THE MIRROUR OF TRUE Nobility & Gentility.

BEING THE LIFE OF The Renowned Nicolaus Claudius Fabricius Lord of Peiresk, Senator of the Parliament at AIX.

Written by the Learned Petrus Gassendus, Professor of the Mathematicks to the King of FRANCE.

Englished by W. Rand, Doctor of Physick.

Vivit post Funera Virtus.

London, Printed by J. Streater for Humphrey Moseley, and are to be sold at his Shop at the Princes Arms in St. Pauls Church-yard. 1657.


To the ingenious and lear­ned Gentleman, the worshipful John Evelyn Esquire.

Worthy Sir,

MUch about ten years are fled, since my learned friend Dr. Benjamin Worsley brought me first acquain­ted with the name and fame of Peireskius, and knowing that I delighted to busie my self in that kind, wished that I would render his History in­to English. And not long after, my good friend Squire Harlib seconded his Motion, and put the Latine Book into my hand, to take home with me and peruse and consider of. Which I did; but finding it so knottie a piece, both in respect of the matter, and the presse and elegantly con­cise style, of the learned and judicious Gassendus, I had not the courage to venture upon it; but re­stored my friend his Book, without any more adoe: Since which time having (during our in­testine broiles in England) spent an ordinary Apprenticeship in Contemplation of the Belgic Provinces of Holland, Utrecht; Brabant, Flan­ders, and their many fair Citties and Universi­ties, [Page]of which that of Lovaine seems likest ours, as much resembling Cambridge, in many re­spects: not long after my return, I was a fresh importuned by another friend, to let our Coun­treymen understand the Life of the renowned Peireskius. Which at last, though with very much dissidence, I did undertake and accomplish; and how I have therein acquitted my self, you are best able to judge; who besides your parts of wit and learning, know by experience the la­bour and care belonging to such works, and are best qualified to excuse an over-sight or mistake. You know that Gassendus a general Scholar, and one of the greatest wits in Europe, and a perfect Master of the Roman Language, comparable to any of the ancients, could not have taken in hand an Argument, that would have more effe­ctually called forth, and employed the utmost of all his Activities, than to write the Life of this rare French Gentleman, whose sprightful curio­sity left nothing unsearcht into, in the vast and all-comprehending Dominions of Nature and Art.

Having finished the Story, I was long in Quest to whom I might pertinently dedicate the same, being apparelled, a la mode d'Angle terre: and pertinency I have alwaies esteemed the Soul of a Dedication. While this care was upon me, it was my good hap, accidentally to over-hear the Character of your worthy self, so expressed in a Book-sellers shop in Cornhil, where I was then reading, that I concluded, you were the on­ly man I ever heard of in England, whose Peires­kian Ʋertues, did challenge this Dedication. [Page]And upon enquiry, learning your name, and re­membring that I had bin once civilly entertained by you in the company of my deceased Kinsman Dr. Rapha Rand of Goddalming, at our Fathers house of Wotton in Surrey; I concluded, that the sutableness of your Genius with that of Peireski­us, the respects my Kinsman aforesaid, frequent­ly found at your Fathers house, both when sick­nesse required his presence and at other times; and your Fathers civility to my self, having been once his guest at bed and board, with your own kind entertainment of me after his death; and finally the constant affection of that worthy gen­tlewoman your near kinswoman, and the relict widdow of my Cosen aforesaid, upon all occasi­ons expressed towards me; did necessitate me to cry Heurica, and to conclude that Peireskius could not more justly be by me presented to any other than your ingenious self, to receive his first entertainment into England. None can, I perswade my self, more prize him; no man is more fit effectually to recommend him to the acquaintance of our English Gentry. That from him they may learn, That knowledge, which is the highest perfection of Man, by which he dif­fers from B [...]asts, must needs be the principal ac­complishment of a Gentleman: and that the compleatly-knowing man, must be Janus-like, double-fac'd, to take cognizance of Time past, and to understand the world from its cradle, as far as any Monuments of Antiquity can give Light, as well as of the late-past, or present times, wherein he lives. Hunting and Hawking, [Page]are exercises allowed to preserve and encrease health and strength, but no genuine and proper Characters of a Gentleman; which he that wholly gives himself to, while he catches a Bird or Beast, he loses himself, & becomes like one of them, gaining little to speak of, but an humor in­clinable to Tyrany, like that of Nimrod the migh­ty Hunter, and Proto-Tyrant of the world. From our Peireskius, it is to be hoped, through your ex­ample and recommendation, the English Gentry will for time to come understand [...]ow to im­prove their great leasure and Faculties of Person and Estate, so as to render themselves in the highest measure fit to serve God, by serving the Common-wealth in the most weighty concern­ments thereof. And that the complaint of that most noble, ingenious, and pious Gentleman Mr. George Herbert sometimes University Ora­tour of Cambridge, may hereafter be out of date, which as yet is too seasonable and necessary; and because I fear little laid to heart, I shall not think it tedious, or any waies impertinent here to recite the same, as it is recorded in his Church-Porch, page the third, staffe the fifth, where, after his most ingenious and pithie manner, he thus schooles and chides our English Gentry;

Fly Idlenesse; which yet thou canst not fly
By dressing, mistrissing, and Complement.
If those take up thy day, the Sun will cry
Against thee: for his Light was only lent.
God gave thy Soul brave wings; put not those fea­thers
Into a Bed, to sleep out all ill weathers.
Art thou a Magistrate? then be severe:
If studious, copy fair what time hath blur'd;
Redeem truth from his jaw's: If Souldier,
Chase brave employments with a naked sword
Throughout the world. Fool not; for all may have,
If they dare try, a glorious Life or Grave.
O England full of sin, but most of sloth!
Spit out thy Flegm, & fill thy Brest with Glory,
Thy Gentry bleats, as if thy native cloth
Trans-fus'd a sheepishnesse into thy Story:
Not that they all are so; but that the most
Are gone to Grasse, and in the Pasture lost.
This losse springs chiefly from our Education.
Some Till their Ground, but let Weeds choak their Sonne:
Some mark a Partridge, never their Child's fashion:
Some ship them over, and the thing is done.
Study this Art make it thy great design;
And if Gods Image move thee not, let thine.
Some, great Estates provide, but do not breed
A mast'ring mind; so both are lost thereby:
Or else they breed them tender, make them need
All that they leave: this is flat poverty.
For he that needs five thousand pound to live,
Is full as poor as he that needs but five.
The way to make thy Son rich, is to fill
His Mind with rest, before his Trunke with Riches:
For Wealth without Contentment climbs a Hill,
To feel those Tempests which fly over ditches.
But if thy Son can make tea pound his measure
Then all thou addest, may be call'd his Treasure.

So far the Noble Herbert, whose complaint may justly be renewed at this day. And seriously (Sir) it is a sad thing to consider, that the Gen­try of England, called to serve their Country in its highest and dearest concernmen [...]s, have in all Ages hitherto, been for the most part necessitated to see with the Eyes of others, and forced to serve the Dictates of merce­nary men, that have advised sutable to their own Interests, Factions, and Trades, instead of following their own well-informed, unbi­assed and generous understandings. All which has sprung from want of convenient Educa­tion, and improvement of their younger years. It is to be hoped, the next Age will be reformed in this kind, which God grant. And to that end, I beseech you (Sir) gently to ac­cept, this testification of my respects to you, and to receive this worthy French Gentleman with those civilities, your Travels in France, and his worth shall prompt you to, and recommend Him and his Story, his Vertues and Accomplishments, to the Imitation and worthy Emulation of our English Gallants. For who so fit to do this, as your Ingenious, Industrious Self? Unless Fame be a very loud Liar in this particular, the greatest and most considerable difference betwixt Evelyn [Page]and Peireskius, is in those kind of things which Epictetus calls ta ouc eph' hemîn, See E­pictetus his En­cheiridion or Ma­nuel, Ch. 1. such as are to So­ma he ctêsis, doxai, archai; and in a word, hósa ouc hemétera érga, And whereas Peireskius, that he might more freely converse with the ever­flourishing Lady-Muses, and (as may be collected from a Passage or two in his life) distasted perad­venture, with the scolding Humour of his Mo­ther in Law, and the shallow Impertinencies of the Gentlewomen of that Countrey and Age, wherein he lived; denyed himself the Contents of a married Estate: you (Sir) have had the hap­piness to choose a Gentlewoman (as I am credi­bly informed, so accomplisht, that Peireskius, were he now living, would count it no time lost, to be in her Company, and enjoy her ingenious converse. A Gentlewoman, in whom the Eng­lish Gravity, being moderately allayed, sweeten­ed and spirited, by the mettlesome Aire and E­ducation of France, has arrived to such a perfecti­on, as to be no Hinderance, but a meet Help to her beloved Lord, in his most manly Concern­ments. I must not therefore omit to recommend Peireskius to her likewise; that her worthy ac­quaintance may bring him into a more charita­ble Conceit of Woman-kind, then to think all time lost, as to Wisdom, which is spent in their Company. To you both therefore, Worthy Couple, true yoak-fellowes, I dedicate my great Pains in this small, but very material History. Beseeching Almighty God to make you the hap­py and joyful Parents of many faire, wise, and well-bred Children, that may tread in their Pa­rents steps, and as living and speaking Statues, ef­fectually [Page]present your names and vertues to suc­ceeding Generations; and that he would so sea­son your Hearts, with the Fear and Love of his divine Goodness and Majesty, as that you may direct all your rare endowments received from his bountiful Providence, to the greatest good of your native Countrey, and all your kindre, viz. Man-kind. So shall you in the highest measure, your Sphere is capable of, advance the Glory of God, the welfare of your Country and kinde, the unspeakable Pleasure of your own applauding Consciences here in this World (not to speak of the grateful acknowledgement of others) and your Eternal Felicity in that World that is to come where righteousness shall dwell, at the Re­surrection of the just. Amen. Such, truly gene­rous and worthy Couple, is the hearty Pray­er of

The real Honourer of your Peireskian Vertues. William Rand.

TO THE Great, Wise, and Good PRINCE, Ludovicus Valesius, Earl of Alais.
Master of the Light-Horsmen throughout France, and Vice-roy of Provence. Petrus Gassendus wisheth all Health and Happinesse.


I Am now about, at your Request, to write the Life of the most renowned Peireskius. For presently upon your happy arrival into this Province, you mourned to finde your self, by the great envy of the Fates, bereft of his Society; and very punctually questioned me, whom you knew to have bin most familiarly con­versant with him, touching his Studies, Manners, and conditions. It was your pleasure also to learn the favour of his Countenance from his Picture, and to visit those places, in which there did re­main some foot-steps as it were, and marks of his Presence; viewing his Habitation, where he was wont to sit, and captivate the most excellent men, [Page]with the Enchantments of his Learning, Wit, and Eloquence. In a word, you were so far ra­vished, with the Admiration of his Vertues, as to have a principal hand in perswading me to write his Life; and were for that Cause willing to dis­pense with my Attendance upon you, that I might in this my Retirement, the sooner accom­plish that work. And I might, indeed, justly ex­cuse my self▪ in regard of my own insufficiency: yet I thought not fit to make any long demur, when I considered my manifold Obligations.

For in the first place, as for what concerns your self, I should be very uncivil, if I should not satisfie your Request, who, when I was as far from thinking of, as deserving any such favour, I was after such a manner invited to wait upon you; that ever since, your good will towards me, has bin so free and sweet, so full of all Courtesie and Gentleness, as I could wish or desire. I found, truly, by experience, how justly you were the Admiration, Love, and Delight of all Provence; which findes it self happy in such a Vice-roy, in whom Philosophy, and the Art of Government, are equally tempered, and mutually allayed.

Moreover, you do so associate the Studies of Peace with the Art of Warre, and so reconcile Mars and the Muses, that it is a doubtful Case to resolve, whether your Generosity as a Souldier, or your Learning, as a Scholar, is more eminent; and though this immortal Honour be inherent in your Family, yet is there no man in the famous and royal Valesian stock, that can be compared to you. But these things shall be recorded else­where: At present, I cannot sufficiently com­mend [Page]this carriage in you, that every where, and upon all occasions, you vail your Authority to Vertue, and think it not strange to seek and finde Arguments of Kingly Prayses, in such as are not of Royal Blood. You think it inconsiderable, un­der what Garments an heroical mind, lies shrou­ded and concealed; provided there be a divine soul within, you are alwayes ready to express your Reverence thereunto. A great example where­of you have given, and to be reckoned among the worthy deeds of great Captains and Comman­ders; in that you have already by your Com­mendation elevated a Man of the Senatorian Rank, for the rare endowments of his minde, unto the Dignity of Princes; and take care, that his Fame may never be extinguished; nor can this affection of yours ever be forgotten, the Commendations whereof, Vertue her self will trumpet forth, to the dayes of Eternity.

In the next place, as to the Man himself, I should be unthankful, in refusing to do that, which his rare love to me, and bountiful Inclina­tion to all, do require at my hands. For his love truly, to me, was so great, that it is easier for me to conceive it in my mind, then to express the same in words; and it may suffice to say, that I account it a great happiness, that he prized me so dearly, and that it was his pleasure to have me so frequently with him, and to make me privy to all his thoughts and intentions; and besides o­ther matters, to utter his last words, and breathe out his very soul it self, into my bosome. In con­sideration whereof, since no man ought to prize the memory of that dear person more then my [Page]self; truly, you do but spur a free Horse, when by vertue of your Authority, you require that of me, whereunto out of gratitude, and by the Rights of friendship, I am already very much in­clined. For, seeing that as oft as I think, speak, or hear of that man, I feel my minde filled with a most intimate and sweet passion of joy and plea­sure: how can it choose but delight me, upon such termes, to recount the Series of his life, as that it may be communicated to all the World? Shall I not, thus employed, seem still to enjoy his most courteous and civil Converse, and so to passe away the sweet and pleasant houres; and shall I not then exceedingly satisfie my own minde, when I have contributed, all that in me lies, to the reflourishing glory of so great a friend? And as for that good will which he bore to all men, I never read or heard of a man, that was more earnestly sollicitous, or made it more his constant business, to benefit Man-kind. For though he might have given way to many, in re­spect of Estate and Fortune; yet no man could exceed him in the prudent mannage of what he had, and in willingness to do good. Well there­fore did he merit that Kingdom which he held, and deserves for the future to hold, in the mindes of Men, especially Students, whom he never ceased to excite encourage, and cherish by his Learning, Counsel, Authority, Favour and Purse. Witness all good and learned men, who with one unanimous consent, acknowledge, that there never was a more generous Mecaenas and Patron of the Muses. And therefore, though it seem impossible, that his renown should ever be ex­tinguished; [Page]yet must we at no hand give way that the same reproach should be fastened upon us, which may justly be imputed to that Age of Mecaenas. For seeing his History has not by any Writer of the same Age, bin delivered over to Posterity; it is come to passe, that we have re­ceived hardly any notice of him, save his Name, so dearly esteemed by learned Men: And because it may be feared, lest the like may happen to this our Mecaenas, it is all the reason in the World, that those who familiarly converst with him, should take care, that future Generations may know; who and what for a Man he was. For the Fame and Memory of things, resembles the e­vening Twi-light, or shutting-in of the day, which being at first exceeding clear, does by little and little, in such sort vanish away, as to be swallow­ed up in darkness; and therefore History is need­ful, as a Torch, to bring the same to light.

Moreover, I acknowledge, that this duty is in­cumbent upon none more then my self; since no man could more fully and thoroughly know him, in regard of my long and familiar living with him. Whereunto may be added, that after his death, I had the opportunity and access to make such Queries, and both from divers Letters and other Monuments, to learn such things, as every one could not so easily come to the know­ledge of. And this is indeed, the very cause, that whereas so many rare men might have perform­ed this task, they have nevertheless all conspired with you, in solliciting me to set my hand to the work.

In the last place, as to what concerns our Coun­trey, this present Age, and Posterity, I were altoge­ther injurious, if I should refuse this Employ­ment. To our Countrey; because it would seem a kind of Impiety and Unnaturalness, if I should suffer that light to be covered, wherewith, as it hath hitherto shined, and bin illustrated, so may it for the future, exceedingly glory and boast it self thereof: if I should suffer that Ornament to be neglected, than which I durst almost say, there never was, nor ever will be any more mag­nificent. For, not only whole Europe, but Asia also, and Africa, and the very new-found World it self, had their Eyes, by meanes of him, fixed upon this Province; and there was not any where, any learned man, or lover of good things, who affected not, either to visit him, or at least to correspond with him by Letters.

In the next place, to this present Age also; for­asmuch as it is concerned, that Posterity should understand, that Nature was not therein worn out and barren; but that she was able to produce a great and rare Man, fit to be propounded for an Example to after-Ages. She is indeed much to be magnified, for having summed up in him a­ [...]one, and drawn together all the vertues of all A­ges; and being able so to transcend her self, as to express in him, what ever excellency the Poetical Age fained in Pandora. Finally, to the succee­ding Generations themselves; who will be excee­dingly delighted to know that Man, to whose sin­gular Affection, they will acknowledge them­selves very much indebted; with Imitation of whom, some peradventure, will be so far posses­sed, [Page]as to endeavour to raise themselves, as Phoe­nixes, out of his Ashes, not without some bene­fit to Man-kind.

I shall therefore, to come to an end, make such a Description of his Life, as shall approve it self to the Readers, rather by the simplicity and plainness of the Narration, then by any borrow­ed colours of forced Eloquence. Others may, if they please, with a more elegant Pen, polish, and reduce into the form of an History, such Commentaries as I shall only digest as loose ma­terials, after the way of Annals, and according to the course of years. For my intent is, only to play the part of Damës, and if any shall blame me for not having made any choice, while I deliver so many petty businesses; I shall answer with him, that even the very crums which fall from the Ta­bles of the Gods, seem worthy to be picked up. Nei­ther will it prove peradventure, a thing unplea­sing to those, who like you, desire to be thorough­ly acquainted with great men, not only in regard of their illustrious actions, published to the view of all the World; but also with reference to their private transactions, and such as they themselves would not willingly have the World acquainted with.

Forasmuch, as things done in the publick view, and sight of the Sun, have in them some­thing that is forced and affected, something that is acted and personated, so that from them 'tis ve­ry hard to know, what lies hid under the skin, and in the Heart; but things done far from wit­nesses, and without any design of gaining reputa­tion, and consequently, free from dissimulation, [Page]and without any Mask or Vizard; these are they which indeed discover a man, and shew his in­side, which to discern is exceeding profitable, For that is it, which encourages us to the imita­tion of excellent Actions, when as even in Hero­ick Persons, we find some tokens of our own in­firmitie, and consequently we despair, not so much to imitare their Virtues, as when only their most great and elevated Actions are rela­ted. But if some shall expect, deeds more illu­strious and honourable, than what I am to relate, they are to take into consideration, that every man cannot be a Scipio or a Maximus, that we should Record his Battails and Triumphs. Those men deserve abundantly to be commended, whom though fortune has not raised to the grea­test Wealth and Dignities; yet bear they grea­ter minds, are of a more generous Virtue, and undertake far greater Designs, than any man could expect from men of their Condition. And such an one was Peireskius, whom I shall give out for no other than a man of the Senatorian rank and order; and who neverthelesse so carried himself as to transcend all Encomiums and Pane­gyricks. For two things there are which I shall chiefly prosecute, for which he was exceedingly commended; the one was great Learning of all kinds, with an unquenchable thirst after Know­ledge; the other an unwearied care to advance all ingenious and liberal Arts, with a munificence towards all learned men, which was perfectly Royal, and Princely. And upon these two Points, there is, truly, no danger at all, that I [Page]should seem to utter any thing hyperbolically; for, I shall speak to the very faces of learned men, among whom he was famously known, and who will be so far from finding fault that I have spo­ken too much, that I fear rather they will blame me for having bin too sparing. But that I may not dwell in this Epistle, Give me leave, most excel­lent Prince, ere I shall come to relare those things which you desire to know, to begin with his Ancestors: that from the knowledge of them may appear, why it is that all Authors with one voice, have most constantly termed him, The most Noble


Books Printed for John Streater, and are to besold by the Booksellers of London.

THe Vale-Royall of England; or, The County Palatine of Chester, Illustra­ted. Wherein is contained a Geographical and Historical Description of that Famous County, with all its Hundreds, and Seats of the Nobility, Gentry, and Freeholders; Its Rivers, Towns, Castles, Buildings Anci­ent and Modern: Adorned with Maps and Prospects, and the Coats of Arms belon­ging to every individuall Family of the whole County. Unto which is added, An excellent Discourse of the Island of Man.

The Resinement of Zion: Or, The old Or­thodox Protestant Doctrine justified, and de­fended against several Exceptions of the Antinomians: methodically digested into Questions, wherein many weighty and important cases of conscience are handled, concerning the nature of Faith and Repen­tance, or Conversion to God. By Anthony Warton.

De Morbis Foemineis: The Womans Counsellour; or, The Feminine Physitian. Modestly treating of such occult Acci­dents, and secret Diseases, as are incident to that Sex.

Pharmacopaea: Or, Rhaenodaeus his Dis­pensatory. [Page]Treating of the whole Body of Physick: Performing the Office of an Her­ball, as well as an Apothecarie's Shop.

An History of the Wonderful things of Nature: set forth in ten several Classes. Wherein are contained, 1. The Wonders of the Heavens. 2. Of the Elements. 3. Of Me­teors. 4. Of Mineralls. 5. Of Plants. 6. Of Birds. 7. Of four-footed Beasts. 8. Of Insects, and things wanting blood. 9. Of Fishes. 10. Of Man.


The First Book.

PEireskius was descended from that most ancient Familie of the Fabrii or Fabricii, whose Originall was from Pisa in Italy, being transferred from thence into thisPro­vence in France. Province in the daies of St. Lewis, so called, King of France, and in the year of our Lord, one thousand two hundred Fifty and Four. For our Histories record that Hugo Fabrius making one among the Gentlemen of Pisa, that had enga­ged themselves in the holy War, was by St. Lewis aforesaid brought into the Coasts of Provence, when returning out of the East he landed at Yeres, Arcas, or Nieras, which was anciently termed Olbia. Where being detained by sick­nesse, and commended by the King at his depar­ture, he grew into so much favour and became so powerfull with the chief Men of that Place, as to be able to compose their differences, when they contended about the Government of the Castle and City. After which, marrying a wife out of the Sollerien Family, he setled himself to make his constant abode at Yeres. That place be­ing afterwards assigned for the Princes patrimo­ny, he was chosen Provost or Governor thereof, in the year—70. by Charles the First, Earle of [Page 2] Provence and King of Sicilie, who loved him as dearly as King Lewis did. Soon after he began to make divers Fortifications both in the City and in the Castle; but his Son Aycardus finish­ed what he had begun, leaving his name to one or the Gates which even at this day is corruptly called Casabria. Hugo Fabricius had another Son besides Aycard, named Paul, whom Charles the second made chief Judge of Marseilles: Also another named William, who having returned safe from divers travels, built an Hospitall for the accommodation of Pilgrims going to and coming from the holy Land. But, to be short, there succeeded these a noble Progenie, renown­ed for seats of Armes, Learning and Piety; who in their severall Ages and Families were Gover­nors of Regium, Spinosa, Gramusa, Saint-Julian, St. Janit, St. Laurence, Laverna, Calase, Pe­ [...]risea, Ʋalvesium, and Riantium.

Yet, for all our haste Antony must not be passed over in silence, who was the Grandchild of Ay­cardus in the Fourth Generation: to whom and to his Son Raimond, there are extant to be read at this day in Nostredame very civill letters of King Renatus, which he wrote when he was about to undertake his Expedition for Naples. Raymond was brought up with Renatus from a Child, in the Court of King Lewis, the second; and besides Antony, he had another sonne called Amadis who because he was the younger brother, he bore in his Coat of Armes which was a swart Lion in a Golden field, a scarlet label for distincti­on sake. It is recorded, that he also was Go­vernour of Eres, and of intimate acquaintance with Charles the Third, to whom the King of [Page 3] France, did soon succeed. From him the fami­lie was again divided into two Branches: for he had two Sons Fulke and William, both of them expert Souldiers and skillfull in the Lawes. For having borne Armes in the Expedition of Pid­mont, after their return they gave themselves wholly to the study of the Laws. For, William the younger being adopted by his great Uncle Elziarius Portanerius Brinoniensis a learned Man; he went to Orleance and Vierron to study the Laws; and having married a wife who was an Arvernian, he setled his abode in that Country: & to expresse his gratitude he took unto himself the Coat of Armes of the House of Portaneria, which was a Bende with Roses argent, in a field Azure. And he left behind him, besides Hugh a famous Lawyer, another Son named John, the father of a­nother John, who begat another John, the Father of that John who is now Master of Requests, having two Honourable Ladies to his Sisters viz. the Lady Magdalena wife to the ilustrious Chancellor of France & the Lady Mary, wife to Philbertus Pom­padorius Viceroy or Governour of the Limosins.

But Fulke after the Supreame Senate was erected at Aix, in the beginning of the sorego­ing Age, did plead causes with great commen­dation, and was many times by the Governours of that Province taken in, to sit with them as an Assistant, and employed more then once to Lewis the twelfth, and to Francis the first. Who perceiving the Learning and Integritie of Fulke, made him a Senator by his bare command, in the year—32. And when the Emperour Charles was about to invade Provence, he joyned him as Counsellour to Annaeus Monmorantius Ge­nerall [Page 4]of his Majesties Forces. Also that good Advice is worthy to be recorded which he gave to Monmorancie which he also practised, transport­ing the ancient Records of the Crown into the Castle of Baulcs; by which meanes those preci­ous Monuments escaped burning, when as af­terwards the Palace of Aix, was fired by the Duke of Savoy his Souldiers. Moreover, when the City could not hold out against the Emperours forces, he advised the Cittizens to withdraw themselves, and that they might not leave any thing therein to relieve the Enemie, he began in so good earnest to exhort them to destroy their food and what else might advantage the Enemie, that he himself was the first that emptied his Granarie into a well, and staved his vessels of Wine and Oyle and let them run about the Streets. Fulke being dead, his Son Nicolaus was made a Senator in the year—45. whose virtue also was taken notice of, not only by Claudius Sabau­dus Governour of Provence and Earle of Tenda; but also by Charles the 9th. himself. Who ta­king away the Senate, and setting in place there­of a Coutt of ten Chief-Justices, it was his plea­sure that Nicolaus should be one of the ten: and he gave of his own accord to his Brother Charles after he had brought his forces off, from the Ex­pedition of Corsica, and behaved himself there exceeding Valiantly, the Lordship of Brigantium to him and his Heires.

And now that we may draw near to the Father of our Peireskius, Nicolaus left two Sons, Claudi­us and Reginaldus. Claudius had a small and infirme body, but a mind truly generous and mettlesome; so that from the year —72. [Page 5]in which he was invested with the Honour and Dignity of his Father and Grandfather, he was much renowned both in the Senate and the whole Province, and exceeding favoured by Henricus Engolismensis great Master of the French Knights of Malta, and Viceroy of Pro­vence. But Reginald being brought up from a boy with Renata Dutchess of Ferraria and Daugh­ter of Lewis the twelfth, when shee betook her self to passe over her old daies at Montargis, he gave himself to study the Law, and was made one of the Lords of the Subsidies and the Church's Patrimony; and a Master of the accounts. And when those troublesome times of the Henotick faction or league happened, he and his Brother remained constant in their Loialtie to the King, & (which Bernardus Nogaretius Valletanus at that time Viceroy, counted a notable piece of service) he procured by the power that he had the Castle of Eres and all that Coast to revolt from the Duke of Savoy. And whereas his Brother lived a single life he himself married Margareta Bom­paria, who of her Fathers side was descended from Knights and Praesidents; and on her Mo­thers side shee did belong to the families of Valle­voria and Forbinus. Now we have heard it re­ported, that shee was of so neat and comely a countenance, and so composed; that when Catharina Medicea the Queen Mother was visited at Aix by the Ladies of that place, shee made choice of her alone among all the rest upon whom he would vouchsafe to bestow the honour of a Kisse, And this Reginaldus Fabrius it was, and this very Margarcta Bomparia, whom our Peireskius of whom we treat did acknowledge for his Parents.

But because he was born at Beaugensier; we must take notice that this Towne is seated in a very straight yet exceeding pleasant valley, en­riched by the Interfluxe of the same River Gapell, It is distant from Tolon on this hand, and from Eres on that, just as far as those Cities are distant one from the other, namely, about three Pro­vince mi [...]es; and being seated North of both, it likewise far excells them in goodnesse of Aire. The nearnesse of situation was the cause, that his Ancestors having their abode at Eres, did not only procure certaine Country houses in that Towne, but in their retirement thither, they dwelt in an ancient Castle, which is now de­molished: for the House with those goodly Gar­dens joyning to it, was not yet built; into which that water might more safely and plentifully be derived from the adjacent River, Claudius built a fair Aqnaeduct or Conduit.

Peireskius therefore was born in the Castle of Belgenser or Beaugensier aforesaid,1580. when his Parents did retire thither by reason of that me­morable Pestilence, which, in the year 1580. began to rage all over Provence, but especially at Aix. He was born upon the first day of De­cember in the year aforesaid, near upon seven a-Clock in the Evening. Which I therefore men­tion, that I may not seeme negligent touching the Circumstance of time; but not to give an occasion to Fortune-tellers, to calculate his Nativitie, and tell his destinie after his Death, with more certainty then they were able to do, during his life. For it is wonderfull to consider how many lies the Astrologers have told, either in respect of years which he never lived, or of Wife [Page 7]and Children & other things which he never had; or touching many other things which he attained. Moreover, his Parents having lived together di­vers years without a Child; his Mother for that cause, as soon as she perceived that shee was great, with child shee took up a resolution that the Childs Godfather should be no Noble Man; but, such was her pietie, the first poor man they should meet with. Whereupon, when he was carried to be Christened, they called the first poor man they met, and he answered for him at the Font as Godfather, and named him by his Uncles name Claudius. But his Uncle coming in just as they were conferring the name, he would have him called likewise by his Grandfathers name, where­upon he was called Nicolaus. Claudius. Neverthe­lesse not only while he was a Child he was commonly called Nicolas without the Additi­on of Claudius: but also when he was well in years, even as also Authors terme him frequently Nicolaus Faber, Fabrius, or Fabricius. And here we may take notice of a great mistake of the learned John Selden, who takes that same Nico­las Faber who is cited by Baronius and was Scoole-Master to the most Christian King Lewis the Thirteenth, for our Faber Peireskius. For in his preface to the History of Eadmerus Cantu­ariensis, mentioning those Epistles of Lantfrank recorded by Baronius, in the eleventh tome of his Annals; He acknowledges himself (saies Selden) if I mistake not that he received the Copie from that most renowned and Learned man Nicolas Faber Petriscius, a worthy Judge of the Court of Aquens, and my very much honoured freind. And indeed Baronius cites Nicolas Faber, but he adds Pari­siensis not Petriscum, which Epithet was given [Page 8]this Faber of ours from a Town in his Mothers juridiction, which is called in Latin Petriscum and in French commonly Peiresc, from whence he had his most renowned name; which I to the end it might be rightly pronounced, have render­ed it Peireskium, and not as many others Peres­cium, Perezium, or the like.

It is reported that when he was hardly two months old, an ancient woman that was a witch entered the Chamber, and threw down before his Mother an hatchet, which shee held in her hand, saying that shee had brought it her againe; from which time the mother lost her speech, and the child his crying; and both their heads were so depressed upon one shoulder, and held so stifly in that posture, that they could not bend them. The story saies further, that when his Uncle knew it, he caused the Old Woman to be beaten who was found in the chimney with her neck upon one of her shoulders, who as soon as ever shee lifted up her head to signifie that shee had beating enough and to desire them to hold their hands, shee said, which appeared to be true, That the mother and the Child were both well. This I heard, not only from others, but from Peireskius himself, who did relate the story to me just as his Uncle was wont to tell it. Doubtlesse tis a very strange thing, that an Old Hag bowing her own neck, should dart out spi­rits with so strong a Nerve, as to turn the Head of one distant from her, in like manner aside, and tye the tongue of another with the like vio­lence to it, wherewith shee held her own; so that neither their Heads could be stirred, nor their tongues loosed, untill shee remitting of her ri­gor [Page 9]should let loose the distended, yet, as it were, unsensible strings. Many such accidents as these are usually referred to the Devil; yet, though the most good God may suffer innocent babes to be­come the objects of their malice; and though Sa­tan may some wayes make use of miserable old women to such intents and purposes; yet (I say) it is a clear case, that the greatest part of these stories are fables, or have no other foundation than the symptoms of certain diseases, to which Infants are subject; Also it is certain, that these tales are most frequent in the countrey among the common people, whose credulity is awaken­ed and cherished by every sleight occasion.

A yeer and an half after, viz. in the moneth of June, in the yeer 1582,1582. famous for the reforma­tion of the Calendar then made, he had a brother born who was named Palamedes. This is he who was afterwards, from some place where he had jurisdiction, called Valavesius; at what time also Nicolas began to be called Peireskius. For till they had past their youths-age, they were called sometimes Fabricii, otherwhiles Calasii, which name was commoly given to their father and uncle from a town called Calasum, which they governed. When Palamedes was born, his father was absent about businesse at Grenoble: and his mother died the second moneth after he was born, being 22 yeers old. And their father Regi­nald took another wife, but not till fourteen yeers after. Her name was Catharina Vassalla Ca­radetea, being descended from illustrious ance­stours both on father and mothers side: her an­cestours on the fathers side were princes of A­chaia; by her mothers side they were allied to [Page 10]the Fliscani of Genoa. She was a widow when he married her (having had for her former hus­band Olivarius de Thulia, one of the Senatours) with one only daughter living, named Marchisa, who was afterwards married to Palamedes. By this second marriage, he had besides other chil­dren, which all died either in their childhood or youths-age; Susanna who is yet living, being married to Henricus Seguiranus, the first President of the Masters of the Accounts, and of the patri­moniall Senatours.

To return to Nicolas, he alwayes looked upon, and respected his uncle as another father, and that not without cause. For he intending that he should succeed him in his Dignity, took especiall care to give him ingenuous education, judging that it was in vain for a child to be happily born, and not liberally educated. And he was so much the more encouraged to be carefull in this point, because he saw in him even from the cradle, a vertnous mind adorned and rendered more ami­able by a beautifull body. For he was scarcely weaned from the breast, when he began to disco­ver his Genius, being very attentive to whatever he saw and heard: and he was alwayes accusto­med with a most pleasing countenance and sweet voice, to demand of his nurse, his father, his ma­ster, and of any else that came in his way, what every thing was, and how and wherefore it was made. So when he was first taught his letters, and delighted to be handling of books and papers, he would frequently ask what was the argument handled in those books, and because he took it hainously that any should make answer, that it was above his capacity to understand, they were [Page 11]fain to invent somewhat or other, and relate it to him as the argument of the said books, which he might hear with pleasure. These things indeed are small matters in themselves, but worthy con­sideration in regard of his yeers, and that it is a pleasure to see trees bearing fair buds and blos­soms. Old men, I am sure, have admired these things and told them to me, avouching that he never was taken with, nor never relished any childish thing.

When he was seven yeers old,1587. and was educa­ted with his brother at Brinonia, where the Court of Subsidies and Accounts were then kept, be­cause the pestisence was at Aix, he desired that he might be instructed in the San-Maximitan Col­ledge, which had the repute to flourish in the stu­dies of learning. Nor is it a thing to be past over in silence, how he perswaded his father,1588. to com­mit his brother, being younger, to his care, that he might oversee his young studies:1589. nor must it be forgotten, how he was from this time for­ward, in stead both of a father and a master to his brother; and how his brother did reverence him both as a paret and master, A yeer being passed over, and the plague beginning at Sanmaximi­nus, they were called to Belgenser, and a yeer after from thence to Aix, where their uncle then abode.

Afterwards when the civil wars grew hot upon the death of Henry the third,1590. they were sent to Avenion, where they studied five whole yeers in the Jesuites Colledge. And Peireskius was wont to relate, that he was much indebted to Antonius Colombatius, and Andreas Valladerius; whom he heard, they being the chief Professors of Huma­nity. [Page 12]For he said they were wont to abate him somewhat in other studies, that he might surely addict himself to the reading of Histories, not neglecting in the mean while the studie of poe­trie, and of the Greek tongue. For those Learn­ed men rejoyced that there was not so much need to guide his Course, as to shew him the way a far off; for which they deserve Commendations, in that they would not burthen his Noble brest with that servitude, which makes many altoge­ther hate the studies of Humanity and polite li­terature; or too much to accustome themselves to mean matters. Also he was wont to tell how mightily he was encouraged, when they also publikely commended him, because he had the whole History of Justin, and the Metamorphosis of Ovid at his fingers ends; and could never make an end of consulting with Books, whereby he might come to know all the particular circum­stances of every matter. For which cause he was a verse unto all plaies and shews; that he might give himself wholly to the reading and transcrib­ing of all particularities. Wherein I conceive he over did; for the mind must be unbent by fits, nor must a man study presently after meat; which because the Overseer of his studies were not suf­ficiently carefull of, hence it came that he was pained oftentimes, in his stomack and in his head.

He had well high finished the 15. year of his Age,1595. when he returned to Aix, where he studi­ed Philosophie an whole year. His Uncle was desirous that he should Learn in the mean while to handle Armes, ride the Horse and exercise his limbs with dancing. But because these ex­ercises [Page 13]robbed him of other more pleasing houres, he performed them indded, to please his Uncle, but no longer then his Masters were by that taught him; for he would never practise by himself: so much better did he account it, to be alwaies reading, writing or hearing some point of Learn­ing. About this time there was brought to his Uncle, a peice of Golden Coine of Arcadius, which was found at Belgenser. He presently desired to have it, and when he had read the Letters about it, and had set down the Emperors name whose Coine it was, he brought it present­ly to his Uncle again, who to gratifie him, gave him not only two other peices of ancient Coine, but also Books, by which he might be further instructed in the knowledge of such Antiquities. And from this time forwards his most curious mind began to burn like fire in a wood for he be­gan eagerly to seek out, and collect all the ancient Coines which he could come by, being eagerly bent to read and Interpret their Inscriptions, up­on which occasion also he began to seek out all kind of Inscriptions, whether belonging to Sepul­chers or others, and studiously to observe them.

Then he was sent with his Brother to Turney, 1596. that he might there go through a Course of Philo­sophie (as they were wont to call it) his Brother being as yet taken up with Humanitie. And being in a special maner inflamed with the study of the Mathematicks, he eagerly drunke in that Cos­mographie which was there taught, assuring him­selfe that History without it and Chronologie, was altogether in the dark and unintelligible. And therefore after the use of the Sphere he Learnt the use of the Astrolabe; write­ing [Page 14]divers Letters to a workman, and expostu­lating the matter with him, because he had long since promised to make him an Astrolabe, but had been negligent in the performance of his promise. In that mean season, he abated nothing in his studies of Antiquity (upon which account he was dearly affected by Petrus Royerus one of the professors) nor in his studies of Humanitie in generall, in which he was as it were his Bro­thers Master and Instructer. But to do all this he was fain to sit up late in the night at his study. Hence it was that partly by reason of the naturall weaknesse of his Constitution, partly by his conti­nuall labours and late watchings, he encreased the weaknesse of his stomach formerly contracted, which made him use a powder which in his Let­ters to his Father, he called his Digessive pow­der. And because I have mentioned his Letters, it is seasonable to observe, that from this time forward, he was accurate in his style, writing his Letters over and over againe in severall pa­pers, which it has been my hap to view; by which it is appatent that he used no phrases which were luxuriaot or undigested. For he evermore expressed what he intended with common words; yet not without that Elegancy and civilitie, with which in testifying his good will, observance, and gratitude, in excusing, commending, congratu­lating, and such like passages, he was admi­rable. For, to instance, writing to his mother in Law upon occasion of certain Tokens received from her, he thus expressed himself, Foelices videmur, ô mater, quód beneficiis tuis cumulamur: sed infoelices tamen, quando sic illis obrisimur, ut ag­noscendo impares simus. That is, I account my [Page 15]self happy, dear mother, in the frequent expressions of your love; yet am I therein unhappie, that their multitude is such, that I cannot sufficiently acknowledge or requite them. And while he wrote thus, he returned the best Tokens he was able; for even in those younger years, he could not endure to be overcome with kindnesse, as far as his ability would give him leave. Sutable hereunto writing to a freind equall to himself in years, and even then hating ingratitude; I would lay violent hands upon my self (saies he) if I might be justly accused of the least neglect of my duty to my freinds. From the same gratefull inclination it was, that he commended the care of his Instructers, that they might by that meanes receive from his Father and Uncle, far larger Gra­tuities then had been promised.

To come again to his studies. His Uncle was not willing that he should spend three years upon Philosophie:1597. but after he had spent a year at Tournon, he would needs send for him back again to Aix, that he might study Law, because when time should come, he was to be one of the Senate. This also he desired while he was yet at Tournon, for he wrote unto him that he should timely take in hand the Manuall of Ru­bricks: but he to deferr yet a little longer the study of Law, wrote thus by way of excuse; Your de­sire was (Uncle) that I should seriously addict my self to the study of Oratory: That shall therefore, if you please, be now my businesse, because this place is very convenient for that purpose, and I will then begin to study the Law, when I leave this Citty: Howbeit you may please to command me what you shall thinke most couvenient; for if you [Page 16]shall persist to requirè my returne, I shall in all things shew my self ready to fulfill your pleasure. There­fore being called home, he addicted himself to study Law under the Turorage of Franciscus For­tius Andinus, who being an Advocate in the Court at Aix, and very skillful to teach the Lawes, was withall able to compare with any man, in the more polite studies of Humanity. This man being much resected by the Parents of Pei­reskius, began with much care to read unto him the Institutions; and he himself partly through occasion of this study, and partly that he might not wholly intermit the course of those learned Studies which he had begun, he took in hand of his own Head to make a Catalogue of those Emperors, who had made the Lawes. He made also a Catalogue of the Consuls and other Magistrates in their order, searching every where for their Coines, that he might know the Law­makers as well by their Countenances as their Acts. Also he endeavoured to get the Pictures of all the most famous Lawyers, that so when he met with any of their Reports and Interpre­tations, his memorie might be strengthened by calling to minde their Countenances. Also there was at the same time at Aix, Petrus Anto­nius Rascasius Bagarrius, a most skillfull Anti­quary: for afterwards Henry the great, moved by the famous report that went of him, sent for him; and made him the Master of his Jewells and Rarities. Peireskius therefore did, at spare times frequently visit him; to question and learn of him, and he admiring his Sagacitie and Learning and friendly embracing his ardent desire of fur­ther knowledge, joyned with modesty, he [Page 17]could not conceale any thing from him;1598. for he both shewed him divers Rarities divers daies together, and also brought forth his Books to strengthen and make good his own conjectures and explications, making no bones to allow and commend the peculiar Interpretations of Pei­reskius.

When the year was over, he went again to Avenion, where he had a private Master named Petrus David, a Burgundiau, who was afterwards a Judge in criminall causes at Semur in his own Country. This man likewise besides his ability in Law, was also well seen in the more polite studies of Humanity and Antiquity; and that made him well content, that Peireskius, to the study of Law, joyned his care in searching after Antiquities. And therefore it was that he wrote frequently to Bagarrius touching Coines and other rarities. Once he sent him a writing of all the Rarities which he had observed in the Closet of one Romeus Arelatensis, and among other things he sent him the pattern of a sculpture of Deianira ravished by Nessus, which was engraven upon a neat Jasper stone. Sometimes also having gained fair pieces of the Coines of Nero and Vitellius, he sent them to his Uncle, beseeching him to beautifie them, and make them like the Hercules and Agrippa, which he had by him adorned. He also entreated him to send him a certaine Ring, which he hoped to change for a Cornelian or Onyx stone, which he he said was graven by a most excellent workman, and of inestimable value though unknown to him that had it. I ser down these passages instead of many others, that it may appear how skillfull [Page 18]he was, even at that Age in these kind of Curiosites. But he that most of all did feed his curious mind, was Petrus Antonius Ghibertus of Naples, who was then Auditor to Cardinall Aquaviva. For he shewed him certain rarities such as had never been seen before; and among other books he lent him, for divers daies together, some of Hubortus Goltzius his setting forth, which he had not be­fore perused. Moreover, seeing that he was of a quick and piercing spirit, he advised him to make a journey into Italie, where he should find, especially at Rome, curiosities wherewith to sa­tisfie his desires.

He was 18. years of Age, when thinking to take a journey into Italie, he did learn the Art of swimming. Before that, he was wont in the summer to wash himself in the lesser stream of the River Rhodanus which runs by the Head of the Island Barthalasse and into which the Brook Serga empties it self. Once upon a time he felt the ground which he had wont to find even and fort, to be grown hard with little round balls or bunches, like hard boiled Eggs when their shell is peeled of. At which wondering, he took some of them up and carried them home, that he might shew them to his Master & demand of him the reason. But the miracle was increased when a few daies after returning to the River, he sound those little balls or lumps turned into persect pebble stones, which he observed likewise to be­fall those which he had carried and laid up at home. And upon this occasion he began to play the Philosopher and to enquire into the Gene­ration of stones; but of that, hereafter. Finally having a longing desire to visit Rome, and fear­ing [Page 19]that his Parents would not give way, he requested onely that they would send him to Pa­dua, which was then famous for Law-studies. Now he thought with himself, that the year of Jubilre being at hand; he might upon that occa­sion go from Padua to Rome.

In the beginning of the year 1599. the Cardi­nall Joyeux being to return into Italie,1599. intend­ed to go to Ferrara: Because Pope Clement the second was come thither, to take posessi­on of that Territorie fallen to him by the Death of Alphonsus Attestinus the second of that name; therefore the Cardinall directed his journey thi­ther, and not to Rome. And therefore Peires­kius had a great desire to put himself and his Brother into the Cardinalls retinue; but his Parents consented not. For they resolved to satisfie his laudable desires; but they thought it best that they should stay till Autumne, both that the weather might be more temperate, and that the youths might inure themselves to ano­ther Climate, rather in the winter then the fol­lowing summer, as also that necessaries for their journey might be the better provided. For in the first place there was a tutor to seek, who might regulate both their studies and behaviour; though the modestie and discretion of them both, but especially of Peireskius was such; that it was rather a point of Honour, then any matter of necessity to appoint them a Tutor. Wherefore, Paulus Gudanes Fonvivius a Gentlem an of Berne, who was returned from his Travailes in Italie, Poland Germanie, and other Countries and had seen the severall Humors of many Nations and their Cities; and whom the Chancellour [Page 20] Bellevre had resolved to send with his own Son; he was chosen to be their Tutour.

With him therefore they departed about the beginning of September, and Peireskius chose rather to set out at the Haven of Cannes then any where else, both that he might visit an ancient Monastery situate not far off in the Island Lerius, as also that he might view in passing the ancient Monuments of Freius. When they were come to Geniia and had sufficiently viewed those mag­nificent Palaces, they were yet to saile by Porto-Venere and L'Ericy; but Peiresk us would go the rest of the way by Land, both because he was sick at Sea, and because he intended curiously to view some things which he had in his mind. For he had made himself by his own Industry a Iour­nall Book, and was resolved not so to travaile right on from City to City, but if he heard of any thing worthy observation here or there, he would turn out of his rode and go thither, if he had a mind to it. For which cause, he never of his own accord joyned himself in Company with any Strangers; and when others joyned themselves to him, he would use some civill excuse to in­timate before hand, that they must shortly part Company. And these digressions of his at the very beginning, had like to cost him dear, for turning out of his way to see the Mines of Massa, one of the Baudity or Robbers so called, had so took upon him to be his guide, that un­lesse shee had been timely discovered, he would have brought him where he should have had his throat cur. Having staid a while at Luca, he desired to view a rare Closet of Curiosities which was at Pisa: but he could not do it before he [Page 21]had visited Liburnum, and returned thither again. And I remember among other things which he was wont to tell us he saw there, how he won­dered most at a sprig of Corall which grew upon a dead mans skull: which I therefore observe, be­cause this was none of the least reasons which moved him to go and see men fish for Corall: of which we shall speak hereafter in its place.

Briefly to passe over other places, he went from thence thorow Florence, Bononia, Ferra­ria; and when he had staid a few dayes at Venice, he finally settled his abode at Padua. He had been there hardly a few moneths, when his ver­tue began to be renowned thorow the whole University. For though he and his brother were frequent hearers and visiters of the Professours of Law, and namely of Jacobus Gallus, Bartholomaeus Silvatcius, Joachimus Scainus, and Ottonellus Pi­scalcius: yet did he visit all the other learned men of the University, and quickly brought them into an admiration of him. Among the rest Tho­mas Segetus, the very same whom Lipsius had commended in the third Century of his Epistles, did so testifie his good will and respects unto him, that he put down this by way of preface and title, GENIO GALLIAE NARBONEN­SIS, INGENIO, ET MATURAE, IM­MATURO AEVO, NICOLAI FA­BRICII VIRTUTI SACRUM PRID. NATAL. CHRISTI M.D.IC. that is, To the Genius of Provence in France; to the wit and in unripe yeers ripe vertue of Nicolaus Fabrici­us, I consecrate this testimoniall. And that rare man Erycius Puteanus, not only praised by Lyp­sius, and afterward his Successour in the Univer­sity, [Page 22]but now already ordained to be, both the Kings Chronologer, and chief Professour of Ora­tory at Millain, made use of this following In­scription: CUI GRATIAE ADOLE­SCENTIAM ORNANT, ERUDI­TIO JUVENTAM, PRUDENTIA SENECTAM; IS ADULESCENS VOLUPTATEM AMICIS CREAT, JUVENIS HONOREM PATRIAE, SENEX UTRUMQUE SIBI. TU VERO, NICOLAE FABRICI, CUN­CTA SIMUL AMICIS, PATRIAE, TIBI; IN SPE AETATIS, ET FLO­REM JUVENTAE, ET FRUCTUM SENECTAE PROFESSUS. PATA­VII ∞ DC. KAL. FEBR. That is, He whose youth is adorned by the Graces, his mature age with learning, and his old age with wisdom, is a Pleasure to his frieuds in his youth, an Honour to his Countrey in his riper yeers, and both to himself, in his old age. But as for thee, O Nicolas Fabricius, Thou art all at once to thy Friends, thy Countrey, and thy Self; for in thy hopefull yeers thou discoverest at once both the blossoms of youth and the fruits of old age. 1600. Padna, the Kalends of February 1600. And these are the testimoniall Inscriptions, which a­mong many others I thought good to relate.

