian Succeſſion, did paſſe over to the family of Tierſtein, or Homberg. But they were not aſhamed to go contrary to the manifeſt truth of ſtory, and ſo to confound things, that Guillimannus made Ita the Siſter of Otto, his Niece; and Pieſpordius, his Siſter, Wife, Daughter in Law, and Niece by the Siſters ſide from Wernerus of Tierſtein. And thus Peireskius rejoyced, that he brake the neck of the deſigne of theſe flattering Genealogiſts; and ſo much the more, becauſe Guillimannus ſaid, he gave great credit to thoſe Acts of Muren aforeſaid, and Gaſpar Scioppius two years after choſe this ſame Guillimannus as his Author, whom he would follow in that part of the Genealogie of the Houſe of Autria.

I do not well remember, whether it were for this or ſome other cauſe, that he viſited the Records of the Chapter at Rhemes, the Canons being commanded by an order from the King, to let him view all their Acts and Records; and to ſhew him two peciall Inſtruments, containing things of great moment. I remember very well, he was accounted moſt knowing in the French Hiſtories of greateſt Antiquity, and that he gave a proof of his skill, which I have heard both from himſelf and others. For whereas in the moneth of March there happened a memorable fire in the Kings Court, to the ſight whereof he ran at midnight, in the company of Jacobus Gillotus, a moſt excellent Senatour; he carried thither afterwards all the learned men well nigh in the City, to contemplate the ſtatues of the Kings, the ſtumps whereof onely remained, the reſt being turned into aſhes. And when no body could tell whoſe ſtatue that was, which ſtood with a mangled face, even before the fire happened; he, becauſe of one place ſupernumerary, argued that it was the ſtatue of King Henry of England, which Charles the ſeventh did onely mangle, and not remove, as unwilling that his own Statue ſhould ſtand in the place of the Uſurpers.

Nor was he content to undertake onely that particular labour againſt Pieſpordius and others; but out of his love to the Kings Majeſty, and the glory of the French Nation, he began from that time forwards, to think of an Edition of all Authours, eſpecially thoſe of that age, who had written the Antiquities and Hiſtory of France. And becauſe he knew that in divers Churches, Monaſteries, and private Libraries, many Books of that Argument were kept up unprinted; he took care to ſearch them out: and becauſe he himſelf was not then at leiſure, he acquainted Andreas Ducheſnius a moſt diligent Hiſtoriographer with his deſigne, who was at that time ſet upon the ſame undertaking. He was then preparing an Edition of the Hiſtorians of Normandy: wherefore Peireskius, to teſtifie his ſagacity and induſtry, he ſought and obtained of Sir Robert Cotton of England, both a nameleſſe writer of the Acts of Emma Queen of England, and likewiſe Wilhelmus Pictavinus, whom he ſoon after annexed to his Hiſtory, and teſtified that by the mediation of Cambden, They were ſent to the Illuſtrious (thoſe are his words) Nicolaus Fabricius de Petriſco, Senatour in the Parliament at Aix, one that is an advancer of learning, and my moſt dearly beloved friend.

And becauſe Fronto Ducaeus was at that time ſetting out a Greek Manuſcript, written with great letters, containing a great part of the Bible, and of ſo great antiquity, that it was ſaid to have been corrected by Origens own hand, who averreo that it had been compared with the moſt ancient Tetraplus: therefore Peireskius well remembering, that the foreſaid Cotton, had a moſt precious Greek Manuſcript, written in the dayes of Theodoſius, in great letters likewiſe, which coſt King James a thouſand Crowns; therefore, I ſay, that this Edition might be more compleat, he wrote and ſent into England, and paſſing his word, and giving ſecuritie that the Book ſhould be forth coming, he obtained the ſame, and let Fronto Ducaeus have the uſe of it.

Moreover, in Autumn the ſame year, he was nominated by the King, Abbot of Sancta Mariae Aquiſtrienſis. And the buſineſſe which he had in that reſpect to tranſact at Rome, was freely performed by divers Cardinals, as Cobellutius, Urſinius, and (he that was afterward) Marquemontius; but by none more carefully, than by Maffaeus Barberinus, who was afterward created, and is yet living, Pope. For from that time forward they became acquainted, and their acquaintance was ſtrenghthened by letters frequently ſent to and fro. The occaſion of their firſt acquaintance was a very elegant Ode compoſed by the Cardinall upon Mary Magdalex, the beginning whereof was, Innixa pennis verſicoloribus. For Peireſkius having received a copy thereof from Aleander, and being wonderfully delighted with it, and all the learned men to whom he ſhewed it, applauding the ſame; he got leave by mediation of the ſaid Aleander, that it might be yet further publiſhed by printing. The copies being all vended, he was pleaſed to print the Poem again, but in a larger form, that it might be hung up at Sancta Balma (a Rock and Hermitage, famous for the penance of Saint Maudlen) and other Churches and Chappels of Provence. Yea, and he thought good, to print it the third time, after he had won the ſaid Cardinall to frame an Ode in favour of Saint Lewis King of France, the beginning whereof is, Objectu gemini maris; and after he had made ſome other Odes that he could get, by the ſtealth, as it were of Aleander.

About the end of this year there appeared a famous Comet, to the obſervation whereof he exhorted all the induſtrious men he was acquainted with. Himſelf being deſtitute of fitting Inſtruments, and not daring to truſt himſelf in the air, becauſe of his ſicklineſſe, made no other obſervation, ſave that by the Perſpective-Glaſſe, he diſcerned the form of its head, and hov it differed from the tail, which he compared to the Sunbeams ſhining through a window. But he was glad when he heard afterwards, that ſuch as dwelt not in Aix might a little after diligently obſerve all things thereunto pertaining. And that I may relate ſomewhat thereof, for the ſakes of thoſe that deſire to know ſuch things: The Comet appeared from the end of November to the middle of January; and becauſe it roſe in the morning, therefore the tail thereof was ſeen turning upwards ſome dayes before the head appeared. The head was a ſtar ſomewhat pale, as big as the fixt ſtars of the firſt magnitude (but twinckled not as they do) round on that ſide which was towards the Sun, and criſped on the other end. The tail, or hair, was a thinner Radiation and more white, as long at firſt as an eighth part of the Heaven, and broad at the end (which did for the firſt dayes, turn a little towards the South) as much as came to a ſixth part of its length. The firſt appearance of its head, was there where Scorpio contracts his clawes; its diſappearance, or ending, was where the Dragon parting the Bears, does unſold the end of his tail. For, beſides the daily motion, whereby this Comet did riſe and ſet as the other Stats, it went by its own proper motion from South to North; but ſo, as if it had begun at the middle of Scorpio, and had there cut the Ecliptick, inclining to the Weſt, near ſixty three degrees. And whereas at firſt this motion was every day two degrees and an eighth part, it became about the Nones of December, ſwifter by an whole degree; and afterwards it did ſo decreaſe, that at length it languiſhed; as alſo its tail, which at the beginning was ſo long became by little and little ſo ſhortened, that at laſt it vaniſhed, and became undiſtinguiſhable from the head.

Peireskius underſtanding thus much, could almoſt have found in his heart to aſſent to Kepler, who eſteemed that motion to be a paſſage in a ſtreight line which was near us, ſeeing it appeared ſo ſwift, nor could be hindered by the diurnall revolution, as if it had been cauſed by the revolution of the earth. And as he knew that a Comet was no Exhalation from the earth, ſo could he not be perſwaded that it was Eructation from the Sun, or a Concretion of the liquid Heavens. He was more enclined to the opinion of Seneca, that Comets are as perpetuall, as the ſtars we daily ſee; ſo that when this Comet was ſeen it was not then newly made, but onely appeared anew; nor did it periſh by diſſo • ution, but diſappeared by reaſon of the immenſe diſtance. Yet it ieemed to him hard to conceive, being perſwaded that the world is finite: Thus much only he eaſily allowed, which was demonſtrated from the Obſervations made, viz. that the motion of the Comet was not only above the Moon, but hardly lower than the Sun.

Touching the direction of the tail of the Comet towards that quarter which was oppoſite to the Sun, I need ſay nothing; eſpecially ſeeing it belongs nor to this place to ſhew the reaſon, why it kept not a direct oppoſition, but turned ſometimes to the right hand, and otherwhiles to the left hand, by an unequall kind of Deflexion. Nor need I ſpeak of what it preſaged, ſeeing it is not the leaſt argument of humane weakneſſe, to be afraid of thoſe things which have nothing to do with this world wherein we live. At leaſt it is a wonder, that men will not beleeve God himſelf, who commands that we ſhould not be afraid of the ſignes of Heaven; foraſmuch as he makes not ſignes of ſuch things, as being unexpounded, can give no warning. And unleſſe God make a Comet to be the ſigne of calamities en • uing, how can the Comet either have knowledge of ſuture things, or a deſire to diſcover them? Does not the Comet take its own courſe, as all other naturall things, being little concerned, what a ſtir the Nations of Mankind make one with another? But this Comet was ſaid to foreſhew the wars a •• •• ighters which followed: as if before there ••• • een no wars, peſtilence, nor death of Kings! as •• no Tragedies were now in action twenty ye •• ••• re They refer all to the Comet, and by the • ne reaſon they may refer all the troubles that ſmall ariſe hereafter, till a new Comet appear, and make the former forgotten; though it ſhould not appear till an hundred years hence. But we have digreſſed too far.

Afterwards Peireskius ſpared no pains that there might be a generall and particular deſcription of the world, perfected. For,1619. in the firſt place, as he carefully cheriſhed, ſo he did not a little encourage Petrus Bertius, who came then newly ont of Holland, to publiſh his Geographicall labours. Moreover, becauſe there came out at that time, that ſame deſcription of the earth, according to nine Climates, and the Nubienſian Geography, ſo called by Gabriel Sionita, who rendered the Arabick Text into Latine; Peireskius preſently ſent a copy to Cluverius, and took care that he ſhould make a Map, wherein the ſituation of places might be expreſſed according to that Geography. Moreover, becauſe there was a report, that Johannes Maerius, a Sea-Captain of Holland, having detected a large and calm Strait, Eaſtward of the Magellanick, and obſerved new things, Countreys and Peoples; ſailed happily about the world, yet for ſome reaſons would not let his obſervations come in print; therefore he prevailed ſo far with Gulielmus Schutten the chief Pilot, as to obtain a Diary or Journall of the whole voyage, which he preſently cauſed to be turned into Latine, and printed. And becauſe Maerius went to Law with Schutten for ſo doing, he aſſured him that he would ſave him harmleſſe, as to the charge of the Suit.

Nor did this hinder him from attempting the like about another voyage. For it was conſtantly reported, that a Hollands ſhip was returned from the North or Hyperborean Sea, which had ſailed within ſeven degrees of the Pole; but he could by no means obtain a deſcription of the courſe of the voyage. But however, he commended the Pilot in that though he might have ſailed juſt under the Pole with leſſe difficulty, than can be imagined, yet he did not do it: for then having no North or South, no Sun-riſe, nor Sun-ſet; no uſe of the Load-ſtone for to ſhew the winds, he would not have known which way to make his courſe, one way or another.

Again, becauſe he knew that Vincentius Claneus, a Citizen of Arles, having travelled far and near, had collected very many obſervations of ſuch things as he had ſeen: therefore he ſent to ſeek for them, that (if he were willing) they might be printed. Whereupon he obtained them: but obſerving that all the diſcourſe was infected with arguings, & eſpecially with that opinion, that the ſurface of the earth is not round, but flat: therefore he would have the whole buſineſſe referred to the learned Nicolaus Bergeronus, ordering him to ſelect and expreſſe after his own manner, what ever he found meerly hiſtoricall, and containing a credible narration of things. And afterwards he perſwaded Blancus to like of that courſe, ſaying, That the ſame had been obſerved in the Hiſtories and Relations of Pirardus, Moquetus, and others: that it ſhould be leſt to Philoſophers to diſpute thoſe queſtions, and did not become a Relater to play the Dogmatiſt, eſpecially contrary to the common opinion: that the opinion of the earths flatneſſe might be mentioned; but ſo, as believed by the Barbarians, not defended by him: if he perſiſted, he would become a mocking-ſtock to Learned men, and derogate from the credit of his Narrations though in themſelvs true: that he ſhould reap praiſe enough, ſound and without ſpot, from the naked Hiſtory of his Travells: that he would take care that the work ſhould be dedicated to the King, or to ſome other, who would thankfully accept it, and ſuch like: All which nevertheleſſe could not perſwade the man to relinquiſh his former Intentions.

Moreover, he cauſed a Chorographicall Map of Provence to be Ingraven and Printed, which had been made by Petrus Johannes Bomparius, thirty years before. The form whereof, though neat enough, did not pleaſe him: wherefore he cauſed Jodocus Hondius to grave it again two years after; who likewiſe diſpleaſed him, both becauſe he omitted the name of Bomparius; and eſpecially becauſe he choſe rather to ſmi •• ce other Editions, in which the degrees of Latitude are falſely ſet down. For, for examples fa • e, Aix is ſet in the 42. degree and an eighth p • r • , which ought to have been in the 43. and at half, and one or two minutes over. Therefore he had it alwaies in his deſire to make a new Map, which by new obſervations and more exquiſite dimenſions ſhould preſent every place in its due poſture, both in reference to the Heavens and other parts of the Country: but he was by Death prevented.

Finally becauſe he was wonderfully delighted with that which Johannes Baptiſta Morinus (of whom we ſpoke before and who afterward was of great and deſerved repute among the Kings Profeſſors of Mathematicks) was wont to relate touching that ſame Peregrination of his into the Mines of Hungary; therefore he adviſed him to commit the ſaid relation to writing & ſo to Print the ſame. And that he did, but ſo as to premiſe an Anatomie of the Sublunary-world, wherein he Laboured to evince, that as the Aire is diſtributed into three Regions, of which the uppermoſt is alvvaies hot, the middlemoſt alwaies cold, and the lovveſt ſometimes hot and ſometimes cold; ſo vvas the Earth divided into three Regions, of vvhich the loweſt vvas alvvaies cold, the middlemoſt alwaies hot, and the uppermoſt being contiguous to the Aire, is ſometimes hot ſometimes cold according to the temper of the circumambient Aire.

But theſe ſtudies did not ſuffice him,1617. but he muſt by divers kind offices beſides endeavour to oblige men famous for their Virtues. For why ſhould I relate how that Pacius being now, according to his wiſh, become a Catholike, and defiring to return into his Country, he procured the chief Profeſſorſhip of Padua to be beſtowed upon him: as alſo how when after two year he would return to Valentia, he procured him to be called by Letters, from the Viceroy and firſt Preſident of Dauphine, written by the Kings commands; How when Philippus Jacobus Mauſſacus a great Ornament of the Senate of Tolouſe, had gotten the forementioned Commentaries of Julius Scaliger upon Ariftorle his Hiſtory of Animalls; he encouraged him not a little to Print the ſame with Notes; nor was he negligent, in ſending them when they were printed, to all the Learned men throughout Europe, as to Aleander, Pignorius, and others? How uſing the helpe of Barclay, he cauſed divers amorous Poems to be writ out of a Book in the Vatican Library, for to pleaſure Gilbertus Gaulminius, a rare light to good Literature: when he underſtood that they were wanting in Theodorus Prodromus, whith was ſhortly to be printed according to Salmaſius his Copy; as he alſo teſtified in his Epiſtle to the Reader? How he freed divers from divers ſcruples, as Pompeius Paſchalinus touching the Agate of his deceaſed Father; Thomas Erpenius, touching the Saracenicall Hiſtory; and many ſuch like.

There was at that time an hot conteſt in Point of Study, between the often before mentioned very Learned Jacobus Sirmondus and Claudius Salmaſius, that ſame other glorious Example of polite Learning, touching a famous queſtion, occaſioned a year before by Jacobus Gothofredus, in two diſſertations, touching the Subn • bian Grounds, and the Churches, or of the Dioceſe, of the civill Pretor, and of the Biſhop of Rome. As for that controverſie how far it proceened, how many Learned men on both ſides joyned their forces, is not to be related in this place. Only, I am to ſay, that Peireskius was as carefull as he poſſibly conld be, that the matter might be gently handled between them, as did befit Learned Men. The truth is when Aleander alſo had interpoſed himſelf in the quarrell, and had ſent a treatiſe from Rome of that Subject, to be printed at Paris, Peireskius could hardly allow it: and being urged, he cauſed it indeed to be printed, but with ſome mitigation of what he had hinted, touching the Authority of Counci • s and Popes, and the bitter paſſages which he had fcattered up and down, againſt the opinion which he oppoſed.

He uſed the ſame liberty towards Barclay, who had interwoven in his Argenis a Dialogue of ſomewhat too free a ſtrain. For he received about the ſame time a great part of that worke, which he was to ſee printed. And the truth is, Barclay had determined, that both he and Varius ſhould be perſonated in that Book; but Peireskius commending his affection, made greater account of the friendſhip of Virginius Caeſariuus which he had procured him, from whom he had received Letters, and moſt elegant Elegiack Verſes. Yet Barclay is to be commended, who teſtified his gratitude, by all meanes in his power; as again, when he received his Family at Rome about this time, he compoſed an Elegie in the name of his wife, Wherein among the reſt, were theſe verſes.

To ſpeake the Truth God-likea mans name. de-Vias, I Chac't grief away by thy dear Memory. The thought of Peiresk whom the High-God bleſs, Did baniſh from my Mind all Heavineſſe. Heaven's bleſs that mighty Man, this many a year, To the French Nation. Then they need not fear. View but this wit, you'l ſay hee's Pallas Child, Which makes him love the name of Virgin mild. What Muſes and what Prudence were of Old, All that to France, in Peiresk now behold. Long let him Live and my dear Husband Love, Long let him Live and Growth of Honours prove.

And theſe things were done in the year 1620.1620. In the beginning and progreſſe of the Spring whereof, he was ſo troubled with the Strangnry and other diſeaſes, that he was hindered, to his great grief, from following Varius, when he went with the King in the beginning of Summer to pacifie certain tumults in Normandie and other Provinces, and afterwards to Aquitania and Bearn. When he began to mend he received Letters from Pius Mutius of Genoa, certifying that there were yet remaining ſome reliques of Pinellus his Library. For he wrote that he had found Fifty two Orations of Themiſtius, which were ſaved out of his Library and had never been printed, no not among thoſe which were publiſhed two years ſince by Dionyſius Petavius, a man ſo Learned, that I queſtion whether the Society of Jeſus has any that exceeds him. He preſently brought that piece of Themiſtius to him and when he found him ſtudying about that huge work d. Doctrina Temporum, which he printed a few years after, he took occaſion to ſpeake many things in favour of Scaliger, his quondam friend.

About the ſame time he took a curious view of the Treaſury of the Chappell of Sancta Capella. And among the rare and precious commodities contained therein, he diſcovered an ineſtimable Jewell viz. an orientall Agat or Arabian Sardonyx, a foot long according to the Pariſian or Foot roiall: wherein were ingraven with wonderfull Art five and twenty figure; or pictures, all exceeding white, in a black Sea, interdiſtinguiſhed with a certain dark and obſcure yellowiſhneſſe It was adorned round about with Chriſtian figure; and inſcriptions by a certain Greek Emperor, ſo that when Baldwin had pawned it to D. Ludowick, and at laſt it came into the hands of King Charles the fifth of that name, and was thought to contain ſome ſacred hiſtory; it was brought into that treaſury as a Religious Oblation. But Peireskius, when he viewed it and regarded the condition of the pictures he was ſatisfied, that it repreſented rather a profane Story; and as far as he could gather by conjectures, he believed it was a repreſentation of the Apotheoſis or Deifying of the Emperour Auguſtus being dead.

Johannes Triſtanus Santamantius a rare Antiquary did lately cauſe it to be printed with his Commentaries being cut in Copper. And he profeſſes that he had firſt knowledge thereof from Peireskius, whom he calls a man of very rare and exquiſite Learning, ſo as to exceed all the commendation that he could give, & renowned through all Europe. He writes afterward how that he firſt ſaw this rare monument of Antiquity in the company of Peireskius, and began to conjecture what it might repreſent. But becauſe in proceſſe of time he differed from the opinion of Peireskius, and it has been my hap ſundry times to hear Peireskius diſcourſe the buſineſſe: therefore it will not be, I hope, unpleaſing, if I ſhall touch ſome principall differences of their Interpretations, in this place, for their ſakes who ſhall endeavour to examine the matter, having the Achat it ſelf, or its modell or the foreſaid Book.

That figure therefore which Santamancius interprets to be Jupiter with Aeneas following him; Peireskius judged to be Auguſtus, by the help ofthe Goddeſle Roma, lift up to Heaven, and he whom the other would have to be Auguſtus, he Interpreted to be Marcellus the Lover of Horſes, whom the Fates only ſhewed the world, Rome intimating that ſhe delivered the Empire of the world, which he refuſed, over to Tiberius, that ſtood next beneath him. And truly, if you attentively conſider the Achat, as far as the Copies do repreſent the ſame, you will acknowledge the Countenance of a Youth rather then of an old Man. In like manner, him, beneath Marcellus, whom Peireskius took to be Druſus the Son of Tiberius, with his hand ſtretched out towards Jupiter, as begging the Kingdom after his Father; Santamantius takes to be Numerius Atticus, contemplating with his eyes lifted up, and avouching that Auguſtus was caught up into Heaven: And ſhee that ſits by Druſus whom Peireskius took to be his wife Livilla, Santamantius ſuppoſes may be Julia the Daughter of Auguſtus who was baniſhed; and him that was at the right hand of Jupiter, he believed to be Druſus the Brother of Tiberius; whom Peireskius ſuppoſed to be rather Julius Caeſar. Touching Germanicus, Agrippina, and Caligula they differ'd not; nor touching Tiberius neither; ſave that Peireskius ſaid that the Imperiall Robe compaſſed with Serpents was Jupiters Target; and the Lance without an head, he called a Long Scepter, So he took her to be Antonia the Mother of Germanicus, whom Santamantius took to be Livia; & contrariwiſe he took her to be Livia, whom Santamantius ſuppoſed to be Antonia. But thus much may ſuffice to have ſpoken of this ſubject; by the way.

But Peireskius was ſo overjoyed by finding ſo rare a Curioſitie, that he did not only invite Santamantius and all other men in Paris to ſee it; but he wrote alſo Letters thereof, into England, Germany, Italy, and all France over. But he wrote thereof in a ſpeciall manner to Petrus Paulus Rubeus of Antwerpe, that moſt renowned Painter, and lover of all Antiquities, but eſpecially of Achats in which he was very skillfull; who came in a moment, to ſee it & ſet it forth in lively colours. And Peireskius got a gallant picture of it, which he kept as a Jewell, beſides divers Impreſſions thereof in Brimſtone, Plaiſter of Paris, Paper, which he printed with the Achat it ſelf.

Moreover by a great Providence he got the Impreſſion of another rare Agat in Brimſtone, which was kept in the Emperours own Jewell-houſe. It was an Agat ſomewhat leſſe then the former, which Philip the Fair left as a Legacie to the Nuns of Poiſſy (he having had it of the Knights of Jeruſalem, who had got it in Paleſtine) and being ſtollen away in the civill wars it was by certain Merchants carried into Germany and ſold to the Emperor Rudolphus Secundus for twelve thouſand Crownes. Now the Impreſſion thereof had been taken and preſerved, and I know not by what hap fell into the hands of Peireskius. Nor did he only get the Impreſſion, but the true picture thereof likewiſe, wrought long-ſince by the Hand of that famous Painter Nicolas, whoſe rare workmanſhip is ſeen in the Gallery at Fountain Bleau. I paſſe over how he Interpreted the Figures thereon ſo, as to conceive they repreſented the Apotheoſis or Deifying of Auguſtus while he was Living. For, as we read in Joſephus, that Herod made a Coloſſus or huge Image of Caeſar, reſembling Jupiter Olympius in forme and Magnitude, and another like a Roman reſembling Argive Juno; ſo it ſeems that in theſe figures Auguſtus is repreſented in the habit of Jupiter Olympius, together with the Goddeſſe Roma, in the habit of Argive Juno: and in one place Jupiter and Juno are repreſented leaving their place and giving way; alſo the Signe of Scorpio drawing his Clawes together [to make roome for the new God] and ſuch like.

Moreover, he was afterward troubled with a moſt vexatious diſeaſe in his Eyes. But, that I may proceed to ſhew you how many Deſignes he drove notwithſtanding theſe Interruptions of diſeaſes: he cauſed moſt elegant pictures to be cut in Copper, to illuſtrate a Book written by Rex Renatus Erle of Provence, concerningTiltings. Turnaments, which was to be printed; and that after he had obtained from Johannes Jacobus Chiffletius Veſuntinus a famous Phyſitian, another Book of Tornaments. Andreas Favinus mentions this care of his, in his Book of the Theater of Honour, and in his third Book of the Orders of Knight-hood. Alſo he reaſſumed his care of the Conſtantinian Kalender aforeſaid, about which he therefore wrote to Schilderus, a Canon of Cameracum, from whom he had received it; alſo to Franciſcus Carandelet us, Dean of the ſame Church, who was exceeding curious in all good things. He took care about divers things which were kept in the ſtudy of the Duke of Arſchot and Rubeus aforeſaid: in which point he was ſatisfied by Johannes Gaſpar Gevartius, a famous and (if ever any) a true Schollar, with whom he had already contracted no ſleight friendſhip at Paris. Moreover, he communicated all his rarer Coins with Rambervillerius, who dwelt at Vic, and Rambervillerius did reciprocally communicate ſuch as he had, to him.

At the very beginning of the Spring,1621. the year following, he lay ſick more than a moneth; ſo that he could neither accompany Varius, who was again to go with the King; nor perform thoſe many & great offices of freindſhip, which he had intended to Hugo Grotius, then newly come into France: for he prized him ſo highly, that he was wont to ſay; that France had gained him, in the ſtead of Scaliger. I ſhall not mention how afterward, when Grotius ſet himſelf to write the Hiſtory of his own times, Peireskius did furniſh him with divers monuments publike and private, which he had by him; alſo with very many which he had procured out of Italy, namely, from Antonius Querengus, a learned and famous man, to whom many things had been ſent out of France, becauſe he was writing the Acts of Alexander Farneſe Duke of Parma. About that time there paſſed thorow Paris the foreſaid Vicelegatus à Balneo, who was ſent the Popes Nuncio into Flanders: who being deſirous to ſee all things in the City which were remarkable; Peireskius was recovered in a ſeaſonable time, to lead him up and down to learned men, to ſtudies, to all rare works, and with great alacrity, though but one, to perſorm ſuch offices as were hardly to be expected from many together.

And this was in the moneth of July: Auguſt followed, the ſaddeſt moneth that ever he knew. For therein died Mr. du Vair. Varius, and it extreamly troubled him, that during his eight dayes ſickneſſe, he could not be with him to perfom all the laſt duties of a friend. Now that great man died at Tonins in Agennois, at the ſiege of Clerac, on the third day of the moneth, to the great grief of all France. But how Peireskius was peculiarly afflicted with this accident, it is needleſſe for me to relate. For his diſpoſition, by this time ſufficiently known, with the vehement love he bare towards him and his continual obſervances, do ſpeak enough, though I be ſlent. All that wrote verſes of the death of Varius, did, not without cauſe dedicate their ſaid veſes to Peireskius, among the reſt Hugo Grotius was one, who thus beſpeaks him;

Though thou who waſt the comfort of his cares, By which he ſteer'd the State-affairs of France, Do'ſt, more than all, lament with dolefull tears, His fate, as if it were thy proper chance; Brave Peiresk, who deſerv'ſt a better lot, All France is envious at this thy grief. And ſince his Countrey and the World a ſhot Muſt pay, ſhe will not have thee mourn in chief.

Alſo Petrus Bertius, who among other paſſages, thus expreſt himſelf:

But, O Peiresk ſince God will have it ſo, Why do we ſadly mourn? Let's ſet a bound Unto our griefs: for we muſt alſo go, When Fates do call, though now both well and ſound.

To let paſſe others; I ſhall onely ſay, That whereas Peireskius was very carefull that Varius might have all the honour which was due to his Dignities and Virtues, he did it, as being one of the three which were the Overſeers of his laſt Will (having had a Legacie conſiſting chiefly of Gothick Coins); and becauſe he could not ſufficiently reſtifie the affection he bare to his deceaſd friend.

This hard chance was attended by another, which he bare likewiſe very mournfully. For Barclay died at Rome, juſt then almoſt, when Varius died in the Camp: ſo that Peireskius heard of his buriall, when he expected from him a conſolatory Letter and an Epitaph, Juſt about the ſame time it happened, that Peireskius urged him to finiſh his Argenis: wherefore among other things it grieved him, that Barclay had not finiſht that Work according to his own Mind. It was ſome comfort to him, that he had firſt gotten a moſt elegant pourtraicture of Barclay: to which he would needs have an Eingie ſubſcribed, ont of the rich vein of Grotius, which alſo he ſent to Debonerus. Nor were theſe accidents enough: but there ſoon followed the death of another, which he took moſt paſſionately. It was the death of Henry of Lorreigne, Duke of Mayenne, who was ſlain at Mount-Alban, the ſixth day of September. His love to Peireskius was vehement, and full of candor; which made him take upon himſelf, of his own accord, to protect the Abbey of Guiſtres in Guyenne, and to preſerve the Lands and Inhabitants, during that war.

When tidings of his death were brought, Peireskius was troubled with a pain in his kidneyes and the Strangury, which laſted eight dayes; about the beginning whereof, he was not able to behold that Prodigie, which cauſed great admiration, being ſeen not onely in the Camp, but at Paris alſo, and all France over, viz. a Remarkable Brightneſſe, which in the night following the Twelfth day, was ſeen in the Northern part of the Skie all over, ſo that for many hours together, it repreſented the cleareſt Sun-riſe. This was wonderfull, the Moon not ſhining; but it was more wonderfull, to ſee a vapour which was ſhed abroad in the ſame quarter, diſtinguiſhed (as it were) into whitiſh obſcure pillars, ſet in rows; being exactly perpendicular to the Horizon, and moving very ſlowly from the Eaſt unto the Weſt. Finally, it was a miracle, to ſee a little after (as it were) certain Pyramids or Spires, ariſing from the white appearances, reaching to the top of the Skie, very white; out of which there ſhot vapours very thin and exceeding white, as ſwift as lightening.

This I mention, becauſe Peireskius was glad that we obſerved the ſame; whereby he was aſſured, that it was nothing but a ſport of Nature, which many interpreted to be ſome military preparation, or the Idea of a Battell. The truth is, ſome affirmed that they ſaw Armies in Battell-aray, and Horſe and Foot marching; and how at laſt they ſaw the fight, and bullets flying out of the guns. Tis wonder they ſaid not, that they heard the ſound of Trumpets, and the cries of the Souldiers; ſeeing the ſame credulous & humane frailty was cauſe of thoſe other figments. Tis truly credible, that if not all, yet very many ſuch tales, related in Hiſtories, have proceeded from the ſame Original, and deſerve no greater credit.

But to return to thoſe ſad accidents; I need not ſpeak of the death of Cardinall Bellarmin, which happened about the ſame time at Rome. For though Peireskius was ſomewhat troubled when he heard of it, yet was he comſorted by the opinion which he had preconceived, and the fame which was ſoon ſpread abroad of his admirable Sanctity. I am rather to ſpeak of the death of Paulus Gualdus, which happened in October, the tidings whereof were enough to kill him with ſorrow, for all his great conſtancie. For we may eſtimate his grief for the death of this man, by conſidering the acquaintance he had with him, at the houſe of Pinellus, and the various kindneſſes, and moſt ſweet Letters, which had paſſed between them for above twenty years together. Peireskius had ſent him a little before, beſides divers Proſpective-Glaſſes, augmenting Glaſſes lately found out by Cornclius Drebel, who was likewiſe of Alcmair, and Engineer to the King of Great Britain. Moreover, becauſe Gualdus had ſo long, and ſo much loved him; he therefore made exceeding much of his brothers children, Joſeph the Arch-Presbyter, and John Baptiſt the Knight; eſpecially the latter, who ſeating himſelf at Rome, as he was moſt ſtudious of all good things, ſo provided he himſelf with a plentifull ſtorehouſe thereof.

There was another ſad accident, which I know not whether I ſhould relate, at which he happened to be preſent, though not properly concerned: which was that ſame memorable fire which happened upon the double Bridge which ſtands on piles, by means whereof not onely the ſaid Bridge was burnt, and the houſes thereon built, but the wares alſo of the Silver-Smiths, and Mercers which ſold ſilks, were burnt or drowned. Peireskius quickly ran thither, and beheld the fire with great grief, and carefully ſet down all the miſchief which was done by the unſpeakable violence of the flames. And he was wont to ſay, that he would give any money for a picture that ſhould repreſent to the life thoſe vaſt rowling flames. For Nero ſaw nothing ſo horrible, when he beheld Rome on fire; for thoſe buildings were of ſtone, but theſe were wholly in a manner wood: nor was there ſuch a floud beneath, nor ſuch immenſe gulfs.

After theſe things, he began to think of returning home; but he prolonged the time by little and little, till a year or two more were paſt. About the ſame time the cuſtody of the great Seal was committed to Mericus Vicus, a chief friend of his, of whom we have made often mention, and to Ludovisus Faber Caumartinus, both of which were deſirous to ſeem Inheritors of the affection which Varius had born towards him. Moreover, he continued in the affection and eſteem of the Maſters of the Exchequer, who dearly loved him, and that principally, becauſe he never demanded any thing for himſelf, but was onely an Interceſſour for good and deſerving men. Again, he made no end of ſending books up and down. And therefore Canaden eſpecially, Tis fit (ſayes he) that I return you a thouſand thanks for your great munificence, and the great ſtore of moſt excellent books which I have received from you.

When he ſent to Selden, he deſired him, that if but for his ſake, he would obſerve the ſituation of the Engliſh Churches, whether to ſuch as entered they ſtood Eaſt, and whether they look towards the Aequinoctiall, or either Solſtice. For he accounted it a thing worth the enquiry,1622. that he might find out (as I ſuppoſe) whether our Anceſtours worſhipped towards the Winter Sun-riſe, or ſome other way; becauſe according to the ancient tradition of the Church, our Lord Chriſt, who is termed the Eaſt, or Sun-riſe, was born when the Sun was in the Winter Tropick. He had already ſped well at Paris in this enquiry: for Jacobus Allealmus, a famous Mathematician, having examined the matter, found that all the ancient Churches, did decline from the Aequinoctiall to the Winter Sun-riſe, that of San-Victorina onely excepted, which declined toward the Summer Sun-riſe; as for the San-Benedictine Church, he made no reckoning thereof, which he conceived was termed Bistornata, becauſe it had been twice turned, or ill turned.

Moreover he procured for Learned men the Copies of very many Manuſcripts, as namely out of the Eſcuriall and Vatican Libraries: out of which, beſides others, he got a Coppy of Syncellus, with which he helpt the Learned Johannes Raptiſta Altinus, who was then ſetting forth the ſaid author with Expoſitions. And whereas upon that occaſion, he had ſent to Alcmannus an exquiſite Ichnographiall deſcription of the Porch of Sancta Genovefa, and of divers other places, he received of him for the foreſaid Altinus, a Copy of the Anecdota of Procopius, to the end they might be printed. Alſo he obtained both out of the Vatican and out of the Ambroſian Library at Millain, certain Copies of Africanus and otherBooks of the art of Ordering an Army. Tactiks, for the ſake of Ludovicus Machaltus a Valiant Man, Studious of millitary Authors and of the Mathematicks. He it was, to whom Peireskius did demonſtrate in a certain beautifull Diagram, the way to multiply the ſpecies and appearance of one and the ſame thing, between Two Glaſſes, declining laterally one from another.

Moreover, when Nicolaus Bergerus of Rhemes wrote in French an Hiſtory of the publick Waies of the Roman Empire, which the Greeks terme Baſilicas [the Kings high-waies] he teſtified in his Preface, that Peireskius acquainted him with an Itinerarie Table or Map, very neceſſary for his work. Now it is the ſame, which M. Velſerus got out of the Library of the Pentingeri (two ſheets being firſt happily found and illuſtrated with a Commentary) and which Abrahamus Ortelius after long looking obtained, and firſt leſt to be publiſhed by Johannes Moretus; and Petrus Bertius, by the advice of Peireskius joyned to his Ptolemy. Moreover Sundry, Offices he performed to divers Learned Men As to Johannes Mocenicus, from whom divers moſt rare Curioſities had been ſtollen at Venice: to Claudius Menetrius Veſuntinus, Studious of Antiquities, and who had Letters from Chiſſletius; to one Cuffler of kin to Drebelt, and skillfull in making Augmenting glaſſes, who was going into Italie: and to very many more.

Another year was now begun,1623. and it was the 12th. day of February, when viſiting the Chancellor de Sillery, and finding there a knot of illuſtrious and Learned Men, he acquainted them, that there was Snow fallen of a Sexangular or ſtarlike figure. The buſineſſe being obſerved by the Company; and all counting it to be a prodigie, he diſcourſed unto them, how that it was a more uſuall thing then any man will believe. For every Winter it does divers times ſnow ſuch, like Stars: but no man obſerves it, both becauſe thoſe Stars do turn to ſhapeleſſe fleakes; and becauſe falling down ſingle, they quickly melt away, or being mixt one with another are ſoon confounded. And that the Contexture was wonderfull conſiſting of three ſmall ſtroakes croſſing one the other, ſo that ſix raies are ſeen proceeding as it were out of one Centre: Nor ſeems it leſſe wonderfull, that thoſe raies are ſometimes naked, and ſometimes have as it were leaves and branches upon them, otherwhiles ſeeming inſerted into a Nave, like the ſpoaks of a Wheele and other ſuch like obſervations, which a friend had informed him of. Another while he endeavoured to ſhew the reaſon of the ſnows whiteneſſe, proceeding from very ſmall bubbles reflecting the Light; and of its ſtarlike forme, proceeding from ſix aequilaterall trianges, into which figures, circular bodies do naturally diſpoſe themſelves: and nothing ſeemed to him more probable then that ſnow is ſo med of ſeems proper thereunto: even as the various ſorts of ſtones are made in the ſame manner, receiving their proper figures as Plants and Animals do.

Whereupon it was by one then demanded, whether theſe ſeeds were cauſe of the years fruitfulneſſe, ſeeing Husbandmen avouch, that the fields do then yeild the moſt encreaſe, when they have been longeſt covered with ſnow. Againſt which he excepted, that the ſeeds of ſnow are one thing, the ſeeds of Plants another; nor do Plants therefore ſpring up more abundantly, becauſe the ſnow by its fatneſſe (as ſome Imagine) does make the Lands fruitfull: but becauſe it keeps in and repreſſes thoſe fat exhalations, which ſteem out of the Earth, and turnes them into nouriſhment for the Corne. Which may be better underſtood, if we conſider, that the ſaid exhalations being hot, the ſnow is below ſo melted as to give way to the growing Plants, being cruſted and vaulted above, and when the warmneſs of the Spring approaches, it goes away in great fragments, by the ſides of the mountaines, leaving behind it the Herbs and Corne grown up. Hence occaſion was taken to diſcourſe of the force of ſuch waters as proceed from molten ſnow; ſo that this muſt now be acknowledged the cauſe of the Overflowing of Nilus; and he having ſaid, that all this water of melted ſnow did not paſſe away in Torrents, but was partly imbibed into the earth, to encreaſe the fountain waters, ſeeing the Fountain de Vau-cluſe did not run more abundantly, but was alſo a little troubled after ſnow was melted; the whole Company was very deſirous to hear him diſcourſe at large, touching the Originall of Fountaines.

Whereupon explaining his opinion, than which he had none wherein he was more fixt & reſolved; he declared that he could never conceive that the originall of Fountaines was from the Sea, nor cauſed by the converſion of Aire into water but that they ſpring rather from rain waters (melted ſnow contributing) which falling far and near, are ſo drunk in, & pierce ſo far into the Earth, till they meet with certain Receptacles or wells, the bottome whereof is ſtone, Tarras, or ſome ſuch matter, fit to hold water; which have beneath certain narrow paſſages, by which the Collected water, iſſues gently, fo that the ſtream is continued for many daies moneths and years. For proof whereof he alleadged, that all the moſt notable Springs were at the bottomes of Mountaines; in which, being of a rocky nature, there are many ſuch Receptacles or Ciſternes, which run at laſt all unto one: and fountaines which ariſe in plain grounds, may be derived from the Receptacles of Mountaines far off, being brought along through channels under ground. And that by the ſame reaſon waters might flow not far from the tops of lower Hills; and in caſe they have not Receptacles ſufficient of their own, they might by the like Paſſages be brought thither from the Recepacles of higher Mountaines; ſeeing water flowes ſo far upward, according to the heighth from which it firſt came. Whence alſo he collected, that there could be no fountaines in the Continent, nor in Iſlands; which doubtleſſe are highter then the ſurface of the Sea, if Fountaines came from the Sea; becauſe water will riſe no higher then the place from whence it fell. For, that vvaters ſhould ſpring out in the very tops of the higheſt Mountaines, as is Vulgarly reported, vvas not credible, there being no Eye-vvitneſſe to teſtifie the ſame. And that therefore the Cauſe vvhy in the Summer, eſpecially after great Drought, Fountaines are dried up, or run very penuriouſly, can be no other then that the vvaters contained in the foreſaid receptacles, are either quite ſpent or much diminiſhed. Whence it is, that after Rains the Fountaines run again, that is to ſay, not after leight or ſeldom ſhowers, but after large and continuali Raines of many daies and moneths durance. Yet it is true, as the Scriptures ſaies, that the Originall of Rivers and Fountaines is from the Sea; in aſmuch as partly out of the open Sea, partly out of ſuch waters thereof as enter into the Cavities and ſecret paſſages of the Earth, vapours are raiſed, which being turned into Rain, do cauſe fountaines and Rivers, after the manner aforeſaid.

He perceived afterwards that it was neceſſary for him to depart, and therefore he conſented at length to the ſetting forth of that little Treatiſe De Magnae Deūm Matris, Attidiſ que initiis. Which becauſe it contained an Interpretation of certain Characters or Hieroglyphicks, which were ſeen upon a certain brazen hand found at Tornay, which Peireskius received from Dionyſius Villerius; he had been inſtant for three years, that Pignorius would change his dedication, and inſcribe it to Villerius. Which when he could not obtain, he would not have the Edition longer deferred, Pignorius reaſoning the Caſe with him in theſe words. There are many reaſons which make me dedicate the ſame to you; but above all, your ſingular humanity, whereby you have ſo wholly obliged me and all that I am, by your daily kindneſſes, that I haveinothing remaining which I may truly call mine own. In the next place, your great and Various Learning, by which you have wonderfully treaſur'd up in your Mind and thought, all Antiquity, and whatſoever any where is rare and excellent. Alſo he cauſed to be printed two Books of Mathematicall Epiſtles of Georgius Raguſaeus, or againſt Arts divinatory, which he had received from Paulus Gauldus, and which he had left to his beloved Hannibal Fabrotus the forementioned Preſident of Aix, who abode then at Paris. So was he very carefull, that the workes of Varius might be printed with all Additions poſſible: which becauſe he could not ſee done (as his deſire was) before he departed, therefore he leſt the whole Care of the Edition to Ducheſnius, to ſee it finiſhed. In like manner leaving behind him a new Edition of the Poems of Cardinall Barberinus half finiſhed, with additions; he committed the whole Care thereof to Viaſſius who was then at Paris, and freely profered his ſervice to that intent.

Moreover, that which ſo conſtrained him to haſten his return, was the old Age and encreaſing ſickneſſe of his Father. Yet would he have tarried till Autume, had he not been neceſſitated to paſſe through Aquitania, being reſolved to view a certain Abbey, which made him take the more time. Wherefore he departed in the moneth of Auguſt from Paris, where he had ſpent ſeven years and ſome moneths. When he ſame to Orleance, he received Letters from Debonaerus reſiding at Rome, acquainting him that Cardinall Barberinus was choſen Pope, by the name of Urbanus Octavus. Being glad thereof, he preſently wrote an Epiſtle gratulatory to the Pope, which how delightfull it was to him, both Debonaerus himſelf and alſo Aleander did ſignifie. Alſo Franciſus the Popes Nephew, who was thence forward called Cardinall Barberinus, ſignified as much; who was a man continually devoted to advance good Arts, and a rare favourer of Learned Men, being himſelf inchanted with the allurements of all ingenuous ſtudies. He from that time forward, both ſent to and received from Peireskius frequent Letters, moſt full as well of Learning as of Humanity and Love.

Departing from Orleance, he had (among others) in his company, the forementioned Johannes Lombardus, for whom ſeven years before he had obtained, and ſent him, when he thought not of it, a copy of the Deſcription of all the Hundreds, or Sub-oiviſions, and publike Edifices in Provence. His Father Reginaldus had ſent him to haſten his return; and Peireſkius was delighted to have him in his company, becauſe he judged that he would be uſefull unto him. For which cauſe he was fain alwayes to have in readineſſe pen, paper, ruler, compaſſe, wax, brimſtone, and ſuch like implements; to draw, exſcribe, adumbrate, in Seals and Tranſcripts, what ever they ſhould meet with, worthy of obſervation. And conſequently, at Anjou he chiefly deſired the Pourtraicts of the Princes of the family of Anjou, ſuch as he could obtain out of Glaſſe-windows, and out of the Churches of St. Maurice, and the Franciſcans. He ſtayed ſomewhat long at Tours, becauſe beſides many other things, he was much taken up with the Records of St. Martin, wherein are preſerved the Charters of the Kings, and other very ancient Acts and Monuments. Touching the Abbey, he was wholly taken up in perſwading a reparation, and in deſigning how to repair thoſe remarkable ruines, which had happened to the Monaſtery in the civill wars. I ſhould be verily too tedious, if I ſhould recount thoſe innumerable things which he obſerved all his journey thorow, and all the teſtimonies of honour and good will, which he received at Bourdeaux, Tolouſe, and in other places, in which there was no man conſiderable for dignity or learning, who deſired not to ſee and ſpeak with him.

THE LIFE OF PEIRESKIUS. The Fourth Book.

IT was now October when he came home, expected indeed by very many, but chiefly by his Father, who was then ſomewhat better. And not long after his return, he preſented to the Court a Patent from the King, whereby his Majeſty permitted him to continue in the function of his ancient Dignity, or to exerciſe the Office of a ſecular or lay-perſon, as they phraſed it; notwithſtanding that being made an Abbot, he had aſſumed the perſon of a Church-man. And the Court of Parliament did not aſſent thereunto, but voted unanimouſly, and decreed, that being already admitted into the firſt Rank, he ſhould abide perpetually therein; not returning as the cuſtomaty courſe was, to the inferior Auditory, wherein trials are uſually had of criminal Caſes. Moreover, he obtained likewiſe a Reſcript from the Pope, to licenſe him to be preſent at the Judgement of capital Cauſes (becauſe even in the higher auditory, ſome ſelect Caſes of that nature were cuſtomarily heard) but he never made uſe of the ſame; but alwayes when they came to vote, and two or three had given their voyces, for ſome capital puniſhment, he was wont to depart, and give no vote.