And as he drew the eyes and attentions of all men, so was he best known and most dear to the renowned Johannes Vincentins Pinellus, who being by originall and blood from Genoa, and born at Naples, made choice of that city, wherein quietly to passe his dayes, giving himself wholly to promote good Arts and ingenuous Literature. For he had provided a most complearly furnisht [Page 23]Library, and a Store-house of all most exquisite rarities and curiosities; so that he furnished all the learned men of that age, both far and near, with such books or other things, as they stood in need of. He being most skilfull in all curious things, did stir up all men to study, and kept open house to entertain the discourses and acquaintance of learned men, both Italians and other Coun­trey-men. Lipsius, and Scaliger, and Thuanus, and Casaubon, and Pithaeus, have given testimony of his worth; and who not among the learned? He therefore being such a man, fell presently in love with the Genius of Peireskius, as being so very like his own: So that he did both admire and re­verence vertue and learning grown up and almost come to maturity in a Youth. There are many Letters yet to be seen, whereby he testified the greatest familiarity possible; one while asking his advice in many particulars about coins, the pla­ces where matters mentioned in stories had been acted, touching the answers which he was to re­turn to the demands of Ursinus, Velserus, and o­thers: otherwhiles giving him thanks for his in­terpretations of hard matters & places in anthors, for sending him books. patterns of rarities, co­pies of manuscripts, and other things: sometimes by way of requitall sending him such books, rari­ties, inscriptions, letters, as he had received lately from Rome, or other parts; otherwhiles inviting him to know, discourse, behold, passe his judge­ment, and the like, all which to particula­rize would be redious; not to speak of the Letters, which to the number of sourty he wrote to him, when he was at Venice, Flo­rence, or Rome, all very familiar and full of testi­fications [Page 24]of the greatest good will imaginable.

Now Peireskius was wont to go once a quarter to Venice, both to receive moneys to defray his necessary charges by Bils of Exchange, and also to enjoy the society of learned men, lovers of Antiquity, such as Father Paul Sarpi, Dominicus Molinus, and many others; likewise that he might see what ever in that city was of repute for costlinesse or rarity. To which purpose he was very much assisted by the authority of Philippus Canaius Fraxineus, the most Christian King of France his Embassadour there; he himself also making such friends, as by whose authority he at­tained the sight and knowledge of what ever he desired. The chief of which was Fridericus Con­tarenus, Procurator of St. Mark, who having a study richly furnished with rarities, was neverthe­lesse unacquainted with the value thereof, till Peireskius shewed him what every rarity was, and how to be valued; what the Greek Inscriptions both of Moneys and Tombs did signifie, and the like, by which he gained a singular interest in his affections. And not onely in his, but his whole Families, which was the rise of that acquaintance which he had with Angelus Contarenus, when as twenty yeers after he was Embassadour for the Republike in France; and with Vincentius Con­tarenus, who six yeers after setting out a book of Divers Readings, So far as from France (saith he) the most noble Nicolas Fabricius, excellently skilled both in the Laws and in all Antiquities, did think sit very lovingly to advize me. I passe over Johan­nes Mocenicus, who had very rare curiosities, I passe over Bembus the Knight, all whose stock of rarities, in a manner, which he had received by [Page 25]tradition from Cardinall Bembus, he bought up. I passe over the Patriarch of Aquileia, in whose closet he was wont to relate, how he had seen to the number of 300 very rare Achates, or Agats, precious stones so called: besides many others of other kindes. I will onely relate what Putean being at Venice wrote to Pinellus on the 11th of the Kalends of June, in that Epistle of his which is extant, being the 82 of his Promulsis. I was, sayes he, in the house of Scaramellus: I saw the monument of Septumia, though to little purpose: all things were so justly expressed, that verily I know not whether I should more admire the industry or the memory of our Fabricius, or both, who in great haste had so happily painted it forth, or directed the hand of him that afterward did so happily paint and form it. From which we may observe how industrious and diligent he was in observing every thing.

But going to Venice about the end of August, he discovered his longing desire and designe of going to Rome; for though the Porta-sancta were not to be opened, nor the Jubilee celebra­ted till the beginning of the following yeer: yet he was of opinion, that if he should wait there some moneths beforehand, he should not lose his time. He had been informed that shortly the fa­mous marriage of the most Christian King with Maria Medicea, who is now the Queen-mother, was to be celebrated at Florence; and he would not for any thing, but be present at the Solemnity to behold the same. Wherefore after he had written to Padua, and particularly to Pinellus, sending him certain Inscriptions and other things, and withall intreating him to write by him to his friends at Rome: he departed in the [Page 62]beginning of September, hiring a Bark to Ferra­ria, or at least as far as to Francolin. But he came not to Florence till the twentieth day of the moneth, because what ever he met with wor­thy the sight, he stayed so long as to take a per­fect view thereof. But he made his longest stay at Bonnonia, because Julius Caesar Velius, who was reputed a most exquisite Antiquary, being much taken with his sweet converse, would needs hold him the longer to enjoy his company. Nor could that good old man forbear to write most cunning Letters touching his happinesse in the acquaint­ance of Fabricius, which were full of wonderfull commendations. Pinellus, I am sure, cals them most cunning Letters, commending Fabricius that he was none of those, who in their travels do nothing but post from place to place, and therefore according to that of Seneca, are wont to have many hosts, but few friends.

Coming to Florence, he received Letters from his parents, and among some recommendatory Epistles, he found one from Charles of Lorram the Duke of Guise and Lieutenant of Provence, to Nicolas Brularrus Sillerius, who was afterward Chancellour of the Kingdom, and at present the Kings Embassadour at Rome, being come thi­ther to celebrate the marriage. He therefore de­sired to have Peireskius and his brother in his fa­mily, that by his countenance they might have a more free admittance to see every thing. But be­sides the Solemnity, he was chiefly delighted to see those brave Libraries, where he took notice of, and that I may so speak, almost adored the mo­numents both of great princes and of learned men, by whom good letters began to be restored [Page 27]to the world. I shall not speak in particular of the Pandects, which though they were most cha­rily kept up in the palace of the great Duke, yet he found means to see them, being well assured, that the learned world could not produce a more illustrious monument of Antiquity than they were. Also he made himself friends there, but none, as I remember, more constant than Richard Richards, a Student in the knowledge of plants and marbles, who conducted him up and down to shew him the publike edifices and gardens. After a moneth he went to Sena where his great­est care was to salute Celsus Cittadinus, who was then writing a book, touching the originall and progresse of the Latine and Italian tongues. Fi­nally, departing thence, he came to Rome about the end of October.

Now it is not to be expressed, how soon he be­came famously known at Rome; not onely be­cause the letters of Pinellus and others, had al­ready made his name renowned; but, also princi­pally, because as soon as he began to frequent the company of the learned men there, he made them exceedingly both to admire and love him. It were long to recount the excellent Personages, whom he there honoured as friends, by all which, for his sparkling wit and most temperate man­ners, he was highly respected: but because I can­not passe them all over in silence, they that de­serve in the first place to be mentioned, are those two great Cardinals, Baronius and Bellarmin. The former of which was astonished, when he heard him discourse in his presence, touching the Inscri­ptions inserted in his Annals, and other abstruse points of History. And what may we suppose he [Page 28]thought,1560. when he shewed him certain precious stones, and divers pieces of coin, upon which the Basilidians, Valentinians, & other hereticks, were wont to write certain barbarous words, there­by to conceal their opinions? For he had collect­ed many of these, to illustrate what he had inserted into his second Tome from the Amethyst of Ful­vius Ursinus, touching the word A B P A Ξ A Ω, or A B P C Ξ, by which the Basilidians did signifie the most high God, containing seven Angels, which governed the seven Heavens; as also their 365 Virtues, equall in number to the dayes of the yeer; and this by reason of the seven letters, and their value in numeration (adding together the numbers, according to the place of each letter in the Alphabet) and such like considerations, which he likewise afterward explaned in certain Letters to Natalitius Benedictus. But Bellarmin hearing the same things, with other matters touching he­resies and all ancient history, was at a stand which he should commend most, whether his sagacity in searching out, his sharpnesse in conjecturing, his judgement in choosing, his memory in rela­ting, or his pleasant and delightfull manner of expressing himself. But he was justly enamoured with his meek and gentle manners: for to omit other instances, when he preached in a familiar way to instruct his Parishioners, he had him for his Auditour, sitting for the most part in the mid­dest of the common people.

The next to be mentioned is Jacobus Sirmondus a Jesuite, even at that time of great repute; for with him he contracted a most intimate frendship, with whom he did communicate all his studies. The next is Laelius Pasohalinus, who had a most [Page 29]goodly Closet of Rarities, and who so admi­red his Learning and loved his Disposition, so that he had it once in his mind, and was resolved to give him what ever he had that was rare, to carry away with him: After him comes that same most renowned Fulvins Ursinus, a name of all others most known and framed among the Lovers of Antiquities, who by reason of certain Inter­pretations, which Pincllus had wrote unto him, had a burning desire to be acquainted with Pei­reskius, The next is Philippus Pigafetta, to whom whereas Pinellus had not at first written, tis wonderfull with what Commendations he did expiate that forgetfulnesse. After him, comes the self same Ghibertus with whom he been al­ready acquainted at Avenion, who went abroad with him and shewed him divers things. The next was Paulus Gauldus a Learned Gentleman of Virentia, who also led him to many places, and having wondered at him when he saw him in the House Pinellus, he was now astonished at him in Rome. Also Petrus Stephanonus, Dionysius Octavius Sada, must be remembered, and gene­rally all the Learned men which were in the City, with all the Lovers of good Arts and Let­ters. But we must not forget Arnaldus Cardina­lis Ossatus at that time the Kings Argent at Rome, a man singularly remarkable for Learn­ing, Prudence, Integrity and sweetnesse of man­ners: who could scarse ever be fatisfied with the Company of Peireskius, and when he came to visit him, he could never dismisse him without Regret. Nor must we forget Abbas Moutanus, Uncle to the Archbishops of Arles, who, moved more by the Commendation of the Virtues of [Page 30] Peireskius, then that of his Nephew the Arch­bishop, would have him to be in a manner his perpetuall Guest.

It is hard now to express with what eagernesse of minde he sought out diligently all the monu­ments of Antiquity. For in the First place he desired to know the situation of Rome, and the Grounds which it had contanied. When he saw the tops of the mountaines so low which he had imagined so high, he wondered at it. He was amazed among the rest to see the Hill Pala­tinus so quite desolate, which was anciently as populous as any. He enquired if by any meanes he might come to know the utmost bounds of the Pomaerium both in the times of the Kings and un­der the Emperors: and as he diligently marked all the gates and waies, so did he most diligently ex­amine the Aurelian, because of the reliques thereof, which are yet to be seen in Provence. Then passing through the Quarters and Streets, he would fain know, as much as might be, where stood the Temples of the Ancients, their Chap­pels, Altars, Groves, Sepulchers, Sanctuaries, Schooles, Libraries, Amphitheaters, Theaters, Wrastling-places, Horse-race-places, Places to represent Seafights, Fields, Musick-Rooms, Markets, Faires, Granaries, Armories, Baths, Hotbaths, Waters, Bridges, Colossuses, Spires, Columns, Statues and a thousand other things which in his reading of Authors he had observed, and noted into Books which he carried about with him. And he could hardly be satisfied with beholding, when he found any ancient piece remaining, whether it were whole or mangled.

In this manner he spent many daies about the Pantheon, a rare peice of Architecture, in consi­dering the same & conferring therewith, all that Ludovicus Demontisius had reasoned touching the same. Also, because he knew there were kept in the Vatican a statue of Hercules, and Lao­coon with his two Sons, most exquisite pieces, and esteemed by Michael Angelus for wonders of Art; therefore he went more then once to view them. Also he went divers times to see the two statues of Alxander and Bucephalus, which are yet extant as monuments of the fa­mous Carver Phidias and Praxiteles. So, he went divers times to see the Sepulcher of C. Sestius Epulo, in the way which is termed Ostiensis, be­cause of the most ancient and noble Reliques thereof, yet abiding. So he divers times view­ed sundry Obelisques or Spires, but none often­er, then that of Constantine; for the digging up, Transportation and erection thereof, he could not sufficiently praise the generous designe of Pope Sixtus the fift. So also the pillars, but especially one of Traian and another of Antoni­nus. The former that he might satissie Pinellus, who was not contented with an whole volumne thereof (that is of the Historie of the two Dacian Wars, waged by Traianus, according as Alphon­sus Ciaconus had gathered it out of the Columne) written: and therefore he desired Peireskius both to get him a more perfect Coppy of that Book; and that he would compare those pictures of Persons, Armes and Gestures which were in the Book with what was to be seen upon the Columne it self. The latter, that is the the Columne of Antoninus, that he might cause [Page 32]the Picture of Jupiter raining gently upon the Army of the Romans, and throwing thunder­bolts upon the Head; of their Enemies, to be diligently drawn therefrom. And indeed when afterwards he presented a draught thereof to Scaliger, to illustrate what Eusebius had written of a War between Antoninus and the Germans and Hungarians in the first year of the 138. Olym­piade: This, said he, is one of the most notable things and best worthy to be seen, among all the Monuments of Antiquitie, which it was my good hap to see at Rome.

Nor was he only desirous to have the pictures of these things; but also of all other rare Statues, which he sought out in the Capitoll, in the Vati­can, in the Farnesian and Caesian Houses; also in the Gardens and Vineyards, and, to be brief, in all private and publick places; taking pain­ters with him, for to draw not only Statues and other works which were entire; but also broken Statues and the Ruines of ancient Buildings, where ever he met with any. Also he was wont to carry along with him certain choise Coines, which he would compare wth the statues, searching out the Age of every one, and for the most part discerning the hand of the Workman: for his Acutenes was such, that he could discern in a moment, what was truely ancient, and what only by imitation. Also he would have Copies of all Inscriptions savouring of Antiquity, endeavouring by his Sagacitie to supply such words or Letters as were eaten out, and to re­store such as were in a manner desperate. More­over he perused as much as he could, though not so much as he desired, such Manuscripts as were [Page 33]preserved in the Vatican Farnesian or other Li­braries, and such as seemed to him most rare, he noted in his Table-book In like manner he noted down the Vessels, Pfctures, Images, and what ever he met with worthy of observation in sundry Conservatories of Metals, Conservatories of Images, Sore-houses, Studies, Walks, and Galle­ries: to passe over an innumerable Company of things which either he bought with his mony, or by exchange, or had given him; and of which he ob­tained at least the Patternes, the Figures in moles, the Seals or Stamps. One thing grieved him, viz. that he could neither obtain nor any where so much as see the Coines of Tullius Hostilius and Servius Tullius mentioned by Goltzius; nor yet those other Coines, mentioned with these Inscriptions Col. Aquae-Sextiae. Col. Arc­late. Col. Avenio. Col. Arausio-Secundanorum, and such like; which in love to his Country, he most earnestly sought for, but in vain.

By this meanes, he caused himself to be excee­dingly admired, not only at Rome, where all Learned Men were ambitious of his friendship, but in sar remore places, whithersoever the same of him did spread it self. And at this time it was, that his great acquaintance began with Natalitius Benedictus, a man most amply furnished, with most exquisite Rarities, who dwelt then at Ful­linium; and with Adolphus Occo a Physitian of Augsburge, who was then setting out the second time a Book of the Coines of the Roman Emperors: not to speake of those he knew be­fore, as Hieronymus Rubens at Ravenna, Caesar Nichezola at Verona, Antonius Tolentinus at Cremona, Caesar Camnanus at Vicentia, and many [Page 34]in other places. But it is wonderfull how fa­mous he grew, at Padua especially, as the Letters sent him about that time by Laurentius Pigno­rius do testifie; who, though himself so skilled in Antiquities, did yet professe that he Learned more out of one of his Letters, then out of ten Volumes of Antiquaries. And who admired not only the abundance of the things which he collected, but the rare choice that he made, when as, of two peices, of Constantines Coine which were sent him, he said he knew them as men are wont to know the Lion by his claw. The like Expressions were written by Emundus Brutius, Georgius Ragusaeus, Jacobus Papifavius, Martinus Sandellus, and whom I ought to have named first, Marcus Cornarus the most worthy Major of the City, with whom he after­wards exercised friendship by Letters as long as he lived. But in what esteem he was at Padua this one thing does testifie, that whereas the Print of a Sapphire being sent thither from Augs­burge, with an Inscription in which the word Xiphiae did puzzle all the curious Antiquaries; Pinellus writ unto him referring unto him the Examination and Judgment thereof. I omit how he satisfied their Doubts, and gave Light to that word, cheifly from Strabo, who from Polybius makes mention of the hunting of the Xiphia, which was a Sea-monster.

As for what concerns the state of new Rome, there was no Temple College, nor Hospital, which he went not into: no magnificent Palace, no famous worke of any of the Popes, which he visited not: no Picture of Raphael Urbin, Mi­chael Angelo, Polydorus Caraevagius, Titianus, [Page 35]or any other famous Painrer, which he viewed not. Likewise the Burning places, and secret Caves under the ground, places full of Venera­tion and Monuments of Christian Pietie and Constancie. Also he was present at the Perfor­mance of Religious Ceremonies, as much as he thought he might with safety. For, being but or a weakly complexion, he was loath to thrust himself into a tumultuous Crowd of People. And therefore, as concerning the usuall solem­nities of the Jubilee, he saw and observed them as far as he was able; but he committed the Care of seeing all close at hand, to his Brother Valavasius, as being the stronger of the two, from whom he was to receive the Relation of all.1601. The same he did with Reverence to the Ceremonies (as they are called) of the Lords Supper: about which time, both he and his Brother, that they might see the Pope, waiting upon those poor Men whom he daily feeds, and sitting with them at Table in the same Hall; they bought the turnes of Two poor men, and putting on their Cloathes, they were present among the rest, and though the Pope knew who they were, yet he pleasantly dissembling his knowledge, and taking no notice of them, they saw all.

The feast of Easter, being over at Rome, and after he had distributed divers tokens which he received from home, and also had sent some to Pi­nellus, he journeyed to Naples. It were super­fluous to reckon up, how far and how often he went out of his way, to enquire after divers places both in Latium and Campania, celebra­ted by Authors. Then he was, he said, most affected, when he saw and diligently viewed [Page 36]those places recorded by Virgil, 1601. as Cajeta, Cu­ma, and their Reliques; Mons Misenus the Avernian Lake, and such like. As also the Places where they say Cicero and Lucullus had their Country Houses; or where Sciplo Africa­nus and Virgil were buried: and such other mat­ters relating to great Personages. He said more­over, that when he entered into that Cave, or, as Seneca calls it, that long and dark Prison, viz. the Mountain Pausilippus, which was dug a mile throrough, which he past and repast; it grieved him that the Man who had attempted so rare an Action, so much for the accommo­dation of Travellers and shortening of their Journey, was either altogether unknown, or not certainly known at most. For he judged that he was more worthy of Commendation then Xerxes, who warring against Greece, did not only separate the Mount Athos from the Continent, but also dug a way thorough the midst of it.

As soon as ever he came to Naples, he could not contain himself, but he must visit the two Porta's, those famons Bretheren. Now after he was brought in to the elder Brother, whose name was Johannes Vincentius, he was so taken after a little discourse, that crying out as a man in admiration, he led him in to his younger Brother Johannes Baptista, that he likewise might be strucken with the like Admiration. And Peiresk [...]us was wont to relate, that though Johan­nes Faptista was already well in years, and venera­ble for his hoary haires; yet that he was wont with such Reverence to observe the Commands and be at the Beck of John Vincent his Bro­ther, [Page 37]that he could not give more respect to the presence and commands of his Father. And as he of his own accord gave them many things, so did he receive the like from them again: nor did he only see what ever they kept in their stu­dies, and precious treasuries, but he was pre­sent at their Experiments of all kinds almost, intimating to them his earnest desires that way. Hence it was that he grew exceeding familiar with both of them; and they afterward main­tained mutuall friendship by divers Letters which past between them, and sundry kindnesse; they did one for another. He visited moreover the studie of Ferrans Ineperatus, which was likewise very well furnished with Ratities of nature: also that of Adrian Williams, Mars Gurgushlola, and of Mathaeus Capuanus Princeof the Con­chans although he was fain to go out of the Citty to him. Moreover he diligently sought out of all Monument; of Antiquity; and certain Columnes, above the rest, he would needs have drawn out, being of Corinthian work; also Apol­lo with his Tripes, and some such live Figures. Also he enquired and learnt as much as he could possible, touching such Families as had been translated from Naples to Provence, and of such Provencian Families as had been translated from thence to Naples. And knowing that in the Church dedicated to Saint Clare there were ma­ny Sepulchers of Kings and Princes of the Royall blood of kin to Charles the First, who (as we said before) was Brother to St. Lewis King of France: therefore he viewed them very lilizent­ly, drew out the chief of them, and writ out the Epitaphs. Moreover he carefully enquired af­ter [Page 38]the Sepulcher of Simon Portius a famous Philosopher not long since deceased: for indeed Pinellus had desired him to enquire if there were any Sepulcher of his to be seen, especially with an Inscription.

There dwelt then at Naples a certain Woman which was famous for her holinesse and the course of life which she led. Shee being called to Rome in the dayes of Pope Gregory the thirteenth, and examined and approved of by the good Bellarmin, was said to be rapt into an extasie, as soon as she received the Eucharist, so that just in the posture wherein she received it, upon her knees, so she remained, immoveable and stiffe as a stake, her eyes being open and she not seeing, nor feeling at all over her whole body. And therefore Pei­resk [...]us would not leave that City, before he had seen and tryed so wonderfull a matter. And in­deed he could not obtain his desire without much ado; but he, as one that could breake thorough all that stood in his way, obtained his will at last, and carried with him Johannes Porcelletus Malliancus, who was afterwards Bishop of Toul. He saw her therefore and tried her, and when he related it, he was wont to admire whether any such thing could happen by the Art of Man; nor was he easie to believe Cardan, who reports that he could cast himself into such a kind of ex­tasie, as often as he pleased.

After he had sufficiently viewed the Cirty and admired the Elegancie and Pleasantnesse thereof, he desired nothing more, then that he might go to the mount Vesuvius and contemplate that place, where the great Pliny died. That being accomplished, he was exceedingly desi­rous [Page 39]to see Sicilia, and to passe as far as to Malta. Now there were three things which he chiefly desired to see, the Straights of Scylla, the Burn­ing of Aetna, and the Antiquities of Syracuse: but Fonvivius would not consent, nor would he ever go to any place without his Tutors consent. Wherefore it sufficed him to go round about all that Country, and likewise to return again to certain places, as towards the Puteoli and Baiae, that he might see with his eyes two buildings under ground, which were termed, Piscina mi­rabilis and Labyrinthus, that is, the wonderfull Fishpond and the Labyrnith, And I know not whether I should add, how when he consider­ed the shoar near the Puetoli and towards Baiae, and asked to see that kind of dust which would in the Sea-water turn to stone; how there was likewise discovered unto him, among the Sands a certain lead-coloured dust, wherewith Sculp­tures, especially such as are made on the Onyx stone may be preserved. And whereas, on that shoare Coines were sound almost eaten asunder, he conceived the cause thereof to be sulphur, which is thought not discernable, by sense, in all those Coasts; a blackish Vapour arising withall from the Sea, with a corrosive facultie in it.

A month after he went again to Rome, that he might take leave of his friends, bestowing divers gifts amongst them, and sending some to other parts. For he had resolved with himself to return to Padua before the Solstice and great heat should come; and therefore after a few daies he left Rome mourning for his Absence. He bent his. course to Perusia, both for the Universities sake and that he might [Page 40]behold the Lake of Thrasumen. From thence he turned ande to Eugubium, by reason of a Brasen Table which was lately there sound, with an In cription upon it in the Old Hetruscan Lan­guage. Then having at Assisium saluted the Monument of St. Francis, he visited Natalitius Benedictus at Fullinium, who most earnestly ex­pected him. Then he saw at the Mount Falco among the Reliques of St. Clare, three remarke­able found Balls which had heen found in her Gall-bladder being of an exceecing light sub­stance. Then having done his devotions at the so famous Chappell of our Lady of Loretto, he went to Ancona, and from thence to Urbin, that he might get a Licence to peruse the Dukes Libraries: departing thence to Pisaurum and Ariminum, he came to Ravenna, where Hi­eronymus Rubens that same famous Physitian and scearcher out of the Antiquities of his Coun­try, longed to embrace him, and to shew him, in the very seat of the secret treasury, I know not what Reliques of Gothish Barbarisme, and the Ornaments of the Emperors and contempora­ry Kings, with these names; ATHALA­RICUS RIX, WITIGES RIX, THE­OD OHA TUS and such like; Also to shew him certain Ornaments of Gallia placidia in I know not what Church, which Vellius con­ceived were not ancient: finally that he might give him with his own hand a Coppy of the Histo­ry of Ravenna. From thence he came to Ve­nice, where having saluted his friends to their great Contentment, he was desirous to be tho­roughly acquainted with Axtonlus Possevinus an excellent Man of the society of Jesus, to whom [Page 41]when he desired Letters commendatory, Sir­mondus writ Back unto him in these words. Why do you seek a Broker, seeing you are able to make your self known, and beloved, of all you shall come to? Finally not many daies after, that is to say about the middle of June, he came to Padua, where he was received with so much joy, that a Man would have thought, that some god of Students was come to Town. But his return did most of all rejoyce the good Pinellus, who sound himself drawing towards death, by reason of certain Lingring Diseases which had a long time troubled him, and which were now grown worse then formerly. A day could not suffice to hear what he had sound; not to look upon what he had brought away; nor to understand the Interpretations which he made, of such things as seemed obscure. I know not whether I should do well to relate, how Peireskius, being wont to boast among his Acquaintance of the happiness he had in making Baronius and Bellar­min his friends, the good Pinellus was thereby moved to relate what had happened to him­self touching those two Cardinals? When (quoth he) the Popethree years ago came to Ferrara, they vouchsafed to visit me, but con­cealing their names, and in a disguised habit, say­ing that they were only a Couple of Priests. I, by their Pictures which I had, knew presently who they were: but making as if I knew them not, I brought them into that part of my study where the Pictures of famous men hung, and theirs amongst the rest. And shewing to Baronius the Picture of Bellarmine, Honest friend (quo th I) does not this Picture exceedingly [Page 42]resemble this companion of yours? And shew­ing Bellarmin the picture of Baromus; Does not this also (quoth I) excellently resemble that com­panion of yours? Whereupon perceiving that they thinking to deceive, were themselves deceived, they discovered themselves, and loving­ly embraced me.

Furthermore, Peireskius foreseeing that after a yeer was over, he should be sent for home again into his own countrey; therefore he set himself seriously to the study of Law, which he had inter­mitted of late: yet so ordering his time, that he had leisure for many other things. For besides di­vers kindnesses (of which hereafter) performed for learned men, he made continuall progresse in the knowledge of abstruse Histories and remotest Antiquities. Of which he gave a remarkable in­stance, when a controversie arising among the cu­rious, touching the mount Argaeus, he discour­sed from a jasper, and divers pieces of money coi­ned at Caesarea and other places, the originall and the various ceremonies, wherewith that mount was anciently adored in Cappadocia. Al­so he continually studied such languages as he thought might be usefull to him. For he learnt so much of the Hebrew, both in the vulgar and Samaritan character, and of the Syrian Dialect, and the Arabian Idiom, as he thought necessary to interpret the inscriptions of shekels, and other such like pieces, being instructed by a certain Jew dwelling at Padua, whose name was Rabbi Solo­mon. As for the Greek tongue, he took more pains in the study thereof, both because of the di­vers Institutions of the Greek Emperours, and the Originall of the Law it self, which is reckoned to [Page 43]be from Greek fountains; as also for the study of Philosophy or wisdome, and the most ancient monuments of Poetry and History, which remain in that language; also for the explication of jew­els, marbles, and coins, whose inscriptions are in Greek, in the illustration whereof, it seemed to him a goodly thing and full of delight to spend his serious endeavours. And therefore, when he wrote unto any man that was a Lover of Greek, as for example to Occo (who was alwayes accu­stomed to strew his Epistles with Greek senten­ces) he also was wont to testifie his learning in that kinde, sometimes by putting a Greek verse in the front of his Letters, otherwile interwea­ving some Greek sentence, verse or prose, in some convenient place of his Letters; as to the foresaid Adolphus Occo, when he wrote thus, Fortunate senex te divae illius antiquae & venerandae, [...] filiae, non jam [...], sed [...] duplici nomine Germanum dicent. shat is, Happy old man now will the daughters of that aneient and venerable Goddesse Mnemosyne call thee no longer Adolphos,He alludes to his Nati­on because a German. but Adelphos [that is, Brother] or, frater Germa­nus, in a twofold respect.

Nor was he onely studious of Humanity, but he took great pains also in the Mathematicks, be­ing from this time forward dearly beloved of Galileus, whom he first grew acquainted with at the house of Pinellus, and much admired him for the engin he invented to drain out the waters, which then infested the city. Also he was very industrious to search out the causes of wonderfull things in Nature. For he both divers times asked divers Philosophers, touching those three. Suns and threefold Rainbowes which were seen the [Page 45]seventh day of February, about the 21 hour of the day. Also intending to Philosophize, touching fishes and other things turned into stone, he both procured great store of them, and placed them in a corner of his study, and likewise obtained a platform or description of that mount, which at Vincentium abounds with such things. And what any man knew touching things digged out of the earth, minerals and metals, either by re­wards, or by gentle intreaties he gained the com­munication thereof; but especially at Venice, where, as he said, he saw and observed many rari­ties in the Arsenall or Armoury there; yet was there nothing, which he more delighted to be­hold, than the forming of Alum into an octahe­dricall figure, so as to make a body that had eight sides. Also he frequently visited the rarer sort of gardens, to search out the severall siens and ver­tues both of homebred and sorrain plants, in­tending to send some of them into Provence, and others likewise from Provence, sometimes to the garden of Pinellus, otherwhiles to other friends. And he was wont to be present, not onely at the publike dissections of the Anatomists, but also at the private ones of Hieronymus Fabricius ab A­qua Pendente; who out of the singular good will he bare to Peireskius, did admit him to be present; when of a parcell of eggs upon which an Hen did sit, he took out every day one, that he might thereby make observation of the formation of the Chick, all along from the very beginning to theend. And so much as touching his studies.

It sollows that we now shew, how from this time forward learned and studious men did ac­knowledge that Peireskius had taken the helm of [Page 46]learning in his hand, and began to guide the Common-wealth of Letters. I mentioned be­fore, how that when he came from Rome, the most excellent Pinellus began to be worse than ordinary in point of sicknesse, and to tend towards the grave. He therefore, not long after, viz. a­bout the beginning of August departed this world, neer seventy yeers old: to the great grief truly of all good and learned men; but of Peireskius more especially, who accounted him as another father, and did reverence him accordingly. But though he left the whole learned world sensible of its losse, occasioned by his death; yet was it a com­fort that he seemed to have delivered his Lampe to Peireskius, leaving him the successour of his virtues and studies. For he had so moulded him­self according to the manners of Pinellus; he be­came so animated with the studie of noble and brave things, and advancing of good Arts, that he might justly be thought to have inherited his he­roicall virtues. For the clearer evincement whereof, I shall collect some testimonies to witnesse the truth of what is suggested in this par­ticular.

And in the first place I shall cire the famous Paulus Gualdus, who wrote the life of Pinellus, and of whom mention was lately made. He, af­ter he had lamented the death of that worthy man, and said, That Nature was sparing in her production of such personages, and that they had need to live Met huselahs age, who should look for another Pinellus, viz. such an one, whose stu­dy might restore the studies of Humanity to their splendour, whose riches might be laid out in col­lecting the most renowned books; and whose [Page 46]Dignity might be a Patronage to learned Men; at last he adds. Verily, if our Age shall produce such another, sure I am it cannot be any save Ni­colas Fabricius a French-man of Aix in Provence, a most renowned young Gentleman, who at Rome and Padua, when he was but a youth in compari­son, did so earnesty and eagerly embrace Pinellus and his studies, that he seemed to us, and all learn­ed men delighted with these studies, a very Miracle.

This was indeed an excellent Prediction: But let us consider likewise the Wish of Erycius Pu­teanus, then (as we said before) Professor of Eloquence and Chronologie at Millain. He writing to Peireskius, O the wound (quoth he) Which we have received by the death of Pinellus! That never to be forgotten man is gone away, satis­fied with honour and renown, and secure of his own fame: But he hath left us in Griefe and want and the muses in mourning weeds. Who shall stand up in his stead and take sorrow from us and Sack-cloath from the muses? Not only Learn­ing but Wealth also is requisite for such a work. Who will be the Man? Does mymind deceive me? or are you the man called to this work to be what Pinellus was? I wish it, I vow it; and so God save thee thou hopefull young man. And here per­adventure it will not be unpleasing to insert the answer of Peireskius; which was in these words, You tear my soul in pieces with grief while you rip up that wound which is made in my mind by the Death of that incomparable man. 'Tis not without cause you double your mournfull and sorrowfull words; you justly bewaile our hard hap; and cause enough you have, while you invite us all to mourn, and exclaime, Who will take grief from us and Sackcloath from the [Page 47]Muses? But in the Conclusion you make us laugh, when, as if you would prophesie, you, add that I shall be what Pinellus was; and seriously wish the same, as if it were a thing possible. Which is all one: as if when an huge Fir-Tree is Cutt down, you should wish that some low shrub, might aequal the Strength & Tallnesse thereof. But your love to me forced this vow and wish from you, when you were thinking of some other thing, for which I suppose you never ima­gined you should he called in question. And in case, I wishing and vowing the same thing to you, should say with the Poet TUNUNC ERIS ALTER AB ILLO, THOU SHALT TO HIM SUCCEED, these, I am sure, who thoroughly know you, will say, that I am no vain Prophet; for in this case there is need of your help and not of mine. A witty and neat answer verily; how beit he takes no notice of that which was most truly said by Putean, that to undergo such a ask there was also need of Wealth as well as Learning.

There were likewise other very elegant Let­ters which passed betwixt them, one of which is printed in the second Century of the Epistles of Putean, wherein about the beginning of the next year which was 1602. he, after a most be­coming way, complaines, that he was termed Deorum Genus one of the immortall Race of the Deities. There were, I say, other Letters written: but I have collected what is usefull to my present purpose, by which it is easy to undentand, how fitly Janus Gruterus in the Preface to his great Volume of Inscriptions, did joyne together by way of Commendation Erycius Puteanus and N'colaus Fabricius, calling them, Young men who excell all others.

Whouse to haunt the Muses sacred Springs,
And drink dry Aganippes Waterings.

Moreover, that great Volumne was in the Presse, when Pinellus departed this life: and Peireskius supplied such things as were to be inserted thereinto, not only out of the Trea­suries of Pinellus; but also from what he had observed and written-out at Rome, Venice, and other Places: as appears by that which is so fre­quently read at the bottome of the Inscriptions, Ont of the Papers of Nicolaus Fabricius.

I come now to Marcus Velserus, at whose request Gruterus obtained those Papers. He was almost equall to Pinellus, and his singular friend, flourishing at Augsburg, where he was one of the two that Governed the City. Though I hold my tongue, his own writings, and all Learned men having had experience of his mu­nificent and most ready Assistance, do sufficient­ly speake, how brave a man he was, and how great a soule he had. Velserus therefore, in Letters which he wrote to Peireskius, did testifie that he so highly valued him and his friendship, that there was nothing that Pinellus lest behind him, which he had rather inherit: yea and he also not only acknowledging him to be the heir of the Virtues of Pinellus, but conjecturing that he should be likewise the successor of his own, he began to love him as if he had been his Son. not ceasing so long as he lived, by frequency of Letters to restifie his affection. In this one thing he dealt hardly with him, constantly re­fusing to let him have his Picture, which Re­solution he held towards all others, that most [Page 59]passionately desired the same.1602. Yet Peireskius caused him, as he had done some others, to be drawn when he knew not of it, hiring a Pain­ter to stand in a secret place, where he might see his Countenance. And so he obtained what Occotold him it was in vain to hope for, when he received this answer from Velserus, Cato ma­jor was desirous that Posterity should enquire, why no Statue had been erected for him: contrarily, it lies me in hand, I suppose to take heed, least any hereafter should, wonder if not disdaine and ask, what Ambition it was, that made me creep into the Soci­ety of those famous men, whose Images or Pictures, Fabricius pretends to Collect. I forbear to tell how excellently our Peireskius ansvvered that passage of his: for, writing back to Occo, Cato (quoth he) said both wittily and discreetly, that he had rather posterity should enquire why he had no Statue, then why a statue was erected in Memorie of him; yet he never, that I ever read of, refused to suffer himself to be painted or figured out in a Statue; witnesse those many Figures of him, which go up and down even at this day. And therefore neither ought Velserus, the true Picture of Cato, to refuse the same; to which end I pray you entreat him, that he may not refuse, and give not ever (I again beseech you) untill you have perswaded him.

After Velserus, Josephus Justus Scaliger must follow, that renowned Person, more famously known then, to need my Commendation. He (I say) must follow to make it appear how freely and cheerfully Peireskius devoted himself to him and other Learned Men. For he, truly, exceedingly applauded his own good fortune, [Page 60]that such a friend had succeeded into the Place of Pinellus. That you may understand the occasion, it was thus. Scaliger had writ to Pi­nellus, to procure him, certain Hebrew Books, also certain Coines of the Scaligers that had been Princes; and sent with all certain things of his own and fathers wriring, which they had writ­ten with their own individuall hands; also both their Pictures, as he had desired him. Carolus Clusius wrote at the same time, and sent one of his Books of the History of rare Plants, and the Picture of Lobelius which was desired: not to speake of the Letters which Scaliger sent to Ca­rolus Leberoneus Bishop of Valence, who dwelt then at Padua. They came to Padua when not only Pinellus was dead, but Caesar also the Duke of Atheruntium was gone out of the City, who was Pinellus his Brothers Son. And because he had left Order with Gualdus, that if any Let­ters came to his Uncle, he should receive them & send them to him to Naples; therefore Gualdus received all, and before he sent them, did make Peireskius therewith acquainted. Whereupon Peireskius set pen to paper and wrote back to Scaliger, acquainting him with the death both of Pinellus and the Bishop, and assuring him that what he had sent would be thankfully ac­cepted by the soresaid Caesar: he took upon himself the Care of procuring those Hebrew Books, and Coines, which he had desired Pinel­lus to get for him: promising that he would at least by the first opportunity send him some which he had already, offering also to commu­nicate some other things in his Custody, tending to the Illustration of the familie of Scaligers, [Page 61]which because he had in Veneration, he added, that he could not let those Pictures of him and his Father go, before he had procured Copies of them. He wrote, in like manner, to Clusius; and it cannot be expressed, how much they pro­fessed themselves obliged to so generous a dispo­sition and such singular Humanity. Which oc­casioned this speech of Scaliger in a Letter to Velserus, which is inserted into the third Book, in which, I received (quoth he) those Coines of the Familie of Scaligers together with yours and our friend Fabricius his Letters; for which I give you thanks. I have not yet received those Hebrew Books, which he sent me out of Italie; because they are among the goods of Raphelengius, which are not yet arrived. As soon as I shall receive them, I will both write to him, to give him thankes, and you shall be sure to hear again from me. Now this Letter was written, on the fourth of the Ides of May.

And to acquaint you with some others to whom he cheerfully lent his assistance: In the first place, what ever Pinellus had taken in hand in favour of Learned men, he endeavoured with all his might, to accomplish and bring the same to perfection. For he left no stone unturned, nothing unessaied that he might effect what Pi­nellus had promised to Prosper Alpinus a very famous Physitian, about the gayning of a Trea­tife touching a third Sect of Methodicall Physiti­ans. And whereas we should speake of those, whom after the example of Pinellus he assisted, one may serve instead of all, viz. the foresaid Pignorius; who interpreting the Table, of Isis (that is to say a famous Brazen table, full [Page 62]of Aegyptiun Hieroglyphicks, which being a Re­lick of Petrus Bembus the Cardinall, was at that time kept as a rarity, in the Library of the Duke of Mantua,) gives thankes in the first place to Velserus, but then adds, and to Nicolas Fra­bricius Lord of Chalasium, a young Gentleman most illustrious by the Splendor of his family and and his own profound Learning; who has not only bountifully communicated, most rare reliques of Antiquitie (wherewith he is most richly furnished) for the use of my self and other students; but has been very careful that we might have the use of the Rarities of othermen. By his Industrie it is, that not only at Venice, I have upon all occasious had accesse to the rare Coines, and prccious stones of the most il­lustrious Fridericus Contarenus, Procurator of St. Marke; and of Johannes Mocenicus: but also at Rome, I was admitted to the rich Treasurie of that gallant man, Laelius Pascalinus, out of which I was furnished with Coines, Gemms, Seales; all rare. From the said Fabricius, I must acknowledge to have received all, which I publish to the world, out of the precious Treasuries of Natalitius Bene­dictus, from which these Augmentations of ours have received both strength and spirit. For, all which we have produced, to Illustrate the Histo­ry of Epiphanius, Irenaeus, and the other Fathers, touching their cudgelling of the ancient Sectaries, came from thence. These things I have set down at large; because they confirme much of what has been said before.

And I shall add, as touching Pignorius, how when he wrote his book of the Antiquities of Pa­dua, Peireskius procured for him of Johannes Vin­centius Porta, that which he afterward did com­mit [Page 63]to writing, as also Philippus Tomasinus, touch­ing an arm of Titus Livius, viz. how the Citizens of Padua took an arm from among the bones of Titus Livius (which they kept) and bestowed it upon that renowned Patron of learning, Alphou­sus King of Arragon, he most earnestly, by Anto­nius Panormita his Embassadour, desiring the same in the yeer of Christ, 1451. And when no body knew what was become of this arm, Peireskius took occasion to send certain tokens to Porta, as it were in recompence of the Effigies of a certain marble, wherein was expressed the ancient man­ner of putting Souldiers sub jugum, under the yoke or Gallows; and withall, earnestly desired him to write him word, what he could, by his great sagacity, discover touching the said arm. Who returned him by way of answer, that nei­ther King Alphonsus being prevented by death, nor yet Panormita, could accomplish the buriall of the said arm, according as they desired: but his successour, being Secretary of State, had pla­ced it under a marble stone, without the Oratory, with this Inscription: Here lies the arm of Titus Livius the Historiographer, which was in times past procured by Antonius Panormita, and many yeers after, buried in this place, by Johannes Jovia­nus Pontanus. Neverthelesse, this marble had not been seen for many yeers last past, by reason of a Chappell built thereupon, by a Covent of I know not what Friers.

Moreover, as Peireskius was bountifull to­wards Pignorius; so was he likewise to Ulysses Aldrovandus, that same famous writer of the History of all kind of living Creatures; who had of him many Coines, especially Asiatick towards [Page 64]the Illustration, of what he had already publish­ed touching the Symbolicall use of Living Crea­tures, and was now again fitting for the Presse. And he writing from Bononia, did very gratefully promise, to make honourable mention, of him by whom he had been assisted: but being soon af­ter taken blind, he could not perform what he had promised. Johannes Baptista Villalpandus promised the same thing, caresully enquiring after his Name, Country, and Condition, that he might acquaint the world, from whom he had received the Shekels, and many others things towards the amplification of his Treatise of He­brew Mony, after those large Commentaries up­on Ezechiel. Also, it falls here fit to tell, how Sirmondus, though he would receive of Peires­kius at his departure from Rome, no Coines but such of which he had two at least of a sort; yet he desired and obtained of him, after he was come back to Padua, more then two hundred of Greek Coines alone. For he had collected at that time above a thousand of that kind, which had never been so much as mentioned by such as wrote of Coines: and having such as had been coined both before and after the Roman Empire, in all the chief Citties of Greece and Asia, of which he made up the Succession of the Princes of the Se­lucidae, from Alexander to the Romans: for this cause, Sirmondus desired to know this succession, that after the Example thereof, he might set down and make a succession of the Princes of Aegypt. But we must not dwell too long upon these matters.

To proceed therefore having spent now almost three years in Italie, he began to make provision [Page 65]for his return. And, he was, indeed, desirous to passe from Venice to Augsburge, both that he might there visit Verserus and Occo: as also that from thence he might, passing along the River Danow, view the bordering parts of Germany and Hungary, and passe at last through the Eux­ine Sea and Thracian Bosphorus unto Constan­tinople, intending afterwards to travell as much of the Grecian Territories as he could, But Fonvivius his Tutor was absolutely against that motion, either because he thought his Father and his Uncle would not approve of it, as being too long a digression and very full of hazard; or else because he himself was called back again to Paris. Peireskius therefore not in the least da­ring to do any thing contrary to his Tutors mind, ordered his Businesse so, that in the first place he did by Letters take leave of all his friends in Ita­lie, of whom he could not take leave in Person, and by the tender of his service, and tokens also for the most part added thereto, he obliged them unto him. So he did likewise by his Friends in other Countries, and especially Scaliger, to whom besides the things aforesaid, he sent cer­tain Coines which he had newly received from his friends at Verona, and some other things ap­pertaining to the Family of Scaligers. Then he collected all the rare Books, Gemmes and other exquisite things he could come by: thinking with himself, that he should not find such plenty in his own Country. Being ready to depart, he put them all, with his other baggage into certain Chests, which he directed to Genüa, from thence to be conveigh'd to Marscilles: he only reserved some things which were most rare and colly, to [Page 66]go with himself, and fare as he fared. For, when he had viewed what he thought good in Liguria, he was defirous to passe through Gallia Cisalpina and so come to Lions, there to see how he might re­ceive Letters from his friends, and to send to them again. Finally, leaving hehind him a great misse of himself, at Padua especially, and at Venice (not to speake of Augs-burge, where Vel­serus failing of the exspectation he had to see him, mourned as if he had lost halfe his Soul) he be­gan his journey.

He made his first stop at Vicentia to salure his friends there, and to see that Mountain, whose delineation he had desired; as we before hinted. Also he viewed at Gustosa that same conveigh­ance of the wind by pipes and channells: also he heard and set down in his Table-Book, the History of him that brought the wind out of a place a good way off, through a passage under ground into his house, in such manner; that at last, he could cut, and distribute the same, this way and that way as he pleased himself. He came then to Verona, where his chief care was to look after the Sepulchers of the Scaligers; the Pictures whereof, because he could not then ob­tain, he did afterward compasse them by the medi [...]tion of Caesar Nichezola and Marcus An­tonius Montanus. When he was at Mantua, there he saw and noted down many things in the Dukes Chamber of Rarities, so that when some years since he understood, that it was plundred, when the Germans destroyed the City, he could scarce sufficiently comfort himself for many daies together; such a losse he e [...]eemed it. Among the rest, he curionsly viewed that same AEgyptian [Page 67]Table, that he might satisfie many scruples, of Pignorius thereabouts. Having seen Cremo­na, he would needs step aside to Brixia and Bergamus, and come to Millain, where not only Putean and the two Septalii, and other friends; but especially that never to be enough praised Arch-bishop and Cardinall Fridericus Borromaeus, Founder of the Ambrosian Libra­ry, which even then began to be frequented, did most courteously entertain him many daies to­gether. From thence, departing through Tici­num, Novaria and Versellis, he came to Tauri­num, and thence over the Alpes to Geneva; were having run over many Bookes, and view­ed the Lake Lemmanus, he went to a village called Tononom, that he might become an Eye­witnesse of those wonderfull things which were then said to be performed by persons possessed with the Divell. Having passed over the Lake, and viewed the bordering parts of Switzer-Land, he was pleased to performe his devotions at the famous Church of St. Claudius, especially praying for the Health of his Uncle being of the same name. From thence he would have gone out of his way to Semurium, that he might salute that same David, who was sometimes his Master, and to see those Houses, in which Genebrardus died three years before: but the condition of affaires in Burgundy being altered and made dangerous, by the Faction of Marshall Biron did deterre him from that Purpose. He turned therefore aside to Lions rather, where receiving mony he bountifully remunerated his Tutor, who was (as we hinted before) to go to Paris.

Moreover, though he loved his Country and Parents, yet he cunningly desired not to go di­rectly home, but to depart to Mon-pellier, where Julius Pacius of Beriga, a Lawyer of Vi­centium, was reported to professe Law with great Commendations. For because he had not satisfied himself in the study of the Lawes, and was resolved neither to require nor accept the Title of Doctor, without gaining singular honour in testification of his Learning; there­fore he would not go home, least he should be compelled whether he would or no, to commence Doctor, and that he might first become more Learned under so famous a Professor. And therefore he went to Monpellier about the be­ginning of July, and presently put himself and his Brother to board with Pacius. And he pre­sently acquainted his Father and his Uncle with his Intentions, who never suspecting such a thing, were somewhat afraid, lest that he had not suffi­ciently plied his Law-studies in Italie. For besides his going aside to Mon-pellier, they saw sufficiently, both by the Chests which they received from Ge­nüa, and those remaining choiser Rarities, of which he disburthened himself at Mon-pellier, that he must needs bestow so much time in the Collection and knowledge of them, that there would remaine little or none, to study the Lawes.

Which when he came to understand he made a kind of Apologie, whereby to remove that sus­picion, viz. That he had cut off none of the time which was due to his Law-Studies; but look what houres other young Men did bestow in Games and Plaies, in Compotations, or [Page 69]Dalliance with women, that he spent in gain­ing of Antiquity. And that Masse of Antiqui­ties which they saw, was at least a token, that the money which he had been furnished with, was not consumed in naughty and Dissolute Liv­ing. And that he likewise knew, that the study of antiquity was not unusefull towards the know­ledge of the Lawes, seeing without that, most places of the Digests and the Codes could not be understood; and that they themselves might find so much by experience, seeing for example sake Interpreters knew not what to make of those Virtolas ex Smaragdis often mention'd by Ulpianus and Paulus which himself could understand, by meanes of some which he had got at Rome out of certain Ruines, and which he would send to them; A thing which had not been seen now for many Ages together. That there was like­wise among his Baggage, many reliques of that kind of mony which the ancients termed Aes grave (because they were wont to weigh it) and among the many parts of the Roman As, there was a Quadrans, which upon the one side had the image of a Sow by meanes of which and other pieces stamped in like manner with a Bull and a Sheep, money was termed Pecunia a Pecudi­bus, from Beasts marked upon it. Also they should find almost innumerable things besides, of which to hear him discourse in their presence, must needs be a matter of delight unto them both. Finally that both himself and his Brother had placed themselves with Pacius, not because they thought themselves lesse knowing in the Laws, then others of their years; but because they desired to know somewhat more excellent and beyond all others.

This defence which he made for himself did wonderfully please his Parents, and his Uncle especially, who was inflamed with so great a desire to see him, that ere three moneths were well over, he would needs send for him home. He came away therefore; and reached his Fathers House in the moneth of November: but he brought Pacius along with him, that so he might avoid being kept at home, if by no other meanes, yet at least under the pretence of accompanying Pacius back again. But his Brother was left behind, because being then newly recovered from sicknesse, he could not undertake the jour­ney with safety. It is not my purpose in this place to recount, with what exultation Peires­kius was entertained when he came home, nor how highly Pacius was respected. I shall only say, that the rare Man, Guillelmus Varius, who was then President of the Senate of Aix, and was afterward (as shall be told in its place) made Chancellour, could not sufficiently admire so excellent a wit, and so rare Learning, joyned with so much modesty; nor be satisfied with asking and hearing what he related so knowingly, so clearly, and with so much sweetnesse.