As ſoon as ever he opened his ſtudy, he was exceedingly amazed, when he muſt his Box, in which he had lockt up his chiefeſt Rarities. There were taken away, beſides ancient coines of Gold, to the weight of a thouſand Crowns; a thouſand two hundred precious ſtones, with ſculptures upon them, and ſome other things beſides. He miſt eſpecially amongſt his Coins, an Aegyptian Talent, or Arſinoë, the Wife of Philadelphus, of ten Crowns weight, and a golden Spur-royal of Lewis ſurnamed the devout, of which we told you before, he thought there was not the like to be had: Among his engraven ſtones, a green one with the Head and Inſcription of Servius Sulpitius; and an Onyx which has bin mentioned more then once, with the Head of Aëtio King of Sicilie, and the Ornament of a Phrygian Tiara: It troubled him the more, becauſe he durſt not proſecute againſt the party he ſuppoſed had ſtollen them. For he could not do that, leſt the loſſe ſhould come to his Fathers Eare, who had bona fide, and miſtruſting nothing, given the Key to one of the City, who was uſed to the Houſe, that he might out at the ſtudy window, prune a vine that grew up: now his fear was, that if his Father ſhould come to know how treacherouſly the man had dealt, it would increaſe the violence of his Diſeaſe. And therefore, he was exceeding cautious, that nothing might come to his Eare; yea, and when he asked him, if he found all well in his ſtudy, he anſwered him, that all was right and well.

Howbeit, he neglected not, with ſingular ſagacity, to ſeek after his loſt things. Whereupon, not to ſay with what diligence, ſilence, caution, he ſent his letters, and faithful friends up and down; he proved at laſt ſo happy, as to recover the greateſt part of ſuch things as he moſt reſpected. To be ſure, he obtained his precious ſtones, and among the reſt, his Aëtio, and Servius Sulpitius: and he accounted it very happy, that he had adorned neither of them with Gold; for ſo they would have bin utterly loſt, as ſome others were, to whom their Gold, was that which ſold them off. So, a long while after, he got his Aegyptian, or Theban Talent, for which he took at the firſt, a journey on purpoſe to Marſeille, and loſt his labour. But as for the Spur-royal of Lewis the devout, I never heard that he got it again.

This loſſe troubled his friends a long time, among whom there were ſome, who after that they had condoled with him therefore, did with all, congratulate with him, as one that ſeemed to be raiſed from the dead. For a rumour had bin ſpread abroad touching his death; which was firſt raiſed at Paris, by a raskal that had ſome deſign in it. Wherefore he, as ſoon as he could, certified them of what he had found again, and touching himſelf he wiſhed the moſt excellent Cambden might be as well, as he was at that time alive.

After he had gaiued a little reſt from theſe cares, he returned to his old Trade of aſſiſting learned men. Of which Grotius alone may ſerve for a witneſs, who at the beginning of the new year, I am not idle (ſayes he writing to him) but I proceed in my work, de Jure Gentium, which if it prove ſuch as may gain the good will of the Readers, Poſterity will be obliged to thank you, who have ſtirred me up unto this work, both by your aſsiſtance and exhortation. 1624. And a little after, But you proceed to obliege me, ſeeing even now you ſhow your ſelf in good earneſt, ſenſible of my loſſes; and as, when I was preſent, I found you a Patron, ſo in abſence, I feel you a Comforter. I, for my part, am for your only ſake, ſo obliged to France, that I had rather undergo the utmoſt extremity, then leave this place. And again, I ſent you a letter, which contained in it, nothing which concerned you to know; but was only a teſtimony of that gratitude, which I do and ſhall owe to you, for ſo many exceeding benefits wherewith I have been by you aſsiſted and adorned. Now that ſame work de Jure Gentium, of which Grot • us makes mention in this place, ſeems to have bin no other then that famous Book de Jure B • lli & Pacis, which he printed a year after. Sure I am, when he ſent Peireskius one of his ſaid Books, he ſent a letter with it, out of which, take theſe following paſſages. Accipe juſsis Carmina caepta tuis (ſayes the Poet) Accept theſe Verſes made at your Command. But I, moſt worthy Peireskius, do ſend to you not a Verſe, but a Book begun by your Exhortation and your Advice. I might add, that my preſent dwelling in France, is not a little indebted to you, by whoſe meanes I have bin brought acquainted with moſt excellent men: ſo that in this reſpect alſo, if any fruit come thereby, you may juſtly challenge the ſame. If I ſhall ſay, that it is a great grief to me, that I cannot enjoy your preſence, nor diſcourſes, I ſhall ſay no more then is the very truth; but your noble Brother affords me ſome ſolace in this my loſſe, vour Brother (I ſay) not only by Nature, but Humanity, who, &c.

I paſſe over his great care to get the Picture of Grotius, drawn by the hand of Duvricius; and the happineſs he accounted it, to have withall, the Pictures of Salmaſius, Petrus Puteanus, Hieronymus Bignonus (that great light of learning in general, the Lawes in ſpecial, and of juſtice in the Parliament) and other of his friends. He had ſent firſt to the Puteans, the Copies of ſuch as he had, viz. of Vincentius Pinellus, and Julius Caeſar Scaliger, intending to ſend likewiſe thoſe of Paſchalinus, Portaeus, Pacius, Cambden, Lobellius, Barclaius, Maranus, and many more. And becauſe I have fallen to ſpeak of Pictures, I may well add thoſe which he obtained, about this time, of the Pope, and the Cardinals Cobellutius and Barberinus. Alſo he deſired to have at the ſame time, the Picture of Virginius Caeſarinus; but death prevented the Painter, much about the time when Peireskius returned thanks for a Copy of the Sagiator of Galilaeus, that is to ſay, a Book of his, touching Comets, which Galilaeus had made againſt the Libra Aſtronomica, a Book ſo called of Lothnrius Sarſius (or by tranſpoſition of Letters, Horatius Graſsius) which dedicated to Virginius himſelf.

Moreover, he was not forgetful of a promiſe, long ſince made to the Pope to procure him ſome Reliques of St. Magddalen. For, ſeeing the people, ſome few years before at San-Maximitan, hindred the ſame by an Inſurrection which they made, he went now with the Command of the King, the Authority of the Parliament, and in company of the chief Preſident, making uſe of the Marſhal and his men, to guard him; and ſo he obtained at length, that which the Pope piouſly deſired. Whereupon the Cardinal gave him very great thanks in the Popes name, who teſtified likewiſe, how acceptable his recommendation was, as of other French Gentlemen, ſo eſpecially of the foreſaid Thuanus, who after he had viewed the Weſtern parts of the World, was thinking alſo to viſit the Eaſtern Countries.

Moreover, He was very buſie in ordering the affairs of the Biſhoprick of Regium, wherewith the moſt excellent Cardinal Guido Bentivolus, was endowed at the Kings Requeſt. Which he did out of that great love and friendſhip, which he had maintained with the ſaid Cardinal, ever ſince he came the Popes Nuncio into France; in which place he ſucceeded Cardinal Robertus Ubaldinus, who likewiſe had bin a great Lover of Peireskius. Nor muſt it be forgotten, that in the mean while, Cardinal Bentivolus, was a moſt earneſt Interceder to gain out of the rich Treaſury of Rarities belonging to Scipio Cardinal Burgheſius, divers Models of Weights, meaſures, and other things, to ſend to Peireskius. At the ſame time there was at Rome Claudius Menetrius aforeſaid: who alſo ſent them, and added divers ancient Weights, with Models and Seals; nor did he afterward ceaſe from ſending Coines, and what ever other Monuments of antiquity, which Rome could afford, at what price ſoever.

Furthermore, He was in a manner wholly taken up, in miniſtring unto his ſick Father. But when his pains ſeemed to be ſomewhat allayed in the Summer, he went to his Countrey houſe at Beaugenſier, whence ere that he returned, he would needs go to Tolon, to fiſh for Coral. For it growes but in few places of our Seas; but eſpecially in a narrow paſſage, which is diſtant from the Promontoty called Cithariſtes, but two Provence vence-miles. And becauſe he was informed that it was an excellent ſeaſon to pluck the ſame; therefore he hired a ſmall Veſſel, and choſe fitting perſons, by whom he was carried till ſuch time as the tops of certain Hills and Mountains meeting to the Eye in a right line, were a token of the place he was told of. Then they let down by a Rope a woodden Croſſe, with Nets faſtned to it; and as ſoon as they perceived it was upon the ground, they drew it all about, to and fro, this way and that way, that the Coral Plants might be intangled in the Net. When they had done ſo, long enough, the Engine was pulled up, and he obſerved how the Nets had broken off, and brought away many Plants of Coral, with very many dry and rotten fragments, which had at ſome other time bin pluckt up, and left at the bottom, or had fallen out, as the Nets were drawn up. Moreover, the Plants which were then pluckt up and drawn out, were neither red, nor handſome, till their Bark was pulled off: in ſome parts they were ſoft, and would give way to the hand, as towards the tops, which being broken, and ſqueeſed, they ſent forth milk, like that of Figs; and when the compreſſion ceaſed, we might ſee them pricked with little holes, which ſeemed to be the empty veins, wherein the milk had bin contained. Which milk, becauſe he was informed to be very cauſtick or burning, therefore he was exceeding careful, that none of it might come upon his Skin. And becauſe by enquiry he had learnt that it was as the ſeed of the Coral, ſo that if it touched any ſolid thing as a ſhell of a Fiſh, a Stone, or the like, it would engender a Coral Plant, that would grow thereupon: therefore he conjectured, how Coral might come to grow upon the Scull forementioned. There were in the Nets many other Plants beſides the Corals, alſo very many living things were intangled therein; particularly, a Snail without a ſhell. All which Maſſe of varieties being carried to Beaugenſier, he cauſed to be dryed in an Oven, and ſo preſerved. And he obſerved, that the Snail diſſolved into a purple liquor, and dyed all that toucht it with a moſt perfect purple colour: which made him a little doubt, whether that were not the true Purple, and this liquor the right Oſtrum, which anciently they dyed their Garments with, and which they termed Murex Tyrius.

The remainder of this and the year following, which was 1625. he could not at all leave his Father, ſave ſo long as neceſſity required him to wait upon the Legate. For that year, the Pope to mannage the common affairs of Chriſtendom, had ſent Cardinal Barberinus into France, who about the beginning of Spring, landed upon the Coaſts of Provence. He was to have landed at Marſeil; but a Tempeſt compelled him to put into the Haven of Tolon, whence paſſing to Avenion, he was to go through Aix. Peireskius therefore went, and met him about three or four miles from the City, and took all care poſſible, that he might enter the City with thoſe Honours which had bin decreed him, as ſuitable to his Dignity: but the Legat for ſome Reaſon beſt known to himſelf, choſe rather to paſſe beſide the City, and to turn to Lambeſt: whence the next day he went to Avenion, but Peireskius went not with him; but the fourth day after, he came and brought his old Friend Aleander with him,1625. whom he had in the mean time kept at his own Houſe, and feaſted him gallantly. For Aleander being taken into the Family of the Cardinal, was in his Retinue, together with the Noble Knight Caſsianus a Puteo, who verily how rare a man he was, all good and learned Men at Rome do teſtifie, being to him obliged: alſo with the divers-times formerly mentioned Debonaerus, whom both for his own worth, and for the memory of Barclay, he could not ſufficiently embrace: alſo with Johannes Baptiſta Donius, a man of profound learning, whom the Cardinal would needs have for his Secretary, for the Latine Tongue; and with the very good Ludovicus Aubrius Menilius of Paris, of whom he had received divers courteſies, both at Paris and at Rome. And there were divers other learned men in his Retinue; but I mention only the ſpecial friends of Peireskius.

Moreover Peireskius would willingly have followed the Cardinal, for he was reſolved not to leave him neither at Paris, nor while he was in France: but the tender affection he bore to his Father, being grievouſly afflicted with ſickneſs, could not permit his abſence. But his Brother being at Paris, he wrote unto him, to perform the duty to his Father, which himſelf could not. He wrote alſo to divers friends, and namely to Rubens, who was then drawing Pictures to adorn the Gallery at Luxemberg, belonging to the Queen Mothers new Palace: becauſe he knew, that he through the happineſs and ſweetneſs of his wit, and the plenty of exquiſite things which he had, would be delightful unto him. Alſo a principal reaſon why himſelf could not be from his Father was, becauſe the two Phyſicians which his Father always had great hope in, were both dead: for Jacobus Fontanus dyed, when he himſelf was at Paris; but Antonius Merindolus, died a little after Chriſtmas foregoing.

Where I muſt tell you by the way; the grief which Peireskius conceived for the death of this man, was as great in a manner as great could be. For both his rare learning, and very gentle manners, long acquaintance, and moſt civil offices, had long ſince knit them in an extraordinary band of friendſhip. I do not tell you what Peireskius did contribute towards this friendſhip: for 'tis fitter you ſhould know that, out of the laſt will of Merindol, expreſſed in the Dedication of his Works. For there he declared, That he would have his Works paſſe into the world under the Patronage of the moſt Chriſtian King: Nevertheleſſe (ſaies he) I would have my Treatiſe of Feavors go by it ſelf, to the end it may carry in its front, a name moſt dear to me of all others, viz. the name of Monſieur Nicolas Fabricius of Peireſc, Counſellour to his Majeſty in the Parliament of Aix, and Abhot of Guiſtres, a Gentleman moſt flouriſhing in Riches and Learning, accompanied with Vertue. For I have alwaies found him a man of ancient integrity, of candid manners, and a continual Patron of my ſtudies: and therefore I deſire by the Dedication of this Book, as by a Bond and Seal, to teſtifie to all the world, for how many and how great benefits, I acknowledge my ſelf obliged unto him.

To return to his Fathers Diſeaſe: for an year and half he had been tormented with pains in his Bladder and Kidneys, and a moſt pertinacious Gout. And a moneth or two after, the Diſeaſe came to that height, as that little ſtones were taken out of the joynts of his Feet, and that in ſo great a number, that in 8 months ſpace, they did equal his Feet in bulk: and becauſe they could ſeldom or never be drawn out, but that ends of Nerves and Tendons were drawn away with them; therefore within the foreſaid time, they were five times gangraenated. Moreover, Peireskius was alwaies preſent, not only conſulting about and together with the Phyſicians and Chirurgions, preſcribing both Medicines and Diet; but alſo preparing and ſetting his own hand to every thing, and what ever his Father took, giving it himſelf. For that was his Fathers deſire, and it was ſo ſweet unto him, that he found not any thing which did more mitigate his pains. Being therefore thus continually buſied, ſo that except ſome urgent occaſions in Parliament required, he was never from his Fathers ſide; it was no wonder that himſelf, beſides his frequent Strangury, had his Haemorrhoids ſo provoked, that a very troubleſome tumour bred in that Part.

Therewith he was now grievouſly troubled, about the beginning of October, when he heard that the Cardinal Legat was upon his return. Delaying therefore to Phyſick himſelf, he firſt preſcribed how his Father was to be ordered; and then went to the Legat to Avenion. But his Father tranſcending a little his preſcribed bounds, fell preſently into a Catarrhe; whereupon the Phyſicians deſpairing, thought good to ſend for Peireskius home again. As ſoon as word was brought him, he returned, but found his Father ſo weak,1624. that he could be kept alive but two daies longer. The good man therefore died to the great grief of his excellent ſon: but the coming of the Legat would not long ſuffer him, to teſtifie his ſorrow; for he was to entertain him, in his Houſe. For the Coarſe was but juſt carried to the Church, when tydings came that the Legat was at hand. Wherefore, having brought back the Funeral Pomp to his Houſe; he preſently went forth, and met the Legat ſcarce half a mile of. He having performed the due Ceremonies at Church, according to cuſtome, ent • ed the houſe of Perieskius; and it was a wonder to ſee the whole face thereof ſo ſuddenly changed, ſo that the wals, which becauſe of the Funeral being hung all with black, did teſtifie ſorrow; were preſently, being hung a freſh with red, becauſe of the aproach of the Gueſt, made to expreſſe the greateſt chearfulneſſe poſſible. Moreover, as ſoon as he was ſaluted by Parliament, and all the other orders of the City, the Tables were ſo furniſhed, that a more magnificent proviſion could not be imagined. Eight dineing rooms, were ſerved at one and the ſame time, without any confuſion, and the high courage of Peireskius was to be admired, whoſe Providence was not diſturbed by the ſadneſſe following his Fathers death. When all was taken away, the Legat deſired alſo to view his Study, and to paſſe over ſome ſweet houres in familiar diſcourſe, and in viewing the rarities. This, Viaſius harpt upon, in his Panegyric to Urbanus Octavus, in theſe verſes among the reſt.

So did we ſee him in his way from France,1625. Unto Peiresk his noble Houſe advance, That Houſe renown'd for Vertue, and the Praiſe Of ancient Gentrie, and the Muſes Baies. Where all that's left of Athens and old Rome Inſhrined lies, as in a ſacred Tombe.

When at his departure he brought him on his way, he was forced to go to Riants, where, upon pretence of his Fathers Death, the Tenants began to make ſome ſtir; where compoſing things as well as he could, and the contrariety of the wind holding the Legat ſtill at the Port of Tolon, he went to him again thither, and preſented him with a couple of Goats with long ears hanging down ſo low, that if their heads be a little bowed down, they touch the ground. The Cardinal having finiſhed this legation, ſoon after began another. For he went Legate into Spain; but by force of weather, he was divers times ſtayed upon the Coaſts of Provence. But his chief ſtop was at the Tower of Buquia, which ſtands at the ingreſs of the Martigian Coaſt, or the Sea Colony; ſo that Peireskius, could hear of him and come to him. Which was doubtleſſe a great ſolace to the Legat; for beſides his moſt delightful company ſome daies enjoyed, Books were alſo brought him, with the reading whereof the tediouſneſs of the time was abated. Among the reſt, there were certain obſervations, touching the ebbing and flowing of the Seas, which Peireſkius had not long before cauſed to be collected by Antonius Natalis a Phyſician of Provence, who dwelt in Bretagne, which becauſe they exceedingly pleaſed the Legat, he promiſed to do his endeavour,1626 to procure more of them. Alſo he further promiſed him, That he would acquaint him with whatever he met with, temarkable in that Legation; and particularly, that he would procure, which Peireskius chiefly deſired, the Epitaphs to be written out, and Pictures to be taken of the Earls of Barcellone, eſpecially of Alphonſus ſirnamed the Chaſt.

Moreover, Peireskius returned home troubled with an exceeding great Rheum, beſides pains in his Kidneys, and other diſorders contracted by reaſon of his Fathers ſickneſs, which would not let him ſleep a nights, nor ſuffer him to reſt ſo much as in his Bed. Amongſt other refreſhments, books were not the leaſt: for he received divers from ſundry his friends, ſome of which made mention of him: as one, for example, called Gloſſarium Archaeologicum, containing an Expoſition of Barbarous Latine words, whoſe Author was Sir Henry Spelman of England, who in the Preface to his Work, If I ſhould ſpeak of perſons (quoth he) beyond the Seas, I was in no ſmall meaſure incited from France, by the most noble Nicolaus Fabricius Peireskius, his Majeſties Counſellour in the Parliament of Aix, Hieronymus Bignonus, &c. Where you muſt obſerve, that Bignonus and thoſe other perſons whom he there mentions, were ſet on by Peireskius to ſollicite Spelman to ſet out his Book. Alſo, the notes of Pignorius upon the Book of Vincentius Cartarus of the Images of the Gods; alſo his ſymbolical Epiſtles, in the 29 whereof Pignorius recites to Peireſkius an Epiſtle of Marſilius Ficinus, touching the occaſion of the friendſhip between him and Bembus, both born on one and the ſame day, out of a Book, which was in the ſtudy of Pinellus, which you and I (quoth he) knew in its flouriſhing condition.

Alſo he was very inquiſitive after divers Monuments of Antiquity, which he would have brought to Aix. A principal was a Marble Tomb of moſt elegant fabrick, which being dug up near Brignolle, he ſent a Cart on purpoſe, and twenty induſtrious choſen men, to fetch the ſame. This Monument, verily, he eſteemed ſo highly of, that when afterwards Rubens was to go into Spain, he could not tell what better Argument to uſe, to intice him thither, then to tell him of the ſight thereof; and when he obſerved therein ſome Images, which either through Age or bad uſage were defaced, he would needs have from Rome, a Model in plaiſter of another, in which he had obſerved the like figures, that after the example thereof, he might cauſe them to be repaired. Alſo he was comforted by one Barbleus of Colen, an induſtrious young man, and skilled in Phyſick, who made him paper ſpheres of all ſorts, that is to ſay, according to the Hypotheſes of Ptolomy, Copernicus, Ticho, and others. Nor muſt I forget, how he was exceedingly refreſhed with the exceeding courteous ſociety of Jacobus Lorinus a Jeſuite, who had commented upon the Pſalms, who when he firſt returned from Rome, came to him at Avenion, and beſtowed upon him a treatiſe of Bellarmines, written with his own hand. Finally to divert himſelf, he read at that time a Book termed Arelatenſe Pontificium, made by Petrus Saxius, a Canon of Arles. But he took it very ill, that he I know not out of what reſpect, did affect to ſet up the Rights of our Kings, and did not only not oppoſe, what might juſtly be oppoſed, but went about unjuſtly to weaken the ſame: wherefore he reſted not, till by a decree of Parliament the Book was prehibited.

Peireskius was now a little better, when after divers Letters, both from the Cardinal Legate, and Putean the Knight, and others dated at Madrid, he was informed that the Cardinal was to return, and would paſſe through Marſeilles, in the beginning of September. Thither therefore he went, though not perfectly recovered, and expected the Cardinals arrival certain dayes. But he loſt his labour; becauſe, he having a good wind, ſailed by, and ſtayed only a little while at Tolon; whence he ſent ſome of the rareſt things he brought with him out of Spain to Aix, and excuſed himſelf. Which when Peireskins received, he returned thanks by Letters; in ſome of which he carefully recommended Chriſtophorus Puteanus a Carthuſian, whoſe learning and innocent conditions, did ſufficiently teſtifie, that he was Brother to the Puteans of Paris. I ſtand not to relate how well the Cardinal took the ſaid Recommendation; for Putean himſelf wrote, that he was unable to expreſs, what good will and civility he had found. Only I think it more pertinent to ſay, that Putean held a moſt brotherly correſpondence with Peireskius; for no kindneſs ever lay in his power, which he did not do for him.

Here I muſt nor forget how about the ſame time he recommended Joſephus Maria Suareſius of Avenion, a very learned young man, who was by that means received into the Family of the Cardinal. Nor muſt I forget Lucas Holſtenius, the Darling of learned men, an Hamburger, who was alſo not long after admitted into the ſaid family,1627, after that his Vertue had bin made known to Peireskius, by the commendations of the Puteans, and to the Cardinal, by the commendations of Peireskius, when he was at Paris. Both of them verily did afterward teſtifie their thankfulneſs, and by frequent learned Letters, did merit that favour: as for Peireskius, he let ſlip no occaſion, where by he might do either of them any good.

In the Winter he was again vexed with Rheumatick defluxions, and pains in his Kidneys; yet did he not ceaſe to write divers Letters, but principally to the Puteans, by whoſe help he was wont to brag, that he ſaw nigh at hand, all that was done in the World; as by the help of the Proſpective Glaſſe he ſaw things, ordinarily out of ſight, in the Heavens. Among other things, he ſhewed the Reaſon why the Taxes anciently ſet upon men, came in proceſs of time to be ſo diminiſhed. For ſeeing (quoth he) our fore-fathers and Anceſtors expreſſed the rates of the ſaid taxes by Florens [coine ſo called] which vvere then of Gold, and vvere of greater value then the Solati, it is come to paſſe, that becauſe Florens vvere then valued at twelve ſilver ſhillings, or Spur-royals, a Tax of a Floren is now ſatisfied with twelve ſhillings; whereas nevertheleſs, theſe of ours have ſo far degenerated from the ancient ones, that ſix of ours amount not to the value of one of thoſe. We may now ſay eight, and ſhortly ten: ſo that they who would lay Taxes, which ſhall not leſſen in proceſs of time, muſt learn, not to expreſs them by pounds Tours, or any other kind of vulgar money; but they muſt eſtimate them by Corn or ſome other yearly increaſe of the Earth, and compel them to pay accordingly. For ſeeing the fruitfulneſs or barrenneſs of the ſame grounds, is much one and the ſame at all times; the price of the fruits of the Earth, muſt needs keep much at one and the ſame: But the uſual value of money, does not in like manner continue, but continually decreaſes, as has bin formerly declared.

Moreover,1627. Valaveſius did in the mean time, return from Paris, and the buſineſs of Rians, after ſo many years invincible ſuits, was finiſhed by arbitration. The year 1627. was beginning, when taking breath after the cares of ſuch like buſineſſes, he reſolved the next Vacation, to take a view of whole Provence, to gather Inſcriptions, partly ſuch as he had not, and partly ſuch as had bin ill, or unfaithfully taken; and that to gratifie the foreſaid Donius, who having an huge Volume of Inſcriptions, ſuch as were not in Gruterus, ready for the Preſſe, he was deſirous to interweave thoſe of Provence, which Peireskius ſhould collect. And he had not indeed leaſure to perform what he intended: yet nevertheleſs, he left not to ſollicite Donius, to put out his work, hoping that in the mean while, there would be a fardle of Provincian to joyn to the ſame; for he liked better, that they ſhould be put all together at the end of the Book (as the Spaniſh ones were in Gruters Volume) than that they ſhould be confuſedly interpoſed here and there, as was uſual in others.

Moreover, he began upon this occaſion, to treat with Donius, not only touching Inſcriptions, but (he being really a man variouſly and plentifully learned) touching his Onomaſticon, his Muſical work, his Convivales; touching Hetruſian moneys, certain Juſtinian Coines, of the ancient kind of Weapons, and many ſuch like things.

He treated alſo about the ſame time, with Nicolaüs Rigaltius, his Majeſties Library-keeper, famous for his very rare learning, touching the Expoſition of thoſe Riddles of Virgil, concerning certain Lands, in which there grew Flowers with the names of Kings written upon them; and Lands where the Heavens appeared but three ells wide. And when by way of anſwer he received touching the former, certain rare obſervations touching Flowers, ſtrangely variegated in their colours; and touching the latter, that interpretation which is uſually given concerning a Well, he called to minde among other things, how that a Well was dug at Rians, out of which a very ſmall quantity of Heaven muſt needs be ſeen, when as in the day-time, at the bottom thereof, a man might ſee the Stars: the eyes being plunged as it were by the depth, into the darkneſs of night, and the ſight of the eye by dilatation (as is wont to happen in a dark place) receiving plentiful ſpecies, or repreſentations, even of the ſmalleſt things.

There was then newly come to be Arch-Biſhop of Aix, Alphonſus Pleſſeus Richelius, a Praelate of remarkable learning, and rare piety, taken from among the Carthuſians; and Peireskius perceiving that he exceedingly loved him, he uſed all diligence in the continual teſtification of his Reſpects and Service, thereby to approve himſelf worthy of his Love. When he went to viſit Marſeilles he bore him company, and by that means, he there ſaluted Gabriel Albaſpiuaeus, Biſhop of Orleance, who was then retired thither, & was ſtudying about a work, which was afterwards printed, of the myſtery of the Euchariſt. In which he made frequent mention of Books, communicated by Peireskius, calling him, The Love and delight of Learning, and the Ornament of Provence. Afterwards alſo he ſtrongly aſſiſted the Arch-Biſhop, in the ſetling of a publick Poſt, who carrying Packets of Letters every week, by Poſt-horſes to Lyons, and bringing the like from thence, might hold alſo a weekly entercourſe with the Pariſians. And he had indeed long deſired ſuch a thing, and more then once endeavoured the ſame, as a thing of publick advantage, and grateful to his friends: but none before him had ſufficiently animated the Arch-Biſhop, nor could the Parliament of Provence be ever perſwaded to allow the charges.

Great was the joy occaſioned hereby, as of all learned men, who deſired to receive frequent letters from Peireskius, ſo eſpecially of the Puteans, who by this means could both frequently, and eaſily ſend him what ever newly ptinted Books, or other novelties; and he alſo could ſend them with like facility, what ever he obtained out of Italy, Africa, and the whole Eaſt. For from this time forward, he kept a more frequent correſpondence then ordinary, with the Conſuls and Merchants, reſident in all the Eaſtern parts; that by their means he might procure Greek, Hebrew, and Arabick Books, with others written in the oriental Languages.

Whereupon, he ſoon obtained ſome, as namely, from Cyprus, an excellent Book, Peri Aretes cai Cacias, about Virtue and Vice, of Conſtantinus Porphyrogeneta, containing collections out of Polybius, Diodorus, Nicolaus Damaſcenus, and other Hiſtorians, out of which divers deficiencies in noble Authours might be made up. It is not to be believed, how ſmall a thing he valued two hundred pounds Tours, which he gave for this Book, were it only that he conjectured, it was the Emperours own individual Book, which he had for his own uſe, becauſe of the ſhape of the Letters and their elegancy, the neatneſs of the binding, and rare Verſes prefixed in prayſe thereof. Alſo he obtained that which he had long ſought for, viz. certain Councels of the Chriſtian Biſhops, after the recovery of the Holy Land; for he had long bin perſwaded, that there was ſome Copy, or other, of them to be had in thoſe parts. He had indeed formerly cauſed ſome of them to be written out of the Vatican Library.

About the ſame time he wrote unto all parts to aſſiſt Holſtenius, who was labouring about the edition of a Noble pack of ancient Geographers. He chiefly wanted a Deſcription of Thracian Boſphorus, made by Diony ſius Byzantius, which Petrus Gyllius made uſe of (but only in Latine and imperfect) in deſcribing the ſaid Boſphorus. And becauſe he thought it likely, that the Greek Text might be found among the Books of the Cardinal of Armenia, of whoſe Family Gyllius was: therefore Peireskius ſo wrought, that the Biſhop of Ruten, ſearcht all the Library over, and at laſt ſent him a Catalogue thereof, to aſſure him, that there was no ſuch Book there to be found. You may be ſure he ſpared not to ſend Letters to the Popes Nuncio's, to the Kings Embaſſadors, to all the learned men he knew, (amongſt whom verily, I muſt not forbear to name that ſame rare Biſhop of Tolouſe, Carolus Monchalius, out of whoſe wealthy Storehouſe, ſo many rare Manuſcripts were brought) that he might at leaſt be aſſured, there was no ſuch Book to be found. And it is doubtleſs, ſcarce credible, that it is any where extant: ſince it has eſcaped the ſo great Sagacity of that man. For the ſame Holſtenius ſaid, not without cauſe, in a Letter to him, For it has not yet bin my hap to ſee any mortal Man ſurmounting you in the knowledge of Antiquity, or that could match you in the diligence and felicity of your Reſearches.

While he was thus buſied, he received a Book from the above-named Johannes Jacobus Chiffletius, Phyſician in ordinary to the Infanta Iſabella, touching the Iccian Port, from which Julius Caeſar ſet ſail for Brittain. And he eaſily diſſented from that Opinion which held, Callis to be the Port aforeſaid; however, he wiſhed, that rare man would make a more diligent ſearch, all that Coaſt over, and though he had acutely proved that Mardike was the port, yet that he ſhould conſider, whether that name were applyable to a Port, extant in theſe dayes of ours. And the farther Port we read of, ſeems not to be interpreted the inferior Port, ſo as to mean the inferior Coaſt, which is under Audomaropolis, and is parceld out by pools of ſtanding water; but rather the Weſtern, ſo as to ſignifie one that is nearer, and from whence the paſſage into Brittain is ſhorter. But nothing was more delightful to him, then to read withall that in the Audomaropolitan Lake, there are floating Iſlands, which bear both Men and Beaſts; and whereupon Alder-Trees, and Willowes, do pleaſantly flouriſh. Wherefore he was deſirous two years after, when I was to travel that way, that I ſhould take a curious view thereof, and report the buſineſs to him, which I did, and ſent him a branch, which I pluckt off from a tall Willow, which ſwum about, with the ground it grew upon.

He was alſo ſollicitous about that time, touching the obſervation of that Article, by which the Council of Trent, condemned clandeſtine Marriages; nor did he ceaſe, till he had perſwaded certain ſcrupulous Eccleſiaſtick Judges, that it was not only ratified by the Kings Authority in Parliament; but alſo by ſpecial Decrees of the Metropolitan Synods of this Province. I forbear to mention, with what ardency he did ſollicite Aleander, that he would ſeriouſly ſet himſelf to deſcribe that Earth-quake, with which Aqulia was ſhaken from the laſt day ſave one of July, and with which the Arch Biſhoprick of San-ſeverinas, was reported to be ſwallowed up, in the Moneth of September.

Other things I paſſe over, only I muſt needs relate his rare modeſty, which made him change the Epiſtle of a Book, dedicated to him. That Book contained ſome ſpiritual Treatiſes of Saint Diadochus, Nilus, and Heſychius, which Aleander Fichetus, a very learned Jeſnite printing at Lewis, would needs dedicate to him. Now he uſurped the Bookſellers name, and thought he had uſed no Hyperbole in commending Peireskius, whoſe vertue he ſufficiently ſaw, when he profeſſed Phyloſophy at Aix, and was a publick preacher there. But Peireskius himſelf would not bear it; but being to ſend ſome Copies to Rome (as there was no new thing which he did omit to ſend) he cauſed that Epiſtle to be laid aſide, and another to be printed, and prefixed to the Books he ſent. In the Epiſtle which he would have omitted, were theſe paſſages; Your Table, your Houſe, your Study, are a Starry firmament of all wits, wherein the Heavenly Conſtellations, the Stars of all Learning and learned men do briefly ſhine; ſo that all things therein are not guilt with Gold or Silver, but ſhine as Stars: the Desks are filled with Stars, where the Books ſtand like Conſtellations; and your ſelf ſitting in the midſt, and embracing all, give light to all, add grace to all, beſtow life as it were, and eternity upon all; ſo that to you all well-writ Books through the world, as the ſacred fires of good minds, do ſtrive to mount as to their Heaven, to receive light from you, and ſhine again upon you, &c.

This Epiſtle brings into my mind, how the year following, when he had received one of thoſe Books termed Coelum Chriſtianum, begun by Joannes Bayerns, and finiſhed by Julius Schillerius, Peireskius commended indeed their piety, in giving to the Planets, inſtead of the uſual names, thoſe of Adam, Moſes, and the Patriarchs; and giving to the twelve ſignes the names of the Apoſtles, and to other Conſtellations the names of other Saints, or holy things; beſides, figures newly invented, and new Verſes made of them but he liked not the deſign of perverting all the knowledge of the Heavenly Bodies, which from all Antiquity, is ſprinkled up and down, in all kinds of Books. Howbeit, he was not ſeriouſly afraid, leſt therefore Aſtronomers would change all the names of the Stars; becauſe they might eaſily ſee, they ſhould get no advantage, but much diſturbance thereby. He added, that thoſe ancient Figurations of the Stars, though profane, were no hinderance to Chriſtian piety; and himſelf had long agoe obſerved theſe Images, which had bin painted upon the vaulted roof of the Church at Vercellis, a thouſand two hundred years agoe. Finally he wiſhed, the ſame induſtrious hand, which had engraven theſe new ones, had expreſſed thoſe at Vertillis, commendable for their great Antiquity.

He did much more commend that work of the Rudolphin Tables, which was then publiſhed by Kepler. For ſeeing they were collected out of the moſt accurate obſervations of the new Atlantis of Ticho Brahe, he judged rightly, that by their meanes a more exact knowledge of the celeſtial motions might be had, then by any others. And therefore becauſe that work was many years expoſed; therefore he maturely collected div •• s obſervations, by which they might be examined. And in a ſpecial manner, he intreated the Aſſiſtance of thoſe excellent men Petrus Franciſcus Tondutus San-legerius, a Lawyer of Avenion: and Jacobus Valeſius Scotus, General Treaſurer in Dauphine; both of them excellently skilled in all Mathematical Arts, but eſpecially in Aſtronomy. Alſo he was aſſiſted by both of them, to amend divers faults of the Preſſe;1628. and becauſe the latter ſignified, that he had inſtructed Eleazar Feronceus, an induſtrious Gardner of Herbs, and a very ingenious man, to obſerve the celeſtial Bodies: therefore Peireskius laboured to get from him in particular ſome obſervations.

I paſſe over, how he would needs alſo have and keep by him ſome obſervations of mine, before I left Paris (wherefore I ſent him my Tables) and among the reſt, my obſervations of that late Eclipſe of the Moon, whoſe chief appearances being obſerved at Aix, did ſhew that the middle thereof was in the ſame year, the 20. of January, at nine a Clock, and three fifths. Now he ſent it to Paris, Rome, Florence, Padua, Lovain, and other places, that if haply the like obſervation had bin made, the difference of the interceding Meridians might be calculated. For he was alwayes deſirous to ſee Geography reformed, about which he then wrote to Petrus Bertius, exhorting him, that together with the Edition of Euſebius, he would haſten the ſacred Geography which he had promiſed. Not to ſpeak, how he delt with him to perſwade him, that he would ſet out a Map of the World, according to the various deſcriptions of Dionyſius, Strabo, Plinie, Ptolemaeus, and others.

That I may add ſomewhat touching obſervations, he exceedingly deſired, that ſome Interpreter might be found out, who could explain the Figures and Characters, which were evidently to be ſeen upon a fragment of Brick-work; which was, not long before, dug up at Babylon, and ſent to him; for he conjectured it was ſome of that Brick-work, upon which Plinie tells us (from Epigenes) that the Babylonians wrote the Obſervations which they made of the Stars, for ſeven hundred and twenty years. Upon which occaſion, he was much taken to conſider, that it ſhould come into the mind of certain good men, doubtleſs, to ingrave an Inſcription upon a ſtone, at the Gate of the Chappel, which ſtands overlooking a Rock at Druentia near Mirebel, of which he was informed by a friend of his, Joannes Gallaupius Caſtuellius, who was Heire of his Fathers Vertues, and Auditor of his Majeſties Accounts. For the ſaid Inſcription contains nothing elſe but a memorial of that Eclipſe of the Sun, which happened upon the third of the Nones of June, in the year 239. of which he had formerly notice out of certain Regiſters; and namely, of our Church; in which alſo there is mention of another, ſeen in the year 1415. on Friday being the 7th of June, an hour after Sunriſe, of ſo great darkneſs, that the Stars might moſt clearly be ſeen.

He had heard a little before, of the death of Jacobus Allealmus the Mathematician: for which he was exceeding ſorrowful, fearing the loſſe of certain works, both of his own, and of Franciſcus Vieta, the moſt renowned Geometrician. Even as, not long after, hearing of the death of Fontaneus, he feared the loſſe of many rarities and Manuſcripts; amongſt which he was wont to commend a Book of Alciats de Rebus Mediolanenſibus, written with his own hand. And it was his deſire that rare and good Manuſcripts, if they were not quickly printed, ſhould be kept rather in publick, then private Libraries; becauſe, by that means, they would be leſſe ſubject to miſcarriage. But he deſired withall, that there were ſome men that ſhould take care, to bring to light by printing, ſuch as had lain too long in obſcurity in the Libraries; for which cauſe, when he wrote to Cardinal Barborine, he was very earneſt with him, beſeeching him, that out of the great good will he bore to learning, he would cauſe the Vatican Printery to be ſet on work again, that ſo many rare Greek Manuſcripts, might come abroad into the World. And this he was occaſioned to do, by the generous deſign of Michael Jayus a Citizen of Paris, who ſet up a Printery, in which there was already begun an Edition of the Bible, which would be more compleat, then that which is called Plantains, and the King of Spains Bible; and becauſe at Rome, Holſtenius was willing to take pains in the buſineſs.

Alſo he had heard of a diſſertation, which I had long ſince with Merindolus, touching the paſſage of Chyle into the Liver. For I found a way by the Porus cholidochus ſo called, the Veins of the Meſentery being obſtructed. Having therefore writ him word, that there was a Book publiſhed by Gaſper Aſellius Anatomiſt at Ticinum, wherein he ſhewed how he had diſcovered certain milky veins in the Meſentery (beſides the commonly noted red ones) which probably carried the Chylus; he ſpeedily got divers of the Books, which he ſent up and down to Phyſicians, which were his friends, experimenting in Dogs, Sheep, Oxen, and moſt kind of Animals beſides, that which Aſellius had written touching his rare invention. Alſo when I had given him notice, that Dr. William Harvey, an Engliſh Phyſitian, had ſet out an excellent Book of the paſſage of the blood out of the Veins, into the Arteries, and back out of the Arteries into the Veins, by ſecret Anaſtomoſes; and that among other Arguments, he confirmed the ſame, by the valves of the Veins, touching which, he had heard ſomewhat from Aquapendens, and whoſe Inventer he was wont to ſay, was Father Paul Sarpi of Venice; he would thereupon needs both have the Book, and ſearch out thoſe valves, and know other things, as thoſe winding paſſages in the Septum of the heart, which Harvey denied, but I made appear unto him.

In like manner, being told of the many-pointed tongues of flies, which might be plainly ſeen by an Augmenting-glaſſe; he made many experiments in Inſects of like nature, and eſpecially in Bees, that he might thereby give occaſion to Rigaltius, to mend and illuſtrate Pliny his Chapter of Bees. Likewiſe, when Grotius had ſignified that there was a many headed Inſect, which bred in pieces of Wood, fallen into the Sea; he did not only look into all Authours, which had written of any ſuch thing; but he enquired of all Fiſhers, and other curious perſons, inhabiting upon the Sea-Coaſt; and prevailed ſo far at laſt that he found out, if not the ſame thing, yet a Fiſh with ſeven heads, and bodies as it were in the middle, of unequal length, implanted round about into a certain navel, or thick Cake, as it were.

Theſe, and ſuch things as theſe, he ſpent his thoughts about, when he enjoyed any reſt from the frequent pains of the Hemorrhoids and Strangury. And whereas in the moneth of September, to recreate himſelf, he went to Beaugenſier, he returned time enough, on the laſt day of the moneth to be preſent at a Town-meeting, and to give beginning thereto, by an excellent Oration: at which meeting the Conſuls of Aix, who were alſo Proctors of Provence, were wont to be choſen. Not long after, he was informed of the death of Malherbius his very good friend, which he took very ſadly. And though he conceived, that not only himſelf, but all the French Muſes, were called upon to mourn; yet was he comforted, becauſe he ſaw one to ſucceed him, who was both his loving friend and umpire of the French language and Poetry, the excellent Johannes Capellanius, in whom he alwaies admired to ſee learning joyned with the ſtudy of Wiſdom, and gentleneſſe of manners with candour of mind.

Afterwards he received a Copy of the Genealogical Hiſtory of the Royal Family of France, which the San-Marthani had ſet forth, and wherein they had mentioned him with praiſe, by reaſon of a Manuſcript of Matthaeus Giovanazzius, touching the Kings of Sicily of the houſe of Anjou, which he had furniſhed them with. And whereas at the ſame time, a good and learned man Dominicus à Jeſu Maria, a Carmelite Friar, being about to write of the Saints which had been of the Royal Family, did deſire ſome Monuments of him; there was nothing of which he was more deſirous to inform him, then of Charles the ſecond King of Sicilie, and Earl of Provence. For being dead he is had in veneration, his whole Body being kept even to this day at Aix; and in his life time he was ſo happy; as to ſee his ſon Lewis deſigned Biſhop of Tolouſe, and dying before him in repute for holineſſe, he ſaw him put into the Catalogue of Saints; and conſequently made prayers to him: and left money in his will to build the Minories Church at Marſeilles to his honour.

Afterwards he laboured not a little, that a Channel might be made through Druentia, or the river Verdun, which runs through Druentia to Aix. For he conceived, that the City would then flouriſh and grow rich, when by help of ſuch a Channel, it might traffick for all neceſſary Commodities, both with the upper part of Provence and with the Sea. Seventy years agoe Adamus Craponus Salonenſis, had brought a Channel from Druentia, into the ſtony Feilds ſo called, or whole Crautia, and deſigned this to Aix; and becauſe there was now need of another Architect or deſigner of the Works, therefore he wrote into the Low-Countries, to get one of thoſe men, that deſigned the Channels which were made in that Countrey, and that were newly endeavouring to unite the Scaldis and Moſa, waters ſo called. And it ſeemed, that what he had generouſly propounded might be happily effected; but that the Plague which hapned the year following, 1629. and the diſturbance thereby occaſioned, with his diverſion to Beaugenſier, did quite fruſtrate his intentions.

But before we ſpeak of theſe matters, we muſt touch upon ſome things, that he endeavoured in the mean ſeaſon. In the firſt place therefore, by occaſion of the aforeſaid Edition of the Bible newly begun, he was not content to have given notice of, and procured from Rome to be ſent to Paris a Samaritan Bible,1629. which was in the cuſtody of that learned man and advancer of all good literature, Petrus Valleus, a Senator of Rome; but he ſent, himſelf, into the Eaſt, a ſagacious perſon, Theophilus Minutius of the Order of Minims, to ſearch for further helps, having firſt obtained for him a Licenſe, both from the Pope, and from the General of his Order, and providing that he ſhould neither want money to bear his charges, nor to purchaſe ſuch Books as were neceſſary for the deſign in hand. And truly he failed not of his Exſpectation; for he by very good luck, ſoon found and obrained a Samaritan Bible, with the Hebrew & Arabick joyned therewith, (howbeit in the Samaritan Character) and two Syriack Teſtaments beſides, and many Arabick Books. Nor muſt it be forgotten, That Daniel Dayminius, one of thoſe Franciſcans whom they call Recollects, took great pains that theſe and other Books with divers Coines, might come into the hands of Minutius.

Alſo he gave order to ſearch in Cyprus for thoſe Books, in the company of which, the Collections of Porphyrogenita aforeſaid were found: but they were ſo ſcattered, that they could not be found by any ſearch, though never ſo diligent; which grieved him exceedingly, becauſe he judged, by one of the reſt, as of the Lion by his claw, and was in great hopes. And therefore, that learned Men might, at leaſt, not be fruſtrated of the benefit thereof, he thought good to ſend it to Paris, that Grotius, Salmaſius, and other learned Men, every man in his way might peruſe the ſame, and collect there-from what he thought moſt uſeful. Moreover, Hugo Grotius was a prime man that made uſe thereof, who at his requeſt preſently ſet himſelf to write out and explain, the illuſtrious fragments of Nicolaus Damaſcenus, which he alſo with an Epiſtle dedicatory, ſent to him.

And while there was another that was doing the like by the reſt of the Work, he was deſirous in the mean while to procure a ſecond Edition of the Pharmacopeia of Antonius Conſtantinus, a Phyſician of Protence: who about thirty years before, had endeavoured to ſhew, That there was no need of exotick Plants, and outlandiſh Medicaments; ſince by the benignity of Nature, the ſame Countrey which gives men their Birth, does provide both meats ſufficient to nouriſh, and Medicaments able to cure them. Therefore he ſent that Copy, which he had of the ſaid Book to Renatus Moreus, a great light of the Faculty of Phyſick in Paris, who was very well contented to undergo that charge.

About this time, he received a Golden Book of the learned Selden, De Arrundellianis Marmocoribus, or Stones with Greek Inſcriptions, which that moſt renowned Earl of Arundel, had cauſed to be brought out of Aſia into England, and placed in his Gardens. And it is indeed fit you ſhould know, that thoſe Marbles were firſt diſcovered by the induſtry of Peireskius and dug up, fifty Crowns being paid therefore, by one Samſon, who was his Factor at Smyrna; and when they were to be ſent over, Samſon was, by ſome trick or other of the Sellers, caſt into Priſon, and the Marbles in the mean while made away. Nor muſt it be forgotten, how exceedingly Peireskius rejoyced, when he heard that thoſe rare Monuments of antiquity, were fallen into the hands of ſo eminent an Hero; and the rather, becauſe he knew his old friend Selden had happily illuſtrated the ſame. For, his utmoſt end being publick profit, he thought, it mattered not whether he or ſome other had the glory, provided, that what was for the good of the Common-wealth of Learning, might be publiſhed. Now he conceived, that an ineſtimable Treaſury was contained, eſpecially in thoſe Greek Inſcriptions, which do much illuſtrate and make known, not only the Hiſtorical, but the Fabulous times alſo: ſeeing they deſcribe all things memorable from the ſpace of eight hundred years before the Olympiads, to five hundrd and thirty after their beginning.

Moreover, he communicated to divers friends the part of an Epitaph, which Adrianus Caeſar wrote, over the Horſe Boryſthenes, which dyed (it ſhould ſeem) and was buried in theſe parts. For a Marble ſtone was dug up in the fields of Apt, containing that part of the Epitaph; the remainder being as yet unfound and undug up. Which Marble Peireskius cauſed to be brought to his Houſe: and in the mean while, becauſe the Inſcription, about which famous Authors had contended, might be corrected by this noble Original; therefore he ſent thefe Verſes to all learned men, copied from that Marble, upon which they were ingraven, in a moſt near character.

BORYSTHENES ALANUS CAESAREUS VEREDUS PER AEQUOR ET PALUDES ET TUMULOS ETRUSCOS VOLARE QUI SOLEBAT PANNONICOS IN ARROS NEC ULLUS INSE QUENTEM DEN.

Which may thus be engliſhed,

BORYSTHENES OF ALANUS CAESAR HIS POSTHORSE US'D TO FLIE OVER THE PLAINES AND POOLES AND HETRUSCAN HILLOCKS HUNTING PANNONIAN BOARES.

Now it is well enough known, that among thoſe ancient poetical pieces ſet forth by Petrus Pithoeus, that whole Epitaph, is readeſpecially the laſt of theſe verſes, after this manner. PANNONICOS NEC ULLUS APROS INSEQUENTEM DENTE APER ALBICUM AUSUS FUIT NOCERE &c. for he could not tel how otherwiſe to perfect the ſaid Verſes. And Caſaubeon writing upon that paſſage of Lampriaius, touching Adrian, He was ſo great a lover of Horſes and Dogs, that he ſet Tombes over them, relates indeed this Inſcription; but changes nothing of what Pithoeus had done. But Salmaſius, according to his quickneſs of Wit, endeavouring to ſalve the ſore, conceived it might thus be read, PANNONICOS NEC ULLUS APROS EUM INSEQUENTEM: but there is now no need of conjectures, ſeeing the Table it ſelf is extant.

I paſſe over, how occaſioned by this Inſcription, he ſent to Angusburge to know, if that piece of Coine were any where to be had, which Adolphus Occo mentioned with this In cription on the one ſide ΚΑΙСΑΡ ΣΕΜΝΟС ΑΔΡΙΑΝΟС, and on the other ſide ΒΟΡΥΣΘΕΝΕΣ with a Grave-ſtone, and an Horſe upon it: and how thereupon diſcourſing of the flattery of the Greeks in commending the Emperors affection to this Horſe, he accounted it no wonder; ſeeing they alſo (and not the Aegyptians alone) raiſed Antinous his beloved Boy into the very Heavens. He did likewiſe communicate the Titles of Constantine inſcribed upon a certain Mile-ſtone which was digged up at Freius; and the delineation of other Mables newly dug up, whereon was the Portraiture of Bacchus with the various incantations of Circe: not to ſpeak of his explications of certain figures belonging to Plaies, and the Thyrſi or Javelins wrapped with Ivie, together with the Vitta or Garland, and Thiſtle or Pine apple on the top.

Alſo, he was very deſirous to know what I thought of thoſe Par-helia or divers Suns, which were ſeen at Rome on the twentieth day of March, whoſe deſcription and delineation Cardinal Barberinus, having received from the learned and laborious Chriſtophorus Scheinerus a Mathematitian, of the ſociety of Jeſus, he commanded they ſhould be ſent to him. And whereas he would that my opinion ſhould be publiſhed, this only is worth relation, how he received it with applauſe, that after the natural conſideration, I ſeemed to deride the opinion of the common people, who conceive, that theſe Phaenomena are Preſages of things to come. Unleſſe this be alſo worth relation, That there being at that time five Suns ſeen, (or, beſides the true Sun, four baſtard ones) there was hardly ever before ſo many Suns ſeen; and how it ſeemed a wonderful thing, when the ſame Scheinerus, ten Months after, on the fourteenth of January, obſerved ſeven Suns viſibly appearing in the ſame City. And I may here add, that whereas in the moneth of June, I was in the Low-Counrries, whither he wrote to me of the appearing Suns, he took a great deal of care, leſt by reaſon of the Plague, which begun to be very rife in this Citty, my Library ſhould receive ſome prejudice.

But the infection had not ſpread ſo far as Aix, and the other lower parts of Provence; when as, the King being in that part of Languedoe which is ſituate immediatly beyond Rhodanus, divers came from the Court to viſit and ſalute Peireskius. Amongſt the reſt was Stephanus Haligraeus the Chancellour his Son, newly returned from an Embaſſage to Venice; alſo Henricus Grandis Mr. of Requeſts, and Ludovicus Peletarius, the Treaſurer, who having taken up their lodging at his houſe; when they underſtood that Thuanus being returned out of the Eaſt, was landed at Marſeilles, they all went preſently thither with Peireskius. There were alſo in Company Druſus Daubrayus Mr. of the Rowls (not long after the Kings Overſeer in point of Juſtice) Philippus Fortinus Hoguetta, and others.

July following, he went with Oppedeus the firſt Preſident, to ſalute the King. By which means he ſaw very many of his Court friends; and when he was at Niſmes, he commended the rare vertue and learning of Samuel Petitus to certain of the Nobility, as to Michael Marilliacus the Vice-chancellour, Antonius Ruzaeus Marqueſs of Deffiat and Mr. of the Exchequer, and others. Petitus had in hand, a bundle of miſcellaneous obſervations upon good Authors; wherefore he adviſed him, as to inſert other things, ſo not to neglect the interpretation of that Scene which in Plautus his Paenulus, is extant in the Punick tongue. When he returned to Arles, he there round and obtained a Marriage Ring, touching which he had many Diſcourſes, by letters, with learned men, upon occaſion of this Inſcription, TECLA VIVAT DEO CUM MARITO SEO.

After he was returned, there grew ſoon a ſuſpicion, that the City was infected with the Plague. Which he firſt of all heard in the beginning of Auguſt, from which time he reſolved to go to Beaugenſier, and therefore he ſent his family before him. For, beſides the miſchief of the ſickneſſe, he fore-ſaw there would follow a great diſturbance of the Orders or States of the City and was ſenſible before hand, that his ſtrength would not ſuffice him to take ſuch pains as would be requiſite, to the ſtilling of commotions, and keeping off, ſuch imminent miſchiefs as do threaten the City. Yet he was reſolved to make trial, leſt he ſhould ſeem wanting to his Countrey, and the common ſafety thereof; yet was he conſtrained to depart in the middeſt of September, having ſhut up ſome ſervants in his houſe, to look to the houſhold-ſtuff, and ſo much of his Library and Rarities, as he took not with him. He ſpent at Beaugenſier forty daies according to his cuſtome, without any commerce, keeping himſelf within his own Houſe and Gardens. All which time he ſpent in the care of recovering his health, (for he was not very well) and in manuring the Plants of his Garden, and moſt pleaſant walks. Alſo he entertained partly in his own houſe, partly in other houſes of the Town, divers of hsi friends, with their families, eſpecially Bonifacius who were driven out of the City by the Plague; Borrillius, an excellent man, and well ſtored with rarities.

Now the Diſeaſe raged in the City,1630. not only all that year, but part alſo of the following year 1630. And here I ſhould relate a great Tumult, which when the Plague ceaſed, was raiſed in the City, and ſpread into other places, eſpecially in the Autumn. But it would be to little purpoſe to renew an unſpeakable grief, much leſſe to relate the publick and private cauſes, which ſet Heaven and Earth together by the ears. It may ſuffice to ſay, That Peireskius his Houſe hardly ſcaped plundering, the next Houſe to it being pillaged, and himſelf much affrighted, when word was brought him, That the plunderers had got into his Library and his Cloſet of rarities; but he was revived again, when he heard, That though they had threatned to break in, yet they forbore.

Many viſited him about this time, and amongſt the reſt, there ſtayed with him, ſome pretty while, Henricus Gornaeus Earle of Marchaevilla, who was now upon his departure, being to go as Embaſſador from the King to the great Turk. Alſo Philippus Bethunius, who having been formerly the Kings Agent at Rome, was returned into France, and who afterwards did in many Letters teſtifie, how exceedingly he miſſed his moſt delightful ſociety. Likewiſe Philippus Nunneſius, and Emmanuel Coſtaeus, whom being to go into Indie, he obliged by all kindneſſes and gifts poſſible, giving them Letters to Ludovicus Herriardus reſident at the Court of the great Mogul; and to Lopez Silvanus at Goa, and others; that ſo he might procure, beſides very many other rarities certain fragments of Rocks, in which ſundry ſorts of Jewels were wont to breed.

In like manner Samuel Petitus, of whom we ſpoke before, ſtayed ſome time with him, whom being ſuddenly to go to Paris, with what kindneſſes he obliged, may be beſt underſtood out of the Dedication of his Eclogae Chronologicae, which he there printed not long after. For, My Soul (quoth ne) Illuſtrious Sir, by this Dedication doth witnes to the world how much I honour you, how much I am obliged to you; ſeeing there is no man this day alive, that is more obliged to you than I; nor any that I am more obliged to, than to yourſelf. Yet ſo as this Table dedicated to your name, and your name prefixed to this Book of mine, are a Teſtimonial of the Hope which I have conceived of your future affection towards me. For I implore your Patronage to me and mine. Nor muſt you, illuſtrious Sir, deny me your Patronage, ſo God help you; for I am concerned in it. For if theſe Books of mine ſhall appear under your name, there is no good and learned man, but will approve of them, as having bin allowed by you, a man of moſt exact judgement, and ſingular learning, &c.

Likewiſe Henricus Bormalius, a Canon of Leeds, famous for all kind of learning, but eſpecially for his happy Imitation of the Greek Poets, whom he had kept longer with him, had not his Imployments called him home.

In like manner, Jacobus Buccardus, a Pariſian, adorned likewiſe with all kind of learning, who that he might have the better leaſure to ſtudy, and ſpend his life in turning over Greek and Latine Authours, was reſolved to go and live at Rome. Wherefore being upon his journey thither, Peireskius detained him as long as he could, and would have kept him all the Winter, but that he deſired rather, that his learning might become ſpeedily famous in that great Theater of the World. And therefore he not only gave him fatherly Inſtructions, but did ſo recommend him in divers Letters, that Cardinal Barberinus did not only receive him, according to his accuſtomed humanity, but would needs forthwith enter him into the Catalogue of ſuch learned men, as he kept in his houſe. Alſo Antonius Natalis a learned Phyſician, who having formerly his abode at Sivill, gave occaſion to his Commerce in America, and who now brought with him very rare things out of the new World; and a year after, before he returned to Sivill, he dedicated to him a certain Apologie which he ſet forth againſt the Phyſicians.

Likewiſe Franciſcus Gallaupius a Gentleman of Aix, very learned in the Hebrew Tongue, and deſirous to travel into the Eaſt, expected the return of Marchaevillaeus, at Peireskius his houſe. He it was, unto whom and Lombardus he had committed the chiefeſt care of obſerving the Eclipſe of the Sun, which happened on the 10. day of June. But in vain, becauſe the Weſtern Mountains, intercepted the ſight of the eclipſed Sun, ſo that they obſerved nothing but a darkneſs in the Aire. For the Sun was eclipſed in the Weſt; for with us at Paris, it was in a clear Horizon, being two digits obſcured; and its greateſt Eclipſe was eleven digits, and two and thirty minutes; and it began at ſix a Clock, a quarter and a minute and half over.

He ſpent therefore his time, in the Company of ſuch men as theſe; interpoſing frequent reading, and the manuring of rare Plants; alſo he ſtudied, and had divers diſcourſes touching ſuch things as turn to ſtone. As concerning Plants, it may be expected, that I ſhould in this place reckon up the principal of them; yet I will not ſtand to ſpeak of ſuch, which though accounted rare, are to be ſeen in other Gardens. I ſhall only touch at ſome of thoſe which Peireskius was the firſt, that cauſed to be brought into, and cheriſhed in Europe. Of which the Indian Gelſemine is one, a wooddy plant, alwayes green, with a clay-coloured yellowiſh flower, of a moſt ſweet ſmell. This was firſt brought from China, planted at Beaugenſier, and from thence propagated into the Kings and Cardinal Barberine his Gardens. Of theſe Joannes Ferrarius, a learned Jeſuite, wrote in thoſe Books, which three years after he ſet forth touching the manuring of Flowers. But, it muſt not be forgotten, that the Cardinal ſent to Beaugenſier, a China Roſe, the beauty whereof does wonderfully recompence its want of ſmell.

The next is a Plant called Lifa, or the Gourd of Mecha, becauſe it was brought from Mecha, and may be called the ſilken Plant, becauſe it bears plenty of threds, not unlike ſilk, fit to wear into ſtuffs. Peireskius received at one and the ſame time both ſeeds thereof, which he gave firſt to Viaſsius, to ſow and manure; alſo an whole gourd which within was full of threds, and a peece of ſtuff woven thereof.

Alſo the true Papyrus Aegyptia or Aegyptian paper, different from that, which is deſcribed by Proſper Alpinus. For Peireskius received it out of the Country of Saïta, where the right kind is thought to grow. Yet I know not that he experimented, whether Paper might be made thereof, which would bear Inck. For whereas at firſt, ſeeing that it had broad tufts, he imagined the ſtalks might be ſo wrought together, as that it might be writ upon; he afterwards became of another opinion.

Alſo the Indian Coco Nuts. Not that theſe Nuts had not formerly bin ſeen in Europe; but becauſe he did likewiſe try, whether they would grow in our Climate. And he ſaw them bud; but whether through the coldneſs of the Air, or becauſe they were not well looked to, they came not to that perfection which he deſired.

In the next place, Ginger, which being brought out of India did wax green in his Garden, from whence it was ſent to Paris, to Vidus Broſſeus, a famous Phyſician, the chief ſtorer of the Kings Garden, and principal ſhewer thereof; from whom, and the forenamed Veſpaſianus Robinus, who was under Broſſeus, he obtained very rare plants.

I ſay nothing of the broad-leaved Myrtle, with the full flower of the Storax, and Lentiſc-Tree, which yields Maſtick: and other plants mentioned before. Much leſſe ſhall I ſpeak of the great American Gelſemine, with the Crimſon-coloured flower, nor of the Perſian, with a violet-coloured flower, nor the Arabian with a full flower: of the Orenge-Trees, with a red and particoloured flower; of the medlar and ſowre Cherry without ſtones; Adams Fig-Tree; whoſe fruit Peireskius conceived to be one of thoſe which the Spies brought back, that went to view the Land of Canaan; the rare Vines which he had from Tunis, Smyrna, Sidon, Damaſcus, Nova Francia, and other places. Leaſt of all, ſhall I ſtand to ſpeak of the care he took in ordering his knots, and planting his Trees in ſuch order, as to afford even walks every way between them; in bringing the water every where into his Gardens; in providing that the tenderer ſort of Plants might receive no dammage by the Winters cold, in ſending for the moſt skilful Floriſts, to turniſh himſelf with all variety of Flowers: in a word, omitting nothing that might beautifie and adorn his Grounds.

I ſhall rather tell you, that he made divers experiments, touching the ſeeds and buds of divers Plants, and ingrafting one thing upon another. But his chief delight was to engraft, not only Gelſemine upon the Myrtle, but alſo the Apian, or Musk-Vine, that he might experiment what a kind of thing the Myrtle Wine was, anciently ſo called. And having found by experience that there was a ſtone, out of which Muſhrumps would grow in a moyſt place; he found out at laſt, that the ſaid ſuppoſed ſtone, was nothing but an huge Buck-fiſt, or Toad-ſtool, reduced to the hardneſs of a ſtone. And when as Renatus Moreus acquainted him out of Mercurius Gallobelgicus, that there was an hand which grew up out of a Pulpit, he adviſed him to enquire, if it were not one of thoſe branched Toadſtools which are wont not only to grow out of thoſe ſtones, but alſo out of rotten wood: and whether it were not ſome impoſture, or the credulity of people, which had raiſed that fable touching the motion of the fingers of the ſaid hand. But thus much may ſuffice, concerning Plants.

Touching his ſtudy about ſuch things as are turned to ſtone, I muſt ſpeak more largely, becauſe he had plenty of ſuch kind of rarities, and moſt frequent occaſion to diſcourſe thereof: and he many times carried his gueſts that were curious of ſuch things, to the places themſelves, that he might make his opinion more probable. When therefore in that Hill which is called Collis Defenſus, there were found Comb-faſhion'd, Oiſter-faſhion'd, Horn-faſhion'd ſtones, and others otherwiſe figured; and in the field which is called, as it is indeed, the long field, and in the Grotte de Guerin, there were found Leaves of Oaks, Alders, Holmes, Elms, Nut-Trees, Poplars, Ivie, Bayes, and other Trees, turned after ſuch a manner into ſtones, that by their Fibres, and toothed ſides, they declared from what Trees they came: he began thereupon to canvas over again, and to ſtrengthen his old opinion touching the generation of all kind of ſtones. For he was not of opinion, that all ſtones were created at the beginning of the World: but he conceived, that in progreſs of time many were made in ſuch manner, as to owe their original to their matter, and certain peculiar ſeeds; receiving their ſhape, partly from nature, partly by chance. For the matter of all them being water, or ſome other liquor or juyce, he conceived that in divers places were contained divers ſeeds of things, and particularly of ſtones, which being mingled with the liquor, does curdle the ſame, as milk is curdled by the runnet, and imprint its particular form thereupon. Conſequently, That Cryſtals, Diamonds, and the like ſtones are made, when their ſeeds meet with a tranſparent liquor, ſuch as they are only capable to perfect; and other ſtones, when their ſeeds meet with a more troubled and obſcure Liquor. And becauſe at that time the foreſaid liquor muſt be contained, and reſt quiet in ſome cavity and Veſſel as it were, or conceptacle: thence it comes to paſſe, that even thoſe precious ſtones, have a thick obſcure bottom; both becauſe the conceptacle is for the moſt part earthy and unciean; and becauſe what ever thickneſs is in the liquor, ſettles downward, and therefore makes the Coagulation more dull in the bottom. And that while they are in coagulation, they are parted, and multiplyed, as the grains of an eare of corn, within the ſheath; that Cryſtal obtains an oblong ſix-ſided figure, the Smaragd, a twelve-ſided figure, the Adamant and Rubie an eight ſided figure, and ſo of others: this he ſaid, ſprung from their peculiar ſeeds; by means of which, ſtones receive their proper ſhapes, as conſtantly and regularly, as Plants and Animals.

As for what concerns the ſhapes of Oyſterſhels, Snails, Cockles, Periwinkles, and innumerable other things: this happens by chance; for the living Creatures being dead, it happens, that their ſhels and coverings, become the conceptacles of the foreſaid petrifying humour, which being coagulated and hardned, puts on the ſhape of the thing containing; after which manner alſo, Star-ſhapen ſtones may be made, of the caſt Skins of certain Worms, being variouſly creaſed and dented.

Moreover, That the more ſubtle part of the humour, pierces into the very ſhell it ſelf, and turns that alſo to ſtone, though it become more brittle (ſo that in many it will not hang together) continuing nevertheleſs, whiter then that which is contained within the ſame; which beſides the thicker parts of the liquor, may have ſome of the ſubſtance, of the corrupt animal, mingled with it. And therefore, that it was no wonder, that not only within theſe ſhells, but ſometimes alſo within Cryſtal, and other tranſparent ſtones, we ſee ſtrawes, flies, and ſuch like things: the ſame things happening accidentally to be in the Conceptacle or Liquor, when it hardens into a ſtone. And that the leaves of Plants did turn to ſtone after the ſame manner, as the ſhells aforeſaid, viz. a pure humour ſoaking into them, which if it be impure, it forms a thick ſtone round about, as was ſeen in a certain ſtone which he kept in his ſtudy, which being cloven aſunder, a flower was contained therein, turned to ſtone. And ſo he conceived the bones of men, and other things, were turned to ſtone.

And as for the Generation of thoſe many-ſided ſtones, he argued from the conformation of Salt and Allum, according to their proper figures. And as for other ſtones, he called to mind firſt, what, we ſaid, he obſerved in his young years, when he was ſwimming, in the ſmaller ſtream of Rhodanus, into which the little River Sorga disburthens it ſelf. For he had withall obſerved, that the River Sorga was at that time more troubled then ordinary, by reaſon of an Earth-quake, which happened at the Head thereof; and that by reaſon that Rhodanus did then ſwell with a tempeſt, it over-flowed for certain dayes together. Whence he alſo reaſoned, that it was poſſible by that concuſſion of the Earth-quake, that ſtony Spawn or ſeed, might be voided forth of the Earth, and ſo carried with the waters, that being mingled with the mud, which by reaſon of the over-flowing aforeſaid, did ſettle and grow together, by little and little, it might form ſtones thereof.

Again, as for what concerns the hardening of the ſaid ſtones; he called to minde thoſe three ſtones, which John Brown the Chirurgion had given him, which were newly taken out of the bladder of an Infant. For whereas that which came firſt out, was perfectly hard, the ſecond ſoft, and the third like to run in a manner; they were all nevertheleſs a few dayes after, of the ſame hardneſs.

And whereas ſtones that abide long in the bladder, are ſuperveſted with divers cruſts, by reaſon of the addition of new matter; he ſaid, it it was the ſame thing which we obſerve in divers Caves, or Sellers, where the ſtony water dropping from above, makes divers ſorts of ſtones. And whereas divers grains of Gravel, being contained in the Bladder, are there cemented together by a clammy ſtony humour falling from the Kidneys; he ſhewed that it was the ſame thing which happened many times in Mountains and Rivers. For we ſee many Rocks, which conſiſt of many ſmall ſtones, ſome common matter cementing the ſame, which neceſſarily did afterwards become of a ſtony nature. And he himſelf had in his ſtudy an Horſe-ſhoo taken out of Druentia, which was ſo compaſſed about with ſmall pibbles from the River, that another ſtony ſubſtance, did joyn them one unto another, and all unto the Horſe-ſhoo. The ſame was leen in a Sword and an Iron Ring, taken out of the River Rhodanus; and the ſame in a great Braſſe Nail, which being taken out of the Seyne, was ſent to him by Lomenius. Whence he argued both touching the ſeed of ſtones, raked from the Mountains, and heads of Rivers; and touching ſuch ſtones as are bred daily in the channels of Rivers; which kind of ſtones do alſo naturally encline to a round or oval figure, ſave that according to the condition of the Conceptacle, or by rowling, wearing and breaking, they may come to degenerate there-from.

And that I may add an obſervation of his, touching that ſame ſtony Gravel; he was the firſt that obſerved, that the ſaid Gravel is naturally ſo ſhaped in the form of a Lozenge or Rhombus, that being looked upon through an augmentingGlaſſe, it ſeems nothing but an heap of little Rhombs joyned together. Whence it is not hard to explain the reaſon of that pain which Gravel makes, when it is voided with the Urine; for the acute angles of every grane do ſo prick and ſcratch the paſſage, that they provoke a moſt ſharp pain.

And being upon a time queſtioned touching the flexibility or that Whet-ſtone, which he received from Jacobus Hallaus of Paris, Maſter of the Accounts; le reſerred it to Talchum: for he conceived, that a certain moyſture, fit to make Talchum, was ſo commixed with ſand, or thoſe little grains, of which a Whetſtone is compoſed; that the thickneſs of the Whetſtone, did hinder the tranſparency of the Talchum; and the flexibility of the Talchum, did marre the ſtifnes of the Wherſtone.

So, being asked concerning the ſtones of Crautia, or the Herculean fields; he ſuppoſed, that all that plain was in times paſt over-flowed with water, when Druentia, or Rhodanus over-went their banks, and that the lapidifick ſpawn being carried with the waters, did there hard en into ſtones. He proved it, by what we ſee to happen in the Concretion of Salts. For as in a Veſſel wherein the water which is mixed with the ſalt, is evaporated, greater Cakes are found in the bottom, then are ſticking to the ſides, becauſe the ſaltneſs does there, both longer and more abundantly reſide: ſo in the middle of Crautia, which is the loweſt part, the ſtones are obſerved to be far greater, then about the ſides; eſpecially in the Maritime and mooriſh parts, where the ſtones are hardly ſo big as Nuts; whereas in the middle, the ſtones are for the moſt part, as big as a mans head.

That which made the greateſt difficulty was, the incredible multitude of Fiſhes, Shell fiſh, and other Sea-Creatures, which were found turned to ſtone, even upon the higheſt Mountaine. But becauſe he had obſerved in a long tow of Hills, as far a; from Beaugenſier, a certain Zone as it were, which was high, but yet plain and parallel to the Horizon, and even-ſurface of the Sea, which was full of ſuch kind of Creatures turn'd to ſtone: he made no queſtion, but the Sea in arcient times had overflow'd the ſame, at leaſt he thought he might have recourſe to the flood of Noah, or to the Creation, before the waters were gathered into one place. For he thought it unqueſtionable, that the Sea did by little and little forſake ſome Countries, and overflow others; as Ariſtotle proved touching AEgypt, Polybius concerning the Euxine, and himſelf concerning Arles, Ndus, Danubius Rhodanus, and other Ricers, making continents of the Earth, which they continually bring along in their ſtreams, ſo that in proceſs of time, both low places become high, and Sea-Coaſts become Midland-Countries. For which cauſe he wrote, that he believed the City of Venice would one time or other be joyned to the Continent, becauſe in a certain tract of time, the Continent had bin lengthened a thouſand, and five hundred paces, or a mile and half.

Moreover, from hence he made a conjecture touching the formation of Rocks, which he conceived in the beginning of the world eſpecially to be made by the abundance of moiſture overflowing the whole Earth, and the ſtony ſeed intermingled with the ſaid Earth. Whence it might come to paſſe, that when the Rocks were not yet hardned, ſuch Rivers as then brake forth and began to run, might break their way through the Rocks, ſeeing thoſe deep Channels on either ſide whereof are high Rocks of uniſorm contexture and altitude, could not be ſo hollowed by the inſenſible wearing of the water, in caſe their hardneſſe had bin perpetual. And this peradventure was the Cauſe, that the water running from Eaſt to Weſt, and making an hollow way, where the Mediterranean Sea now is, many Valleys were ſo opened, that the Rocks and Mountains kept the ſame Situation from Eaſt to Weſt: of which kind are not only the chief in this Province, but the Pyrenaean and Appennine Hills, the Rhetian Alps in Europa: Taurus in Aſia: Atlas in Africa: and the moſt of our Hills are broken and divided towards the Sea. And, that the Alps which border upon the Sea, and ſome leſſer Mountains and Valleys, have a contrary Situation, might proceed from ſome particular Deflux of water: after the ſame manner, as we obſerve after the overflowing of Rivers, the water which runs over the Banks, does plow up the congeſted mud, and make ditches, and conſequently ſwelling Banks, which are Situate athwart the Rivers courſe. But of this Argument enough, and too much.

Alſo he was wont to hold learned diſcourſes touching that Gyantly body dug up at Tunis, of an almoſt immenſe magnitude, as Thomas Arcoſius, a man doubtleſſe of various learning, did ſignifie from thoſe parts. For he wrote, that the Scull would contain eight mellerolles of Provence, that is to ſay, a Paris Buſhel and an eighth part. A monſtrous ſize queſtionleſſe: and therefore Peireskius adviſed Arcoſius, to view all things with his own eyes, and to weigh every thing ſcrupulouſly; Telling him, that the grinding Tooth which he had ſent him, might be either the Tooth of a very great Elephant, or of ſome kind of Whale.

Moreover, he rejoyced much, both at the return of Minutius and for the finding of a certain Tripod. For he returning with good ſucceſſe from Aegypt, brought many Books with him, eſpecially written in the Coptick, that is to ſay, the ancient Language and Character of Aegypt; beſides others which he had ſent with the Samaritan Books aforeſaid. He brought alſo two Mumies (viz. dead Bodies embalmed after the moſt ancient and coſtly manner) one of which was very large, entire, rare, and as by ornaments might be collected, the Body of ſome Prince. He brought alſo ſome Coins, amongſt the which he highly eſteemed two Tetra dragmes, the one Attick, the other Tyrian; and a piece of Coin of Hugo King of Hieruſalem and Cyprus.

As for the Tripod, it was dug up at Freius; and becauſe it was not much above a Foot high, Peireskius conceived, that it was one of thoſe vetive Tripods, placed in the Temples, and made in faſhion of that principal one, on which Phoebus ſtanding, and drawing the Spirit from the cave beneath, did rave, and was thought to utter Oracles. By occaſion whereof, he afterwards wrote divers Letters to Paris, Rome, and other places, to provoke the learned to diſcourſe of certain unknown myſteries of the Tripod. The middle hole of its threeſided Baſis, is triangular, of circular lines: the extremities whereof ſuhain certain Anticks which bear up the Bowl; but ſo that they meerly touch one another, and fall aſunder with the leaſt motion. So that he conceived, when that Spirit did move it ſelf, all Tripods muſt needs fall, ſome concuſſion of the parts being made. Alſo, he argued that the Cortina was not that veſſel (for the Pithoneſſe did not aſcend ſo high) but another Hemiſphere of a ſcaly kind of ſurface (in imitation of the skin of the Serpent Pithon killd by Apollo) with which the foreſaid hole was immediatly covered: ſo that the Prieſt had the Cortine beneath, and the Bowl hanging over.

Now he took pains only to expreſſe, and to approve by conjectures, what might be meant by that curvi-lineal Triangle. Wherefore there was no learned man with whom he did not conſult thereabouts; himſelf in the mean time, both touching that and other parts, pouring forth ſuch ſtreams of Learning, that all men without controverſie allowed him the Bayes. Let us near Holſtein in the name of all the reſt, For thoſe things (quoth he) which you have written of this ſubject, in a good long diſcourſe to Father Putean, you ſhould in vain expect from me or any other Antiquary: ſo far have you prevented and outgone all our care and diligence. I paſſe over, how to gain a fuller knowledge in this matter, he ſought to get divers Tripods, eſpecially out of Italy: whereupon Menetrius ſent him ſome, beſides an exquiſite deſcription and delineation of others, which he could not obtain.

About the beginning of the following year,1631. the troubles did ſtill continue when the Prince of Condee coming into Provence, did at length compoſe the ſame. In the beginning of the Spring, the Cardinal having finiſhed both his Legacies, and received at Paris the purple Cap, he returned to Rome, and taking his journey through Provence, he would needs ſee his old friend at Beaugenſier. And among other things it was very delightful to him, to behold, the toreſaid Mumie; and to hear Peireskius diſcourle of it, and other kinds of embalming: Meanwhile a Queſtion ariſing, Whether Aegyptians alſo were wont to pat a Paſſe-penny in the mouth of the dead, he thought good to open the coverings, and ſee if they could find any. Wherefore as ſoon as he had unwrapped the Head, he ſought diligently, but could not ſee any naulum or Paſs •• nny in the mouth. When he was about to depart, Peireskius was bold to intreat him, and encreaſe the weight of his carriage; for he was to ſend to Holſtenus twenty Greek manuſcripts of the Interpreters of Plato and Ariſtotle, which he had bought out of the Study of Pacius for two hundred Crowns, and long ſince reſolved to ſend them. The Cardinal was willing, and out of his love to Learning and learned Men • he took upon him the care of ſeeing them convaied.

And here it muſt not be forgotten, how he took along with him at that time Gabriel Naudaeus a Pariſian of great renown among the Learned, and by his Books already publiſhed, well known, and dear to Peireskius: Wherefore Peireskius took greatdelight, both to embrace and ſpeak with the man, and to congratulate his Patron in that he had choſe ſuch a man, to aſſiſt in his Studies. And truly he teſſified more then once, how much he was delighted with his company, not knowing whether he ſhould more admire the candor and gentleneſs of his mind; or his unexhauſtible learning and knowledge of all kind of Books. But how much Naudaeus did honour Peireskius, and how largely he then taſted of his beneficence, he did aſterwards teſtifie, both in private Letters, and in his publick dedicatory Epiſtle, prefixed to his Medico-philological Queſtion, VVhether it be more wholſome to ſtudy in the morning, or in the evening. For therein calling him, The Maecenas of all learned men, and fearing the Fortune of that ancient Maecenas, he yowes to write a Panegyrick of his praiſes, and why in the mean time he Dedicated this Work to him; The Cauſe he ſaies, is the admiration of your Vertue, and the indignation, which long ſince, I conceived within my ſelf, that it was not celebrated by the Pens of all leanred men to whom nevertheleſſe it daily affords matter, to diſcourſe of almoſt all things, both learnedly and ſubtilely. And again, which I was firſt induced to do by peculiar reaſons of my own, who have bin long in your debt, and do earneſtly deſire and long above meaſure, to give you all tokens poſsible of the Reverence and reſpect, I bear towards you. And in the next place, the Example of my moſt excellent and eminent Patron, Johahnes Franciſcus Cardinalis à Balneo, who as at other times he converſed ſo willingly, and delightfully with you, as with no learned man more; even ſo now he remits nothing of his ancient good will, but loves and honours you exceedingly, though abſent. I omit that paſſage, who have long ſince obliged me, by the incredible Allurements of your Love and Beneficence, and many more.

Having brought the Cardinal to Tolon, and not leaving him, till he was under ſail, he returned to Beaugenſier. For ſometime he was buſied about the Marriage which Claudius his Brothers Sonne, endeavoured to procure in the County of Avenion. He gave therefore his conſent, that he ſhould take from thence to wife, a noble Damoſell called Margaretta Alreſia, beſtowing upon him the Barony of Rantium, and granting him his Senatorian Dignity, only upon condition, that the whole function ſhould remain unto himſelf for the ſpace of three years.

Eaſter was at hand, when a remarkable Palſie ſeazed upon the whole right ſide of his Body. For he was ſitting without his door, at the entrance of the Garden, and reſted his whole body, as hap was, upon his right thigh, when of a ſudden he felt his ſaid thigh not a little ſtupified. Endeavouring to riſe, he could not without the help of his Servant; nor go, by reaſon of the like nummedneſs of his thigh and ſoot. Preſently the Diſeaſe ſeazed upon his Arm, ſo that he could not write. It crept alſo into his Tongue, ſo that he could only make a noyſe, but was not able to articulate his words. Alſo a ringing followed in his eare, which went not away, till the other parts were freed from the Palſie. Now he was freed juſt a week after he was firſt taken, upon the occaſion of chearfulneſs and admiration. For Letters being brought him from Thuanus, containing an excuſe why he came not by Beaugenſier, he was much rejoyced; and a while after, ſome body ſinging curiouſly, an Hymne of the Loves of the Lilly and the Roſe, he was ſo taken with the ſweetneſs of the Song, and the elegancy of ſome ſtrain or other, that, like the Son of Croeſus, deſiring to utter ſome words, and particularly theſe, How excellent is this! he forth-with uttered them, and at that very moment, his Limbs were all freed from the Palſie.

Moreover, he afterwards reſolved to ſend Minutius again, to hunt for Books in the Oriental Languages, being chiefly animated by the practite of that renowned man Jacobus Golius, whom the States of Holland, in regard of his rare skill in Arabick and the Mathematicks, cauſed to ſucceed in the Room of two ſamous proſeſſors of the Univerſity, viz. Thomas Erpenius, of whom we ſpake before, and Willebrordus Snellius, whom Kepler juſtly eſteemed to be the moſt ſubtil Mathematician in the World. For Golius, in the name, and at the charge of the States, having twice gone into the Eaſt, had ſcraped together, and brought to the Univerſity, ſuch a Treaſure of Books, that having ſeen the Catalogue of them, which I receiving from Golius, and at the requeſt of many cauſing it to be printed, did ſend to him, he was ſuddenly inflamed with a defire to ſend again into the Eaſt, it being his aim as far as his private purſe would hold out, to furniſh France with the like Books. Now he procured that Minutius ſhould go in company with Marchevilla, who depatted towards Conſtantinople, in the moneth of July. And he would likewiſe have had Holſtenius, and Buccardus, and other learned men to have gone with them, who being countenanced by the Patronage and Authority of the Kings Agent, ſhould have ſearched the Libraries in Mount Atho, and other places; but they, though willing to undergo the journey, could not ſo ſoon fit themſelves. He got only one more to go, viz. the forenamed Gallaupius, who nevertheleſs ſtay'd not long at Conſtantinople, but went to Mount Libanus, and ſo ſetled himſelf amongſt the Maronites, that he abides with them to this day.

After the departure of Marchevilla, he was told that there was an Elephant come to Tolon, which he cauſed to be brought to Beaugenſier, that he might examine ſome things, about which four years ſince, he had wrote to the Puteans, when the Beaſt was carried to Paris. It was now brought out of Italy, being the ſame which a year before, was ſhewed at Rome: and I wonder what made the owner thereof tell Peireskius, that he was 14 years old, when as at Rome, the year before, he gave him out to be but eleven years old, as by the Picture thereof dedicated to the Knight Gualdus, and the deſcription thereof, made by Bottifangus, may be ſeen. Moreover, Peireskius two whole dayes together, what with asking Queſtions, what by making experiments, learned ſo many things, that he accounted himſelf ſatisfied. Among other things, when he had tryed him with all kinds of meats, eſpecially, commanding to give him ſweet things, which he loved beſt, ſo that the Elephant began to know him, and to fawn upon him; he grew ſo confident, as (his Keeper doing the ſame firſt) to put his hand into his mouth, and feel how many teeth he had. Now he found on either hand two, in each jaw, that is to ſay, juſt 8. in all, and not only foure, as Plinie will have it. Nor did he only feel his teeth, but by the Governours aſſiſtance, he applyed wax thereto, that he might cauſe both their form and magnitude to be repreſented. By which means he became clearly ſatisfied, that the foreſaid grinding tooth, ſent out of Africa by Arcoſius, was the tooth of an Elephant and not of a Gyant: nor did he any longer admire, why ſo few of the Teeth of the Gyant Theutobochus aforeſaid, were ſhewn.

Moreover, He would needs have the Elephant painted in a threefold poſture; but eſpecially lying, that the joynts might the better be ſeen, which are between his foot and his Leg, and between his Leg and thigh; to convince that Error, which, through the Authority of Strabo, and ſome others, had gotten foot, that an Elephant could not bend his Legs, with other fables, built thereupon. And he was wont, when he ſpake of theſe things, to add, that the ancients could not but know, that an Elephant had joynts, ſeeing in certain Medals they had pourtrayed an Elephant danſing upon the Ropes; which would require a rare, not only mobility, but flexibility of his thighes.

Again, he did not only cauſe the meaſures of all his parts to be taken; but alſo ſeeing the Beaſt was afterwards to be carryed to Aix, he gave order to his Brother, and two induſtrious men, Johannes Lumbardus, and Joſephus Suchetus, that they ſhould cauſe him to be weighed. Wherefore they did according to his deſire, providing a ſcale on purpoſe for the Elephant, and another like a Bowl, to hold the weights which were Canon Bullets. Thus therefore the Elephant was found to weigh four thouſand and five hundred Provence pounds, which make near upon three thouſand five hundred pounds of Paris; and of the Roman pounds, which conſiſt but of twelve ounces, very near five thouſand.

Afterward he heard to his great grief, of the death of two of his beloved friends, viz. Aleander at Rome, and Pignorius at Padua; with which two, what ancient and conſtant friendſhip he had, and with what variety of mutual Offices, and kindneſſes maintained, may be underſtood, by what has bin already ſaid. And hereupon he more highly prized their. Pictures, which he had already, hanging them (when he returned to the City) ſo one touching another in his ſtudy, that they were preſently in the eye of any one that ſhould enter. Alſo it was a comfort to him, that he heard that Aleander his Funeral was ſo honoured, that his prayſes were publickly uttered by the eloquent Gaſparus Simeonius, in a full Aſſembly of the Roman Academicks; and that the memory of Pignorius was ſo dear to that renowned favourer of all learned men, Dominicus Molinus, Procurator of St. Mark, that he both built him a Tombe, and cauſed an Epitaph to be infcribed; which alſo Philippus Thomaſinus, he who deſerved ſo well of his Countrey and learned fellow-Citizens, has mentioned at the end of his diſcourſe, touching the Library and Study of Pignorius. I paſſe over, how neither Simeonius, nor Thomaſinus, could let go in ſilence the friendſhip which was between thoſe learned men deceaſed, and our Peireskius.

In this year, and the moneth of November, a memorable thing happened, viz. that the Planet Mercury, was firſt ſeen under the Sun, or in the Circumference of the Sun. Keplerus had before admoniſhed in a publick writing, all Aſtronomers and perſons ſtudious of the Heavenly bodies, of this admirable ſpectacie: wherefore Peireskius alſo thought it was his part to attend the ſame, and that ſo much the more, in as much as he had bin perſwaded that the Planet Mercury was ſeen in the Sun in the dayes of Charles the great, (out of Eginhardus and Adelmus, or Ademarus, in the courſe of the Annals of Aimoinus) but was ſince diſſwaded, ſuppoſing that it was only a great ſpot like the reſt, which appeared 8: dayes, whereas Mercury conſumes only ſome houres under the Sun. He provided therefore a Scene, into which the rayes of the Sun were to be let through a Proſpective-glaſſe, that the appearance of the Sun being exhibited, the ſhadow of Mercury might be diſcovered. And indeed he watched as much as he could, or did remember (for Keplerus diſtruſting the Calculation, would have obſervation diligently made, three whole dayes before, from the end of the noon, whereof he had calculated the middle apparition to be.) But the apparition ceaſing before noon, the preſence of certain gueſts, made him forget it all that morning, for he accompanied them to hear Maſſe, and feaſted them afterward liberally.

He complained therefore exceedingly, when he was acquainted with the time, in which the ſpectacle appeared, and was afterwards exceeding joyful, that I eſpecially, or, it may be, only, obſerved the ſame, being at Paris. For I obſerved Mercury from the middle very near of the round body of the Sun, running into the verge thereof (but ſo ſmall as he exceeded not the third part of a minute) and paſſing out of the ſaid verge, at ten a Clock in the morning, and 28. minutes, with 6. minutes, and a third part Northern latitude. Whereupon being very joyful, he ſent my obſervation into all parts, and not it alone, but alſo the commentaries which were written thereof, by the excellent and very learned man Wilhelmus Schickardus, Profeſſor at Tubinga, and by Martinus Hortenſius, a famous Holland Mathematician, who aſſiſted Philippus Landſbergius, in the making of his Aſtronomical Tables.

Winter approaching, he began to be troubled with his wonted Haemorrhoids, and with pains of the ſtone; ſo that when the Viceroy the Marſhall of Vitrie being lent into Provence was at Tolon, he viſited him indeed, but was fain to be carried in a Sedan.

Moreover, while he was diſcourſing; he was troubled, and exceedingly tormented with difficulty of Urine. Lodging therefore at a friends houſe, ſome body acquainted him, that in the Iſle of Zembies, a few miles off, there ſprang a water very effectual for the eaſing of theſe pains; and how among others, Andreas Davoria had found ſo much good thereby, that he had ſent for it as far as from Genua, and the Captain of the Gallies did often turn in thither, to drink of that Well, Whereupon Pcireskius preſently ſent into the Iſle, drank of the water, and found it not only profitable to move Urine, but that it changed the whole habit of his body; ſo that being returned to Beaugenſier, he ſeemed in a ſhort time perfectly recovered.

But this health of his laſted not long, for preſently in the ſpring of the following year 1632. he was ſo variouſly tormented, that he was often given over for a dead man. For to the pain of the Haemorrhoids and difficulty of Urine, was added a continual Fever, which ſeemed to remit a little, about the 14th day, when the Marſhal viſited him; but it grew afterwards worſe unto the 24th day; when it was followed by a Quotidian Ague, of about 15. or 20. dayes continuance; with an Inflammation and huge tumor in one of his Arms. And as if all this had bin too little, by occaſion of a Clyſter heedleſly given his Haemorrhoids were ſo hurt, that a Gangrene bred ſoon after, in thoſe parts. Whereupon he forthwith ſent for Caſſaneus; but he being likewiſe ſuch himſelf, could not come to him. Howbeit, he ſent Sebaſtianus Richardus, who had practiſed Phyſick firſt at Digne, and afterward at Marſeilles, with great applauſe; and who ſo induſtriouſly oppoſed the growing Diſeaſe, that he perfectly cured the ſame, and left Peireskius not long after, upon the mending hand.

Moreover,1632. the perfection of his Recovery was not a little furthered by the joy, wherewith he was poſſeſſed, by reaſon of two ſilver Cups, dug up in a field at Vallaurien, which they were about to make a Vineyard; and ſent him by Ludovicus Meynerius, a religious man of Lerins, a learned man, and in imitation of his excellent Brother, a Student of the Mathematicks. For becauſe one cup would go fit into the other he ſuppoſed they were of thoſe kind of Cups, which were called Sunduo & Symbibae; and becauſe near the brim of the inner Cup, there was a golden Crown, he thought it was thence appatent, what it was among the Ancients, Vina Coronare, to Crown the Wine. Alſo by the pointed Letters OVENICOIMEDOU, he judged, they were of thoſe kind of Cups which were termed Grammatica, or Literata, letterd Cups, (eſpecially when it was found to contain thirteen Cyathi [or ſmall Cups ſo called] according to the number of the Letters) ſuch as thoſe Cups were of old, upon which were written Caius, Julius, Proculus: whence thole Verſes,

Naevia ſex Cyathis, ſeptem Juſtina bibatur, &c. Six Cups in Naevia, Seven in Juſtinia drink.

Alſo he ſhewed the Reaſon why they drank in a double Cup, from the times of ancient Barbariſme; For in thoſe dayes, they drank in their enemies Sculls, whom they had ſlain; and the more a man had ſlain, the more Skulls he drank in, one glewed to another. But when men came to be civilized, they at length abhorred that cuſtome, yet they ſubſtituted in the room thereof, certain Veſſels reſembling Skulls (as theſe had ſuch a kind of ſhape) but not ſo horrilbe in reſpect of the matter.