A few daies after being upon this return with Pacius to Mon-pellier, he would needs go out of the way to shew him the Fountain De Vau-Cluse, not more famous for the plentifull streames of water issuing therefrom, then for the Loves of Petrarch and Laura: as also that tryumphant Arch, which is to be seen at Orenge thought to be built C. Marius, thought he judged it to be rather the work of Fabius Maximus; and like­wise the City of Avenion, and the Bridge of [Page 71]Wardon or Guardon, built with a triple row of Arches, and certain rarities at Nismes, which he had not before seen, though he had been there two years together.

Now as soon as he returned, he fell to study the Lawes with so much Alacritie, that he daily spent ten whole houres therein; yet he was wont every day to spend some hours, especially towards Bed­time, in the studies of Humanity and Antiquity. Which Pacius did not wholly dislike, being won­derfully delighted to hear him discourse of divers things, especially belonging to the ancient Lawes; yea, and he did not only give way, but advized him, I may say, to see those ancient Monuments of Antiquitie at Narbon; but especially that Altar which was vowed and dedicated to Augus­tus, of which being digged up thirty years be­fore, he got the Picture printed at Burdeaux with the Illustrations of Elias Vinetus. For, the Book of Inscriptions of Gruterus, was not as yet brought unto him, in which he afterward observed, that the Tribuneship of Augustus, which Tacitus records to have been the 37th. in order, was by this very Inscription the thirty eighth.

Moreover, because Pacius was very willing to discourse of matters pertaining to naturall Phi­losophy; he took all occasions to ask him Questions touching the more abstruse causes of Nature; especially at such houres as were allow­ed him for his Recreation. Thus happening one night upon certain scales of fishes, that shone in the darke, he gathered them together, and conveighed one privately into the study of Pacius; and afterwards entring with him, he on [Page 72]purpose, put out the Candle which he carried be­fore him, that he being first amazed and then wondering at the light, he might ask him the Cause thereof. Pacius referred it to the Heat which was caused by Putrefaction. But Pei­reskius asked him, Why therefore the Heat could not be felt, neither in those Scales, nor in rotten peices of wood? Why heaps of Corne growing hot by putrefaction, and quick lime wet with water and other things being so very hot, did not shine in like manner? Why, if glow-wormes shine by reason of heat, other living Creatures which are much hotter, should not also shine? To which Pacius answered, that the Heat which the Schooles call virtuall might suffice; and that befides, a certain disposition in the matter was re­quisite, which is found in things which are not hot to the sense, but not in those which are sen­sibly hot. I shall not stand to say how that when these and such like reasons could not satisfie Pei­reskius; nothing seemed to him more probable, then that all light is a kind of flame, though very thin and exceeding subtile: which may be known by the Light of the Sun, which being con­tracted and thickened is wont to burn; just as a va­pour, is nothing but rarified water, which being again compacted and thickened, reassumes the forme of water. And whereas the direct or pri­mary Light of the Sun, is yet pretty compact, so as it gives a sensible Heat; yet the reflected or secondary Light thereof, becomes so thinne that the Heat thereof is not perceptible by sense. And therefore it is no wonder, that the smal Light of fish-scales and such like things is not sensibly hot, seeing it is much more subtile then the Se­condary [Page 73]Light of the Sun, in presence whereof it becomes invisible. And that hotter things do not shine; the reason may be, that the vehemency of the heat stirs up foule vapours and smoakie fumes, which suffer not the imbred light to flow out pure, so as to become visible.

Moreover, being very curious in the knowledge of Anatomie and Plants; for that cause, as often as he could, he would get into the Kings Gar­dens (which had been four years in furnishing) unto Richerius Bellivallius, who was Teacher of both, unto whom the Company of Peireskius was allwaies most wellcome and delightfull. Also he went oftentimes to Franciseus Ranchi­nus, who adorned his rare skill in naturall Phi­losophie and Physick by adjoining thereto the knowledge and search of Antiquities. Touching Johannes Dortomannus, what shall I say, whose rare Learning and singular Affection towards him, he was ever wont to commend? He made use of him for his Physitian. When he had a Light Feaver, and was vexed with a more greiv­ous paine of the Hemorrhoids then formerly he had felt, also with some difficulty in making his water. I know not whether I should add that which he often related, how Dortomannus visi­ting him upon a time when he was sick, and be­ing demanded why he came latter then he was wont to do, made answer, that he came from a memorable Consultation about a woman of Beaucaire, who had been with Child three and twenty moneths. She being married the second time, and having in her former husbands daies brought forth divers Children with whom shee had gone Nine-moneths; by her latter husband [Page 74]shee brought forth three; the first of eleven months,1603. the second of fourteen, the third of eigh­teen: & because from the danger of her foregoing Labours, shee judged that the greatest danger of all was impendent from this fourth; there­fore shee consulted with Physitians, to know how shee might (if possible) escape this danger likewise. And I remember that I objected that he should consider whether it was not the same woman whom not long since Antonius Sapor­ta and other Physitians, from some such occasion concluded to be out of her wits. But he avouched it was another, adding that shee not long after brought forth a child, with long haire and Teeth; and that she got her Husband to promise her, that he would touch her no more in a carnall way.

But be it how it will (for I shall not undertake for the truth of this story): partly by reason of Sicknesse, and partly because of his vehement studying, it fell out that he wrote seldome to his friends. Whence it followed, that having for­born to write for four whole moneths together, some Letters also which he had sent into Italie being lost, it was frequently reported at Rome and Padua that he was dead; and Pignorius wrote a consolatory Letter to his Father; But Gualdus finding the report to be false, wrote unto him as to one raised from the dead, sweetly calling him cruell, because by his negligence in writing he went about to kill with grief such good and con­stant friends. For, they would not allow of what he had wrote, how, that he must expect to hear seldom from him, till he had finished his studies of the Law. Wherefore, he was in con­clusion [Page 75]compelled to write often; and not only to his Italian friends, but also to Velserus, Scali­ger, and Clusius. And because it was too far about, to send Letters from Augsburge and Franc­fort to Holland, therefore Scaliger advized, that they should mutually send their Letters to Paris, to that same rare president Jacobus Augustus Thuanus, whose renown is vaster then to be comprehended by any Commendation. For because Scaliger had found by experience, both that he exceedingly loved him, and that out of his singular Respect to all good all Learned men, he was most ready to do him any office of Love; therefore he made no scruple to commit the care of such Letters as should come from both of them to him. So that upon this occasion first of all, began that great Acquaintance between Peires­kius and Thuanus, which was afterwards cherish­ed and maintained betwixt them.

But he wrote most frequently (and good rea­son) to his Farher and Uncle: but chiefly that he might not be called home till the end of that year which was, 1603. And because he knew that the Cittizens of Aix were at that time en­deavouring to procure not only a Roiall Col­ledge for the study of Humanity and Philosophie; but also to adorne their ancient Universitie and make it illustrious with Kings Professors; there­fore writing to his Parents, he was very ear­nestly carefull, that there might be a Large stipend allowed the chiefe Professor of Law to the end that Pacius might be called to that Univer­sitie. For he very well knew that both the Count Palatine and the Overseers of the Universitie did invite him with mighty promises to Heidelberge, [Page 76]where he had already for divers years together given a sufficient proofe of his abilities; but he was both desirous that the Universitie of Aix might boast it self of such an Ornament; and he was likewise troubled that he should faile of the great hopes he had conceived, to make him at last a Roman Catholick.

But when he could no longer withstand the Desires of his Uncle, who having resigned to him his Senatorian Dignity, had, ever since the beginning of the year, laboured to get the Kings Patent; he came at last to Aix, that he might re­ceive the degree of a Doctor; which was neces­sarily required. But he came not before he was perfectly exercised, getting leave to defer his coming till the latter end of the year, both that he might bring Pacius with him to keep his Christmas there, and that in the mean time he might the better prepare himself to keep divers Acts. For seeing it was then the Custome in the Universitie of Aix, that no man should be admitted Doctor, before that (besides other tri­alls) he had defended his Theses three daies together; therefore it was necessary for him to collect Miscellaneous Theses, both out of the civil and Common Law, and to cause them to be printed. Moreover, because being upon one day to receive the Doctorall Ornaments from his Uncle, and resolving to confer them the next day himself upon his Brother; therefore he would have time to search for such things as might be requisite to explaine the Original and Antiquitie of these doctorall Ensignes and Badges.

He came therefore at last with Pacius to Aix in Mid-winter:1604. though he took not his Degree, [Page 77]till the 18. of January the year following. It would peradventure be tedious, if I should but briefly run over the heads, of the things which, with large testimony of his Learning, he dis­coursed in those severall Acts which he perform­ed for his Degree. Let it suffice to say, that he carried himself with so much alacrity and vigour, that he did not only ravish all the by-standers with admiration; but he seemed also to Pacius even very much to exceed himself. Two daies after, when he was to confer the Doctorall Or­naments upon his Brother, it cannot be expressed with what sweet content he filled the Minds of his Hearers. For, from a certain statue of Me­trodorus; with his hat, Arcadian Cap, and La­bells, with his Philosophers Cloake, and ring on his lest hand: also from certain Statues of Hippocrates with the like Cloake and an Hood upon it: from a certain Inscription of Eubulus Marathonius, and a Statue with Labels, not about his Neck but his Head: from the like Statues of Plato, Theophrastus, Phavorinus, and others: out of certain Gothick Pieces, upon which there were Mitres not much unlike Caps; in a word, out of innumerable other Monuments; he shew­ed how the use of these Ornaments came from the Greeks to the Latines, and so down to us; and how from the Philosophers and ancient Priests, it was by degrees introduced among the Professors of severall Sciences in our modern Universities: All which he confirmed by frequent Citations of Councells, Fathers, Poets, Histori­ans, and Orators.


THe solemnitie was hardly finished when the Patent aforesaid was to be presented to the Senate, lest a years time should be lost. It was therefore given in, and commanded to be record­ed: yet Peireskius procured, that he should not therefore presently be admitted, and entred in­to the Catalogue of Senators; both because he would not seeme to thrust his most loving Uncle out of that number; and because he feared, lest if he were once obliged by office, he should too soon be deprived both of the Liberty to study, and that opportunity of Travelling. Moreover wri­ting unto his friends, and pretending his em­ploiments concerning his Commencement as an excuse of his long silence, he signified withall that he was compelled against his Mind, to take upon him the Dignity of a Senator: to which he received divers answers; the most, congratula­ting with him, as supposiing that he was already received into the Senate. Among these, was Scaliger, who both commended this new Dig­nity and congratulating his Doctorship, added, [Page 80]that he had formerly been at Aix, and was a wit­nesse how severely the University did examine such as were to be graduated. Velserus also was one, who did not onely congratulate with him touching his Degree and new Senatorian dignity but added withall an Admonition and fatherly exhortation: telling him among other things, that he must not be faint-hearted: the office of a Senatour though it were thorny, yet was it so only at the first; time would make every thing easiy: nothing would be required of him above his strength; God would assist him; he was bound to assist his Country; and some other things to the same pur­pose. Pacius also in like manner exhorted him, as soon as he was returned to Mon-pollier, in an Epistle dedicatory, wherein he dedicated to him his Analysis of the Emperiall Institutions; howbeit because he knew that he was not yet received into the number of the Senators, he only dedicated his Book to him as one de­signed to be the Kings Councellour in the Senate of Aix.

Nor shall it seeme tedions in this place to transscribe the very words of the dedication and Exhortation. Thus therefore Pacius addressed himself. But unto you, my Fabricius, I send my Writings. For seeing you, who retaine the Virtues of the ancient worthies, when with your sweet na­tured Brother you departed from my House to return into your Countrie, did conser upon me excellent Tokens or Presents, leaving behind you a Testimony of your own good will and the good will of your Uncle and Father (two most bountifull and worthy Gen­tlemen) to me and mine: it concernes me likewise, that I may observe that ancient and most laudable [Page 81]Custome, to return some Testimony of my thank­fullnesse. And what could I present more acceptable to you, then the fruit of those stu­dies and that kind of Learning, in which your most noble family does exceedingly flourish? You want no mony neither have I any to spare: but these kind of studies you love & exercise your self in; and you are wont readily to confesse that you have profited by my Lectures, and Exercises. Also you are pleased to make me a sharer of that great Commendation, which worthily, you gaind in the taking of your Degree of Doctor, as if by my Admonitions and Instructions you had been assisted to advance your self to that high pitch of Learning where to many aspire in vain. Touch­ing which new Honour of yours and your good Brother, I rejoyce with you from my very Heart; and exhort you again, that you would now as­sume the minds of Senators; and now turn all your thoughts to the Common-wealth, which requires your Helpe, making the publick good, the perpetuall object of all your Counsells. No­thing can more become you, nothing can be more pleasing to your Parents (for you acknowledge your Uucle to be another Father) nor more ac­ceptable; nor can any other thing render you more illustrious. So far, Pacius.

But Peireskius, though he continued in the mind to joyn himself when time should serve to the Senatours, and not intermit wholly his study of the Law, which he had taken upon him: yet [Page 82]having obtained a delay, he applied his mind to more tree studies, to court the sweeter and more delightfull Muses, to advance good Arts, and to help, as much as in him lay, all the Promoters of learning. And, in the first place being by divers sollicited to marry, he preferred a single life; be­ing perswaded within himself, that he could not take care for a wife and children, and be free to follow his studies, and patronize learned men. And therefore, when his father, without his knowledge, had almost made an agreement touching his marriage with the onely daughter of the renowned John Ceppedaeus, first President of the Accounts, he earnestly begged of him, that he might not forsake his resolution. For he had in such a manner dedicated himself, and betrothed himself, as it were, to Pallas and the Muses, that he should count it sacriledge to think of any other marriage. As for the example of Pinellus, though it was deeply rooted in his mind, yet would he not propound the same to his father; yet he pro­pounded the example of Varius, because it was present and illustrious; adding that he had, more than others a domestick example before his eyes, which he supposed he could not imitate, without commendation. He therefore imitating his un­cle gave his brother leave to marry; who there­fore the summer following took to wife the fore­said Marchisa, daughter of Olivarius de Thulia, by whom the third yeer after he had a son, whom his uncle Claudius, being then living, as God-fa­ther, called by his own name.

Moreover, not long after he was made Doctor, it was his pleasure to take a view of all the sea-coast, both to search out all the monuments of Anti­quity, [Page 83]and to get the rarest plants which that Countrey afforded, which were to be sent to the garden of Belgenser. The reason why he began with the Antiquities of Freius (which to have seen once, as he went into Italy, did not content him) was because he was to conduct some Gentle­men of his kinred, who had been to solemnize his Commencement, as far as Draguignan. But his chiefest desire was to see a work worthy the Romane name and renown, viz. A rock cut quite thorow, or a large hollow channell dug in the steep side of an hill, by which an arm of the river Siagne, was to be brought five Provence-miles, thorow the turnings and windings of the valleys and the woods. Now it would be tedious to rec­kon up all that he observed and collected in his whole progresse: It shall suffice to say, that thence he took occasion to write and send many things to his friends.

But among the rest, he made great account of a certain Consulary piece of coin, which he said was not to be had, not being so much as menti­oned either by Goltzius, Ursinus, or any other writer; which he sent to Pignorinus, that he might shew it to Fridericus Contarenus. Also he made great account of certain Inscriptions of Flamini­us and Dudistius, touching the filling up whereof (for some letters were eaten away) he consulted chiefly with Velserus. Also he highly esteemed other choise rarities, which he sent to Scaliger, and certain (I know not what) shells of sea-fishes, by occasion whereof he wrote unto Pena the Phy­sician, touching the shell of a Brand-goose or Sea-duck, which was fashioned like the shell of a Limpin. But to speak in particular of Plants, he [Page 84]took along with him an Herbalist, skilfull in the knowledge of all plants, at all times; and there­fore he did not onely send plants into his own garden; but he sent also roots of most of them to Clusius, & among the rest of Tragacantha, whence Gum Tragant (or, as the common people say, Cum Dragon) is received, of Aristolochia or Birth­wort, of Asphodelus or Daffodill, and of the two sorts of Arbute-trees so called. Withall, he sig­nified the desire he had to enjoy the company of Clusius a while at Belgenser, where he would shew him a Styrax or Storax tree, being a low shrubby tree, with leaves like those of a Quince tree, and flowers or blossoms not unlike the blossoms of an Orenge tree, and in the sweet smelling liquour that comes from it, not inferi­our to the Storax of Syria: which grows within a mile of the Town, and not to be found in any o­ther place. Also he would shew him a Lentisk tree, which sweats mastich, no lesse than the Len­tisk trees of Chios, which are accounted the best. Also he would shew him some other things, which he should hardly see elsewhere.

When he returned, he began to think of erect­ing a Covent of Heremites of Camaldoli, in that goodly Desart, by the Chappell under a rock, which being dedicated to Saint Mary de Angelis, is almost in the mid way between Massilia and Aix. The reason whereof was, because when he lived at Padua, he exceedingly liked the Orders of those kind of Heremites; and a learned man of that Order, called Elias, was then at Aix, about a Novice that was to be received, or was newly received. Peireskius therefore, delighted with his company, kept him there many moneths together, [Page 85]nourished him in the Desart, and often would vi­sit him, and stay divers dayes with him. In the mean while he procured, that by a decree of the Citizens of Massilia and Aix, such a Covent should be desired. Also he procured leave to erect the same from the Lord of Mimet, in whose Lordship the place was, and bought the ground round a­bout the place. He used all diligence possible, by the mediation of the Bishop of Padua, and the Cardinall P [...]ll [...]vicinus, to move the Superiours of that Congregation, not onely to leave Elias there, but to send some other religious persons, the better to stock the new Covent. He intreated that they would at least send some to view the place; and sent money to bear their charges. And great hopes he had: but, at the last, all his labour proved in vain. In like manner, his second ende­vours for Pacius, succeeded not according to his desire. For whereas in the beginning of the Spring he had so wrought the matter, that those of Aix had resolved that Pacius should be chief Professour of Law, and that his stipend should be two thosuand four hundred pounds Tours, a yeer: he went himself to Monpellier with a Councel­lour of Aix, to remove any difficulty that might stand in the way. Neverthelesse, he returned without effecting what he went for; Pacius pre­tending, that he expected three thousand pounds, besides what he might occasionally gain; but his wife was in deed and in truth the cause, who ha­ting to dwell in a Catholike City, chose rather to go to Heidelberg.

Presently after, he sell sick: of which sicknesse he hardly recovered in the beginning of the Sum­mer. The wonderfull tendernesse of his skin pro­ved [Page 86]very troublesome; for on whatsoever part of his body his cloaths did sit never so little hard, a red swelling would presently arise with vehe­ment itching. This gave him occasion to consi­der the cause of those spots and marks, which ma­ny bring from their mothers wombs. For it came into his mind, that it might in like manner fall out, that look on what part of their bodies wo­men with child did lay their hands, when they have a longing desire after somewhat, on the same part of the child in the womb, the stain of the thing longed for, is printed. This he told more than once, and particularly not many yeers before his death, when we were philosophizing about the image of a dog, seen in the urine of a man bitten by a mad dog. But the difficulty was, why the mark should not be made rather in the mo­thers body than the childs: yet he was convinced, that the child in the womb was one body with the mother, and nourished and quickened with the same kind of nourishment, and the same spi­rits in all its parts, even as it was at first formed of seed that came from all the parts of the body. And therefore its tender body was affected with the same accidents as its mothers: and any mark might be so much the easilier imprinted thereup­on, while with the spirits carrying the imagined shape, it is, by that touch of the mother, as it were imprinted; by how much it is tenderer than the body of its mother. And this I remember hath been confirmed by a memorable example which I have heard reported; viz. How a woman with child, in a town of Provence called Cippieres, a­bout threescore yeers since, being stabbed with a dagger, a child was taken out of her womb, which [Page 87]had so many black and blue marks, as the mother had stabs, and in the self same parts. And the rea­son why at the time when those kinds of fruits, as Cherries, Strawberries, and the like, being in sea­son are red, the imprinted characters likewise of those fruits upon the child in the womb, are of a more lively red than at other times; the cause may be said to be the disposition of the air at that season, which is fit enclined to raise up like spirits: as wine in the Hogshead is wont to work, when the Vine trees flourish. But so much may serve to have spoken of this subject in this place.

Peireskius recovered of his sicknesse, chiefly by the use of baths, his blood being thereby temper­ed, and his body rendered more transpirable, by opening the pores thereof. And it was in the mean while a great refreshment, that he gained in that time two most delightfull companions. The one was the noble Franciscus Villanovanus Baron of Flayoscum, naturall brother to the Mar­quesse of Transium, who being excellently skilled in the Greek tongue, and all kind of History, was perfectly acquainted with well neer all the mo­numents of Antiquity in whole Provence, which he had at his fingers ends. The other was that same famous man Franciscus Malherbius, who was afterwards the great Master and Controller of the French Language, and without controver­sie, Prince of Poets. For both of them visited him; and whereas to the former he was endear­ed, because he was his Countrey-man, and de­lighted in the same kind of studies; the commen­dation of Varius gained him the latter, and the renown which he had in Provence, since the time that he was Secretary to the great Prior of France [Page 88]aforesaid. For hereupon Peireskius began to be acquainted with the Poems of Malherbius, to admire them, and to commend them to those of other countreys. For when as in the moneth of September, that same memorable siege of Ostend was finished, and those lovely verses, Area parva Ducum, &c. were turned into French verses, not onely by Varius, but also by Malherbius, he sent them presently, both unto others, and to Scaliger himself, whom he supposed to be Authour of the Latine verses. I forbear to mention how Scali­ger wrote to him again, that the Authour was Hugo Grotius, a most rare young man; as for him­self, being grown old, the Heliconian Maidens turned their backs upon him long ago; by which he also excused his not sending the verses which Peireskius had desired of him for Pinellus.

Passing the Autumn at Belgenser, or Beugen­sier, he beheld that same rare concourse of the three superiour Planets, which happens but once in eight hundred yeers, which is justly called the Great, or rather Greatest Conjunction. And a wonderfull thing it was, that there should arise in that Conjunction, a star like Jupiter in great­nesse, which abode more than a yeer in the same foot of Serpentarius, just as another star abode in the Constellation of Cassiopaeia, two and thirty yeers since, and another three yeers ago in the Constellation of the Swan. But because Pei­reskius had not then a Celestiall Globe by him, whence he might be insormed of the names of the fixed stars; therefore he was very apt to think that new star to be one of the old ones, especially when he saw that the light thereof was not flat and dull, like that of the Planets which stood [Page 89]about it, but that it twinckled and sparkled won­derfully,1605. just as the fixed stars do. Some moneths after, he received letters from Pignorius, and was informed that it was a new star, and that Galileus observed it, even then when it changed from an evening into a morning situation: but because he fell into the disease, which had much troubled him at the beginning of the Spring, and because his Father, Brother, Uncle, Mother in Law, and some of the Servants were sick, therefore he for­bore to take pains to make observations thereof. But when afterwards he looked to those parts of the Heavens, the star was then so diminished, that being not a whit bigger than the fixed stars stand­ing about it, which alwayes keep their station, he took it for one of them, and judged that it was vanished. But in after yeers he could not suffi­ciently grieve, that he had not more studiously regarded so rare a spectacle, which in its season might easily have been observed.

About this time, when he went from Marseil­les to Belgenser [Beaugensier] he would needs take his way by Castellet, to visit the Parish-Priest called Julius, whom he already dearly af­fected, by reason of his ingenuous curiosity. Be­ing by him led a little without the village, they met aKeeper of mules. Mulettour, carrying a branch of myrtle, with a broad leaf and full flower, such as Pei­reskius had never seen, nor knew that there was such a thing in Nature. Wondering therefore at the Plant, he would be brought into the middle of the wood, where it grew, and caused the same to be taken up, that it might be manured and pro­pagated. But he would not have it set in the gar­den of Belgenser, because there was no body that [Page 90]would have a sufficient care thereof; but rather into Julius his own Garden, for he was confident that he would be exquisitely carefull thereof. And he indeed did manure it as was fitting, till such time as the plant remaining with safety, might be propagated into the Garden of Bel­genser. This I thought good to mention, be­cause a Myrtle Tree with a full Flower, was a thing unknown in Europe; and the thankes is due to Peireskius, that it is now to be seen in the Kings Gardens, at Rome, in the Low-Countries and other Places. I say nothing, how we owe the knowledge of that kind of Mushrompe called Fungus Coralloïdes, to him likewise; Touching which when Clusius wrote back to him, I will make mention (quoth he) in the Addition which I shall make to my History of exotick Plants, which I hope will shortly come forth, of your name, acknow­ledging that I had the knowledge of that kind of Mushrompe from you.

But here I should have told you, thatMr. Du-Vaix. Varius was so exceeding delighted with his Company, that while he was at Aix, he would continually in a manner have him at his Table. Also he would have him to journey with him and travell into the Country to take the Aire. And when about the beginning of June he was to go to Mar­seilles, to visit Carolus Neovilla Alincurius the Kings Embassadour returning from Rome, he took him along with him for his good company, to salute the said Embassadour. And when he was resolved to proceed to Paris, he asked him if he would not go see the City and Court. He pro [...]essed that he desired nothing more, especi­ally in such honourable Company; but he said [Page 91]his Uncle was unwilling, who when upon ano­ther occasion he would have gone thither about businesse, would not let him go, pretending that his Brother was shortly to depart. For there was a businesse then in agitation before the Kings Councell, about the paiment of certain Scots or Taxes, which those of Rians pretended to be due from Reginald, by reason of certain Lands which he had. But Varius took the businesse upon himself, to procure that he should rather be sent; and indeed perswaded his Uncle, that he was over tender, and that it was an injurie ra­ther then kindnesse, to hinder one of so rare a towardlinesse, from the Consummation of his Virtue. Wherefore his Uncle, because he re­verenced Varius, giving his consent (as for his Father, he never openly denied him any thing) Peireskius accompanied Varius, in the beginning of August 1605.

But it is incredible to relate, how soon he be­came famous at Paris, by the Commendation, partly of his own Virtue, and partly of his friend Varius. The first Man that he longed to see, was the Renowned Augustus Thuanus; as well to give him thanks for his exceeding Civility and lindnesse, as to receive any thing that might have been sent him from Scaliger. And him­self was wont to say, that it cannot be expressed how joyfully he entertained him. For he ad­mitted him presently both into the Kings and his own private Library; shewed him whatsoever records he kept up under lock and key, to assist him in the Composing of his History; opened his very heart and Bowels to him, brimfull of wonderfull sincerity. He then informed him of [Page 92]many things, which he inquired after concern­ing the Learned men of Italie; and because he wanted some particulars, to furnish the com­mendatorie Testimonialls of the said Learned men, he promised to procure what he desired by Letters from his friends.

When he visited him the second time, present­ly Isaac Casaubon, was sent for, who had the Charge of the Kings Librarie under Thuanus. He, at the very first meeting was so affected, that it is hard to say whether he admired or loved him more. For the truth is, he received so many things, and learnt so much of him that he could not sorbear to speak thereof, both publikely and in his private and samiliar Epistles. For in the first place printing his Notes upon the Epistle of Gregorie Nyssen to Eustathia, Ambròsia and Ba­silissa, he made mention of a piece of brasse mo­ney of the Coine of Rogerius King of Sicilie, which (quoth he) among many others with Inscrip­tions in Arabick, and divers Images of severall Princes, the most Learned Fabricius Peireskius a Senator of Aix did shew me. Moreover when Peireskius discovered to him the Errors which are in Ursinus and Goltzius, who giving more heed to Jacobus Strada then the ancient Coines, had corrupted divers of the Sirnames of certain Em­perors, reckoned among the thirty Tyrants un­der Gallienus, and namely of Marcus Piawonius Victorinus & Lucius Aelianus, (whom they made falsly to the Marcus Aurelius Victorinus, and Spurius Servilins Lollianus, contrary to what appears upon the Coines, which he let him see) Casaubon gave him very great thankes; saying moreover, I bese [...]ch you by our newly begun and [Page 93]yet most ancient friendship, if possibly you can, that you will communicate to me what you have of that kind. Doubtlesse that way which you have under­taken to clear up the dark passages of Antiquity is the most sure and only way. I eagerly expect what the great Scaliger will observe touching these kind of Antiquities: but I foresee, there will be place for your gleanings after his Harvest. For it was an happie thing that you should meet with these Coines, which have given you light in such dark paessages. But that I may not be tedious, I shall only add what he wrote unto him a year or two after, in these words. I beseech God to grant all health and happinesse to so great a Patron of the Muses. And I beg of you: that as you have already judged me worthy of your favour, so you will proceed to as­sure me of the same, and be intreated to go on as you have begun of your own accord. I do already find that I am much indebted to you, and doubt not but I shall be farther obliged hereafter, if you shall meet with any opportunity to assist me in my studies. I know not whether you have heard, that the most Serene Duke of Urbin, has sent me that Copie of Polybius, which you told me of: and therefore I am chiefly beholden to you, for that kindnesse &c.

Casaubon is a man well known and renowned among the Learned, so that by him you may judge of the rest. For what need I speake of Fronto Ducaeus, Papyrius Massonus and some others, to whom he carried commendations from Velserus? Of Nicolaus Faber, Jacobus Bongar­sius, Scaevola, and the San-marthani Brethren, Franciseus Pithaeus Peters own Brother [...] al­most an innumerable company of [...] with whom he grew then familiarly ac [...]ua [...]ited? It is [Page 94]better to tell you that there was no famous Libra­ry, which he ransackt not, but especially and besides the fore-recited, that of San-Victoria, in which he told us that he saw besides many other things, one which he most regarded, viz. All the Acts of the Maid of Orleance, with an Apologie for her, and her Picture, of all which a great Book was written, by the Command of a certain Abbot, who lived at the same time. Also he talked of many things which he had seen in the studies of private Persons, as namely of Johannes Jacobus Memmius Rociacus, a man il­lustrious as well for his generous disposition and proper Virtue, as the worthy familie he de­scended from and his hopefull issue, who is yet living in an happy old Age, Prince of the Counts of the Consistorie. Also of Renatus Po­terius Bishop of Bellovacum or Beauvois, of whom he reported, that he was honourable for histase Learning. Likewise of Panlus Patavi­nus, whose thousand Manuscript Books he commended; yet made more account of his Chamber of Rarities. And though he saw it ex­ceedingly well surnished, yet would he of his own accord, needs augment the same, with the Coines of divers Kings, both of the first and se­cond Family. For he gave him some, in which the names of the Kings were read, as for exam­ple, of Clotarius Crowned with a Crown of jew­ells (after the manner of Constantime who in­stead of a Crown of Laurell, used one of Jewells) and some with the names of such Counts under wh [...] [...] [...]ny was coined, as of Filarius of Rhemes, [...] In scription Remus fit. In like manner [...] [...]mended the Rarities and Books [Page 95]of Franciscus Olivarius Fontanaeus. And Bagar­rius being now keeper of the Kings Jewell-House of rarities, it was no more then reason, that he should see all that there was to beseen. More­over he approved of the designe of transferring all the store of Rarities of Franciscus Pererius Gentleman of Aix, excellently furnished with most rare Curiosities, into the Kings Store-house: for he confessed, there were yet many things wanting, that it might be esteemed worthy the name of a King.

And because among other things, Bagarrius shewed him an exceeding neat Amethyst, where­in was ingraven the Countenance of Solon by the Hand of that famous Graver Dioscorides, who wrought for Augustus; hereupon he took occa­sion to teach him, what was meant by those little holes in the Inscription, which he shewed him in the Seale standing in this order.


For he said they were holes wherein little N [...]iles had been fastened to hold Greek Let­ters made of mettals, which did expresse the name of the Graver, or ΔΙΟСΚΟΥΡΙΔΟΥ, but they must be read backwards as the manner is in all Ingrossements and Seales. This he made manifest, when having drawn in a white paper those holes, as above, he drew lines between the said holes, which expressed those Letters in this manner.


Thus he said he interpreted certain holes which were seen at Assisium, in I know not what old Church. For when as no man could tell what they signified, he divined that it was an In­scription or Dedication made JOVI OPT. MAX. Which he demonstrated by certain lines completing the Holes after this manner.


So he hoped he should interpret a certain Set of Holes in the Cathedrall Church at Nismes, called Domus quadrata, when he had got a pat­tern thereof.

But to return to Paris, there was hardly any publick monument, which he did not examine, of which he did not passe his Judgment. For the second moneth after he came thither, he sent Letters to Flayosceus, in which he wrote that he had not indeed as yet seen the Monu­ments of the ancient Kings at Saint Denis: but he had already convinced of falshood those tombes built for Clodovaus at Saint Genoveses, and for Chilpericus at Saint Germins. And a few daies after he said when he came to judge of those at Saint Denis, I could find nothing (quoth he) elder then the times of St. Lewis, that gave me [Page 97]satisfaction; and I am of opinion that all those most ancient Tombes, were built at one and the same time, and that not long before St. Lewis. And that which pleased me most, is the Tombe of our Country-woman Margaret, the eldest Daughter of Beatrice, wife to Saint Lewis. Fi­nally commending the ancient Seales which he saw, (bringing their Representations away with him) in the Treasuries of St. Denis, St. German, St. Maurus, and others, as wherein were con­tained the true Effigies of Charles the great Hlu­dovicus pius, the Emperour Hlotarius Pipin, King of Aquitania, Charles the bald, Charles the Sim­ple, and other Kings of the second Stock or family: these (quoth he) do sufficiently refute those tombs and Statues of these Princes made four or five hundred years ago.

I must likewise speake of his Study, of all other things worth enquiry after: for there was no wonder of art, nor rare worke of nature which he heard of, which he did not carefully view, as Aedifices, Rare works, Engins, Plants, Animals, Metals, and other things dug out of the Earth; In a word, all things which were worthy of obser­vation. And in the mean while, he kept corre­spondence with his friends far and near, by Let­ters; and when he had very carefully enquired of Paul Servita, of Scaliger, of Casaubon, and of other Learned men, if they knew what was be­come of Juvencus Caelius Callanus, the Dalmati­an, whose Manuscript Book of the Life of Attilas, he had brought with him from Venice; he intended to cause it to be printed.

In the beginning of the Spring the year fol­lowing,1606. Varius being shortly to return into Pro­vence, [Page 98]he obtained, with small labour, leave to go see England, especiall being to accompany the Illustrious Antonius Boderius, who was sent thither as the Kings Embassadour. Nor did Va­rius only suffer that, but praising his intention (wherein Thuanus, Memmius, Mericus Vicus and other friends did agree with him) he took upon him to procure, that his Father and Uncle, should approve of the Fact. When he departed, Pei­reskius would bring him on his way as far as Orleance; and before he returned from thence, he viewed more attently then formerly, the an­cient remaines of Holy-Crosse-Church, which he accounted to be at least a thousand years old: and likewise besides other Statues and Images both of Charles the Seventh, and his little Daugh­ter Joane; he would see those which were kept (as was said) in the Guild-Hall; and particularly, he perceived that the Picture wherein the King is represented with a beard, and St. Michaells Collar, is not perfectly in all respects true. Moreover, it was now the beginning of May, and Boderius de­parting, he was cast some daies behind, being forced to ride post, that he might overtake him at Callis. When they were at Sea, there were very few in the whole Company, that were not Sea-sick, by reason of the Tossing of the ship, and the Steam of the Sea. Peireskius to prevent the same in himself, left the rest of the Compa­ny, and sate by the Main-mast, where he was not so sick, as they were. The reason being asked, he said there was least Agitation in that part of the ship; and that therefore he withdrevv himself thither, that he might not be Stomach-sick as the rest were, who being in the Head or Sterne, were much more rossed.

Being arrived in England, and having, after the Embassadour, saluted King James, he was tenderly respected by him, who sent for him divers times: as when he was to relate the Story of a famous drinking Match. For it fell out, that in a cer­tain feast of Learned Men, Doctor Torie dranke a huge Cup to Peireskius himself: Whereupon he excused himself because of the largeness of the Cup; because he was not wont to drink pure wine; because of the weaknesse of his stomack; and because he was not accustomed to drink: But when no excuse would serve his turn, he re­quired at least, that he might be allowed after he had pledged Dr. Torie, to begin to him again as he pleased. All the company consented. Whereupon taking Courage, as being constrain­ed by necessity, he setcht off the Lusty Bowle of wine, and causing it to be replenished with wa­ter, he began to Dr. Torie and (as if he meant to temper the wine he drank immediately before) drank it quite of again. He, as if he had been thunderstuck, or newly dropt out of the Clouds, had much ado to come to himself, and because it was a bargain from which he could not go back, he puft and blowed, he put the cup to his mouth and took it away again, so often powring out in the mean while so many Verses out of all the Greek and Latin poets, that he spent the day well near, ere he could get the water down his unac­customed throat. And this was the story, which the King having heard from others, would needs have it from his own mouth. Also he was ad­mitted into the Chamber where there was a so­lemne Convention or Assemby of his Majesty and the Peers, and sate among the chief of the Lords.

As for the Learned men which he met with either at London, or Oxford, or in other places, the first was Mr. William Camden, who has me­rited so much of his Country, Britannia, with whom falling once into a discourse of the Anti­quity of the British Language, to which the Language of Bretagne in France does belong, af­ter he had asked him about many words used in severall Countries of France, he demanded among the rest what Arelate or Arles and Tolo or Tolon might signifie: to which Camden an­swered that Arelate in the Brittish tongue did signifie a City standing on moist or marish ground; and that Tolon signified an Harpe, per­adventure by reason of a neighbouring Promon­tory called Citharistes or Harpers Hill. He learned also of Camden other such like Inter­pretations, by which he was brought almost to be of the mind of Strabo, Tacitus, and other who write that the French-men and the Britaines, had at first but one and the same Language. The next was, Sr. Robert Cotton, eminent amongst the honestly curious fort of men. Also Jacobus Col­lius and his Father in Law Matthias Lobellus, the Kings Herbalist, both whom he was desirous to oblige. Also Albericus Gentilis, Sr. Henry Sa­vill, Johannes Nordenus, and many more. Nor must I passe over, the then Learned young Man John Barclay, whom how much he affect­ed, shall be shewn hereafter. But he was wont to greive that he was not acquainted, neither with Dr. Gilbert who wrote the Book touching the Nature of the Load-stone, nor with Thomas Ly­diate a a famous Mathematician. I shall not here recount the many Libraries, wherein he obser­ved [Page 101]such books as were most rare; nor the studies which he saw, and out of which he procured all precious rarities he could. But above all others, he made great account of a precious stone, which cost an hundred and fifty pounds Tours, by rea­son that Aetio was graven thereupon, with a Phry­gian Tiara or Turbant upon his head, being sup­posed to be the father of Andromache the wife of Hector. I shall only tell you, how that because he would depart sooner than was hoped, he left a great misse of himself, both in the Family of the Embassadour, and among his learned friends, who making afterwards sundry times mention of him, it shall suffice here to extract a saying of the fore­said Camden, in his description of Britain, where speaking of certain coins belonging to this matter in hand, he sayes, Such as these were never dug up any where else, that ever I heard of, till of late the most noble Nicolas Faber Petriscius, excellently skilled, and most acute in judging of ancient Coins, shewed me some of the same kind, which were found in France.

And he had stayed indeed somewhat longer in England: but because he had promised to be ab­sent but three moneths, therefore a moneth after he went into Holland, which from the first he was resolved to take a full view of, though he kept his intent secret. When he was to depart, a company of young Gentlemen would needs bear him com­pany, who came from France with Boderius. But they were taken up with the exercise of Arms and other studies; whereas he proceeded to make it his chief businesse to find out learned men. And in the first place he saluted such as he understood to be most renowned at Middleburg, Dort, Ro­terdam, [Page 102]Delft and the Hague: but this he did only in passing and cursorily, because his chief care was to visit Scaliger, whole abode was at Leiden.

His resolution was to speak with him first un­der the notion of a stranger: wherefore he chan­ged his name, and presented him with a Letter commendatory, as written by Peireskius. When Scaliger had read it, he embraced him exceeding courteously for Peireskius his sake. After much discourse, divers books being occasionally brought forth, Peireskius desired to write a few sines out of one of them: whereupon having given him pen, ink, and paper, and reading unto him that which he desired to write out; he had no sooner writ a line or two, but Scaliger knew his hand, whereupon he fell to embrace him, in most ami­able manner, complaining how he had beguiled him. And falling afterwards into a most delici­ous discourse of divers matters; Scaliger among other things declared, that he intended to make a second Edition of Eusebius (for the first Edition did not altogether please him) and of his Fathers Commentary upon Aristotle de Animalibus: but that afterwards, neverthelesse, he was intended to return into France, and to lay his bones by the bones of his Father Julius. And when Peireskius replied, That he would not then die in a false be­leef [that is, a Protestant] Scaliger wept, but gave him no answer. Peireskius having expounded to him divers coins, and especially shekels, he be­stowed upon him (though against his will) a rare Semi-shekel, whose interpretation he admired a­bove all the rest. He also gave him again by way of requital many things. & which was most delight­full to him, he gave him the desired and expected [Page 103]draught of the sepulchres of the Scaligers, with the verses written upon the said sepulchres, which he brought along with him to that end. For he had received the said draught but the March before from Verona, nor could he get it before, though he writ often about it, because Nichezola had been sundry times sick, and because Sylvius Donius, who first began the work, died while he was about it. One thing there was, about which Peireskius would fain have asked Scaliger, but he never durst do it, lest he should trouble him: that was, his book touching the Quadrature of a Circle, which he had printed twelve yeers ago, and which was presently by Franciscus Vieta, and Adrianus Ro­manus (aud afterwards by Christofer Clavius, the best Geometrician among the Jesuites) and other learned and expert Mathematicians, convicted to be erroneous. For he had been forewarned, that if he should harp upon that string, it would stir his choler. And as concerning his pedigree, he would not make shew of the least doubt, whe­ther he were indeed descended from the Princes of Verona, whose stock he said did end in him: yet with a little more freedom, and as desirous to know how he should answer others, he laid be­fore him, what was objected by Scioppius, Guil­landinus, and others.

After Scaliger, his care was to visit Carolus Clusius, who being over fourscore yeers old, be­gan to be troubled with the gout, as also Scaliger had begun to be troubled therewith, a few months before. He found him taking care that the figure of the Fungus Coralloïdes, or Corall-fashioned-Mushromp, which he had sent him out of Pro­vence, with almost an innumerable company of [Page 104]other kinds of Plants, Roots, and Seeds, might be printed in the second Appendix to his History of Outlandish Plants. And he seasonably adver­tized him touching some Indian Plants, in the description whereof he had erred, and some which he had never heard of before, producing withall the descriptions of them, according to the Fruits shewed him at Paris by Vespasianus Robinus. Af­ter Clusius, he visited the chief Lights of the Uni­versity, and particularly contracted friendship with Bonaventura Vulcanius, who was then bu­sied about the Edition of Procopius, with Domi­nicus Baudius, who besides his skill in History, was an elegant Poet, and with some others. But he was wont to grieve, because Heinsius was then absent from Leiden, whom he heard Scaliger more than once commend.

He went afterwards to Amsterdam, where he could hardly be satisfied with questioning about, and viewing so many excellent rarities, which are brought out of both the Indies, to that famous Mart. He went to Enchuysen, to see the closet of rarities of Bernardus Paludanus, where he could have spent his whole life with content. In his return, staying a while at the Hague, he would not depart till he became acquainted with Hugo Grotius, who though a young man, was adorned with mature learning of all sorts: Also he stept aside to Scheveling, to make triall of the carriage and swiftnesse of a waggon, which some yeers be­fore was made with such Art, that it would run swiftly with sails upon the land, as a ship does in the sea. For he had heard how Grave Maurice, after the victory at Nieuport, for triall sake, got up into it, with Don Francisco Mendoza taken [Page 105]in the fight, and within two hours was carried to Putten, which vvas fourteen miles from Scheve­ling. He therefore vvould needs try the same, and vvas vvont to tell us hovv he vvas amazed, vvhen being driven by a very strong gale of vvind, yet he perceived it not (for he vvent as quick as the vvind) and vvhen he savv hovv they flevv o­ver the ditches he met vvith, and skimmed along upon the surface onely of standing vvaters, vvhich vvere frequently in the vvay; hovv men vvhich ran before seemed to run backvvards; and hovv places vvhich seemed an huge vvay off, vvere pas­sed by almost in a moment, and some other such like passages.

At Delft, he was pleasantly entertained by A­brahamus Gorlaeus, whom it was his hap to find, taking care to have certain Greek Coins engra­ven, some of which he had sent him from Paris, having formerly given him to the quantity of a thousand, which he had brought with him out of Italy. For Gorlaeus was endeavouring to supply such Coins as were wanting, which he had pro­mised in his Dactyliotheca [or Treasury of Rings and Seals, a book so called] therefore he commit­ted the copy, which was shortly to be printed, to Peireskius, that he according to his candor might weigh the same, and blot out what he did not like: and he faithfully followed his corrections, especially in somewhat which he had writ touch­ing Trajan. And here he was wont to relate a thing worth observation, viz. How Gorlaeus, though unacquainted with the Latine tongue, yet understood all Latine books concerning Coins, after the same manner as Forcatulus understood all Mathematicall books: so effectuall is obsti­nate [Page 106]labour, springing from a most vehement de­fire of knowing any thing. He saw also at Delft a Nun yet remaining alive, ever since the Hol­landers had apostatized from the Romane Ca­tholike Religion; having formerly seen at U­trecht a Canon [a kind of Friar] permitted to live according to his first profession. And whereas he admired not only all the monuments of Antiqui­ty, which were remaining at Utrecht; but also whatever the Domination of the Dukes of Bur­gundy lest remaining; so did he most of all ad­mire, and exceedingly commend the Hollanders, because they refrained from demolishing the Temples, preserving the Quires untoucht, with the Scutcheons of the Knights of the Golden Fleece annexed thereunto, which were institured in the dayes of Philip sirnamed the Good.

But he intended to return thōrow Brabant, Flanders, and the rest of the Belgick Provinces, having first obtained a sase conduct or passe from the Hollanders and the Arch-Duke. And first of all he came to Antwerp, about the end of July, where he contracted friendship with Andreas Schottus, and Carolus Scribanius, learned men of the Society of Jesus; also with Aubertus Miraeus, Dean of the Church, and excellently skilled in the Belgick and Ecclesiasticall Histories; and with Nicolaus Roccoxius, a man exceedingly de­lighted with the study of Antiquities, and with Henricus Sedulius, Authour of the life of St. El­ziarius. Afterwards, when he came from Mech­lin to Lovain, nothing so much grieved him, as the death of Justus Lipsius, that same excellent Light and Load-star of all good literature, extin­guished a few moneths before. For he hoped [Page 107]quickly to have obliged him as well as he had done Scaliger, by all kind of civilities and servi­ces. He grieved likewise that Adrianus Roma­nus, that famous Mathematician, was not there at that time, whom he exceedingly longed to re­concile to Scaliger. After he had seen the Aca­demy, and the learned men which were therein, he would needs go to the house of a certain Phy­sicians widow, to see a couple of Hares with horns, which were said to have been brought from Norwey. And because he found one of them dead, he would buy, what ever it cost him, both the horns thereof, and the pictures of both of them.

At Brussels he became acquasnted with Caro­lus Bromanius, Count of Brovey, and some others; but he was most of all taken with the samous Painter Venceslaus Cobergus, who had then in hand a rare quadripartite work of the Archite­cture, painting, and writing of the Ancients; of the images of the Gods; of the Coins, or rather Medals, or brazen pieces, from Julius Caesar to Galienus. Moreover, he was wont to tell of di­vers discourses he had with him, concerning the severall parts thereof, but especially the last, be­cause of the opinion of Cobergus, that these Me­dals could not be money; his chief argument be­ing, because the stamp which was upon them, would ask the workman two moneths to make it; so that, seeing there could not above two hundred be coined by the same stamp, the price of the work would have amounted far above the value of the money. Touching this discourse, I onely remember that Peireskius made answer, that they used the labour of their servants, which [Page 108]cost them nothing; and Cobergeus replied, that this was done, when it was forbidden to servants, not onely to paint any thing, but to learn the Art of Painting.

When he was about to depart from Brussels, he wrote a very learned Epistle to Sir Robert Cotton, and sent him also the prints of divers mo­neys, and namely one of Commodus, by reason of the unusuall orthography of the word Brittania, with a doublet and singlen. Then he salnted at Gaunt Laurentius Deebrotius, whom he knevv in Italy. At the Isles, Florentius Nallaeus, a learned Canon, Authour of the Liturgick Antiquities. At Tornay, Dionysius Willerius, a Canon and Chan­cellour, and Hieronymus Winghemius also a Ca­non; the one a rare Antiquary, the other exceed­ingly addicted to the knowledge of rare Plants. At Doway, William Richardotus, the son of John the President, with whom he kept sriendship ever since his being in Italy; and Andreas Hojus, Greek Prosessour, whom I have heard relate, with what delight he was present at the most sweet discour­ses of Peireskius and Richardotus.

And in this place, truly mention ought to be made, before any other, of that rare Prince, Charles Duke of Croy and Arschot, who kept him ten dayes together in his renowned house of Beaumont, continually contemplating innume­rable curiofities, and rare jewels of Antiquity, most rich boxes of Medals, wherewith that most curious and learned Prince had beautified his most noble study; yea, and at his departure, for­ced him to take with him all the Coins he had, as well gold as silver, made under the ancient Kings of France; also to the number of sixty Greek pie­ces; [Page 109]besides certain ancient vessels, weights and measures; whereas he would not accept of Pei­resk [...]us any thing, save one brasse Coin of that same John, who in the dayes of Theodosius and Placidius Valentinianus, seized upon the Empire. Upon which occasion it coms into my mind how he brought out of Flanders pieces of Coins of the Frend; Kings, fourty golden ones besides silver, of the first stock; and of the second fifty silver pie­ces, besides a golden one of Lewis sirnamed the Godly, which he highly esteemed, because he not onely counted it to be very rare, but was apt to think there was not another to be had.

The time now drew near, when it was said there would be rare ceremonies performed at Fontain-bleau, at the Baptism of the Prince Dau­phine that is to say, the eldest son of the King of France. For his Godfather was said to be the Pope; and the Popes Nuncio, Maffeus Barberi­nus, was to stand in his stead. Wherefore, about the end of August he left the Low-Countries and coming timely enough, he was present at the so­lemn pomp, which was performed on the 24th day of the moneth following. Meanwhile he heard from home, that his mother in Law was dead, and that his return was expected, for the ordering of divers affairs. And therefore bidding adieu to his friends, partly in person, partly by letters; he returned into Provence about the be­ginning of the moneth following.

Being returned home, he refused not the coun­sell which his father and brother chiefly had de­vised (for his Uncle was somewhat against it) which was to buy the Barony of Rians; in whose jurisdiction, because the Manour of Valaves was [Page 110]feated, therefore it was the Originall cause of many Suites and Contentions. Whereupon he himself undertook to bargaine and contract with Ludovicus Grollaeus Medullioneus, Marques of Bri­sack, and went on purpose to him into Dau­phine; and returned sped, about the beginning of the year following,1607. which was 1607.

After his return he busied himself about many excellent designes, but with none was he more delighted, then in procuring a manisold descrip­tion of the remainders of the Citty and Haven of Carthage. For he conceived divers excellent Authors could by no other meanes be reconci­led; and he intended thereby to gratifie Casau­bon, with whom he had discoursed, chiefly about the Situation and form of the Haven, and yet he knew his doubts were not fully satisfied. He wrote also at large to Alardus a Canon of Compiegne, about Coines, and among things touching the use of the GoldenSpur­roi [...]l. Shilling in France, even to the Beginning of the third Stock, shewing that two and twenty of those Shillings weighed an whole pound (though the mony-pound consisted but of twenty of them) and demonstrating that the Solidum or shilling, was not alwaies given out for twelve Silver de­niers only. but sometimes for more, even to the number of Forty. He was in the mean while taken with a most troublesome disease in his Eyes, of which he was searce freed in the middle of the Spring.

Then did his Uncle begin exceedingly to pro­voke him, that he should set himself to obtain the Senatorian Dignity, which was long since ordained for him. For he grew sickly, and was [Page 111]exceedingly molested with pains in his joints, for the abatement whereof, he was resolved to go to our Bathes at Digne, before the Summer: but fearing lest he might happen to die in that journey, he was resolved not to set foot out of the City, before he had seen his Ne phew receiv­ed into the Company of the Senators. As for Peireskius he evermore invented dilatory Excu­ses as handsomely as he could; howbeit; his Un­cle carried him, one day, concealing his pur­pose, to Varius, that he might urge him to nu­dergo the necessary examination; & so joyn himself to the Senate. Whereupon Peireskius supposing that the businesse could be now no longer delay­ed, he desired only eight daies, that he might be the better provided for his examination. It was the middle of June; and, a yearly Vacation, consisting of three moneths in which the Par­liament was not to sit, was at hand: and there­fore he was forced to make haste, because he could not be examined and approved save before the Parliament sitting. He came therefore prepa­red, and approved himself before the Assembly on the first of July.

A Law was proposed to him to expound out of the first Book of the Code, by which the Em­peror Gordianus did enact, That he that had recei­ved no Legacie, nor feoffment in haste, nor inhe­ritance, or any donation by reason of death could not leave any thing by way of feoffment in haste.

In the exposition of which Law, he forgot not to mention that which is recorded by Valerius and Salustius touching the gallant behaviour of Scipio Aemiltaenus, who being by Masinissa King of Numidia, who dearly respected him, made [Page 112]Heir of his whole Kingdome, by his last Will, earnestly desiring him, to part it equally by way of Inheritance, amongit his Fisty fo [...] Sons which he had living, he did so punctually per­forme the same, that he kept nothing at all for himself. Nor did he passe over in Silence how Aristotie in his Politicks detests the Lawes of the Carthaginians and Locrensians, some of which had equall Patrimonies, others could not sell what they had; that ancient Inhetitances might abide the longer in their respective samides; for besides other Inconveniendes hence it would come to passe, that the Cittizens would grow lazie both in gaining and possessing their Patri­monies.

I passe over other things, that I may touch upon that which made him most admired. For though it was believed that he would come very well p [...]epared, in re [...]pect of the Theorie and Questions of Law thereunto pertaining; yet in p [...]int of the Practice, and formes of proceeding in the Courts, it was thought he was not so well provided. But his manner had been to let slip no occasion, neither at Paris nor at Aix to questi­on the Practitioners, Proctors, Attorneies, Ad­ [...]ocates; and he would nore in his Book what ever he Learned from them by word of mouth, or by pe [...]using the Instruments and Deeds of all Linde, Al [...] he profited by the Counsell and Ex­ample of Aut [...]xius Thoronius one of the best of the Sena [...]ors and most s [...]i [...]ed in the Lawes; nor would he [...] any word passe him in the whole prac [...]ce of the Courts, whose notation & canse he did not [...]rch into, that he might the better un­derstand the use thereof, and fix it in his Mind. In [Page 113]a word he was with great Applause and Com­mendation, inrolled among the Senators.

After this, his Uncle grew exceedingly desi­rous to go to Digne, but the encrease of his di­sease, and the extreame heat of the Sun, hindred him: for the Dog daies were at hand, in which it is the manner to abstain from all manner of Bathes. Also Peireskius desired to go with his Uncle, both by his service to restifie his perpe­tuall Gratitude, and that he might visit the Lord Flayosceus, who having married the only Daugh­ter of Guilelmus Falconius Prosene call of Digne, abode with his Father in Law. But his Uncle would not suffer him, either because he would not have him absent from his Senatorian Em­ployment in matters of Judicature, or that he might not go from Varius, who could hardly endure that he should be from him; or that he might not neglect the Charge he had, having been requested to oversee Cayerus the Painter, while he drew the pictures of the Kings of France upon the Arched Sieling of the Palatin Hall. For himself alone was able to surnish a long Bead­roll of their true Pictures, which he had drawn from Coines, Seales, Sepulchers, Glassewin­dowes, and other the like monuments: and I remember, when he could not for a long time get the true Face of Hngh Caput, he ofrentimes said that he owed thankes to the excellent Au­gustns Galandns, because, of him he procured it, being Printed upon a peice of wax from the Seale on which it was graven. His Uncle there­fore went without him, when the Dog-daies were over.

Varius indeed, minding to do them both a Courtesie, resolved in the moneth of September to come and bring Peireskius with him, that they might both together, visit his Uncle and both together take a view of that Countrey. And some footsteps of Antiquitie, indeed, they met with, worthy of observation: but notthing seemed more wonderfull then out Countrey Bathes, in a Vault under the a Rock, which a stream of hot water running by, does so warme, that gently procuring sweat, it is ex­ceeding good against all flegmatick and cold hu­mours, especially if they be first prepared and made fluxive, by a certain Bath, which is termed the Virtuous Bath, by reason of its rare acti­vity, whereby it workes wonderfull Cures, such as no other Medicines could effect. Moreover they were likewise desirous to see those Serpents which were wont to fall from a very high Rock facing the south, at the Root wherof are hot Baths and Baths especially, because they were harm­lesse and void of Poison: but they are not wont to fall down, save in May and June, and for the most part coupled together in the way of gene­ration, or at least two at a time; for being net­led with an itching desire of Generation, they glide up and down out of one clift of the rock in­to another, till not regarding the Praecipice, they fall down.

And here (peradventure) I shall do a thing not unpleasing to our Countrymen, by recording two things, touching which they heard Peireskius discourse. The one was at the House of Peter Trichauud president of the Court of Enquests, at St. Martins, who being accus [...]omed to [Page 115]make his aboad at Digne in the summer time, entertained him at his House with Varius. For when as the Cause of the Heat which is in the waters of naturall Baths, was demanded, and Guillelmus Alamandius said, that it was not an actuall but a potentiall fire, that was the cause; he replied that it should rather be an actuall fire burning in the Cavities of the Earth, which thereby growing hot, do heat the waters which run through them; for neither Bitumen, nor Brimstone, nor any other materiall, only poten­tially hot, can heat water, either passing through, or being insused therein, no not if it were im­praegnated with Vitriol, Nitre, and other such like mineralls. He added that the sumes or Va­pours of the Bath-waters, passing into the clifts of the rocks, did so work upon the serpents, that they did either hinder the generation of Poison or correct the same; by the same reason, as wormwood works the same effect in Pontus, according to Plinyes relation. Which Pliny, seeing in one Place heseemes to grant, that the Poison of Serpents is in their Galls; and that, when they intend to ingender, they vomit up their gall; it ought not to seeme strange, if, when these Ser­pents do couple themselves and so fall, they are void of Poison.

The other was at the House of Sr. Antonius de Bouonia a Bishop, who the day following invi­ted them both and Mr. Trichaud with them to a feast. For whereas from the Scurcheons of the hou­ses of Porcelet & Ville-neufve, which Flayosceus had shewed him in two Chappells in the great Church, he had discoursed of the times, in which we had excellent Prelates out of those Families; a [Page 116]Question arose touching the time and Titles in and by which Avenion and the Country of Ve­naiscin, came to belong unto the Pope. And whereas the rest of the Company, could give no further account, then that Queen Joane sold them to Pope Clement the sixth, in the year one thousand three hundred sorty and eight, for four­score thomand Florens; he related the whole story, from the year two hundred and nine, in which Raimond the Sixth of that Name Earle of Tolonse, being a favourer of the Heresie of the Albigenses, and believed to be Author of kill­ing the Legat, was by Pope Innocent the third again excommunicated. For, from that time he began to be spoiled of his Dominion; and nine­teen years after, such a Transaction was made at Paris, as thereby it was agreed, that Raimond his Son and Father in Law to Alphonsus Erle of Poic­tiers, should have only the City of Tolouse, with a few adjacent places; the rest of the places be­yond the River Rhodanus, should belong to the King of France, and those on this side the river to the Pope. And because the People of that Country, were not well pleased, because they were fre­quently summoned to Rome, they took Ra [...] ­monds part. Wherefore Pope Roniface the Eighth of that name, would have no more Appeales made to Rome; and Clement the fifth, the more to gaine their affections, would also keep his Court there. And when in the Rome of John the 22th, Clement the 6th. was made Pope, Sale was made of all the Rights belonging to the Erle of Provence, since the Division made be­tween Raymondus Berengarius Erle of Provence, and Alphonsus Erle of Tolouse, in the year 1125.

These things and many more he related, and in conclusion accompanied Varius who returned three daies after. As for his Uncle, that he might preserve the Health which he had recover­ed, and that he might passe the remainder of his daies with greater Tranquillity, at his return, he went not to Aix, but to Beaugensier. Peires­k [...]us went to meet him, and did not only accom­pany him home, but was resolved not to depart from him, but to be alwaies at hand to serve him: but his Uncle would not suffer it, desiring rather that he should return to Aix, because of the Festivall of St. Regimius, at what time the Parliament should re-assemble. Peireskius therefore returned, and it grieved him the lesse, because he heard Varius with that sweernesse of Language which was naturall to him, make an oration touching Discord and Concord, and of the Love of Justice and of the Magistrates which administer the same.

After which he began so to execure his Office, that nothing was found wanting in him. For although Varius when he shared out the Busi­nesse of the Court would not at the first, burthen him with the consideration of many causes, but committed a few only to him; which he was wont so leisurely and acutely to weigh and ponder according to all the Rules and Circum­stances of the Lawes, that having made most pithy Breviates of the Instruments and Deeds, he would afterwards most distinctly and wirh the greatest fidelitie possible, report them to the Court. But when he was to give his judgment touching some cause, reported by another, he was wonderfully delighted, when time was al­lowed [Page 118]for deliberation, or when he had received, the state of the Case before hand from the Parties in suit, for he was ashamed to give his voyce one way or another, unlesse he were perfectly furnished to justifie the same. Moreover, be­cause he was oftentimes in doubt, because of the perplexity of some Cases, he was wont to go to the forementioned Thoronius, who would satisfie his Scruples; nor did he make any bones, to propound the more weighty Causes even to Varius himself, who by the exceeding clearness of his most grave and sound Judgment, would illus­trate the same. And this he did chiefly at his Even­ing discourses; for Varius invited him every night to a frugal Supper, that they might discourse freely without any body to take notice what they said.

But because he could not tell how to spend any time idly, therefore there was enough re­maining for him to study good Arts, and to maintain his correspondence with Learned men. Among other things, he procured an exquisite Anatomie to be made of a great Tortoise (a cubit long) which being taken out of the Martigian Sea [Mer de Martigues] he had kept about three moneths, and fed it with little fishes. And whereas many rarities were observed in that Section, this was none of the least, that the shoulder blades were situate before and not be­hind. That the Aspera Arteria or Wesand, was halse a cubit long, and divided into three branches, three fingers breadth from the Lungs, producing small certain twigs as far as the kidneys and bladder, That the rings thereof were perfectly round, as well on the Gullet-side as elsewhere, and of a Cartilaginous or gristlely Substance, and [Page 119]that the Larynx had no Epiglottis. That Veines were distributed into the Intralls thereof, not only from the Vena Portae, but very many also out of the remaining hollow part of the Liver; from which part the Porus Cholidochus, or Gall­passage did proceed double, into a Gut twelve fingers long. That there was no distinction of great and small Guts, no Appendix of the Cae­cum, also no splene, no fat encompassing the Heart (yet it swam in water which was inclos­ed in the Peri-cardium or Heart-Bag) and some other such like things.

He found out somewhere not far from the City, a great number of, not only the Bones of Men, but likewise of other Living-Creatures; also of Plants, Leaves, Flowers, and such like, turned into a stony substance: which he forthwith distributed, almost all Europe over. He sent also with them certain stones shaped in the forme ofLike the Dia­mond on Cards. Lozenges both Chrystalline and Rubie-coloured, which were dug out the ground in Rians: which were herein admirable, in that when they were divided into small particles, each particle was shaped after the same Diamond or Lozenge fashion. Also when he sent them to Paris, he added a great Quantitie of sundry sorts of the Shelfish and other fishes, which are found in the Mediterranean or Midland Sea, of monst­rous shapes: also the skin of a Sea-Cat, and innu­merable other things, which he sent chiesly to the famous Painter Daniel Monsterius, from whom he exspected the Pictures of Varius, Thu­anus, Casaubon, and Malherbius.

When he sent into Italy, and namely to Gual­dus, he heard to his great griefe, that Baronius was dead, and wrote unto Flayosceus and others [Page 120]touching that lamentable accident. When to the Low-Countries, he condoled with Villerius for his losse of a piece of money coined by Adri­an, on the Back-side whereof was sigured, as Ville­rius judged, a Phoenix: but, in Peireskius opini­on, a Stork: which he gathered from the length of the neck and legs, whereas the Phoenix is usu­ally represented rather like an Eagle: also from the Serpent placed at the feer thereof, and the in­seription of the word PATRI, whereby the naturall affection of Hadrian towards Trajan was set forth. Finally, by some other very convin­cing tokens, whereby he endeavoured to comfort the man, shewing that the thing which he had lost, was not so rare as he imagined: so he com­forted him touching the losse of a Jasper stone, which represented the Argaean mountain: which he did, himself wanting in the mean time consolation, by reason that a certain servant had stolen from him the golden Coins of the first Emperours, certain Onyx stones, and other pre­cious stones, most rarely ingraven.

Mean while his uncle Claudius fell into a dead­ly sicknesse, not long after the feast of the Three Kings [Twelfth Day] the yeer following 1608, Peireskius did visit him in the Christmas Holy­dayes; and because he left him well and in health, he was wonderfully cast down when he heard of this sicknesse, which on the seventh day after he began to keep his bed, berest him of his dearly beloved uncle. The good old man had given or­der, that his heart and intrals should be buried at Beaugensier, and the rest of his body carried to Aix, to the sepulchre of his Ancestours. This therefore was performed with great funerall [Page 121]pomp, the Court being invited (as the manner then was) with a Panegyrick Oration, by John Peter Olivarius, a most virtuous Senatour, unto which Varius gave consent by another rare Ora­tion, which is extant among the funerall Orati­ons printed after his death, being the sixteenth in number. At the end whereof may be seen what esteem he had of Peireskius, seeing he so highly commends the care of his uncle, in choosing and providing such a Successour. I know not whether I should relate that which the whole City admi­red, how the most faithfull dog of the deceased old Gentleman, followed the Coarse all along, stood waiting upon the bier, could not for many dayes be gotten from the Tomb, and after he was brought back to the house, stood a long time still before his picture.

Peireskius, his grief being somewhat abated, composed himself, as formerly, to attend upon his Senatorian Office; and in like manner he cea­sed not to set aside some good hours for the ser­vice of his studies and studious friends and ac­quaintance. For in the first place he wrote sun­dry Letters to divers friends; but larger to none than to Laelius Pascalinus, touching the mistakes of Ursinus the pictures of the French Kings, Seals, Coins, Titles (chiefly confuring such as concei­ved that Charles the son of Pipin usurped the name of Great) statues of Players; touching his Aetio, whom though Velserus conceived to be a Painter of whom Lucian makes mention in He­rodotus, he persisted in his opinion, by reason of the Phrygian Tiara, or royall Diadem, concei­ving that it was to be reserred rather to the father of Andromache; touching Hercules pillars, the [Page 122]Ostien Port, and other things of inexhaustible cu­riosity. In like manner, he treated with Fonta­naeus touching moneys; and with Strada, especi­ally concerning ancient Coins: with Claudius Frereus, Master of the Requests, and afterward chief President of the Parliament at Grenoble, touching the French History: with the San-mar­thani [brethren so called] about Genealogies; with Pignorius touching purple; with Nicolaus Faber, and with others about a thousand things besides.

Moreover, he made innumerable observations, touching such kinds of fishes as are wont to be cast away when they are caught, as unfit for food, which he caused to be salted, or otherwise preser­ved at Martigium [de Martigues] and all other places; also concerning shell-fish, plants, and o­ther things (which he variously distributed up and down) especially when about April he sojourned at Beaugensier with Varius; where he discoursed most deliciously touching many things by him produced, which the other had never seen before. For they discoursed touching a blue Sea-fish shell, found in the Olbien field or Countrey, out of which a colour is extracted bearing the same name; as also out of a certain Marble which re­sembles the Lapis Lazuli, touching a starred stone resembling Corall, and streaked like a star; touch­ing the Lepadites, or Lepas, being not unlike the shell of a single-sheld Sea-fish, all which were dug out of the fields of Casteler. Also of a streakedstone called Conchites, which he had out of the Antipoli­tan country, & the territories of For: touching jeat and yellow Amber, dug at the Tower de Bevons. By occasion whereof he fell to argue, that Amber [Page 123]was a thing which naturally grows in the earth,1608. and is from thence dug out. For they dig it also up in Sicily; where, by the violent force of running waters it is discovered, and carried as far as to the Sea, and beaten back by the waves of the Sea, it is often found upon the shore. And that there­fore he said, It is probable that the Amber, which they fish out of the Baltick Sea, was pluckt out of the earth by the violence of land-waters, and brought into the Sea, especially seeing it contains in like manner flies, and other such like creatures enclosed therein. And therefore that it was fa­bulous which hath been reported by some, that there are very great trees in Norwey, out of which this kind of Amber drops like a Gum, and then congeals and becomes hard.

The truth is, nothing in this whole yeer did more please him, then that he observed and phi­losophized about the bloody rain, which was commonly reported to have fallen, about the be­ginning of July; great drops thereof were plain­ly to be seen, both in the City it self, upon the wals of the Church-yard of the great Church, which is neer the City wall, and upon the City wals themselves; also upon the wals of Villages, Hamlets and Towns, for some miles round about. For in the first place he went himself to see those where with the stones were coloured, and did what he could, to come to speak with those Hus­band-men, who beyond Lambesk, were reported to have been so affrighted at the falling of the said tain, that they left their work, and ran as fast as their legs could carry them into the adjacent houses. Whereupon he found that it was a fable which was reported touching those Husband­men. [Page 124]Nor was he pleased that the Naturalists should refer this kind of rain to vapours drawn up out of red earth alost into the Air, which con­gea [...]ing afterwards into liquour, fall down in this form; because such vapours as are drawn alost by heat, ascend without colour, as we may know by the alone example of red Roses, out of which the vapours that arise by heat, are congealed into transparent water. He was lesse pleased with the common people, and some Divines, who jud­ged that it was a work of the Devils and Witches, who had killed innocent young children; for this he counted a meer conjecture, possibly also inju­ [...]ous to the goodnesse and providence of God.

In the mean while an accident happened, out of which he conceived he had collected the true cause thereof. For some moneths before he shut up in a box a certain Palmer-worm which he had found, rare for its bignesse and form: which when he had forgotten, he heard a buzzing in the box, and when he opened it, found the Palmer-worm, having cast its coat, to be turned into a very beau­tifull Butterfly, which presently flew away, lea­ving in the bottom of the box a red drop as broad as an ordinary Sous [or Shilling.] And because this happened about the beginning of the same moneth, and about the same time an incredible multitude of Butterflies were observed flying in the Air: He was therefore of opinion, that such kind of But terflies ressting upon the wals, had there shed, as their excrement, such like drops, and of the same bignesse. Wherefore he went the second time, and found by experience, that those drops were not to be found on the house tops, nor upon the round fides of the stones which stuck [Page 125]out, as it would have happened, if blood had fal­len from the sky; but rather where the stones were somewhat hollowed, and in holes, where such small creatures might shroud and nestle themselves. Moreover, the wals which were so spotted, were not in the middle of Towns, but they were such as bordered upon the fields, nor were they on the highest parts, but only so mode­rately high as Butterflies are commonly wont to flie. Thus therefore he interpreted that which Gregory of Tours relates, touching a bloody rain seen at Paris in divers places, in the dayes of Chil­debert; and on a certain house in the Territory of Senlis. Also that which is storied touching rain­ing of blood about the end of June. in the dayes of King Robert; so that the blood which fell upon flesh, garments, or stones, could not be washed out, but that which fell on wood might. For it was the same season of Butterflies, and experi­ence hath taught us, that no water will wash these spots out of the stones, whiles they are fresh and new. When he had said these and such like things to Varius, a great company of Auditours being present, it was agreed that they should go together and search out the matter, and as they went up and down here and there thorow the fields, they found many drops upon stones and rocks: but they were only on the hollow and un­der parts of the stones, but not upon those which lay most open to the skies.

Soon after he received out of Italy, and sent to Thuanus the commendatory Elogies of certain men, as of Hierenymus Columna, Gabriel Faernus, Cruceius, and such like, of whom he intended to make mention in his History. Scaliger had some­time [Page 126]intreated him, that he would renew his commerce which he had established in the East, by the Agencie of Peter Ostagerius, who was in times past his Host at Marseilles, for the buying up of Samaritan, Aegyptian, and Arabick books; grieving that for the space of fifteen yeers which he had spent in Holland, he had not heard a word of the Samaritan Pentateuch, which Ostagerius had promised to endeavour to procure for him. Peireskius therefore, having indeed formerly en­deavoured somewhat in that businesse, did now bestir himself more earnestly, giving order that the foresaid book, among many others, should be bought in Aegypt, and conveyed to him. But the ship in which it was coming, was pillaged by Pirats, and the book could not be recovered, but was utterly lost. And so was Scaliger deprived of that most desired book, nor did he ever receive the answer which he had so much expected, which came happily to the hands of Peireskius after his death. For Scaliger had written to the Samari­tans of Aegypt, and to their chief Priest Eleazar, who dwelt in a City called Sichem, asking them divers questions, about the observation of the Sabbath, and other Fessivals, about the Messiah, and how they named him; and in conclusion, he desired of them a copy of their Pentateuch, or five books of Moses. They answered him in two Letters; but because they fell into the hands of Genebrardus and others, they were detained, till such time as Scaliger being dead, Peireskius both obtained them, and caused them lately to be tur­ned into Latine, by the exceedingly learned Jo­hannes Morinus. Also about this time he re-as­sumed his care of calling Pacius to professe at [Page 127]Aix, and, which is more, of procuring that he might not any longer persist in an un-ortho­dox Religion: but very many things did inter­vene, which did again frustrate his manifold cares and endeavours.

His brother Valavesius was at that time in Pa­ris, about the businesse of Rians: and because he should have some moneths vacation from his bu­sinesse, therefore Peireskius intreated him, that at least for his sake he would go see England and the Low-Countries, and salute his friends there, presenting such tokens as he should send them, and procuring certain rarities for him. Also he exceedingly intreated him, that he would go to Aquisgranum, that he might there disigently view what ever monuments were remaining of Charles the Great, write out the Inscriptions, and cause all the Pictures to be copied, which he should meet with, in Ecclesiasticall Books, Glasse-windows, Copes or Vestments, Stones or any other things; not neglecting to get the Platform of places and ornaments, the Copies of Charters, and the Prints of Seals, prece or pretio, for mo­ney or fair words. He added that it so repented him when he was in Holland, that he went not to Aquisgrane, that, were it not that he confi­ded in his brother, he was resolved on purpose, and for no other intent, to make another voyage thither. Moreover, his brother did all which he desired of him to the full, with wonderfull care, diligence, and fidelity; himself in the mean time, after the beginning of the yeer went to Mon­pellier, about the self same businesse: for the Mar­quisse of Oreson had sued Brisack, for making sale of the whole Jurisdiction of Rians.

He returned about the middle of the Spring,1609. being tormented with a most inexpressible tooth­ach, and not long after his Father fell into a most dangerous disease, himself also, being taken with a fever, which was very lasting, and when it went away, left him so weak, that he was hardly well recovered by Autumn. And here I must record, what he himself related often. When he had no appetite, but loathed all meat, so that he wasted away, Jacobus Fontanus a famous Physician, and his kinsman, asked him, if there were nothing which he had a mind to eat. He said there was, but he was very well assured, that it would not be allowed him. Whereupon he was urgent to know what it was. He told him, Musk-melons: the Physician replied, Take heart, and be of good cheer; for I do not onely permit, but advise, yea and charge you to eat of them; but eat them at the beginning of your meal, without bread, and drink a little pure wine before and after: which advice he followed, and did well upon it; so that all his life time after, he did in this manner eat Musk-melons without any prejudice.

When he was recovered, he divers wayes as­sisted divers learned men, as Johannes Taxilis, who was writing somewhat touching the new star which appeared in the great Conjunction a­foresaid; Gasparus Bricius, a Parish-Priest in the same City, a good industrious man and observant of the Celestial Bodies; Johannes Baptista Hanse­nius, whom he grew acquainted with at Rome, in the learned family of Cardinall Baronius, and who by his procurement was chief Rector of the School at Aix three yeers together. And these, with other learned men he obliged, while he was [Page 129]yet in a weak condition of body, his disease being onely abated, not perfectly cured; which was in much measure caused and lengthened, by the losse of three excellent friends, who died in Holland.

The first of which was Scaliger who had newly begun his Commentary of Hebrew moneys, when he was taken with a dropsie, through distem­per of his liver, which the fourth or fifth moneth after, on the 21 of January, brought him to his end. The second was Clusius, who through weak­nesse of nature, rather than the gout, which had newly seized him, died on the fourth of April. His Posthumus works were set forth by his Exe­cutour Franciscus Raphelengius, wherein Peires­kius was frequently metioned, as in this follow­ing passage for example. There was brought out of Ginny into France an ear of corn not unlike the form­er the picture where of was sent to Clusius from Aix in Provence, by the most noble & honorable Nicolaus Fabricius Lord of Peiresk. And afterwards. The following picture of the Gum Tragant-tree was sent from Aix in Provence, by the most magnificent and noble Gentleman Nicolaus Fabricius Lord of Pei­resk, Councellour to his Majesty of France in the Parliament of Aix, with Letters to the most re­nowned Clusius. And again: Here may be added an Epistle of the most learned Mr. Doctor Fontane, which was sent to us from Aix, by the most magni­ficent and most prudent Gentleman Nicolaus Fabri­cius Lord of Peiresk, in the Letter which he wrote to the most famous Clusius; which though it came to us after the death of the renowned Clusius afore­said, yet we conceive it worthy to be inserted in this Supplement. Moreover, mention was made in that Epistle, of a certain rare Aloes tree, which [Page 130]having been planted in a Garden at Avenion, an hundred years since, sprouted forth about the be­ginning of May in the year 1599. and within 45. daies shot up 32. foot high, according to the feet of Provence, which make 24. Paris feet, and near half a foot over. Of which kind also, I afterwards saw divers sprouting forth in Pro­vence and especially at Draguinan. The third was Abrahamus Gorlaeus, who dyed before he could finish his work in hand, which he called Paralipomena.

And there wanted but little for Varius to make a fourth. He, when it was Vacation, in the moneth of September, went to Antipolis, in the Kings name to take possession of that Place, being gained to the Kings Patrimony. And when he had visited his Brother Peter Varius Bi­shop of Vintium, he fell into a most dangerous Feaver, which lasted full out a moneth. Which when Peireskius came to hear, he could hardly be kept, though sick himself, from vifiting his sick friend. Which though he could not do, he was extremely sollicitous or rather anxious how he might help him. Among other things, he wrote to Marseilles and provoked Carolus Cassaneus a famous Physitian to visit him, and provided for him a Coach and a Barke, that he might go with speed either by Land or by water, as he pleased. He sent almost every day one or other to carry him some exquisite Medicines or choise matter of Diet, and to bring word, what was the condition of the Disease. And as soon as ever there was hopes of Recovery. he sent him the easiest Saddle he had: howbeit Varius could [Page 131]not be brought back, save in an Horse-litter.

Afterwards, during the time they were both upon the recovery in the remaining part of Au­tumn, and spent whole daies together in famili­ar discourse, can you imagine their discourses were void of Learning? One discourse I cannot omit, which Peireskius himself, did afterwards often relate, and which was the occasion of some alteration even after his death. The occasion whereof were divers assemblies which all the kingdom over were newly called together, by the Kings command, to consult about the ma­king of some perpetuall Statutes, touching the Va­lue and use of Coine. For whereas seven years ago, the King had made a Proclamation, that a Peice of Gold which had wont to go for threescore Shillings, should for the time to come be worth threescore and five; it was since grown to be worth seventy shillings and more. Where­upon Varius desiring his Opinion, Peireskius an­swered, that it was scarce to be hoped that any stop can be put to so growing a mischiefe. For the cause thereof was the Traffick with Neigh­bour Nations, where gold was higher prized then it is with us. For at that time Gold with us was twelve times as dear, as silver; but in Spain it was thirteen times as dear, and that by reason of a very late Proclamation, where­by the King of Spain had raised the Value of Gold a tenth part higher, not altering at all the Value of Silver. In which, truly, he did not imitate our King, who raising the Value of Gold, raised likewise the Value of Silver, that the proportion between them might not seem to be altered. He added; Although not only our [Page 132]King, but the King of England and other Princes, should by new Proclamations vary and en hanse that proportion; yet would it still happen, that each particular Prince and State, through emu­lation either raising the estimation of Gold, or diminishing its weight, or at least, intrinsecall Value of Silver, no constant Rule could be set. For there would never be wanting, either occa­sions of wars, by which their Treasuries being exhaust, they would be forced to help them­selves that way; or Nations politick enough, by this artifice to keep the purer sorts of Gold and Silver Monies at home, or to draw them out of other Countries.

For an Example hereof we have the Romans, with whom their As aereus, and Denarius Argen­teus, with their Solidus aureus [monies so call­ed] were by little and little so debased, that at last they grew quite out of use; and particular­ly the Solidus aureus it felf, which at first was exchanged for two of those Golden pieces which were termed Solati, came at last to so low a Va­lue, as to be exchanged only for a Silver Coine, which did also degenerate, that we may reckon it came to the Value of our usuall Shilling or Spur-roiall, But not to seek so far for exams ples, it may suffice that we consider the Value-of that piece only which is termed Solatus, whichs in the space of an hundred years last past, has so encreased, that the internall goodnesse of the Solidus or spur-roiall decreasing withall, it is now valued at twice so many Solidi or spur-roialls, as in daies of old. Nor is it probable that it should so rest, but questionlesse in a few years it will come to passe, that the value hereof will [Page 133]arise, to a triple or quadruple proportion, and the Solidus, mean while, shall not only be diminish­ed in weight, but will become wholly Brasse, and then also lose of its weight. Nor was this a vain Conjecture: seeing the Solatus has been some few years since by publick Proclamation valued at a hundred and four Solidi; by occasion whereof Peireskius himself, being yet alive, made it his observation, that Gold was near Fifteen times the value of Silver.

But to return to the Discourse of Peireskius, when he had shewed occasionally, that the Ro­man AS first weighed an whole pound or welve ounces; and grew afterwards to be diminished unto two, to one, yea and lower: and the Denarie weighing in the times of the Kings the third part of an ounce, under the ancient Rpeub­lick weighed only a sixth part, under the latter Republick a seventh, under the first Caesars an Eighth or a dram (equall to an Artick dram): finally the Solidus was at first the eight and thir­tieth part of a pound, afterwards the fortieth, the fortie fifth, fiftieth, and so forwards: Varius then asked, what difference there was between those Pounds and Ounces, and such as we use? Pei­reskius answered, that he was himself in that point not sufficiently satisfied. For he had in­deed in his Custodie ancient weights, of thirty pounds, ten pounds, three pounds, and pounds a piece; which he had compared, with the Paris pound Standart of sixteen ounces; and all he could find, was, that twelve Roman Ounces were aequi­valent in weight to about ten ounces of Paris. I say about ten Ounces; for in some weights he found an excesse, in some a defect, to three, four and five [Page 134]drams. And although learned Budaeus has writ­ten that the proportion is very near one and an half, as supposing that a Roman pound, with half an Ounce addition, was aequall to a pound Marck or eight Ounces of Paris, at least. How­beit he durst not yet determine the matter; be­cause those Denaries had likewise been worn, and he waited till he could obtain from Rome a pattern of that Congius or Gallon-measure which being in the daies of Vespasian consecrated in the Capitoll, was yet extant, being preserved in the Farnesian Palace; and, containing ten pounds of wine or water, might be a meanes to disco­ver, how many pounds and Ounces of Paris might be contained in such a weight.

He allowed of what he said, and asked him how many he thought the Roman Congius or Gal­lon did contain of our Pints? To which Pei­reskius answered, that it must likewise be de­termined by the measure aforesaid; but in the mean time he was of opinion, that the Roman Congius contained about three Pots or Pints of Provence, and that the truth thereof might be certainly found out, if the proportion between the ancient Roman Foot, and the foot now in use, were known. For as the Romans defined their Amphora which contained 8. of the foresaid Congii or Gallons, to be a Cubick foot; so they ordained that their Congius should be in widnesse half a Cubick foot. Afterwards, in pro­cesse of time, he obtained not only one, but two patterns of the Congius. but he never had lea­sure sufficient, to search into the matter fully ac­cordingly to his desire; and after he obtained the latter Pattern, he soon after died, or he had, [Page 135]without question, experimented the Differ­ence.

But because I according to my ability, have sup­plied that care of his, I know not whether it will be too great a digression to relate what I have don. Doubtlesse. I am obliged to gratifie our Country­men, who have hoped that Peireskius would com­pare the weights & measures of the Ancients, not only one with another, but with such as are in use with us. In a word therefore, we used the same Cautions which Lucas Paetus and Villalpan­dus did use; for we filled the vessell to the top of the Neck with pit water, then weighed it, subducting the weight of the vessell. And we found the water, which according to the Roman weight was to be ten pounds, or an hundred and twenty Ounces, to be seven pounds lacking two drams according to the Paris pound; or an hun­dred and eleven Ounces and 2. drams. From which proportion we afterwards collected, that the Roman Ounce does contain five hundred thirty six of those granes, whereof five hundred seventy six are contained in the Parisian Ounce, so that being contracted into Drams, there fell to every Roman Dram, threescore and seven granes: which we therefore conceived to be the weight of the Denarie coined by the Caesars, which is said to have weighed a Dram.

This being done, it was not hard to expresse the value of the Denarie aforesaid, and of any other the like Coines, by our monies which we use, especially since the late new Proclamation in the year 1636. Forseeing from the prescribed va­lue and weight of Silver, we gather that an ounce of Silver is worth threescore Shillings of [Page 136]Tours: therefore the Roman Denarie was of the Value of seven Shillings and five Denaries of Tours, with the third part of a Tours Denarie (and so it will very little exceed the value of a Spanish Real) and this we may understand to have been the dayes wages of a Soldier not only with the Romans, but also with the Greeks, be­cause a Denarie and a Drachma were of equall value. And therefore a Quinarius or Victoria­tus will be worth three Shillings and eight De­naries of Tours and the eight part of a Denarie; a Sestertius will be worth one Shilling and ten Denaries and the third part of a Denarie. And because, for examples sake, an Hebrew Shekell was according to Josephus, of the value of four Drams or four Roman Denaries; therefore it was worth 29. of the Shillings of Tours afore­said, with nine Denaries and a third part of a De­narie of Tours. Hence likewise because the thirty Peices for which our Saviour Christ was sold by the Traytor Judas, being called Dena­ries, seem to have been thirty Shekells; there­fore we collect their Value to have been forty four pounds Tours, thirteen Shillings four pence, or four Denaries.

As for the Comparing of those Roman weights with the weights of Provence, we have observed, that the self-same water aforesaid, or ten pounds Roman, did weigh 9. pounds of Provence with the third part of an Ounce. We have observed that the Pound of Paris compared with our Standard of Provence, does contain as ma­ny Ounces, with four ounces and a dram over. But it is to be noted, that our Clarke of the Markets, so orders the Standard, that he adds [Page 137]to every pound weight from one to an hundred an ounce, because of the Wast of such Commo­dities as are bought by whole sale & sold out again by retaile: so that an hundred pounds of Paris, which should weigh an hundred twenty nine of our pounds and a third part of a pound; do weigh, as it is ordered, only an hundred twenty two pound, fourteen ounces and a dram.

And whereas we might compare the Roman measure, both with the measures of Paris and Provence, by meanes of the weights aforesaid; I shall only add, that we found upon triall that fourteen Paris Pints, did make just eleven of our Provence Pots or pints so called; and the great Measure of Paris containing two hundred and eighty pints, containes four of our Provence measures which we call Meillerolle, with twen­ty eight pots or pints over; our Meillerolle afore­said containing forty eight Pots, each of which weighs three pounds Provence and a quarter. From whence you may gather, that the Roman Congius does containe two of our Pots of Pro­vence with almost five Sixts over; or three Pints Paris and very near half a pint over: and you may understand, for examples sake, how much No­vellius Torquatus the famous Tosse-pot of Mil­laine drank, who is reported to have fetcht off at one draught, in the presence of the Emperor Tiberius, three Congii or Roman Gallons of wine; for which he was afterward called Tri­congius. Also you may know, how much ac­cording to our measures the Urna did contain, which held four of the Congii; and the Amphora which held eight; and the Sextary which was a sixth part of the Congius; and the Semi-sextary [Page 138]which was a twelfth part, and was also termed Hemina and Cotyle, where you may observe, if you please, that the Parisians do call the fourth part of their Pint Semi-sextarius, because it comes very near in quantity to the Roman Se­mirextarie.

And so much, by the way, touching the Modius Liquidorum, the great measure of Liquid things: but as for the Roman Modius Aridorum, or their Bushell to measure dry Comodities, which containes an hundred and forty four Box­es or wooden measures, fourteen of which have been found to equalize the Weight of five He­minae or ten Pannals according as we have rec­koned their weight; such a Modius, I say, is equi­valent to ten of our Charges or burthens and ve­ry near three Pannalls. And this is that which it chiefly concerns our Countrymen to know in this Subject, unlesse I should add, that we de­vided the Parisian Foot, into a thousand parts, and observed that our Provence Palme or Span, which is the 8th. part of a Can or Rod, does contain only seven hundred sixty and three of those parts: but the old Roman foot containes nine hundred and six of the said parts; the En­glish foot nine hundred thirty three, that of Holland 966; that of Lions and Grenoble a thousand fifty and two; and that of Florence, one thousand, eight hundred and two. But of this, enough and too much.

I return now to Peireskius, who soon after, in the year 1610. went again to Mon-pellier, And having effected his businesse according to his hearts desire, he returned, in the beginning of May, at which time he happened to dream a [Page 139]dream,1610. which as often as he related to me (which was divers times) he would alwayes premise, that if another should have related it unto him, he could not have beleeved it. There was in his company Jacobus Rainerius a Citizen of Aix, who was wont to lodge in the same chamber with him, and their lodging was at the white Inn, be­tween Monpellier and Nismes. Now Peireskius was in a dream, and talked to himself obscurely of I know not what strange businesse: whereupon Rainerius awaked him, asking him what was the matter. To whom he replied, Alas and well away, what a sweet and pleasant dream have you rob­bed me of! I dreamt I was at Nismes, and that the Goldsmith offered to sell me a golden piece of Julius Caesars coin for four Cardecues; and I was just ready to give him the money, that I might have the piece, whereas by your unseason­able waking of me, the Goldsmith vanished out of my sight, and the piece of coin out of my hands. Soon after, not thinking of the dream, he went to Nismes, and while dinner was making ready, he walkt about the Town.

Now it happened wonderfully, that he hit up­on a Goldsmith, and asking him if had any rari­ties, he answered that he had a Julius Caesar in gold. He asked him, what he would take for it, he said, Four Cardecues. Whereupon he pre­sently gave him the money, took his Julius Cae­sar; and so was his dream wonderfully and most happily fulfilled. Wonderfully, I say, for he might easily think upon Nismes, whither he was to go the following day: he might well dream of that piece of Coin of Julius Caesar, which waking he had often desired: and that he might meet with [Page 140]it in that City wherein there were so many re­liques of Romane Antiquity: and he might dream of a Goldsmith; for to men of that trade such pieces are commonly brought by them which dig them up: he might dream of an indifferent price, such as Goldsmiths rather than Antiquaries are wont to set upon such commodities: he might have thought of four Cardecues, with which as a moderate price a Goldsmith might be content: Finally, a Goldsmith, and at Nismes, might have such a piece at such a price: but that all these should concur, and that the event should answer to the dream, is altogether wonderfull. Yet Peireskius was not the man that would conclude, that this dream did therefore proceed from any preternaturall cause; if such dreams had often happened, he might peradventure have thought so: but knowing the sport which Fortune is wont to make, he reckoned this accident onely among those rare cases which are wont to amaze the vul­gar, such as they likewise relate of Eudemus the familiar acquaintance of Aristotle at Pherae, and of the two Arcadians at Megara, and some other such like: howbeit, the truth of all such like Hi­stories, rests wholly upon the credit of the Re­latours.

Afterwards Peireskius stayed certain dayes at Arles, that besides many other observations else­where, he might curiously search into certain rare monuments, at the monastery of Mon-majour. And when returning from thence, he came neer to Salon, a Post met him from the Arch-Bishop, to acquaint him speedily with the unheard of and lamentable death of King Henry. Being won­derfully daunted, he made haste neverthelesse to [Page 141]comfort Varius, who was already acquainted with the thing, and was beginning to endeavour, by sending Messengers and Letters, to preserve the Inhabitants of Provence in their obedience. Moreover, it is not to be forgotten, how at the very beginning of the yeer, and before Peireskius departed from Mon-pellier, there was brought him out of Spain an Almanack, or yeerly Progno­stication, made by Hieronymus Ollerius of Barcel­lona, and the November foregoing printed at Va­lence, in which the lamentable accident afore­said was clearly foretold. For he had so set down the circumstances of his nativity, and certain principall things which had happened concerning him, that no other King save Henry the Great, could be thereby intended. Which when he had shewed to Varius, and acquainted Josephus Galte­rius Prior, and the Lord of Valetta therewith, a man excellently skilled in all the Mathematicall Arts, but especially in Astronomy; though no great heed were to be given to Astrologicall Pre­dictions, yet it seemed a matter not to be sleight­ed, as concerning the life of so worthy a Prince. Whereupon Varius presently sent the book to the King.

I shall not stand to relate, how that great and truly generous Prince, commending the care of Varius, did contemn and sleight the Prognostica­tion: but because the event proved it to be true, and Ollerius himself afterwards writing a Progno­stication for the following yeer, did wonderfully boast thereof; therefore I must needs say that, which at least may make it doubtfull, whether it was from the stars, or some other hints rather, that he conjectured the said event. For, as for [Page 142]the vanity of Astrologie, it is needlesse for me to speak any thing in this place, especially seeing the nativities calculated 3 yeers since did prognosti­cate no ill, till four yeers more were past. Nor am I one of those that are in the least suspicious, that the prophet had some traffick with evil spirits, which might reveal and presage the same: onely, I say, it is possible he was acquainted with the plot, by which so an abominable, and not to be named Parricide was committed. Sure I am, it could not be perfectly concealed, neither in Spain, nor in Italy; for even the Kings Embassa­dours, and namely, the most excellent Johannes Bochartus Lord of Champigny, then Agent at Venice, had already pre-advertized his Majesty thereof. And it was sufficiently proved, that all the Sea-faring men of Marseilles, who for two moneths before came from Spain, brought word that there was a report spred abroad in Spain, that the King of France either was already, or should be killed, by a sword or knife. Also. Peireskius related and writ to Malherbius, that which may fitly be here inserted, viz. How on the Saturday, three dayes after that the kings death was publish­ed, there passed thorow Aix a most illustrious Ve­netian, of the family of the Priuli, who had been Agent for the Commonwealth at Paris, and was then going to be Agent at Madrid; who, when he went to visit Varius, told him among other things, how journeying thorow Millain, he saluted there the Earl of Fontane: and having, by way of dis­course, expressed what a mighty Army his Maje­sty of France had in readinesse; the Earl answer­ed, he was not at all afraid thereof, because the death of one man would shortly overthrow the [Page 143]same. But I must not harp too long upon this string.

Not long after, Peireskius received Letters from Pignorius written the third day of the same moneth, wherin he was made acquainted, that Ga­lilaeus, by his newly invented Telescope, had dis­covered certain great and wonderfull sights, con­cerning the Stars, and principally four new Pla­nets, which are carried about Jupiter, which he had called the Medicean Planets. For, in the be­ginning of the former yeer, which was 1609, Ja­cobus Metius of Alcmair in Holland, while he was compounding and fetting together sundry sorts of glasses, to try their effects, he happened accidentally upon that same comparison and composition of a convex and a concave glasse, by which, especially the Tube being interposed, he that lookt thorow the same might see small things grow great, and things distant brought neer (whereupon the invention of the Telesco­pium, or Perspective-Glasse is attributed to him; though Johannes Baptista Porta had already pub­lished some such thing in print) but Galilaeus on­ly by the rumour of such a thing which he had heard, began to invent not onely the cause of the effects of the Telescope, or Perspective-Glasse; but also the way to make one; whereupon after divers essayes and trials, he hit at last upon the way to make a most exact one. And that was it, by which in the two first moneths of the tenth yeer aforesaid, he accomplished those observati­ons, which he published in March, under the Title of Sidereus Nuncius, or the Heavenly Intel­ligencer.

Peireskius therefore being acquainted there­with, [Page 144]himself with great ardency of affection, that he might obtain his Book and a Telescope, or Prospective glasse as soon as possibly he could. But though he got a Book, yet was it long ere he could obtain an exquisite Telescope, though he got some both from Italie, Holland, and Paris, as soon as they began to be made there. And this was the reason that before November he could not discover, nor observe the Planet's afore­said moving about Jupiter; at least he could not perceive their full number. But as soon as he discovered them, tis wonderfull with what joy he did contemplate so rare a sight. For present­ly he shewed the same to Varius, and other friends; and that he might lose no time he made him an Observatorie, and invited the foresaid Galterius, and kept him divers daies, and spent almost two whole years together in his observa­tions with him. His Brother was yet at Paris: wherefore he never ceased to urge and sollicite him, till he had caused divers glasses for prospec­tives to be made, which he sent him to the num­ber of Fortie. For he hoped at last to obtain some of the best sort and such as Galileus made use of.

Meanwhile notwithstanding, having contem­plated certain revolutions, he began to consult with Galterius about framing of Hypotheses and Tables of their Motions. Wherefore Galterius having undertaken the businesse, prevailed in a short time so far, that be determined as exqui­sitely as he might, the times in which the said Mecicean Stars did first finish their Circum volu­tions viz, the outtermost in 16. daies and 16. houres: the next in seven daies three hours and [Page 145]an half: the third in three daies, thirteen hours and an half likewise; the innermost, in one day, 18 hours and an half. I reckon not the mi­nutes, because though computation was made even to the Seconds (as Astronomers speake) yet daily experience taught, that there was still some­what to be added and diminished, so that there still remaines something for the Obervation and diligence of following times to amend. I only touch upon these things, to intimate, how ve­hemently Peireskius endeavoured, that this new Invention might be speedily perfected. For he made choice likewise of Johannes Lombardus a diligent Man to assist in the observations; and of Petrus Robertus a Candidate in Physick and Johannes Baptista Morinus a Candidate in Philo­sophie two young Men, to assist Galterius in the arithmeticall comptuations, which would have been too tedious for him alone to calculate.

Also he got the observations which Johannes Keplerus the Emperors renowned Mathematician, and others also besides Galileus, had made; that by comparing of them, the Hypotheses might be perfected. Also he caused aan Ar­tificiall Machine or Sphere mechanicall The­orie or Instrument to be made like the Vulgar one of Peurbachius; that the Roots of the Mo­tions being praesupposed, the Places of the Medi­cean Stars might be calculated for years, moneths, daies, and hours, Also he gave them names, that they might be the better distinguished one from another. For seeing Galileus had called them all in generall, the Medicean Stars, he would not by any meanes change that Appella­tion: but yet he chose out certain Princes of the Medicean familie, whose names he would con­fer [Page 146]upon the severall Stars. And because he was bound, saving the Honour of the Familie, to give the names of two renowned Queens, which that house had yeilded France, unto two Stars: therefore he gave the name of Catharine to the outmost Planet; to the other, which shines more gloriously then the rest, the name of Mary; to that which follows, the name of Cosmus Major, and to the innermost Cosmus mi­nor. He purposed afterwards to publish in print both his Oblervations and Tables; but under­standing, that Galileus was earnestly endeavour­ing the same thing; therefore, lest he should seem to go about to snatch away the Honour which was due to him, he desisted from his pur­pose.

Finally it came into his mind to assist the Geo­graphers in delivering the Method of finding out the longitude. For seeing the motions of these Planets are exceeding swift, and their Confi­gurations every night different; therefore he conceived, that if observation were made in se­veverall places East and West, at what moments they happened; the distances of places, accor­ding to the varietie of times, might most punctu­ally be known: and that consequently, Geogra­phical Maps and Carts might be so amended and perfected, that for time to come the Art of Na­vigation might attain the highest pitch of per­fection. Wherefore he sent Letters to this ef­fect to Jodocus Hondius at Amsterdam, where­in also he desired, that he would send him the name and Country of him that invented the first prospective Glasse; for as yet he knew not that it was he whom we mentioned before. He [Page 147]wrote also largely to his Brother in Paris, de­siring him to send severall sorts of Prospect­ives, which he had ordained to make obser­vations in sundry places, but especially in the Easterne Countries, and in the new world [West-Jndies] whither some of his friends were shorly to go. And afterward he obtained indeed some observations, principally, from the forenamed Johannes Lombardus, who went Eastward as far as Aleppo; but they did not suf­ficiently satisfie him; nor could he conceive, though all the Configurations of these Planets were set down in the Ephemerides, that the in­vention could prove so generall, as he had hoped. For he knew that Seafaring men could not make any observation, either in the day, or when the skie was cloudy, nor when Jupiter was in con­junction with the Sun, or when in the night he should be beneath the Earth; nor for half a year when they should be on one side of the world and Jupiter on the other; and such like Cases. Wherefore he laid that care aside, sup­posing that Galileus or Kepler at one time or other, would take this Charge upon them, and by their dexterity perfectly finish the same. Doubtlesse, it did not alittle rejoyce him, when he heard that Galileus intended to finish the Me­thod and acquaint the Hollanders therewith, who so earnestly desired to find out the secret of Longitudes.