Finally, taking occaſion partly from theſe Cups, partly from an ancient Hemina, or old Brazen Semi-ſextary, which was found at Niſmes, (and being ſeen at Paludanus, his, or Tornerius's houſe 3. years before) was afterward by Petit brought to him: partly from the Alabaſter which he received that Summer, out of the Reliques of the Gally, which carried the Popes Nuncio Ceva into France, after he had repaired it, being broken, and had for ſome weeks enjoyed, the moſt delightful Company of Menetrius: Alſo from the model of the Congius, procured by Aleander, which was found to contain of the water of a River in that Country Gapellus, nine Pro ence pounds and two ounces, by the ordinary weights; as alſo from divers other Veſtels which he either had there, or ſent for; by occaſion, I ſay, of theſe things, he began divers diſcourſes with Salmaſius, and other learned men, about meaſures, weights, and Veſſels.

For his opinion was, that the Ancients were ſo induſtrious, that they made no Veſſel, which did not contain a ſet meaſure, and a certain weight. Now he was confirmed in his opinion, by a Box of weights which he received from Aleander: for comming to try them, he found that there was contained one within another, in order, an Acetable, a Cyathus, a Myſtrum, a Concha, a Chemin, and Cochlear [meaſures ſo called] beſides the utmoſt Box which contained the reſt, being two pounds weight, and a Quartarius in meaſure, but ſo as the handles were turned inwards. But I paſſe over, how he was afterward more aſſured, when returning to the City, and his ſtudy, he found a certain Veſſel, in which both the ounces, and the ſmaller parts of the Cochlear, were diſtinguiſhed by divers Circles; alſo he obſerved all kinds of Veſſels, which he had left at home.

But to inſiſt upon what he tranſacted at Beaugenſier, he was alſo exceedingly delighted, by the communication of a rare demonſtration, whereby the foreſaid Joſephus Galterius, perfected the demonſtration of Ptolomy, touching finding the diſtances and magnitudes of the Coeleſtial Bodies. And he truly according to his Induſtry, had ſtudied out the buſineſs many years before; but he took the ſame in hand again, upon occaſion of the Uranometria of Lansbergius, newly publiſhed, wherein the good old man endeavouring to ſhew wherein Ptolomaeus, Albategnius, Copernicus, Ticho, and other excellent Artiſts had erred; he himſelf ſeemed to come off, ſomewhat dully. For he did not diſtinguiſh the lines drawn from the Centers of the Sun and Earth, into a right line, touching upon the Angle of the Earths ſhadow, from the true and appearing ſemi-diameters, as in a perfect work was requiſite; as alſo he ought not to conſider the appearing Diameter of the Sun from the Centre of the Earth, but from the ſurface thereof, whence it is ſeen, Galterius therefore having conſidered all things, drew a Diagram and framed a demonſtration, and ſent all to Peireskius, who exceedingly rejoyced, and congratulated with him thereabout, and having procured very many Copïes of the demonſtration, he communicated the ſame with ſuch as he knew to be ſtudious of ſuch things, at Paris, Rome, and other places.

So when he had gotten a Copy of thoſe Dialogues of Galilaeus, in which from the motion of the Earth, in the ſame part of the Surface, every day twice ſlacke ned and quickened, by reaſon of the compoſition of the Diurnal and Annual motion, he ſaw the cauſe declared, of the ebbing and flowing of the Sea, till that time unknown; it is not to be expreſſed with what pleaſure he found himſelf affected: And when he obſerved, that the Book was printed with Approbation, with what exaltation he cryed out, that this Age was happy, wherein quick-ſighted and ſagacious men, by explaining the motion of the Earth, had explained the cauſes, both of the proprieties of the Load-ſtone, and of the flowing and ebbing of the Sea, hitherto accounted moſt admirable and unknown; Wilhelmus Gilbertus of Colcheſter in England having done the one in his Book of the Loadſtone; and Galilaeus the other in this Book of Syſtems.

Alſo he was recreated by a Book ſet out by Chifletius, containing the Coats of Arms, or Scutcheons of the Knights of the Golden Fleece, emblazoned in the termes of Heraldry; and having alſo received letters, in which Petrus Hoſerius (than whom no man was better acquainted with the noble Families of France) ſignified, that he alſo would ſhortly ſet forth the Coats of the Knights of the Order of the Holy Ghoſt, intimating, that they were ready for the Preſſe. Likewiſe an Hiſtory printed of the Popes of Rome, who being born in France, had ſate in the Papal Chaire, made by Franciſeus Boſquetus, a Narbon Lawyer, a man deſerving all commendation, and who was then compoſing the whole Hiſtory of the French Church. Alſo the true deſcription of the Bridge at Ariminum, ſent by Naudaeus, by which he was aſſured, that the Conſulſhip of Auguſtus was in XIII. and his Tribuneſhip in XXXVIII; for he doubted that there was a miſtake in Gruterus, who ſayes XIV. and XXXVIII. Alſo Naudaeus ſent him withall his own Relation touching the burning of Veſuvius, which began December the year before, and yet continued; beſides the Relations of divers others, which he had got together.

Finally, having reſolved to return to Town, the Autumne following, he deſired firſt to have the Samaritan Books in a readineſs, that the way being open, he might ſend them all at once to Paris; being very much troubled, that they had bin there ſo long wanted: For, to compleat the Edition of the great Bible aforeſaid, the learned Johannes Morinus, of the Order of praying Fryers, was taking order about the Samaritan Pentateuch, and the year before having premiſed Exercitations thereupon, he made ſuch publick mention of theſe Books, that Peireskius was afterward wonderfully impatient, till he could ſend them. For he having firſt ſpoken of the Samaritan Copy, which Petrus à Valle, had communicated by the procurement of Peireskius; he ſubjoyned, Beſides that Book we daily expect two other Hebrew Samaritan Books, that by comparing them with this, our Edition may be every way compleat. Theſe were procured out of Paleſtine, a few moneths ſince, by that moſt munificent Gentleman, the Ornament of Learaing, which he is evermore ſtudying to advance, Mr. Peireskius, a moſt upright Senator in the Parliament of Aix. The one of thoſe Books has three Columns, and conſiſls of three Languages, each Language holding a diſtinct Column; &c. Whereupon Peireskius perceived that he was hereby pulled as it were by the Eare, and put in mind of his engagement: wherefore waiting only for a ſafe and convenient opportunity to ſend them, he would truſt them with none but Dionyſius Guilleminus, a man of ſingular Courteſie; and that had lived in his Family from a boy; ſo that he was formerly at Romollae, and now alſo at Beaugenſier, his Bailie. He ſent him indeed to his Abbey in Aquitanie: but he ordered him before hand, to go out of his way, and carry the Books to Paris. I ſtand not to recount. how great thanks Morinus returned for the ſaid Books, and how he magnified him with prayſes; only I ſhall tell you, that he had then tranſlated, and ſent him back the Samaritan Epiſtles, which were long ſince written to Scaliger, as we told you before.

THE LIFE OF PEIRESKIUS. The Fifth Book.

HAving ſpent three years at Beaugenſier, he returned to Aix, in the Month of September. Helîas Lainaeus Marguerius, was now come to Town whom the King after the death of Oppidaeus, had made chief Preſident of the Parliament: and becauſe Peireskius well knew his integrity, joyned with great skill in the Lawes; therefore out of Reverence to his dignity and vertue, he would not go to his own houſe, before he had ſaluted him. Therefore, his Nephew being obliged, according to cuſtome, to viſite all the Senators, he went with him to the houſe of every one, and commended him to them, with great alacrity. Nevertheleſſe, it happened through his labour in that particular, he fell into a pain in his Kidnies, having looſened a ſtore, which four or five daies after, he happily voided. As ſoon as ever he was recovered, he fell to his Senatorian employments, having reſerved, as we ſaid before, to himſelf, the function of his office for the ſpace of three years: which he did verily, not out of vanity, or deſire of gain; but that he might not want occaſion to exerciſe his beneficence, eſpecially towards learned and religious perſons, and others well-deſerving; being accuſiomed to maintain their Rights, and take upon himſelf their Patronage.

Moreover, he was recreated by certain Books, which Minutius ſent him out of the Eaſt, with divers Coins, eſpecially the Baſilidians; alſo certain bulbous Plants, and other ſuch like things. Among the reſt, there was one Volume (which might well be ſo called à Volvende, being rouled up) ſmalleſt in bulk, but by him moſt highly prized, being found in a Box at the feet of a certain Mumie. It was all written with Hieroglyphick Letters conſiſting of the true Papyrus or ancient Paper ſo called, and might well be above two thouſand years old. At another time, afterwards, he received great ſtore of Greek Books, (viz. as many as two large Cheſts could hold) but he was not ſo happy in this purchaſe, in regard of the integrity & ſubject matter of the ſame Books. For excepting an Arabian Bible, written in the Arabick, Perſian, and Chalde Tongues, with the Commentaries of Rabbi Solomon; all the reſt were either very ordinary Books, or very imperfect.

But this happened the year following, at what time he was very buſie, in meaſuring and comparing divers ancient meaſures, which, as was before hinted, he had at home. For, beſides the knowledge of all kind of meaſures, which was to him moſt delightful, he hoped he ſhould be able at length by comparing very many of them, to reconcile many places in Authors, touching meaſures, which contradict one another; as where Columella makes a Cochlear to be the fourth part of a Cyathus, and Fannius makes it the twenty fourth: whereas the ſame Fannius and Pliny will have the Cyathus to weigh ten drams; Marcellus and others, twelve: and other ſuch like places, which he was minded to explain, not only by conjectures, but with the very weights and meaſures themſelves. For which cauſe he endeavoured, to get all the ancient Veſſels that he could any waies hear of, to be meaſured. But he conceived, greateſt reckoning was to be made of the more precious ones, [made of ſilver, or other coſtly materials] becauſe the Ancients were wont in them to affect certain kinds of meaſures, alſo that by that means they might be more acceptable, either as being ordained for ſacrifices, or that being kept in Temples, (for moſt of them were conſecrated gifts) they might there the longer remain as Standards, or authentick models of Meaſures.

He was therefore deſirous, that Guilleminus ſhould abide divers Moneths at Paris, to meaſure ſuch precious Veſſels, which were kept at St. Dennis, and in the chief Cloſets of Rarities, in that City. But he had eſpecial proof of the humanity of Rociaeus, who did not only procure him the capacity and patterns of Veſſels, but ſent him one Veſſel it ſelf, which he compelled him to accept; whereupon Peireskius wrote him a Letter, moſt full of gratitude and profound Learning, wherewith he explained at large, the meaning of the moſt exquiſite ſculpture and ornaments thereof. In like manner, becauſe Jacobus Gaffarellus, a man renowned for his skill in Hebrew and other endowments, did reſide at Venice,1633. he took care, that he ſhould meaſure thoſe precious Veſſels, which being brought from Cyprus and Conſtantinople, were kept in the Treaſury of St. Mark; and the illuſtrious Magnifico Valletanus Knight of St. Mark, interceded with the Senate, at the requeſt of Peireskius, and procured a Licence to that intent. So he dealt with Naudaeus to procure him thoſe at Ravenna; and with Suareſius, touching that great Smaragdine Charger, which is at Genua, and by the Genuenſes called Scela; and with Menetrius touching many, which he knew were kept at Rome. Nor muſt I in this place forget how he had a Cryſtal Cochlear, ſent him for a token by the generous Lady Foelix Zacchia Rondenina, learned above her Sex, and Letters withall of her husband Alexander Rondeninus, wherewith that moſt renowned Heroina did very elegantly teſtifie, how much ſhe prized the Virtue of Peneskius. And it ſeemed a ſtrange thing, that about the ſame time Carolus Tabaretius Cadafalcius Proſeneſcal of Digne, ſent him a larger Cochlear, with three hund-ed peices of Mony coined in the Daies of Gallienus, which were found therewith.

To come to other matters, it was Spring, when as Petrus Seguierius the illuſtrious Preſident, was made Keeper of the Kings Seal; whereupon Peireskius did both congratulate his new Honour, and received Letters from him, wherein that great Perſonage did teſtifie, that no Letters were more welcome to him then from Peireskius, being both his Kinſman, and one exceedingly praiſed for his Virtue and Knowledge. At the ſame time, his Brother Valaveſius was choſen by the King Viguier of Marſeilles, to which City he went. For that Magiſtrate begins his office every year in the Kalends of May, and continues the whole year chief Preſident of the Municipial Court. Mean while, I was with him, when he would needs invite Athanaſius Kircherus, a very learned Jeſuite, then reſiding at Avenion, He was reported to be exceeding skilful in the Myſteries of Hieroglyphicks: wherefore he both ſent him divers Books to help him, and a Copy of the Table of Iſis formerly deſcribed. And becauſe he had by him a rare Manuſcript, being Rabbi Barachias Abenephius an Arabian Author, who was reported to have ſet down the manner of interpreting the Hieroglyphicks: therefore he entreated him, that at his coming he would bring with him, both the ſaid Book, and ſome example of Interpretation, with his own notes. Which when he had done, it cannot be expreſſed, with what ardency he encouraged him, to finiſh the work which he had begun, and to haſten the printing thereof. He was afterward called to Rome, to ſucced in the place of that renowned Mathematician Chriſtopherus Scheinerus, whom the Emperor deſired to have near himſelf. Now Peireskius dealt earneſtly, not only with Mutius Ʋitelleſcus, Generall of the Jeſuites order, but alſo with Cardinall Barberinus, that they would encourage him to procure him leaſure, for the ſpeedy putting forth of the work aforeſaid.

He invited alſo, at the ſame time, Solomon Azubius a Rabbin of Carpentras, not inferiour to the ancient Rabbins in learning. He brought with him certain Aſtronomical Tables, which he had by him; compoſed at Taraſcon by a certain Jew three hundred years ago, and calculated to the Longitude and Latitude of that Place. And becauſe he knew what pains the foreſaid Schickardus took for the reparation of Aſtronomy and Geography,; therefore he procured Azubius to write a Copy of the aforeſaid Tables in Hebrew, which he intended to ſend to Schickardus. Now he ſent it afterwards, and the Interpretation of Azubius with it, and ſome Arabick pieces, which he knew would delight him, by that excellent pains which he had taken, about the Hiſtory of Tarichus, touching the Kings of Perſia. Moreover, becauſe his anſwer to the Letter ſent him about the Planet Mercury, did ſhew that he had neither ſeen that very ancient work of Ariſtarchus Samius, touching the bignes of the Sun & Moon, nor certainly knew whether it were extant in the world: therefore, ſeeing he had acquainted him, that the Book was yet extant in Greek in the Kings Library, and that a Tranſlation thereof in Latine, with the Commentaries of Fredericus Commandinus had been printed in Italy; therefore, I ſay, he both procured a Copy of the Greek Original, and left no ſtone unturned, until by the help of Naudaeus, he found out and obtained a Latine Copy likewiſe, which he bound up both in one bundle together, with divers obſervations touching the motions of the Stars; all which Schickardus received, when he did not expect, no nor think of ſuch a thing.

He did the like to Hortenſius aforeſaid; for knowing, that he deſired a Copy of the Dialogues of Galilaeus, that he might compare what he had wrote touching the ſmallneſſe of the Stars, with what himſelf had wrote upon the ſame Subject, by occaſion of the ſmall appearance of Mercury: therefore he ſent preſently to get one of thoſe Books, and ſent it of his own accord to Hortenſius, who ſuſpected no ſuch thing. The like alſo he did to another, I know not whom: for underſtanding from him, that he exceedingly deſired a Copy of the Alcoran; he preſently got one at Grenoble, by the aſſiſtance of Philippus Lagneus, a good and learned man, and true lover of Scholars, that he might ſend it to the man, who had not ſo much as asked any ſuch thing of him.

The like alſo he did to Gaſpar Bachetus Meziriacus, who after he had publiſhed Diophantus and other excellent works, was couragiouſly endeavouring to amend the French Tranſlation of Plutarch, and to illuſtrate his Caſtigations with notes. For he having ſignified, that he had never ſeen the Life of Homer in Greek, written by Plutarch, as ſoon as Peireskius heard it, he preſently endeavoured to get the ſaid Life written out of a Greek Book, which he remembred he he had ſeen in the Kings Library, and when it was almoſt written out, hearing that it was printed by Henry Stephen, and put before his volume of Heroical Poets, he preſently ſent to buy the ſaid Volume, which with Scaliger's Euſebius, which he alſo wanted, and Homer's Iliads newly gained out of the Eaſt, with ſome notes of Porphyrius, and other things unlooked for, he ſent to Bacchetus.

Moreover, he cauſed to be exſcribed out of the Library of Augsburge certain works of St. Cyril, which the learned Joannes Aubertus ſtood in need of, to compleat the Edition of that ſacred Author: for which cauſe alſo, he procured divers Libraries in Spain and Sicilie to be ſearched; eſpecially the Vatican Library, out of which he gained ſome things, which to the end that Holſtenius might the more willingly peruſe and correct; he procured by way of requital, that Aubertus in like manner at Paris, ſhould look over, and correct certain Greek Aſtronomers, which being deſired by Holstenius, Peireskius had procured to be tranſcribed, out of the Library of the moſt excellent Arch-biſhop of Tolouſe. Alſo, when Ducheſnius ſeriouſly ſet himſelf to publiſh ſuch Authors, as had written the Hiſtorie; and affairs of France; Peireskius procured ſor him beſides many other Books, both Petrus Bibliothecarius ſo called, whom he procured by the ſagacity, diligence, and felicity of Naudaeus; and alſo the Chronologica fragment a Abbatiae ſublucenſis, which to procure, he implored the authority of Cardinal Barberine, and the Aſſiſtance of Buccardus.

Divers others alſo there were, who at his requeſt commanded many Books to be exſcribed. One was Henricus Memmius, that ſame renowned Prelate, who excelling the gentility of his Parentage, by the nobility of his mind, was wonderful ſollicitous to advance Learning and learned men, according to the cuſtome of his family. Alſo the Earl of Marchaevilla was one, from whom he received a Book touching the various ſects of Mahumetans; and to whom he wrote what kind of Sculptures, Achats; Coines, and ſuch like, were to be ſought for out of the Eaſt. The aforeſaid Felix Zacchia, was alſo one, from whom he obtained certain Monuments of the Families of Genna. Alſo Julius Pallavicinus, himſelf of Genua, from whom he received a whole volume of the ſaid Families; beſides other things which he ſought to procure of Petrus Maria Boerus, with whom he held perpetual entercourſe: others there were, of whom he ſought to gain the Antiquities of Hadria Piſa, and other renowned Cities; but to name them all, would be tedious.

Nor muſt it be forgotten in this place, how that having ſormerly took care, that the Coptic tongue might be induced, and propagated all Europe over; and Salmaſius and Petitus, had already much profited in that Language, by a few Books he had furniſhed them with; he added more volumes in the ſame Tongue, and was very careful that Petrus Valleus might lend him that Vocabulary, which he had brought out of the Eaſt, that he might procure it to be interpreted, and printed by Salmaſius, who was ready to undertake the work. Which when he could not have granted, he deſired him at leaſt, to lend the ſame to Kircherus, who was both preſent, and at Rome, and being skilled in the Tongue already, might ſet upon the work.

But he conceived great hopes of obtaining out of the Eaſt, both Coptic, and other rare Books, when he received a Copy of the Epiſtle of St. Clement to the Corinthians, which was newly publiſhed in print, being lately brought from Aegypt and Conſtantinople, to England; and when about the very ſame time, that very good man Aegidius Lochienſis a Capucine, returned out of Aegypt, where he ſtudied the Oriental Languages, ſeven whole years together. For he being received with great exultation by Peireskins, from whom he had had no ſmall aſſiſtance in that Countrey; he told him of rare Books, which were extant in divers Covents and Monaſteries. And memorable it is, how he ſaw a Library of eight thouſand Volumes, many of which bore the marks of the Antonian Age. And becauſe among other things, he ſaid he ſaw Mazhapha Einock, or the Prophecie of Enoch, foretelling ſuch things as ſhould happen at the end of the World, a Book never ſeen in Europe, but was there written in the Character and Language of the Aethiopians or Abyſsines, who had preſerved the ſame: therefore Peireskius was ſo inflamed with a deſire to purchaſe the ſame at any rate, that ſparing for no coſt, he at length obtained it.

Moreover, the good man aforeſaid, having accidentally made mention of a great fire, which happened in Semus, a Mountain of Aethiopia, at the ſame time that the fire happened at Peſuvius in Italy; thereupon he diſcourſed largely, touching Channels under ground, by which not onely waters, but fires alſo might paſſe from place to place; and conſequently Veſuvius might communicate the fire to Aetna, Aetna to Syria, Syria to Arabia foelix Arabia foelix, to the Countrey, bordering upon the red Sea, in which ſtands the Mountain Semus aforeſaid: whether a long row of arched Rocks do make the Channel, or whether the fire it ſelf breaking in at the chinks, do make it ſelf way, and create channels, pitching the ſame ſo with a bituminous ſuffumigation, that it keeps out the Seawater which goes over it. And that fires under ground do make themſelves way, may be known by the Mountain Puteolus, in the time of Pope Paul the third, and others at other times made by the eruption of fire. And that the foreſaid Incruſtation, or pitching is ſometimes broken away, ſo that water may enter in, we have a ſigne in that, when Veſuvius was on fire, the ſhore of Naples was ſomewhat parched, the Monntain in the mean while vomiting forth ſuch waters as it had drunk in by the chinks, but burning through the admixture of combuſtible matter. In like manner, he afterward interpreted that ſame fiery Torrent, which flowed from off Mount Aetna one whole year together, running down extream hot, two or three miles long, and five hundred paces, or half a mile broad; the Liquor being a mixture of Sulphur, Salt, Lead, Iron, and Earth.

The year ending, he was greatly delighted to detain at his Houſe for certain dayes, the famous Poet Santamantius, who returned from Rome, with the Duke of Crequy. And though he were wonderfully delighted with his ſporting wit, and the recitation of his moſt beautiful Poems; yet he took the greateſt pleaſure to hear him tell of the rare things which had bin obſerved, partly by himſelf, and partly by his Brother in their Journies to India, and other Countries. He told among other things, how his Brother ſaw in the greater Java, certain Live-wights, of a middle nature, between Men and Apes. Which becauſe many could not believe, Peireskius told what he had heard chiefly from Africa. For Natalis the Phyſician before mentioned, had acquainted him, that there are in Guiney, Apes, with long, gray, combed Beards, almoſt venerable, who ſtalk an Aldermans pace, and take themſelves to be very wiſe: thoſe that are the greateſt of all, and which they tearme Barris, have moſt judgement; they will learn any thing at once ſhewing; being cloathed they preſently go upon their hind legs; play cunningly upon the Flute, Cittern, and ſuch other Inſtruments (for it is counted nothing for them to ſweep the houſe, turn the ſpit, beat in the Morter, and do other works like Houſhold Servants) finally their femals have their Courſes, and the males exceedingly deſire the company of Women.

But Arcoſius (who of late years dedicated divers Books to him, as Memoriale Principum, Commentarii politici, Relatiode Africa) related in certain Letters, what had happened to one of Ferrara, when he was in a Country of Marmarica, called Angela. For he hapned one day upon a Negro, who hunted with Dogs certain wild men, as it ſeemed. One of which being taken and killed, he blamed the Negro for being ſo cruel to his own kind. To which he anſwered, you are deceived; for this is no man, but a Beaſt very like a man. For he lives only upon Graſſe and has guts and entrals like a Sheep, which that you may believe, you ſhall ſee wich your eyes; whereupon he opened his belly. The day following, he went to hunting again, and caught a male and a female. The female had Dugs a foot long; in all other things very like a Woman; ſaving that ſhe had her entrals full of graſſe and herbs, and like thoſe of a Sheep. Both their Bodies were hairy all over, but the hair was ſhort and ſoft enough.

Theſe relations of Africa, invite me to annex the Commerce which Peireskius ſetled the following year, upon this occaſion. One Vermellius of Monpellier, at firſt a Jeweller, had given himſelf to be a Souldier, and having ſpent what he had, he returned to his former Art; and having got together divers Jewels, he ſet ſail in a Ship of Marſeilles for Aegypt, and the next opportunity, to the innermoſt part of Aethiopia. When he had brought his Jewels, and all his precious Commodities thither, he was taken notice of by the Queen of the Abyſsines, who was delighted with Europaean Ornaments; and growing famous at Court, he was not unknown to the King. It happened in the mean while, that the King waged warre againſt an enemy of his Crown, who raiſed an Army of fifty thouſand men. Whereupon Vermellius having gained ſome familiarity with the King, defired his leave to train for a ſmall time, 8. thouſand Souldiers, promiſing, that with ſo ſmall a Company, he would overthrow that great Army of his enemies. The King ſuppoſing him to be couragious, and induſtrious, conſented; and he both choſe, and ſo exerciſed thoſe men which were allowed him, after the method of Holland, which was unknown in thoſe parts, that in concluſion, he moſt happily defeated thoſe great forces. Returning victorious, he was made General of all the forces of the Kingdom, and wrote to his friends at Marſeilles, to ſend him certain Books, eſpecially, of the Art military; alſo certain Images, and painted Tables, and ſuch like things. Which when Peireskius heard of,1634. and was ſure that his friends would do no ſuch thing for him, he provided of his own accord, and ſent to the Man, both ſweet Liquors, by moſt exquiſite art extracted out of Gelſemine, Roſes, Oranges, Gilloflowers, which he conceived would be an acceptable preſent for the Queen; as alſo Images, Maps, and Pictures of Kings, Queens, and other illuſtrious men and women; and a great bundle of Books, eſpecially Mathematical, Military, of Architecture, perſpective, and ſuch like. For he thought it an unworthy thing to deſert ſuch a fortune, and not to aſſiſt as much as in him lay, a man ſo conſpicuous and ſo far off. And becauſe he was confident he would take all very gratefully, he thought he might well deſire of him ſome Aethiopick Books, obvious Inſcriptions, a deſcription of Mount Amara: alſo of Religious Ceremonies, Veſſels, and ſuch like things as were unknown to Europeans. And this he endeavoured, being in the mean time diſtracted with great trouble of mind, becauſe the Senate, and the Marſhal de Vitre, the Viceroy, were at variance.

At the ſame time alſo he entertained, and obliged, by continual attendance, and various Offices of friendſhip, Franciſcus Comes Noallius, who was going the Kings Ambaſſador to Rome, and ſtaied ſome dayes at Marſeilles, and at Aix. Not to ſpeak, how that having in his Company, a young man skilful above his years in the Theorie and practiſe of Phyſick, named Petrus Michonus, Burdelotius, Peireskius would needs have a full enjoyment of his Company, both becauſe of his proper endowments, and becauſe of the friendſhip which he had with his learned Unkle Joannes Burdelotius.

He entertained not long after, Georgius Bolognetus the Popes Nuncio, who comming for France, took his way through Aix. Now it is worth relating, how he finding Peireskius buſie about the Anatomy of I know not what Eye, he would needs be by, and underſtand all his ſpeculations. For he had an inſatiable defire of knowing the Organ of ſight, and the true place in which ſight is performed, by impreſſion, and reflexion of the Image: ſo that there was hardly any kind of Birds, Fiſhes, or four-focted Beaſts, which were to be gotten, whoſe eyes were not diſſected, that he might obſerve wherein they agreed, and wherein they differed. Nor muſt I paſſe over in ſilence, how the better to gratifie me, whom he would have his aſſiſtant in that work, he gave a full account of all in writing to Franciſcus Luillerius, Maſter of the Kings accounts at Paris, whom he knew to be my ſingular friend; whoſe learning, candour, and affection to all good Arts, and to Juſtice, and all vertue, if I ſhould in this place inſinuate, I ſhould do it to no other end, then to ſhew that his friendſhip was, not without cauſe, moſt dear to Peireskius.

Now, becauſe there was much talk of this buſineſs, though the truth thereof were not underſtood: therefore I think it worth my labour, to make a Narrative thereof. Between the more ancient opinion, which held that the ſight was performed in the Cryſtalline humour; and the later, which held, it was in the tun • ca retina; Peireskius held one between both, viz. that the ſight is in the glaſſie or vitreous humour. For ſeeing he judged it moſt fit, that the viſive faculty ſhould perform its office in the middle of the eye, whence it might behold the Image in its own ſcituation, therefore he deſigned this place within the vitreous humour, in which part the raies of the things ſeen, being paſſed through the Cryſtalline humour, and reflected from the Retina, do meet together, as it were in one Center. For, ſuppoſing that the Cryſtalline did by its convexity, turn the Image the contrary way, he was of opinion, that the Retina by its concavity, did ſet the ſame right again; and that therefore the faculty ought alſo to reſide in the Center of its concavity, that it might contems plate the Image, being reflexed by the Retina and reſtored, and conſequently ſee the thing in its natural ſcituation. This when he had fixed in his mind, he thought there remained nothing for him to do, but to ſearch out the verity of the ſaid Reſtitution.

As ſoon as ever therefore he had gotten a little leaſure, by means of the Eaſter-Holy-dayes, he began to exerciſe Anatomiſts, in ſeveral kinds of Animals. Now it ſeemed generally, that the hinder and innermore circumduction of the eye, was as a Concave glaſſe, by reaſon of the inverted reflexion, both of the Cand • e, and other objects. For the Tunica choroides being diverſly coloured, is poliſhed like metal, being very apt to ſhine, by aſſiſtance of that black humor which is daubed upon the back thereof, that blackneſs alſo aſſiſting, with which the inner circumſerence is ſmeared as it were, that the light or Image darting upon that glaſſe, might more ſtrongly, and diſtinctly be painted therein. Now when I name the Choroides, I do not exclude the Retina, which exceeding hardly, and in few eyes can be preſerved ſo united thereunto, as not to ſlip out of its place, when the vitreous humor runs out, and be drawn together, appearing as it is indeed a widened production of the optick nerve; but when it is preſerved, united to the Choroides, it is ſo thin, clear, and tranſparent, eſpecially being moyſtened, that it ſeemes to be one and the ſame ſurface, one and the ſame Looking-glaſſe, on which the Images of things are imprinted. Now although the Optic, or the middle of the Retina, does not diametrically anſwer the Pupilla outwardly opened (for it ſtands a little lower) yet the middle of the hinder and coloured part which is bright like metal, does anſwer the ſame, and is divided by a certain Circle, as it were an Horizon, from that obſcurity which is in the fore-part.

But Peireskius did wonderfully exſult, when after all the humors were let out, and the Cryſtalline hung ſo as to be reſtored to its proper place well near, the Image of the Candle was obſerved to be repreſented inwardly in the Retina, not inverted, but in its true ſcituation; and again, when the bottom was ſo inlightened, that the Cryſtalline could only receive the light, the Image which was inverted in the Retina, was found to be received by the Cryſtalline in its right poſture. For be conceived it to be manifeſt, that his conjecture was right in all points; whereupon, the more to confirm the ſame, he ſought out divers Glaſſes, and Looking glaſſes, both convex and concave, reſlecting and tranſmitting; alſo divers Vialls or Glaſſe bottles, in which diverſly ordered, 'tis wonderful how many and how frequently repeated Experiments he made.

Moreover, he could not eaſily be removed, from his foreſaid opinion; only I remember, when it was objected, that the faculty of Seeing, reſiding within the Eye, ſhould not look outwards towards the things themſelves, but inwards towards the Looking-glaſs aforeſaid; & that therefore it could not truly be ſaid to ſee the things themſelves, beſides other things which argued, that the ſight was rather in the Retina; I remember, I ſay, that he was brought ſo far, as to ſuppole, that the viſive faculty might exerciſe its function, not in the Retina, nor in the Cryſtalline, nor in the vitreous humour only: but in the whole capacity, and extent of Humours and Coates.

In like manner he changed ſomewhat of his opinion touching the Spectacles, uſed by pore-blind and aged people. For having obſerved, that the image paſſing through a concave Spectacle was inlarged; and through a convex leſſened he imagined, that pore-blind perſons did therefore uſe concave Spectacles, becauſe they needed the enlargement of the object; and old men convex Spectacles, becauſe they required the object to be contracted. But after he was informed, that the eye placed upon the paper, did ſee the object contracted through the concave, and enlarged through the convex Spectacles (viz. became the former do ſo diſtract the ſpecies, that few parts of the ſame parts of the object incurt into the Eye, whereby it appears leſſened; but the latter do ſo contract the Species, that more parts of the ſame part, enter into the Eye, whereby the object appears enlarged) then he ſo tempered his opinion, as to conceive, that there was need of enlargement mixed with contraction. Not to ſay, that in pore-blind perſons who abound with vitreous humor, Concave glaſſes are therefore helpful, that the cutting and turning aſide of the raies, which were to be beyond the Cryſtalline, might be carried on towards the Retina; but in old men that have the ſaid humor in part conſumed, convex Spectacles are therefore helpful, that the ſaid cutting and diverſion of the Raies, might be a little drawn aſide from the Retina, as if that the ſight were to be cauſed in a moderate diſtance from the point of Refraction, after the ſame manner as in the Proſpective-glaſſe, the Eye muſt be ſomewhat diſtant therefrom; as Scheiner has demonſtrated.

But whether this opinion of his was true or falſe; I ſhall do well in this place to relate, ſome things which were either not at all, or not well obſerved in former times. For it was apparent, that the Cryſtalline humor was not in all kinds of Beaſts glewed to, nor coherent with the ciliar circumference: but that in divers kinds of Fiſhes, it did as it were ſwim in the glaſſie humor; and particularly in the Thyns or Tunic fiſh, it is held up only by two ſmall faſtenings, the one of which is produced from the optick Nerve. Moreover, we found, that the Cryſtalline humor was of ſeveral ſhapes in ſeveral Creatures. For although in moſt creatures it is ſhaped like a Lentil, flattiſh on either ſide, yet in Fiſhes it comes more near the ſhape of a Globe, but in Birds leſſe. Yea, and in the Thynn or Tunie fiſh, it is perfectly globous in the hinder part thereof; but before, it would be plain, ſave that, leaving a brim round about, a certain portion is raiſed in the middle, of a larger Globe then the hinder part; for their Diameters are one half as big again as the other. And whereas the ſaid brim is ſeen in the eyes of certain Birds, and eſpecially of the Eagle; yet is it not in four-footed Beaſts, nor in Men; but the hinder part being portion of a leſſer Globe than the forepart, the Segments cleave together with the ſame circumference, the Diameters of the Globes exceeding one the other, in a Sheep a ſixth part; in an Ox, a fourth part; and in others otherwiſe. But whether thoſe portions are the portions of Globes or of Parabolicks, or other figures, is truely hard to judge; eſpecially becauſe when the animal is dead, the humor begins to flag and fall in; and whether it be held with the fingers, or hung up, or lie upon a paper, it can hardly chuſe but alter its natural ſhape.

Moreover, we found, that in fiſhes there was either no watery humor, or very little (to be ſure in the Tunie fiſh, the Whiting, the Lamprey, and ſome others we found none at all) but that there was abundance of the glaſſy humor. But among Birds & four-footed beaſts, thoſe night-creatures as Owls & Cats have much watery humor & little glaſſy. Moreover, we found, that the greatneſs of the Eye was not proportioned to the greatneſs of theanimal. For, whereas Birds conſidering the quantity of their Bodies & Heads, have very great Eys, ſo that an Eagles Eye, is almoſt as big as the Eye of a Sheep; yet among fiſhes a a Dolphin, which weighed 1000. pounds weight, had a far leſſe Eye than a Thyn or Tunie fiſh, which weighed but three hundred pounds. And a kind of Sea-calf, which ſeemed to be of that ſort which is firſt deſcribed by Rondeletius, weighed about eight thouſand pound, and yet had an Eye no bigger than the Tunie fiſh aforeſaid. Alſo, while Peireskius was taking all the care he could, to procure the Eye of one of thoſe mighty Whales which are caughr in the Aquitanic Sea; Joſephus Antonius a Dominican of Marſeilles, who had been not long before at the taking of one of them, did relate that the eyes thereof, were hardly any bigger than a mans Eyes. At which while we wondered, he told us another thing which was more marvellous, viz. That the ſaid Whale, having a Mouth ſo wide, that the Tongue being taken forth (out of which a thouſand and ſix hundred pounds of Oyl were preſſed) a man might ride in on Horſe-back, and not touch the Roof of the Mouth with his Head, (like Lucians ſhip that ſailed into the Whales mouth) had notwithſtanding ſo narrow a throat, as it could hardly hold two Smelts no bigger than a mans little Finger, of which a great company were found in his Mouth.

Peradventure, I may ſeem to dwell too long upon this ſubject; but, ſeeing we have already related ſome things which Peireskius obſerved in the Eys of other Creatures, 'tis fit verily, that we add what he obſerved in his own. For he obſerved, that his Eys did ſo receive the images of things, that they held them ſometime, eſpecially when they were moiſt, after ſleep: So he obſerved 1000. times, that when he had looked upon the window, diſtinguiſhed with wooden bars, barrs, and ſquares of Paper, he carried the form thereof, ſomewhile after, in his Eyes; but with this difference, that if he kept his eyes ſhut, he ſeemed to behold rhe barrs dark, and the Paper ſquares white, as he had at firſt ſeen 'um: but, if he looked with his Eys open upon a dark wall, then the paper ſquares ſeemed dark, and the barrs of the ſame whiteneſſe with the wall. The ſame difference appeared, if he ſet his eyes upon black cloaths, but illuſtrated with ſome meaſure of Light; for the paper ſquares were blacket with the blackneſſe of the garments. The like if he looked upon an open Book; for he could clearly diſcern the Letters, there where the barrs were preſented, but not where the repreſentation of the Paper ſquares was. From whence he argued, that it was no wonder, if the ſhining of the Light, and the whiteneſſe of the Snow, do dim the ſight, yea, and make a man quite blind, as Hiſtories teſtifie: ſeeing that ſame dull whiteneſſe of the Paper, does ſo vitiate the Organ, as to draw a kind of Curtain before it, not preſently to be removed. Now he was of opinion, that as the light of the Sun, and its heat is imprinted upon a Bononian ſtone: ſo the light and whiteneſſe are imprinted upon the vitreous humor, and by reaſon of their corpulency, create there a certain ſhaddow of themſelves: but he was afterwards of opinion, that the ſhadow externally appearing, was not produced from the craſſitude of the light or whiteneſſe, but feigned by a fault which may happen, not only in the vitreous, but alſo in the watery, and eſpecially in the Cryſtalline humor.

Moreover, the Species or repreſentations of objects were ſo doubled in his Eyes, that beſide the primary and clear one, he ſaw another ſecondary and darkiſh one, inſinuating it ſelf by the ſide of the former. So, in a Book lying open, or one a ſide of Paper while he was writing, he ſaw plainly both the white margent, and the beginnings of the lines; yet ſo, that a fingers breadth on this ſide, or in the margent, he ſeemed to ſee other obſcure beginning of lines. Alſo, when he looked, upon a time, at a Hill oppoſite to the ſetting Sun, he ſaw a threefold appearance thereof; as alſo looking upon a thread, it would appear to him manifold; which gave him the firſt occaſion, to mark the reſt.

Moreover, when he knew that I had bin long in that mind, that the axels of both the Eyes do never concur, nor make (as the common opinion is) an angle in the thing ſeen, but do run perpetually parallel, ſo that only one Eye, is directed upon the object, while the other reſts, viz. that Eye which naturally is beſt ſighted (for one of the Eyes as well as Hands, is alwaies ſtronger than the other) wherefore, it alone ſees with that kind of ſight which they tearm Diſtinct viſion, though the other may ſee by that kind of ſight, they terme Confuſed: I ſay, when he knew thus much, he exulted as having made an experiment, which contradicted a paralleliſm. For holding his Eyes, otherwiſe immoveable, only opening the one, and ſhutting the other interchangeably, he obſerved, that the right-hand Species paſſed to the left, and the left-hand Species to the right, ſo that a croſſe motion of lines was made, which is repugnant to a paralleliſm. Whereupon I warned him to conſider, that the right-hand, or diſtincter repreſentation did belong to his left Eye, which was the ſtronger; and the left-hand or more confuſed, to the right Eye, which was the weaker; and that only one axis was directed, namely from the left Eye; and that the Species fell into the right, not directly but obliquely, and ſo made a croſſing: after which manner all things feem double, when we wreath our Eyes, the ſight of both eyes being confuſed, becauſe the image falls in only obliquely: but he was not perfectly ſatisfied, yea and he was of opinion, that there might ariſe ſome difference in the obſervation of the Coeleſtial Bodies, if one ſhould peep with his right Eye to direct the Inſtrument, and another with his left: nor could he be ſatisfied, till Schickardus had warranted him the contrary, in ſome Letters of his.

But now it is time to leave theſe matters, and ſpeak of many other things, which he obſerved about the ſame time. Of which the Venae Lacteae, or milkie Veins in the Meſentery, were a principal; of which we ſpoke before, and which now again he would needs ſeek, in as many creatures as he could, And becauſe he knew, both from Aſellius the inventor, and by divers diſſections that he had made, that they could not be diſcerned, ſave in a Creature yet living & panting; and that therefore they could not be obſerved in a man, whom to cut up alive were wickedneſſe; yet did he not therefore deſpair, but that if a few hours after a man was hanged, his bowels were lookt into, ſome appearance of theſe Veins might be obſerved. Wherefore becauſed a man that was condemned to be hanged, (before ſentence was pronounced) to be fed luſtily and ſecurely (that there might be that in his Body, which would afford white chyle at the time appointed) and then an hour and a half after he was turned off, he cauſed the Body to be brought into the Anatomical Theatre. Which diligence effected, that his Belly being opened, the whitiſh Veins appeared, and out of ſome of them being cut, a milkie liquor might be gathered; which truly ſeemed ſtrange.

Moreover, he was careful to obſerve the ſeveral originals of winds. For at firſt he was perſwaded out of Ariſtotle, that the Winds were earthy vapours, which being beaten back by the cold air, fly athwart; and according to the condition of ſome Valley or ſome other place, from whence they iſſue, or which they fall upon, they are carried ſometimes Northward, otherwhiles Southward: ſometimes Eaſtward, and otherwhiles Weſtward: but he found ſo many difficulties in that opinion, that he was fain to have recourſe to the matter of thoſe exhalations, and to examine, for examples ſake, whether or no Vitriol, Sal, Nitre, Bitumen, Sulphur, and ſuch like things, when they exhale, do not cauſe the ſeveral conditions and varieties of winds. Wherefore he would have ſome admirable kinds of winds, to be obſerved in their Original, and the proprieties of the places, having an eye alſo to the Minerals, and other things dug out of the Earth, as alſo the Plants growing in thoſe places. Wherefore he ſent Manlianus a learned Phyſician to Peiresk, to obſerve, in the Mount Coyerus, a Cave, out of which a cold wind proceeds, ſo much the leſſe ſenſible, by how much a man comes nearer the original thereof: ſuch as is alſo obſerved in a Clift of Mon-ventour on the North ſide thereof. To obſerve likewiſe the Legnian Lake, not far off, out of which when a fume is ſeen to ariſe, a Cloud is certainly made, which ſoon after diſcharges it ſelf into a moſt cruel tempeſt; which is alſo related of Pilates Lake in Dauphine, and of others among the Pyraenean Hills. Finally, that he might occaſionally obſerve a fountaine at Colmars, which ebbs and flowes at juſt diſtances, about eight ſeverall times in the ſpace of an hour.

So, he took care that Budaeus a learned man, ſhould obſerve the wind called Ponthia, or Ponticus ventus, on the Weſt ſide of the Alpes Cottiae, at a town called Nihons. It blows from the North along the River, and exceeds not a quarter of a league in breadth, nor doth it go in length above half or an whole league at moſt: ſave that ſometimes, when it is more vehement than ordinary, it runs divers leagues, and reaches to Rhodanus. This wind is daily; and when it blows, makes no intermiſſion, nor fluctuation, but is always of one Tenor. It ariſes in Winter about midnight, and dures till nine or ten in the morning; in Summer from break of day, till eight a clock; in the Spring and Autumn, it riſes at four in the morning and blows till noon. Now it is in Winter chiefly very violent, eſpecially when the South-wind blowes againſt it; and ſometimes it is ſo cold, that when it blowes, water is turned to Ice in the aire. Otherwiſe, it is a very wholſome wind; and ſo are the Corn, and Fruits, and ſome Springs in that Place.

So by Antelmus of Freyus, a Prieſt, and a very good man, he cauſed that wind to be obſerved, which ariſes at the Hill Malignon, and paſſes not beyond the deſcent thereof; alſo the conflict of the South Eaſt, and North-Weſt winds, which meeting at Cap Roux, do there deſtroy one another. A wonderful thing to tell; nor is it leſſe ſtrange, that the South-Eaſt wind is there wholſom, and ripens the Corn, whereas it is unwholſome, and blaſts the Corn at Aix, the North-Weſt wind working the quite contrary: alſo that, which was obſerved at Cannae, by the foreſaid Meynerius, viz. how that none of the cardinal winds blow there, but only the lateral ones; whereas in other places it falls out otherwiſe. But I ſhould be too tedious, if I ſhould inſiſt longer upon this ſubject: yet one thing haply ought not to be forgot; how, that ſuch as go into the Hole or Cave of Lanſon (like that of Pauſilippus) at both ends, do perceive the wind blow out from each end; which is a ſign that the wind ariſes in the Cave, and blowes outwards; but comes not from without into the ſame.

Again, he was no leſſe curious, in conſidering the motion of the mediterranean Sea, which becauſe it is known to run Weſtward, by our European Coaſts, he would have enquirie made, whether by the Coaſts of Africa oppoſite to us, it does not run Eaſtward: and that by obſerving chiefly the Countrey, where, at the mouthes of Rivers, the ſand is heaped up; becauſe it is wont to be heaped up on that ſide, towards which the Sea forceth the River water. This he knew by the Sands, which are plentifully caſt up by Rhodanus. For the Sea carries them to the Coaſt of Languedoc, which by that meanes, becomes void of Havens; for only ſince the dayes of St. Lewis, the Sea has forſaken the Town of Aiques-mortes, a whole League. And although the Sands of the River Argens, may ſeem to be driven upon the Eaſtern ſhoare, and to have filled up the Haven of Freius; yet he perceived, that the reaſon thereof was, becauſe the Gulf de Grimaud, or the Gulf de Sainct Tropés, ſcituate behinde the ſame, drew more plenty of water, and the Promontory between made the water turn round; which gyration, or whirling of the water, forced the ſtreames of Argens, and the mudde or Sand, upon the Eaſtern Coaſts.

Upon the ſame occaſion, he would have the ebbing and flowing, ſuch as it was obſerved, both in the Hadriatic Sea, & upon ſome Coaſts of Africa: and when by obſervatiō of the various motiōs, and Circuits of the Mediterranean Sea, it was apparent, that the water did perpetually flow out of the Pontus Euxinus, by Thraciax Boſphorus, the Propoutis and Helleſpont, into the Aegean Sea; ſo that not only at Smyrna, but in Crete, yea, and almoſt at Africa, its motion may be diſcerned: alſo being reſolved, that the Atlantick Ocean did continually flow in, by the Fretum Gaditanum, or Herculean ſtrairs; for it flowes back only a fixth part of the time it comes in; and all the intermediate ſpace, which amounts to an eighth part, the Ocean flowes perpetually into the Mediterranean: Being reſolved I ſay, that theſe things were ſo, he judged that he muſt of neceſſity have recourſe to channels under the ground, whereby the Mediterranean empties her waters into the Ocean, and is by that meanes kept within her due bounds. For, after the ſame manner, it is believed, that the Caſpian Sea, which is cloſed in on all ſides, and though it receives ſo many Rivers, flowes not over; does by a paſſage under ground run into the Euxine Sea, emptying it ſelf there, whereas in the middle of the Sea, the waters are ſweet; which place, by Ariſtotle, is called Bathea, or the Deeps of Pontus.

Moreover, it thundred and lightened divers times that Summer. And whereas it was my opinion, that the thunder-fire which burns things on Earth, did not come from on high, but brake near at hand from a thick Cloud, which contained and carried the matter thereof, he would have it, that the ſaid fire, though fluxive, is yet with ſuch violence forced out, that from the middle Region of the Aire, it reaches unextinguiſhed unto the Earth, where it does wonders. He added, that when ſix and thirty years agoe, the high Altar of the Capucines at Aix, was broken down with a Thunder-bolt, he was then in the City, and as he paſſed accidentally through a ſtreet, called Preachers-ſtreet, he had his eyes lift up to Heaven the ſame way. But the wonder was, that he obſerved in the middle of the Aire, a certain handful of fiery rayes, partly ſtreaming out right, and partly waving; juſt after the manner as the ancients were wont to picture the Thunder-fire, in the hand of Jupiter. Its needleſs to relate, the anſwer which I made; I ſhall rather tell you, that the Thunder-fire having thrown down a Croſſe from the top of St. Johns Steeple, the Iron beneath which was faſtened in the ſtone, was found to have a ruſty Cruſt, which was powerfully magnetic. We did not ſo much wonder at the Iron, which having bin purged now many ages, might contract ſuch a faculty; but that the ruſt of the Iron ſhould be ſo powerful, that was a thing worthy of aſſoniſhment.

He received in the mean while, from Africa, Seeds, Plants and Animals. Among which, none was greater, or more beautiful then the Beaſt, called Alzaro, which with his head and tail, did repreſent a Bu •• but in the reſt of his Body, was like an Hart. His Horns were black, bolt upright, and would grow (as was reported) to a wonderful height. It was a moſt ſwift Beaſt, and ſuch as could not be taken, ſave when it was ſucking-young. Now he did not keep that Beaſt long; but after he had ſufficiently obſerved the ſame, and got it painted out, according to his mind, he ſent it to Cardinal Barberino. He received likewiſe, not long after, the skin of ſuch a like Beaſt, from the Earl of Marchavilla, returning from Conſtantinople; and upon that occaſion, he was deſirous to try (and I know not what hindred him) whether the ſame thing would betide the skin of this Beaſt, which was wont to betide the skin of an Harr. For it was well known, that an Harts skin, being by the Curriers put in the bottom of their fat, and a great heap of Oxe and other Hides laid thereupon, would never reſt, after water was put in, till it had got it ſelf up, above all the reſt. Which when we wondred at, we ſuppoſed the cauſe to be the largeneſs of the Cavities of the Hairs, which exceeded theſe of the other Hides (for that every Hair is a kind of Pipe or Channel is known by the Augmenting-glaſſe) ſo that, they being filled with Aire, and being in the water, do bear up like blown Bladders. Alſo it is credible, that it makes much for the nimble ſwiftneſs of this Creature, when through heat by running, that cavity in the hairs is filled with ſpirit; as it is alſo probable, that in Birds, that part of the Quils which is void, being filled with ſpirit, does aſſiſt the Birds in their flight, and helps to bear them up. But ſo much of this may ſuffice.

Shall I relate, how Peireskius cauſed an high Turret to be built on the top of all his Houſe, from whence being very lofty, Caeleſtial obſervaſions might be made? How many things were obſerved hereupon, is now no time to relate: yet muſt I not omit, the exceeding joy he took, when from thence he beheld Mars, hiding that Starre, which is laſt in the Virgins Arm-pit. For he was much moved with what I had told him, touching my obſervation of Jupiters hiding that Star which is under the feet of Gemini in December fore-going; ſo that for ſome dayes, morning and evening, being ſeen through the Perſpective, it was obſerved to have paſted to the South thereof, no more then foure minutes, on the 19. day of the ſaid moneth, at eleven a Clock in the morning: and whereas on the eighth day of June, about evening, I told him, he might ſee the like Eclipſe cauſed by Mars; thereupon, with great alacrity, he was reſolved to ſit up, nor did he depart till the eighth part of an houre after mid-night; at which time Mars was conjoyned with the ſaid Starre, and went but a minute and an half to the South.

Nor muſt I forget the joy that he conceived by entertaining Thomas Campanella, that renowned Philoſopher, at what time (viz. about the beginning of November) the Conjunction of Mercury with the Sun, was to be ſeen. For he could bear witneſſe, that the Planet was inviſible under the Sun, being in a Conjunction almoſt central; which is an argument, that he was then directly above the Sun, even as he was before ſeen retrograde under the Sun; and that therefore, he is, by his motion, carried about the Sun, and that he is not carried in an Epicicle, detain'd betwixt us and the Sun. And by the like obſervation I evinced the ſame thing, a year and half before, viz. about the end of April.

But with what humanity he received Campanella, is hard to relate. For coming to France, as ſoon as he was at Marſeilles and had acquainted Peireskius with his arrival he ſent an Horſelitter and brought him to his Houſe; where having made exceeding much of him certain daies together, he ſent him to Paris, partly in an Horſelitter, partly in a Coach, giving him (beſides Letters to receive money at Lions) five hundred Crowns at his departure; ſo that being overcome and conſounded as it were with ſo great a Beneficence, he proteſted that he had before, ſo much conſtancy, that he could refrain ſhedding teares in the middeſt of moſt cruel torments: which now he could not do, being moved with contemplation of ſo munificent a Gentleman. This you may ſuppoſe that paſſage aimed at, which he afterwards inſerted into the ſecond Tome of his works, about the end of his Oeconemicks. For, I ſhall not deny (ſaies he) That a man may leaſt his friends liberaly, but it muſt be done ſruga • y, and when they have need: and you ſhall rather account him your friend, that offers you his money, than he that offers his life: as that rare and wonderful Gentleman Fabricius Lord of Peiresk, the Glory of France, and Mecaenas of Philoſophers and famous men, whom continually he entertains, is an example to the world.

For the ſame time that he was with Peireskius, he ſaw divers gueſts, and among the reſt Montagutius the Propraetor of Autun, who coming to viſit the ſacred places in Provence, would viſit him alſo. Moreover, he brought him two ancient ſilver Cochlears [meaſures ſo called] and ſome other things, which were got from out the ruines of Antiquity at Autun, and which Peireskius had a deſire to ſee. Having meaſured the ſaid Veſſels, eſpecially, that which was moſt whole and perfect, it cannot be expreſſed how he rejoyced, when he found it weighed two ounces of ſilver, juſt as the Sextans of the Ancient Pile of weights aforeſaid, did weigh; and that it contained juſt two drams of oil, or the ſixth part of a Cyathus, as alſo the foreſaid Sextans contained. Hereupon, he wrote Letters to the Puteans, both very large and full of profound Learning, taking occaſion chiefly from the Picture of Mercury, expreſſed upon one of the foreſaid meaſures; ſeeing that ſame two-dram-meaſure was called Cheme, that name being taken from a certain ſhel-fiſh, whoſe form is retained by the Cochlear: & which is conſecrated to Mercury; ſo that both the doubleneſſe of the dram and ounce, were a Symbol of the double-dealing attributed to Mercury, as alſo that kind of ſhelfiſh with two valves, and a thouſand ſuch obſervations.

He received not long ſince, from Venotus the kinſman of Montagutius, a Cifring-table, dug up likewiſe at Autun, touching which alſo he wrote very ſeriouſly, by reaſon of the difference of ſome of the Figures, from thoſe which are written upon the model of a writing Table which he had out of the Study of Ciaconius, and in the example deſcribed in Gruterus, according to that which Velſerus had publiſhed, and deſcribed out of Occo. And here it may be noted, that he did not allow of the opinion of Velſerus (as it is to be read in Gruterus) who thought that thoſe two weights under the half ounce and quarter ounce, were Duellae [weights containing the third part of an ounce viz. two drams and two ſcruples a piece] for he was of opinion, that they were rather Sextulae [ſuch weights as contained the ſixth part of an ounce, viz. a dram and a ſcruple a piece] which being joyned together might make a Duella, one of which being added to half an ounce, makes two Duella's, as both being added, make five Sextulae (for half an ounce contains three of them) ſo that by this means all the parts of an ounce might be computed, both the duellary and ſextulary parts; which could not be, if the weights aforeſaid ſhould deſign only Duella's. I add, that if you ſhall take the foreſaid weights for Sextulae, you will be then able to ma • e eleven parts of an ounce, beſides the Unitie. For one Sextula makes two parts; the quarter-ounce, three; the two Sextula's joyned, four; the two-dram with one Sextula, five; the half-ounce, ſix; the quarter ounce with two Sextula's, ſeven; the half ounce with one Sextula eight; the half ouuce and quarter, nine; the half ounce with two Sextula's, ten; the half ounce and quarter with one Sextula, eleven.

I ſhall not here ſtand to tell, how in the mean time he treated with Ludovicus Savotus of the uſe of Braſſe in Coins, and of the armour of the Ancients, which was made of braſs, and was wont to be put in their Sepuichres: and with Ludovicus Auber • us Menill • us of counterfeit Sculptures, which Chaducus himſelf making, was not aſhamed to give out for pieces of Antiquity. Nor again, how he took care to get all Manuſcripts, eſpecially thoſe in Greek, written out, which treated of Weights and Meaſures out of the Vatican Library, the Kings Library, and that of Augsburg; and two Volumes of Onuphrius Panvinius; alſo a rare book of the Theorie of Muſick, which he ſent firſt to Don • us, and afterwards together with an Arabick book and curious Figures, to Marinus Merſennus a Fryar Minim, an exceeding good man learned and curious, and indefatigable in illuſtrating the veritie of Nature and Religion. Nor, to conclude, many other things: but I chooſe rather to ſubjoyn the modeſty wherewith he received a Dedication of certain collections out of Polybius, N colaus Damaſcenus and other Hiſtorians, made by a truly learned and famous man, Henricus Valeſius, who publiſhed them in Greek, turned them into Latin, and explained them with Notes.

For he beſides other paſſages, beſpake him in theſe words. For why ſhould I not call you the Parent and Author of his Book, which was firſt by you found out, brought at your coſt from the Iſland of Cyprus, and ſent to this City? And preſently after, But now by my endeavours it comes in print, not more conſiderable by the Purple of the Emperor Conſtantinus, then by your name inſcribed in the front thereof: And as for Conſtantine, let other men ſpeak: as for you, both formerly you have deſerved well of Learning, and will deſerve well for time to come: yet give me leave among your good deſervings of Learning and all learned men, that I may reckon this as a principal wherein I am properly concerned. And again, Which work of mine, ſuch as it is, I give and bequeath the ſame to you, O Nicolaus Fabricius; that this Book bearing your Titles in its front, may be accounted totally yours. And afterwards having ſaid by way of Preface, that of three and twenty Titles of Excerpta, there was only one extant, entitled de Legationibus, and divided into two Books, printed partly by Fulvius Urſinus, and partly by David Haſchelius; he made mention alſo of this, Which (quoth he) now firſt ſees the Light, through the liberality of that moſt famous and learned man, born as it were after a ſpecial manner, to advance Learning, Nicolaus Fabricius Peireskius, under This Title, Peri aretes cai cacias, Of Vertue and Vice. But Peireskius, being perfectly aſhamed, would not have his name joyned with the Imperial Purple: and writing back to Valeſius, he ſaid, it would be ſufficient, if dedicating the Book to ſome body elſe, he ſhould only ſay, that he accidently got a ſight of the Book and procured the uſe thereof, in an obicure corner, when it came firſt out of the Eaſt.

The like moderation he exerciſed the following year,1635. when Philippus Rubeus at Rome publiſhed and dedicated to him, that moſt ancient Inſcription of the Columna roſtrata C. DUILIOS. M. F. M. N. COS. ADVORSO. CARTACINIENSIS. IN. SICILIAD. REM. CERENS. & of which we made mention before; and that with Supplements adjoyned, & illuſtrations by Gauges Gozzeus. Which nevertheleſſe ſeemed to be done, not without a Providence; ſeeing he was at the very ſame time taking care, to get not only a Copy of the ſaid Inſcription, faithfully and exquiſitely imitated; but alſo a pattern thereof in Plaiſter of Paris, that he might conſider all things, and might examine the judgements and Supplements of Ciaconius, Lipſius, and others that had taken pains about the ſame. But I omit how he would alſo have a pattern of that other Inſcription of Scipio Barbatus aforeſaid, that he might thereby know the moſt ancient ſhape of the Roman Letters; becauſe that ſame Inſcription remained unaltered, whereas the character of the Duillian Inſcription had bin renewed, as appears out of Pliny. So, that he might know the ancient ſhape of the letters of Athens, he procured a pattern of that Inſcription which is read in Gruterus ΟΔΕΝΙ ΘΕΜΙΤ ΟΝ &c. the letters whereof, Scaliger writing upon Euſebius, thought to be the Ionic characters. Though he did that in part to ſatisfie Salmaſius, who was minded to illuſtrate this Inſcription, as he had done certain others, touching the conſecration of a Temple, and dedication of a Statue. Finally, he deſired Donius to ſend him an accurate pattern of the Eugubine table ſo called, viz. that brazen one which was found an hundred years ago at Eugubium, mentioned alſo by Gruterus; and that becauſe of certain Thu • can words, in the Interpretation whereof; he hoped he ſhould ſomewhat aſſiſt, not to ſay amend, the Conjectures of Bernardinus Baldus.

Moreover, about the beginning of the year, he heard to his grief, that Julius Pacius was dead at Valentia, whom he did love and reverence ſince the time that he firſt ſtudied the Laws. Mean while Theodorus Cardinalis Trivultius gave him a viſit, who being upon his return to Italy, undertook that Orbicius and other Tactick Authors ſhould be copied out from the Ambroſian Library, which Peireskius uſed his utmoſt endeavours to procure; becauſe Salmaſius had need of them. Alſo, not long after, the Cardinal of Lions viſited him, who journeying towards Rome, was deſirous to abide ſome daies in his ancient Arch-biſhoprick. And being received thither in great Pomp, becauſe of the good-will and veneration which he had formerly gained in that place, when he both ſaw and embraced Peireskius, who was come a little way out to meet him; he could not refrain from ſaying, That he more valued the few paces which he had come, then the many miles of others that came out farther to meet him Alſo Petrus Aloyſius Caraffa came to ſee him in his return from Colen and Leeds, being the Popes Legat.

And Peireskius asking many queſtions touching that Countrey, both of him and his learned retinue one of which was Silveſter Petraſancta; he was informed among other things, that there was at Leeds a certain induſtrious Jeſuite named Linus, who had filled a glaſſe with water ſo tempered, that a lilttle Globe ſwum in the middle, with the 24 hours written about the ſame, which paſſing by a fixed Index or hand, in order, did ſhew the hour of the day, as if that Globe did exactly imitate the motion of the Heavens. Which relation was confirmed to him, both by the Letters of Rubeus, and the Relation of Dormalius, who returning into Italy towards the end of the Spring, and being detained certain daies at Aix, deſcribed the thing according as himſelf had ſeen it. Wherefore Peireskius praiſed that wonderful invention; and began to caſt divers waies with himſelf, what power of Nature could effect ſuch a thing; for he had gotten many years before, the Engine of Drebel; in the glaſſy and arched Pipe whereof, the water would paſſe and repaſs, twice every day, ſeeming in a manner to follow the ebbing and flowing of the Sea. But he chiefly called to mind, that which Kircherus had told him two years before, how he had ſtuck certain ſeeds of the Flower of the Sun into a piece of Cork, which following the courſe of the Sun, as the flowers uſe to do, did turn about the floating Cork, and by a certain hand annexed, point out the hours, which were marked upon the Veſſels. Upon which occaſion it came into his mind to pare that ſwiming ſtone which Merſennus had given him, round about, that being rounded like a Globe, it might ſerve in place of Cork, to make Heliotropick [Sun-turning] & Magnetick experiments.

He was in hope about the beginning of the ſame Spring, to entertain Pomponius Bellevreus, being to go Embaſſador from the King, to the Princes of Italy; but his journey being ſhaped another way, his hope of ſeeing him, was made void; as alſo of embracing Franciſcus Vayerus à Moſha, whoſe learning and candor, he had underſtood, both by his letters and works, and by the relation of their common friends.

Moreover, while he expected from Italy, the foreſaid tactick, or military Books, he ſent to Salmaſius in the mean time, ſeveral draughts of Swords, Daggers, Hatchets or Poleaxes, Haiberts, and other Weapons, which the ancients uſed of Braſſe; and particularly, of two Helmets, the one of which, was ſent out of the Borders of the Samnites, or from Aprutium; the other was found at the very Lake it ſelf of Thraſymen, with the cheek or eare peices yet remaining, and hanging down on either ſide. Nor did he ſend him theſe things only, to aſſiſt him in his writings about the Roman Militia; but alſo the Pictures and repreſentations of divers kinds of Fibulae, buttons or haſps to perfect that work, which he had taken in hand, touching the apparel of the Ancients upon occaſion of a certain diſſertation touching that ſame Acia mollis, [neidleful of ſoft thred] which Cornelius Celſus writes, muſt not be uſed too much twiſted, to make Surures and Claſps, or Buttons, to hold the lips of wounds together. For Alphonſus Nunneſius, and Jacobus Chiffletius, famous Phyſicians, contend, that by the word Acia, we muſt underſtand a neidle, or ſome other Inſtrument made of metal; but the learned Franciſcus Rioya, and Franciſcus Figueroa, (himſelf alſo a renowned Phyſician) ſaid that we are to underſtand thereby, a linnen or ſilken thred. Now it is expected, what both Salmaſius will determine of this controverſie: as alſo another friend of Peireskius, a Dane, called Johannes Rhodius, a Phyſician; who having made choyce of Padua for his reſidence, begins to be famous both for his other ingenuous Learning, and for his excellent skill in the Art of Phyſick.

Moreover, he ſent a rare work touching Animals, written in the Arabick Tongue, by Ebembitar, and brought lately out of Aegypt; after another Copy, procured with great labour and coſt, had periſhed by Ship-wrack. He ſent alſo another Arabian Book, wherein were the Canons of the Constantinopolitan, the Epheſian, the Laodicean, the Ceſarian, and the Gangrenſian Councels: the Canons of the Apoſtles, and of St. Clement; the conſtitutions of Conſtantinus, Valentinianus, Theodoſius, and I know not what other things beſides. He ſent the Rituals, or Service-Book of the Copticks, as their Epiſtles, Goſpels, Pſalms; and eſpecially, a Book containing three Liturgies, of Baſil, of Gregory, and of Cyril, with an Arabick Tranſlation.

He ſent more; but there was nothing which he more accounted of, then a volume of the four Evangeliſts, written in the Elcuphtick or Cophtick Tongue, and expounded in Arabick; and eſpecially, becauſe the years were expreſſed, in which each of the Evangeliſts wrote. For though at firſt, there was wanting the Praeface to Matthew, where the year was to be expreſſed; and the Praeface to John ſeemed to be faulty, ſayng, that the ſtory was written in the ſixth year of the Empire of Tarſos, 1634. inſtead of Nero, and the thirtieth year after the Aſcenſion of Chriſt: yet as concerning the other two, it made it appear, that that of Luke was written by him at Antioch, in the 12th year of Claudius, and the 20th after the Aſcenſion; and that the other of Mark vvas vvritten in the fourth year of the ſame Claudius, and the 12th after the Aſcention. Now he was of opinion, that there might be ſome help drawn from thence, to judge of the controverſie touching the year of the paſſion of Chriſt; and peradventure alſo, touching his Nativity, vvhich Joſeph Scaliger and Seth Calviſius, make to be two years before the beginning of the vulgar Account; and Laurentius, Suſlyga, Joannes Keplerus, and others, make it more then two years ſooner. Wherefore he wrote, not only to Rome, to ſee if haply the foreſaid Praefaces might be ſupplyed and corrected; but alſo again to Aegypt, to get, if poſſible, the like volume more compleat.

But how would he have even leaped for joy, if he had known, that which we afterwards underſtood! viz. that there is extant, an Arabian Book, very like the former, in the Cuſtody of the illuſtrious Mon-morius Maſter of Requeſts, in which the Praefaces are all perfect? They relate, according to the Tranſlation of the learned Hardyaeus, how that the Goſpel of Matthew was written in Hebrew, in the firſt year of Claudius, and the ninth year after Chriſts Aſcention: that the Goſpel of Mark, was written in Latine, the fourth year of Claudius, and the twelfth after Chriſts aſcenſion; that the Goſpel of Luke was written in Greek the 14th of Claudius, and the 22th, after the Aſcention:1635. and that the Goſpel of John was written in Greek, the 8th year of Nero, and the 30. after the Aſcenſion: out of which being more conſonant, it is eaſie to ſee, how the other are to be mended.

He ſent alſo into Aegypt, to certain Capucines dwelling there; but eſpecially to Agathangelus Vindocinenſis, beſides many other Books, two Tomes of the Annals of Baronius, which were deſired, beſides the whole work which he had formerly beſtowed upon them; alſo to Coeleſtinus à S. Liduina, a bare-foot Carmelite, the Brother of Golius, divers Books; but eſpecially, the Magnus Theſaurus Arabicus, printed at Millain, in foure Volumes, which being ſent three or four times before, either to him or to others, was loſt being taken by Pirates. It would be too long to reckon up the reſt of this kind; ſeeing that I muſt not paſſe over, what he did in the mean time at home.

He knew the ardent deſire, which had long poſſeſſed me, of having the ſeveral Appearances of the Moon, and the varieties appearing in each of them, by the Perſpective-glaſſe, painted out with lively Colours, in their juſt proportions and ſcituations. And for this very intent, I ſought for and procured of the moſt rare Galilaeus, a Proſpective or Teleſcope, very long and exactly made; and now I wanted only an induſtrious Painter, furniſhed with a good Talent of patience. He therefore, for my ſake, kept not only a great part of the former year, but the greateſt part of this year preſent, the rare Painter Claudius Salvatus Alvernates, in his return from Rome, who by my direction, was to perform that taske. He kept alſo the year following, many moneths together, Claudius Mellanus Abbavillaeus, a rare Artiſt, both for Painting and Graving, who was likewiſe returning from Rome; both by his rare skill to paint out the new appearances, as alſo to engrave the ſame, or ſome other at leaſt, by his ingenious hand in Braſſe. For that excellent man clearly ſaw, that by that meanes a kind of Selenographia, or deſcription of the Moon might be made, the uſe whereof would be very confiderable, both in natural Philoſophy, and in Aſtronomy.

In natural Philoſophy, to reaſon about thoſe goodly Phaenomena; eſpecially, ſeeing by the order of the ſeveral appearances, it ſeems probable that that ſame Globe of the Moon, is ſome ſuch thing, as this Globe of Earth, on which we live. For ſeeing, thoſe greater ſpots, which have bin known and obſerved in all Ages, do anſwer to our Seas, ſo that we may diſcern in them the Oriental, Occidental, Caſpian, and other Seas, with innumerable out-lets, and Bayes or Gulfs: the reſt ſeems to be nothing but Continents, Cheerſoneſi, Iſlands; with their Fields, Hills, Vallies, Lakes, and ſuch like. And, that thoſe Spots are Seas, ſeems to be proved by the Evennes of their Surface; becauſe there is nothing ſticking out in them, to cauſe any obſcurity, when the Sun is juſt oppoſite, and through which the Section of a ſhadow being drawn, is exceeding plain and even: whereas the other parts are high and low, and full of turnings; and the Section of the ſhadow, paſſing through them, is variouſly broken, and interrupted.

Moreover, the litteral parts [about the Seaſhores] when they are juſt againſt the riſing Sun, are ſooner inlightned; againſt the ſetting Sun, they are later and ſlower inlightned, then the Seas beneath them; caſting a ſhadow upon the parts oppoſite unto the Sun, like very tall Rocks: ſo that a long rank of ſhadows, does many times cauſe a blackneſs. There are alſo in thoſe Seas, ſome ſhallow places, or knots and ranks of Rocks, in which certain whiteneſſes appear, as it were the foaming of the Waves.

Touching the Continents it is ſtrange, that though they are generally white yet are they all-together heterogeneous, and one unlike another; as if the varieties of Lands, Woods, Lakes, and ſuch like, did make a various kind of whiteneſs. For in other parts we finde every where Vallies, Hills, and Plains; only there are in the middle of the Orbe, certain Plains in a row, compaſſed about with little Hills. For it is otherwiſe in other places, which are whiter; when the Moon is in the full; for the Vallies are more profound, which when the Sun comes near, or goes away, do appear very obſcure, the Sun only inlightening the Hills which are placed round about; ſo that there is a certain appearance of Jewels; and they are very white, becauſe they fully receive the light, being filled with rayes, collected and compacted, by reverberation from the ſides. Howbeit, there are alſo ſome parts which beſides the gathering together of the • ight, are wonderfully white (as a remarkable point towards the Eaſt, which as ſoon as it is inlightned, ſhewes forthwith exceeding white) as if there were in that part ſome Chalkie Mountains, or ſuch as are covered with Snow, like the Riphaean Hills. So alſo, contrarywiſe, there are ſome parts naturally of ſuch a leaden colour, that the greateſt light gives them no whiteneſs, as if they were ſome Lakes, or Tracts of black Earth, ſuch as is towards the North and that obſcure place which is not far from the ſhoare of the great Sea; and ſuch almoſt is the turning, which compaſſes that ſame Boſſe which is ſo conſpicuous in the South. Conſpicuous, I ſay, by reaſon of the rayes which are ſhed far and near about it, as if they were a rank partly of Vallies, and partly of Snowie Rocks; and the ſame may be ſaid of the rayes of another Boſſe, which is nearer the Center; than which, when it is firſt or laſt illuminated, no oriental Pearl is more beautiful. But to run over all theſe varieties, were an endleſs work.

Wherefore it ſhall ſuffice to note one thing touching the brim of the Moon; that whereas it appeares very eeven, the reaſon thereof is, becauſe our eye ſees not the hollow places in thoſe parts, by reaſon of the bending; but it joynes together the Hills which are antecedent, conſequent and mixt. For that the inequality is every where alike, is known hereby, that when the Moon is horned, there appear, beyond the points, and eſpecially the lower of the two, certain light rundles, with darkneſs between them; which ſeem to be high Mountains, in the very edge of the Moon. Which is doubtleſs an Argument, that there is in that part of the Moon, which is never ſeen by us, the like diverſity. Which may be hereby confirmed, in that whereas the ſame viſible parts do not alwayes occupie the brim or edge, (for the Moon by a certain quivering motion, by reaſon of her divers ſcituations in the Zodiack, and above the Horizon, ſeems to be ſo wreathed about, that now ſhe ſhowes ſome parts Eaſtward, which ſhe hides Weſt-ward and now again contrarity, in like manner to the South and North; ſo that alſo the 〈…〉 , are ſometimes nearer, and 〈…〉 from the Center, or middle 〈…〉 ) yet nevertheleſs the ſame variety 〈…〉 obſerved in the parts diſcovered. For, 〈…〉 ſolitary ſpot, for examples ſake, which is ſeen in the Weſt, as it were a Caſpian Sea, when it is next the edge of the Moon, leaves nothing between it ſelf and the ſaid edge; but when it is further off, then in the ſpace between, there appear two pretty long ſpots.

From which, and other the like conſiderations, it ſeems agreeable to reaſon, that in the Globe of the Moon, as well as in the Globe of the Earth, many things are daily bred and corrupted, yet is it no wayes probable, that they are like thoſe things, which the Earth affords. For if according to the Proverb, Non omnis fert omnia tellus, Every Land beares not all things; and experience ſhewes, that in America there are bred live-creatures, Plants, and other things, quite differing from what our parts afford, though America and Eurrope are parts of the ſelfſame Globe; how much more reaſon have we to think, that all things which are bred in the Moon, being quite another Globe or World, are different from theſe earthly things. For it is beyond all hope, and belief, that any perſpective can make us diſcern them, what kind of things they are, though we hear that there is one now made at Naples, which inlarges the appearance of the Moon, and demonſtrates all things more diſtinct then ever; and notwithſtanding, that Rubeus wrote to Peireskius ſome years agoe, that there was with him an excellent Painter, and an honeſt man, called Hyemus, who told him, that he ſaw at Drebbles Houſe, an optic Tube or Proſpective, which was a ſpan in the Diameter, by which one might perceive in the Globe of the Moon, Fields, Woods, Buildings, and Fortifications, not unlike thoſe amongſt us.

And this may ſuffice to have ſaid touching natural Philoſophy; unleſs peradventure I ſhould add, that if thoſe obſcure parts of the Moon, are as it were Seas, there will be no cauſe to wonder, that from thence ſome moyſture may be drawn down to this Earth of ours, as is apparent by the marrows of Live-wights, by Shel-fiſh, by Plants, and generally by all moyſt things. For it may be ſaid, that the Raies of the Sun darting upon thoſe moyſt parts, and being from thence reflected upon the Earth, do imbibe and carry with them, ſome part of that moyſture, as when paſſing through a coloured glaſſe, they fret off, and carry with them ſome portion of the colour: and that this is the cauſe, why in the full of the Moon, Bones are fuller of marrow; Oyſters and other Shel-fiſh, fuller of fruitful moyſture; as alſo other things, by reaſon of the plentiful afflux of the Suns Raies, darted from the Moon. After which manner, truly, the Moon may, when ſhe is new, or thereabouts, be recompenced, by the repercuſſion of the Raies of the Sun from our Seas, which is ſo much the more plentiful, by how much a greater quantity of light is reverberated by the Earth, being a greater body, into the Moon; as is argued by that ſecondary and weak light, which the Moon ſhewes, beſides her ſilver Sickle, within her Quarter, viz. ſo long as by her nearneſs to the Sun, ſhe is capable of reflexion.

Now, as for what concerns Aſtronomy, verily a Selenographia, or deſcription of the Moon, ſeems to be of great uſe. For in the firſt place, from the true ſcituation, and delineation of the principal parts, with names impoſed upon them, it may be obſerved and ſet down, when the Moon is divided into two parts in knots, where the points are terminated, where the middle point is between them; ſo that on the Margin may be ſet down the cardinal points North, South, Eaſt, Weſt; from which, like other Circles, we may begin to divide it into degrees. And becauſe the ſcituation of the points, is various, not only in reſpect of their diſtance from the knots; but alſo with reference to the various age of the Moon, in as much as either Northward, or Southward, ſhe drawes near to, or departs from the Sun: therefore, from hence we may determine very near, in what part of her Circuit ſhe is, and how far diſtant from the Sun.

Moreover, the Moon being oppoſite in her knots, either ſoon before, or after an Eclipſe, it may be ſet down and expreſſed, what ſcituation the parts hold, both one to another, and to the Center and brim; that the whole Orbe being otherwiſe changed, by reaſon of the quivering motion aforeſaid, yet that may be counted the genuine poſture. By this meanes alſo, if any Starre be hid by the Moon, it may be expreſſed at what part the ſaid Starre enters, where it goes out, and whether by its motion through the Moon, it deſcribed a Diameter, or a North or South chord, which by the Degrees written about, may diſcover the quantity of the way it made croſſe the Moon. By which meanes alſo; it may be expreſſed, if the Moon paſſe cloſe by a Starre, when ſhe is in the ſame Longitude with the ſaid Starre, and how far diſtant her brim is therefrom; the ſaid diſtance being compared with the diſtance of two points, or menſurable places within the Moons Orbe.

Moreover, every Quarter may be known and expreſſed (which the Ancients in the difficult buſineſs of Diameters endeavoured to do, but could not come near the truth, without a Teleſcope or Proſpective, by reaſon of the deceitfulneſs of our ſight:) as alſo the other Apparitions, which are to be deſcribed by the time of ſome Phaenomenon, in ſuch variety, that the ſelf-ſame return not, ſave after many years. For both the forementioned Libration, or quivering motion; and the diſtance from the Knots or Boſſes, do hourely change; and alſo the difference of time cauſes, that when we look for a like appearance, alwayes ſome diſſimilitude inſinuates it ſelf, requiring a new Picture.

Finally, as concerning the Eclipſes of the Moon, the foreſaid deſcriptions would exceedingly help to know and declare, in what part of the Moon the defect of light began, where it terminated; where was the total immerſion, or darkening, and where it began to recover light; ſo that by meanes of the degrees circumſcribed as aforeſaid, it may be known how far theſe points are diſtant ſpom the Cardinal Points, one from another, and alſo from the knot or boſs. They are uſefull alſo to determine and ſet down the digits of the defect, viz. by noting the Points or conſpicuous parts, which are either touched or forſaken, by the Arch of the ſhadow. And therefore they are exceedingly uſeful to deſcribe the Arch of the ſhadow, by three remarkable places, through which it paſſes, at the ſame time: by which means, the Diameter of the ſhadow, may be rarely compared with the Diameter of the Moon. Then which nothing can be more profitable in this ſubject; eſpecially, ſeeing it is apparent, that men therefore err in deſcribing the time and quantity of Eclipſes, becauſe the ſaid proportion is unknown, and the Moons Diameter is commonly computed, to be a fifth part greater than it is indeed and in truth.

And if any man ſhall require a very neceſſary thing, viz. the true Diameters both of the Moon and Sun, taken by obſervation; let him know that they were divers times taken in the houſe of Peireskius, himſelf looking on, by two Tables, the ſhaddow of the one being ſhortned upon the other, at the end of a ſmall beam or piece of timber, near upon four fathoms long. Nor ſhall I ſtand here to relate the darkneſs of the place, and other cautions uſed in the obſervation; I ſhall only ſay, for their ſakes that are delighted with theſe ſtudies, that the Diameter of the Sun, in its fartheſt diſtance from the Earth, is thirty firſt minutes, and twelve ſeconds; in its neareſt approach to the Earth, it is one and thirty prime minutes, and ſix ſeconds; and the Moon's in her fattheſt diſtance, is twenty ſix firſt minutes, and thirty ſix ſeconds; and at her neareſt approach, one and thirty prime minutes, and ſix ſeconds, even as the Sun. Which is truely a great abatement, contrary to the common opinion; but I would have men only to conſider, how much the ſight is deceived, while the ſame thing is meaſured, according to the ſeveral degrees of light and darkneſſe, wherewith the ſight of the eye is affected. To me verily, the ſame Diameter of the Moon, when I look upon it in the darkneſſe of the night, ſeems larger than at the middeſt of Day-break, and then larger than at Sun-riſe, and then alſo greater than at broad day light. Which I give warning of, to intimate, that it is a more ſafe way, to make obſervation by the ſhaddow; as ſuppoſing that the ſhaddow is not liable to ſo many deceits, as the Eye-ſight is. Moreover, Peireskius did wonderfully rejoyce, when he found, by experience, the uſe of theſe things, about a certain Eclipſe, which was obſerved on the third day of March, the middle whereof happened at 8. a clock and forty three minutes.

Conſequent hereunto, he began ſeriouſly to think of (which he purpoſed long before) aſſiſting Geographers, towards the finding out the difference of Longitude of ſeveral places. For he would have a certain method written, of obſerving Eclipſes; and he was wonderfully induſtrious to procure, that the Eclipſe of the Moon, which was to be in Auguſt next following, might be obſerved, both in Europe, and in divers places of Aſia, and Africa. For beſides our Country men, and thoſe that live more Weſterly, he procured, that by the inſtigation of Cardinal Barberino, thoſe learned and fa •• o is men Andreas Argolus at Padua, and Scipio Claromontius at Caeſenna might obſerve the ſame; and by the interceſſion of the ſaid Cardina, he obtained two obſervations then made at Rome, and two at Naples, where the moſt exact was that which Joannnes Camillus Glorioſus, a rare man doubtleſs, had made. In like manner he procured from Gran-Caire in Aegypt, an obſervation made by the foreſaid Capucine Agathangelus, being aſſiſted by Joannes Molinus Dragomannus a Venetian; alſo from Aleppo in Syria, an obſervation, made by another excellent Capucine, Michael Angelus, aſſiſted by the foreſaid Caeleſtinus à Sancta Liduina.

All whoſe obſervations cannot be ſet down in this place, yet I muſt needs ſay, that Peireskius was herein ſatisfied by the obſervations aforeſaid, that it was a clear caſe, that all Geographical Tables and Maps, do ſet thoſe places of Aegypt and Syria at too great a diſtance from us, ſeeing they do all ſet Alepo almoſt three hours, that is to ſay, forty five degrees Eaſtward of Marſeilles; whereas thoſe obſervations have made it appear, that almoſt an whole hour ought to be abated, ſeeing they have reckoned no more then thirty degrees between the places aforeſaid. Whereupon the buſineſs having ſucceeded ſo well, he took a great deal of pains, and procured Cardinal Barberino and the Generals of the Jeſuites and Dominicans, to command ſuch religious perſons as lived in both the Indies, and all other parts of the world, carefully to obſerve all Eclipſes, and things of like nature. Nor was there afterwards any Capucine or other ſtudious perſon, that paſſed through Provence, intending to travel into the Eaſt, or any other way, or to ſettle his abode in any forreign part, whom he did not oblige by divers kindneſſes, and to whom he did not injoyn the care of making ſuch obſervations, giving them Books, Proſpective-glaſſes, and ſuch like things; of the uſe whereof if any were ignorant, he took care before their departure, both to have them inſtructed, and that they might experiment their skill.

And knowing that Galileus had framed a Method (which we mentioned before) to find out the Longitudes of places, by the Medicean Stars; therefore he deſired Galileus to ſend him for his own proper uſe, a Teleſcope or Proſpective-Glaſſe of the very beſt, that he himſelf might make obſervations, and communicate the ſame with others. Which he did having firſt writ many letters, by which he thought he might be allowed to comfort ſuch a friend, and to condole with him for his hard hap. Moreover, about this time, he took a great deal of care, endeavouring by means of the moſt excellent Cardinal, that the Sentence of Galileus might be moderated, and he reſtored to his liberty; Which he did of his own accord, judging that the tury of a friend required as much of him, and the merits of that man, whoſe memory would be delightful to Poſterity.

About the end of October, he took it very hainouſly, that the Parliament did not expect till he had of himſelf ſurrendred his Senators office, vvhich he had reſerved three years for himſelf, when he made his Nephew his Succeſſor; wherefore, his Brother being at Paris, he procured by the Kings letters Patents to be reſtored perfectly to his ſaid office, and that he ſhould exerciſe the ſame five years longer. This was done the following year,1636. in the whole courſe whereof, he was not wanting in his care for the advancement of Learning. For in the firſt place, being much taken with the manifold and rare Learning, wherewith Leo Allatius a very learned man reſiding at Rome, did bring to light ſo many Greek Authors, not ſeen before, or full of faults; correcting and tranſlating them, with wonderful felicity; he was deſirous to aſſiſt and countenance his endeavours, carefully treating with the Printers of Paris, to undertake the Edition of his workes. Which he did likewiſe concerning certain excellentworks of Fortunius Licetus, who was formerly a famous Philoſopher in the Univerſity of Padua, and is now chief Profeſſor at Bononia, very much renowned for his great worth. So, hearing of the death of the excellent Schickardus, whom the Plague had taken away November fore-going; he uſed all diligence poſſible, that ſuch workes as he left unprinted, might be preſerved, and ſet forth: which he did by mediation and aſſiſtance of Matthias Berneggerus of Strasburge, a renowned man. I paſs over, how by the means of Aelius Deodatus of whom we ſpake before, he ſent him divers Elegies, which when they were to be printed Thomas Lanſius the glory of Lawyers, and boſome friend of the deceaſed Schickardus, cauſed a funeral Oration to be printed therewith; wherein Zacharias Scafferus the renowned Profeſſor of Eloquence and Hiſtory at Tubinga, could not forbear to relate, how that Schickardus had been largely & honourably invited by Peireskius, that to avoid the troubles in his own Countrey, he would come & abide with him, where he ſhould have opportunity, quietly to follow his Studies.

Likewiſe, he ſollicited Elichmannus a learned Hollander, to ſet out the Lives of Pythagoras, Empedocles, and other Philoſophers, which he had by him, in the Arabian tongue; as alſo Cebes his Table wherein he had obſerved that there was mention of one Hercules Socraticus, a ſtrange perſon, not to be found in the Greek Copies of the ſaid Table, and ſuch like things. So, Samud Petitus, being about a new Tranſlation, with learned Notes upon Joſephus; he procured for him, by the means of Helſtenius, the Collation of di • ers places, with three Manuſcripts in the Vatican Library. Alſo, when Buccardus was buſied about tranſlating and ſetting forth of Georgius Syncellus and Theophanes, he procured a Manuſcript to be written out, which he both ſent to Rome, and received back again, to get it compared with the Manuſcript in the Kings Library; nor could he be quiet, until it had been compared, and ſome places therein corrected by Salmaſins, who was then come into France. Likewiſe he gave occaſion to Iſmael Bullialdus, a very rare Mathematician firſt to write a very large Letter touching the nature of Light, and afterwards to ſet out a pretty large Book; after he heard that he had interpreted that Probleme to ſignifie Light, contracted into a Centre by a burning-glaſſe, which was propounded by Baptiſta Peiſſonius the Kings Attorney at Anjou, in theſe words; Whether there were any demonſtration perfectly logical, perfectly mathematical, perfectly ſenſible, by which it might be proved, that there is in Nature a Magnitude not without Latitude, which at ſome time & place, is in a point truly Mathematical and void of all parts, in which nevertheleſſe, the Magnitude aforeſaid has parts adhering to parts.

Moreover he held divers very learned diſcourſes with ſundry perſons. For to Anaſtaſius a Capucine of Nantes he wrote many things touching the Language of Bretaigne, in which he confeſſed there are very many roots of ancient Latine words. For he had formerly diſliked Adrianus Scrieckius his making the Teuronic or Belgic tongue, the firſt of all Languages, becauſe it was one and the ſame with the Hebrew, and therefore the Mother of all the reſt: and Goropius Becanus his preferring the Juytlanders tongue before all others, as containing the roots of the Hebrew, Greek, Latine, and the reſt: yet he ſaid he could be content, they ſhould referr ſome roots or words of more evident affinity, ſo they had there reſted, and not gone about to make all alike, and bring them in by head and ſhoulders. Now that ſome words had or might have at firſt the ſame original, he ſhewed by an example taken from the names of Rivers, which he was wont commonly to derive after this manner, Varus, Guarus, Garumna, Guardonus, Guavardonus, Verdonus, Rhodanus, Eridanus, Duranus, Druna, Druentia, Durius, or Duerus, Iberus, Hebrus, Tiberis, Tigris, Ligeris, &c, Beſides the vulgar appellations, which though exceeding different from the Latin, or other more ancient tongues, yet are they many times known to be derived there-from; even by the keeping of one only Letter. Which is no more ſtrange, then that from theſe words, Petrus, Jacobus, Johannes, ſhould come Pir, Diego, James Jack, and others more exorbitant than theſe, in our Mother Tongues.

Alſo he diſcourſed much touching a certain Vocabularie and Grammar of the Language of Provence, as it was in the time of Petrarch (viz. after he had procured both of them out of the Library at Florence which is called St. Lawrences) alſo touching thoſe Poets of Provence, called Trobadores, (that is, Inventors) in thoſe daies when even Princes and Kings did cultivate the Language and Poetry of Provence. In which Subject, he was not little aſſiſted, by certain Indexes, and Books, which were ſent him by the learned Earl Fridericus Ubaldinus, who ſojourned with Cardinal Barberino. Buccardus procured him this friend, as alſo Vincentius Noguera a Gentleman of Portugal: not to ſpeak of Conſtantinus Cajetanus, famous for ancient Books; nor of Auguſtinus Maſcardus, with whom Peireskius treated about the Method of Hiſtory, upon occaſion of a Book received from him, which he highly eſteemed for the ſingular learnings ſake, and elegancy of that man. He dealt at the ſame time with the illuſtrious Marqueſs Vincentius Juſtinianaeus, touching thoſe rare Statues, wherewith he adorned his renowned Gallerie, and part of which, cut in Braſſe, and bound up into a Gallant Book, he had received as a token from Cardinal Barberinus; at the ſame time, when by way of requital he ſent him the two firſt Volums of French Hiſtorians, digeſted and publiſhed by Ducheſnius.

Moreover, he diſcourſed at large touching the Characters of the Planets, which he conceived probably to have bin made of the larger Characters of the Greek vowels, with a little alteration. Alſo concerning the Aſtronomer Ptolemaeus his Country, and certain circumſtances of his Body, Mind, and Life; by occaſion of a Manuſcript Copy of the Almageſt, whoſe Antiquity was not much ſhort of that Age, in which the generous and learned Emperour, Frederic the ſecond, cauſed a Latine Tranſlation to be made from the Arabick. For therein Ptolemaeus was termed Phelud • enſis, inſtead of Peluſienſis: And it is ſaid, that he was no King; that he lived ſeventy eight years, was of an indifferent ſtature, had ſmall feet and legs, a thick beard, and ſuch like things which I cannot deviſe how they could be known. Alſo there are added certain grave ſayings, or moral ſentences of Ptolomy: and, which is moſt remarkable, it was ſet down in the concluſion, that This Book was • rdaſlated at the command of Maimon King of Arabians, who raigned in Baldach, by Alhazen, the Son of Joſeph, Father of Ariſmeticus, and by Sergius, the Sonne of Elbe a Chriſtian, in the 212. year of the Sect of Saracens. So that according to this account, the Almageſt was tranſlated out of Greek into Arabick, in the year of Chriſt, according to the vulgar computation, 1544.

Beſides all this, he reaſoned at large, touching the long lives of men, upon occaſion of that old man in England, who died November laſt, having lived an hundred two and fifty years; and having information from Alepo, by the Letters of Peter and John Conſtantine, that there was a man in Perſia, known to the Capucines, and other credible perſons, who was now four hundred years old: of the verity whereof, they were undoubtedly ſatisfied.

Alſo concerning Tritons, or Sea-men; upon occaſion of a certain Sea-man which was ſeen, as he heard, at Belle-Iſle in Bretaigne. Whereupon he procured Henricus Gondius, Governour of the Iſles, to enquire into the buſineſs, and certifie him by writing. Now the information was, that as much as was ſeen of him, was in the ſhape of a Man, ſaving that his Arms were ſhorter, then for the thickneſs of his Body; and his hands greater, and very white in the Palms. He had thick white hair hanging down over his ſhoulders, and a beard reaching down to his ſtomach. His Eyes very great and fierce; his skin as far as could be diſcerned rough, neither white nor black. He was reported to have bin at firſt delighted, at the approach of the Veſſel, with the fight of Men and Women, and light-coloured • loathes; ſo that he ſuffered himſelf to be incloſed in the Nets: but as ſoon as they began to uſe • iolence, endeavouring to draw him forth, and before it could be diſcerned of what ſhape he was below the navil, he both eaſily brake through the Nets, and with ſmall adoe, overturned the Veſſel. And that afterwards he appeared only a far off, ſunning himſelf upon ſome inacceſſible Rocks, his lower parts being alwayes covered with water; ſometimes clapping his hands, and making an hiſſing noiſe, which was ſuppoſed to be his manner of laughter. Which cuſtom he held 〈◊〉 ſome body ſhot at him with a Muſquet-B ••• a, from which time forward (whether fright •• • nly or killed) he was never more ſeen: how •••• was reported, that there was another ſeen, which was ſuppoſed to be a Woman (becauſe 〈◊〉 a beard) ending beneath with a forked 〈◊〉 that of a Salmon.