Moreover though Peireskius was about this time very much emploied; yet ceased he not to take care of many things for the advancement of knowledge. It was in the year 1611. that in the little Garden which Peirskius had belonging [...] [Page 148]his house at Aix,1611. Tulips were first seen. For in the said garden, he had the Autumn before set some of their Bulbous roots, which Winghemius had sent from Tornay. Now he was wont to re­late, how at the same time, when the garden was manuring, a parcell of earth being heaped toge­ther, a little Bitch which he kept, called Mar­phisa, sought her whelps, whom he had caused to be thrown away, and buried them under that heap of earth, and lay by it certain dayes, not suffering any one to come neer, though to bring her meat. I do not well remember, whether that Bitches name was Sultana, whose death, though he was much troubled at, yet was he glad of the experi­ment occasioned by her.

She gave suck to three puppies, which with the mother were all sick of the same disease. One of the puppies being dead and cast away, the mo­ther likewise died. No body understanding the cause, he sent for an Anatomist, and caused her to be opened to see her entrals. And they found all along her guts, certain bunches of little white knobs, like the seeds of a Gourd or Cowcumber; so that they seemed to be a sort of those worms, which are by some termed Vermes Cucurbitales. Now they were beneath larger and harder, and upwards they became smaller and softer, so that at the top there appeared nothing but a confused whitenesse. Peireskius therefore not liking such things as were brought from Surgeons and Physi­cians, for the cure of this disease, commanded (led by I know not what Genius) that they should bring him some Treacle; some of which when he he had laid upon the foresaid matter, he obser­ved, to the great amazement of himself and the [Page 149]by-standers, how it began to melt, and run down­wards. Whereupon he commanded, that some of the Treacle should be given to the two whelps which were living, supposing that it was an Anti­dote for the disease. And one of the whelps be­ing at the last cast, died as they were giving it; the other being stronger, took the medicine, and grew persectly well thereupon.

The self same yeer happened that so much tallt-of story of Ludovicus Gaufridus, reported to be a Conjurer, and of Magdalena Paludana, pos­sessed with a devil through his witcheries. Which businesse much troubled the whole Court of Parliament; but Peireskius especially, who was very much busied thereabout, and writ very neer the whole History thereof at large. And for a time indeed he was in the same opinion with the common people, moved chiefly by those sensleffe scars, which were sound upon both their bodies, and beleeved to be tokens of witchcraft; but he began afterwards to doubt, whether in the whole businesse there were not some secret imposture, or dotage. Howbeit, he alwayes justified the sen­tence of the Court, by which the Magician was condemned to be burnt: who had, howsoever, li­bidinously profaned and destroyed the sacred my­steries of Religion. He said moreover, that though Magicians have not so much commerce with the Devil, as is supposed, yet ought they to be punish­ed for their bad mind, in revolting from Almigh­ty God, and imploring the assistance of evil Spi­rits. In like manner, though after they have an­ointed themselves, they are not indeed transport­ed into those meetings, as they imagine, where they may act all kind of abominations; yet is [Page 150]their will to be punished, whereby they desire and endeavour to accomplish such a thing.

Now that which wrought most with him was an imposture, whereby not long after a certain Priest of Marseilles was accused of Magick, being discovered by a certain Devil, which Gaufridus was said to have conjured into a poor woman. For he was freed by the Court, having been first pricked all his body over, to find out those same insensible places stigmatized by the Devil, which could no where be discovered. And Peireskius did call the matter so much the more in question, forasmuch as three yeers after he was informed by Winghemius, that the like story had happened in Flanders, viz. touching a Canon that had been pricked all his body over, and was at last pro­nounced guiltlesse. Which is doubtlesse a nota­ble warning, that we give not so easie credit to the Devil, whom the Scripture styles the father of lies; nor to a silly woman, who partly by the weaknesse of her nature, partly through the ve­hemencie of vapours disturbing her brain, partly through malice, or hatred, & partly by a conceived opinion, long cherished and deeply rooted in her mind, may easily deceive. As for those Stigmata, or insensible parts, Peireskius was in doubt, whe­ther or no they were true signes of a Witch, espe­cially after that he knew it was a matter contro­verted by Martinus Delrius, and other very lear­ned men. For peradventure they might be natu­rall, and belong to some peculiar of that disease which is termed Elephantiasis; or at least, the Magicians might make them upon their own skins, as with a Caustick, and in their troubled fancies perswade themselves, they received those [Page 151]brand-marks from the Devil, just as they imagine they receive those ointments from the Devil, which they themselves make, and give one to an­other, confidently perswading themselves, that by virtue thereof they shall be transported to those wicked assemblies of Devils and Witches.

Peireskius was all this yeer somewhat crazie in his health; but he was worst about the beginning of the Summer; howbeit, he fell not into any no­table sicknesse, neither ceased he his wonted stu­dies. Yea, and he judged himself sufficiently strong to be with Varius, who lay sick fourty dayes together of a most grievous Ague, at a Countrey-house neer Marseilles, which he had, called Florida. I shall not relate how diligently he endeavoured to serve him; one thing onely I must not passe over. Varius amended but slow­ly, because he had no appetite, but wonderfully loathed all kinds of meat. Now while Peireskius diligently endeavoured to find if there were any thing which he could long for, and would of pur­pose intermingle discourses of pleasant meats; it happened upon a time, that Varius did occasion­ally intimate, that the Trouts which are caught in the lake of Geneva, were not unpleasant in taste. He therefore closely marking the same, by his great diligence, procured a fair Trout taken in the foresaid lake, and put into paste to be pre­sented him from some other friend; which Varius neverthelesse, by the expedition, judged to be one of Peireskius his adventures.

In like manner he endeavoured to provoke his appetite by presenting him with a dish made of the Tongues of certain Birds called Phoenico­pteri, though it was in the winter, at which [Page 152]time only those kind of Sea-birds are taken in the Moores of Arles. Those tongues were not much lesse then Kids-tongues: and yet because they seemed sweeter in the eating, Varius would not say, nor could divine what they were, till Peireskius brought forth that verse of Martiall.

Dat mihi Penna rubens Nomen, sed Lingua gulosis Nostra sapit.
My name I have from my red-feather'd Coat
My Tongue's a Bit to p'ease a Glutton's Throat.

Then he asked him, How the flesh of those Birds tasted? To which he answered, that he wondred why Apicius in Pliny, and the Emperours Caligu­la and Vitellius in Suetonius, and Heliogabalus in Lampridius, and some others had accounted it for such a dainty dish; for it was of an unplea­sant or at least of no exquisite taste, like that of all other water foule, and smelt of fish; and there­fore the Inhabitants of Provence, did for the most part, throw the flesh of those Birds away, making use only of the Skin and Feathers, to cover the flesh of other Birds, when they are to be served in, at pompous Feasts.


1612. THe following year he went again to Paris: for Valavesius had sent for him thither, at what time he supposed the Businesse of Rianti­um would come to a finall hearing. And it is so fell out, that while he tarried by the way, the Judgment was passed in the mean time, of which he was iuformed by Letters which he received as he was upon his journey; but because he under­took the same not so much for the Businesse sake, as out of desire to see his friends, therefore he would not return; but proceeding more coura­giously on his way, he came to Paris; just when his Brother was to have departed. But his good Destinie kept him still in the City: for he fell in­to a disease, which held him with such vehemen­cie an whole Moneth together, that unlesse his most dear Brother had come and stood by him, he could hardly have recovered out of the same. And though he recovered his former health in the moneth of June, yet would he not depart with­out his Brother, who deserred his departure till November. His pretence was, that the late Judg­ment touching the Businesse of Rians was not al­together [Page 154]decretory or finall: for to understand the ancient Law of Provence, sometime was in­terposed, to hear what the Assembly of the States would say. Whereupon, because such an Assem­bly could not be gathered without the Duke of Guise, who was Vice-roy, and he could not till then leave the Court, therefore Peireskius resolved not to retun till then.

It is needlesse here to recount, with how much joy and how great esteem of his Virtue, he was entertained by Thuanus, Campinius, Rociacus, Faber, and other of his friends and rare men, whom we spake of before, and such as had already knowledge of him either by Face or Frame. It is needlesse to reckon up the kind offices where­by he obliged very many Learned men, not only such as were in the City, as (besides the fore­named) Johannes Savato, Carolus Labbeus, and others; but also in other Places, as in the other Cities of France, in Italie, England, and the Low-Countries.

And whereas he was alwaies busied in the Advancement of Liberall Arts, his care in the observation of the Heavenly Bodies, was of all others most remarkable, and his Discourses which he had thereof with Mathematicians and other Learned Men. Whence it came to passe, that no man was better acquainted with the new Phaenomena, no man laboured with greater ar­dency and constancie to know the same. So that it was accounted almost a miracle, that being distracted with so many other Cares, he could gaine so exact a knowledge of these kind of things. For he declared many things not only touching the Phaenomena themselves, but also about the ma­king and use of the Telescope or Prospective; for [Page 155]for which purpose he was wont for the most part to carry some with him both to observe the fabrick of the Instrument and the way to use the same. And when he took paines about the Medicean Planets, he observed somewhat, which will not prove ungrateful to such as are pleased with these studies.

Viz. He observed that Jupiter passed beyond the Lions Heart to the North, on the 30. day of June, a little before evening; and that Venus be­ing horned, went yet more to the North, be­tween the evening aforesaid and the Evening of the first of July next following; in which like­wise shee passed a little beyond a Conjunction with Jupiter: whereas even the Moon at that time, being the most Northern of all, stood very near conjoined to the self same Lions heart afore­said.

In like manner he observed two Eclipses, one of the Moon and another of the Sun. And as for that of the Moon which happened the 14. of May, he had noted in his Papers, that the Clouds hindered him from observing any thing, save that the Eclipse was begun, and encreased near to the fourth part of the Diameter when the Town Clocks did variously strike nine, and it was by his own watch nine, and half an hour over; and that it vvas augumented almost to the Semi-dia­meter, vvhen by the Tovvn Clocks it vvas half an hour past nine, and by his ovvn Watch ten. But he vvrote somevvhat more exquisite­ly about the Suns Eclipse, which happened the thirtieth day of the same moneth; viz. hovv he observed that the Sun vvas become like the Moon when shee is near half dark, vvhen it vvas nine [Page 156]a clock in the morning by the Town-clocks, and a third part of an hour over. Afterwards at half an hour after ten and somewhat more, he saw the Eclipse encreased; but at eleven of the clock it began to decrease, and was reduced to the centre of the Sun. A little after, there was scarce a di­git over: Finally, when it was twelve a clock, wanting the sixth part of an hour, the Eclipse ceased. Which I set down, that you may see that there was no diligence, at the least, wanting in him. And he wished asterward, that he had ob­served all things more exquisitely: yet he thought there was enough done, whereby he might with extream delight compare his observation with one made at Rome of the Moons Eclipse, which Johannes Remus Quietanus; a famous Physician and Mathematician, had made; and with two, touching both Eclipses, made at Hasnia, by the renowned Christianus Severinus Longomontanus, who was the Affistant of Ticho Brahe.

About this time there came forth a book in the Italian Tongue, intitled Squinitius, wherein the Venetian Liberty was examined, from the very foundations of the Republike. Which book, because it seemed to contain rare skill in the Hi­story of the Empire, and the Gothish Kings, therefore it was presently beleeved (as many at this day think) that Peireskius was Author there­of. But the truth is, I can bear him witnesse that he never intended such a thing; but contrarily, he alwayes so reverenced the Majesty of the Re­publike, and his friends which he had therein, that he was rather enclined to do any service thereunto, than to act any thing in cisgrace thereof. Nor do I enquire, whether the Author [Page 157]of this book was Antonius Albizius, that noble Florentine, who had two yeers before set out the Pedegrees of Christian Princes, as some were of opinion; or, which is more likely, the renowned Marcus Velserus, of whom we have frequently spoken, by reason of his excellent learning, and singular propensity to the House of Austria. I shall onely say, that some have unjustly suspected, that Gualdus and Pignorius did either assist in the writing thereof, or communicated their notes for him to digest: for they were more ingenuous and greater lovers of their Countrey, than to be stain­ed with such impiety. But to be sure, Peireskius never dreamt of such a thing.

Moreover, being about to depart from Paris, and taking leave of his friends, he undertook a­mong other things to send to Mericus Vicus at the beginning of Winter a pair of Phoenicopteri, or Red-wings, birds so called. For he had a great desire to bring up some of those birds, not onely for their Scarlet-coloured wings (which makes our Countrey-men call them the Flaming Birds) nor the longnesse of their thighs and neck, which made Juvenal term this bird Phoenico-pterus in­gens; but chiefly becanse of the manner of their diet, with which Peireskius related, some of them had been kept by Varius. For he related how they did eat their meat rather in the night than in the day (which meat was commonly made of bread moistened with water); how they could di­scern the approach of cold weather, and would come to the fire, so as sometimes to burn their feet; and when one foot pained them, they would go upon their other foot, and use their bill in stead of the burnt foot; how they slept standing up­right [Page 158]upon one foot, with the other drawn up to their brest amongst their feathers; that a little sleep served their turn, and such like. At his de­parture, he was most exceedingly grieved for the death of his most loving friend Nicolas Faber, who not onely many dayes before had commend­ed to the King that rare man Thomas Billonus, when he did present his most laborious and ad­mirably happy Anagrams. In his journey, he was vexed with great difficulty of urine.

After he was returned, nothing so much grie­ved him,1613. as an injury which one of the Senatours had done unto Varius, both before the Nativity, and at the beginning of the new yeer; where­fore he never was from him all that while, save eight dayes, during which he was troubled with a grievous disease, about the end of April. His brother in the mean while returned to Paris, and he sent divers tokens to his friends by him. Also he sent many things into Italy to Pascalinus, Be­nedictus, and others, with whom he discoursed a­bout divers Subjects, and of whom he likewise desired some things for his friends. Among whom was Casaubon, as also Henricus Polanus the Mint-Master, who desired him to procure for him out of Italy, divers books hard to be found, as also an­cient weights, or at least the comparison which had been made between them and those of Paris. Another while writing to Paris, he made it his chief businesse to commend Hannibal Fabrotus, a famous Lawyer, rarely adorned with the know­ledge of polite Literature, both to Thuanus, and to other of his friends, who had already heard of his learning.

As for what concerns other learned men, Sir­mondus [Page 159]setting out, not long after, Notes upon Sidonius Apollinaris, did relate a Constitution, which Cusanus took to have been made by Con­stantine the Great, and Scaliger judged that it was made by Constantine the Tyrant; but Peireskius shewed, out of aCivil Law book so called. Code of Arles, that it was ra­ther made by the Emperours Honorius and Theo­dosius, being written to Agricola, President of the Gallick Provinces, touching the holding of an Assembly of the seven Provinces, once every yeer at Arles. Moreover, Jacobus Fontanus de­dicating to him his Commentaries upon the A­phorisms of Hippocrates, hath these words in his Epistle Dedicatory, The pains that I have taken in composing this book, I desire may passe into the world shielded with your patronage, who gloriously shining with the abundance of all Virtues and Scien­ces, will chase away the evil speeches of all censori­ous Detractours, and cause that this work, which is usefull for Physicians, may be delightfull also, seeing your repute is so great, not onely with them, but with all others that are addicted to the studies of learning, that they cannot challenge to themselves any virtue, without the knowledge of your testification and ac­ceptance thereof.

There was also at the same time a book set out and dedicated to him by the foresaid Taxillus, containing his judgement of that new star, which was seen nine yeers agone. But Peireskius could neither approve of his designe, nor of his judge­ment; because he, contrary to better Authours, which even Peireskius had furnisht him with, did argue that the foresaid star was below the Moon, and no higher than the upmost region of the air. For he could not endure, that men should seek [Page 160]out subtilties, to establish the old opinions of the Schools, contrary to evident demonstrations and observations, as if that time could teach nothing, and that experiments were not to be preserred before dark and cloudy reasonings. For which cause at the same time, he very much com­mended the candid ingenuity of Pacius, whose judgement being demanded concerning those spots in the Sun, which were now discovered by the Prospective-Glasse, he desired time to consi­der of it, professing that he was confounded, and judging that from new Observations, new Hypo­theses ought to be framed.

About the same time there was a great rumor spread abroad, touching the bones of certain Gy­ants, which being found in Dauphine, the King commanded that they should be sent to him: for the report went, that there was found in a cer­tain feigned place, not far from the stream which runs between Rhodanus and Isara, a sepulch [...]e made of Bricks, thirty foot long, twelve foot broad, and eight foot high, with a stone upon it, wherein was this Inscription THEUTOBO­CHUS REX. Also, that when the sepulchre was opened, there appeared the Skeleton of a man, twenty five foot and an half long; ten foot broad between the shoulders, and five foot deep upon the chest. That the scull was observed to be five foot long, and ten foot in compasse. Which prodigious spectacle being viewed an whole day together, the rest of the bones turned to ashes; there remaining onely those which were carried to Paris, and seen by every body viz. a part of the lower jaw-bone, two Vertebra's of the back-bone, some pieces of a rib, shoulder-blade and thigh­bone; [Page 161]the other thigh-bone, the shank, an huc­kle-bone, an heel; besides some fragments which were not sent to Paris, as namely, of a thigh-bone, and likewise two teeth. Moreover, it was report­ed, that there were sound about fifty pieces of silver Coin, with the picture of Marius upon them, and on the other side, the letters MA, be­ing the beginning of his name; from whence they would needs have it concluded, that Theutoba­chus the Teutonick King being vanquished by Marius, was buried there, a man of so tall a sta­ture, that Authors report him to have been high­er than the trophies which were carried as tokens of victory, and that he was wont to leap over sour or five, yea, six horses.

Moreover, as Peireskius questioned the truth of the report, so he considered with himself, what might give occasion to such a fable, especially af­ter he had read over a book, which Nicolaus Ha­bigotus, a Chirurgeon of Paris, had written there­of. He questioned not but that such bones were found in that place, and he granted that they might be the bones of some more ancient Gyant; but he could never be perswaded that they were his bones, whose they were reported to be. For in the first place, neither Theutobochus, nor his Subjects used the Latine tongue, so that they should make a Latine Inscription upon any tomb which they would erect; nor would the Romans, in case (according to the kindnesse they used to­wards their enemies) they had built the tomb, have made it of bricks (for a plaistered work it was not, which was not then in use for Sepul­chres) but of marble, or at least of some other stone, whereon they might engrave a memoriall [Page 162]both of their victory, and of the kindnesse expres­sed to their enemies: also they would have cho­sen an high, or (at least) a stony place: and not on so sandy and infirm, as that was, lest it should easily come to be overwhelmed, or overturned. Also he wondered that the stone, with its Inscri­ption, was neither kept, nor shewed, which ought to have been sent to Paris with the bones, and that the Sepulchre was not left untouched, or (at least) some remarkable Reliques thereof; as the Lord of the place, who was curious to spread the report of the Gyants bones, could not but desire. It increased his suspition, in that the dimensions of the scull were said to be taken, it being found whole; and yet that it should turn to dust so soon, whiles other bones remained firm. For the hatchers of this fabulous story seemed to fear, lest by diligent inspection thereof, and comparing the same with some dead mans scull, the truth might have been more easily found out.

As for the Coins, he said, Those letters did not signifie Marius, whose former name Caius would not have been omitted, nor would the name Marius have been set down to halfs, but entire after the Romane manner; but, that it signified rather MAssilia [Marseiles] which was then a Republike; and to which, as a Graecian City, that fashion of Coin was proper, and not to the Romanes. And because not long ago; nor [...]ar from that place, many such pieces had been found, and he had received some from the re­nowned Frerius, of whom we spake before, for that cause he suspected, whether or no the places, as well as the times, had not been feigned.

And whereas Theutobochus is recorded in story to have been taller then the Trophies, that ar­gues him to have been ten or twelve foot high according to our Vulgar feet, for such was the height of the Trophies which were carried in Tri­umphs (reckoning in, the height of those that car­ried them and the length of their Armes lifted up) and such the Stature of the Heroes was reported to have been (viz. halse as high again as the ordinary Stature of Men) but not 25. foot. Nor is that which is written of his leaping over or bestriding four or six Horses, so to be understood, as if he had stretched his thighes so wide, as to bestride them all at once; but because it was his custome to passe from one Horse to another; that is, to change his Horses often; because he soon wearied them with his Heavinesse. Which may be gathered in that Florus (who recorded that passage) tells us, that he was wont to mount upon four or six Horses, whereas when he fled he had hardly an Horse to carry him, in­timating that he had not such a Multitude of Horses with him as his custome was to have for his own use. Finally he discoursed many things, both touching the place of the Victorie, & touch­ing the Triumph, a Part or Pageant whereof was Theutobochus; and of some other things, where­by the Credit of the foresaid Report was weaken­ed.

He obtained also in his latter years some frag­ments of these kind of Bones: but by looking upon them he was more confirmed in his opini­on, supposing at last, that these great Bones which we often admire at, when Sepulchers are digged up, to be Elephants Bones; as if the Lords of [Page 164]those Beasts had prized them, or peradventure intended to abuse Posterity, by their so care­full burying of them. Also he was of opinion, that Bones are sometimes shewed which have been dug out of Sands or other Places, where they had been casually overwhelmed with Earth; since it is hard to find a man deserving credit, who has seen those Sepulchers, so built, with his own eyes; only we credit such us sell them, shew them or p [...]o [...]esse that they found or digged them up. Which made him often wish that some man that could neither deceive nor be deceived, would saile into Sicilie, and make Inquisition about those Bones of Gyants which are said to be dug up, not far from Palermo, especially the Sculls. For he hoped, that such a man would use that ingenious Speech of Suetonius, That at Capreae there are great Bones of vast Beasts, which are said to be the Bones of Gyants. But enough and too much of this Subject.1614.

The year following proved a cruell year by rea­son of the death of divers of his renowned friends. For he understood by Letters which Gualdus sent him being dated in April, that Contarenus the Procurator was dead at Venice, Lalius Pasea­linus at Rome, and Nichezola at Verona. Al­so he heard afterwards, that the most excellent Velserus died at Augsburg on the 24. day of June; and soon after Casaubon died in England. Yea and he also himself in a Letter which he wrote in the Moneth of May, to Natalitius Benedictus, makes mention of the Duke of Arschotan as dead. In another Letter he makes mention of the death of Marquardus Frcherus a Lawyer and Historian, who died at Heidelberge, whose friend­ship [Page 165] Velserus had procured him.1614. I know not whether there were any more; but he was wont to reckon the fifth year after as most unhappy through the death of a number of his most dearly beloved friends.

He added, that it was a comsort to him, that in the mean while, it was his happinesse to gain the friendship of divers other very rare men. One was Johanues Franciscus Vidius á Balneo, Archbi­shop of Patracum & then the Vicelegate of Aven­ion. For afterwards they became very great friends, either while he was at Avenion; or while he was the Popes nuncio to the Princes of the Low-Countries, and to the most Christian King; or after he was made Cardinall, being rarely and re­markably virtuous. Another was Francisus Sa­varius Brevius,, who was a long time the Kings Agent at Constantiople, and who returning then from Rome, was at Aix in the beginning of the Spring; and had with him Gabriel Sivinta of the order of the Maronites of Mount Libanus, already famous for expounding the Orientall Languages, into whose friendship Peireskius ac­counted it most delightfull yet more and more to insinuate and confirme himself. Another was, Guilelmus Catellus, a great light in the Parlia­ment of Tolouse, to whom he communicated divers things, partly belonging to the History of the Erles of Tolouse, and partly to the Langue­doc Commentaries; which he himself does some­where witnesse, where he termes Peireskius a most Learned and curious Gentleman.

Another unhappinesse wherewith he was exer­cised the same year, was a most grievous disease, which for two whole moneths did so afflict his [Page 166]Father, that he out of the extream love he bare him, was scarce ever out of the Chamber or from his Beds side. It was in the mean while some solace unto him, that he received some Rarities out of the Low-Countries, and especially the Picture of Jacobus Metius, who invented the Telescope or Prolspective Glasse, which Winghemius procured him; that he obtained from Arles, the nine Muses expressed in Marble; and another, of the two Muses with Homer in the middle, and this inscription O MHP ... and some other things, which with divers pieces of Coine, he sent forthwith to Natalitius Benedictus, Also he reserved some spare hours for reading, which ther­fore it was his pleasure chiefly to spend in rea­ding and weighing the History of Provence, which Caesar Nostradamus did then set forth. And to speake a word of his Censure thereof, he did not wholly like the Style, which for a great part of it was poeticall: nor did he like his giving credit to I knovv not what Commentaries, against which certain authentick Monuments were exstant: nor his transposition of times, and his beginning of the year constantly at the Kalends of January, which he should rather have reckoned from the day of Christs Nativity: nor his seeking to affix an­cient Nobility upon some new Upstarts, and taking the same away from ancient Families [...] or passing the same over in silence. These & some such other things he did not like. Howbeit he would excuse these faults, because the Author not being able to know all things himself, did relie upon the cre­dit of others; and he much commended his In­genuity, in that he chose to begin the Catalogue of the Erles of Provence, rather from Gilbertus, [Page 167]whose story was indubitably true, then from Boso (so called); touching whom and his Successors to Gilbertus, the opinions of Authors were so vari­ous.

I let passe, how Peireskius endeavoured to give light to the darknesse of the History, from the Testimony of Instruments and Authentick Acts and Records. For he observed, how that to Roth­boldus, who lived before the year one thousand, there did succeed not only Boso (touching whose progeny he could only find that he had a Son named Rothbold) but also another Son named William, who also left a Son o [...] his own name, who with his Brother Gauzfred was an Erle. To whom succeeded Bertramnus, who raigned partly with his Uncle Gaudfred, partly with William his Cousin-german. And that Bertramnus had a Son called William and another named Gauzfred, who was also Erle. And that it was probable that Gilbert was the Son of William; but there wanted authentick Instruments to attest the same, seeing Franciscus Claperius interposed Odo. Neverthelesse he made a question touching that same Odo, whom he writes to have lived from the year 1039. to the year 90. whereas he had evi­dently found, that in the intermediate years viz. 42.63. and others, William and Grauzfred did Raign; and that also in the 90th. year, besides Gil­bert, there was also an Erle of Provence named Raimundus Sancti Aegidii, who might be per­adventure the Son of Gauzfredus.

I pass over likevvise, how he afterwards observed many things, wherein both Claperius and Nostra­damus were overseen. For they (for example sake) made not only Douce to be the Daughter [Page 168]of Gilbert and Tiburges, who was married to Raimond Erle of Barcellone; but also Phaitis, who was married to Ildefonsus Erle of Tolouse: so that by this meanes the Province came to be divided between Raymondus and Ildefonsus, in the year (as we hinted before) 125; whereas neverthelesse Phaitis was rather the Daughter of Raimondus Sancti Aegidii and the Countesse Al­vire; so that consequently by that division the smaller part of the Province fell to Phaitis, be­cause compensation was made to the Erles of Ru­then and Givalden, whom Douce Daughter of Tiburgis had born. They also made him to have by Douce another Son Gilbert, who had for Daughter Stephanitis, who was married to Rai­mundus Bauleius; whereas there was never any such second Gilbert, and Stephanitis was not his Daughter, but Daughter of that same first and on­ly Gilbert, and therefore the Sister not the Neece of Douce, though not by Tiburgis but some other wife, either Geriberga or Francisca. I will say no more, lest I become troublesome: seeing it is sufficient that I have touched upon these things, to shew the care which Peireskius took, about his Fathers Sicknesse and the Adventures of his friends.

A little after, happened that most grievous and cruell disease wherewith himself was afflicted. For in the Moneth of November, he went to Roquebrune, a town near Freius, being one of those who notable to pay their debts, did satisfie their Creditors with their Lands; a special Comit­tee of such as should canvase and judge of the bu­sinesse being appointed, and Peireskius for one. And because he had resolved not to return to [Page 169]the City before he had seen the businesse he was sent about accomplished; therefore he desired leave of Varius to abide there, who by divers Let­ters most full of affection had given him to under­stand, that his absence was very troublesome unto him. He desired the same of his Father, who had invited him to the Wedding of his Sister Susanna, who was married to Seguirannus afore­said, the January following. And indeed he could willingly have been there, especially his Brother Valavesius being absent, the Nobility of Provence,1615. having sent him to the generall Assem­bly or Parliament of whole France which was to be kept at Paris, the King being above fourteen years of Age: but being carefull of his Health; he thought it best to abstain from Travailing, espe­cially at that season.

But to come unto his Sicknesse; he returned about the evening of the Kalends of February, from viewing I know not what ancient Monu­ments, when he saw a black cloud arising from that part of the sky, where the Sun is seen to arise in Winter, which warning him to make haste, yet could he hardly get soon enough to Town. From the said cloud there exhaled an almost in­tolerable stink; which made him conjecture that it was exhaled from Strongyle and those other Hils, which are wont to vomit fire & smoak. The same cloud a little after, and that night following, powred down such a Quantity of Haile, that it hindred people from passing, till it was shovelled out of the way. The third day there followed so much snow, that I remember how travelling at that time from this City to Aix, I was detained three vvhole daies at Val­lansole; [Page 170]the wayes were so filled with the plenty thereof.1616. But Peireskius was from that time taken with most unspeakable pains, almost all his body over; but especially in his back, along the back­bone. So that he could neither lie, nor sit, nor stand. He could endure, having on either side a servant supporting him, with their shoulders un­der his arms, to go a little. And his continuall want of sleep was no small vexation; for though he were very sleepy, yet the pains still kept him waking. Being carried to Aix, he found little a­mendment all the rest of the year. All his hair came off his head, whereupon it happened, that in stead of thick and stiff hair, which he alwayes was wont to have (for upon occasion of admira­tion, or some starting, he was wont to feel them stand on end, yea, and to lift up his cap) there came thin and soft hair in the room, which conti­nued so ever after.

The Spring now approaching, in the year 1616 he seemed to be on the mending hand, when as the Haemorrhoides brake forth, which bitterly vexed him. Yet did not the disease so much tor­ment him, as that he was hindered from wait­ing upon Varius, as he had intended. For Varius being often sent for by the King, to be Master of the Rols, & Keeper of the Broad-Seal, was now to go to Court, and all Provence was come to Aix, with tears to bring him on his journey, and take leave, as it were, of their parting Father; but Pei­reskius his disease seemed to stop him alone, of all the rest, from performing this office. He had been ten dayes vexed with this infirmity, when Varius visited him, bid him farewell, and trusted him with the key and care of his books and rari­ties. [Page 171]Whereupon he rose from his bed, and cau­sing an Horse-litter to go beside him for some part of the way, he made triall at first, if he could but a little endure the Horses back. After he had tried this a while, he felt his strength so to in­crease, that whereas at first he durst scarce think of riding a few miles, he became at last able to hold out the whole journey.

It is needlesse in this place to relate, with what applause Varius was received by the King, Queen-Mother, Princes, Nobles, and all good men; with what a generous protestation he took his oath, as Keeper of the great Seal; and with what constan­cie and integrity, he did afterwards perform that Office. It suits best with our matter in hand, to tell you that Peireskius was a great solace and re­freshment unto him, in the middest of all his weighty cares; and among other things, did note in a peculiar manner, and set down in writing, every memorable accident which did befall him. And therefore he chose his lodging very near, that (as they were wont at Aix) he might every day enjoy his company at their frugall suppers, and have familiar discourse with him late at night, for he had in a manner no other vacant time. And Peireskius made a law to himself, that he would commend no cause to Varius, unlesse it were of some learned man. Which he also dili­gently observed in Provence, being alwayes a­fraid, though Varius were his most loving friend, lest he should prove troublesome unto him. But he alwayes excepted learned men, both because he could not refrain himself, when they were concerned; and he knew the disposition of Varius, who as he was very just, so he could not endure [Page 172]that the servants of the Muses should be vexed, and delayed, with the perplexities of Law-suits.

Hence he proved a large Sanctuary, alwayes o­pen to all learned men; for to him all had re­course that had businesse in Court, especially such as had to do with Varius; and no man ever went away, whose patronage he did not cheerfully un­dertake. The first that made experience of his care, was Johannes Barclaius aforesaid, who after he had published his book De Summo Pontifice, and was not so much in favour with his King and Countrey-men, as formerly, as soon as ever he heard that Peireskius was at Paris, he secretly withdrew himself out of England, and crept into his friends bosome. And he did not onely receive him with very much humanity, but procured Varius also to embrace and receive him under his Patronage. When he was to depart to Rome, he sent Letters before hand to all his friends on the way, and caused him to receive many friendly of­fices by that means; but especially at Marsile from his kinsman Viassius, famous among the Poets of this age, who retained and cherished him di­vers dayes, and providing him of a ship, sent him away accommodated with all things necessary. I omit to tell how Peireskius was no lesse carefull about the wife of Barclay, his son, and John Lu­dovicus Debonaerus his wives brother, when four years after they were to go to him at Rome.

The first thing likewise which he did towards the advancement of Learning, was the publish­ing of an Inscription, which being dug up in Rome at Porta Capena, did coutain an Elogie, or commendation of Lucius Scipio, the son of Bar­batus, for his expedition into Corsica, For he no [Page 173]sooner had gotten a copy from Aleander and Pignorius, but he fell to work with all his might, to illustrate and expound the same. For he was of opinion, that there was hardly a more ancient to be seen, or one of an older-fashioned chara­cter; that the Grammaticall construction was quite different from the vulgar, yet savouring of the ancient times; finally, that things might here out be learnt, which must otherwise remain unknown; as what that verse of Ovid means, which is as yet not understood:

Te quoque, Tempestas, meritam Delubra fatemur,
Cum poene est Corsis, obruta Classis aquis,
A Church we grant, ô STORM, thou oughtst to have,
Who sunkst our Fleet, wellnigh, in Corsick wave.

For thus went the Inscription, HONC. OINO. PLOIRUME. COSENTIONT. R. DUONORO. OPTUMO. FUISE VI­RO. LUCIOM. SCIPIONE FILIOS BARBATI. CONSOL. CENSOR. AIDILIS. HIC FUET. A. HEC CE­PIT. CORSICA ALERIAQUE URBE. DEDET. TEMPE, TATI­BUS. AIDE. MERETO. And therefore because the explication of Sirmondus did most of all please him, who proved that this Inscription was made in the 494th year after the building of Rome; and consequently but a year later than the Dail [...]i [...] Inscription, or that of the Columna Rostrata, hitherto accounted to be the most an­cient, both for the Orthography, Phrase, and mat­ter contained; therefore, thus he conceived it [Page 174]ought to be read, HUNC UNUM PLU­R IMI CONSENTIUNT ROMAE BONORUM, OPTIMUM FUISSE VIRUM, LUCIUM SCIPIONEM. FILIUS BARBATI, CONSUL. CENSOR, AEDILIS HIC FUIT. HIC CEPIT CORSICAM, ALERI­AMQUE URBEM; DEDIT TEM­PESTATIBUS AEDEM MERITO: Which may be thus Englished, Very many good men at Rome do judge, that this Lucius Scipio was a singlar and most excellent man. He was the son of Barbatus, Consul, Censor, Aedilis; he took Cor­sica; he built a chappell to Honour­ing them as Deities, be­cause they spared him at Sea. Tempests, not without cause. Peireskius approved this interpretation, and therefore caused it to be printed, concealing the name of Sirmondus, because he of his mode­stie would not take the commendation to him­self. But the truth is, Peireskius did not conceal his name, when sending copies thereof up and down, he wrote Letters to his friends. Hence it was that Selden mentioned him in that same lear­ned work of his, De DIS Syris; where he sayes this Inscription was communicated to him by Sir Robert Cotton, who had it out of France from Nicolaus Fabricius Petriscius, a man most renowned for nobility and learning. Also the lately mentioned Aleander, who when it was reprinted at Rome, made an addition & answered the obje­ctions that had been made against it. And where­as among other things it seemed strange, that no mention was made of that Triumph which Scipio made; Aleander answered, Verily that same quick­sighted Gentleman, who is no lesse a lover of learned men, than of learning it self, Nicolaus Fabricius, [Page 175] Lord of Peiresk, does with good reason suspect, that there wants another Inscription of Scipio, which was counterpane to this of ours. For the Sepul­chers of the ancients were of great Bulke; and it is no absurdity to think, that as this Inscription was on the one side, so that there was another Marble on the other side, on which the Triumph, Age, Day of death, &c. were ingraven.

With these and such like matters did Peireskius busie himself, when in the Moneth of November the Seal was taken from Varius, and that most renowned Gentleman restored to the Liberty of a private Life. But Peireskius who regarded not so much the glory of his Place, as the eminency of his Virtues, would never forsake him; think­ing it an unworthy baseness, if he that had stood by him in his Prosperity, should withdraw him­self, in his adverse fortune. Howbeit, he was wont to testifie concerning Varius, that he accoun­ted it no unhappy and ominous, but a most happy accident; as by which alone he was in a capacity of attaining the Tranquillity which he so much desired. Wherefore he restored the Seal with great Alacrity, and returning from the Court, he would needs sup more liberally than ordinary with Malherbius and Peireskius, as one that now had no businesse to disturbe him; and retiring himself, he led a most quiet and most sweet life; conversing with his Books, his friends and learn­ed men.

About this time the Businesse about Riantium was removed from Paris to Tolouse;1617. and his Brother Valavesius, about the Beginning of the following year went into that City. And al­though his presence was likewise desired at To­louse [Page 176]which as was thought would have much advanced the Businesse: yet could he never be induced, for any Danger never so great of the miscarriage of that Suit, to leave Varius. Yet you must not Imagine, that for all this, he left his care of the cause of Learning. For he sent an almost innumerable Company of Books to Learned men in all parts, partly of his own ac­cord, partly being requested by them; as into Italy to Pignorius and Aleander, and to Scipio Cobellutius then newly honoured with a red Hat and the title of Cardinall of Saint Susanna; and to whom not long after, the Custodie of the Va­tican Library was given as a favour. And into En­gland to Cambden and Selden and others, who had seriously intreated him, that he would not envie the Learned Nation of Men, his Learned notes upon the ancient Coines and his Observa­tions upon that part of France which is called Gallia Narbonensis. Into Holland he sent, as to others, so chiefly to Thomas Erpenius, the re­nowned professor of Arabic; and he sent with his Books and Letters, certain Arabick Coines, that he might lend his Assistance in their Inter­pretation, which he had not yet sufficiently un­derstood.

I forbear to mention how he received like­wise back again many things which he desired; as from Aleander a modell of the Farnesian Congius or old Galon-measure, with Letters signifying, that he had examined the Water of Tiber, Foun­tain water, and other waters, and after manifold comparisons of the one with the other, he could find no difference at all in their weight. From Nicolas Alemannus, a year before the Vatican-Library [Page 177]Keeper, he received a Catalogue of the Poets of Provence. From Andreas Bruggiotus a Supplement to his Index of the Grek Manu­scripts, which were kept in the foresaid Library. From Pignorius, a Breviarie of the Life of that famous Ludovicus Cornarus, with the time of his Death; who by his sobrietie had procured himself so long a life, and such a lustie old Age; for he wrote, that he was buried at Padua, the day after the Nones of May, in the year 1566. From Facobus Colius, a Book, with his excuse for naming him only Nobilissimus Gallus without any further Illustration. From Sanderus, Elogi­es; from Johannes Meursius, divers of his works; from Willerius, Genealogies: from Whinghemius Botanick Rarities, and from others, other; things.

Also about this time, he began to procure Notes upon the Calendar of Constantine, which 17, years after, Aegidius Bucherus did totally insert into his Commentaries of the Canon of Paschalis Victorianus, viz. from the 236. page to the 288. And the truth is, I question not how those pa­pers were gotten, and by whom imparted to that same rarely good and Learned Man: only I desire the Reader to take notice, that they were not transcribed, save from that same very rare Book which belonged to Peireskius, and is at this very day preserved in his Library. Now he wrote largely thereabout both to Aleander, and to most other Learned men, who exceedingly desired the publication thereof: for they esteemed it as a migh­ty treasure, to correct the Annals and to rectifie all Chronologie both sacreed and profane. For exam­ples sake, we may observe therein the Consulship [Page 178]of Probus and Paternus was not omitted in those Calendars; which being omitted by Onnphrius, made him to err a year; nor yet the Antecedent which being also omitted by Baronius, made him misse two years concerning the Christian Epoche, as has been noted by Scaliger and Se­thus Calvisius. But not to mention any more of this kind, you may by the way hereby under­stand what the Learned Jacobus Godofredus his meaning was; when eleven year after setting forth a namelesse Geographer, and not daring to name Peireskius, because he had not got his leave to publish the Kalendar, he concludes a passage thereabouts in these words. Though a thing may be contained within the narrow compasse of two or three pages, yet may it notwithstanding be of very great montent; of which kind we expect shortly some ancient Memorialls, and Consular Annals.

While these things were acting, he was inex­pressibly grieved for the death of his most dearly beloved friend, Jacobus Augustus Thuanus. He could hardly ever mention him without a sigh, without breaking forth into his Commendati­ons; for he was alwaies wont to say, that he was one whom his ancient Nobility, his singular Pie­rie to God, his Country, and his Prince; his ex­treme Love to all Learned and good Men, his unexhaustible goodnesse and his most ingenuous manners had made truly Augustus or Venerable. He was comforted in the first place by his Noble Progenie, in which were already manifest the feeds of their Fathers and Ancestors Virtues; and especially in Franciscus Augustus the eldest, who being hardly a grown youth, did already discover in himself the mind of a Senator; and resolved [Page 179]to view as much of the world with his eyes, as his Father had described with his Pen. In the next place, because the Care of the Kings Library, was committed to those Noble and Learned Bre­thren Petrus and Jacobus Puteanus, the Sons of Claudius who was a Senator of Paris, being near of kin to him, who as they alwaies shewed fa­vour unto and gratified all Learned men, so they were evermore most nearly conjoyned with Pei­reskius in the band of friendship. For he hoped, as the event proved, that they animating the same, the Genius of Thuanus would survive; and that Noble Seat of the Muses would be known, by the frequent Assembly of most choise wits, which their candour and ancient faithfulnesse would draw thither. His death happened about the be­ginning of May.

And Varius being in the beginning of June re­stored to his place with huge Applause; Peires­kius continued by him, and would not depart, no not in the Assemblie of the Notables, who be­ing summoned out of whole France, sate in Coun­cell at Rouën, about the end of November. He vvas there the Sollicitor of the Common cause of his ovvn Senate of Aix, (especially concerning a pension by vvhich the places of Magistrates are made Hereditary) together vvith a good man, his Collegue and friend, Honeratus Agutius, who vvas come to the said Assembly. And he did not only note dovvn vvhatever vvas consulted, decreed and transacted in the said Assemblie; but also be­cause choyse men from all parts of France vvere there met together; therfore he vvould not let a man return into his ovvn Province, before he had endeavoured to oblige him by one courtesie [Page 180]or another, and by frequent discourses, had learned the greatest part (or all rather) of the rarities which his Country did afford. One thing, which very much troubled him, was the death ofMr. de Villeroy. Nicolaus Neovilla Villaregius, that same renowned Chief Secretary to his Majesty, by whom he was singularly beloved, and who lett a great misse of himself in the Mind of Varius and all good Men. He had in great account a man of rare honesty and Prudence Elias Deodatus, whom also Peiresk from that time forward could not but much admire: for besides his other en­dowments, he had one thing common with him, viz. that he would leave no man in Eurpe re­nowned for Learning, unobliged. Afterwards, when he was upon his return; the January fol­lowing, he would needs passe through Lisieux, by his Industry to mollifie some Lawes of the Chap­ter against the Bishop; which he did for Varius his sake, upon whom that Bishop-rick was new­ly conferred.

Being returned to Paris, there was nothing which he desired more, then to vindicate the Roiall Line from the Plots of one Theodoricus Piespordius Secretary to the Arch-Dukes or Prin­ces of the Low-Countries, who in imitation of Johannes Valdesius a Spanish Councellor, endea­voured to draw the Austrian familie in a successi­on male, from Pharamond the King of France, and consequently intitle the King of Spain to the Kingdome of France, by right of Succession. For he had set out the year before, the Genealo­gie of the Austrian Family, drawn from the first Stock of the Kings, through the most Noble Erles of Habsburg; and a Copy thereof was sent be­fore [Page 181]Christmas by Winghemius to Peireskius, 1618. another being formerly sent and presented to the King by the Arch-Dukes Agent, which Peireskius could not but resent as a most heinous fact. And to con­fute the Imposture, he easily made it appear that no Authentick Charter, nor no Author was cited above an hundred and twenty year Old; viz. be­fore the time that Trithemius and others, flatter­ing the Emperor Maximilian, were not ashamed, though disagreeing among themselves, to patch together that long Pedigree of Ancestors. More­over, whereas Sigebert of Austria one of the Sons of the King Clotarius the seventh from Pharamond, was made choice of, to draw the Austrian family from; the intire succession there­of, could not be made appear as far as to the Habsburg Princes; whom Piespordius had very absurdly and untowardly so termed, before the year of Christ 720; whereas it is apparent that Habsburge was built no longer ago then the year 1027. Also Peireskius demanded, why those Princes who are feigned to spring from Sigebert, and who lived in the daies of Pipin, and Capet, never complained of the Injurie which was done to them, they being survivors of the stock of Pharamond, and by Lawfull Succession called to the Crown of France.

But because, notwithstanding the Erles of Habsburg, according to the Line male, had de­scended from the Stock of our Kings, yet Peires­kius knew that by the Acts of the Monastery of Muren in Switherland lately printed, it was prov­ed, that the Princes of Austria do belong to the Habs-burgian Family only by the Mothers side; and that by the Fathers side they pertain only to [Page 182]the Tiersteinic family, whereof Peispordius and others ought not in the least to have been ashamed: wherefore with great earnestnesse of mind, and by writing Letter after Letter, he took care, that Vicus a friend of his, whom we formerly mentioned, who was then the Kings Agent in those parts, might cunningly obtain a Copy of those Acts in an authentick form, that it might be kept amongst the Kings Records (so fearfull was he, lest the Originall might miscar­ry) and especially that ancient Genealogie which was praefixed before the Acts of those Princes who had founded Munster. When he had put the matter out of Hazard, he carefully procured a second Edition, both of all the Acts and like­wise of that Genealogie, which without adding or taking away so much as a fyllable, he redu­ced into an evident Scheme or Table.

From which it soon appeared that Wernerus Erle of Habsburg who died in the year 1096. had a Daughter named ITA de Tierstein or Hom­berg, that is, in the Language of the Genealo­gist, who was married to Rudolphus of Tierstein or Homberg; who bare Wernerus the Father of Albertus, the Grandfather of Rudolphus, the great Grandsire of another Albertus, and the great Great-Grand-sire of another Rudolphus, who was the first Emperor of that name, and of the House of Austria. And truly, the sleight is wonderfull whereby both Franciscus Guilliman­uus and Piespordius himself, do in such manner dissemble that Wernerus was the Son of ITA, as if he had been not Ita's but her Brothers Son; of whose progeny neverthelesse, there is no men­tion any where made: as neither of Adelbert another Brother, from whom the Habsburgian [Page 183]Succession, did passe over to the family of Tier­stein, or Homberg. But they were not ashamed to go contrary to the manifest truth of story, and so to confound things, that Guillimannus made Ita the Sister of Otto, his Niece; and Piespordius, his Sister, Wife, Daughter in Law, and Niece by the Sisters side from Wernerus of Tierstein. And thus Peireskius rejoyced, that he brake the neck of the designe of these flattering Genealogists; and so much the more, because Guillimannus said, he gave great credit to those Acts of Muren afore­said, and Gaspar Scioppius two years after chose this same Guillimannus as his Author, whom he would follow in that part of the Genealogie of the House of Autria.

I do not well remember, whether it were for this or some other cause, that he visited the Re­cords of the Chapter at Rhemes, the Canons be­ing commanded by an order from the King, to let him view all their Acts and Records; and to shew him two peciall Instruments, contain­ing things of great moment. I remember very well, he was accounted most knowing in the French Histories of greatest Antiquity, and that he gave a proof of his skill, which I have heard both from himself and others. For whereas in the moneth of March there happened a memora­ble fire in the Kings Court, to the sight whereof he ran at midnight, in the company of Jacobus Gillotus, a most excellent Senatour; he carried thither afterwards all the learned men well nigh in the City, to contemplate the statues of the Kings, the stumps whereof onely remained, the rest being turned into ashes. And when no body could tell whose statue that was, which stood with [Page 184]a mangled face, even before the fire happened; he, because of one place supernumerary, argued that it was the statue of King Henry of England, which Charles the seventh did onely mangle, and not remove, as unwilling that his own Statue should stand in the place of the Usurpers.

Nor was he content to undertake onely that particular labour against Piespordius and others; but out of his love to the Kings Majesty, and the glory of the French Nation, he began from that time forwards, to think of an Edition of all Au­thours, especially those of that age, who had writ­ten the Antiquities and History of France. And because he knew that in divers Churches, Mona­steries, and private Libraries, many Books of that Argument were kept up unprinted; he took care to search them out: and because he himself was not then at leisure, he acquainted Andreas Du­chesnius a most diligent Historiographer with his designe, who was at that time set upon the same undertaking. He was then preparing an Edition of the Historians of Normandy: wherefore Pei­reskius, to testifie his sagacity and industry, he sought and obtained of Sir Robert Cotton of Eng­land, both a namelesse writer of the Acts of Em­ma Queen of England, and likewise Wilhelmus Pictavinus, whom he soon after annexed to his History, and testified that by the mediation of Cambden, They were sent to the Illustrious (those are his words) Nicolaus Fabricius de Petrisco, Senatour in the Parliament at Aix, one that is an advancer of learning, and my most dearly beloved friend.

And because Fronto Ducaeus was at that time setting out a Greek Manuscript, written with great [Page 158]letters, containing a great part of the Bible, and of so great antiquity, that it was said to have been corrected by Origens own hand, who averreo that it had been compared with the most ancient Te­traplus: therefore Peireskius well remembering, that the foresaid Cotton, had a most precious Greek Manuscript, written in the dayes of Theodosius, in great letters likewise, which cost King James a thousand Crowns; therefore, I say, that this Edi­tion might be more compleat, he wrote and sent into England, and passing his word, and giving securitie that the Book should be forth coming, he obtained the same, and let Fronto Ducaeus have the use of it.

Moreover, in Autumn the same year, he was nominated by the King, Abbot of Sancta Mariae Aquistriensis. And the businesse which he had in that respect to transact at Rome, was freely performed by divers Cardinals, as Cobellutius, Ur­sinius, and (he that was afterward) Marquemon­tius; but by none more carefully, than by Maf­faeus Barberinus, who was afterward created, and is yet living, Pope. For from that time forward they became acquainted, and their acquaintance was strenghthened by letters frequently sent to and fro. The occasion of their first acquaintance was a very elegant Ode composed by the Cardi­nall upon Mary Magdalex, the beginning where­of was, Innixa pennis versicoloribus. For Peires­kius having received a copy thereof from Alean­der, and being wonderfully delighted with it, and all the learned men to whom he shewed it, ap­plauding the same; he got leave by mediation of the said Aleander, that it might be yet further published by printing. The copies being all [Page 186]vended, he was pleased to print the Poem again, but in a larger form, that it might be hung up at Sancta Balma (a Rock and Hermitage, famous for the penance of Saint Maudlen) and other Churches and Chappels of Provence. Yea, and he thought good, to print it the third time, after he had won the said Cardinall to frame an Ode in favour of Saint Lewis King of France, the be­ginning whereof is, Objectu gemini maris; and after he had made some other Odes that he could get, by the stealth, as it were of Aleander.

About the end of this year there appeared a fa­mous Comet, to the observation whereof he ex­horted all the industrious men he was acquaint­ed with. Himself being destitute of fitting In­struments, and not daring to trust himself in the air, because of his sicklinesse, made no other ob­servation, save that by the Perspective-Glasse, he discerned the form of its head, and hov it differ­ed from the tail, which he compared to the Sun­beams shining through a window. But he was glad when he heard afterwards, that such as dwelt not in Aix might a little after diligently observe all things thereunto pertaining. And that I may relate somewhat thereof, for the sakes of those that desire to know such things: The Comet ap­peared from the end of November to the middle of January; and because it rose in the morning, therefore the tail thereof was seen turning up­wards some dayes before the head appeared. The head was a star somewhat pale, as big as the fixt stars of the first magnitude (but twinckled not as they do) round on that side which was towards the Sun, and crisped on the other end. The tail, or hair, was a thinner Radiation and more white, [Page 187]as long at first as an eighth part of the Heaven, and broad at the end (which did for the first dayes, turn a little towards the South) as much as came to a sixth part of its length. The first appearance of its head, was there where Scorpio contracts his clawes; its disappearance, or ending, was where the Dragon parting the Bears, does unsold the end of his tail. For, besides the daily motion, whereby this Comet did rise and set as the other Stats, it went by its own proper motion from South to North; but so, as if it had begun at the middle of Scorpio, and had there cut the Ecliptick, inclining to the West, near sixty three degrees. And whereas at first this motion was every day two degrees and an eighth part, it became about the Nones of December, swifter by an whole de­gree; and afterwards it did so decrease, that at length it languished; as also its tail, which at the beginning was so long became by little and lit­tle so shortened, that at last it vanished, and be­came undistinguishable from the head.

Peireskius understanding thus much, could al­most have found in his heart to assent to Kepler, who esteemed that motion to be a passage in a streight line which was near us, seeing it appear­ed so swift, nor could be hindered by the diur­nall revolution, as if it had been caused by the revolution of the earth. And as he knew that a Comet was no Exhalation from the earth, so could he not be perswaded that it was Eructation from the Sun, or a Concretion of the liquid Hea­vens. He was more enclined to the opinion of [Page 188] Seneca, that Comets are as perpetuall, as the stars we daily see; so that when this Comet was seen it was not then newly made, but onely appeared anew; nor did it perish by disso [...]ution, but disap­peared by reason of the immense distance. Yet it ieemed to him hard to conceive, being perswaded that the world is finite: Thus much only he ea­sily allowed, which was demonstrated from the Observations made, viz. that the motion of the Comet was not only above the Moon, but hardly lower than the Sun.

Touching the direction of the tail of the Co­met towards that quarter which was opposite to the Sun, I need say nothing; especially seeing it belongs nor to this place to shew the reason, why it kept not a direct opposition, but turned some­times to the right hand, and otherwhiles to the left hand, by an unequall kind of Deflexion. Nor need I speak of what it presaged, seeing it is not the least argument of humane weaknesse, to be afraid of those things which have nothing to do with this world wherein we live. At least it is a wonder, that men will not beleeve God himself, who commands that we should not be afraid of the signes of Heaven; forasmuch as he makes not signes of such things, as being unexpounded, can give no warning. And unlesse God make a Co­met to be the signe of calamities en [...]uing, how can the Comet either have knowledge of suture things, or a desire to discover them? Does not the Comet take its own course, as all other natu­rall things, being little concerned, what a stir the [Page 189]Nations of Mankind make one with another? But this Comet was said to foreshew the wars a [...] [...]ighters which followed: as if before there [...] [...]een no wars, pestilence, nor death of Kings! as [...] no Tragedies were now in action twenty ye [...] [...]re They refer all to the Comet, and by the [...]ne reason they may refer all the troubles that small arise hereafter, till a new Comet ap­pear, and make the former forgotten; though it should not appear till an hundred years hence. But we have digressed too far.

Afterwards Peireskius spared no pains that there might be a generall and particular descri­ption of the world, perfected. For,1619. in the first place, as he carefully cherished, so he did not a little encourage Petrus Bertius, who came then newly ont of Holland, to publish his Geogra­phicall labours. Moreover, because there came out at that time, that same description of the earth, according to nine Climates, and the Nu­biensian Geography, so called by Gabriel Sionita, who rendered the Arabick Text into Latine; Pei­reskius presently sent a copy to Cluverius, and took care that he should make a Map, wherein the situation of places might be expressed accord­ing to that Geography. Moreover, because there was a report, that Johannes Maerius, a Sea-Ca­ptain of Holland, having detected a large and calm Strait, Eastward of the Magellanick, and observed new things, Countreys and Peoples; sailed happily about the world, yet for some rea­sons would not let his observations come in [Page 190]print; therefore he prevailed so far with Guliel­mus Schutten the chief Pilot, as to obtain a Di­ary or Journall of the whole voyage, which he presently caused to be turned into Latine, and printed. And because Maerius went to Law with Schutten for so doing, he assured him that he would save him harmlesse, as to the charge of the Suit.

Nor did this hinder him from attempting the like about another voyage. For it was constantly reported, that a Hollands ship was returned from the North or Hyperborean Sea, which had sailed within seven degrees of the Pole; but he could by no means obtain a description of the course of the voyage. But however, he commended the Pilot in that though he might have sailed just under the Pole with lesse difficulty, than can be imagined, yet he did not do it: for then having no North or South, no Sun-rise, nor Sun-set; no use of the Load-stone for to shew the winds, he would not have known which way to make his course, one way or another.

Again, because he knew that Vincentius Clan­eus, a Citizen of Arles, having travelled far and near, had collected very many observations of such things as he had seen: therefore he sent to seek for them, that (if he were willing) they might be printed. Whereupon he obtained them: but observing that all the discourse was infected with arguings, & especially with that opinion, that the surface of the earth is not round, but flat: there­fore [Page 191]he would have the whole businesse referred to the learned Nicolaus Bergeronus, ordering him to select and expresse after his own manner, what ever he found meerly historicall, and containing a credible narration of things. And afterwards he perswaded Blancus to like of that course, say­ing, That the same had been observed in the Hi­stories and Relations of Pirardus, Moquetus, and others: that it should be lest to Philosophers to dispute those questions, and did not become a Relater to play the Dogmatist, especially contra­ry to the common opinion: that the opinion of the earths flatnesse might be mentioned; but so, as believed by the Barbarians, not defended by him: if he persisted, he would become a mock­ing-stock to Learned men, and derogate from the credit of his Narrations though in themselvs true: that he should reap praise enough, sound and without spot, from the naked History of his Travells: that he would take care that the work should be dedicated to the King, or to some other, who would thankfully accept it, and such like: All which neverthelesse could not perswade the man to relinquish his former Intentions.

Moreover, he caused a Chorographicall Map of Provence to be Ingraven and Printed, which had been made by Petrus Johannes Bomparius, thirty years before. The form whereof, though neat enough, did not please him: wherefore he caused Jodocus Hondius to grave it again two years after; who likewise displeased him, both because he omitted the name of Bomparius; and [Page 192]especially because he chose rather to smi [...]ce other Editions, in which the degrees of Latitude are falsely set down. For, for examples fa [...]e, Aix is set in the 42. degree and an eighth p [...]r [...], which ought to have been in the 43. and at half, and one or two minutes over. Therefore he had it alwaies in his desire to make a new Map, which by new observations and more exquisite dimensions should present every place in its due posture, both in reference to the Heavens and other parts of the Country: but he was by Death prevented.

Finally because he was wonderfully delighted with that which Johannes Baptista Morinus (of whom we spoke before and who afterward was of great and deserved repute among the Kings Pro­fessors of Mathematicks) was wont to relate touching that same Peregrination of his into the Mines of Hungary; therefore he advised him to commit the said relation to writing & so to Print the same. And that he did, but so as to pre­mise an Anatomie of the Sublunary-world, wherein he Laboured to evince, that as the Aire is distributed into three Regions, of which the uppermost is alvvaies hot, the middlemost al­waies cold, and the lovvest sometimes hot and sometimes cold; so vvas the Earth divided into three Regions, of vvhich the lowest vvas alvvaies cold, the middlemost alwaies hot, and the up­permost being contiguous to the Aire, is some­times hot sometimes cold according to the tem­per of the circumambient Aire.

But these studies did not suffice him,1617. but he must by divers kind offices besides endeavour to oblige men famous for their Virtues. For why should I relate how that Pacius being now, according to his wish, become a Catholike, and defiring to return into his Country, he procured the chief Professorship of Padua to be bestowed upon him: as also how when after two year he would return to Valentia, he procured him to be called by Letters, from the Viceroy and first President of Dauphine, written by the Kings commands; How when Philippus Jacobus Maussacus a great Ornament of the Senate of Tolouse, had gotten the forementioned Commentaries of Julius Sca­liger upon Ariftorle his History of Animalls; he encouraged him not a little to Print the same with Notes; nor was he negligent, in sending them when they were printed, to all the Learn­ed men throughout Europe, as to Aleander, Pig­norius, and others? How using the helpe of Bar­clay, he caused divers amorous Poems to be writ out of a Book in the Vatican Library, for to plea­sure Gilbertus Gaulminius, a rare light to good Literature: when he understood that they were wanting in Theodorus Prodromus, whith was shortly to be printed according to Salmasius his Copy; as he also testified in his Epistle to the Reader? How he freed divers from divers scru­ples, as Pompeius Paschalinus touching the Agate of his deceased Father; Thomas Erpenius, touching the Saracenicall History; and many such like.

There was at that time an hot contest in Point [Page 194]of Study, between the often before mentioned very Learned Jacobus Sirmondus and Claudius Salmasius, that same other glorious Example of polite Learning, touching a famous question, occasioned a year before by Jacobus Gothofredus, in two dissertations, touching the Subn [...]bian Grounds, and the Churches, or of the Diocese, of the civill Pretor, and of the Bishop of Rome. As for that controversie how far it proceened, how many Learned men on both sides joyned their forces, is not to be related in this place. Only, I am to say, that Peireskius was as care­full as he possibly conld be, that the matter might be gently handled between them, as did befit Learned Men. The truth is when Aleander also had interposed himself in the quarrell, and had sent a treatise from Rome of that Subject, to be printed at Paris, Peireskius could hardly allow it: and being urged, he caused it indeed to be printed, but with some mitigation of what he had hinted, touching the Authority of Counci [...]s and Popes, and the bitter passages which he had fcattered up and down, against the opinion which he opposed.

He used the same liberty towards Barclay, who had interwoven in his Argenis a Dialogue of somewhat too free a strain. For he received about the same time a great part of that worke, which he was to see printed. And the truth is, Barclay had determined, that both he and Vari­us should be personated in that Book; but Pei­reskius commending his affection, made greater [Page 195]account of the friendship of Virginius Caesariuus which he had procured him, from whom he had received Letters, and most elegant Elegiack Ver­ses. Yet Barclay is to be commended, who testi­fied his gratitude, by all meanes in his power; as again, when he received his Family at Rome about this time, he composed an Elegie in the name of his wife, Wherein among the rest, were these verses.

To speake the Truth God-like
a mans name.
de-Vias, I
Chac't grief away by thy dear Memory.
The thought of Peiresk whom the High-God bless,
Did banish from my Mind all Heavinesse.
Heaven's bless that mighty Man, this many a year,
To the French Nation. Then they need not fear.
View but this wit, you'l say hee's Pallas Child,
Which makes him love the name of Virgin mild.
What Muses and what Prudence were of Old,
All that to France, in Peiresk now behold.
Long let him Live and my dear Husband Love,
Long let him Live and Growth of Honours prove.

And these things were done in the year 1620.1620. In the beginning and progresse of the Spring whereof, he was so troubled with the Strangnry and other diseases, that he was hindered, to his great grief, from following Varius, when he went with the King in the beginning of Summer to pacifie certain tumults in Normandie and other Provinces, and afterwards to Aquitania and Bearn. When he began to mend he received Letters from Pius Mutius of Genoa, certifying [Page 196]that there were yet remaining some reliques of Pinellus his Library. For he wrote that he had found Fifty two Orations of Themistius, which were saved out of his Library and had never been printed, no not among those which were published two years since by Dionysius Peta­vius, a man so Learned, that I question whether the Society of Jesus has any that exceeds him. He presently brought that piece of Themistius to him and when he found him studying about that huge work d. Doctrina Temporum, which he printed a few years after, he took occasion to speake many things in favour of Scaliger, his quondam friend.

About the same time he took a curious view of the Treasury of the Chappell of Sancta Capella. And among the rare and precious commodities contained therein, he discovered an inestimable Jewell viz. an orientall Agat or Arabian Sardo­nyx, a foot long according to the Parisian or Foot roiall: wherein were ingraven with wonderfull Art five and twenty figure; or pictures, all ex­ceeding white, in a black Sea, interdistinguish­ed with a certain dark and obscure yellowish­nesse It was adorned round about with Christi­an figure; and inscriptions by a certain Greek Emperor, so that when Baldwin had pawned it to D. Ludowick, and at last it came into the hands of King Charles the fifth of that name, and was thought to contain some sacred history; it was brought into that treasury as a Religious Oblati­on. But Peireskius, when he viewed it and regard­ed the condition of the pictures he was satisfied, [Page 197]that it represented rather a profane Story; and as far as he could gather by conjectures, he believ­ed it was a representation of the Apotheosis or Deifying of the Emperour Augustus being dead.

Johannes Tristanus Santamantius a rare Anti­quary did lately cause it to be printed with his Commentaries being cut in Copper. And he professes that he had first knowledge thereof from Peireskius, whom he calls a man of very rare and exquisite Learning, so as to exceed all the com­mendation that he could give, & renowned through all Europe. He writes afterward how that he first saw this rare monument of Antiquity in the company of Peireskius, and began to conjecture what it might represent. But because in pro­cesse of time he differed from the opinion of Peireskius, and it has been my hap sundry times to hear Peireskius discourse the businesse: there­fore it will not be, I hope, unpleasing, if I shall touch some principall differences of their Inter­pretations, in this place, for their sakes who shall endeavour to examine the matter, having the Achat it self, or its modell or the foresaid Book.

That figure therefore which Santamancius interprets to be Jupiter with Aeneas following him; Peireskius judged to be Augustus, by the help ofthe Goddesle Roma, lift up to Heaven, and he whom the other would have to be Au­gustus, he Interpreted to be Marcellus the [Page 198]Lover of Horses, whom the Fates only shewed the world, Rome intimating that she deliver­ed the Empire of the world, which he refused, over to Tiberius, that stood next beneath him. And truly, if you attentively consider the Achat, as far as the Copies do represent the same, you will acknowledge the Countenance of a Youth rather then of an old Man. In like manner, him, beneath Marcellus, whom Peireskius took to be Drusus the Son of Tiberius, with his hand stretched out towards Jupiter, as begging the Kingdom after his Father; Santamantius takes to be Numerius Atticus, contempla­ting with his eyes lifted up, and avouch­ing that Augustus was caught up into Heaven: And shee that sits by Drusus whom Peireskius took to be his wife Livilla, Santamantius sup­poses may be Julia the Daughter of Augustus who was banished; and him that was at the right hand of Jupiter, he believed to be Drusus the Brother of Tiberius; whom Peireskius sup­posed to be rather Julius Caesar. Touching Germanicus, Agrippina, and Caligula they differ'd not; nor touching Tiberius neither; save that Peireskius said that the Imperiall Robe com­passed with Serpents was Jupiters Target; and the Lance without an head, he called a Long Scepter, So he took her to be Antonia the Mother of Germanicus, whom Santamantius took to be Livia; & contrariwise he took her to be Livia, whom Santamantius supposed to be Antonia. But thus much may suffice to have spoken of this subject; by the way.

But Peireskius was so overjoyed by finding so rare a Curiositie, that he did not only invite Santamantius and all other men in Paris to see it; but he wrote also Letters thereof, into England, Germany, Italy, and all France over. But he wrote thereof in a speciall man­ner to Petrus Paulus Rubeus of Antwerpe, that most renowned Painter, and lover of all Anti­quities, but especially of Achats in which he was very skillfull; who came in a moment, to see it & set it forth in lively colours. And Peires­kius got a gallant picture of it, which he kept as a Jewell, besides divers Impressions thereof in Brimstone, Plaister of Paris, Paper, which he printed with the Achat it self.

Moreover by a great Providence he got the Impression of another rare Agat in Brim­stone, which was kept in the Emperours own Jewell-house. It was an Agat somewhat lesse then the former, which Philip the Fair left as a Legacie to the Nuns of Poissy (he having had it of the Knights of Jerusalem, who had got it in Palestine) and being stollen away in the civill wars it was by certain Merchants carried into Germany and sold to the Emperor Rudolphus Se­cundus for twelve thousand Crownes. Now the Impression thereof had been taken and pre­served, and I know not by what hap fell into the hands of Peireskius. Nor did he only get the Impression, but the true picture thereof likewise, wrought long-since by the Hand of that famous Painter Nicolas, whose rare work­manship [Page 200]is seen in the Gallery at Fountain Bleau. I passe over how he Interpreted the Figures thereon so, as to conceive they repre­sented the Apotheosis or Deifying of Augustus while he was Living. For, as we read in Jose­phus, that Herod made a Colossus or huge Image of Caesar, resembling Jupiter Olympius in forme and Magnitude, and another like a Ro­man resembling Argive Juno; so it seems that in these figures Augustus is represented in the ha­bit of Jupiter Olympius, together with the God­desse Roma, in the habit of Argive Juno: and in one place Jupiter and Juno are represented leaving their place and giving way; also the Signe of Scorpio drawing his Clawes together [to make roome for the new God] and such like.

Moreover, he was afterward troubled with a most vexatious disease in his Eyes. But, that I may proceed to shew you how many Designes he drove notwithstanding these Interruptions of diseases: he caused most elegant pictures to be cut in Copper, to illustrate a Book written by Rex Renatus Erle of Provence, concerningTilt­ings. Turnaments, which was to be printed; and that after he had obtained from Johannes Jaco­bus Chiffletius Vesuntinus a famous Physitian, another Book of Tornaments. Andreas Favinus mentions this care of his, in his Book of the Theater of Honour, and in his third Book of the Orders of Knight-hood. Also he reassumed his care of the Constantinian Kalender aforesaid, [Page 201]about which he therefore wrote to Schilderus, a Canon of Cameracum, from whom he had received it; also to Franciscus Carandelet us, Dean of the same Church, who was exceeding curious in all good things. He took care about divers things which were kept in the study of the Duke of Arschot and Rubeus aforesaid: in which point he was satisfied by Johannes Gaspar Gevartius, a famous and (if ever any) a true Schollar, with whom he had already contracted no sleight friendship at Paris. Moreover, he communicated all his rarer Coins with Ram­bervillerius, who dwelt at Vic, and Rambervil­lerius did reciprocally communicate such as he had, to him.

At the very beginning of the Spring,1621. the year following, he lay sick more than a moneth; so that he could neither accompany Varius, who was again to go with the King; nor per­form those many & great offices of freindship, which he had intended to Hugo Grotius, then newly come into France: for he prized him so highly, that he was wont to say; that France had gained him, in the stead of Scaliger. I shall not mention how afterward, when Grotius set himself to write the History of his own times, Peireskius did furnish him with divers monu­ments publike and private, which he had by him; also with very many which he had pro­cured out of Italy, namely, from Antonius Querengus, a learned and famous man, to whom many things had been sent out of France, [Page 201]because he was writing the Acts of Alexander Farnese Duke of Parma. About that time there passed thorow Paris the foresaid Vicelegatus à Balneo, who was sent the Popes Nuncio into Flanders: who being desirous to see all things in the City which were remarkable; Peireskius was recovered in a seasonable time, to lead him up and down to learned men, to studies, to all rare works, and with great alacrity, though but one, to persorm such offices as were hardly to be expected from many together.

And this was in the moneth of July: Au­gust followed, the saddest moneth that ever he knew. For therein diedMr. du Vair. Varius, and it ex­treamly troubled him, that during his eight dayes sicknesse, he could not be with him to perfom all the last duties of a friend. Now that great man died at Tonins in Agennois, at the siege of Clerac, on the third day of the moneth, to the great grief of all France. But how Peireskius was peculiarly afflicted with this accident, it is needlesse for me to relate. For his disposition, by this time sufficiently known, with the vehement love he bare towards him and his continual observances, do speak enough, though I be slent. All that wrote verses of the death of Varius, did, not without cause dedi­cate their said veses to Peireskius, among the rest Hugo Grotius was one, who thus bespeaks him;

Though thou who wast the comfort of his cares,
By which he steer'd the State-affairs of France,
Do'st, more than all, lament with dolefull tears,
His fate, as if it were thy proper chance;
Brave Peiresk, who deserv'st a better lot,
All France is envious at this thy grief.
And since his Countrey and the World a shot
Must pay, she will not have thee mourn in chief.

Also Petrus Bertius, who among other passages, thus exprest himself:

But, O Peiresk since God will have it so,
Why do we sadly mourn? Let's set a bound
Unto our griefs: for we must also go,
When Fates do call, though now both well and sound.

To let passe others; I shall onely say, That whereas Peireskius was very carefull that Va­rius might have all the honour which was due to his Dignities and Virtues, he did it, as being one of the three which were the Overseers of his last Will (having had a Legacie consisting chiefly of Gothick Coins); and because he could not sufficiently restifie the affection he bare to his deceasd friend.

This hard chance was attended by another, which he bare likewise very mournfully. For Barclay died at Rome, just then almost, when Varius died in the Camp: so that Peireskius heard of his buriall, when he expected from him a consolatory Letter and an Epitaph, Just [Page 204]about the same time it happened, that Peireskius urged him to finish his Argenis: wherefore a­mong other things it grieved him, that Barclay had not finisht that Work according to his own Mind. It was some comfort to him, that he had first gotten a most elegant pourtraicture of Barclay: to which he would needs have an E­ingie subscribed, ont of the rich vein of Gro­tius, which also he sent to Debonerus. Nor were these accidents enough: but there soon follow­ed the death of another, which he took most passionately. It was the death of Henry of Lor­reigne, Duke of Mayenne, who was slain at Mount-Alban, the sixth day of September. His love to Peireskius was vehement, and full of candor; which made him take upon himself, of his own accord, to protect the Abbey of Gui­stres in Guyenne, and to preserve the Lands and Inhabitants, during that war.

When tidings of his death were brought, Pei­reskius was troubled with a pain in his kid­neyes and the Strangury, which lasted eight dayes; about the beginning whereof, he was not able to behold that Prodigie, which caused great admiration, being seen not onely in the Camp, but at Paris also, and all France over, viz. a Remarkable Brightnesse, which in the night following the Twelfth day, was seen in the Northern part of the Skie all over, so that for many hours together, it represented the clearest Sun-rise. This was wonderfull, the Moon not shining; but it was more wonder­full, [Page 205]to see a vapour which was shed abroad in the same quarter, distinguished (as it were) in­to whitish obscure pillars, set in rows; being exactly perpendicular to the Horizon, and mo­ving very slowly from the East unto the West. Finally, it was a miracle, to see a little after (as it were) certain Pyramids or Spires, arising from the white appearances, reaching to the top of the Skie, very white; out of which there shot vapours very thin and exceeding white, as swift as lightening.

This I mention, because Peireskius was glad that we observed the same; whereby he was assured, that it was nothing but a sport of Na­ture, which many interpreted to be some mili­tary preparation, or the Idea of a Battell. The truth is, some affirmed that they saw Armies in Battell-aray, and Horse and Foot marching; and how at last they saw the fight, and bullets flying out of the guns. Tis wonder they said not, that they heard the sound of Trumpets, and the cries of the Souldiers; seeing the same cre­dulous & humane frailty was cause of those o­ther figments. Tis truly credible, that if not all, yet very many such tales, related in Histories, have proceeded from the same Original, and de­serve no greater credit.

But to return to those sad accidents; I need not speak of the death of Cardinall Bellarmin, which happened about the same time at Rome. For though Peireskius was somewhat troubled when he heard of it, yet was he comsorted by the opinion which he had preconceived, and the fame which was soon spread abroad of his [Page 206]admirable Sanctity. I am rather to speak of the death of Paulus Gualdus, which happened in October, the tidings whereof were enough to kill him with sorrow, for all his great constan­cie. For we may estimate his grief for the death of this man, by considering the acquaintance he had with him, at the house of Pinellus, and the various kindnesses, and most sweet Letters, which had passed between them for above twenty years together. Peireskius had sent him a little before, besides divers Prospective-Glas­ses, augmenting Glasses lately found out by Cornclius Drebel, who was likewise of Alcmair, and Engineer to the King of Great Britain. Moreover, because Gualdus had so long, and so much loved him; he therefore made exceeding much of his brothers children, Joseph the Arch-Presbyter, and John Baptist the Knight; espe­cially the latter, who seating himself at Rome, as he was most studious of all good things, so provided he himself with a plentifull store­house thereof.

There was another sad accident, which I know not whether I should relate, at which he happened to be present, though not properly concerned: which was that same memorable fire which happened upon the double Bridge which stands on piles, by means whereof not onely the said Bridge was burnt, and the houses thereon built, but the wares also of the Silver-Smiths, and Mercers which sold silks, were burnt or drowned. Peireskius quickly ran thi­ther, and beheld the fire with great grief, and carefully set down all the mischief which was [Page 207]done by the unspeakable violence of the flames. And he was wont to say, that he would give any money for a picture that should represent to the life those vast rowling flames. For Nero saw nothing so horrible, when he beheld Rome on fire; for those buildings were of stone, but these were wholly in a manner wood: nor was there such a floud beneath, nor such immense gulfs.

After these things, he began to think of re­turning home; but he prolonged the time by little and little, till a year or two more were past. About the same time the custody of the great Seal was committed to Mericus Vicus, a chief friend of his, of whom we have made of­ten mention, and to Ludovisus Faber Caumar­tinus, both of which were desirous to seem In­heritors of the affection which Varius had born towards him. Moreover, he continued in the affection and esteem of the Masters of the Ex­chequer, who dearly loved him, and that prin­cipally, because he never demanded any thing for himself, but was onely an Intercessour for good and deserving men. Again, he made no end of sending books up and down. And there­fore Canaden especially, Tis fit (sayes he) that I return you a thousand thanks for your great muni­ficence, and the great store of most excellent books which I have received from you.

When he sent to Selden, he desired him, that if but for his sake, he would observe the situa­tion of the English Churches, whether to such as entered they stood East, and whether they look towards the Aequinoctiall, or either Sol­stice. [Page 208]For he accounted it a thing worth the en­quiry,1622. that he might find out (as I suppose) whether our Ancestours worshipped towards the Winter Sun-rise, or some other way; be­cause according to the ancient tradition of the Church, our Lord Christ, who is termed the East, or Sun-rise, was born when the Sun was in the Winter Tropick. He had already sped well at Paris in this enquiry: for Jacobus Alle­almus, a famous Mathematician, having exami­ned the matter, found that all the ancient Churches, did decline from the Aequinoctiall to the Winter Sun-rise, that of San-Victorina onely excepted, which declined toward the Summer Sun-rise; as for the San-Benedictine Church, he made no reckoning thereof, which he conceived was termed Bistornata, because it had been twice turned, or ill turned.

Moreover he procured for Learned men the Copies of very many Manuscripts, as namely out of the Escuriall and Vatican Libraries: out of which, besides others, he got a Coppy of Syncellus, with which he helpt the Learned Johannes Raptista Altinus, who was then set­ting forth the said author with Expositions. And whereas upon that occasion, he had sent to Alcmannus an exquisite Ichnographiall de­scription of the Porch of Sancta Genovefa, and of divers other places, he received of him for the foresaid Altinus, a Copy of the Anecdota of Pro­copius, to the end they might be printed. Al­so he obtained both out of the Vatican and out of the Ambrosian Library at Millain, certain [Page 209]Copies of Africanus and otherBooks of the art of Ordering an Army. Tactiks, for the sake of Ludovicus Machaltus a Valiant Man, Studious of millitary Authors and of the Ma­thematicks. He it was, to whom Peireskius did demonstrate in a certain beautifull Diagram, the way to multiply the species and appearance of one and the same thing, between Two Glasses, declining laterally one from another.

Moreover, when Nicolaus Bergerus of Rhemes wrote in French an History of the publick Waies of the Roman Empire, which the Greeks terme Basilicas [the Kings high-waies] he testi­fied in his Preface, that Peireskius acquainted him with an Itinerarie Table or Map, very ne­cessary for his work. Now it is the same, which M. Velserus got out of the Library of the Pen­tingeri (two sheets being first happily found and illustrated with a Commentary) and which Abrahamus Ortelius after long looking obtained, and first lest to be published by Johannes More­tus; and Petrus Bertius, by the advice of Peires­kius joyned to his Ptolemy. Moreover Sundry, Offices he performed to divers Learned Men As to Johannes Mocenicus, from whom divers most rare Curiosities had been stollen at Ve­nice: to Claudius Menetrius Vesuntinus, Studi­ous of Antiquities, and who had Letters from Chissletius; to one Cuffler of kin to Drebelt, and skillfull in making Augmenting glasses, who was going into Italie: and to very many more.

Another year was now begun,1623. and it was [Page 210]the 12th. day of February, when visiting the Chancellor de Sillery, and finding there a knot of illustrious and Learned Men, he ac­quainted them, that there was Snow fallen of a Sexangular or starlike figure. The businesse being observed by the Company; and all coun­ting it to be a prodigie, he discoursed unto them, how that it was a more usuall thing then any man will believe. For every Winter it does divers times snow such, like Stars: but no man observes it, both because those Stars do turn to shapelesse fleakes; and because falling down single, they quickly melt away, or being mixt one with another are soon confounded. And that the Contexture was wonderfull con­sisting of three small stroakes crossing one the other, so that six raies are seen proceeding as it were out of one Centre: Nor seems it lesse wonderfull, that those raies are sometimes naked, and sometimes have as it were leaves and branches upon them, otherwhiles seeming inserted into a Nave, like the spoaks of a Wheele and other such like observations, which a friend had informed him of. Another while he endeavoured to shew the reason of the snows whitenesse, proceeding from very small bub­bles reflecting the Light; and of its starlike forme, proceeding from six aequilaterall trian­ges, into which figures, circular bodies do na­turally dispose themselves: and nothing seem­ed to him more probable then that snow is so med of seems proper thereunto: even as the various sorts of stones are made in the same [Page 211]manner, receiving their proper figures as Plants and Animals do.

Whereupon it was by one then demanded, whether these seeds were cause of the years fruitfulnesse, seeing Husbandmen avouch, that the fields do then yeild the most encrease, when they have been longest covered with snow. Against which he excepted, that the seeds of snow are one thing, the seeds of Plants another; nor do Plants therefore spring up more abun­dantly, because the snow by its fatnesse (as some Imagine) does make the Lands fruitfull: but because it keeps in and represses those fat ex­halations, which steem out of the Earth, and turnes them into nourishment for the Corne. Which may be better understood, if we consi­der, that the said exhalations being hot, the snow is below so melted as to give way to the grow­ing Plants, being crusted and vaulted above, and when the warmness of the Spring approach­es, it goes away in great fragments, by the sides of the mountaines, leaving behind it the Herbs and Corne grown up. Hence occasion was taken to discourse of the force of such wa­ters as proceed from molten snow; so that this must now be acknowledged the cause of the Overflowing of Nilus; and he having said, that all this water of melted snow did not passe away in Torrents, but was partly imbibed into the earth, to encrease the fountain waters, seeing the Fountain de Vau-cluse did not run more abundantly, but was also a little troubled [Page 212]after snow was melted; the whole Company was very desirous to hear him discourse at large, touching the Originall of Fountaines.

Whereupon explaining his opinion, than which he had none wherein he was more fixt & resolved; he declared that he could never con­ceive that the originall of Fountaines was from the Sea, nor caused by the conversion of Aire into water but that they spring rather from rain wa­ters (melted snow contributing) which falling far and near, are so drunk in, & pierce so far into the Earth, till they meet with certain Receptacles or wells, the bottome whereof is stone, Tar­ras, or some such matter, fit to hold water; which have beneath certain narrow passages, by which the Collected water, issues gently, fo that the stream is continued for many daies moneths and years. For proof whereof he al­leadged, that all the most notable Springs were at the bottomes of Mountaines; in which, being of a rocky nature, there are many such Receptacles or Cisternes, which run at last all unto one: and fountaines which arise in plain grounds, may be derived from the Receptacles of Mountaines far off, being brought along through channels under ground. And that by the same reason waters might flow not far from the tops of lower Hills; and in case they have not Receptacles sufficient of their own, they might by the like Passages be brought thither from the Recepacles of higher Mountaines; seeing water flowes so far upward, according to [Page 213]the heighth from which it first came. Whence also he collected, that there could be no foun­taines in the Continent, nor in Islands; which doubtlesse are highter then the surface of the Sea, if Fountaines came from the Sea; because water will rise no higher then the place from whence it fell. For, that vvaters should spring out in the very tops of the highest Mountaines, as is Vulgarly reported, vvas not credible, there being no Eye-vvitnesse to testifie the same. And that therefore the Cause vvhy in the Summer, especially after great Drought, Fountaines are dried up, or run very penuriously, can be no other then that the vvaters contained in the foresaid receptacles, are either quite spent or much di­minished. Whence it is, that after Rains the Fountaines run again, that is to say, not after leight or seldom showers, but after large and continuali Raines of many daies and moneths durance. Yet it is true, as the Scriptures saies, that the Originall of Rivers and Fountaines is from the Sea; in asmuch as partly out of the open Sea, partly out of such waters thereof as enter into the Cavities and secret passages of the Earth, vapours are raised, which being turned into Rain, do cause fountaines and Rivers, af­ter the manner aforesaid.

He perceived afterwards that it was necessary for him to depart, and therefore he consented at length to the setting forth of that little Treatise De Magnae Deūm Matris, Attidis (que) initiis. Which because it contained an Inter­pretation [Page 214]of certain Characters or Hierogly­phicks, which were seen upon a certain brazen hand found at Tornay, which Peireskius received from Dionysius Villerius; he had been instant for three years, that Pignorius would change his dedication, and inscribe it to Villerius. Which when he could not obtain, he would not have the Edition longer deferred, Pignorius reason­ing the Case with him in these words. There are many reasons which make me dedicate the same to you; but above all, your singular humanity, whereby you have so wholly obliged me and all that I am, by your daily kindnesses, that I haveinothing remaining which I may truly call mine own. In the next place, your great and Various Learning, by which you have wonderfully treasur'd up in your Mind and thought, all Antiquity, and what­soever any where is rare and excellent. Also he caused to be printed two Books of Mathemati­call Epistles of Georgius Ragusaeus, or against Arts divinatory, which he had received from Paulus Gauldus, and which he had left to his beloved Hannibal Fabrotus the forementioned President of Aix, who abode then at Paris. So was he very carefull, that the workes of Varius might be printed with all Additions possible: which because he could not see done (as his desire was) before he departed, therefore he lest the whole Care of the Edition to Duchesnius, to see it finished. In like manner leaving behind him a new Edition of the Poems of Cardinall Barberinus half finished, with additions; he committed the whole Care thereof to Viassius [Page 215]who was then at Paris, and freely profered his service to that intent.

Moreover, that which so constrained him to hasten his return, was the old Age and encreas­ing sicknesse of his Father. Yet would he have tarried till Autume, had he not been necessita­ted to passe through Aquitania, being resolved to view a certain Abbey, which made him take the more time. Wherefore he departed in the moneth of August from Paris, where he had spent seven years and some moneths. When he same to Orleance, he received Letters from Debonaerus residing at Rome, acquainting him that Cardinall Barberinus was chosen Pope, by the name of Urbanus Octavus. Being glad thereof, he presently wrote an Epistle gratula­tory to the Pope, which how delightfull it was to him, both Debonaerus himself and also Ale­ander did signifie. Also Francisus the Popes Nephew, who was thence forward called Car­dinall Barberinus, signified as much; who was a man continually devoted to advance good Arts, and a rare favourer of Learned Men, be­ing himself inchanted with the allurements of all ingenuous studies. He from that time for­ward, both sent to and received from Peires­kius frequent Letters, most full as well of Learn­ing as of Humanity and Love.

Departing from Orleance, he had (among others) in his company, the forementioned Jo­hannes Lombardus, for whom seven years be­fore he had obtained, and sent him, when he [Page 216]thought not of it, a copy of the Description of all the Hundreds, or Sub-oivisions, and publike Edifices in Provence. His Father Reginaldus had sent him to hasten his return; and Peires­kius was delighted to have him in his compa­ny, because he judged that he would be usefull unto him. For which cause he was fain al­wayes to have in readinesse pen, paper, ruler, compasse, wax, brimstone, and such like im­plements; to draw, exscribe, adumbrate, in Seals and Transcripts, what ever they should meet with, worthy of observation. And consequent­ly, at Anjou he chiefly desired the Pourtraicts of the Princes of the family of Anjou, such as he could obtain out of Glasse-windows, and out of the Churches of St. Maurice, and the Franciscans. He stayed somewhat long at Tours, because besides many other things, he was much taken up with the Records of St. Martin, wherein are preserved the Charters of the Kings, and other very ancient Acts and Monu­ments. Touching the Abbey, he was wholly taken up in perswading a reparation, and in designing how to repair those remarkable ru­ines, which had happened to the Monastery in the civill wars. I should be verily too tedious, if I should recount those innumerable things which he observed all his journey thorow, and all the testimonies of honour and good will, which he received at Bourdeaux, Tolouse, and in other places, in which there was no man considerable for dignity or learning, who desi­red not to see and speak with him.


IT was now October when he came home, ex­pected indeed by very many, but chiefly by his Father, who was then somewhat better. And not long after his return, he presented to the Court a Patent from the King, whereby his Majesty per­mitted him to continue in the function of his an­cient Dignity, or to exercise the Office of a secu­lar or lay-person, as they phrased it; notwith­standing that being made an Abbot, he had assu­med the person of a Church-man. And the Court of Parliament did not assent thereunto, but voted unanimously, and decreed, that being already ad­mitted into the first Rank, he should abide per­petually therein; not returning as the customa­ty course was, to the inferior Auditory, wherein trials are usually had of criminal Cases. More­over, he obtained likewise a Rescript from the Pope, to license him to be present at the Judge­ment of capital Causes (because even in the high­er auditory, some select Cases of that nature were customarily heard) but he never made use of the same; but alwayes when they came to vote, and two or three had given their voyces, for some [Page 2]capital punishment, he was wont to depart, and give no vote.

As soon as ever he opened his study, he was ex­ceedingly amazed, when he must his Box, in which he had lockt up his chiefest Rarities. There were taken away, besides ancient coines of Gold, to the weight of a thousand Crowns; a thousand two hundred precious stones, with sculptures upon them, and some other things besides. He mist e­specially amongst his Coins, an Aegyptian Talent, or Arsinoë, the Wife of Philadelphus, of ten Crowns weight, and a golden Spur-royal of Lewis surnamed the devout, of which we told you be­fore, he thought there was not the like to be had: Among his engraven stones, a green one with the Head and Inscription of Servius Sulpitius; and an Onyx which has bin mentioned more then once, with the Head of Aëtio King of Sicilie, and the Ornament of a Phrygian Tiara: It troubled him the more, because he durst not prosecute against the party he supposed had stollen them. For he could not do that, lest the losse should come to his Fathers Eare, who had bona fide, and mistrust­ing nothing, given the Key to one of the City, who was used to the House, that he might out at the study window, prune a vine that grew up: now his fear was, that if his Father should come to know how treacherously the man had dealt, it would increase the violence of his Disease. And therefore, he was exceeding cautious, that no­thing might come to his Eare; yea, and when he asked him, if he found all well in his study, he answered him, that all was right and well.

Howbeit, he neglected not, with singular sa­gacity, to seek after his lost things. Whereupon, [Page 3]not to say with what diligence, silence, caution, he sent his letters, and faithful friends up and down; he proved at last so happy, as to recover the greatest part of such things as he most re­spected. To be sure, he obtained his precious stones, and among the rest, his Aëtio, and Servius Sulpitius: and he accounted it very happy, that he had adorned neither of them with Gold; for so they would have bin utterly lost, as some o­thers were, to whom their Gold, was that which sold them off. So, a long while after, he got his Aegyptian, or Theban Talent, for which he took at the first, a journey on purpose to Marseille, and lost his labour. But as for the Spur-royal of Lewis the devout, I never heard that he got it again.

This losse troubled his friends a long time, a­mong whom there were some, who after that they had condoled with him therefore, did with all, congratulate with him, as one that seemed to be raised from the dead. For a rumour had bin spread abroad touching his death; which was first raised at Paris, by a raskal that had some design in it. Wherefore he, as soon as he could, certified them of what he had found again, and touching himself he wished the most excellent Cambden might be as well, as he was at that time alive.

After he had gaiued a little rest from these cares, he returned to his old Trade of assisting learned men. Of which Grotius alone may serve for a witness, who at the beginning of the new year, I am not idle (sayes he writing to him) but I proceed in my work, de Jure Gentium, which if it prove such as may gain the good will of the Readers, Posterity will be obliged to thank you, who have stir­red me up unto this work, both by your assistance [Page 4]and exhortation. 1624. And a little after, But you proceed to obliege me, seeing even now you show your self in good earnest, sensible of my losses; and as, when I was present, I found you a Patron, so in absence, I feel you a Comforter. I, for my part, am for your only sake, so obliged to France, that I had rather undergo the utmost extremity, then leave this place. And again, I sent you a letter, which contained in it, nothing which concerned you to know; but was only a testimony of that gratitude, which I do and shall owe to you, for so many exceeding benefits wherewith I have been by you assisted and adorned. Now that same work de Jure Gentium, of which Grot [...]us makes mention in this place, seems to have bin no other then that famous Book de Ju­re B [...]lli & Pacis, which he printed a year after. Sure I am, when he sent Peireskius one of his said Books, he sent a letter with it, out of which, take these following passages. Accipe jussis Carmina caepta tuis (sayes the Poet) Accept these Verses made at your Command. But I, most worthy Pei­reskius, do send to you not a Verse, but a Book begun by your Exhortation and your Advice. I might add, that my present dwelling in France, is not a little in­debted to you, by whose meanes I have bin brought acquainted with most excellent men: so that in this respect also, if any fruit come thereby, you may justly challenge the same. If I shall say, that it is a great grief to me, that I cannot enjoy your presence, nor discourses, I shall say no more then is the very truth; but your noble Brother affords me some solace in this my losse, vour Brother (I say) not only by Nature, but Humanity, who, &c.

I passe over his great care to get the Picture of Grotius, drawn by the hand of Duvricius; and [Page 5]the happiness he accounted it, to have withall, the Pictures of Salmasius, Petrus Puteanus, Hierony­mus Bignonus (that great light of learning in ge­neral, the Lawes in special, and of justice in the Parliament) and other of his friends. He had sent first to the Puteans, the Copies of such as he had, viz. of Vincentius Pinellus, and Julius Caesar Sca­liger, intending to send likewise those of Pascha­linus, Portaeus, Pacius, Cambden, Lobellius, Bar­claius, Maranus, and many more. And because I have fallen to speak of Pictures, I may well add those which he obtained, about this time, of the Pope, and the Cardinals Cobellutius and Barberi­nus. Also he desired to have at the same time, the Picture of Virginius Caesarinus; but death preven­ted the Painter, much about the time when Pei­reskius returned thanks for a Copy of the Sagiator of Galilaeus, that is to say, a Book of his, touching Comets, which Galilaeus had made against the Libra Astronomica, a Book so called of Lothnrius Sarsius (or by transposition of Letters, Horatius Grassius) which dedicated to Virginius him­self.

Moreover, he was not forgetful of a promise, long since made to the Pope to procure him some Reliques of St. Magddalen. For, seeing the people, some few years before at San-Maximitan, hin­dred the same by an Insurrection which they made, he went now with the Command of the King, the Authority of the Parliament, and in company of the chief President, making use of the Marshal and his men, to guard him; and so he ob­tained at length, that which the Pope piously de­sired. Whereupon the Cardinal gave him very great thanks in the Popes name, who testified [Page 6]likewise, how acceptable his recommendation was, as of other French Gentlemen, so especially of the foresaid Thuanus, who after he had view­ed the Western parts of the World, was thinking also to visit the Eastern Countries.

Moreover, He was very busie in ordering the affairs of the Bishoprick of Regium, wherewith the most excellent Cardinal Guido Bentivolus, was endowed at the Kings Request. Which he did out of that great love and friendship, which he had maintained with the said Cardinal, ever since he came the Popes Nuncio into France; in which place he succeeded Cardinal Robertus Ubaldinus, who likewise had bin a great Lover of Peireskius. Nor must it be forgotten, that in the mean while, Cardinal Bentivolus, was a most earnest Interce­der to gain out of the rich Treasury of Rarities belonging to Scipio Cardinal Burghesius, divers Models of Weights, measures, and other things, to send to Peireskius. At the same time there was at Rome Claudius Menetrius aforesaid: who also sent them, and added divers ancient Weights, with Models and Seals; nor did he afterward cease from sending Coines, and what ever other Monu­ments of antiquity, which Rome could afford, at what price soever.

Furthermore, He was in a manner wholly ta­ken up, in ministring unto his sick Father. But when his pains seemed to be somewhat allayed in the Summer, he went to his Countrey house at Beaugensier, whence ere that he returned, he would needs go to Tolon, to fish for Coral. For it growes but in few places of our Seas; but especi­ally in a narrow passage, which is distant from the Promontoty called Citharistes, but two Pro­vence [Page 7]vence-miles. And because he was informed that it was an excellent season to pluck the same; therefore he hired a small Vessel, and chose fit­ting persons, by whom he was carried till such time as the tops of certain Hills and Mountains meeting to the Eye in a right line, were a token of the place he was told of. Then they let down by a Rope a woodden Crosse, with Nets fastned to it; and as soon as they perceived it was upon the ground, they drew it all about, to and fro, this way and that way, that the Coral Plants might be intangled in the Net. When they had done so, long enough, the Engine was pulled up, and he observed how the Nets had broken off, and brought away many Plants of Coral, with very many dry and rotten fragments, which had at some other time bin pluckt up, and left at the bottom, or had fallen out, as the Nets were drawn up. Moreover, the Plants which were then pluckt up and drawn out, were neither red, nor handsome, till their Bark was pulled off: in some parts they were soft, and would give way to the hand, as towards the tops, which being broken, and squeesed, they sent forth milk, like that of Figs; and when the compression ceased, we might see them pricked with little holes, which seemed to be the empty veins, wherein the milk had bin contained. Which milk, because he was informed to be very caustick or burning, therefore he was exceeding careful, that none of it might come upon his Skin. And because by enquiry he had learnt that it was as the seed of the Coral, so that if it touched any solid thing as a shell of a Fish, a Stone, or the like, it would engender a Coral Plant, that would grow thereupon: there­fore [Page 8]he conjectured, how Coral might come to grow upon the Scull forementioned. There were in the Nets many other Plants besides the Co­rals, also very many living things were intangled therein; particularly, a Snail without a shell. All which Masse of varieties being carried to Beau­gensier, he caused to be dryed in an Oven, and so preserved. And he observed, that the Snail dis­solved into a purple liquor, and dyed all that toucht it with a most perfect purple colour: which made him a little doubt, whether that were not the true Purple, and this liquor the right Ostrum, which anciently they dyed their Garments with, and which they termed Murex Tyrius.

The remainder of this and the year following, which was 1625. he could not at all leave his Fa­ther, save so long as necessity required him to wait upon the Legate. For that year, the Pope to mannage the common affairs of Christendom, had sent Cardinal Barberinus into France, who a­bout the beginning of Spring, landed upon the Coasts of Provence. He was to have landed at Marseil; but a Tempest compelled him to put into the Haven of Tolon, whence passing to Ave­nion, he was to go through Aix. Peireskius there­fore went, and met him about three or four miles from the City, and took all care possible, that he might enter the City with those Honours which had bin decreed him, as suitable to his Dignity: but the Legat for some Reason best known to himself, chose rather to passe beside the City, and to turn to Lambest: whence the next day he went to Avenion, but Peireskius went not with him; but the fourth day after, he came and brought his old [Page 9]Friend Aleander with him,1625. whom he had in the mean time kept at his own House, and feasted him gallantly. For Aleander being taken into the Family of the Cardinal, was in his Retinue, together with the Noble Knight Cassianus a Pu­teo, who verily how rare a man he was, all good and learned Men at Rome do testifie, being to him obliged: also with the divers-times formerly mentioned Debonaerus, whom both for his own worth, and for the memory of Barclay, he could not sufficiently embrace: also with Johannes Bap­tista Donius, a man of profound learning, whom the Cardinal would needs have for his Secretary, for the Latine Tongue; and with the very good Ludovicus Aubrius Menilius of Paris, of whom he had received divers courtesies, both at Paris and at Rome. And there were divers other learned men in his Retinue; but I mention only the special friends of Peireskius.