He reaſoned moreover touching the ingrafting 〈◊〉 Animals, after the manner of Plants; upon occaſion of a Sloe, or Bullas-Tree, growing out of a Mans Breaſt-bone; for a Shepherd of Tarragon had fallen into a Slow-Tree, and a ſharp point thereof having run into his Breaſt, in two years time it took ſuch root, that after many branches had bin cut off, there ſprang up ſome at laſt, which bare both Flowers and Fruit. Now he would never be quiet, till Cardinal Barberino procured the Arch-Biſhop of that place to teſtifie the truth of the ſtory; and Putean the Knight received, not only letters teſtifying the ſame, but alſo certain branches thereof, which he ſent unto him. Now, he became afterward leſſe ſcrupulous of the truth thereof, being informed, that the like had happened in the neck of an Hen in Toſcanie; and at Frontignan in Languedoc, upon the finger of a Fiſherman, into which the prickle of a Sea-Scorpion being run in, it came to ſuch a paſſe in the end, that a Chirurgion took out of his ſaid finger three little fiſhes, being of the kind of Scorpions. Howbeit, he that ſhall ſee ſuch things as theſe, may more ſafely believe the ſame. And conſidering afterwards, that the ſpurs of Cocks being implanted, where their Combs grow, do thrive and • prout; he made no queſtion, but the Horns, of a Kid might be ingrafted upon the Horls of a Lamb, and that other ſuch things might be ſuccesfully attempted; committing, therefore, the care of making ſuch experiments, to certain induſtrious men.

Alſo concerning the Crocodile, in which he obſerved divers rarities, not only concerning the motion of his upper jaw; but alſo concerning the number of his teeth, which Achilles Tatius ſaid, were more then three hundred, Aelian not above ſixty; but he, in a Crocodile twelve Paris-Foot long and more, which being ſent out of Aegypt to Thuanus, he kept a while at his Houſe; found, that there were in the upper jaw thirty ſeven, viz. ſixteen on either ſide, and five juſt before; and in the lower jaw, fifteen on either ſide, and four before; at leaſt if I forgot not. This I well remember, that the Teeth were very unequal in point of magnitude; and that the upper teeth ſtuck out, not meeting juſt upon the lower, after the manner of carnivorous Land-Beaſts; alſo that they were tranſparent.

But it would be too long, to relate every thing: yet one thing there is which muſt not be omitted, in which I alſo had ſome hand. The learned and quick-ſighted Godefridus Vendelinus, at that time a Canon of Conde, and, when he paſſed his youthful age in Provence, dear to Peireskius, deſired to have the greateſt or ſolſtitial Altitude of the Sun, obſerved at Marſeilles; to the end, that being to make a ſecond Edition of his Diſcourſe, about the Obliquity of the Sun, he might examine the ſame, by comparing our obſervation, with that which was made likewiſe at Marſeilles, by Pytheas, in the dayes of Alexander the great. And becauſe he deſired to have it done the year laſt paſt, but his letters were received too late from Dormalius: therefore Peireskius provided betimes this year, to ſatisfie his deſire. For he was moſt of all affraid, leſt at the very time of the ſolſtice, the Sun ſhould happen to be clouded, or ſome accident might befall us (according to the uncertainty of mans condition) whereby the obſervation might be hindred. He would therefore go to Marſeilles juſt in the Whitſun-Holidayes, that he might obſerve the Meridian Altitude, both of the Sun, and of other Stars; and conſequently the Elevation of the Pole; and ſo by inference, at leaſt, his demand might be ſatisfied.

Afterwards, when about the Solſtice ſome affaires happened, which ſeemed very likely to detain him, he brake through all, and went at length to Marſeilles, that he might be preſent, and remove all obſtacles which might hinder the obſervation. And, indeed there was need of a very high Houſe, which was to be free within; nor, having ſearched all the Churches in the Town, could we finde a convenient place: only the Colledge-Houſe, which was newly built at the Eaſt end of the Church, ſeemed very fitting, by reaſon of the roof, which was fifty two foot royall in heighth, being only intercepted with a boarded floor in the middle; howbeit, his preſence procured the roof to be opened, and the boarded floor to be broken up in ſuch manner, as to make the place very convenient. And to what end, or why a Gnomon was uſed of the heighth of the Houſe, and which might be divided into 90. thouſand parts, is here no place to tell. Let it ſuffice to ſay, that the Reduction being made to the ſame numbers that Pytheas uſed (whoſe Gnomon was not divided into more then ſix hundred parts) the proportion of the Gnomon to the ſhadow, according to our obſervation was, the ſame that is betwixt an hundred and twenty, and forty two, with three fifth parts; which was according to his obſervation, the ſame proportion which is betwixt an hundred and twenty, and forty one, with four fifth-parts.

Now Peireskius would have me, not only write down the Obſervation, but the Reaſons alſo, which made me conceive it probable, that the obliquity of the Sun was not therefore greater in thoſe ancient times, then it is in our Age. And becauſe mention was accidentally made of that ſame hollow kind of Dial, which Eratoſthenes and others, and probably alſo Pytheas made uſe of: therefore he wrote in all haſte to get either ſuch a Dial, or at leaſt a model thereof, which he heard to be in the cuſtody of Cardinal Barberino.

Moreover, becauſe Strabo had written much againſt Pytheas, it was his pleaſure that I ſhould write an Apology for our Country-man of Provence, and vindicate that man, who firſt demonſtrated the Iſland Thule, and who is the moſt ancient of all the learned men, which theſe Weſtern parts of the World can boaſt of.

Finally, he would have me expound that Problem, which till that time had tormented all Navigators, and Mathematicians, to find out the expoſition thereof. The Problem was this; How comes it to paſſe, that Navigators, after they have paſſed Sardinia, and the Coaſt of Africa, or at leaſt have ſaluted the neighbouring Iſlands, and eſpecially after they have paſſed Malta, to the end they may come unto Crete, they muſt not keep right on, but turn to the left hand, or to the North, one point of the wind, or the two and thirtieth part of the Compaſſe; and two points, or half a wind, that they may paſſe from Crete to Cyprus, and from Cyprus to Alexandria in Syria? Alſo how it comes to paſſe, that in returning, they cannot ſail to Cyprus or Crete, unleſs they turn aſide half a wind; nor to Malta, unleſs they turn a quarter of a wind out of the right way, and that alwayes to the left hand, which is now to the South, whereas they ſhould rather encline to the right hand, or to the North?

Moreover, When Peireskius plainly ſaw that all their Anſwers were mere Conjectures; he wonderfully rejoyced, comming to know, that all that practice had its original from that error, by which all hydrographical Tables are made, while Artiſts ſuppoſe that thoſe Eaſtern parts differ from us, much more then indeed they do, as we briefly noted in the former Eclipſe: ſo that by that meanes, the diſtance between Malta and Crete, being thought to be more then it is; and the error being yet more between Crete and Cyprus, and between Cyprus and Alexandria; all thoſe doubts may eaſily be reſolved.

For, let us ſuppoſe Malta to be under that Meridian under which it lies; and let us imagine Crete to be five degrees more Eaſtward then it is, but yet under the ſame parallel; it is a clear caſe, that the right courſe from Malta to the place intended, is to leave Crete on the left hand, or Northward: and that therefore Navigators, that they may not erre, muſt follow the more Northern wind; which is indeed the true wind, though believed to be different from that, which being a falſe one, is yet accounted to be true. Contrariwiſe, let us ſuppoſe Creta to be in the ſame Meridian in which it is, & Malta to be 5. degrees more weſtward than it is, keeping ſtil the ſame parallel; it is likewiſe clear, that the right wind, or courſe from Crete, to the place ſuppoſed, is to leave Malta again upon the left hand, or to the South: and therefore that they may not ſail falſe, they muſt follow another wind, which is indeed the true one, but is accounted a fourth from the true. And the ſame is to be ſaid of the diſtance between Crete and Cyprus, and as far as to Alexandria; yet ſo, that the error of the diſtance being doubled, they muſt now uſe half a wind. The matter being therefore apparent, Peireskius called together a company of Seafaring men, and ſo expounded the Problem, that they were amazed, and being queſtioned about the particular diſtances, they freely granted, that of two thouſand ſeven hundred miles commonly reckoned between Marſeilles and Alexandria, at leaſt five hundred might be abated.

But I ſhall let theſe things paſſe, and propound a teſtimony or two which were given to his rare affection to learning and learned men, And in the firſt place, Kircherus ſetting forth at Rome his Prodromus Coptus, writes that among thoſe which ſollicited the Edition, Peireskius does juſtly challenge the firſt place, as who by an armed intreaty had forced him to ſet upon the work. In the next place Merſennus dedicating to him his 4. Books of Muſick, does thus beſpeak him. This m • ſt muſical Book, ought not to come into the World without the honour of your name. For although my Harmonia Gallica, will ſhortly accoſt you more largely accoutred, if ſetting publick affaires awhile aſide, you ſhall pleaſe to lend afavourable eare thereto; I thought ſit nevertheleſſe, that this Synopſis ſhould be premiſed, and that all mortal men ſhould be admoniſhed, that there is none of the learned, who has had experience of your ſingular Benevolence, but admires and adores thoſe vertues wherewith you are perpetually attended: and that not only thoſe Books, but all others, ought juſtly to be dedicated to you. Embrace therefore theſe Inſtruments of the Maſes, tuned to ſound the prayſes of gallant men, and contained in theſe ſollowing Books; with thoſe Hands, which with admirable liberality, are open to all men, &c.

Moreover, as concerning his Gallica Harmonia, he dedicated to him certain Treatiſes of Conſonancies and Diſſonancies, of the kinds of Modes, and of Muſical compoſition or ſetting, profeſſing, that they were due to him, becauſe his bountiful hand had brought them out of darkneſs, who was wont with ſo great munificence, to oblige all Europe, that all learned and good men conſeſs, that there is no mortal man alive, to whom learning, and learned men are more indebted. Then he reckons up divers things, which • ccording to every mans Genius, he never ceaſes, either to produce out of his own ſtudy, or to ſeek in the moſt remote Countries of the World; receiving all men with ſo much humanity and Beneficence, that all which he poſſeſses, ſeems to be no leſse common to all learned men, then the Air and Water are to all Live wights. And therefore he ſticks not to ſay, that all men would applaud this dedication of his, whereby Teſtimony is given to Posterity, that there was a man in this Age, whom all theſe ought to imitate, that would be like God, who is perpetually doing good.

I paſſe over that mention which Petrus Laſena of Naples made of him, in his Cleombrotus, or Philoſophical diſcourſe touching ſuch as die by drowning in the water; yet muſt I not paſſe over the grief wherewith Peireskius was affected, when he underſtood that the rare man aforeſaid, died in Autumn, before the Edition of his Book was finiſhed.

When the Winter was begun, he went to Areles, that he might meet upon the Borders of Provence, the renowned Joſeph Bernetius, who being Preſident of the Parliament at Burdeaux, was choſen Prince, or chief Praeſident of Aix, after that Lainaeus had ſurrendred the ſaid Magiſtracy. For he had known him ever ſince the time that he executed the Office of Kings-Attorney, in the grand Councel, with great applauſe; ſo that he did exceedingly love and reverence him for his Vertue. Upon which occaſion he ſaw at Salon, Joannes Jaubertus Barraltius, Arch Biſhop of Arles, the rare Honour of Praelates, whoſe Learning, Candor, Piety and Prudence, he could never ſufficiently commend. And becauſe at the ſame time, he received Letters from the truly good, learned, and renowned Ant •• ius G • dellus, whereby he ſignified, that he was ſhortly to come to the Biſhoprick of Graſs, whereof he was ordained Biſhop; he ſaid, that Provence would be happy, that ſhould be illuſtrated with ſo many rare Eccleſiaſtical Lights.

A mortal year followed, being 1637.1637. at which time he was exceedingly delighted with entertaining and cheriſhing that rare man Jacobus Ferrerius of Agin, a Phyſician, who being of the retinue of the Cardinal of Lions, returning from Rome and Lions, brought him many things, which he had deſired. Among the reſt there was a model of the Farneſian Congius, of which we ſpake before. Alſo there was plenty of a kind of wood, dug up out of the ground, which was lately found out at Aqua-Sparta. Not but that Peireskius had before, ſome Pieces of that kind of wood; but he deſired to ſpeak with an Eye-witneſs, which had ſeen the place out of which it was dig'd. And he was indeed informed of that which he deſired to know, viz. how that there were only certain pieces as it were of the Trunk of a Tree; but no appearance of any boughs, knots or roots; which ſeemed to argue, that thoſe parcels of wood were bred in that ſhape, and were not of the common ſort of wood, which is many times buried in the Earth, and there turns to ſtone. Finally, there was a Copy of a Greek Inſcription touching the Labours of Hercules, which before that time, he could never ſee nor obtain; the Marble lying concealed in the Farneſian Palace.

At the ſame time, he was very much pleaſed with a Marble which was given him by Arnaldus the Propraetor of Forcalquier, which was dug up at Regium; upon which there was an Inſcription containing a vow paid to Aeſculapius; viz. a brazen picture of Sleep, a Golden chaine, with two little Dragons of the weight of one ſcruple; a Silver Dagger weighing five ounces and an half (for ſo he amended the figures, which were not right in Gruterus); finally, a ſhort Gloak, or Garment to wear upon the ſhoulders. Moreover, when it was brought into his houſe, he could not forbear to tell, that he had been forty year ſeeking to attain the ſame. For he had a Copy of the ſaid Inſcription before he went into Italy. And truly Pignorius, when in his Symbolical Epiſtles, he had ſpoken of two Dragons, looking one upon another, with their tails knit together, he added: And this Figure is expreſſed upon an ancient Marble, which was ſhewed me long ſince by that most noble Gentleman, the great lover of all learned men, Nicolaus Fabricius Peireskius the Kings Councellor in the Parliament of Alx. And becauſe he remembred, that he had long ſince ſeen among the Curioſities of Laelius Paſcalinus, a golden Chain made of two Dragons or Serpents, ſuch as is here deſcribed; therefore he preſently wrote to Fra • ciſcus Cardinalis Boncompagnus, into whoſe noble and curi • us hands thoſe Rarities had fallen, that he would ſuffer a Patterne of the ſaid Chain to be made. Which he did for the ſake of the foreſaid Tomaſinus, who being about to write of the Gifts of the ancient, might illuſtrate his work, by the mention and deſcription thereof.

In the midd e of February, the laſt of eight Chamaeleons, which he had nouriſhed and cheriſhed ever ſince ſummer, died. For, whereas in the foregoing years he had obtained only one, or two, out of Africa, which were ſtarved and killed, at the firſt approch of cold weather; therefore he would needs procure at laſt a good number of them, that by all poſſible care he might experiment, whether any of them would out-live the Winter. For, becauſe he found that the Females were full of Eggs: therefore he was deſirous to know their forming and manner of hatching, ſuppoſing that the Spring would be the time of their breeding. Wherefore he covered the Hutch, in which theſe laſt were, with cloths, and placed it in a warm ſtove, and ſometimes brought them into the Sun: but, whether they had bin hurt by the firſt cold, though but ſmall; or whether the place in which they were afterwards kept, was too cloſe and hot; or for that ſince the moneth of November, they did eat no meat at all; none of them could be preſerved alive until the Spring. He cauſed them to be painted divers waies, but eſpecially hanging by their Feet and the ends of their Tailes, which is their moſt uſual poſture, in which they ſleep, and hunt for worms and flies.

For he found the common report, that they live only by the Air, to be a Fable; and tried them with many things, but found that they were pleaſed with no meat ſo much, as with thoſe ſmall Worms which breed in Meal-tubs, and Kneading-troughs. Now they are wont to uſe their Tongues, as the Elephant does his Trunk, which being near a foot long, they throw out of their Mouths like a dart; and that ſo ſwiftly, that you can ſcarce diſcern them with your eye. Which action they perform by help of a little bone, which where it is forked, is implanted on either ſide in the extremities of their throat or jawes, the reſt of the ſaid bone, being round and running the length of their mouths, it ſerves to contract or draw in and dart out their tongue; which is hollow like a Gut, ſave that on the top thereof, there is a little bit of fleſh, which is ſomewhat clammy the betttr to faſten upon the prey. Alſo he found that report to be falſe, which ſaies, that Chamaeleons aſſume the colour of ſuch things as are near unto them: for they are either green or aſh-coloured, only they ſhew ſomewhat black, on that ſide which is next the Sun, or the Fire; otherwiſe they undergo no kind of change.

One thing was rare and wonderful, viz. That the Chamaeleon moves not his eyes both together; but while he looks with one eye this way or that way, the other ſtands ſtill, or is turned the contrary way. Now they can turn them every way, by means of four little pulley-muſcles; having no diſtinct Iris, only a little Eye-ball, upon which the Cornea tunica (being as the reſt of the Body radiated, party-coloured, and dapled) is terminated on all ſides. Moreover, the Chamaeleons have teeth neatly ranked; certainly not to grind the air, but to chew the meat which they catch with their Tongues. They have only one Gut, not coiled or rowled round, but lying in length, only crooked this way and that way. The Excrement within the ſame, was very liquid, ſave in that part which was near the Dung-gate. Their Liver was divided into two Lobes or Laps, from the bunchy part thereof, pouring blood into their Heart which had Ears; but no Trunck aſcending and deſcending: for not only the porta ſo called, went directly to the Gut; but the other Veins go alſo directly to the other parts. The Lungs being blown; appeared to be a moſt thin membrane, as big in compaſſe as the whole Beaſt it ſelf. In the lower Belly, was no Peritonaeum, only a Membrane dividing the right ſide from the left. No Spleen, no Bladder, no Kidnies; only we obſerved certain Caruncles, or ſmall bits of fleſh, which were haply the Genitals. In one of the Females, there were above an hundred Eggs, within a membrane or skinny bag, ſome of which were as big as the ſtones of an Olive, in which we found a yolk, but no White: whereas the ſmall ones ſeemed to contain a kind of milkie ſubſtance,

What need I ſtand here to relate the continual care he took, that Valeſius intending to ſet forth the Orations of Libanius with additions, might get into his hands ſuch Orations as had never yet bin printed? He had before took care, to have thoſe written out, which were extant in the Auguſtane Library: and now having Dormalius at Rome, who was ready to write out thoſe in the Vatican Library; he endeavoured by the Authority of Cardinal Barberino to procure him leave ſo to do. Alſo he exhorted Buccardus to undertake to Tranſlate the Epigrams of the Anthologie, of which there was yet no Tranſlation extant: for himſelf had written to Salmaſius to ſend that Copy of them, which he had, to him. And intending to ſend to Salmaſius a Manuſcript of Vegetius, four hundred years old, he would have it compared with another, almoſt of the ſame antiquity, and that by the learned hand of Fabrotus, by us formerly commended, who noted in the margent many differences, of one from another, and from the Editions formerly printed. And to what end, ſhould I relate, how ardently he ſollicited Kircherus, being to go into Sicily, and from thence to Malta, with the Landgrave of Darmſtadt, that he would endeavour to procure the Altitudes of the Pole; and that he would curiouſly obſerve ſuch things as are commonly reported of Aetna; and bring back with him Indexes of the principal Libraries, and eſpecially of the Manuſcripts of the Abbot of Ca • ta.

And with what earneſtneſs he expected out of the Eaſt, Books of ſix or eight Columns, termed therefore Hexapli and Octapli? Amongſt the which there was a Pſalter, diſtinguiſhed into ſix Columns, and ſo many ſeveral Languages, which being taken by the Pyrates, he would have redeemed at any rate; though it coſt at firſt but 24. pounds Tours. Wherefore he leſt no ſtone unturned, till hearing that the Pirates were arrived at Tripolis in Africa, he wrote unto the Baſſa or Governour of that City, uſing the mediation of friends, who put him in hopes, that the Book ſhould be ſent him. Moreover, it ſo happened, that ſome one or other hearing how much he deſired that Book, hoping to receive a great reward for their pains; brought him a Book charily wrapt up, which they ſaid had been pawned to them in that City. How much he rejoyced at the firſt preſentation thereof, it cannot be expreſſed: but whenas, having taken off the coverings, he ſaw it was nothing but the Arabic Dictionary of Thomas Erpenius, it can as hardly be expreſſed, how he was daunted; not knowing whether he ſhould blame the miſtake, or impoſture of the bringers.

And here I ſhould add ſuch things as he obtained from one place or another in Africa; as Coines, Inſcriptions, and divers relations of Southern, Northern, and Oriental Affaires, partly new and partly old, and other ſuch like things: But it ſeems better by way of Concluſio, to make mention of that ſame very learned Commentary, which Jacobus Gothofredus aforeſaid, had compoſed from the Roman Lawes, touching the Dominion of the Seas, and the Right of gathering up ſhip-wrackt goods; and dedicated the ſame to Peireskius. For among other things, ſpeaking to him, he has theſe words; I thought good at this time, to make you privie to, and witneſs of, this action; who are ſuch a lover of all myſterious and excellent Learning, that you ſpare no coſt in ſeeking helpes all the world over, nor in provoking and furthering ſuch men as are able to take pains in the advancement and reſtauration thereof; many of which by your means are become famous, and that deſervedly. Than which practice of yours what can be more illuſtrious, ſeeing the glory w • h is given commonly to Princes, you have thereby fo happily derived to your own Name? Or what can tend more to eternity, to which your ſelf have recommended ſo many, partly by reſtoring to light the monuments of the Ancients, partly by exciting the beſt wits of this preſent Age? I muſt needs confeſs, for mine own part, that my mind is never more inflamed to theſe ſtudies, then when you are wont to incite me thereto: for I find my ſelf rather powerfully drawn than perſwaded, by thoſe Letters wherewith you provoke me to ſtudy, when I am overwhelmed with publick negotiations. And a little after, In regard alſo of that ſame ſingular Candor of yours, which I eſteem as a pattern of ingenuity it ſelf, which you would have all that write Books to obſerve, and to be far from all kind of bitterneſſe. And again, This Book therefore cannot be unſutable to you, which ſo exceeding ſitly agrees with your dignity, the Subject of your ſtudies, and your diſpoſition and manners. I hope alſo that it will therefore pleaſe you, becauſe it treats of a Subject uſeful to humane life; and has him for its Authour, who does not only make uſe of you, as his beſt and moſt faithful friend, but every where boaſts of your friendſhip.

The Spring was now begun, when he entertained the Cardinal Bichius, and with him Suareſius, his old friend formerly preferred to the Biſhoprick of Vaiſon, who was going to Rome with the Cardinal. He was refreſhed at the ſame time, by the coming of Franciſcus Bochartus Campinius Maſter of the Requeſts, and ſent into Provence, with the Title of the Superintendent of Juſtice. For he exceedingly loved and honoured him, both for the exceeding goodneſſe of his diſpoſition and rare Vertue; as alſo for the Memories ſake of his excellent Father, who having been Maſter of the Exchequer, Chief of the Conſiſtorians, and firſt Preſident of the Supreme Senate or Parliament, did alwaies affect Peireſkius. Whereupon Campinius alſo made ſo much of him again, and did ſo honour him that having a Son born a moneth after, he choſe him to be his ſons God-father, and would have him give the child his own name.

Afterwards followed the famous recovery of the Iſlands de Lerins, about which he was wonderfully ſollicitous, and the Hiſtory whereof he accurately deſcribed. Mean while he performed all offices of reſpect to the firſt Preſident and his wife, who in the moneths of April and May, were grievouſly ſick. And he ſaw them indeed recover, he ſaw the Iſlands regained; while in the mean time, his own more hard hap was at hand. For the following June, he fell into a deadly Diſeaſe; of which and his death which followed thereupon, before I ſay any thing, it ſeems convenient to deſcribe more particularly the habit of his Body, the manners of his mind, and the ſtudies in which he exerciſed his Wits. For, although this may ſeem ſufficiently underſtood, by the courſe of his life which we have hitherto deſcribed, yet are there innumerable things remaining to be told, which will give great Light to the Story of his life, the knowledge whereof, having bin by moſt learned men deſired, cannot prove unpleaſing to any.

THE LIFE OF PEIRESKIUS. The Sixth Book.

HE was therefore (to begin with his Stature) of a middle and decent pitch, neither too tall, nor over-low. The Habit of his Body was lean, and conſequently, his Veins conſpicuous, both in his Fore-head and Hands. His conſtitution, as it was ſubject to Diſeaſes, ſo was it none of the ſtrongeſt; which made him in his latter years, to go with a ſtaffe. And for the ſame reaſon, his Members were eaſily put out of joynt; eſpecially his left ſhoulder, which was three times diſlocated. His fore-head was large, and apt to be filled with wrinkles, when he admired any thing, or was in a deep ſtudy. His eyes were gray, and apt to be blood-ſhotten, by the breach of ſome little vein when he blowed his noſe violently. He fixed his eyes, either upon the ground, when he was ſeriouſly diſcourſing upon any ſubject; or upon the Auditors, when he perceived that they were pleaſed with what he ſaid. He was a little Hawk-noſed: his Cheek; being tempered with red, the hair of his Head yellow, as alſo his beard, which he uſed to wear long. His whole countenance carried the appearance of an unwonted and rare courteſie and affability: howbeit, no Painter had the happineſs to expreſs him ſuch as he was indeed and in truth.

As for the care he had in ordering his Body; he affected cleanlineſs in his Diet, and all things about him; but deſired nothing ſuperfluous, or coſtly. And truly, though he was careful that the Cloathes he wore abroad, might not be unſuitable to his dignity; yet he never wore ſilk. In like manner, the reſt of his Houſe he would have adorned according to his condition, and very well furniſhed: but he did not at all, in a manner, regard his own Chamber. Inſtead of Tapeſtry, there hung the Pictures of his chief friends, and of famous men; beſides an innumerable Company of bundles of Commentaries, Tranſcripts, Notes, collected from Books, Epiſtles, and ſuch like papers. His Bed was exceeding plain, and his Table continually loaded and covered with Papers, Books, Letters, and other things; as alſo all the Sears round about, and the greateſt part of the floore.

In like manner, as touching his Diet, his care was to have a well-furniſhed and gentile Table for his friends and Family, confining himſelf to a very ſlender, and very wholeſome Diet. He ſupt alone in his own Chamber (ſave that for the moſt part, he was content to have me his gueſt) that he might not weary out his Family with ſtaying till his Supper-time. And becauſe ſometimes dining with his friends, he fed more liberally then ordinary, accōmodating himſelf to Cuſtom, and the Companie: therefore, to eaſe ſtomack, he would forbear his Suppers, on ſuch dayes. He uſed the ordinary ſort of Wine, though he better liked of White-wine, and deſired to have it pretty tart; ſuppoſing that being ſo, it better quencht his thirſt. He tempered it with much water, ſave in Musk-million ſeaſon, whereof eating at the beginning of his meales, he followed the direction of his Phyſician, of which I told you. Now he was ſo great a lover of Musk-Millions, that though he could abſtain from any other kind of meat as he liſt, yet towards them, he profeſſed he was not able to maſter himſelf. For cuſtom had made them exceeding pleaſant unto him, and the memory of his health recovered by them, and his frequent experience, that in Musk million-ſeaſon he wasThoſe that are ſubject to theſe Infirmities, and otherwiſe ſtrong and healthy, let them uſe Cowcumbers wel boyled, if they cannot get, or affect not Musk-millions, and they ſhall finde, I dare ſay, the ſame effect. never troubled with pains in his Kidneys, nor bred, or voided any Gravel. For which cauſe he was wont to temper his Wine with the water of a natural Bathe, or Phyſical Spring; ever ſince the time that going into a Cottage near the Bathe, and obſerving both Men and Women very aged, he asked the reaſon, and they made anſwer, that they continually uſed the Phyſical or Bath-water, not only to drink, but to make their grewel, and all kinds of broth, to make Paſt, Puddings, Bread, &c.

Moreover, being exceeding ſober in drinking, and not curious in his Diet; he was ſo continent, that he was never overtaken with the Witcheries of Venus, in his whole life-time. And the cauſe may ſoon be rendred, in regard that he was never given to idleneſs: yet unleſs ſobriety withdrew the Tindar from venereal Luxury, it wil ſtir of it ſelf, and take fire upon the leaſt relaxation of minde.

Now whereas I hinted occaſionally, that he was wont to eat his ſuppers late, this is to be underſtood only of his later years. For, formerly he was wont to ſup more early, and ſo as to comport with his Gueſts, and then to give himſelf a little after to writing and reading, and ſo to continue ſtudying late in the night, yea and many times till day-dawn; ſo that he took very little ſleep, and that only in the mornings. But in proceſs of time, finding that this courſe did him hurt; he began to leave ſtudying between Supper and Bed-time; whereupon he ſoon after found himſelf dull and indiſpoſed, to his morning ſtudies; and one buſineſs or other continually holding him employed all day long, he found that he had no time left for ſtudy. Whereupon he begun a new courſe, viz. at four, five, or at the fartheſt ſix of the Clock at night, when the generality of People begin to think of Supper, he would ſhut himſelf up into his Chamber, and ſuffer no man to viſit him, or to ſpeak with him, unleſs upon ſome very urgent occaſion; and ſo he would continue till nine of the Clock, which he had alotted for his Supper-time; converſing only with himſelf and the Muſes. Yea, and on thoſe dayes on which the Poſts did ſet forth towards Paris or Rome, he was wont to defer his Supper, till ten or eleven a Clock, and very often, till after mid-night; that he might write more, and larger letters. For which cauſe he oftentimes, either detained the Poſts in his own Houſe, or if they were gone, he would by money and fair words, procure them to ſtay for his Letters.

He went to bed almoſt as ſoon as he had ſupt, and alwayes ſet his Larum, ſo as to wake him quickly again. Not that he was weary of his neceſſary reſt; but becauſe when he ſlept above four houres, ſuch plenty of Urine flowed into his Bladder, that the orifice thereof being ſhut with too much ſtretching, he could not make water. And therefore he was forced to break his ſleeps, which he did more frequently, when the North-weſt wind blew, or any the leaſt cold aire affected him; for then he was moſt of all troubled with the ſtoppage of his Urine. Another occaſion of his frequent awaking, was his inclination to ſweat, which was ſo great, that the heat of the Bed-cloathes, or of the weather, being joyned to his natural weakneſs, he was forced to change his ſhifts, once, twice, or ſometimes three times in a night.

In the morning when he roſe, his cuſtom was to keep his head very warm, with his Hat, or ſome other covering, till his ſweat and heat, conceived during his ſleep, were abated; otherwiſe the cold Aire, entering into the open pores, and ſtopping the ſame, was wont to cauſe Rheumatick Defluxions and Tooth-ach. For the ſame cauſe when he did write or read, he ſat far from the Windowes; otherwiſe the cold would ſo pierce into his head and face, or that Cheek which was next the Window, as by little and little to cauſe Defluxions, and bring the Toothach. For this cauſe alſo, he did in the day-time, as much as his occaſions would permit, keep himſelf out of the wind and Sun; which he would ſometimes excuſe, by ſaying, that the Bodies of other men were like Plates of Iron, not at all affected by the Aires injuries; but that his own weak Body was like a ſheet of paper, which the leaſt drop of water can penetrate.

Therefore he never walkt abroad (which was the only bodily exerciſe which he uſed) but when the Air was calm, the Sun clouded, or at leaſt ſhining very weakly, and inclining to ſet. Alſo he had a Servant with him, that waited upon him with an hand-Canopy, to keep off the Sun-beams, if need were, & the wind. And becauſe that might be troubleſom to himſelf, or his Company, therefore he was wont to chuſe his walks in Vales and ſhady places, where he might go free, and feed his eyes and eares. For delighting more in diſcour • e then any other thing in the World, he was wont to procure the Company of ſuch men as were learned, and of gentle meek diſpoſitions; ſuch as the forementioned Galterius, Antonius Arbaudus Bargemonius, Provoſt of the Cathedral Church of Aix, and other ſuch like; finding himſelf in the mean while, very naturally delighted, with the pleaſant Verdure of Plants, beauty of flowers, gentle murmur, and purling noyſe of brooks, and waterſtreams together with the various ſongs of little Birds. And therefore it is no won • er, that he adorned his Garden at Beaugenſier, with ſuch variety of Plants; and that beſides a rare Channel of water, he procured the ſame to be caſt up by a curious kind of Fountain; and that in the winter, he cauſed Corn to be ſcattered for the Birds, which haunted certain Orenge and Lemmon-Trees, made into Arbors, forbidding any one to catch or moleſt them.

Moreover, he preferred the ſinging of Birds, before the voyces of men, or any muſical Inſtruments; not but that he was therewith alſo delighted; but becauſe after the Muſick which men made, there remained in his mind a continual agitation, drawing his attention, and diſturbing his ſleep; the riſing, falling, and holding of the Notes, with the change of ſounds and concords, running to and fro in his fancy; whereas no ſuch thing could remain after the Birds Muſick, which becauſe it is not ſo apt by us to be imitated, it cannot therefore ſo much affect, and ſtir our internal ſaculty. He would alſo for the ſame cauſe, continually breed up Nightingales, and ſuch like ſmall Birds, which he kept alſo in his own Chamber; and of which he was ſo careful, that he knew by divers ſignes and tokens, what they wanted or deſired, and preſently would ſee them ſatisfied: they therefore, as out of gratitude, would ſing unto their benefactor, Hymnes of prayſe; and whereas in his abſence, they were for the moſt part ſilent; as ſoon as ever by his voyce or ſtaffe, they perceived he was comming, they would preſently fall to ſinging.

And becauſe we are ſpeaking of his affection to dumb-Creatures, it can do no hurt to tell you, that in his Boyes and Youths-Age, he was a great lover of Dogs. Of ſome of them we have ſpoken formerly: now he chiefly loved ſuch as he knew to be gifted with ſome peculiar Inſtinct. Amongſt which, there was one, of which he was wont often to relate this memorable paſſage; how that having received, from I know not whom, a ſore blow, he would not only ſmell out that man, as ſoon as ever he came into the houſe, but he would perceive him comming, when he was fifty paces off, and by his ſuddain barking, would intimate who was at hand. And by reaſon of mice which did gnaw his Books and Papers in his Chamber, he became a Lover of Cats, which he had formerly hated; and whereas at firſt he kept a few for neceſſity ſake, he had afterwards a great Company, for his delight. For, he procured out of the Eaſt, Aſh-coloured, Dun, and ſpeckled Cats, beautiful to behold; of the Brood whereof, he ſent to Paris, and other places, to his friends. And, as nothing could paſſe his notice, he obſerved that Cats go with young, exactly nine weeks; that they conceive, till they are more then fourteen years old; that they ſometimes want a Midwife, to aſſiſt their bringing forth; that they give ſuck, though they have not conceived; and the like things.

But, to return to the care he uſed about himſelf; it was very plain and ordinary, even in the times of his ſickneſs; and experience had made him in a manner, his own Phyſician. For in the firſt place, as touching Fevers, he was wont to cure them by faſting; for he reaſoned, that either the matter of the Fever, its fewel being withdrawn, would ſoon be conſumed; or all Impediments being removed, it would quickly come to ſettle and fix.

Moreover, when the Rheum and Cough troubled him, he uſed nothing but a Cruſt of dry bread; of which he alwayes carried about him certain pieces, incloſed in a ſilver Box, with ſome odoriferous juncket, or Confect thereby. For he conceived, that by the chewing thereof, his ſpittle withall gently dropping down, his Wind-pipe was as it were cruſted over; ſo that the ſuperfluous humor, would not ſo exulcerate the ſame, nor provoke him to cough. To aſſwage the pain of the Haemo • rhoids, he uſed nothing but the yolk of an Egg, to which ſometimes a little Butter or Lard was added. Alſo he found, that drinking of the mineral waters, did them much good; and that heat applied beneath, or the leaſt ſleep, did mitigate their pain.

We have told you, how he uſed the ſaid waters againſt his ſtoppage of Urine, which to provoke, he was wont to bite a linnen Cloth, or an end thereof, and chew it as it were between his teeth, which he did juſt as he was ſtraining to make water, and by which meanes he many times voided his Urine. And when that would not do, as in great diſtenſions of his Bladder, he would thruſt himſelf into a narrow place between the hinder part of the Bed and the Wall, there to be ſqueezed; for after much endeavouring, he found ſome help thereby. Nor did he after every Retention of Urine, void Gravel or ſtones: yet they came away frequently, after he had bin pained in his Kidneys, and Ureters. Now he was wont to make water alwayes in a large Glaſſe, like a Cupping-Glaſſe, that he might ſoon ſee in the bottom thereof, whether he had bin delivered of any thing; for he was wont to call his pains, and voiding of ſtones, his Breeding or childing. Finally, that he was not troubled with the Gout, as his Parents were, he attributed to the careful ordering himſelf in point of Diet; which thing, as often as his Father was careful of, he fared much the better for it.

Nor muſt I paſſe over in this place, that his weak conſtitution did not hinder him from behaving himſelf exceeding patiently, in thoſe Diſeaſes, and vehement pains. For, the frequency and continuance thereof, ſeemed to have induced a certain brawny hardneſs; but yet his cuſtorn of ſuffering was perfected and aſſiſted by Reaſon, which told him; that, what cannot be avoided, muſt be ſuffered patiently and gently. Truly, his common ſaying was, That he was not ſo much troubled at the evils, whereunto he was ſubjected, as he rejoyced that they were not more grievious as they might have bin.

His mind was much the ſame, in reſpect of any adverſe accident which ſell out. For, when he loſt any thing, eſpecially if it were precious, he could not but be troubled; but he was wont to remper his grief, by conſidering the thing, not ſo much as being loſt, as that it had bin poſſeſſed, and enjoyed with pleaſure. So he comforted himſelf with what was left him: for he conceived, that there was more reaſon to rejoyce, in behalf of that which good Fortune had left behind; than to grieve for that, which hard hap had taken away. Wherefore he was wont frequently to ſay, that who ever ſeeks after the uncertain good things of this World, ſhould think, and reſolve, that he gathers as well for Thieves, as for Himſelf. Sometimes alſo it hapned, that what he propounded to himſelf, did not ſucceed according to his deſires, ſo that he loſt all his labour and charges; yet it comforted him, that he endeavoured nothing, but what was laudable, and that he was able to take the like pains, and be at the ſame coſt again. For which cauſe, he ceaſed not to endeavour the ſame thing frequently; as not deſpairing, but that at laſt, the buſineſs would come to a good iſſue; and knowing that one time or another, many vain endeavours, might be recompenced with one good ſucceſs; and that a Fiſher man ought not therefore to break his Nets in peices, becauſe ſometimes he makes a draught in vain.

And thus did he fortifie his patience and conſtancy; being nevertheleſs of his own nature, ſomewhat teſty. And he was wont to ſay, that nothing did ever ſo much prevail with him to rule his paſſion, as a ſight which he happened to ſee in an Augmenting-glaſſe, or Microſcope. For, having incloſed therein a Lowſe and a Flea; he obſerved, that the Lowſe, ſetting himſelf to wraſtle with the Flea, was ſo incenſed, that his blood ran up and down from head to foot, and from foot to head again. Whence, he gathered, how great a Commotion of Humors and Spirits, and what a diſturbance of all the faculties, anger muſt needs make; and what harm that man avoids, who quits that paſſion. Novv there vvere tvvo klnds of things, for vvhich he vvas chiefly moved. The one of vvhich, and the principal vvas injury, ſpringing from ingratitude. I ſay injury; for vvhen his kindneſſes vvere only forgotten, he never ſeemed to be moved: ſeeming rather himſelf to have forgotten the benefits he had conferred. But vvhen any man proved ſo ingrateful, as to be vvithall, an hurt or hinderance to him or his, in the bringing about of his affaires and purpoſes: then he vvould begin to chafe and grovv exceeding angry, yea, and to reproach ſuch perſons; and I remember, how that preſently thereupon, endeavouring to reclaim and compoſe himſelf, he was wont to ſay, that upon ſuch occaſions as theſe, his Philoſophy failed him. The other was the negligence of his Servants, and their untoward performance of what he ſet them about. For he was ſoon moved, if they heard not at the firſt word ſpeaking, and came not quickly at the firſt call; and if they did not what was commanded, at the time and manner appointed. For, when he was doubtful of the Ability of any one, or had good reaſon to ſuſpect, that out of conceit of their own wit, they would be apt to leave out, and put in, chop and change: then would he diſtinctly by peicemeale, and in order, relate how he would have every thing done; if then it was not done, as he had ordered, he could hardly contain from breaking out into complaints and chiding. Whereupon, turning oftentimes to me, he was wont to ſay, It ſeems, I muſt needs have you for a witneſs of my Infirmity. For he was wont to contain himſelf, and not to give bridle to his paſſions, ſave in preſence of his familiar friends. And this was in a manner, the only paſſion of his mind, which he could not bridle: howbeit, he would ſoon be pacified, and come to himſelf again; and as for his Servants, he would many times find fault and chide, only to rowſe them from floathfulneſſe, and to render them more wary for time to come. Yea, and he was ſo inclin'd towards thoſe whom he accounted ingrateful and injurious, that he was alwaies more willing to forget, than revenge an injury; and there was none that acknowledg'd his fault, whom he would not embrace, and confer new Obligations upon.

And now that we are ſpeaking of the benefits by him conferred, who is there that knows not how much he was inclined to Beneficence? Doubtleſs there was never man gave more chearfully, liberally, or frequently. For propounding to himſelf to imitate God and Nature, who do not lend, but freely give all things; it may well be ſaid of him, that he prevented mens wiſhes, outwent their hopes, and was quicker in granting, than they could be in wiſhing. For, a thouſand times, of his own accord, he offered both aſſiſtance and moneys too, yea and really gave the ſame, to ſuch as never thought thereof. And ſee his Policy withal •• When he ſent to Holſtenius thoſe Interpreters of Plat • and Aristotle, which we ſpake of before; and which coſt him two hundred gold nobles, he writ him a Letter, by which it ſeemed, that he only lent him thoſe Books; but he writ a brief Letter afterwards, ſignifying, that he did freely give them him; only he wrote the former Letter that he might have it to produce, to ſatisfie ſuch as might importune him for the ſaid Books, as if that he had only borrowed them. And how often, think you, did he, that which is related of Arceſilaus, that is to ſay, put money under the pillow of his ſleeping, or otherwiſe not-obſerving friend, when he perceived that he ſtood in need thereof, and yet would out of baſhfulneſs have refuſed the ſame, if it had bin offered him? Verily, when it was not in his power ſo to do, and yet he could not endure to ſee another man bluſh; he uſed the hand of a familiar friend, that he might render him that was to receive his benevolence, more confident. Truly, I can be a witneſs in this caſe: for even in his laſt daies, he gave by my hand to a certain ingenuous perſon, whom he knew to be in want, and to be aſhamed to ſignifie ſo much. Nor would I have you think he did it, that he might have a witneſſe of his liberality; for when he knew the parties, he meant well to, were not ſhie to receive his benevolence, he was far from ſeeking a third perſon, thereby to put them to ſhame. For then he would give it himſelf, and not only in private where was none to behold; but he would never afterwards ſpeak thereof, to his moſt familiar acquaintance. And therefore (for examples ſake) if I came to know of the Money, he beſtowed upon Campanella; I had it from Campanella himſelf, who both told it in private, and publickly declared the ſame; but not from Peireskius, though both of us ſojourneyed with him at that very time. Wherefore, if to one man he gave an hundred Nobles, to another two hundred, to another three; it came to knowledge by other means, and not by himſelf. For indeed, he was none of thoſe odious kind of men, who upbraid the good turns they have done, which as he that hath received them ſhould remember, ſo ſhould he which conferred them forget; of which rule never was any man more obſervant than he. For he was ſo far from ſpeaking of what he had beſtowed, that he could never endure that others ſhould mention the ſame, and would bluſh to hear them, being accuſtomed ſo to extenuate what he gave, as that he denyed in a manner, that he had given any thing.

But his carriage was quite different, when he received any thing from another. For he never left publiſhing the ſame, and though it were a thing of ſmall moment, or had coſt him dear, yet would he evermore profeſs himſelf obliged; being alſo accuſtomed by ſeveral offices and obſervances, to teſtifie his gratitude. For if any had given him a piece of Coine, a Seal, a Parchment, Marble, Veſſel, or any other thing of great antiquity, brought out of ſome far Countrey, or otherwiſe rare; then, beſides his affectionate thanks, he would preſently enquire, what that man delighted in, or what he ſtood in need of probably: as Books, Pictures, Plants, or other things, with which (when he durſt not with money) he would return to the value of what he received, with uſe. This may be peculiarly manifeſted by divers Books, which he bought at a very dear rate; but it may ſuffice for example ſake to ſay, that, becauſe he knew that many men were delighted with Mercurius Gallicus, the Roman Hiſtory of Coeffeteus, Octavius Strada of the Lives of Emperors with Pictures, and other ſuch like; therefore he would alwaies have a great company of theſe Books by him, that when occaſion offered it ſelf, he might have ſomewhat in readineſs to give away. By which it came to paſs, that in a ſmall ſpace of time, he has had eight, ten, and more of a ſort of thoſe Books, and given them all away; yea, and ſometimes when he was out of hopes ever to get the like Books again; ſuch as were Euſebius of Scaliger's Edition, Origanus his Ephemerides, and hundreds beſides.

For he could never forbear to teſtifie, that he was born rather to give than to receive; and becauſe he took not more pleaſure in any thing, than in a gift well beſtowed, that he accounted that day loſt, in which he had not upon ſome occaſion or other exerciſed his liberality. And therefore wiſe men wiſhed him the Riches of Croeſus, and the Treaſures of Arabia; that he might more fully manifeſt that ſame liberal and great mind of his. For they counted it a wonder, where he had wherewith to ſatisfie ſo great expences; knowing ſufficiently his contempt of Riches, and how free he was from any taint of covetouſneſs. And ſome indeed there were who diſliked his courſe, ſuppoſing that he was not ſufficiently careful of his eſtate. For, his expences ſeemed to exceed his Incomes; which they could judge by this one thing, that he ſent to Rome yearly, three thouſand pounds Tours, to be expended. But he regarded none of theſe Rumors, and alvvaies counted it great gain to be honourably profuſe, vvhile he ſought the advancement of Learning, and the good of learned men. Alſo that of the Poet vvas true of him, Quaeſivit nomen, quaerat avarus opes, He ſought a name, let others leek vvealth, that are covetous; for verily, whether it were that he diminiſhed his Revenues, or neglected to amplifie them; yet he got ſo much Glory and Renown; as others cannot attain, with their immenſe riches. And theſe men that blamed him, ſhould have conſidered; that Riches are not coveted, only to expel Hunger, Thirſt, and Cold; for a ſmall matter will ſerve for theſe and other natural uſes: but chiefly, that a man may live in ſplendor, and leave Monuments to propagate his ſame, after he is dead. For that is the ſecret End, at which all mortals aime, how ever they diſſemble the matter; which nevertheleſſe, they do not attain, who ſtudy the enriching of their family never ſo much.