Moreover Peireskius would willingly have fol­lowed the Cardinal, for he was resolved not to leave him neither at Paris, nor while he was in France: but the tender affection he bore to his Father, being grievously afflicted with sickness, could not permit his absence. But his Brother be­ing at Paris, he wrote unto him, to perform the duty to his Father, which himself could not. He wrote also to divers friends, and namely to Ru­bens, who was then drawing Pictures to adorn the Gallery at Luxemberg, belonging to the Queen Mothers new Palace: because he knew, that he through the happiness and sweetness of his wit, and the plenty of exquisite things which he had, would be delightful unto him. Also a principal reason why himself could not be from his Father [Page 10]was, because the two Physicians which his Fa­ther always had great hope in, were both dead: for Jacobus Fontanus dyed, when he himself was at Paris; but Antonius Merindolus, died a little after Christmas foregoing.

Where I must tell you by the way; the grief which Peireskius conceived for the death of this man, was as great in a manner as great could be. For both his rare learning, and very gentle man­ners, long acquaintance, and most civil offices, had long since knit them in an extraordinary band of friendship. I do not tell you what Pei­reskius did contribute towards this friendship: for 'tis fitter you should know that, out of the last will of Merindol, expressed in the Dedication of his Works. For there he declared, That he would have his Works passe into the world un­der the Patronage of the most Christian King: Neverthelesse (saies he) I would have my Treatise of Feavors go by it self, to the end it may carry in its front, a name most dear to me of all others, viz. the name of Monsieur Nicolas Fabricius of Peiresc, Counsellour to his Majesty in the Parliament of Aix, and Abhot of Guistres, a Gentleman most flourishing in Riches and Learning, accompanied with Vertue. For I have alwaies found him a man of ancient integrity, of candid manners, and a conti­nual Patron of my studies: and therefore I desire by the Dedication of this Book, as by a Bond and Seal, to testifie to all the world, for how many and how great benefits, I acknowledge my self obliged unto him.

To return to his Fathers Disease: for an year and half he had been tormented with pains in his Bladder and Kidneys, and a most pertinaci­ous [Page 11]Gout. And a moneth or two after, the Di­sease came to that height, as that little stones were taken out of the joynts of his Feet, and that in so great a number, that in 8 months space, they did equal his Feet in bulk: and because they could seldom or never be drawn out, but that ends of Nerves and Tendons were drawn away with them; therefore within the foresaid time, they were five times gangraenated. Moreover, Peireskius was alwaies present, not only consul­ting about and together with the Physicians and Chirurgions, prescribing both Medicines and Diet; but also preparing and setting his own hand to every thing, and what ever his Father took, giving it himself. For that was his Fathers desire, and it was so sweet unto him, that he found not any thing which did more mitigate his pains. Being therefore thus continually bu­sied, so that except some urgent occasions in Par­liament required, he was never from his Fa­thers side; it was no wonder that himself, be­sides his frequent Strangury, had his Haemor­rhoids so provoked, that a very troublesome tu­mour bred in that Part.

Therewith he was now grievously troubled, about the beginning of October, when he heard that the Cardinal Legat was upon his return. Delaying therefore to Physick himself, he first prescribed how his Father was to be ordered; and then went to the Legat to Avenion. But his Father transcending a little his prescribed bounds, fell presently into a Catarrhe; where­upon the Physicians despairing, thought good to send for Peireskius home again. As soon as word was brought him, he returned, but found his Fa­ther [Page 12]so weak,1624. that he could be kept alive but two daies longer. The good man therefore died to the great grief of his excellent son: but the coming of the Legat would not long suffer him, to testifie his sorrow; for he was to entertain him, in his House. For the Coarse was but just carried to the Church, when tydings came that the Le­gat was at hand. Wherefore, having brought back the Funeral Pomp to his House; he pre­sently went forth, and met the Legat scarce half a mile of. He having performed the due Cere­monies at Church, according to custome, ent [...]ed the house of Perieskius; and it was a wonder to see the whole face thereof so suddenly changed, so that the wals, which because of the Funeral be­ing hung all with black, did testifie sorrow; were presently, being hung a fresh with red, because of the aproach of the Guest, made to expresse the greatest chearfulnesse possible. Moreover, as soon as he was saluted by Parliament, and all the other orders of the City, the Tables were so furnished, that a more magnificent provision could not be imagined. Eight dineing rooms, were served at one and the same time, without any confusion, and the high courage of Peireskius was to be admired, whose Providence was not disturbed by the sadnesse following his Fathers death. When all was taken away, the Legat desired also to view his Study, and to passe over some sweet houres in familiar discourse, and in viewing the rarities. This, Viasius harpt up­on, in his Panegyric to Urbanus Octavus, in these verses among the rest.

So did we see him in his way from France,
Unto Peiresk his noble House advance,
That House renown'd for Vertue, and the Praise
Of ancient Gentrie, and the Muses Baies.
Where all that's left of Athens and old Rome
Inshrined lies, as in a sacred Tombe.

When at his departure he brought him on his way, he was forced to go to Riants, where, upon pretence of his Fathers Death, the Tenants be­gan to make some stir; where composing things as well as he could, and the contrariety of the wind holding the Legat still at the Port of Tolon, he went to him again thither, and presented him with a couple of Goats with long ears hanging down so low, that if their heads be a little bowed down, they touch the ground. The Cardinal having finished this legation, soon after began another. For he went Legate into Spain; but by force of weather, he was divers times stayed upon the Coasts of Provence. But his chief stop was at the Tower of Buquia, which stands at the ingress of the Martigian Coast, or the Sea Colony; so that Peireskius, could hear of him and come to him. Which was doubtlesse a great solace to the Legat; for besides his most delightful com­pany some daies enjoyed, Books were also brought him, with the reading whereof the te­diousness of the time was abated. Among the rest, there were certain observations, touching the ebbing and flowing of the Seas, which Peires­kius had not long before caused to be collected by Antonius Natalis a Physician of Provence, who dwelt in Bretagne, which because they excee­dingly pleased the Legat, he promised to do his [Page 14]endeavour,1626 to procure more of them. Also he further promised him, That he would acquaint him with whatever he met with, temarkable in that Legation; and particularly, that he would procure, which Peireskius chiefly desired, the Epi­taphs to be written out, and Pictures to be taken of the Earls of Barcellone, especially of Alphon­sus sirnamed the Chast.

Moreover, Peireskius returned home troubled with an exceeding great Rheum, besides pains in his Kidneys, and other disorders contracted by reason of his Fathers sickness, which would not let him sleep a nights, nor suffer him to rest so much as in his Bed. Amongst other refresh­ments, books were not the least: for he received di­vers from sundry his friends, some of which made mention of him: as one, for example, called Glossarium Archaeologicum, containing an Exposi­tion of Barbarous Latine words, whose Author was Sir Henry Spelman of England, who in the Preface to his Work, If I should speak of persons (quoth he) beyond the Seas, I was in no small mea­sure incited from France, by the most noble Nico­laus Fabricius Peireskius, his Majesties Counsel­lour in the Parliament of Aix, Hieronymus Bigno­nus, &c. Where you must observe, that Bigno­nus and those other persons whom he there men­tions, were set on by Peireskius to sollicite Spel­man to set out his Book. Also, the notes of Pig­norius upon the Book of Vincentius Cartarus of the Images of the Gods; also his symbolical Epi­stles, in the 29 whereof Pignorius recites to Pei­reskius an Epistle of Marsilius Ficinus, touching the occasion of the friendship between him and Bembus, both born on one and the same day, [Page 15]out of a Book, which was in the study of Pinellus, which you and I (quoth he) knew in its flourishing condition.

Also he was very inquisitive after divers Mo­numents of Antiquity, which he would have brought to Aix. A principal was a Marble Tomb of most elegant fabrick, which being dug up near Brignolle, he sent a Cart on purpose, and twenty industrious chosen men, to fetch the same. This Monument, verily, he esteemed so highly of, that when afterwards Rubens was to go into Spain, he could not tell what better Argument to use, to in­tice him thither, then to tell him of the sight thereof; and when he observed therein some I­mages, which either through Age or bad usage were defaced, he would needs have from Rome, a Model in plaister of another, in which he had ob­served the like figures, that after the example thereof, he might cause them to be repaired. Also he was comforted by one Barbleus of Colen, an in­dustrious young man, and skilled in Physick, who made him paper spheres of all sorts, that is to say, according to the Hypotheses of Ptolomy, Coperni­cus, Ticho, and others. Nor must I forget, how he was exceedingly refreshed with the exceeding courteous society of Jacobus Lorinus a Jesuite, who had commented upon the Psalms, who when he first returned from Rome, came to him at Avenion, and bestowed upon him a treatise of Bellarmines, written with his own hand. Finally to divert himself, he read at that time a Book ter­med Arelatense Pontificium, made by Petrus Saxius, a Canon of Arles. But he took it very ill, that he I know not out of what respect, did af­fect to set up the Rights of our Kings, and did [Page 16]not only not oppose, what might justly be oppo­sed, but went about unjustly to weaken the same: wherefore he rested not, till by a decree of Parlia­ment the Book was prehibited.

Peireskius was now a little better, when after divers Letters, both from the Cardinal Legate, and Putean the Knight, and others dated at Ma­drid, he was informed that the Cardinal was to return, and would passe through Marseilles, in the beginning of September. Thither therefore he went, though not perfectly recovered, and ex­pected the Cardinals arrival certain dayes. But he lost his labour; because, he having a good wind, sailed by, and stayed only a little while at Tolon; whence he sent some of the rarest things he brought with him out of Spain to Aix, and ex­cused himself. Which when Peireskins received, he returned thanks by Letters; in some of which he carefully recommended Christophorus Putea­nus a Carthusian, whose learning and innocent conditions, did sufficiently testifie, that he was Brother to the Puteans of Paris. I stand not to re­late how well the Cardinal took the said Recom­mendation; for Putean himself wrote, that he was unable to express, what good will and civili­ty he had found. Only I think it more pertinent to say, that Putean held a most brotherly corres­pondence with Peireskius; for no kindness ever lay in his power, which he did not do for him.

Here I must nor forget how about the same time he recommended Josephus Maria Suaresius of Avenion, a very learned young man, who was by that means received into the Family of the Cardinal. Nor must I forget Lucas Holstenius, the Darling of learned men, an Hamburger, who was [Page 17]also not long after admitted into the said family,1627, after that his Vertue had bin made known to Peireskius, by the commendations of the Puteans, and to the Cardinal, by the commendations of Peireskius, when he was at Paris. Both of them ve­rily did afterward testifie their thankfulness, and by frequent learned Letters, did merit that fa­vour: as for Peireskius, he let slip no occasion, where by he might do either of them any good.

In the Winter he was again vexed with Rheu­matick defluxions, and pains in his Kidneys; yet did he not cease to write divers Letters, but prin­cipally to the Puteans, by whose help he was wont to brag, that he saw nigh at hand, all that was done in the World; as by the help of the Pro­spective Glasse he saw things, ordinarily out of sight, in the Heavens. Among other things, he shewed the Reason why the Taxes anciently set upon men, came in process of time to be so di­minished. For seeing (quoth he) our fore-fathers and Ancestors expressed the rates of the said taxes by Florens [coine so called] which vvere then of Gold, and vvere of greater value then the Solati, it is come to passe, that because Florens vvere then valued at twelve silver shillings, or Spur-royals, a Tax of a Floren is now satisfied with twelve shil­lings; whereas nevertheless, these of ours have so far degenerated from the ancient ones, that six of ours amount not to the value of one of those. We may now say eight, and shortly ten: so that they who would lay Taxes, which shall not lessen in process of time, must learn, not to express them by pounds Tours, or any other kind of vulgar money; but they must estimate them by Corn or [Page 18]some other yearly increase of the Earth, and com­pel them to pay accordingly. For seeing the fruitfulness or barrenness of the same grounds, is much one and the same at all times; the price of the fruits of the Earth, must needs keep much at one and the same: But the usual value of money, does not in like manner continue, but continu­ally decreases, as has bin formerly decla­red.

Moreover,1627. Valavesius did in the mean time, return from Paris, and the business of Rians, after so many years invincible suits, was finished by ar­bitration. The year 1627. was beginning, when taking breath after the cares of such like busines­ses, he resolved the next Vacation, to take a view of whole Provence, to gather Inscriptions, part­ly such as he had not, and partly such as had bin ill, or unfaithfully taken; and that to gratifie the foresaid Donius, who having an huge Volume of Inscriptions, such as were not in Gruterus, ready for the Presse, he was desirous to interweave those of Provence, which Peireskius should col­lect. And he had not indeed leasure to perform what he intended: yet nevertheless, he left not to sollicite Donius, to put out his work, hoping that in the mean while, there would be a fardle of Provincian to joyn to the same; for he liked better, that they should be put all together at the end of the Book (as the Spanish ones were in Gruters Volume) than that they should be con­fusedly interposed here and there, as was usual in others.

Moreover, he began upon this occasion, to treat with Donius, not only touching Inscripti­ons, but (he being really a man variously and [Page 19]plentifully learned) touching his Onomasticon, his Musical work, his Convivales; touching He­trusian moneys, certain Justinian Coines, of the ancient kind of Weapons, and many such like things.

He treated also about the same time, with Ni­colaüs Rigaltius, his Majesties Library-keeper, fa­mous for his very rare learning, touching the Ex­position of those Riddles of Virgil, concerning certain Lands, in which there grew Flowers with the names of Kings written upon them; and Lands where the Heavens appeared but three ells wide. And when by way of answer he received touching the former, certain rare observations touching Flowers, strangely variegated in their colours; and touching the latter, that interpre­tation which is usually given concerning a Well, he called to minde among other things, how that a Well was dug at Rians, out of which a very small quantity of Heaven must needs be seen, when as in the day-time, at the bottom thereof, a man might see the Stars: the eyes being plunged as it were by the depth, into the darkness of night, and the sight of the eye by dilatation (as is wont to happen in a dark place) receiving plentiful species, or representations, even of the smallest things.

There was then newly come to be Arch-Bi­shop of Aix, Alphonsus Plesseus Richelius, a Prae­late of remarkable learning, and rare piety, taken from among the Carthusians; and Peireskius per­ceiving that he exceedingly loved him, he u­sed all diligence in the continual testification of his Respects and Service, thereby to approve him­self worthy of his Love. When he went to visit [Page 20] Marseilles he bore him company, and by that means, he there saluted Gabriel Albaspiuaeus, Bi­shop of Orleance, who was then retired thither, & was studying about a work, which was after­wards printed, of the mystery of the Eucharist. In which he made frequent mention of Books, com­municated by Peireskius, calling him, The Love and delight of Learning, and the Ornament of Provence. Afterwards also he strongly assisted the Arch-Bi­shop, in the setling of a publick Post, who carry­ing Packets of Letters every week, by Post-horses to Lyons, and bringing the like from thence, might hold also a weekly entercourse with the Parisians. And he had indeed long desired such a thing, and more then once endeavoured the same, as a thing of publick advantage, and grate­ful to his friends: but none before him had suffi­ciently animated the Arch-Bishop, nor could the Parliament of Provence be ever perswaded to al­low the charges.

Great was the joy occasioned hereby, as of all learned men, who desired to receive frequent let­ters from Peireskius, so especially of the Puteans, who by this means could both frequently, and ea­sily send him what ever newly ptinted Books, or other novelties; and he also could send them with like facility, what ever he obtained out of Italy, Africa, and the whole East. For from this time forward, he kept a more frequent correspondence then ordinary, with the Consuls and Merchants, resident in all the Eastern parts; that by their means he might procure Greek, Hebrew, and A­rabick Books, with others written in the oriental Languages.

Whereupon, he soon obtained some, as name­ly, from Cyprus, an excellent Book, Peri Aretes cai Cacias, about Virtue and Vice, of Constanti­nus Porphyrogeneta, containing collections out of Polybius, Diodorus, Nicolaus Damascenus, and other Historians, out of which divers deficiencies in noble Authours might be made up. It is not to be believed, how small a thing he valued two hundred pounds Tours, which he gave for this Book, were it only that he conjectured, it was the Emperours own individual Book, which he had for his own use, because of the shape of the Let­ters and their elegancy, the neatness of the bin­ding, and rare Verses prefixed in prayse thereof. Also he obtained that which he had long sought for, viz. certain Councels of the Christian Bi­shops, after the recovery of the Holy Land; for he had long bin perswaded, that there was some Copy, or other, of them to be had in those parts. He had indeed formerly caused some of them to be written out of the Vatican Library.

About the same time he wrote unto all parts to assist Holstenius, who was labouring about the edition of a Noble pack of ancient Geographers. He chiefly wanted a Description of Thracian Bos­phorus, made by Diony sius Byzantius, which Petrus Gyllius made use of (but only in Latine and im­perfect) in describing the said Bosphorus. And be­cause he thought it likely, that the Greek Text might be found among the Books of the Cardi­nal of Armenia, of whose Family Gyllius was: therefore Peireskius so wrought, that the Bishop of Ruten, searcht all the Library over, and at last sent him a Catalogue thereof, to assure him, that there was no such Book there to be found. You [Page 22]may be sure he spared not to send Letters to the Popes Nuncio's, to the Kings Embassadors, to all the learned men he knew, (amongst whom veri­ly, I must not forbear to name that same rare Bi­shop of Tolouse, Carolus Monchalius, out of whose wealthy Storehouse, so many rare Manuscripts were brought) that he might at least be assured, there was no such Book to be found. And it is doubtless, scarce credible, that it is any where ex­tant: since it has escaped the so great Sa­gacity of that man. For the same Holstenius said, not without cause, in a Letter to him, For it has not yet bin my hap to see any mortal Man surmounting you in the knowledge of Antiquity, or that could match you in the dili­gence and felicity of your Researches.

While he was thus busied, he received a Book from the above-named Johannes Jacobus Chiffleti­us, Physician in ordinary to the Infanta Isabella, touching the Iccian Port, from which Julius Cae­sar set sail for Brittain. And he easily dissented from that Opinion which held, Callis to be the Port aforesaid; however, he wished, that rare man would make a more diligent search, all that Coast over, and though he had acutely proved that Mardike was the port, yet that he should consi­der, whether that name were applyable to a Port, extant in these dayes of ours. And the farther Port we read of, seems not to be interpreted the inferior Port, so as to mean the inferior Coast, which is under Audomaropolis, and is parceld out by pools of standing water; but rather the We­stern, so as to signifie one that is nearer, and from whence the passage into Brittain is shorter. But [Page 23]nothing was more delightful to him, then to read withall that in the Audomaropolitan Lake, there are floating Islands, which bear both Men and Beasts; and whereupon Alder-Trees, and Wil­lowes, do pleasantly flourish. Wherefore he was desirous two years after, when I was to travel that way, that I should take a curious view thereof, and report the business to him, which I did, and sent him a branch, which I pluckt off from a tall Wil­low, which swum about, with the ground it grew upon.

He was also sollicitous about that time, touch­ing the observation of that Article, by which the Council of Trent, condemned clandestine Marri­ages; nor did he cease, till he had perswaded cer­tain scrupulous Ecclesiastick Judges, that it was not only ratified by the Kings Authority in Par­liament; but also by special Decrees of the Me­tropolitan Synods of this Province. I forbear to mention, with what ardency he did sollicite Aleander, that he would seriously set himself to describe that Earth-quake, with which Aqulia was shaken from the last day save one of July, and with which the Arch Bishoprick of San-severinas, was reported to be swallowed up, in the Moneth of September.

Other things I passe over, only I must needs relate his rare modesty, which made him change the Epistle of a Book, dedicated to him. That Book contained some spiritual Treatises of Saint Diadochus, Nilus, and Hesychius, which Aleander Fichetus, a very learned Jesnite printing at Lewis, would needs dedicate to him. Now he usurped the Booksellers name, and thought he had used no Hyperbole in commending Peireskius, whose [Page 24]vertue he sufficiently saw, when he professed Phy­losophy at Aix, and was a publick preacher there. But Peireskius himself would not bear it; but being to send some Copies to Rome (as there was no new thing which he did omit to send) he caused that Epistle to be laid aside, and another to be printed, and prefixed to the Books he sent. In the Epistle which he would have omitted, were these passages; Your Table, your House, your Study, are a Star­ry firmament of all wits, wherein the Heaven­ly Constellations, the Stars of all Learning and learned men do briefly shine; so that all things therein are not guilt with Gold or Silver, but shine as Stars: the Desks are filled with Stars, where the Books stand like Constellations; and your self sitting in the midst, and embracing all, give light to all, add grace to all, bestow life as it were, and eternity upon all; so that to you all well-writ Books through the world, as the sa­cred fires of good minds, do strive to mount as to their Heaven, to receive light from you, and shine again upon you, &c.

This Epistle brings into my mind, how the year following, when he had received one of those Books termed Coelum Christianum, begun by Joannes Bayerns, and finished by Julius Schil­lerius, Peireskius commended indeed their piety, in giving to the Planets, instead of the usual names, those of Adam, Moses, and the Patriarchs; and giving to the twelve signes the names of the Apostles, and to other Constellations the names of other Saints, or holy things; besides, figures [Page 25]newly invented, and new Verses made of them but he liked not the design of perverting all the knowledge of the Heavenly Bodies, which from all Antiquity, is sprinkled up and down, in all kinds of Books. Howbeit, he was not seriously afraid, lest therefore Astronomers would change all the names of the Stars; because they might ea­sily see, they should get no advantage, but much disturbance thereby. He added, that those anci­ent Figurations of the Stars, though profane, were no hinderance to Christian piety; and him­self had long agoe observed these Images, which had bin painted upon the vaulted roof of the Church at Vercellis, a thousand two hundred years agoe. Finally he wished, the same indu­strious hand, which had engraven these new ones, had expressed those at Vertillis, commen­dable for their great Antiquity.

He did much more commend that work of the Rudolphin Tables, which was then published by Kepler. For seeing they were collected out of the most accurate observations of the new A­tlantis of Ticho Brahe, he judged rightly, that by their meanes a more exact knowledge of the ce­lestial motions might be had, then by any others. And therefore because that work was many years exposed; therefore he maturely collected di­v [...]s observations, by which they might be exa­mined. And in a special manner, he intreated the Assistance of those excellent men Petrus Fran­ciscus Tondutus San-legerius, a Lawyer of Avenion: and Jacobus Valesius Scotus, General Treasurer in Dauphine; both of them excellently skilled in all Mathematical Arts, but especially in Astrono­my. Also he was assisted by both of them, to a­mend [Page 26]divers faults of the Presse;1628. and because the latter signified, that he had instructed Eleazar Feronceus, an industrious Gardner of Herbs, and a very ingenious man, to observe the celestial Bodies: therefore Peireskius laboured to get from him in particular some observations.

I passe over, how he would needs also have and keep by him some observations of mine, be­fore I left Paris (wherefore I sent him my Ta­bles) and among the rest, my observations of that late Eclipse of the Moon, whose chief appearan­ces being observed at Aix, did shew that the middle thereof was in the same year, the 20. of January, at nine a Clock, and three fifths. Now he sent it to Paris, Rome, Florence, Padua, Lo­vain, and other places, that if haply the like ob­servation had bin made, the difference of the in­terceding Meridians might be calculated. For he was alwayes desirous to see Geography reformed, about which he then wrote to Petrus Bertius, ex­horting him, that together with the Edition of Eusebius, he would hasten the sacred Geography which he had promised. Not to speak, how he delt with him to perswade him, that he would set out a Map of the World, according to the vari­ous descriptions of Dionysius, Strabo, Plinie, Pto­lemaeus, and others.

That I may add somewhat touching observa­tions, he exceedingly desired, that some Inter­preter might be found out, who could explain the Figures and Characters, which were evident­ly to be seen upon a fragment of Brick-work; which was, not long before, dug up at Babylon, and sent to him; for he conjectured it was some of that Brick-work, upon which Plinie tells us [Page 27](from Epigenes) that the Babylonians wrote the Observations which they made of the Stars, for seven hundred and twenty years. Upon which oc­casion, he was much taken to consider, that it should come into the mind of certain good men, doubtless, to ingrave an Inscription upon a stone, at the Gate of the Chappel, which stands over­looking a Rock at Druentia near Mirebel, of which he was informed by a friend of his, Joan­nes Gallaupius Castuellius, who was Heire of his Fathers Vertues, and Auditor of his Majesties Accounts. For the said Inscription contains no­thing else but a memorial of that Eclipse of the Sun, which happened upon the third of the Nones of June, in the year 239. of which he had formerly notice out of certain Registers; and namely, of our Church; in which also there is mention of another, seen in the year 1415. on Friday being the 7th of June, an hour after Sun­rise, of so great darkness, that the Stars might most clearly be seen.

He had heard a little before, of the death of Ja­cobus Allealmus the Mathematician: for which he was exceeding sorrowful, fearing the losse of certain works, both of his own, and of Francis­cus Vieta, the most renowned Geometrician. E­ven as, not long after, hearing of the death of Fontaneus, he feared the losse of many rarities and Manuscripts; amongst which he was wont to commend a Book of Alciats de Rebus Mediola­nensibus, written with his own hand. And it was his desire that rare and good Manuscripts, if they were not quickly printed, should be kept rather in publick, then private Libraries; because, by that means, they would be lesse subject to mis­carriage. [Page 28]But he desired withall, that there were some men that should take care, to bring to light by printing, such as had lain too long in obscuri­ty in the Libraries; for which cause, when he wrote to Cardinal Barborine, he was very earnest with him, beseeching him, that out of the great good will he bore to learning, he would cause the Vatican Printery to be set on work again, that so many rare Greek Manuscripts, might come a­broad into the World. And this he was occasio­ned to do, by the generous design of Michael Jayus a Citizen of Paris, who set up a Printery, in which there was already begun an Edition of the Bible, which would be more compleat, then that which is called Plantains, and the King of Spains Bible; and because at Rome, Holstenius was wil­ling to take pains in the business.

Also he had heard of a dissertation, which I had long since with Merindolus, touching the passage of Chyle into the Liver. For I found a way by the Porus cholidochus so called, the Veins of the Mesentery being obstructed. Having therefore writ him word, that there was a Book published by Gasper Asellius Anatomist at Ticinum, where­in he shewed how he had discovered certain milky veins in the Mesentery (besides the com­monly noted red ones) which probably carried the Chylus; he speedily got divers of the Books, which he sent up and down to Physicians, which were his friends, experimenting in Dogs, Sheep, Oxen, and most kind of Animals besides, that which Asellius had written touching his rare in­vention. Also when I had given him notice, that Dr. William Harvey, an English Physitian, had set out an excellent Book of the passage of the [Page 29]blood out of the Veins, into the Arteries, and back out of the Arteries into the Veins, by secret Anastomoses; and that among other Arguments, he confirmed the same, by the valves of the Veins, touching which, he had heard somewhat from Aquapendens, and whose Inventer he was wont to say, was Father Paul Sarpi of Venice; he would thereupon needs both have the Book, and search out those valves, and know other things, as those winding passages in the Septum of the heart, which Harvey denied, but I made appear unto him.

In like manner, being told of the many-poin­ted tongues of flies, which might be plainly seen by an Augmenting-glasse; he made many expe­riments in Insects of like nature, and especially in Bees, that he might thereby give occasion to Rigaltius, to mend and illustrate Pliny his Chapter of Bees. Likewise, when Grotius had sig­nified that there was a many headed Insect, which bred in pieces of Wood, fallen into the Sea; he did not only look into all Authours, which had written of any such thing; but he enquired of all Fishers, and other curious persons, inhabiting up­on the Sea-Coast; and prevailed so far at last that he found out, if not the same thing, yet a Fish with seven heads, and bodies as it were in the middle, of unequal length, implanted round a­bout into a certain navel, or thick Cake, as it were.

These, and such things as these, he spent his thoughts about, when he enjoyed any rest from the frequent pains of the Hemorrhoids and Strangury. And whereas in the moneth of Sep­tember, to recreate himself, he went to Beaugen­sier, [Page 30]he returned time enough, on the last day of the moneth to be present at a Town-meeting, and to give beginning thereto, by an excellent Oration: at which meeting the Consuls of Aix, who were also Proctors of Provence, were wont to be chosen. Not long after, he was informed of the death of Malherbius his very good friend, which he took very sadly. And though he concei­ved, that not only himself, but all the French Mu­ses, were called upon to mourn; yet was he com­forted, because he saw one to succeed him, who was both his loving friend and umpire of the French language and Poetry, the excellent Jo­hannes Capellanius, in whom he alwaies admi­red to see learning joyned with the study of Wis­dom, and gentlenesse of manners with candour of mind.

Afterwards he received a Copy of the Genea­logical History of the Royal Family of France, which the San-Marthani had set forth, and wherein they had mentioned him with praise, by reason of a Manuscript of Matthaeus Giovanaz­zius, touching the Kings of Sicily of the house of Anjou, which he had furnished them with. And whereas at the same time, a good and learned man Dominicus à Jesu Maria, a Carmelite Fri­ar, being about to write of the Saints which had been of the Royal Family, did desire some Monu­ments of him; there was nothing of which he was more desirous to inform him, then of Charles the second King of Sicilie, and Earl of Provence. For being dead he is had in venera­tion, his whole Body being kept even to this day at Aix; and in his life time he was so hap­py; as to see his son Lewis designed Bishop of [Page 31]Tolouse, and dying before him in repute for ho­linesse, he saw him put into the Catalogue of Saints; and consequently made prayers to him: and left money in his will to build the Mino­ries Church at Marseilles to his honour.

Afterwards he laboured not a little, that a Channel might be made through Druentia, or the river Verdun, which runs through Druentia to Aix. For he conceived, that the City would then flourish and grow rich, when by help of such a Channel, it might traffick for all necessa­ry Commodities, both with the upper part of Provence and with the Sea. Seventy years agoe Adamus Craponus Salonensis, had brought a Channel from Druentia, into the stony Feilds so called, or whole Crautia, and designed this to Aix; and because there was now need of another Architect or designer of the Works, therefore he wrote into the Low-Countries, to get one of those men, that designed the Channels which were made in that Countrey, and that were newly endeavouring to unite the Scaldis and Mosa, waters so called. And it seemed, that what he had generously propounded might be happily effected; but that the Plague which hapned the year following, 1629. and the di­sturbance thereby occasioned, with his diversion to Beaugensier, did quite frustrate his intenti­ons.

But before we speak of these matters, we must touch upon some things, that he endeavoured in the mean season. In the first place therefore, by occasion of the aforesaid Edition of the Bible newly begun, he was not content to have given notice of, and procured from Rome to be sent [Page 32]to Paris a Samaritan Bible,1629. which was in the custody of that learned man and advancer of all good literature, Petrus Valleus, a Senator of Rome; but he sent, himself, into the East, a sa­gacious person, Theophilus Minutius of the Or­der of Minims, to search for further helps, having first obtained for him a License, both from the Pope, and from the General of his Order, and providing that he should neither want money to bear his charges, nor to purchase such Books as were necessary for the design in hand. And truly he failed not of his Exspectation; for he by very good luck, soon found and obrained a Samaritan Bible, with the Hebrew & Arabick joyned therewith, (howbeit in the Samaritan Character) and two Syriack Testaments besides, and many Arabick Books. Nor must it be for­gotten, That Daniel Dayminius, one of those Franciscans whom they call Recollects, took great pains that these and other Books with di­vers Coines, might come into the hands of Minutius.

Also he gave order to search in Cyprus for those Books, in the company of which, the Col­lections of Porphyrogenita aforesaid were found: but they were so scattered, that they could not be found by any search, though never so diligent; which grieved him exceedingly, because he judged, by one of the rest, as of the Lion by his claw, and was in great hopes. And therefore, that learned Men might, at least, not be frustra­ted of the benefit thereof, he thought good to send it to Paris, that Grotius, Salmasius, and other learned Men, every man in his way might peruse the same, and collect there-from what he [Page 33]thought most useful. Moreover, Hugo Grotius was a prime man that made use thereof, who at his request presently set himself to write out and explain, the illustrious fragments of Nicolaus Damascenus, which he also with an Epistle de­dicatory, sent to him.

And while there was another that was doing the like by the rest of the Work, he was desirous in the mean while to procure a second Edition of the Pharmacopeia of Antonius Constantinus, a Physician of Protence: who about thirty years before, had endeavoured to shew, That there was no need of exotick Plants, and outlandish Medicaments; since by the benignity of Na­ture, the same Countrey which gives men their Birth, does provide both meats sufficient to nourish, and Medicaments able to cure them. Therefore he sent that Copy, which he had of the said Book to Renatus Moreus, a great light of the Faculty of Physick in Paris, who was very well contented to undergo that charge.

About this time, he received a Golden Book of the learned Selden, De Arrundellianis Marmo­coribus, or Stones with Greek Inscriptions, which that most renowned Earl of Arundel, had caused to be brought out of Asia into England, and placed in his Gardens. And it is indeed fit you should know, that those Marbles were first discovered by the industry of Peireskius and dug up, fifty Crowns being paid therefore, by one Samson, who was his Factor at Smyrna; and when they were to be sent over, Samson was, by some trick or other of the Sellers, cast into Prison, and the Marbles in the mean while made away. Nor must it be forgotten, how ex­ceedingly [Page 34] Peireskius rejoyced, when he heard that those rare Monuments of antiquity, were fallen into the hands of so eminent an Hero; and the rather, because he knew his old friend Selden had happily illustrated the same. For, his utmost end being publick profit, he thought, it mattered not whether he or some other had the glory, provided, that what was for the good of the Common-wealth of Lear­ning, might be published. Now he conceived, that an inestimable Treasury was contained, espe­cially in those Greek Inscriptions, which do much illustrate and make known, not only the Historical, but the Fabulous times also: seeing they describe all things memorable from the space of eight hundred years before the Olym­piads, to five hundrd and thirty after their be­ginning.

Moreover, he communicated to divers friends the part of an Epitaph, which Adrianus Caesar wrote, over the Horse Borysthenes, which dy­ed (it should seem) and was buried in these parts. For a Marble stone was dug up in the fields of Apt, containing that part of the Epi­taph; the remainder being as yet unfound and undug up. Which Marble Peireskius caused to be brought to his House: and in the mean while, because the Inscription, about which fa­mous Authors had contended, might be corre­cted by this noble Original; therefore he sent thefe Verses to all learned men, copied from that Marble, upon which they were ingraven, in a most near character.


Which may thus be englished,


Now it is well enough known, that among those ancient poetical pieces set forth by Petrus Pithoeus, that whole Epitaph, is readespecially the last of these verses, after this manner. PANNO­NICOS NEC ULLUS APROS INSEQUEN­TEM DENTE APER ALBICUM AUSUS FU­IT NOCERE &c. for he could not tel how other­wise to perfect the said Verses. And Casaubeon writing upon that passage of Lampriaius, touch­ing Adrian, He was so great a lover of Horses and Dogs, that he set Tombes over them, relates in­deed this Inscription; but changes nothing of what Pithoeus had done. But Salmasius, accor­ding to his quickness of Wit, endeavouring to salve the sore, conceived it might thus be read, PANNONICOS NEC ULLUS A­PROS [Page 36]EUM INSEQUENTEM: but there is now no need of conjectures, seeing the Table it self is extant.

I passe over, how occasioned by this Inscripti­on, he sent to Angusburge to know, if that piece of Coine were any where to be had, which Adol­phus Occo mentioned with this In cription on the one side ΚΑΙСΑΡ ΣΕΜΝΟС ΑΔΡΙΑΝΟС, and on the other side ΒΟΡΥΣΘΕΝΕΣ with a Grave-stone, and an Horse upon it: and how thereupon discoursing of the flattery of the Greeks in commending the Emperors affection to this Horse, he accounted it no wonder; see­ing they also (and not the Aegyptians alone) rai­sed Antinous his beloved Boy into the very Heavens. He did likewise communicate the Titles of Constantine inscribed upon a certain Mile-stone which was digged up at Freius; and the delineation of other Mables newly dug up, whereon was the Portraiture of Bacchus with the various incantations of Circe: not to speak of his explications of certain figures belonging to Plaies, and the Thyrsi or Javelins wrapped with Ivie, together with the Vitta or Garland, and Thistle or Pine apple on the top.

Also, he was very desirous to know what I thought of those Par-helia or divers Suns, which were seen at Rome on the twentieth day of March, whose description and delineation Car­dinal Barberinus, having received from the lear­ned and laborious Christophorus Scheinerus a Ma­thematitian, of the society of Jesus, he com­manded they should be sent to him. And whereas he would that my opinion should be published, this only is worth relation, how he [Page 37]received it with applause, that after the natural consideration, I seemed to deride the opinion of the common people, who conceive, that these Phaenomena are Presages of things to come. Unlesse this be also worth relation, That there being at that time five Suns seen, (or, besides the true Sun, four bastard ones) there was hardly ever before so many Suns seen; and how it seemed a wonderful thing, when the same Scheinerus, ten Months after, on the fourteenth of January, observed seven Suns visibly appea­ring in the same City. And I may here add, that whereas in the moneth of June, I was in the Low-Counrries, whither he wrote to me of the appearing Suns, he took a great deal of care, lest by reason of the Plague, which begun to be very rife in this Citty, my Library should receive some prejudice.

But the infection had not spread so far as Aix, and the other lower parts of Provence; when as, the King being in that part of Languedoe which is situate immediatly beyond Rhodanus, divers came from the Court to visit and salute Peireskius. Amongst the rest was Stephanus Ha­ligraeus the Chancellour his Son, newly returned from an Embassage to Venice; also Henricus Grandis Mr. of Requests, and Ludovicus Peleta­rius, the Treasurer, who having taken up their lodging at his house; when they understood that Thuanus being returned out of the East, was landed at Marseilles, they all went presently thi­ther with Peireskius. There were also in Com­pany Drusus Daubrayus Mr. of the Rowls (not long after the Kings Overseer in point of Justice) Philippus Fortinus Hoguetta, and others.

July following, he went with Oppedeus the first President, to salute the King. By which means he saw very many of his Court friends; and when he was at Nismes, he commended the rare vertue and learning of Samuel Petitus to cer­tain of the Nobility, as to Michael Marilliacus the Vice-chancellour, Antonius Ruzaeus Marquess of Deffiat and Mr. of the Exchequer, and others. Petitus had in hand, a bundle of miscellaneous observations upon good Authors; wherefore he advised him, as to insert other things, so not to neglect the interpretation of that Scene which in Plautus his Paenulus, is extant in the Punick tongue. When he returned to Arles, he there round and obtained a Marriage Ring, touching which he had many Discourses, by letters, with learned men, upon occasion of this Inscription, TECLA VIVAT DEO CUM MARI­TO SEO.

After he was returned, there grew soon a suspicion, that the City was infected with the Plague. Which he first of all heard in the begin­ning of August, from which time he resolved to go to Beaugensier, and therefore he sent his family before him. For, besides the mischief of the sicknesse, he fore-saw there would follow a great disturbance of the Orders or States of the City and was sensible before hand, that his strength would not suffice him to take such pains as would be requisite, to the stilling of commo­tions, and keeping off, such imminent mischiefs as do threaten the City. Yet he was resolved to make trial, lest he should seem wanting to his Countrey, and the common safety thereof; yet was he constrained to depart in the middest of [Page 39] September, having shut up some servants in his house, to look to the houshold-stuff, and so much of his Library and Rarities, as he took not with him. He spent at Beaugensier forty daies accor­ding to his custome, without any commerce, keeping himself within his own House and Gar­dens. All which time he spent in the care of recovering his health, (for he was not very well) and in manuring the Plants of his Garden, and most pleasant walks. Also he entertained part­ly in his own house, partly in other houses of the Town, divers of hsi friends, with their families, especially Bonifacius who were driven out of the City by the Plague; Borrillius, an excellent man, and well stored with rarities.

Now the Disease raged in the City,1630. not only all that year, but part also of the following year 1630. And here I should relate a great Tumult, which when the Plague ceased, was raised in the City, and spread into other places, especially in the Autumn. But it would be to little purpose to renew an unspeakable grief, much lesse to re­late the publick and private causes, which set Heaven and Earth together by the ears. It may suffice to say, That Peireskius his House hardly scaped plundering, the next House to it being pillaged, and himself much affrighted, when word was brought him, That the plunderers had got into his Library and his Closet of rarities; but he was revived again, when he heard, That though they had threatned to break in, yet they forbore.

Many visited him about this time, and amongst the rest, there stayed with him, some pretty while, Henricus Gornaeus Earle of Marchaevilla, [Page 40]who was now upon his departure, being to go as Embassador from the King to the great Turk. Also Philippus Bethunius, who having been for­merly the Kings Agent at Rome, was returned into France, and who afterwards did in many Letters testifie, how exceedingly he missed his most delightful society. Likewise Philippus Nunnesius, and Emmanuel Costaeus, whom being to go into Indie, he obliged by all kindnesses and gifts possible, giving them Letters to Ludovi­cus Herriardus resident at the Court of the great Mogul; and to Lopez Silvanus at Goa, and others; that so he might procure, besides very many other rarities certain fragments of Rocks, in which sundry sorts of Jewels were wont to breed.

In like manner Samuel Petitus, of whom we spoke before, stayed some time with him, whom being suddenly to go to Paris, with what kind­nesses he obliged, may be best understood out of the Dedication of his Eclogae Chronologicae, which he there printed not long after. For, My Soul (quoth ne) Illustrious Sir, by this Dedication doth witnes to the world how much I honour you, how much I am obliged to you; seeing there is no man this day alive, that is more obliged to you than I; nor any that I am more obliged to, than to yourself. Yet so as this Table dedicated to your name, and your name prefixed to this Book of mine, are a Testimonial of the Hope which I have conceived of your future affection towards me. For I implore your Patronage to me and mine. Nor must you, illustrious Sir, [Page 41]deny me your Patronage, so God help you; for I am concerned in it. For if these Books of mine shall appear under your name, there is no good and learned man, but will approve of them, as having bin allowed by you, a man of most exact judgement, and singular learning, &c.

Likewise Henricus Bormalius, a Canon of Leeds, famous for all kind of learning, but espe­cially for his happy Imitation of the Greek Po­ets, whom he had kept longer with him, had not his Imployments called him home.

In like manner, Jacobus Buccardus, a Parisian, adorned likewise with all kind of learning, who that he might have the better leasure to study, and spend his life in turning over Greek and La­tine Authours, was resolved to go and live at Rome. Wherefore being upon his journey thi­ther, Peireskius detained him as long as he could, and would have kept him all the Winter, but that he desired rather, that his learning might become speedily famous in that great Theater of the World. And therefore he not only gave him fatherly Instructions, but did so recommend him in divers Letters, that Cardinal Barberinus did not only receive him, according to his ac­customed humanity, but would needs forthwith enter him into the Catalogue of such learned men, as he kept in his house. Also Antonius Na­talis a learned Physician, who having formerly his abode at Sivill, gave occasion to his Com­merce in America, and who now brought with him very rare things out of the new World; and a year after, before he returned to Sivill, he de­dicated [Page 42]to him a certain Apologie which he set forth against the Physicians.

Likewise Franciscus Gallaupius a Gentleman of Aix, very learned in the Hebrew Tongue, and desirous to travel into the East, expected the re­turn of Marchaevillaeus, at Peireskius his house. He it was, unto whom and Lombardus he had com­mitted the chiefest care of observing the Eclipse of the Sun, which happened on the 10. day of June. But in vain, because the Western Moun­tains, intercepted the sight of the eclipsed Sun, so that they observed nothing but a darkness in the Aire. For the Sun was eclipsed in the West; for with us at Paris, it was in a clear Horizon, being two digits obscured; and its greatest Eclipse was eleven digits, and two and thirty minutes; and it began at six a Clock, a quarter and a minute and half over.

He spent therefore his time, in the Company of such men as these; interposing frequent rea­ding, and the manuring of rare Plants; also he studied, and had divers discourses touching such things as turn to stone. As concerning Plants, it may be expected, that I should in this place reckon up the principal of them; yet I will not stand to speak of such, which though accounted rare, are to be seen in other Gardens. I shall only touch at some of those which Peireskius was the first, that caused to be brought into, and cherished in Europe. Of which the Indian Gel­semine is one, a wooddy plant, alwayes green, with a clay-coloured yellowish flower, of a most sweet smell. This was first brought from China, planted at Beaugensier, and from thence propaga­ted into the Kings and Cardinal Barberine his [Page 43]Gardens. Of these Joannes Ferrarius, a learned Jesuite, wrote in those Books, which three years after he set forth touching the manuring of Flow­ers. But, it must not be forgotten, that the Car­dinal sent to Beaugensier, a China Rose, the beau­ty whereof does wonderfully recompence its want of smell.

The next is a Plant called Lifa, or the Gourd of Mecha, because it was brought from Mecha, and may be called the silken Plant, because it bears plenty of threds, not unlike silk, fit to wear into stuffs. Peireskius received at one and the same time both seeds thereof, which he gave first to Viassius, to sow and manure; also an whole gourd which within was full of threds, and a peece of stuff woven thereof.

Also the true Papyrus Aegyptia or Aegyptian paper, different from that, which is described by Prosper Alpinus. For Peireskius received it out of the Country of Saïta, where the right kind is thought to grow. Yet I know not that he expe­rimented, whether Paper might be made there­of, which would bear Inck. For whereas at first, seeing that it had broad tufts, he imagined the stalks might be so wrought together, as that it might be writ upon; he afterwards became of another opinion.

Also the Indian Coco Nuts. Not that these Nuts had not formerly bin seen in Europe; but because he did likewise try, whether they would grow in our Climate. And he saw them bud; but whether through the coldness of the Air, or because they were not well looked to, they came not to that perfection which he desired.

In the next place, Ginger, which being brought out of India did wax green in his Garden, from whence it was sent to Paris, to Vidus Brosseus, a famous Physician, the chief storer of the Kings Garden, and principal shewer thereof; from whom, and the forenamed Vespasianus Robinus, who was under Brosseus, he obtained very rare plants.

I say nothing of the broad-leaved Myrtle, with the full flower of the Storax, and Lentisc-Tree, which yields Mastick: and other plants mentioned before. Much lesse shall I speak of the great American Gelsemine, with the Crimson-coloured flower, nor of the Persian, with a violet-coloured flower, nor the Arabian with a full flower: of the Orenge-Trees, with a red and par­ticoloured flower; of the medlar and sowre Cher­ry without stones; Adams Fig-Tree; whose fruit Peireskius conceived to be one of those which the Spies brought back, that went to view the Land of Canaan; the rare Vines which he had from Tunis, Smyrna, Sidon, Damascus, Nova Francia, and other places. Least of all, shall I stand to speak of the care he took in ordering his knots, and planting his Trees in such order, as to afford even walks every way between them; in bringing the water every where into his Gardens; in provi­ding that the tenderer sort of Plants might re­ceive no dammage by the Winters cold, in sen­ding for the most skilful Florists, to turnish him­self with all variety of Flowers: in a word, omit­ting nothing that might beautifie and adorn his Grounds.

I shall rather tell you, that he made divers ex­periments, [Page 45]touching the seeds and buds of divers Plants, and ingrafting one thing upon another. But his chief delight was to engraft, not only Gelsemine upon the Myrtle, but also the Apian, or Musk-Vine, that he might experiment what a kind of thing the Myrtle Wine was, anciently so called. And having found by experience that there was a stone, out of which Mushrumps would grow in a moyst place; he found out at last, that the said supposed stone, was nothing but an huge Buck-fist, or Toad-stool, reduced to the hardness of a stone. And when as Renatus Moreus acquainted him out of Mercurius Gallobelgicus, that there was an hand which grew up out of a Pulpit, he advised him to enquire, if it were not one of those branched Toadstools which are wont not only to grow out of those stones, but also out of rotten wood: and whether it were not some imposture, or the credulity of people, which had raised that fable touching the motion of the fin­gers of the said hand. But thus much may suffice, concerning Plants.

Touching his study about such things as are turned to stone, I must speak more largely, be­cause he had plenty of such kind of rarities, and most frequent occasion to discourse thereof: and he many times carried his guests that were curi­ous of such things, to the places themselves, that he might make his opinion more probable. When therefore in that Hill which is called Collis De­fensus, there were found Comb-fashion'd, Oister-fashion'd, Horn-fashion'd stones, and others o­therwise figured; and in the field which is called, as it is indeed, the long field, and in the Grotte de Guerin, there were found Leaves of Oaks, Alders, [Page 46]Holmes, Elms, Nut-Trees, Poplars, Ivie, Bayes, and other Trees, turned after such a manner into stones, that by their Fibres, and toothed sides, they declared from what Trees they came: he began thereupon to canvas over again, and to strengthen his old opinion touching the genera­tion of all kind of stones. For he was not of opi­nion, that all stones were created at the begin­ning of the World: but he conceived, that in pro­gress of time many were made in such manner, as to owe their original to their matter, and cer­tain peculiar seeds; receiving their shape, partly from nature, partly by chance. For the matter of all them being water, or some other liquor or juyce, he conceived that in divers places were contained divers seeds of things, and particularly of stones, which being mingled with the liquor, does curdle the same, as milk is curdled by the runnet, and imprint its particular form there­upon. Consequently, That Crystals, Diamonds, and the like stones are made, when their seeds meet with a transparent liquor, such as they are only capable to perfect; and other stones, when their seeds meet with a more troubled and obscure Li­quor. And because at that time the foresaid li­quor must be contained, and rest quiet in some cavity and Vessel as it were, or conceptacle: thence it comes to passe, that even those preci­ous stones, have a thick obscure bottom; both because the conceptacle is for the most part ear­thy and unciean; and because what ever thickness is in the liquor, settles downward, and therefore makes the Coagulation more dull in the bot­tom. And that while they are in coagulation, they are parted, and multiplyed, as the grains of [Page 47]an eare of corn, within the sheath; that Crystal obtains an oblong six-sided figure, the Smaragd, a twelve-sided figure, the Adamant and Rubie an eight sided figure, and so of others: this he said, sprung from their peculiar seeds; by means of which, stones receive their proper shapes, as con­stantly and regularly, as Plants and Animals.

As for what concerns the shapes of Oyster­shels, Snails, Cockles, Periwinkles, and innu­merable other things: this happens by chance; for the living Creatures being dead, it happens, that their shels and coverings, become the con­ceptacles of the foresaid petrifying humour, which being coagulated and hardned, puts on the shape of the thing containing; after which man­ner also, Star-shapen stones may be made, of the cast Skins of certain Worms, being variously creased and dented.

Moreover, That the more subtle part of the humour, pierces into the very shell it self, and turns that also to stone, though it become more brittle (so that in many it will not hang toge­ther) continuing nevertheless, whiter then that which is contained within the same; which be­sides the thicker parts of the liquor, may have some of the substance, of the corrupt animal, mingled with it. And therefore, that it was no wonder, that not only within these shells, but sometimes also within Crystal, and other trans­parent stones, we see strawes, flies, and such like things: the same things happening acciden­tally to be in the Conceptacle or Liquor, when it hardens into a stone. And that the leaves of Plants did turn to stone after the same manner, as the shells aforesaid, viz. a pure humour soaking [Page 48]into them, which if it be impure, it forms a thick stone round about, as was seen in a certain stone which he kept in his study, which being clo­ven asunder, a flower was contained therein, turned to stone. And so he conceived the bones of men, and other things, were turned to stone.