I ſtand not to ſay, that Peireskius was of that mind, as to reckon the world his Family; and to account all wiſe and good men to be to him in place of Fathers, Brothers or Children, with whom he made all things common. I name ſuch men as theſe, becauſe, though he neeer denied any thing, to the well-deſerving; yet he made ſuch choice, that he would not give to all indifferently. For when any one was leſs deſerving, he knew how to temper his liberality. And I remember, when one deſired him to lend him ten Crowns, he anſwered, that he had not ten to lend, but he had two which he would freely give him. Which when he took, and ſome asked him, Why he did ſo? It is ſufficient (anſwered he) to ſatisfie preſent neceſſity, and I would rather be a penurious giver, than a troubleſome Creditor; having found by experience, that many men ſhun my ſight, becauſe they know themſelves in my debt.

Moreover, ſeeing nothing gains friends ſo much as Beneficence and friendly Offices; it is no wonder that he had ſo many, ſo good and ſo illuſtrious, all the world over. For his conſtant care was to provide wherewith to gratifie every man; and when his aſſiſtance was implored, he ſo beſtirred himſelf, as that he thought he was unhappy, if he had not foreſeen and prevented the neceſſity of his friend. Wherefore, he knew very well, what was the true Love-potion; his love eſpecially being ſo qualified, that he never reſpected his own profit, nor would ever let ſlip any occaſion of doing good to his friends. In like manner, he never asked any thing for himſelf of Magiſtrates, and Great men; but for his friends ſakes, and eſpecially for learned men, he never bluſht to Petition for any thing which might do them good. And whether they attained any thing by his interceſſion, or by other means, he would alwaies return thanks; and take upon him both in his own name, and in the name of the Muſes, and Common-wealth of Learning, the reſtification of gratitude.

Nor did he only love his friends, but thoſe whom they loved; eſpecially their Parents, Children, Kinsfolks, Allies, he ardently reſpected; to whom he would ſhew himſelf a Counſellor, Helper, Protector and Patron. And it is a ſmall thing to ſay, that he ſpared no coſt to further his friends affaires; for, which is much more, he neither regarded his own health, nor the unſeaſonableneſs of the weather, when he knew his friend was in danger. And his candor and ingenuity was ſo great, that he never called his friends to account, for what he had intruſted them with. Yea, and took it very ill, when having depoſited Monies in the hands of thoſe excellent Brethren the two Puteans, to be laid out upon Books and other occaſions, they would make Bills of what they had laid out, and reckon what all came to; for it was far from his mind, that matters ſhould be carried ſo ſcrupulouſly, between him and them. In a word, he had ſuch a candid and innocent heart, as juſtly procured him the moſt loving and reſpectful friends in the world.

Moreover, what a comfort may we think he was to his friends, when he viſited them in their ſickneſs, death of children, or being afflicted with any other caſualty? For never man had better and more amiable words; and becauſe he had bin accuſtomed to ſuffer diſeaſes and pains, no man was better acquainted with what was fit to aſſwage all kind of maladies. We have known ſome, that deſpaired of life, and were reſtored by his means; ſo ingenious he was in detecting, and ſo eloquent in relating the Symptoms, Prognoſticks, and Cauſes of ſuch diſeaſes, wherewith they had not bin acquainted, as alſo of the Remedies, if not to cure, yet to aſſwage the ſame.

From what has bin ſaid, we may underſtand how delightful his converſation muſt needs be to thoſe in health; ſeeing he ſo well knew, what things were ſuitable to every ones Genius and Manners. For knowing ſo much as he did, it was eaſie for him to diſcourſe of ſuch things to every one as were to him moſt contentful; and being alwaies intent to learn, he would only ask after ſuch things, as he knew the party to whom he ſpake, would delight to relate. Whereupon, being frequently viſited by travellers and curious perſons, he vvould in the firſt place ſmell out, vvith vvhat ſtudy they were moſt delighted; and then he would ſhew them only ſuch of his Books, Rarities, and other things which they would be delighted to ſee; nor would he preſent any thing to them, which they did not affect to know. Then he would ask them, what Rarities they had ſeen, either in their Countrey, or upon their journey; and he had alwaies ſome like thing either to ſhow them, or to relate as having ſeen the ſame, or read thereof in his Books. Whence it was, that every one was ſorry to part from him, wiſhing that the hours and daies had bin longer. Yea, and he was far from making ſuch as frequently converſed with him to be aweary of his company, or ſatiated with his diſcourſe: for he was alwaies pouring forth new floods of Learning; and his expreſſions vvere ſo lively & raviſhing that ſuch as heard him, were always aſraid, leſt he ſhould make an end too ſoon. And ſometimes, he would pertinently interpoſe a jeſt, though very ſeldom; for his cuſtome being to ſpeak ſeriouſly, he poured forth his words with ſuch eloquence, as needed not to be ſeaſoned vvith Jeſts.

Moreover, though his company was moſt acceptable to every one; yet he himſelf could not endure the company of ſuch as loved only to hear, and ſpeak, of vulgar and trivial matters. And therefore he was wont to complain, that he vvas forced to loſe ſuch good hours, only in hearing and aſſenting that it was cold weather, or very hot; that the Sky was very clear, or cloudy; the Aire healthy, or unhealthy; and other ſuch like things. And for this very cauſe he ſhunned the ſociety of Women; becauſe he could hardly get any good thereby; and he muſt be forced to talk to them only of toies and trifles.

Nor could he endure with patience clamorous, brawling, contentious, and talkative People; yet could he beſt bear with the laſt, becauſe amongſt many vain words, ſome profitable matter might be intermingled, which he was wont to ſay, he picked, as Corn from amongſt an heap of Chaffe. Howbeit, they muſt be ſure to ſpeak truth, which ſuch talkative folk, are not much uſed to do; for he hated nothing more, then a man that he found in a lie. Wherefore, he was wont ſo to ſift ſuch kind of men, by asking them divers Queſtions, touching the circumſtances of what they told, that they muſt needs have a good memory, if they told a lie, and did not contradict themſelves. The like eſteem he had of Boaſters, and Braggadokies; ſave that he was ſometimes delighted with ſome witty paſſage, which would now and then bolt out, among their Boaſtings. But nevertheleſs, he wonderfully hated all vainglorious boaſters; for he was endued with ſo great modeſty, that being more delighted with brave actions, then glorious ſpeeches, he never was the man that thought, or ſpake proudly of himſelf. So that he might have raught ſuch men better by his own example, who never heard his own prayſe, but againſt his will, and rejected all ambitious Titles which were put upon him, and did ſo extenuate his own vertues, though very rare, that he was ever accuſing himſelf of infirmity, or ignorance; giving evident demonſtration, that nothing could be more deſirable, then ſo great moderation of mind.

And therefore I ſhall add nothing touching that great gentleneſs, and ſingular humanity, wherewith he was wont to entertain, all that came unto him, and all that in any thing, deſired his aſſiſtance. For it is ſufficiently known, how he was not aſhamed, to give greater honour then he needed to have done, to any men, though of mean condition, who were any way conſiderable, for Parentage, Learning, or any kind of dignity; and with what affability he carried himſelf towards the more obſcure, clowniſh, and poorer ſort of people; encouraging them to come unto him, ſit by him, ſpeak to him, and to ask and anſwer Queſtions; till every one thought himſelf by him fully ſatisfied. And this was truly his carriage towards all, but eſpecially to ſuch as deſired him to promote their Cauſes depending in the Court. For he took very great pleaſure, to hear the parties themſelves privately, and by queſtioning and preſſing them, frequently to attain more knowledge of the matters in controverſie, then the Lawyers by all their Pleadings and Writings, could ſuggeſt. For, although he was a lover of eloquent, and learned pleadings: yet he was not well pleaſed, but greatly offended, when he obſerved that Truth was diſguiſed, Equity enſnared, the Lawes defrauded, and Ginnes framed and ſet to intangle Innocence. Howbeit, how earneſtly he endeavoured, that every one might have juſtice, we have formerly declared.

Moreover, his Dexterity and Induſtry was ſo great, and happily effectual, that by his own Arbitration, he compoſed the differences of certain Gentlemen, which otherwiſe could never have bin ended, procuring unexpected Reconciliation between Families at variance. Alſo whereas it was a cuſtom, that the Clients engaged in ſuites before the Parliament, were wont to follow the Senators in Crowds, as they went to the Palace, to Church, to their own Houſes, or other places, he would never ſuffer it but contenting himſelf with one Servant, or one or two of his familiar friends, with whom he might diſcourſe, he diſmiſſed the Troop of Clients, which would have followed him.

And as his Gentleneſs and Humanity was ſo great, as has bin ſaid, towards all men; ſo did he in a ſpecial manner, reſpect ſuch as he knew to be eminent, in regard of their Degree, Family, or Virtue. For, as he reverenced them all, ſo did he render to every one, as far as he was able, more honour then was preciſely due unto them. Alſo ſuch as were promoted to Dignities, returned into their Country from Travailes, recovered of ſickneſs, newly married, had Children newly born, or attained any other of thoſe good things of Fortune, ſo called; he was wont to congratulate with them, either in their preſence, or by Letters, full of good Wiſhes Reverence and Affection. Nor did he omit any friendly Office or Obſervance; ſending Gifts withall, or at leaſt communicating what ever rarities he had obtained from ſundry places, according as he knew, or could gueſs, with vvhat kind of things every one vvas moſt affected. And he very often (truly) complained, how much time was loſt, in giving and receiving Honours and Complements; but, whereas he himſelf would moſt conſtantly refuſe ſuch as were given to him, yet would he never omit any honour which he believed due to another. Which he was ſometimes blamed for; eſpecially, ſeeing the great weakneſs of his Body, might have very well excuſed him; But (his anſwer was) Would you have me by being the firſt that leaves fooling, to be reputed the greateſt fool of all?

I ſhall not here recount his great Piety, and filial Reſpect, towards his Parents; for it has bin formerly ſufficiently hinted, in place convenient. Only I ſhall add one thing, viz. how he overcame and mitigated the curſt and ſhrewiſh humours of his Mother in Law. Not long before he took his Degree of Doctorſhip, he was ſitting at the Table with her, where ſhe vented that choler againſt him, which ſhe had conceived againſt his Father. Having given him many Tants and Reproaches, and upbraiding him of many things, whereto hoping that he would reply, ſhe intended further to disburthen her ſtomach; he denying nothing of all that ſhe had ſaid, replyed only, All which you ſay Mother is true; yea, and there are many more things, for which you may juſtly complain. And then, fearing leſt ſhe miſinterpreting this aſſent, ſhould blame him for diſſembling, and grow more angry; or through ſhame, ſhould ſeek ſome other occaſion of ſcolding: he preſently roſe from the Table, and went his way. She not expecting any ſuch thing, and wondring at ſo ſtrange a carriage, was ſo cooled in her courage, that ſhe contained her ſelf, and ſpoke not a word more. Afterward, ſhe enquired of him in private, why he, knowing that what had bin laid to his charge, was falſe, did nevertheleſs, aſſent thereunto, and take the ſame upon himſelf: to which he anſwered, As I have already (Mother) ſo will I for the future, take all upon my ſelf; and I do adviſe you, that as often as you feel your Breaſt ſwell with anger, you will empty the ſame, and eaſe your ſelf againſt me, rather then any other. For I ſhall take all patiently, but others will be incenſed ſo, as to increaſe your Anger, and make it, that you can hardly give over, before you have brought your ſelf thereby into ſome grievous ſickneſs. Nor was this carriage of his, unſerviceable; for afterward, ſhe behaved her ſelf much more gently, and began ſo far to love him, that ſhe had frequent thoughts to make him Heite of all ſhe had; and had done it, but that he was far off, in the Low-Countries, when ſhe died.

As for his Brother, his Affection to him was ſo great, and his Brothers love likewiſe, ſo great to him again, that it deſerves to be recorded for an example to Poſterity. For from their tender years, there was ſo great an Agreement betwixt them, joyned with the greateſt mutual good will poſſible; that they alwayes conſpired in the ſame ſtudies, never fell out, nor ever ſo much as thought of dividing the Eſtate between them. Touching his Kindred and Allies, I can truly bear him witneſs, that he moſt dearly reſpected them all, and would have them uſe his Houſe, as their common In, ſo oſt as they came to Town, making no difference, how near or far off, they were of kin to him. And as he would chearfully undertake the Patronage of them all; ſo was he wont, when any differences aroſe amongſt them, to be Authour, and Arbitrator of their Compoſure. Of his Tutors and Teachers, we ſpoke formerly, in place fitting; I ſhall only add what I have heard him ſay, more then once, that never any thing befell him more delightful, then when he obtained, I know not what, of his great friend Varius, for Fonvivius, who was his Tutor, during his Travails, as has bin formerly related.

What need I ſpeak any thing in this place, of the love he bore to his Native Country, when as it is clear enough from what has bin already recounted, that he was wholly taken up in adorning the ſame? for, to let paſſe how he would ſlip no occaſion of maintaining the Majeſty of our Kings, and the Honours & Rights of the French, againſt all out-landiſh Writers whatſoever; I ſhall only ſpeak a word of Provence, how it was his chiefeſt care, in a ſpecial manner, to illuſtrate the ſame. For to that end, he took ſo much care and pains, that he might pick an Hiſtory out of the Aſhes and Duſt as it were, of the Earls thereof; and give light to its moſt noble Families; uſing to this end, not bare Tradition, ſleight Arguments, uncertain Authorities; but Authentick Records, as Wills, Mariage-Contracts, Tranſactions of buſineſs, Law-deeds, Priviledges; alſo Statues, Tombes, Inſcriptions, Pictures, Scutcheons, Coines, Seals, and other ſuch like things: which that he might diſcover, and get into his hands, he ſpared no Coſt, Pains, or Induſtry; peruſing himſelf, or cauſing to be peruſed, all Acts and Monuments, which could be found in the Treaſuries and Records of the Princes, Biſhops, Abbots, Chapters Monaſteries, Nunneries, Nobles, Gentry, and private perſons whomſoever: Alſo in the Statutes of Churches, their Regiſters of Burials, and Kalenders; cauſing to be drawn out, whatever thing of great Antiquity, was ſhadowed, pourtraied, engraven, or expreſſed in Books, Veſtments, Glaſſe-windows, and Buildings, ſacred or prophane. So that it is leſſe to be wondred at, if no Gentleman in Provence was better acquainted with his own Noble Anceſtors, then Peireskius was; ſeeing he examined all their Genealogies, and tryed them by the Records and Coats of Arms, whoſe variations he declared, according to the ſeveral Houſes, to which they did belong. So, particularly, he framed with great labour, a Catalogue of the Viſcounts of Marſeilles, drawing them down in order from ſo high as William, the Brother of Saint Honoratus, Biſhop of Marſeilles, that is to ſay, from the year nine hundred ſixty and two. And after the ſame manner, he made Tables of the Biſhops and Abbots, and all renowned men; taking very great pains likewiſe, about the Trobadores, or Poets aforeſaid.

Hitherto alſo tended his care to get the Map of Provence, corrected and printed, and to get knowledge of the ſeveral bounds in ſeveral ages, with the ſeveral Peoples, Regions, and Princes, which we read to have bin therein; to ſay nothing, of their Lawes, Magiſtrates, Forms of Judicature, which he alſo enquired into. But his greateſt care, was punctually to ſearch into, and get a delineation of the Via Aurelia, or way of Orleance ſo called, as far as it ran through Provence: alſo of the Amphitheatres that of Freius, and the other at Arles; of the Triumphant Arches of Orenge, and of St. Remigius; of the three Towers yet remaining in the Palace of Aix; and in a word, of all things ſavouring of Antiquity, For that he was beſides careful of Inſcriptions, Marbles, Images, and other ſuch things, is manifeſt from what has bin formerly declared; as alſo what we have hinted tonching Live-wights, Minerals, Plants, and other things, either proper to Provence, or brought thither from ſtrange Countries.

Finally, it was to this end, that he conſtantly excited ſuch wits, as either he knew, or foreſaw, were born to honour their Countrey; continually admoniſhing and animating them, and affording them, if need were, Books, and all other requiſites. And as he was wont to commend them, who, by their Writings and Inventions, and eſpecially, by deſcribing the Country, and ſuch things as had bin therein acted, did render the ſame famous; ſo did he moſt of all eſteem the ſtudies of Polycarpus Riviera, the glory of the Carthuſian Order: who beſides his immenſe Learning, had rare knowledge of all the Affaires of Provence, which he intended to relate in a particular volume of that Herculean work which he had in hand. Alſo he was very much contented, that by his exhortations, he had perſwaded Jacobus Morgueſius, a Senator of the Parliament of Aix, and a great honour to that Court, who had obtained a Writ of Eaſe, that he would ſet himſelf to illuſtrate the Statutes of Aix: by which means great light would be afforded to all the Tribunals of Provence. And how often did he wiſh, that Petrus Decormius, the Advocate General, a man of moſt rare learning, would ſurrender his Office, to his worthy and learned Sonne, that he might wholly give himſelf to the Collection, Diſpoſition, and Juſtification of the Decrees of Parliament, eſpecially ſuch as himſelf had propounded! How often did he defire, that Scipio Pererius, whoſe wit, judgement and eloquence, he could never enough admire, would publiſh thoſe Court-pleadings of his, ſo learned and elegant! And theſe few Inſtances, among many others, may ſuffice to ſhew his affection to his Country; for it is to ſmall purpoſe to ſay, how much he grieved in troubleſome times, when there was no remedy but prayers.

It ſhould now follow, that I ſpeak of his Religion towards Almighty God: but it is in the firſt place confeſſed by all, that he ſo defended the faith of his Anceſtors, that is to ſay, the Roman Catholique Profeſſion, that he alſo took pains to draw as many of the Heterodoxe thereunto, eſpecially, ſuch as were learned, as he was able.

Moreover, his religious worſhip of the Deity, was apparent by his rigid obſervance of all publick Ceremonies, as far as his Health would permit. For he was preſent at Maſſes, Sermons, and Proceſſions; and there was no remarkable Holyday, in which he did not Confeſs himſelf to the Prieſt, and receive the Enchariſt.

Moreover, he had conſtantly a ſincere faith, and love towards God, having high thoughts of ſo ſublime a Majeſty, and exceedingly confiding in his goodneſs. I ſay nothing of the Reverence he bare to the Pope, Cardinals, Legates, Nuncio's: for he omitted no occaſion to teſtifie to them his Reverence, Affection, and Obedience; ſo that it is no wonder, that they had no buſineſs in Provence, but they deſired that he might have the mannagement thereof. In which reſpect alſo, he obliged the reſt of the Praelates, Generals, and Provincials of Religious orders, whom it would be redious particularly to recount, being acknowledged fora Patron of all religious orders, eſpecially, the Reformates; who when they had any buſineſs in the Court of Rome, the Kings Court in Provence, or the Parliament there; they preſently implored his help.

And now that I may come to ſpeak more partieularly of his ſtudies, I muſt premiſe in the firſt place, that Peireskius was of a ready wit; or if he were any way deficient, he made it up with Art, and Labour. For, things of moſt difficulty to underſtand, he comprehended for the moſt part, at the firſt hearing; and by continual enquiry, and exerciſe of his mind, he fitted the ſame to underſtand any thing.

Moreover, his wit was ſo naturally diſpoſed, to all ſtudies, that there was no kind of Learning with which he was not in love, and whereof he delighted not to diſcourſe with learned men. Being moderate in all other things, he ſeemed only immoderate in his deſire of knowledge; and never man was more deſirous then he, to run through the famous Encyclopedia, or whole Circle of Arts. Yea, and not only ſo, but he was ſtudious of Mechanicks, or Handi-Crafts; for which cauſe, there was never any famous Workman that went that way, but he entertained him at his Houſe, and learnt of him many works or myſteries of his Craft; for he would keep him with Diet, wages, and gifts, and make much of him for moneths and years together.

Moreover, his ſagacity vvas vvonderful, by reaſon of his conſtancy, vvhich rendred him indefatigable in his inquiries. In which regard, he was frequently happy in his conjectures, becauſe from ſuch circumſtances as were obvious, he would ſmell out and happily divine ſuch things as were hereupon dependent. There never came any thing to his hands, but he would attain all the knowledge thereof, which was poſſible to be acquired; ſo that he was juſtly reputed all the world over, a kinde of Judge of abſtruſe and myſterious things. For if any thing was any where found out, whoſe Original, Nature, & Uſe was unknown, preſently he was appealed to; as if the true knowledge thereof, could not be attained without his help. Yea, and he dived into the condition of ſuch things as were not, but were only imagined to be; and conſidered whether it were poſſible, that ſuch things could be in Nature?

Of his Induſtry and quickneſſe of wit, we have all ready frequently, ſpoken, by reaſon of which, he never deipaired to attain any thing, which the wit of man could attain, or bring about; provided he had a mind thereto; and would do his uttermoſt endeavour to accompliſh the ſame. And verily he accompliſhed and obtained many things, which ſee ned above his condition and beyond his ſtrength; becauſe he could eaſily foreſee whatever might help or hinder, and was indefatigable in improving the one, and declining the other, and would try a thouſand waies, till he had accompliſht his deſigns. Moreover, he made friends in all places, and freely obliged them with courteſies, that whether he had at preſent any deſign in his Head, or might hereafter have, they might be ready to ſerve him. Wherefore, having propounded unto himſelf his End what it was he would have effected; he firſt conſidered whether he was to attain it by mony, or entreaties, through love or fear, by command or free conſent; alſo who was able to contribute any thing thereto; alſo what, where, when, and which way; and then without delay he ſet his hand dextrouſly to the work. In like manner, he was very acute and quick in his invention of the cauſes of any admirable works of Art or Nature: for he conjectured with great facility; and when he had a little digeſted his thoughts, he would confirm his conjectures with reaſons of all ſorts. Moreover, he had a happy memory, and which ſeldome failed him. For though he complained that his memory was ſlippery, and weak; yet it cannot be expreſſed, what a variety of things he remembred, even from his young years, and that not in general only, but alſo with the particular circumſtances of places, actions, words, and perſons. Whence it was, that he allwaies wonderfully delighted ſuch as heard him diſcourſe, for be the occaſion of the diſcourſe what it would, he could alwaies produce out of his Store-houſe pertinent matter, which he uttered in choiſe words, with the greateſt grace imaginable. For whether it were ſome invention of his wit, or ſomewhat treaſured up in his memorie, or ſome Paſſion or affection of his mind, which he would declare; he had words ſo at will, that he could utter all he had to ſay, diſtincely, gravely, copiouſly, and eloquently, ſo that a man could not ſee things more clearly with his eyes, then he would ſet them out vvith vvords.

He was of a mature and ſolid Judgement; eſpecially being aſſiſted by ſo much experience, reading and meditation. And although ſome men may have accounted him raſh, becauſe he never ſtood conſidering, when occaſion was offered to advance Learning, and aſſiſt learned men: yet that was a buſineſſe which he had conſulted of in his vvhole life time, from his very youngeſt years, ſo that nothing could be more deliberate. Yea, and he was wont to ſay, there was no room for deliberation. when ſuch men were to be aſſiſted, vvho one way or another, by their learning or inventions, would profit all mankind. He ſeemed in ſome caſes over credulous; but though the very ſinews and limbs of wiſdom, are to believe nothing raſhly, yet reaſon does not require that a man ſhould believe nothing, but vvhat he has ſeen, or heard, or felt vvith his hands. For a difference is to be made, and every man not to be believed: yet are there good and learned men who can neither deceive nor be deceived, vvhom not to credit were a barbarous & bruitiſh thing. Eſpecially, ſeeing it is the diſpoſition of a Wittoo ſhallow, to perſwade it ſelf, that there is nothing in the ſecret Cloſets of Nature, beſide; theſe familiar things, vvhich vve commonly meet vvith in the vvorld; and to make thoſe things vvhiche are ſeen in one Conntrey or Age, the meaſure and model of all that vvhich may be in all other Ages and places. Which becauſe Peireskius knew very vvell, he readily gave ear to all, whoſe learning or honeſty he did not queſtion; and though he did not preſently determine, that ſuch things as vvere related vvere impoſſible to be or to be done: yet he vvas vvont to vveigh all things, and at leaſt ſo to enquire into every circumſtance, that, if at leaſt he gave credit to any thing, it could not be otherwiſe than probable. And if ſometimes he ſtuck cloſe to his own reaſonings, and ſeemed a little too ſtiff in his received opinions, the cauſe vvas, that he conceived that a man ought not to be alwaies vvavering, nor to depart from that opinion, vvhich ſome reaſon or conjecture had ratified; unleſſe ſome ſtronger evidence appeared, to evince more friendly the contrary. And doubtleſſe the ſafeſt vvay is, for a man to have his mind diſpoſed to put off all prejudice, ſo as to give place to reaſon and verity vvithout refractorineſs; but becauſe the Reaſons of things, are hardly ever of equal vveight; it always comes to paſs, that a mans mind enclines to one part; ſo that every man is ſo much more vvorthy excuſe, inaſmuch as vvhether he vvill or no, he aſſents unto that vvhich is moſt likely.

He vvas alſo rarely induſtrious, and of a diligence invincible; Which vvas truly greater than could comport with his health & ſtrength, ſeeing he hardly ever ſo much relaxed that ſame earneſt contention and bent of his mind, as to let an hour, much leſſe a day, to paſſe vvithout a Line; ſo exceeding great was his delight in ſtudy. It is needleſs for me to tell of his indefatigable care, vvhen he vvas to make any obſervation, or to commit any thing to writing. For how much he effected in obſerving things Coeleſtial or Terreſtial, Natural or Artificial, old or new, or what evet elſe might ſeem vvorthy of care and conſideration, I have already all along hinted; and he was ſo unwearied in vvriting, that he preſently noted dovvn, vvhat ever he met with. To ſay nothing of his Letters, which were very many in number, moſt full of Learning and commonly very large.

There never hapned any thing memorable, which he did not preſently ſet down in writing with his own hand; ſuch as National pompes, publick calamities, proſperous and adverſe accidents pertaining to great men, famous contentions, diſcourſes had with Princes and learned men, and many other things of like Nature. He would preſently ſet them down, leſt by delaying ſome buſineſſes might intervene, and diſturbe him, and his memory in the mean while languiſhing, might let ſlip many. particularities. His diligence was the ſame when any notable thing came into his mind, or was ſuggeſted by ſome other, or obſerved in reading, for he would preſently take pen in hand and note the ſame down, not enduring that any thing ſhould periſh, which he conceived might be uſeful to himſelf or others. Now he wrote things down in his Memorials, becauſe he then judged they were out of danger of being forgotten, ſeeing he could not truſt his memory as Socrates or Pythagoras were wont to do; and had found by experience, that the very labour of writing did ſix things more deeply in his mind.

Moreover, whatſoever he noted down, he did it upon a new or freſh leaf of paper that if anything were afterwards to be added, it might be done without confuſion. And he always wrote on the top of the leaſe, or the upper part of the margent, the Subject or Title of what he was to note down, in a large character (with which commonly he inſerted proper names, and other words, which in the ordinary letter could not ſo well be read, or ſo ſoon found out) and he added the year and the day, and if he received it from ſome other, he premiſed the Authors name. Nor did he only leave a margent, ſometimes on one, more frequently on both ſides of the ſheet, that if through haſte any thing had bin omitted, it might be there added, rather than interlined: but he leſt alſo a very large front, that the Title might be better diſtinguiſhed and diſcerned, and chiefly, if through haſte he had not time to ſet it down. Howbeit that ſeldom hapned; for he never willingly left any thing unperfected; becauſe he had found too often, that things only begun, or done to halves, out of hope to enlarge them afterwards, by reaſon of intervenient occaſions, remained as they were left, without any further addition. And therefore he wrote every thing as accuratly as he could; and he was vexed, if when any one was bid by him to write any thing which he dictated, or ſomewhat which was collected from ſome Author, or of his own invention; he left not room enough to prefix the Title: or not margent enough, or ſufficient diſtance between line and line, and one word and another, expecting to write the ſame over again, in a more elegant and ample manner, For he truly judged, that ſuch delaies were deceitful; and that they were an occaſion, if of no other inconvenience, at leaſt of loſſe of Time.

In like manner he took it ill, if any, being far diſtant, did ſtay till his return, or for ſome other occaſion, fully to relate or tranſmit any thing; for he would that what ever was requiſite for him to know or have, ſhould be written to him at large, and ſent forthwith; becauſe through ſuch kind of delayes, he had bin frequently deprived of many goodly & very profitable things. Now he that loved him, could not be too large in his Letters, becauſe he deſired to have all the circumſtances of the ſubject matter, punctually ſet down. Yea, and he often complained, that thoſe that wrote did not ſufficiently conſider, that ſuch things as were clearly viſible to them, and which therefore, as too well known, either they little eſteemed, or neglected to write; were to perſons abſent, altogether unknown, and would to them ſeem new and conſequently delightful. And therefore, as vvhen he himſelf enquired into any thing, or queſtioned another about it, he would not omit to enquire into every thing which concern'd the ſame; even ſo, when he deſired any thing to be ſought into and obſerved, by others, either near at hand or far off, he alwaies gave order, that it ſhould be viewed all manner of waies, ſo that no circumſtances, if poſſible, might lie hid, vvhich he therefore vvas commonly accuſtorned exactly to ſet down in vvriting, being vvonderfully delighted, when any one of his own accord and by his own induſtry, did attend either all, or moſt, or at leaſt ſome circumſtances.

Moreover, his care was exceeding great, to procure plenty and variety of Books. For to ſay nothing of Manuſcripts, vvhich if ancient, in caſe he could not procure them, he would cauſe Copies to be written out (and ſometimes vvrote them out himſelf) having by him Catalogues, of the moſt renowned and chief Libraries in the world. To paſs over, I ſay, Manuſcripts, he bonght up printed Books at Rome, Venice, Paris, Amſterdam, Antwerp, London, Lions, and other places; and that not only after the Mart vvas over at Francfort, but all the year long, his friends acquainting him with, and ſending him ſuch, as were for his turn; for which he cauſed mony to be paid, either by the Bankers and Money-changers, or by friends. Alſo where ever any Libraries vvere to be ſold by out-cry, he took order, to have the rarer Books bought up, eſpecially ſuch as were of ſome neat Edition, vvhich he had not. And truly 'tis incredible to tell, how great a number of Books he gathered together; alſo, it is incredible how it ſhould therefore come to paſſe, that he leſt not a moſt compleat Library behind him: but neither of theſe will ſeem ſtrange, if a man ſhall conſider, that he ſought Books, not for himſelf alone, but for any that ſtood in need of them. He lent an innumerable company, vvhich vvere never reſtored; alſo he gave a world away, as I hinted before, of vvhich he, could hardly hope ever to get the like again; Which he did when learned men had occaſion to uſe them. For as for ſuch Books as vvere commonly to be had at the Book-ſellers, of them he vvas wonderfully profuſe and laviſh. For vvhich cauſe, as often as he vvas informed of Books newly come forth, he would have many of them, vxhich he vvould partly keep by him, and partly diſtribute them immediately among his friends, according as he knew they would like the ſubject matter thereof.

And whether he gave them away, or kept them, he would be ſure to have them neatly bound and covered; to which end, he kept an induſtrious Book-binder in his Houſe, who did exquiſitely bind and adorn them. Yea, and ſometimes he kept many Book-binders at once; for one man was hardly ever able to bind up ſuch ſtore of Books, as came trowling in from all parts. Alſo, it happened frequently, that ſuch Books as he borrowed, being neglected by their owners and ill bound, he delivered to his binder to be rectified and beautified, viz. when their ſubject matter or rarity deſerved that coſt; ſo that having received them, ill-bound, and ill-favoured, he returned them trim and handſome. And ſo he did by all the very old Books which he could get, whether printed or Manuſcripts. Nor did his care only extend to ſuch as were entire and perfect; but even to the fragments of Books, and Leaves half eaten. And being demanded why he would be at that charge in the Bookbinding, he would ſay, the Cauſe was, inaſmuch as the beſt Books, when they fell into unlearned mens hands ill-accoutred, were pittifully uſed; he therefore endeavoured, that they might be prized at leaſt for the beauty of their binding, and ſo eſcape the danger of the Tobacconiſt and Crocer. And thoſe which he bound for his own uſe, he would have his Mark ſtampt upon them. Which Mark was made up of theſe three Capital Greek Letters, N K Φ, which were ſo neatly interwoven, that being doubted, they might be read to the right hand, and to the left, by which initial capital Letters, theſe three words were deſigned, Nicolas, Klaudius, Phabricius.

As for the Room wherein his Library was kept, it was indeed too ſmall, though the whole walls were filled, and neſts were placed likewiſe on the floore, filled with Books. Alſo he had Books in the Porch of his Study, and likewiſe piled on heaps, in ſeveral Chambers. And truly, he had frequent thoughts to build a large Gallery: but ſo many things were then to be removed, eſpecially, the Library of his Father and Anceſtors, in which he had laid up the greateſt part of his rarities; alſo he was alwayes ſo full of buſineſs, that he could not accompliſh what he intended, but left the Houſe juſt as he at firſt found it. I omit to ſay, that the Porch to his Study aforeſaid; alſo the Porch to the Houſe, and his Carden and other places, were loaded with Marbles, both ſuch as were engraven upon, and ſuch as were formed into ſtatues; and that whereas in the old ſtndy, he had treaſured up an huge Maſſe of old Coines and weights, eſpecially the lighter fort; and in other places, weights, meaſnres, Arms, Statues, and innumerable other things: it muſt needs be, that all things lay as it were confuſed to others, but to him that knew perfectly where every thing was, they were orderly placed. He was far from the Practiſe of thoſe mentioned by Seneca, who adorned with cutious gold-worh, ſuch Corinthian Veſſels, as the madneſs of a few men had rendred eſtimable; for he neglected even thoſe precious Boxes which he pro • ided at firſt for his Coines; eſpecially after his loſſe by Theeves, had made him more cautious; ſo that he made caſes of Ebony, and ſuch like ſtuffe, only for things leſſe ſubject to be ſtole, as the Tripod aforeſaid, the drinking Cups, and ſuch like things.

Nor was it without cauſe that I told you, how that what might ſeem to others conſuſed, was not ſo to him. For though he would frequently excuſe himſelf, that all in his Houſe was nothing but a confuſed and indigeſted Maſſe, or heap; yet was he never long in ſeeking any thing, in ſo great an heap, provided that none medled with ms Rarities, Books, or Papers, but himſelf; and that rome body elſe being commanded to ferch this or that, had not put them out of order. For to ſay nothing of his Books, which were all titled, and diſtributed into certain Claſſes, and proper places as much as might be, and which he could deſcribe to Simeon Corberanus, an ingenious Joyner, by any the leaſt circumſtance, even where they were not methodically digeſted; he was wont ſo to digeſt and bind up into bundles with paper, or ſome other covering, all other things, that with his own hand he would write litles upon every bundle intimating whatſoever was therein contained.

And whereas he was accuſtomed in a peculiar manner, to bind up into bundles, ſuch Letters as he received according to the variety of Perfons, Places, or Times: he firſt writ upon each, who wrote the ſame, from whence, what year, moneth, and day; and ſubjoyned a brief Index of the chief matters, which in reading, he had marked with a line drawn under them: for by this meanes he was holpen, both to anſwer the ſame more diſtinctly and ſpeedily; as alſo to finde the ſame, if at any time he went to ſeek any thing in his Letters. And if any new matters were contained in his Letters, which others deſired to be acquainted with, he did not promiſcuouſly ſhew them; but cauſed them ſo to be written out, that he firſt encloſed within certain bars or lines, what he would have omitted in the tranſcription; cutting off ſuch names of men, things and buſineſs, as he deſired to conceal; alſo changing and ſweerening the phraſe, that no offence might be taken.

And as he was wont to keep carefully ſuch Letters as were ſent him by others; ſo did he cauſe his Scribes to write Copies of ſuch as he himſelf wrote, which he kept by themſelves, according to the variety or condition of the Countries or Perſons, to whom fie ſent them. And being ſometime demanded, why he did ſo, he anſwered, Not becauſe he thought his Letters worth keeping, but becauſe it concerned him many times, to ſee what long ſince, or lately, he had written, or not written; leaſt he might inculcate the ſame thing after the ſame manner, and ſo become tedious; or might omit that which he was uncertain, whether he had written, or no; or leaſt ſuch things which he had ſought out, and digeſted with great care, might ſlip out of his memory: or he might want wherewith to convince ſuch as ſhould deny, that he had informed them of this or that; or finally, leaſt in caſe his Letters ſhould come to miſearry, he muſt be forced to take pains, to compoſe new ones.

As for the reading of Books, he had truly in his latter yeares, little time to beſtow therein. For he was wholly in a manner taken up with writing of Letters; and when he did run over any Books, he did it chiefly, that he might collect ſomewhat from them, to put into his Letters. And whenſoever he gave himſelf to reading, he was not wont curſorily to ſlip, or run over the difficult places; but he kept a ſlow pace, and was wont to ſtop, when he met with any difficulty. To which end he alwayes had his pen at hand, with which he drew a line under obſcure places, and whatever he thought worthy of obſervation. For he ſaid, that he was thereby put in mind, vvhen he toook the Book in hand again, to conſider afreſh the difficult paſſages; to inculcate and imprint upon his mind ſuch things as vvere moſt obſervable; and readily to finde what vvas moſt for his turn. He vvas not therefore of their mind, vvho having gotten fair Books, are afraid to blot them vvith ſuch lines, or marginal notes: for he eſteemed thoſe Books moſt highly, into which he could inſert moſt notes; and therefore he commonly cauſed all his Books, when they were in Quires, to be waſhed over with Alum-water, and when he foreſaw their Margents would not be large enough, he cauſed white paper to be bound between the printed leaves. Alſo he was wont, when he received any obſervations from his friends, either to write them into his Books with his own hands, or to cauſe his ſaid friends, or ſome others to write them in.

In like manner, if he had received by gift: or had bought Books which had belonged to learned men, he eſteemed them • ſo much the more highly, by how much the fuller they were of ſuch things, as they had inſerted with their own hand-writing. And he was exceeding deſirous to get into his Hands, Books of the Authours own hand-writing, eſpecially ſuch as had not bin printed, when ever he could procure them of the Authours or their Heires, which he would cauſe to be printed, or if the Authours were unwilling, he would at leaſt have them written out for his own uſe. And for this very cauſe, he had alwayes Scribes in readineſs (amongſt which, I muſt not forger to name his moſt faithful and laborious Scribe, Franciſcus Parrotus) that whether in the vulgar Languages, or in Larine, Greek, Arabick or Turkiſh, or any other Language, he would have any thing tranſcribed, he might not fail to have it done to his mind. For he could never endure, that the leaſt invention, or obſervation of any man, ſhould be loſt; being alwayes in hopes, that either himſelf, or ſome other would be advantaged thereby.

And it is requiſite, that I acquaint you, that as he was careful of all other ſtudies, ſo was he not unmindful of that which concerned his own Office. For, conceiving that every man, who by the condition of his birth, or his own free Election, was deſtined to ſome kind of publick life, ought chiefly to bend his mind to that, which his Office and Deſignation required; and that aſterward he might divert to other ſtudies, at his pleaſure. Therefore he himſelf, though he followed, indeed, other ſtudies; yet did he not therefore ceaſe to exerciſe himſelf in that Art, wherein he was moſt ſtudied, and whereof he made Profeſſion. For he ſtudied the Lawes, after the liberal method of Cujaeins, which tends to illuſtrate the ſaid Lawes from the Fountains themſelves, and fundamental Maxims of Equity and Right, rather then from the rivulets of the Doctors or Lawyers. And this it was, that chiefly made him affect the ſtudy of Antiquity; becauſe it gave him great light therein; and, beſides a Manuſcript of the Pandects which he had, he ſought after the Manuſcripts alſo of other Books, becauſe ſome places in the printed Books, had need to receive light from them. And upon this occaſion truly, I remember, how doubting upon a time (and the Florentine Pandects could not perfectly ſatisfie him) what the Interpretation ſhould be of that Law, called Neratius, concerning poſſeſſion kept, or loſt only by the mind; he wrote to Rome, that out of an old Manuſcript of Cardinal Barberino's, the Text of that Law, with the Marginal Interpretations, might be faithfully exſcribed by the Hand of Buccardus: For, as often as he foreſaw, that he was to give his vote in Parliament, concerning ſome famous Caſe there depending, he would turn all ſtones, that he might not do it unprovided.

So, long ſince, touching that Queſtion, Who ought to have the Gain, the Creditor or the Debtor, when after ſome ſpecies of Money being lent out, the value thereof is raiſed by an intervenient Decree of the Prince: he wrote to Pacius, who was then alive, to acquaint him with all that he had obſerved upon that Queſtion. So lately he delt with Salmaſins, touching the puniſhments anciently decreed by the Romans and other Nations, for ſuch Souldiers as leave their ſtations, and give up ſtrong holds, wherewith they are intruſted, rather through faint-heartedneſs, then Treachery. So he dealt with the renowned Bignonus, who may be called the Scaevola and Varro of this Age, touching the Authority of the Roman Lawes, throughout France, by reaſon of the Edicts of Alaricus, Charles the great, and other Princes, who ſeemed to ratifie the Lawes of the Theodoſian Code, and the reft. In the mean while, he himſelf wrote all in a manner, that could be ſaid or imagined upon theſe ſubjects, ſo well furniſhed was he evermore, which made them write back to him again, that he ought to conſult with none but himſelf; but the reaſon that he delt ſo with them was, that they might not take pains to ſtuffe their anſwers with ſuch things as he already knew, but endeavour rather to produce ſomewhat that was new.

And what I ſaid occaſionally touching his ſtudy of Antiquity, comprehends principally Univerſal Hiſtory, which he had ſo printed in his mind and memory, that a man would have thought he had lived in all places and times. For he held it evermore as a Maxime, that Hiſtory did ſerve exceedingly, not only to give light to the ſtudy of the Law, but to the ordering of a mans life, and the poſſeſſing of his mind, with a rare and ingenuous delectation. For he counted it in ſome ſort, more effectual then Philoſophy, becauſe ſhe inſtructs men indeed, with words, but Hiſtory inflames them with examples; and makes in ſome fort, that we ought not to think much of our ſhort life, making the ſame partaker of things and times which are paſt. And therefore, he alwayes ſought the Hiſtories of all Nations, and as he highly prized thoſe which were very ancient, ſo did he moſt of all eſteem thoſe of our own Nation, or which any way pertained thereunto. For, as he could hardly well endure to ſee an ingenuous man, who was a ſtranger in his own world; ſo did he a cquaint himſelf with all that was written, not only of the Affairs of Provence, and France in particular; but alſo of Italy, Spaine, Germany, England, Hungary, and in a word of al that had any Comerce or quarrels with our Nation.

And with what ardency think you, did he ſeek to get a Tranſlation and Edition of thoſe Arabick Books, which the moſt excellent Golius brought lately with him out of the Eaſt containing an Hiſtory of the Expeditions and Wars of our Kings in Syria? For he conceived that poſſibly the Writers of that Nation, might relate many things otherwiſe then our Writers, which it were worth the while to know; that at leaſt by comparing both together, a more probable narration might be framed. For he was likewiſe of opinion, that many things omitted by our Hiſtorians, might be from thence ſupplyed, ſeeing himſelf alſo had many things to be added. out of ſeveral Councils or Diets of thoſe Countries and Times, the Charters, Letters, Seals, Coates of Arms, Inſcriptions, Coins and other ſuch like things. Now he was extreamly curious of ſuch things as theſe above others, becauſe he ſaid they were incorrupted witneſſes of antiquity, & that ſuch things might be learned from them, which a man ſhould ſeek in vain, among all Hiſtorians extant.

And truly, I remember, how when upon a time he was looking through certain ſpectacles of Augmenting glaſſe upon Papers and Coins, whoſe letters were exceeding ſmall, and half eaten away, that of Seneca was objected againſt him, You call him an idle perſon, who ſpends the greateſt part of the day poreing upon ruſty plates of braſſe. Alſo that of the Poet, To buy old Statues Damaſip is mad: and other ſuch like. To which his anſwer was, I am not ignorant that many Iaugh heartily at theſe Studies, as neither honourable to my ſelf, nor uſeful to others: howbeit, thoſe men alone are juſtly to be blamed, who referre theſe things to no Learning, or to ſuch as is vain; ſeeing moſt men get them only to adorn their Armories and the walls of their Houſes, and have them to no other purpoſe, but that it may be ſaid, they have ſuch things. But thoſe men are worthy praiſe, and do not vainly ſpend their time, who ſeek out ſuch things, weighing and illuſtrating the ſame, to the end they may give light to the underſtanding of good Authors; that the circumſtances of Hiſtories may be more perfectly underſtood; and that the Perſons, things and actions, may be more deeply fixed in the mind. For by Statues and Coins, we may know what was the Countenance and habit of renowned men and illuſtrious women, whoſe actions we delight to hear related; how thoſe ancient gods, goddeſſes, and heroes were formed, with their Enſigns and Badges; what things were for the Ornaments or Inſtrements of Religions, Wars, Magiſtracies, Crowns, Chatiots, Triumphs, Thrones, Seals, and other ſuch shings innumerable. Which when he had ſaid and more to the ſame purpoſe, then producing divers Monuments of antiquity, he demonſtrated the ſame; ſo as by this means to clear up moſt of the obſcure paſſages in Authors, and ſuch places, as were by no other means intelligible.

Yea, and frequently he brought fuch as heard him into admiration, when he ſhewed, that without the view and conſideration of ſuch things as theſe, the meaning of Authors could not be underſtood, ſeeing they make ſo frequent mention of Comes & Weights, as Talents, Sieles, Drachms, Denaries, Victoriates, Selterces, alſo of the As or pound weight and its parts, and many other things; of which while he reaſoned, producing a vaſt quantity and variety thereof, I have known many men aſtoniſhed. And more eſpecially when upon a time a multitude of Ounces being produced, differing one from another in weight and faſhion, he was asked what meant thoſe ſo different marks or tokens, which were upon them. For he ſaid that a ſingle Globe or little Boule was put, not only to ſignifie the number one; but that by the ſwelling and bunching thereof, which the Greeks term Oncos, an alluſion might be made to the word Ounce. For the ſame cauſe, the moſt were marked with an Hook, which being called Uncus or Uncinum, it was intimated, that that was pondus unciale, or an ounce weight. But in ſome and eſpecially thoſe of Tuſcanie, there was a Spear, which the Greeks tearm Lonche, that by leaving out • the ſame word once might be intimated: So, for the moſt part, the Moon marked on, did ſignifie an unity; not only becauſe ſhe alone does enlighten the night, with rare ſplendor; but, becauſe from the word Luna, L being taken, there remains una, which ſignifies one, So upon ſome was marked that ſide of the Aſtragalus or Cock-all which being caſt uppermoſt makes one; and upon others that ſide was only underſtood, the oppoſite being expreſſed, called Senio, Sice or Six. The like things he declared in the other parts of the As or pound weight, as when in the Semiſſis or half pound, was marked an ear of Corn, becauſe the ancients alluded to the words Semiuis & Semiſſis; but thus much may ſuffice to have hinted, to ſhew how he by his ſtudy & induſtrious, & ſagacious examination of theſe things, could interpret matters which no Books could ſhew; which therefore did ſo much the more afloniſh the hearers.

For it was otherwiſe a leſſe wonder (though many were juſtly delighted therewith) that he could as well eloquently diſcourſe of veſſels and meaſures, as he could by producing the veſſels and meaſures of the Ancients, make clear demonſtration of what he ſaid. And verily as oft as any Veſſel, Coin, or Statue, or any other extraordinary thing was preſented to him; he was alwaies wont as ſoon as he could, ſo to weigh and conſider the ſame, that before he laid it up or reſtored it to the owner, he would perfectly know, all that might be known or conjectured, touching the ſame. For he conſulted with his Books, compared it with like things, and called to mind what ever he had obſerved, that might give light thereunto; and by all poſble Art, he enquired into the capacity, weight. or ſhape thereof; and asked the opinion of all learned men in all parts of the world; and collected all his own conjectures, which he could by any reaſon make good; and in brief, he would not let it paſſe, till he knew as much thereof, as it was poſſible for any mortal man to know. And when he had arrived ſo far, then either he inſerted all he knew, into a Book of the ſame or like matter; or he wrote it in a ſheet of paper, to be put into his commentaries; or he took occaſion to write a Letter one or more, wherein he explained the fruit of his labours in that ſubject. It is therefore no wonder, ſeeing all his life long he uſed this diligence, that nothing could be propounded, which like another Oedipus, he did not preſently explain and unfold.

The ſame courſe he took, touching the wonderful things of Nature; of which ſeeing all along we have made frequent mention, it is needleſs to make any further ſpecification in this place. It may ſuffice to ſay, that no man made more obſervations, or procured more to be made, to the end that at laſt ſome Notions of natural things more ſound and pure, than the vulgarly received, might be collected: for which cauſe he admired the Genius, and approved the deſign of the great Chancellour of England Sir Francis Bacon, often grieving that he never had the happineſſe to ſpeak with him, being then alive when he was at, and came laſt from Paris. He was verily, diſpleaſed with that Doctrine of Nature, which is commonly taught in the Schools, as being too obſcure and imaginary, built more upon tricks of Wit, than experiments of Nature. He was therefore wont to frown, and look with a very diſcontented countenance, when he met with ſuch Writers of natural Philoſophy, which did contend more with ſubtilty than ſolidity; and though he commended the acuteneſs of their wits, yet he grieved that it was worn out rather about words and trivial diſtinctions, than employed in penetrating into the nature of the things themſelves, whoſe very ſurface was ſtill unknown. And if they were very ſtifly opinionated, and addicted either to the Ariſtotelean or any other Sect, he would leave them to their own wiſdom, and never conreſt with them, about any thing; but if they were ſuch, which for Love of Truth would lay aſide prejudice, & had rather gently to hear, then ſtubbornly contradict; then would he pour forth ſuch diſcourſes, as they could not but receive with pleaſure and applauſe. For, although they did not altogether allow ſome of his opinions, yet were they wonderfully affected, while he did evermore confirm his opinions, either by the obſervations of ſuch things, as though vulgar, were not ſufficiently marked; or by the relation of his own, or other mens experiments, of which he had alwaies plenty to produce (ſo continually curious was he to note down and collect the ſame) or by producing the things themſelves, about which the queſtion was; for he was furniſhed with an infinite quantity of rare Minerals, Stones, Plants, Animals, ſuch as for any price or by any Art he could obtain, and keep.

By the Premiſes may be gathered, that he was not pleaſed with thoſe Logical and Metaphyſical niceties, which are no waies proſitable, and ſerve to maintain bawling, and contentious diſputes. For though he was delighted to hear a thing acutely concluded; yet he grieved that the Subject matter was but a trifle. So was he alſo many times troubled, when he heard men diſcourſe of ſublime things, which fall not under ſenſe. For that the mind of man could aſcend ſo high, as to Ideas and ſeparate ſubſtances, that he accounted a thing to be admired and commended; but to dream ſo many things concerning them, and to go about to prove the ſame, by ſuch weak Reaſons and Analogies, that was a thing which he did not approve, but pittie. For he was grieved that excellent wits ſhould paſſe over, unknown and unhandled, ſuch things as we ſee with our eyes, and feel with our fingers, and buſie themſelves about ſuch matters, as they cannot reach, no not ſo much as by a probable conjecture. Yea, and he was wont to ſay, that he was not without fear, that the Doctors did preſume too far, when with ſuch confidence they diſputed ſo many things touching God and matters Divine, beſides what the Chriſtian Faith teaches us to believe. For all the Decrees of Faith he ſaid muſt be accounted indubitable; but what they diſcourſe over and above, cannot be but doubtful; and ſeeing what is maintained by one is contradicted by many, the Majeſty of ſacred divinity is thereby violated. For which cauſe, he could indeed bear with thoſe unprofitable publick diſputes in matters Logical, Phyſical, Medicinal, and ſuch like: but he could not with patience endure the boldneſs of ſuch as would take upon them to prove that there is no God, that God is unjuſt, impotent, improvident, miſerable, and the like; for though they ſaid they did it to illuſtrate the truth, yet he thought it was a thing undecent, and that no Prince or diſcreet man, could take it well, that ſuch things ſhould be controverted concerning himſelf, eſpecially when there was no need of ſuch diſputes.

He could better bear that manners ſhould be called in Queſtion and controverted, provided the Statutes of Religion, and Laws of the Countrey were not medled with. For he conceived that the Laws were moſt highly to be eſteemed, which might be wiſhed indeed, as good as poſſible, deſerving nevertheleſſe • eneration whatever they be. Foraſmuch as in the obſetvation thereof, conſiſted the ſafety of the Commonwealth; ſo that ſuch as are not very juſt, may be more uſeful for publick good, than juſter, provided they be religiouſly obſerved. And therefore he did not diſlike thoſe men, who being thus affected, did contemplate the Laws and Cuſtoms of ſundry Nations and compare them with our own. For by this means he conceived an ingenuous man might lay aſide that prejudice, which makes the vulgar ſort of men account the Cuſtoms of their own Countrey to be the Law of Nature, and that nothing is well done, which is not ſutable to their waies and manners. For when all things conſidered, he ſhall ſee, that other Nations have their Reaſons to juſtifie their Manners and Cuſtomes, and that every Nation diſlikes the Cuſtomes of another; then is he in a capacity to elevate his mind above the vnlgar condition, and though he defend his own Countrey manners, yet to be indifferently enclined towards all men, and to become like Socrates, a Citizen, not of one Country only, but of the whole World; to admire nothing in humane affaires, and in a word, to have his mind ſo tempered, as to enjoy the greateſt tranquillity poſſible, and conſequently, the greateſt good.

And for this very cauſe, he did not only out of Books and printed narrations, inquire into the variety of mens manners, which by himſelf alone, or with ſome friends, he examined; but with all diligence poſſible, he enquired of ſuch as came from far Countries, what notable thing they had obſerved, concerning the manners of the people of thoſe parts; exhorting all his friends that took journies into forreign parts, to obſerve the ſame. And by this meanes he was ſo well acquainted with the ancient and late manners of all Nations, that it was almoſt impoſſible to relate any new thing unto him; ſo that he ſeemed to have bin born, or at leaſt to have converſed in all Countries; ſo that conſequently, to that goodneſs wherewith he was naturally enclined to all men, he added ſuch a kind of humanity, as made him embrace men of all conditions, as if they were his Brothers; being ready to do good to all, and hurt no body. For he indeed, hated thoſe abominable vices of Impiety, Cruelty, Malice, Perfidiouſneſs, and the reſt: but diſtinguiſhing humane nature from the pravity thereof, and taking the ſame into ſerious conſideration, he was moved with pitty, that through weakneſs and blindneſs, men could not continue in the way of vertue. Seeing men were not ſufficiently aware of the nature of their luſts, and the true ends which good men ſhould aim at. For if men underſtood how little would content Nature, they would abandon all deceit and fraud, by which ſuperfluous things are ſought: And, if they knew but the uſe of Riches; Humanity, Honeſty, Moderation (for want of which, not only Societies, but private mens lives are diſturbed) would not be baniſhed the World.

Moreover, he ſtudied the Mathematicks with all his might; becauſe they were no wayes ſubject to the foreſaid Diſputes; and they ſo accuſtomed the mind, that being uſed to ſuch truths as were made clear by demonſtration, it could not eaſily be deceived with the bare appearance of truth; and in a word, did by their evidence and certainty, cauſe ſuch a kind of pleaſure, as none could be greater, more honeſt, or more conſtant. And the truth is, he had not leaſure, ſcrupulouſly to ſtudy all the parts of Mathematicks; yet he would know and underſtand, the principal and more facile points of every one. But he principally loved Aſtronomy, becauſe a Man (as he was) born for contemplation, could not behold a greater, more ſublime and excellent ſight then thoſe illuſtrious Regions of the Heavenly Bodies. And next to that, he loved Geography, becauſe it and Chronology, did moſt of all illuſtrate Hiſtory, and cauſe, that ingenuous men, and otherwiſe learned, ſhould not be like Children; but rather poſſeſs themſelves with the knowledge of the whole World, and all the times and Ages thereof. And next to that, he loved Opticks, becauſe thereby were explained the Cauſes of ſo many things, which appear to the eyes, which are accounted miracles, or at leaſt, would be ſo, were it not for their familiarity, and our want of conſideration.

And therefore he was wonderfully delighted with painting, which made him keep Painters; & procure Pictures, whoſe excellency, he knew as well as any man. And he frequently averred, that it repented him that he had not learnt to paint, when he was young; and wiſhed, that with the loſſe of two fingers of his left hand, he could purchaſe that skill which his right hand wanted. For though both in his own Countrey and abroad, he had uſed the Induſtrious help of divers Painters; yet he could not alwayes finde ſtore of ſuch as were skilful, nor could he make ſo frequent uſe of other mens hands, as his occaſions required. In like manner, and for the ſame cauſe, he loved the Arts of Carving, Engraving, and making Statues, by which he cauſed ancient works, to be imitated or amended. So did he Architecture, and the Art of making Engines for Water-works, and ſuch like. Alſo Husbandry: and in a word all kinds of Art and Induſtries: for he kept not his mind intent upon the North pole alone, or Charles his Wain, but took a diligent view of the whole Heaven of Arts.

It remains, that I ſpeak a word or two touching that opinion commonly ſpread abroad, that he had compoſed divers Books and Treatiſes. And the truth is, it cannot be denyed, but that he gave great hopes that he would publiſh in print, the Antiquities of Provence, with Obſervations upon Coines, and other choyſe Monuments of Antiquity; and that he had a great deſire long ſince to publiſh Commentaries concerning the Medicaean Starres, and the Kalendar of Conſtantine; that he would publiſh a compleat work touching weights and meaſures; and that he had a mind to handle divers other Arguments: for, as there was no kind of Laudable Erudition, which the vaſtneſs and curioſity of his mind did not embrace; ſo was there nothing in a manner, concerning which he had not Intentions to write. Nevertheleſs, he did nothing, excepting what I told you, juſt now, he inſerted into his Letters: for as concerning that Book, called Squitinius, I have formerly ſaid in place convenient, what we are to think thereof. For this excellent Man, who never thought he had gotten Monuments enough touching any ſubject; did gather all his life long great variety upon every Argument; and the more he got, the more he thought he wanted, ſo that in concluſion, he did not digeſt, no nor ſo much as begin any thing.

And I remember, when I was wearied by our Countrymen, who would ask me, if his Hiſtory of Provence, would ſhortly come forth, I asked him, How long he would have me give them no other anſwer, then that ſome of the work remained yet to finiſh? And he anſwered ſmiling, that it was requiſite to ſpred a rumour abroad, that the Hiſtory of Provence was near finiſhed; for by that meanes, many deſirous to have themſelves or Anceſtors mentioned therein, would haſten of their own accord, to contribute ſome ancient Monuments; which otherwiſe they would not communicate, though they were intreated to do it.

Moreover, he was in hopes, that he might at laſt withdraw to Beaugenſier; and peruſe that mighty Maſſe of Ratities, which he had there piled up, and having rightly digeſted all, might exiract ſomewhat which might be ſo molded, as to become worthy to ſee the Light: howbeit, he doubted both his own Health, and the obtaining of that happy leaſure, by reaſon of many buſineſſes comming in, one upon the neck of another; eſpecially, calling to minde how it fared with him, at his late retirement, where he did not ſo much as open his Desk, where the foreſaid Hiſtory was lockt up; though his Brother Valaveſius, who cauſed it to be conveighed thither, did ſollicire him thereunto, offering himſelf to be his Aſſiſtant and Scribe.

Wherefore, fearing that it would fall out, as it did; and deſiring that all ſhould not be loſt, he took the courſe above ſpecified, namely, to take, or ſeek occaſions of writing Letters, into which he inſerted the principal matters. And therefore I may well ſay, there are many of his Letters, which being repleniſhed with Learning, may be accounted ſo many Books, and do every way deſerve to be publiſhed in Print. Many of theſe there are, in which he ſo diſcourſes of Antiquities, and the wonders of Nature, that who ever ſhall read them, will be inſtructed. For he was alwayes very willing to communicate, what rarities he had in that kind to good men and friends; becauſe he alwayes loved learned men, who would be edified thereby, and aſſiſted in the Compoſure of divers works. For he judged, that it was all one, whether he or others publiſhed the ſame; provided, they were ſuch things, as the reading whereof might be judged profitable.

He hoped moreover, and profeſſed, that when they were inſerted into other mens works, they would become ſo much the more profitable, by how much they ſhould prove more illuſtrious, by paſſing through ſuch learned hands.

For he did not for any other end, ſearch our, and ſuggeſt them, then that they might provoke excellent wits to invent ſomewhat better: forasmuch as he himſelf was unable to produce a ripe and elegant birth, or to form and faſhion, and lick the ſame as it were over; but was happy enough, if he might by any means play the Midwives part, in helping into the World the Labours of other Men. It was therefore his cuſtom, even unasked, ſo to aſſiſt any man that was writing a Book, that there was nothing which he would not afford him, either out of his own obſervations, or his Treaſury of Rarities, or the Rarities of other men, which he would procure of purpoſe, or out of Manuſcripts, which if he had not himſelf, he would take pains to procure them out of any Libraries, where ever they were to be had. Nor was there any man fit to write upon any ſubject, whom he would not ſollicite thereunto, and remove all Impediments if any were, and contribute Money, Books, or what ever elſe he ſtood in need of.

But to ſpeak yet further concerning his Letters, there are very many moral ones, which are exceeding well worth the Printing, in which he comforts, exhorts, diſſwades, and the like, with wonderful elegancy, and efficacy; but he is no where in my opinion, more eloquent, then where he adviſes learned men to abſtain from reviling, and bitter girds; to honour Antiquity, and not to diſſent therefrom, without ſome teſtification of Reverence; not to receive, or give out uncertain things for certain; rather to produce ſomewhat of their own, then to confute other men; not to imitate ſuch men, as being to take a Journey, ſtand to throw out of the way, all the ſtones they meet with; or who intending to gather a Noſe-gay of Roſes, do firſt of all cut all the prickles from the Roſe-buſh; to excuſe, connive at, and mitigate the faults of others, when they meet therewith; and think with themſelves, what man will be thought to deſerve prayſe, if none may be prayſed but he, that is without fault; to take it gratefully rather, that they have broken the Ice, and have at leaſt endeavoured to make a very rough way ſmooth; to acknowledge, that nothing is at the firſt perfect, and that no man would produce his endeavours into the eye of the World, unleſs he hoped for ſome favour, rather then reprehenſion; to remember that they alſo themſelves are men, and apt to be miſtaken, and ſhould by that meanes merit pardon, if they ſhowed themſelves gentle to others; with other ſuch like things, all which were here too long to relate. There are alſo other Epiſtles, in which he commends, begs, excuſes, congratulates, expoſtulates, and the like, with ſo much decency and grace, as can be deſired; he was ſo naturally apt to obſerve Decorum, invent Reaſons, and ſtir affection. I forbear to tell you how he very ſeldom wrote in Latine; but uſed principally the French Tongue, or the Italian, the ſweetneſs whereof, and all its charming Elegancies he expreſſed, not only in his Letters, but alſo when he diſcourſed with Italians by word of mouth. And ſuch a Man, as you have ſeen declared, was Peireskius.

I return now to the time, in which, as I ſaid before, he fell into a mortal ſickneſs. But I muſt firſt tell you, that a few moneths before, there was a common report at Rome, that he was dead, which was brought from thence to Paris: whereupon Valaveſius, who was then in that City, ſent unto his Brother a Congratulatory Letter, full of good wiſhes, for the continuance of his life and health. Nor muſt I paſſe over in ſilence, how Peireskius himſelf, four dayes before he was taken ſick, did relate unto us this following Dream.

I thought (quoth he) that I was at Maſſe, in the Chappel of the Palace, and that the Roof of the Chappel fell down, and overwhelmed my ſelf, with other Eenators, and the Prieſt. And when at the firſt crack the Priest being affrighted, would have left his Sacrifice. Why art thou affraid Friend (quoth I) ſeeing thou haſt God ſo near at hand? Howbeit, I do not relate this, as one that would ſeem deſirous to rake up wonders (as many fables are wont to be related upon ſuch occaſions) but that I may not be thought to make ſo much haſte to the end of my ſtory, as to omit any thing which may ſeem extraordinary. Now I call ſuch like ſtories as this, which are commonly related, Fables; becauſe, if they be not altogether falſe, yet are they drawn in by the head and ſhoulders, upon ſome ſleight occaſion, and happen rather by meer chance, then any intention of Nature; who cares no more for a wiſe man, then a fool; nor for a famous perſon, than one that is obſcure, and of no note. As for thoſe accidents laſt related, this was not the firſt time, that a report was ſpread touching the death of Peireskius, as has bin noted in its proper place, and it might now more eaſily be occaſioned, becauſe men had often heard of his ſicklineſs. And not many dayes before his Dream, the Roof of the Palace, a great part thereof fell down: and therefore it is no wonder, that the fall thereof, having made a deep Impreſſion upon his fancie, might, as is uſual, occaſion ſuch a Dream; other circumſtances being mixed therewith by reaſon of the Conjunction of other intervenient Species, or Repreſentations of things ſeen or done.

But be it how it will, Malignant Fevers were at that time very frequent all the City over, and therefore becauſe he would not let ſlip any duty, that might concern him, he went not only to the chief Preſident and his Wife, who were ſick as I told you, and now upon recovery; but he frequently viſited others alſo, whoſe life he was tender of. Amongſt the which, there was Franciſcus a Sancto Marco, a Senator of good fame, whoſe ingenuous and conſtant love, he highly reſpected; and Gregorius Francus his houſe-Phyſitian, whom he loved for the skill he had in his Art, and the gentleneſs of his manners; and Natalis Galliardus, a youth of rare towardneſs, whom as he hoped, he would in proceſs of time, carry a great ſtroak in matters judicatory; ſo he loved him for his great affection which he knew he had to learning. And ſeeing there were many others alſo, and the Diſeaſe was popular, and the heat increaſed, nor did he ever the more abſtain from comming to the Senate, or taking care of his friends, and houſhold occaſions, or from aſſiſting learned men, or writing of Letters, or ſearching and obſerving divers things; it was no hard matter to foretel what would follow.

Moreover, having viſited a friend of his that came from Marſcilles, who lay ſick at an Inne, he cauſed him to be brought home to his own houſe, that he might be more handſomly and carefully accōmodated, and viſited him often, and felt his pulſe, when he was troubled with raving, and other ſymptoms, gave him good words, ſuitable to his condition, and continually provided for him, both diet and all other things neceſſary. So that he indeed recovered; but, as he began to grow well, Peireskius fell ſick.

It was the tenth day of June, when he awaking towards morning, and perceiving that by reaſon of the frequency of his ſweats, he had not changed his ſhift all night (as he ought to have done twice or thrice) and felt withall a ſhivering cold, with a light ſweat, he opened his eyes; and ſeeing the caſement not well cloſed, he foretold his own ſickneſs. Then he began to ſeel his Head ake; yet he aroſe, went to the Court, and viſited and ſaluted ſome friends, and certain ſick people, according to his Cuſtom. When he was come home, and felt his pain as bad as before, he refuſed his dinner, hoping, that (as he had often found) if he ſhou'd faſt all day from eating and drinking, he ſhould prevent the ſickneſs which threatned him. All the Afternoon, he did either ſit in his Chair, or lie upon the Bed; till about Sun-ſet, he got on his Cloak, and entertained the excellent Campinius, who was come to viſit him, and after much diſcourſe, brought him to the door, to take his leave of him. When he was gone, there came to ſee him Raimondus Maranus, the Son of William, Profeſſor of Law, in the ſame Univerſity of Tolouſe, with an ingenuous youth, the Sonne of his Brother the Counſellour, with whom he was forced to abide a while in the Porch, with his hat off: and being withall careful to entertain them in his Houſe, he was much troubled, becauſe that part of the Houſe which was moſt convenient for them, was taken up. Afterward, with much adoe, he went up ſtaires; and being in his Chamber, and his Head-ach and Fever increaſing, he ſupt only a little broath. He was wont to obſerve, that when he abſtained wholly from meat and drink, he was never thirſty; finding therefore, after his broath, that he was a dry, he took it for an ill ſigne.

The day following, being Corpus Chriſti day, he ſent to deſire Hannibal Fabrotus, a famous Lawyer, of whom we have formerly made frequent mention, that he would come and keep his Cueſts Company. He kept his Bed all the day, and beſides the Fever, was pained in his Kidneys, and Haemorrhoids. The ſame day, he was let blood, and the Fever continuing, he was enjoyned to forbear his drinking of the mineral water. About the evening of the thirteenth day, his Head-ache and Fever increaſed. The day following, he was ſomewhat better, and the Poſt, who had brought Letters from his Brother Valaveſius, from Paris, being to return, he would needs write an anſwer with his own hand; but after he had made three Eſſayes, and had thrice changed his pen, ſuppoſing that to be in fault, after he had wrote three lines, his hand grew ſo ſtiffe, that he never wrote more after that time. Having in the mean time, with much ado conſented, that Johannes Salvator, who was then his Phyſician, ſhould preſcribe him a Potion, he took it the next morning: and finding himſelf pretry well after it, he buſied himſelf about many things.

On the ſixteenth day, he did endite a Letter to his Brother, in which he extenuated his ſickneſſe; and yet towards night, there came forth upon his back, great red ſpots. After which, the Feaver encreaſed, and he ſlept not at all that night. Whereupon the day following, towards evening, he was let blood in his right foot, to prevent raving which was frequent and vehement, in thoſe Diſeaſes. And the day after, indeed, in which he began to fetch his breath ſhort, he raved not; yet on the ninereenth day he did, which I took notice of, and obſerved therein certain markes of his Learning. On the twentieth day, in which his ſtrangury was not ſo great as formerly, he was a little better; ſave that in the afternoon, his raving was ſomewhat more apparent; though it was alwaies in a learned ſtrain, and obſerved only by my ſelf. For he would commonly ſpeak to no body but me, and he ſpake little, and low; bringing forth his words ſlowly and with difficulty.

The day following, his raving was yet more vehement; becauſe the Fever was grown ſtronger, and cauſed very many ſpots to come forth; which ſeeming ſomewhat abated, Cupping-glaſſes were applyed. And becauſe both Salvator and Priſius Inſulanus another Phyſitian, did judge that he was dangerouſly ſick, I began to take care that he might not depart before he had received the Sacrament. Which being propounded to him, he conſented, and deſired withal, to hear Maſſe celebrated in his Chamber, on the two and twentieth day. Wherefore the foreſaid Minutius, a Friar Miním, having got a Licence from the Arch-Biſhop, both ſaid Maſſe and gave him the Euchariſt. That very good man Jacobus Reſius, Rector of the Oratorian Society, had firſt heard his Confeſſion, to whom he was wont to confeſſe himſelf, in time of his health. Theſe things were done about nine a clock, he ſitting all the while in a chair, upon which he had cauſed himſelf to be ſet, that his Urine might come from him, with greater eaſe.

We ſuppoſed that he was weary with ſitting, but he would not ſuffer himſelf to be removed, commanding the company to withdraw, that he might dictate ſome parts of his Will. The chief were, that he would be buried in the Sepulcher of his Anceſtors, viz. within the Chappel of the Dominicans Church, which is ſituate at the left end of the High-Altar; that he gave to the Dominicans three hundred pounds Tours, to the Brotherhood of the Oratory, a thouſand. To me all his Mathematical Books, and all his Inſtruments, and of his other Books an hundred, ſuch as I ſhould make choiſe of, with the Picture of Wendelinus. To Scipio Pererius, as a token of his love, the Florentine Pandects; to Hannibal Fabrotus, ſix Volums of Law books, ſuch as he ſhould chooſe; to Baltaſar Viaſius, ſix pieces of ancient Coin, ſuch as he had moſt mind to; to Arthur Olivarius, one of his ancient Rings; to Bonifacius Borrillius, the Picture of Reubeus. To his Nephew, God-ſonns, officious perſons, and ſervants (amongſt which he mentioned Antonius Agarratus, who aſſiſted me in obſerving the Motions of the heavenly Bodies) he gave divers Sums of Money. To him whoſe name he had told in his Brothers ear, (which the event ſhewed to be Cardinal Barberino) his Samaritan Pentateuch. He made his brother Heir: and the O • erſeers of his will Honoratus Agutius one of the Senate, and the foreſaid Balthazar Viaſſius. All which being ingroſſed and read about evening, he could not ſubſcribe his name by reaſon of his weakneſſe. Mean while his Urine ſtopped, and a great and ſtiff-ſtretched ſwelling, aroſe upon the Region of his Bladder.

On the three and twentieth day in the morning, he was in pretty good eaſe, and was diſpleaſed at the application of certain fomentations, to the tumor aforeſaid. About noon he defired me not to omit to obſerve the Suns Altitude, and remembred to ask me, if the Solſtice were paſt or not; A while after, he uttered ſome raving ſpeeches, but ſavouring of curioſity and Learning. About four a clock the Chirurgion came to let out his Urine, who after he had tried a wax Candle to no purpoſe, he uſed his Catheter. And, at that time, a good deal was voided; but not without immeaſurable pain to him, who not being able to ſtand of himſelf, was held upright. After he had reſted a while, he indited a ſhort Letter to his Brother: and after nine a clock, the Chirurgion let out his Urine again; but he was very like to faint away, ſo great was his pain, and ſo great his wearineſſe.

Finally on the 24 day about Sun-riſe; Minutius asked him, if he would receive the extream Unction. He ſaid, it was that he deſired; and when a little after, we told him the Pariſh-Prieſt was come, I am (quoth he) very much obliged to him. Then beckening to me, to turn my eare towards him, he charged me to ſee that twelve pounds ſhould be given to the Pariſh-Prieſt, when he went away. In like manner he was alwaies careful that his Phyſician and Chirurgion ſhould have their ſees given them, every fourth day. Moreover, when the Pariſh-Prieſt pronounced the Abſolution, he of his own accord and with his own hand, ſigned himſelf with the ſign of the Croſſe. Alſo he made ſhew that he was delighted at the performance of the extream unction. Then, I ſtood by him, and bad him be of good courage; for if God had appointed this to be the end of his Life and Labours, he ought to take it patiently, and follow his Commander according to his wonted courage. To which words he gently aſſented. Afterwards Minutius pronounced the General Abſolution; and telling him, that as he would have God to forgive him, ſo muſt he forgive others, what ever offences they had committed againſt him; he preſently made anſwer, So be it.

Mean while the lower part of his Belly, which, we told you before, was much ſwelled and ſtiff, having been ſomewhat aſſwaged, was now again ſo diſtended, that he complained he was choaked. The day before, he refuſed the Cataplaſms; but now Reſius and Minutius came both to him, and deſired him for the Love of God, to permit the Application. He anſwered, I am content; ſeeing you will needs have it ſo. But he endured the Cataplaſm not long; commanding to take it preſently off again, and complaining afreſh that he was choaked. The Chirurgion was therefore ſought for, to let forth his Urine; but he was gone to ſome Village, about I know not what buſineſſe. Others being ſent for, either durſt not meddle, or wanted Inſtruments. Mean while, he cauſed himſelf to be placed in the Chair, but putting down his feet he could not in the leaſt bear himſelf up any longer; yea, and he ſunk ſo down upon the Chair, that his Neck falling on one ſide, and his eys being diſtorted, we thought he had bin giving up the Ghoſt.

Being carried into his Bed again, he came ſo far to himſelf, that he could ſtill complain of choaking. Then came the Preſident and his Wife, who ſent another Foot-boy for the Chirurgion. Mean while, another Chirurgion being called, he was placed upon the ſide of the Bed; but the Chirurgion endeavouring in vain to thruſt in his Catheter, he fell again into a ſwoon. Being come a little to himſelf, the other Chirurgion returning about noon, thruſt in the Catheter with much ado, but could bring out no water: and then he fainted away the third time, and though he were put into his Bed, yet he recovered very little ſtrength. To be ſure, he never ſpeak word more, although his frequent and difficult breathing, did ſometimes appear as if it had bin ſpeech. Whereupon being adviſed by Reſius, to pronounce the ſacred name of Jeſus his Saviour, he could not do it; and being by by him intreated to teſtifie his Pietie by ſome ſign or other, he did it divers times, by lifting up his eyes. Finally, having wraſtled with ſo many Pains and Dolours, he rendred his Soul to God, a little before three a clock in the afternoon: having lived juſt fifty ſix years, ſix moneths, twelve daies and twenty houres.

After his deceaſe, his Nephew provided for him a very honourable funeral. And becauſe there was then in the houſe Petrus Pavillonus a rare Statuary and Carver, whom Peireskius, had kept above two moneths as he returned from Rome, that he might repair a maimed Statue of Diana, a broken Tripode, and other marble workes; he made uſe of him to figure out in plaiſter, all the dimenſions of his Countenance, to the intent, that afterward a Marble Statue might be formed, as like him as was poſſible. Alſo the Phyſicians thought good to view his internal parts, that they might be perfectly ſatisfied touching the cauſe of his death, though it were not very obſcure. Therefore the night following they diſſected his Body, and found that his Heart, Liver, Lungs and other parts, were in good plight: only his Bladder in the forepart thereof, was ſo corrupted, that like wet Paper, it would rend apieces, being never ſo little touched. It was therefore conceived, that a day or two before his death, it was ſo torn, that his Urine was ſhed into his Belly, and cauſed the foreſaid ſwelling. The hinder part thereof, was more ſound and whole: but there was in the bottome, ſtore of phlegm, and a little gravel. At the Sphincter there grew a fleſhy or callous ſubſtance, which being in the neither part, ſhaped like an half Moon, and the third part of a finger in thickneſs, did ſtop the Orifice of his Urine. In his left Kidney there was nothing extraordinary; but in the right, there was much gravel and divers ſtones, three of which were bigger than the reſt: the one being as big as an Almond, the other two, as two Lupines. And theſe cauſed the pains in his right Kidney; as his Strangury was cauſed by the Caruncle which ſtopped the Orifice of his Bladder. The day following, which was the ſeventh of the Kalends of July, his Corſe was carried to Church with great Pompe, and exceeding ſorrow of all good men; and was buried, during the celebration of the accuſtomed Ceremonies, in the Vault or burying place of his Anceſtors, in the Church of Saint Dominick, at eleven a clock in the forenoon.

His Brother Valaveſius was abſent at Paris, to his great grief, when the tidings of his death were brought him. For beſides the bitter ſenſe and want of his moſt dearly beloved Brother, it encreaſed his ſorrow, that it was not his hap to be by him in his ſickneſs, to refreſh him in his languiſhings, to ſatisfie himſelf by ſeeing and embracing him, to receive his commands, and to hear his laſt words, that they might remain fixed in his mind. They that acquainted him with this ſad accident, and gave him my Letters, were the two Puteans, whom the two Brothers alwaies made uſe of, as their prime friends. The elder of the Puteans being highly reſpected by Petrus Siguierius the Chancellor, undertook to acquaint him with the buſineſs. And finding him with a great company of people about him, and being demanded what he would have with him, he related the matter to him; whereupon let us go aſide (quoth he) for your relation is more grievous, and that man was greater and to me a dearer kinſm • n, than that I ſhould ſeem to, grieve perfunctorily for him. But Valaveſius, though he was caſt down, yet he generouſly, took heart, and went to the Cardinal of Lions, who alſo, out of the great love he bore to his Brother, gave great Teſtimonies of ſorrow. Alſo he went to that mighty Cardinal renowned through the whole world, and never to be forgotten Johannes Armandus Pleſſeus, Cardinal of Richelieu, who abundantly teſtified how dear to him the memory of Peireskius was, and of his own accord, beſtowed the Abbey of Guiſtres upon his Siſters ſon, and the ſon of Henry Seguiranus, who was chief Preſident of the Chamber of Accounts. And coming a moneth or two after, into Provence, the firſt thing he did, was to perform Funeral Rites to his Brother, and to be preſent at the Obſequies, which thoſe of Riantium, having made an Hearſe, did celebrate for him. Alſo he wrote forthwith to Genua, for to have from thence a Marble ſtone, to make ſuch a Monument as was ſutable to his Brothers Renown, and their mutual love.

Moreover, the rumor of Peireskius his death, was quickly ſpread abroad, through the whole learned world; all Scholars, being ſo ſmitten with grief, as if the common Father and Prince of Learning, had bin dead. For ſeeing he cheriſhed all their hopes, encouraged their minds, was a Patron and Aſſiſtant to them all; they could not chooſe but all of them be dejected and out of heart, having loſt that ſpirit, which did animate them all. I ſay, preſently: for lo, even from Leiden, Letters were dated the third of the Ides of July, from Salmaſius to the Puteans, wherein he writes, that the tidings of his death, had rendred him wholly unfit for ſtudy, or any thing elſe. And not to paſſe over what he ſaies afterwards, I am not able (quoth he) to comfort my ſelf, being quite out of heart, and I make no account of my ſtudies, ſince he is gone, who was their cheriſher, and promoter. And my grief for his loſſe would not be ſo much, if during his life I had teſtified that affection which I had justly conceived toward him, for the benefits he conferred upon me: but now I muſt die ungratefull, he being dead before I could make teſtification of my thankful heart. All that I can now do, is to hold his memory in veneration, and in my writings to tranſmit to poſterity ſuch Testimonials of him, as his incomparable Virtue, and ineſtimable merits do require from the hand of that man, who honoured him living, and received more benefits from him, than from any mortal man beſides. But I can ſay no more, for weeping, and muſt of neceſſity here break off. Behold alſo Letters from Rome written by Naudaeus, the day after the Ides of the ſame moneth, in which among other things there are theſe Paſſages. O the inſtability of all mortal things! O the unſpeakable cruelty of the Fates! O the bitter Death & miſchievous to all good men, which is befallen in the middeſt of our jollity! that incomparable man, being taken away, when his death was the thing we leaſt feared. What Blazing-Star appeared? What notice had we thereof from Heaven? Where were the Earth-quakes, unwonted thunder-claps, the Apparitions and Prodigies, which ſhould have appeared at the death of that man, the greateſt, the beſt, the wiſeſt of all other? verily we are deluded, &c. I paſſe over other Letters, in which ſuch paſſages as theſe were frequently inſerted, No future Ages will ever produce ſuch a man. Alſo, when ſhall we meet with his like again? And, Our hopes are laid in the duſt, Our Sun is ſet, the Graces have forſaken us; the delight of mankind is dead; that man is dead, who was the only cheriſher of the diſconſolate Muſes, in this Age wherein we live.

I paſſe over likewiſe other Letters, wherein his friends and learned men, in whoſe Breaſts Candor and Gratitude did reſide, did both teſtifie their grief, and mutually comfort one another. Many came to my hands, the chief of which were thoſe of the renowned Balzac (to whom all Writers both in French and Latine, do eaſily grant the Palm of Elegance) wherein he rarely bewailed his Funerals. I omit likewiſe the Elegies, Epitaphs, Lamentations, Encomiums, which were publiſhed both in Proſe and Verſe in divers Languages; but eſpecially in Latine by Grotius, Rigaltius, Dumayus, Gothofredus, Gaffarellus, Billonus, and others; none of which (I hope) will be offended, that I ſpeak of Viaſſius, by himſelf, for honours ſake: who as he exceedingly honored Piereskius, and was by him highly eueemed; ſo did he take extraordinary pains in compoſing a Poem, wherein he proſecutes the rare praiſes of his deceaſed friend, moſt decently and copiouſly. Nor will it be unworth my labour, if I ſhall likewiſe ſelect and inſert the Epitaph which Rigaltius compoſed, & Valaveſius made choice of, to be engraven upon his Tomb. Which was as followes.

Here lies, Expecting a Chriſtian Reſurrection, Nicolaus Claudius Fabricius Lord of Pieresk. Whoſe Sagacity, Counſel, Liberality, Open'd the moſt ſecret Treaſures of Antiquity, To all the learned world of men. A Man ſo rarely Happy, That living in an Age of Quarrels, All Men knew, but no Man blam'd him. The VIII of the Kalends of July, in the year Of Chriſt, 1637. of his own age LVII. Let every good man pray for the beſt of Men.

And verily, I muſt not omit the Funeral Honours which were performed for him at Rome: were it only becauſe that crafty eſtimation of Vertue, ought not to be forgotten, with which thoſe moſt politick men, thought fit to adorn, even a man born on this ſide the Alps. For vvhen the Pope, Cardinal Barberino, and other great & learned men, came not without extream ſorrow, to underſtand this ſad Accident; they thought fit to decree ſuch Honours, as might adorn a man ſo well deſerving of the Roman and learned World. He vvas choſen in his life-time, though abſent, into the Academy which is called Academia Humoristarum: which is a renowned Society of learned men, who meet twice every moneth, vvhere, in a full Aſſembly, one of the Academicks makes an Oration, and others recire their Poëms and other vvorks, vvorthy of a learned Auditory. It was therefore thought fit, that Peireskius ſhould be honoured in that Aſſembly, though contrary to the Lawes of the ſaid Academy, vvhich allow that Honour only to Princes of the ſame Society; ſo that in whole forty years time, only ſix, and they Princes, are recorded to have received that Honour. But the fame, and ſplendor of his rare Vertues, overcame that obſtacle; as alſo the extream affection the Cardinal bore him, with the generous humanity of Camillu, Columna, Prince of the Academy; and the great admiration and reſpect of the Academicks, by whoſe Votes it was carried.

The twelfth day therefore of the Kalends of January, was appointed for the ſolemnity; againſt which, Seates were provided, hung with mourning, as alſo the Pulpit, and an Image of Peireskius deceaſed, ſet in a conſpicuous place. There came beſides Cardinal Barberinus, and his Brother Antonius, the Cardinals Bentivolus, Cueva, Biſcia, Pamphilius, Pallotta, Brancatius, Aldobrandinus, Burgheſius; and ſuch a multitude of other very renowned and learned men, that the Hall was ſearce able to contain them. Where the moſt choyle wits in all the City, recited Verſes in prayſe of the deceaſed, in Italian, Latine, and Greek; and his Funeral Oration neat and eloquent, was pronounced by Joannes, Jacobus Buccardus, who was choſen to perform that Office, both for the excellency of his wit, the great love he bore to his Countrey, and his ſpecial Affection to the memory of the party deceaſed. I would let down here the chief heads of the Oration; but that it has bin already divers times printed, with a dedication to that greateſt of Cardinals, and an Epiſtle ſubjoyned to the foreſaid Luillerius. And there was added to the Edition printed at Rome, not only the foreſaid Verſes recited by the Academicks; but alſo the Letter of Naudaeus forementioned; and withall, a rare fardle of Funeral Elegies, which becauſe they were expreſſed, in almoſt all the Languages of the World (for they were near upon forty); Therefore they were entituled Pangloſsia, or the Lamentations of Mankind, in all Languages expreſſed, for the Death of their Darling. And becauſe the Book was to be licenſed, and approved by the Maſter of the ſacred Palace; Loe how Lucas Holſtenius made way, and declared by this following ceninre, that the Laudatory Oration of Buccardus, was written eloquently and elegantly, and with the ſame purity and Candor, with which that moſt excellent and incomparable man alwayes lived; and the Elegoes written by moſt renowned and moſt excellent man, that is to ſay, the very Teares of the Muſes, runn •• g down in the clear and learned Humour of the •• man Academy, at the Funerals of Peireskius, •• ght by any meanes to be publiſhed, that the memory of ſo great a Perſonage may be tranſmitted to all poſterity; ſeeing they ſet before Mens Eyes, the illuſtrious Example of a Man born to advance all good Literature and Liberal Arts.

And I have bin more large in recounting theſe things, thus tranſacted at Rome, becauſe, this was as it were his Apothe • ſis, or Canonization, which was entertained with the whole Worlds applauſe. For though there was no learned man who did not wiſh with all his heart, that Peireskius might have bin longer the Recreation of Mankind (which was in old times ſaid of a Prince) rather then ſo ſoon a Companion of Saints and Angels: yet all were pleaſed, that he was honoured in that Theatre, of which he was, while living, judged moſt worthy. And peradventure, if it had bin his hap to live longer, the greateſt Honours might have bin conferred upon him, without his ſeeking after; but they could add nothing to his Honour, vvho by the common vote of all men, vvas ever counted vvorthy of the greateſt, which could be conferred.

Moreover, as he vvas alwayes richer then the vvealth vvhich he contemned: ſo was he more glorious then thoſe Honours, he ſcorned to ſeek for. And therefore, though he was taken away in the middle of his vvhole Age, yet in reſpect of glory, he lived very long, having by his vertue attained an eternal Renown. For as long as there ſhall remain any Lovers of good Literature they will dearly eſteem his Memory, whoſe love to learning, and munificence towards learned men, they ſhall ſee ſprinkled in all Books. We have mentioned many of them all along; and have omitted more, yea, ſuch as have been dedicated to him. One thing I muſt not omit, being proper f • r this place, viz. that many Authours were reſolved to dedicate their Books to him, juſt when he died. Amongſt them were Campanella, Licetus, Hortenſius, Buccardus, Arcoſius, and who not? And what would have been done, think you, if he had attained a riper Age, and longer liſe? Thoſe things which he accompliſhed, may juſtly be counted very many, and very great: but he vvas juſt then taken away, vvhen by rare actions he began to exceed himſelf. For he had now contrived to himſelf many vvayes of entercourſe, into all the Provinces of Europe: into Aſia, and all the Eaſtern parts of the World; into all Africa, and the fartheſt bounds of Aethiopia; into the two Continents of America, and the unknown World it ſelf; ſo that he vvas now in a capacity more abundantly to unite all Mankind, through the whole World, by the Commerce and Correſpondence of Letters; and to ſupply all learned men, with ſuch Books, and other things, as they ſtood in need of.

But, as for ſuch things as would have happened, if he had lived longer, I leave them to Gods diſpoſal. Who verily, has canſed the greareſt ſorrow imaginable, by taking away the Pilot, who ſtood at the Helm of the Ship of Learning; or rather, the Pole-ſtarre, upon which all learned men kept their Eyes fixed; ſetting none in his place, toward whom they may look up. For there are men indeed, who by their Wealth, Authority, Favour, do aſſiſt and cheriſh ſome kind of Learning and learned men: but there is no Man, that ardently affects all the learned, through the whole World, as he did; who bends all his care that way, neglecting every thing beſides; exhauſts his Eſtate to that end, and liberally ſpends his Treaſure; who is in ſuch Credit with all Men, and catches at all opportunities of doing good, with the greateſt willingneſs, Induſtry, Felicity, imaginable. Tistruly ſcarce credible, that there will ever ariſe ſuch a man, of ſuch a diſpoſition and inclination as he was. For although the former Age by a wonderful felicity brought forth thoſe three rare men, Pinellus, Velſerus, and Molinus, who were rarely affected to all learned men: yet Peireskius comming after them, did ſo in his own perſon, combine the vertues of each of them, as to weigh down the prayſes of them all, ſeeming to him inferior. Yea, and whereas before thoſe three mentioned, we hardly read of a few Kings and Emperors like affected, Peireskius ſeems in nothing to them inferior, ſave in the largeneſs, and oſtentation of their Riches. This was the opinion of learned men, when commending his truly royal, and magnificent mind, and acknowledging him to be the pattern of never to be forgotten beneficence, they declared, that he had ſeazed the glory due to Kings; and that he was ſo much more worthy of commendation then Mecaenas, inasmuch as he had no Auguſtus, by whoſe favour and liberality he might be inabled to do good. In a word, this vvas the true fruit which he attained, viz. to leave a grateful Memory of himſelf conſecrated and inſhrined in the Breaſts of thoſe men, vvho have extolled him to the Heavens, and will tranſmit his memory to all ſucceeding Ages. Others ſeek Renown; by enlarging their Dominions, leading of Armies, preſenting rare ſhews, building Tombes, Pyramides, and ſuch like things; yet oblivion at laſt overwhelms theſe men, as inglorious, and ignoble; or if any memory of them remains, it is either deſpicable, or at leaſt void of love and affection. Thoſe men alone, who get a name and Honour, by their Beneficence, become ſo immortalized, as no man can ever make mention of them, but with ardent affection, and a ſecret ſenſe of Gratitude.

This is the way which was trod by thoſe gallant Perſonages, to the love of whom, after ſo many Ages, we are by Hiſtories allured; in this caeleſtial path you have choſen to walk, ô Ludowick Valeſe, the beſt of Princes; whoſe immenſe goodneſs may be felt by us, but not expreſſed. Good cauſe have I to praeſage, that your memory will remain as dear to Poſterity, as ever Timoleus was; for you patiently heard, I well remember, my Diſcourſe touching his exact and rare way of Life, among the Syracuſians, over whom he ruled. For, neglecting your own affaires, you make it all your buſineſs to ſuſtain cheriſh, and erect afflicted Provence, and (if the times will give way) to reſtore it unto its ancient ſplendor. Do but proceed, to merit the affections of thoſe People, who are ſo loving, and ſo devoted to you; for they are thoſe, who honour and advance the reflouriſhing Glory of that moſt excellent and Beneficent King Renatus, who was of your Family. But to conclude, Here you have, what at your Command, and the importunate Requeſts of others, I have bin able to ſay of Peireskius. I ask no pardon for delaying to finiſh the ſame, ſo ſoon as you deſired: for you are acquainted with my long ſickneſs, and the longer Reliques thereof, which have laſted full half a year. And truly, I am hardly now perfectly well; ſo that knowing this ſmall work to have bin by me laboured in my ſickly condition, you need not wonder that it beares the Marks and tokens of a mind languiſhing, in a ſick Body. But be it as it will, it may at leaſt teſtifie, the exceeding willingneſs I have to ſerve you. Mean while, I provide my ſelf (ſince your ſingular Gentleneſs will have it ſo) to return to you, as ſoon as may be. And ſo fare well, ô Honour of Princes. Finiſhed at Digne, the XII. of the Kalends of March, 1639.