And as for the Generation of those many-sided stones, he argued from the conformation of Salt and Allum, according to their proper figures. And as for other stones, he called to mind first, what, we said, he observed in his young years, when he was swimming, in the smaller stream of Rhoda­nus, into which the little River Sorga disbur­thens it self. For he had withall observed, that the River Sorga was at that time more troubled then ordinary, by reason of an Earth-quake, which happened at the Head thereof; and that by reason that Rhodanus did then swell with a tem­pest, it over-flowed for certain dayes together. Whence he also reasoned, that it was possible by that concussion of the Earth-quake, that stony Spawn or seed, might be voided forth of the Earth, and so carried with the waters, that be­ing mingled with the mud, which by reason of the over-flowing aforesaid, did settle and grow together, by little and little, it might form stones thereof.

Again, as for what concerns the hardening of the said stones; he called to minde those three stones, which John Brown the Chirurgion had given him, which were newly taken out of the bladder of an Infant. For whereas that which came first out, was perfectly hard, the second soft, and the third like to run in a manner; they were [Page 49]all nevertheless a few dayes after, of the same hardness.

And whereas stones that abide long in the bladder, are supervested with divers crusts, by rea­son of the addition of new matter; he said, it it was the same thing which we observe in divers Caves, or Sellers, where the stony water drop­ping from above, makes divers sorts of stones. And whereas divers grains of Gravel, being con­tained in the Bladder, are there cemented toge­ther by a clammy stony humour falling from the Kidneys; he shewed that it was the same thing which happened many times in Mountains and Rivers. For we see many Rocks, which consist of many small stones, some common matter ce­menting the same, which necessarily did after­wards become of a stony nature. And he himself had in his study an Horse-shoo taken out of Druentia, which was so compassed about with small pibbles from the River, that another stony substance, did joyn them one unto another, and all unto the Horse-shoo. The same was leen in a Sword and an Iron Ring, taken out of the River Rhodanus; and the same in a great Brasse Nail, which being taken out of the Seyne, was sent to him by Lomenius. Whence he argued both touch­ing the seed of stones, raked from the Mountains, and heads of Rivers; and touching such stones as are bred daily in the channels of Rivers; which kind of stones do also naturally encline to a round or oval figure, save that according to the condition of the Conceptacle, or by rowling, wearing and breaking, they may come to dege­nerate there-from.

And that I may add an observation of his, [Page 50]touching that same stony Gravel; he was the first that observed, that the said Gravel is naturally so shaped in the form of a Lozenge or Rhombus, that being looked upon through an augmenting­Glasse, it seems nothing but an heap of little Rhombs joyned together. Whence it is not hard to explain the reason of that pain which Gravel makes, when it is voided with the Urine; for the acute angles of every grane do so prick and scratch the passage, that they provoke a most sharp pain.

And being upon a time questioned touching the flexibility or that Whet-stone, which he re­ceived from Jacobus Hallaus of Paris, Master of the Accounts; le reserred it to Talchum: for he conceived, that a certain moysture, fit to make Talchum, was so commixed with sand, or those little grains, of which a Whetstone is composed; that the thickness of the Whetstone, did hinder the transparency of the Talchum; and the flexi­bility of the Talchum, did marre the stifnes of the Wherstone.

So, being asked concerning the stones of Crau­tia, or the Herculean fields; he supposed, that all that plain was in times past over-flowed with water, when Druentia, or Rhodanus over-went their banks, and that the lapidifick spawn being carried with the waters, did there hard en into stones. He proved it, by what we see to happen in the Concretion of Salts. For as in a Vessel wherein the water which is mixed with the salt, is evaporated, greater Cakes are found in the bot­tom, then are sticking to the sides, because the saltness does there, both longer and more abun­dantly reside: so in the middle of Crautia, [Page 51]which is the lowest part, the stones are observed to be far greater, then about the sides; especial­ly in the Maritime and moorish parts, where the stones are hardly so big as Nuts; whereas in the middle, the stones are for the most part, as big as a mans head.

That which made the greatest difficulty was, the incredible multitude of Fishes, Shell fish, and other Sea-Creatures, which were found turned to stone, even upon the highest Mountaine. But because he had observed in a long tow of Hills, as far a; from Beaugensier, a certain Zone as it were, which was high, but yet plain and parallel to the Horizon, and even-surface of the Sea, which was full of such kind of Creatures turn'd to stone: he made no question, but the Sea in arcient times had overflow'd the same, at least he thought he might have recourse to the flood of Noah, or to the Creation, before the waters were gathered into one place. For he thought it unquestiona­ble, that the Sea did by little and little forsake some Countries, and overflow others; as Ari­stotle proved touching AEgypt, Polybius concer­ning the Euxine, and himself concerning Arles, Ndus, Danubius Rhodanus, and other Ricers, ma­king continents of the Earth, which they conti­nually bring along in their streams, so that in process of time, both low places become high, and Sea-Coasts become Midland-Countries. For which cause he wrote, that he believed the City of Venice would one time or other be joyned to the Continent, because in a certain tract of time, the Continent had bin lengthened a thousand, and five hundred paces, or a mile and half.

Moreover, from hence he made a conjecture touching the formation of Rocks, which he con­ceived in the beginning of the world especially to be made by the abundance of moisture over­flowing the whole Earth, and the stony seed intermingled with the said Earth. Whence it might come to passe, that when the Rocks were not yet hardned, such Rivers as then brake forth and began to run, might break their way through the Rocks, seeing those deep Channels on either side whereof are high Rocks of uni­sorm contexture and altitude, could not be so hollowed by the insensible wearing of the water, in case their hardnesse had bin perpetual. And this peradventure was the Cause, that the wa­ter running from East to West, and making an hollow way, where the Mediterranean Sea now is, many Valleys were so opened, that the Rocks and Mountains kept the same Situation from East to West: of which kind are not only the chief in this Province, but the Pyrenaean and Appennine Hills, the Rhetian Alps in Europa: Taurus in Asia: Atlas in Africa: and the most of our Hills are broken and divided towards the Sea. And, that the Alps which border upon the Sea, and some lesser Mountains and Valleys, have a contrary Situation, might proceed from some particular Deflux of water: after the same manner, as we observe after the overflowing of Rivers, the water which runs over the Banks, does plow up the congested mud, and make ditches, and consequently swelling Banks, which are Situate athwart the Rivers course. But of this Argument enough, and too much.

Also he was wont to hold learned discourses touching that Gyantly body dug up at Tunis, of an almost immense magnitude, as Thomas Arco­sius, a man doubtlesse of various learning, did sig­nifie from those parts. For he wrote, that the Scull would contain eight mellerolles of Pro­vence, that is to say, a Paris Bushel and an eighth part. A monstrous size questionlesse: and therefore Peireskius advised Arcosius, to view all things with his own eyes, and to weigh eve­ry thing scrupulously; Telling him, that the grinding Tooth which he had sent him, might be either the Tooth of a very great Elephant, or of some kind of Whale.

Moreover, he rejoyced much, both at the re­turn of Minutius and for the finding of a certain Tripod. For he returning with good successe from Aegypt, brought many Books with him, especially written in the Coptick, that is to say, the ancient Language and Character of Aegypt; besides others which he had sent with the Sama­ritan Books aforesaid. He brought also two Mumies (viz. dead Bodies embalmed after the most ancient and costly manner) one of which was very large, entire, rare, and as by ornaments might be collected, the Body of some Prince. He brought also some Coins, amongst the which he highly esteemed two Tetra dragmes, the one Attick, the other Tyrian; and a piece of Coin of Hugo King of Hierusalem and Cyprus.

As for the Tripod, it was dug up at Freius; and because it was not much above a Foot high, Peireskius conceived, that it was one of those ve­tive Tripods, placed in the Temples, and made in fashion of that principal one, on which Phoe­bus [Page 54]standing, and drawing the Spirit from the cave beneath, did rave, and was thought to utter Oracles. By occasion whereof, he afterwards wrote divers Letters to Paris, Rome, and other places, to provoke the learned to discourse of certain unknown mysteries of the Tripod. The middle hole of its threesided Basis, is triangular, of circular lines: the extremities whereof suhain certain Anticks which bear up the Bowl; but so that they meerly touch one another, and fall asunder with the least motion. So that he con­ceived, when that Spirit did move it self, all Tri­pods must needs fall, some concussion of the parts being made. Also, he argued that the Cortina was not that vessel (for the Pithonesse did not ascend so high) but another Hemisphere of a scaly kind of surface (in imitation of the skin of the Serpent Pithon killd by Apollo) with which the foresaid hole was immediatly cove­red: so that the Priest had the Cortine beneath, and the Bowl hanging over.

Now he took pains only to expresse, and to approve by conjectures, what might be meant by that curvi-lineal Triangle. Wherefore there was no learned man with whom he did not con­sult thereabouts; himself in the mean time, both touching that and other parts, pouring forth such streams of Learning, that all men without controversie allowed him the Bayes. Let us near Holstein in the name of all the rest, For those things (quoth he) which you have written of this subject, in a good long discourse to Father Putean, you should in vain expect from me or any other An­tiquary: so far have you prevented and outgone all our care and diligence. I passe over, how to gain a [Page 55]fuller knowledge in this matter, he sought to get divers Tripods, especially out of Italy: whereupon Menetrius sent him some, besides an exquisite description and delineation of others, which he could not obtain.

About the beginning of the following year,1631. the troubles did still continue when the Prince of Condee coming into Provence, did at length compose the same. In the beginning of the Spring, the Cardinal having finished both his Legacies, and received at Paris the purple Cap, he retur­ned to Rome, and taking his journey through Provence, he would needs see his old friend at Beaugensier. And among other things it was very delightful to him, to behold, the toresaid Mumie; and to hear Peireskius discourle of it, and other kinds of embalming: Meanwhile a Question arising, Whether Aegyptians also were wont to pat a Passe-penny in the mouth of the dead, he thought good to open the coverings, and see if they could find any. Wherefore as soon as he had unwrapped the Head, he sought diligently, but could not see any naulum or Pass­ [...]nny in the mouth. When he was about to depart, Peireskius was bold to intreat him, and encrease the weight of his carriage; for he was to send to Holstenus twenty Greek manuscripts of the Interpreters of Plato and Aristotle, which he had bought out of the Study of Pacius for two hundred Crowns, and long since resolved to send them. The Cardinal was willing, and out of his love to Learning and learned Men [...]he took up­on him the care of seeing them convaied.

And here it must not be forgotten, how he took along with him at that time Gabriel Nau­daeus a Parisian of great renown among the Learned, and by his Books already published, well known, and dear to Peireskius: Wherefore Peireskius took greatdelight, both to embrace and speak with the man, and to congratulate his Patron in that he had chose such a man, to assist in his Studies. And truly he tessified more then once, how much he was delighted with his com­pany, not knowing whether he should more ad­mire the candor and gentleness of his mind; or his unexhaustible learning and knowledge of all kind of Books. But how much Naudaeus did honour Peireskius, and how largely he then tasted of his beneficence, he did asterwards testifie, both in private Letters, and in his publick dedica­tory Epistle, prefixed to his Medico-philological Question, VVhether it be more wholsome to study in the morning, or in the evening. For therein cal­ling him, The Maecenas of all learned men, and fearing the Fortune of that ancient Maecenas, he yowes to write a Panegyrick of his praises, and why in the mean time he Dedicated this Work to him; The Cause he saies, is the admira­tion of your Vertue, and the indignation, which long since, I conceived within my self, that it was not celebrated by the Pens of all leanred men to whom neverthelesse it daily affords matter, to discourse of almost all things, both learnedly and subtilely. And again, which I was first induced to do by peculiar reasons of my own, who have bin long in your debt, and do earnestly desire and long above measure, to give you all tokens [Page 57]possible of the Reverence and respect, I bear to­wards you. And in the next place, the Example of my most excellent and eminent Patron, Jo­hahnes Franciscus Cardinalis à Balneo, who as at other times he conversed so willingly, and delightfully with you, as with no learned man more; even so now he remits nothing of his ancient good will, but loves and honours you ex­ceedingly, though absent. I omit that passage, who have long since obliged me, by the incredi­ble Allurements of your Love and Beneficence, and many more.

Having brought the Cardinal to Tolon, and not leaving him, till he was under sail, he return­ed to Beaugensier. For sometime he was busied about the Marriage which Claudius his Brothers Sonne, endeavoured to procure in the County of Avenion. He gave therefore his consent, that he should take from thence to wife, a noble Damo­sell called Margaretta Alresia, bestowing upon him the Barony of Rantium, and granting him his Senatorian Dignity, only upon condition, that the whole function should remain unto himself for the space of three years.

Easter was at hand, when a remarkable Palsie seazed upon the whole right side of his Body. For he was sitting without his door, at the entrance of the Garden, and rested his whole body, as hap was, upon his right thigh, when of a sudden he felt his said thigh not a little stupified. Endea­vouring to rise, he could not without the help of his Servant; nor go, by reason of the like num­medness of his thigh and soot. Presently the [Page 58]Disease seazed upon his Arm, so that he could not write. It crept also into his Tongue, so that he could only make a noyse, but was not able to articulate his words. Also a ringing followed in his eare, which went not away, till the other parts were freed from the Palsie. Now he was freed just a week after he was first taken, upon the oc­casion of chearfulness and admiration. For Let­ters being brought him from Thuanus, contain­ing an excuse why he came not by Beaugensier, he was much rejoyced; and a while after, some bo­dy singing curiously, an Hymne of the Loves of the Lilly and the Rose, he was so taken with the sweetness of the Song, and the elegancy of some strain or other, that, like the Son of Croesus, desi­ring to utter some words, and particularly these, How excellent is this! he forth-with uttered them, and at that very moment, his Limbs were all freed from the Palsie.

Moreover, he afterwards resolved to send Minutius again, to hunt for Books in the Ori­ental Languages, being chiefly animated by the practite of that renowned man Jacobus Golius, whom the States of Holland, in regard of his rare skill in Arabick and the Mathematicks, caused to succeed in the Room of two samous proses­sors of the University, viz. Thomas Erpenius, of whom we spake before, and Willebrordus Snellius, whom Kepler justly esteemed to be the most sub­til Mathematician in the World. For Golius, in the name, and at the charge of the States, having twice gone into the East, had scraped together, and brought to the University, such a Treasure of Books, that having seen the Catalogue of them, which I receiving from Golius, and at the request [Page 59]of many causing it to be printed, did send to him, he was suddenly inflamed with a defire to send again into the East, it being his aim as far as his private purse would hold out, to furnish France with the like Books. Now he procured that Minutius should go in company with Mar­chevilla, who depatted towards Constantinople, in the moneth of July. And he would likewise have had Holstenius, and Buccardus, and other learned men to have gone with them, who being coun­tenanced by the Patronage and Authority of the Kings Agent, should have searched the Libraries in Mount Atho, and other places; but they, though willing to undergo the journey, could not so soon fit themselves. He got only one more to go, viz. the forenamed Gallaupius, who never­theless stay'd not long at Constantinople, but went to Mount Libanus, and so setled himself amongst the Maronites, that he abides with them to this day.

After the departure of Marchevilla, he was told that there was an Elephant come to Tolon, which he caused to be brought to Beaugensier, that he might examine some things, about which four years since, he had wrote to the Puteans, when the Beast was carried to Paris. It was now brought out of Italy, being the same which a year before, was shewed at Rome: and I wonder what made the owner thereof tell Peireskius, that he was 14 years old, when as at Rome, the year be­fore, he gave him out to be but eleven years old, as by the Picture thereof dedicated to the Knight Gualdus, and the description thereof, made by Bottifangus, may be seen. Moreover, Peireskius two whole dayes together, what with asking [Page 60]Questions, what by making experiments, learned so many things, that he accounted himself satis­fied. Among other things, when he had tryed him with all kinds of meats, especially, com­manding to give him sweet things, which he lo­ved best, so that the Elephant began to know him, and to fawn upon him; he grew so confi­dent, as (his Keeper doing the same first) to put his hand into his mouth, and feel how many teeth he had. Now he found on either hand two, in each jaw, that is to say, just 8. in all, and not only foure, as Plinie will have it. Nor did he only feel his teeth, but by the Governours assistance, he applyed wax thereto, that he might cause both their form and magnitude to be represented. By which means he became clearly satisfied, that the foresaid grinding tooth, sent out of Africa by Ar­cosius, was the tooth of an Elephant and not of a Gyant: nor did he any longer admire, why so few of the Teeth of the Gyant Theutobochus aforesaid, were shewn.

Moreover, He would needs have the Elephant painted in a threefold posture; but especially ly­ing, that the joynts might the better be seen, which are between his foot and his Leg, and be­tween his Leg and thigh; to convince that Er­ror, which, through the Authority of Strabo, and some others, had gotten foot, that an Elephant could not bend his Legs, with other fables, built thereupon. And he was wont, when he spake of these things, to add, that the ancients could not but know, that an Elephant had joynts, seeing in certain Medals they had pourtrayed an Elephant dansing upon the Ropes; which would require [Page 61]a rare, not only mobility, but flexibility of his thighes.

Again, he did not only cause the measures of all his parts to be taken; but also seeing the Beast was afterwards to be carryed to Aix, he gave or­der to his Brother, and two industrious men, Jo­hannes Lumbardus, and Josephus Suchetus, that they should cause him to be weighed. Wherefore they did according to his desire, providing a scale on purpose for the Elephant, and another like a Bowl, to hold the weights which were Canon Bullets. Thus therefore the Elephant was found to weigh four thousand and five hundred Provence pounds, which make near upon three thousand five hundred pounds of Paris; and of the Roman pounds, which consist but of twelve ounces, very near five thousand.

Afterward he heard to his great grief, of the death of two of his beloved friends, viz. Alean­der at Rome, and Pignorius at Padua; with which two, what ancient and constant friendship he had, and with what variety of mutual Offices, and kindnesses maintained, may be understood, by what has bin already said. And hereupon he more highly prized their. Pictures, which he had already, hanging them (when he returned to the City) so one touching another in his study, that they were presently in the eye of any one that should enter. Also it was a comfort to him, that he heard that Aleander his Funeral was so ho­noured, that his prayses were publickly uttered by the eloquent Gasparus Simeonius, in a full As­sembly of the Roman Academicks; and that the memory of Pignorius was so dear to that renown­ed favourer of all learned men, Dominicus Moli­nus, [Page 62]Procurator of St. Mark, that he both built him a Tombe, and caused an Epitaph to be in­fcribed; which also Philippus Thomasinus, he who deserved so well of his Countrey and learn­ed fellow-Citizens, has mentioned at the end of his discourse, touching the Library and Study of Pignorius. I passe over, how neither Simeonius, nor Thomasinus, could let go in silence the friendship which was between those learned men deceased, and our Peireskius.

In this year, and the moneth of November, a memorable thing happened, viz. that the Planet Mercury, was first seen under the Sun, or in the Circumference of the Sun. Keplerus had before admonished in a publick writing, all Astrono­mers and persons studious of the Heavenly bo­dies, of this admirable spectacie: wherefore Peireskius also thought it was his part to attend the same, and that so much the more, in as much as he had bin perswaded that the Planet Mercury was seen in the Sun in the dayes of Charles the great, (out of Eginhardus and Adelmus, or Ade­marus, in the course of the Annals of Aimoinus) but was since disswaded, supposing that it was only a great spot like the rest, which appeared 8: dayes, whereas Mercury consumes only some houres under the Sun. He provided therefore a Scene, into which the rayes of the Sun were to be let through a Prospective-glasse, that the appea­rance of the Sun being exhibited, the shadow of Mercury might be discovered. And indeed he watched as much as he could, or did remember (for Keplerus distrusting the Calculation, would have observation diligently made, three whole dayes before, from the end of the noon, whereof [Page 63]he had calculated the middle apparition to be.) But the apparition ceasing before noon, the pre­sence of certain guests, made him forget it all that morning, for he accompanied them to hear Masse, and feasted them afterward liberally.

He complained therefore exceedingly, when he was acquainted with the time, in which the spectacle appeared, and was afterwards exceeding joyful, that I especially, or, it may be, only, ob­served the same, being at Paris. For I observed Mercury from the middle very near of the round body of the Sun, running into the verge thereof (but so small as he exceeded not the third part of a minute) and passing out of the said verge, at ten a Clock in the morning, and 28. minutes, with 6. minutes, and a third part Northern latitude. Whereupon being very joyful, he sent my obser­vation into all parts, and not it alone, but also the commentaries which were written thereof, by the excellent and very learned man Wilhelmus Schickardus, Professor at Tubinga, and by Marti­nus Hortensius, a famous Holland Mathematici­an, who assisted Philippus Landsbergius, in the ma­king of his Astronomical Tables.

Winter approaching, he began to be troubled with his wonted Haemorrhoids, and with pains of the stone; so that when the Viceroy the Mar­shall of Vitrie being lent into Provence was at Tolon, he visited him indeed, but was fain to be carried in a Sedan.

Moreover, while he was discoursing; he was troubled, and exceedingly tormented with diffi­culty of Urine. Lodging therefore at a friends house, some body acquainted him, that in the Isle of Zembies, a few miles off, there sprang a water [Page 64]very effectual for the easing of these pains; and how among others, Andreas Davoria had found so much good thereby, that he had sent for it as far as from Genua, and the Captain of the Gallies did often turn in thither, to drink of that Well, Whereupon Pcireskius presently sent into the Isle, drank of the water, and found it not only profitable to move Urine, but that it changed the whole habit of his body; so that being returned to Beaugensier, he seemed in a short time per­fectly recovered.

But this health of his lasted not long, for presently in the spring of the following year 1632. he was so variously tormented, that he was often given over for a dead man. For to the pain of the Haemorrhoids and difficulty of Urine, was added a continual Fever, which seemed to remit a little, about the 14th day, when the Marshal visited him; but it grew afterwards worse unto the 24th day; when it was followed by a Quoti­dian Ague, of about 15. or 20. dayes continu­ance; with an Inflammation and huge tumor in one of his Arms. And as if all this had bin too little, by occasion of a Clyster heedlesly given his Haemorrhoids were so hurt, that a Gangrene bred soon after, in those parts. Whereupon he forth­with sent for Cassaneus; but he being likewise such himself, could not come to him. Howbeit, he sent Sebastianus Richardus, who had practised Physick first at Digne, and afterward at Marseilles, with great applause; and who so industriously opposed the growing Disease, that he perfectly cured the same, and left Peireskius not long after, upon the mending hand.

Moreover,1632. the perfection of his Recovery was not a little furthered by the joy, wherewith he was possessed, by reason of two silver Cups, dug up in a field at Vallaurien, which they were about to make a Vineyard; and sent him by Lu­dovicus Meynerius, a religious man of Lerins, a learned man, and in imitation of his excellent Brother, a Student of the Mathematicks. For be­cause one cup would go fit into the other he sup­posed they were of those kind of Cups, which were called Sunduo & Symbibae; and because near the brim of the inner Cup, there was a gol­den Crown, he thought it was thence appatent, what it was among the Ancients, Vina Coronare, to Crown the Wine. Also by the pointed Let­ters OVENICOIMEDOU, he judged, they were of those kind of Cups which were ter­med Grammatica, or Literata, letterd Cups, (es­pecially when it was found to contain thirteen Cyathi [or small Cups so called] according to the number of the Letters) such as those Cups were of old, upon which were written Caius, Julius, Proculus: whence thole Verses,

Naevia sex Cyathis, septem Justina bibatur, &c.
Six Cups in Naevia, Seven in Justinia drink.

Also he shewed the Reason why they drank in a double Cup, from the times of ancient Barba­risme; For in those dayes, they drank in their e­nemies Sculls, whom they had slain; and the more a man had slain, the more Skulls he drank in, one glewed to another. But when men came to be civilized, they at length abhorred that cu­stome, yet they substituted in the room thereof, [Page 76]certain Vessels resembling Skulls (as these had such a kind of shape) but not so horrilbe in re­spect of the matter.

Finally, taking occasion partly from these Cups, partly from an ancient Hemina, or old Brazen Semi-sextary, which was found at Nis­mes, (and being seen at Paludanus, his, or Tor­nerius's house 3. years before) was afterward by Petit brought to him: partly from the Alabaster which he received that Summer, out of the Re­liques of the Gally, which carried the Popes Nuncio Ceva into France, after he had repaired it, being broken, and had for some weeks enjoy­ed, the most delightful Company of Menetrius: Also from the model of the Congius, procured by Aleander, which was found to contain of the water of a River in that Country Gapellus, nine Pro ence pounds and two ounces, by the ordina­ry weights; as also from divers other Vestels which he either had there, or sent for; by occa­sion, I say, of these things, he began divers dis­courses with Salmasius, and other learned men, about measures, weights, and Vessels.

For his opinion was, that the Ancients were so industrious, that they made no Vessel, which did not contain a set measure, and a certain weight. Now he was confirmed in his opinion, by a Box of weights which he received from A­leander: for comming to try them, he found that there was contained one within another, in or­der, an Acetable, a Cyathus, a Mystrum, a Con­cha, a Chemin, and Cochlear [measures so call­ed] besides the utmost Box which contained the rest, being two pounds weight, and a Quartarius in measure, but so as the handles were turned [Page 77]inwards. But I passe over, how he was after­ward more assured, when returning to the City, and his study, he found a certain Vessel, in which both the ounces, and the smaller parts of the Cochlear, were distinguished by divers Circles; also he observed all kinds of Vessels, which he had left at home.

But to insist upon what he transacted at Beau­gensier, he was also exceedingly delighted, by the communication of a rare demonstration, where­by the foresaid Josephus Galterius, perfected the demonstration of Ptolomy, touching finding the distances and magnitudes of the Coelestial Bo­dies. And he truly according to his Industry, had studied out the business many years before; but he took the same in hand again, upon occasion of the Uranometria of Lansbergius, newly publish­ed, wherein the good old man endeavouring to shew wherein Ptolomaeus, Albategnius, Coperni­cus, Ticho, and other excellent Artists had erred; he himself seemed to come off, somewhat dully. For he did not distinguish the lines drawn from the Centers of the Sun and Earth, into a right line, touching upon the Angle of the Earths sha­dow, from the true and appearing semi-diame­ters, as in a perfect work was requisite; as also he ought not to consider the appearing Diame­ter of the Sun from the Centre of the Earth, but from the surface thereof, whence it is seen, Gal­terius therefore having considered all things, drew a Diagram and framed a demonstration, and sent all to Peireskius, who exceedingly rejoyced, and congratulated with him thereabout, and having procured very many Copïes of the demonstrati­on, he communicated the same with such as he [Page 78]knew to be studious of such things, at Paris, Rome, and other places.

So when he had gotten a Copy of those Dia­logues of Galilaeus, in which from the motion of the Earth, in the same part of the Surface, every day twice slacke ned and quickened, by reason of the composition of the Diurnal and Annual mo­tion, he saw the cause declared, of the ebbing and flowing of the Sea, till that time unknown; it is not to be expressed with what pleasure he found himself affected: And when he observed, that the Book was printed with Approbation, with what exaltation he cryed out, that this Age was happy, wherein quick-sighted and sagacious men, by explaining the motion of the Earth, had ex­plained the causes, both of the proprieties of the Load-stone, and of the flowing and ebbing of the Sea, hitherto accounted most admirable and un­known; Wilhelmus Gilbertus of Colchester in England having done the one in his Book of the Loadstone; and Galilaeus the other in this Book of Systems.

Also he was recreated by a Book set out by Chifletius, containing the Coats of Arms, or Scutcheons of the Knights of the Golden Fleece, emblazoned in the termes of Heraldry; and ha­ving also received letters, in which Petrus Hose­rius (than whom no man was better acquainted with the noble Families of France) signified, that he also would shortly set forth the Coats of the Knights of the Order of the Holy Ghost, intima­ting, that they were ready for the Presse. Like­wise an History printed of the Popes of Rome, who being born in France, had sate in the Papal Chaire, made by Franciseus Bosquetus, a Narbon Lawyer, a man deserving all commendation, and [Page 79]who was then composing the whole History of the French Church. Also the true description of the Bridge at Ariminum, sent by Naudaeus, by which he was assured, that the Consulship of Augustus was in XIII. and his Tribuneship in XXXVIII; for he doubted that there was a mistake in Gruterus, who sayes XIV. and XXXVIII. Also Naudaeus sent him withall his own Relation touching the burning of Vesu­vius, which began December the year before, and yet continued; besides the Relations of divers others, which he had got together.

Finally, having resolved to return to Town, the Autumne following, he desired first to have the Samaritan Books in a readiness, that the way being open, he might send them all at once to Paris; being very much troubled, that they had bin there so long wanted: For, to compleat the Edition of the great Bible aforesaid, the learned Johannes Morinus, of the Order of praying Fry­ers, was taking order about the Samaritan Pen­tateuch, and the year before having premised Ex­ercitations thereupon, he made such publick mention of these Books, that Peireskius was af­terward wonderfully impatient, till he could send them. For he having first spoken of the Samari­tan Copy, which Petrus à Valle, had communica­ted by the procurement of Peireskius; he sub­joyned, Besides that Book we daily expect two other Hebrew Samaritan Books, that by compa­ring them with this, our Edition may be every way compleat. These were procured out of Pa­lestine, a few moneths since, by that most mu­nificent Gentleman, the Ornament of Leara­ing, [Page 80]which he is evermore studying to advance, Mr. Peireskius, a most upright Senator in the Parliament of Aix. The one of those Books has three Columns, and consisls of three Languages, each Language holding a distinct Column; &c. Whereupon Peireskius perceived that he was hereby pulled as it were by the Eare, and put in mind of his engagement: wherefore waiting only for a safe and convenient opportunity to send them, he would trust them with none but Dionysius Guilleminus, a man of singular Courte­sie; and that had lived in his Family from a boy; so that he was formerly at Romollae, and now also at Beaugensier, his Bailie. He sent him indeed to his Abbey in Aquitanie: but he or­dered him before hand, to go out of his way, and carry the Books to Paris. I stand not to recount. how great thanks Morinus returned for the said Books, and how he magnified him with prayses; only I shall tell you, that he had then translated, and sent him back the Samaritan Epistles, which were long since written to Scaliger, as we told you before.


HAving spent three years at Beaugen­sier, he returned to Aix, in the Month of September. Helîas Lai­naeus Marguerius, was now come to Town whom the King after the death of Oppi­daeus, had made chief President of the Parlia­ment: and because Peireskius well knew his in­tegrity, joyned with great skill in the Lawes; therefore out of Reverence to his dignity and vertue, he would not go to his own house, be­fore he had saluted him. Therefore, his Nephew being obliged, according to custome, to visite all the Senators, he went with him to the house of every one, and commended him to them, with great alacrity. Neverthelesse, it happened through his labour in that particular, he fell into a pain in his Kidnies, having loosened a store, which four or five daies after, he happily voided. As soon as ever he was recovered, he fell to his Senatorian employments, having reserved, as we said before, to himself, the function of his office for the space of three years: which he did verily, not out of vanity, or desire of gain; but [Page 82]that he might not want occasion to exercise his beneficence, especially towards learned and re­ligious persons, and others well-deserving; be­ing accusiomed to maintain their Rights, and take upon himself their Patronage.

Moreover, he was recreated by certain Books, which Minutius sent him out of the East, with divers Coins, especially the Basilidians; also certain bulbous Plants, and other such like things. Among the rest, there was one Volume (which might well be so called à Volvende, being rouled up) smallest in bulk, but by him most highly prized, being found in a Box at the feet of a certain Mumie. It was all written with Hieroglyphick Letters consisting of the true Pa­pyrus or ancient Paper so called, and might well be above two thousand years old. At another time, afterwards, he received great store of Greek Books, (viz. as many as two large Chests could hold) but he was not so happy in this pur­chase, in regard of the integrity & subject matter of the same Books. For excepting an Arabian Bible, written in the Arabick, Persian, and Chalde Tongues, with the Commentaries of Rabbi Solo­mon; all the rest were either very ordinary Books, or very imperfect.

But this happened the year following, at what time he was very busie, in measuring and com­paring divers ancient measures, which, as was before hinted, he had at home. For, besides the knowledge of all kind of measures, which was to him most delightful, he hoped he should be able at length by comparing very many of them, to reconcile many places in Authors, touching measures, which contradict one ano­ther; [Page 83]as where Columella makes a Cochlear to be the fourth part of a Cyathus, and Fannius makes it the twenty fourth: whereas the same Fannius and Pliny will have the Cyathus to weigh ten drams; Marcellus and others, twelve: and other such like places, which he was minded to explain, not only by conjectures, but with the very weights and measures themselves. For which cause he endeavoured, to get all the anci­ent Vessels that he could any waies hear of, to be measured. But he conceived, greatest recko­ning was to be made of the more precious ones, [made of silver, or other costly materials] be­cause the Ancients were wont in them to affect certain kinds of measures, also that by that means they might be more acceptable, either as being ordained for sacrifices, or that being kept in Temples, (for most of them were consecrated gifts) they might there the longer remain as Standards, or authentick models of Measures.

He was therefore desirous, that Guilleminus should abide divers Moneths at Paris, to mea­sure such precious Vessels, which were kept at St. Dennis, and in the chief Closets of Rarities, in that City. But he had especial proof of the humanity of Rociaeus, who did not only pro­cure him the capacity and patterns of Vessels, but sent him one Vessel it self, which he com­pelled him to accept; whereupon Peireskius wrote him a Letter, most full of gratitude and profound Learning, wherewith he explained at large, the meaning of the most exquisite sculp­ture and ornaments thereof. In like manner, because Jacobus Gaffarellus, a man renowned for his skill in Hebrew and other endowments, [Page 84]did reside at Venice,1633. he took care, that he should measure those precious Vessels, which being brought from Cyprus and Constantinople, were kept in the Treasury of St. Mark; and the illu­strious Magnifico Valletanus Knight of St. Mark, interceded with the Senate, at the request of Peireskius, and procured a Licence to that intent. So he dealt with Naudaeus to procure him those at Ravenna; and with Suaresius, touching that great Smaragdine Charger, which is at Genua, and by the Genuenses called Scela; and with Menetrius touching many, which he knew were kept at Rome. Nor must I in this place forget how he had a Crystal Cochlear, sent him for a token by the generous Lady Foelix Zacchia Ron­denina, learned above her Sex, and Letters with­all of her husband Alexander Rondeninus, where­with that most renowned Heroina did very ele­gantly testifie, how much she prized the Virtue of Peneskius. And it seemed a strange thing, that about the same time Carolus Tabaretius Ca­dafalcius Prosenescal of Digne, sent him a larger Cochlear, with three hund-ed peices of Mony coined in the Daies of Gallienus, which were found therewith.

To come to other matters, it was Spring, when as Petrus Seguierius the illustrious President, was made Keeper of the Kings Seal; whereup­on Peireskius did both congratulate his new Ho­nour, and received Letters from him, wherein that great Personage did testifie, that no Letters were more welcome to him then from Peireski­us, being both his Kinsman, and one exceeding­ly praised for his Virtue and Knowledge. At the same time, his Brother Valavesius was cho­sen [Page 85]by the King Viguier of Marseilles, to which City he went. For that Magistrate begins his office every year in the Kalends of May, and con­tinues the whole year chief President of the Mu­nicipial Court. Mean while, I was with him, when he would needs invite Athanasius Kir­cherus, a very learned Jesuite, then residing at Avenion, He was reported to be exceeding skilful in the Mysteries of Hieroglyphicks: wherefore he both sent him divers Books to help him, and a Copy of the Table of Isis formerly described. And because he had by him a rare Manuscript, being Rabbi Barachias Abenephius an Arabian Author, who was reported to have set down the manner of interpreting the Hierogly­phicks: therefore he entreated him, that at his coming he would bring with him, both the said Book, and some example of Interpretation, with his own notes. Which when he had done, it cannot be expressed, with what ardency he en­couraged him, to finish the work which he had begun, and to hasten the printing thereof. He was afterward called to Rome, to succed in the place of that renowned Mathematician Chri­stopherus Scheinerus, whom the Emperor desired to have near himself. Now Peireskius dealt ear­nestly, not only with Mutius Ʋitellescus, Gene­rall of the Jesuites order, but also with Car­dinall Barberinus, that they would encourage him to procure him leasure, for the speedy put­ting forth of the work aforesaid.

He invited also, at the same time, Solomon Azubius a Rabbin of Carpentras, not inferiour to the ancient Rabbins in learning. He brought with him certain Astronomical Tables, which [Page 86]he had by him; composed at Tarascon by a cer­tain Jew three hundred years ago, and calcula­ted to the Longitude and Latitude of that Place. And because he knew what pains the fore­said Schickardus took for the reparation of Astronomy and Geography,; therefore he pro­cured Azubius to write a Copy of the aforesaid Tables in Hebrew, which he intended to send to Schickardus. Now he sent it afterwards, and the Interpretation of Azubius with it, and some A­rabick pieces, which he knew would delight him, by that excellent pains which he had taken, about the History of Tarichus, touching the Kings of Persia. Moreover, because his answer to the Letter sent him about the Planet Mercury, did shew that he had neither seen that very ancient work of Aristarchus Samius, touching the bignes of the Sun & Moon, nor certainly knew whether it were extant in the world: therefore, seeing he had acquainted him, that the Book was yet ex­tant in Greek in the Kings Library, and that a Translation thereof in Latine, with the Com­mentaries of Fredericus Commandinus had been printed in Italy; therefore, I say, he both pro­cured a Copy of the Greek Original, and left no stone unturned, until by the help of Naudaeus, he found out and obtained a Latine Copy like­wise, which he bound up both in one bundle to­gether, with divers observations touching the motions of the Stars; all which Schickardus re­ceived, when he did not expect, no nor think of such a thing.

He did the like to Hortensius aforesaid; for knowing, that he desired a Copy of the Dia­logues of Galilaeus, that he might compare what [Page 87]he had wrote touching the smallnesse of the Stars, with what himself had wrote upon the same Subject, by occasion of the small appea­rance of Mercury: therefore he sent presently to get one of those Books, and sent it of his own accord to Hortensius, who suspected no such thing. The like also he did to another, I know not whom: for understanding from him, that he exceedingly desired a Copy of the Alcoran; he presently got one at Grenoble, by the assistance of Philippus Lagneus, a good and learned man, and true lover of Scholars, that he might send it to the man, who had not so much as asked any such thing of him.

The like also he did to Gaspar Bachetus Me­ziriacus, who after he had published Diophantus and other excellent works, was couragiously en­deavouring to amend the French Translation of Plutarch, and to illustrate his Castigations with notes. For he having signified, that he had ne­ver seen the Life of Homer in Greek, written by Plutarch, as soon as Peireskius heard it, he pre­sently endeavoured to get the said Life written out of a Greek Book, which he remembred he he had seen in the Kings Library, and when it was almost written out, hearing that it was prin­ted by Henry Stephen, and put before his volume of Heroical Poets, he presently sent to buy the said Volume, which with Scaliger's Eusebius, which he also wanted, and Homer's Iliads new­ly gained out of the East, with some notes of Porphyrius, and other things unlooked for, he sent to Bacchetus.

Moreover, he caused to be exscribed out of the Library of Augsburge certain works of St. Cyril, which the learned Joannes Aubertus stood in need of, to compleat the Edition of that sacred Author: for which cause also, he procured di­vers Libraries in Spain and Sicilie to be searched; especially the Vatican Library, out of which he gained some things, which to the end that Hol­stenius might the more willingly peruse and cor­rect; he procured by way of requital, that Au­bertus in like manner at Paris, should look over, and correct certain Greek Astronomers, which being desired by Holstenius, Peireskius had pro­cured to be transcribed, out of the Library of the most excellent Arch-bishop of Tolouse. Also, when Duchesnius seriously set himself to publish such Authors, as had written the Historie; and affairs of France; Peireskius procured sor him besides many other Books, both Petrus Bibliothe­carius so called, whom he procured by the saga­city, diligence, and felicity of Naudaeus; and al­so the Chronologica fragment a Abbatiae sublucensis, which to procure, he implored the authority of Cardinal Barberine, and the Assistance of Buc­cardus.

Divers others also there were, who at his re­quest commanded many Books to be exscribed. One was Henricus Memmius, that same renow­ned Prelate, who excelling the gentility of his Parentage, by the nobility of his mind, was won­derful sollicitous to advance Learning and lear­ned men, according to the custome of his fami­ly. Also the Earl of Marchaevilla was one, from whom he received a Book touching the various sects of Mahumetans; and to whom he wrote [Page 89]what kind of Sculptures, Achats; Coines, and such like, were to be sought for out of the East. The aforesaid Felix Zacchia, was also one, from whom he obtained certain Monuments of the Families of Genna. Also Julius Pallavicinus, him­self of Genua, from whom he received a whole volume of the said Families; besides other things which he sought to procure of Petrus Maria Bo­erus, with whom he held perpetual entercourse: others there were, of whom he sought to gain the Antiquities of Hadria Pisa, and other re­nowned Cities; but to name them all, would be tedious.

Nor must it be forgotten in this place, how that having sormerly took care, that the Coptic tongue might be induced, and propagated all Europe o­ver; and Salmasius and Petitus, had already much profited in that Language, by a few Books he had furnished them with; he added more volumes in the same Tongue, and was very careful that Petrus Valleus might lend him that Vocabulary, which he had brought out of the East, that he might procure it to be interpreted, and printed by Salmasius, who was ready to undertake the work. Which when he could not have granted, he desired him at least, to lend the same to Kir­cherus, who was both present, and at Rome, and being skilled in the Tongue already, might set upon the work.

But he conceived great hopes of obtaining out of the East, both Coptic, and other rare Books, when he received a Copy of the Epistle of St. Cle­ment to the Corinthians, which was newly pub­lished in print, being lately brought from Aegypt and Constantinople, to England; and when about [Page 90]the very same time, that very good man Aegidius Lochiensis a Capucine, returned out of Aegypt, where he studied the Oriental Languages, seven whole years together. For he being received with great exultation by Peireskins, from whom he had had no small assistance in that Countrey; he told him of rare Books, which were extant in divers Covents and Monasteries. And memorable it is, how he saw a Library of eight thousand Vo­lumes, many of which bore the marks of the An­tonian Age. And because among other things, he said he saw Mazhapha Einock, or the Prophe­cie of Enoch, foretelling such things as should happen at the end of the World, a Book never seen in Europe, but was there written in the Cha­racter and Language of the Aethiopians or A­byssines, who had preserved the same: therefore Peireskius was so inflamed with a desire to pur­chase the same at any rate, that sparing for no cost, he at length obtained it.

Moreover, the good man aforesaid, having accidentally made mention of a great fire, which happened in Semus, a Mountain of Aethiopia, at the same time that the fire happened at Pesuvius in Italy; thereupon he discoursed largely, touch­ing Channels under ground, by which not onely waters, but fires also might passe from place to place; and consequently Vesuvius might com­municate the fire to Aetna, Aetna to Syria, Sy­ria to Arabia foelix Arabia foelix, to the Coun­trey, bordering upon the red Sea, in which stands the Mountain Semus aforesaid: whether a long row of arched Rocks do make the Channel, or whether the fire it self breaking in at the chinks, do make it self way, and create channels, pitch­ing [Page 91]the same so with a bituminous suffumi­gation, that it keeps out the Seawater which goes over it. And that fires under ground do make themselves way, may be known by the Mountain Puteolus, in the time of Pope Paul the third, and others at other times made by the eruption of fire. And that the foresaid Incrustation, or pitch­ing is sometimes broken away, so that water may enter in, we have a signe in that, when Vesuvius was on fire, the shore of Naples was somewhat parched, the Monntain in the mean while vomi­ting forth such waters as it had drunk in by the chinks, but burning through the admixture of combustible matter. In like manner, he after­ward interpreted that same fiery Torrent, which flowed from off Mount Aetna one whole year to­gether, running down extream hot, two or three miles long, and five hundred paces, or half a mile broad; the Liquor being a mixture of Sul­phur, Salt, Lead, Iron, and Earth.

The year ending, he was greatly delighted to detain at his House for certain dayes, the famous Poet Santamantius, who returned from Rome, with the Duke of Crequy. And though he were wonderfully delighted with his sporting wit, and the recitation of his most beautiful Poems; yet he took the greatest pleasure to hear him tell of the rare things which had bin observed, partly by himself, and partly by his Brother in their Jour­nies to India, and other Countries. He told a­mong other things, how his Brother saw in the greater Java, certain Live-wights, of a middle nature, between Men and Apes. Which because many could not believe, Peireskius told what he had heard chiefly from Africa. For Natalis the [Page 92]Physician before mentioned, had acquainted him, that there are in Guiney, Apes, with long, gray, combed Beards, almost venerable, who stalk an Aldermans pace, and take themselves to be very wise: those that are the greatest of all, and which they tearme Barris, have most judgement; they will learn any thing at once shewing; being cloathed they presently go upon their hind legs; play cunningly upon the Flute, Cittern, and such other Instruments (for it is counted nothing for them to sweep the house, turn the spit, beat in the Morter, and do other works like Houshold Servants) finally their femals have their Courses, and the males exceedingly desire the company of Women.

But Arcosius (who of late years dedicated divers Books to him, as Memoriale Principum, Commentarii politici, Relatiode Africa) related in certain Letters, what had happened to one of Ferrara, when he was in a Country of Marmari­ca, called Angela. For he hapned one day upon a Negro, who hunted with Dogs certain wild men, as it seemed. One of which being taken and killed, he blamed the Negro for being so cruel to his own kind. To which he answered, you are deceived; for this is no man, but a Beast ve­ry like a man. For he lives only upon Grasse and has guts and entrals like a Sheep, which that you may believe, you shall see wich your eyes; where­upon he opened his belly. The day following, he went to hunting again, and caught a male and a female. The female had Dugs a foot long; in all other things very like a Woman; saving that she had her entrals full of grasse and herbs, and like those of a Sheep. Both their Bodies were [Page 93]hairy all over, but the hair was short and soft e­nough.

These relations of Africa, invite me to annex the Commerce which Peireskius setled the fol­lowing year, upon this occasion. One Vermellius of Monpellier, at first a Jeweller, had given him­self to be a Souldier, and having spent what he had, he returned to his former Art; and having got together divers Jewels, he set sail in a Ship of Marseilles for Aegypt, and the next opportu­nity, to the innermost part of Aethiopia. When he had brought his Jewels, and all his precious Commodities thither, he was taken notice of by the Queen of the Abyssines, who was delighted with Europaean Ornaments; and growing fa­mous at Court, he was not unknown to the King. It happened in the mean while, that the King waged warre against an enemy of his Crown, who raised an Army of fifty thousand men. Whereupon Vermellius having gained some fa­miliarity with the King, defired his leave to train for a small time, 8. thousand Souldiers, promi­sing, that with so small a Company, he would o­verthrow that great Army of his enemies. The King supposing him to be couragious, and indu­strious, consented; and he both chose, and so ex­ercised those men which were allowed him, af­ter the method of Holland, which was unknown in those parts, that in conclusion, he most happi­ly defeated those great forces. Returning victo­rious, he was made General of all the forces of the Kingdom, and wrote to his friends at Mar­seilles, to send him certain Books, especially, of the Art military; also certain Images, and paint­ed Tables, and such like things. Which when [Page 49] Peireskius heard of,1634. and was sure that his friends would do no such thing for him, he provided of his own accord, and sent to the Man, both sweet Liquors, by most exquisite art extracted out of Gelsemine, Roses, Oranges, Gilloflowers, which he conceived would be an acceptable present for the Queen; as also Images, Maps, and Pictures of Kings, Queens, and other illustrious men and women; and a great bundle of Books, especially Mathematical, Military, of Architecture, per­spective, and such like. For he thought it an unworthy thing to desert such a fortune, and not to assist as much as in him lay, a man so conspi­cuous and so far off. And because he was confi­dent he would take all very gratefully, he thought he might well desire of him some Aethiopick Books, obvious Inscriptions, a description of Mount Amara: also of Religious Ceremonies, Vessels, and such like things as were unknown to Europeans. And this he endeavoured, being in the mean time distracted with great trouble of mind, because the Senate, and the Marshal de Vitre, the Viceroy, were at variance.

At the same time also he entertained, and ob­liged, by continual attendance, and various Offi­ces of friendship, Franciscus Comes Noallius, who was going the Kings Ambassador to Rome, and staied some dayes at Marseilles, and at Aix. Not to speak, how that having in his Company, a young man skilful above his years in the Theorie and practise of Physick, named Petrus Michonus, Burdelotius, Peireskius would needs have a full enjoyment of his Company, both because of his proper endowments, and because of the friend­ship [Page 95]which he had with his learned Unkle Joan­nes Burdelotius.

He entertained not long after, Georgius Bolog­netus the Popes Nuncio, who comming for France, took his way through Aix. Now it is worth relating, how he finding Peireskius busie a­bout the Anatomy of I know not what Eye, he would needs be by, and understand all his specu­lations. For he had an insatiable defire of know­ing the Organ of sight, and the true place in which sight is performed, by impression, and re­flexion of the Image: so that there was hardly any kind of Birds, Fishes, or four-focted Beasts, which were to be gotten, whose eyes were not dissected, that he might observe wherein they a­greed, and wherein they differed. Nor must I passe over in silence, how the better to gratifie me, whom he would have his assistant in that work, he gave a full account of all in writing to Franciscus Luillerius, Master of the Kings ac­counts at Paris, whom he knew to be my singu­lar friend; whose learning, candour, and affecti­on to all good Arts, and to Justice, and all ver­tue, if I should in this place insinuate, I should do it to no other end, then to shew that his friendship was, not without cause, most dear to Peireskius.

Now, because there was much talk of this bu­siness, though the truth thereof were not under­stood: therefore I think it worth my labour, to make a Narrative thereof. Between the more ancient opinion, which held that the sight was performed in the Crystalline humour; and the later, which held, it was in the tun [...]ca retina; Peireskius held one between both, viz. that the [Page 96]sight is in the glassie or vitreous humour. For seeing he judged it most fit, that the visive faculty should perform its office in the middle of the eye, whence it might behold the Image in its own scituation, therefore he designed this place within the vitreous humour, in which part the raies of the things seen, being passed through the Crystalline humour, and reflected from the Retina, do meet together, as it were in one Center. For, supposing that the Crystalline did by its convexity, turn the Image the contrary way, he was of opinion, that the Retina by its concavity, did set the same right again; and that therefore the faculty ought also to reside in the Center of its concavity, that it might contems plate the Image, being reflexed by the Retina and restored, and consequently see the thing in its na­tural scituation. This when he had fixed in his mind, he thought there remained nothing for him to do, but to search out the verity of the said Restitution.

As soon as ever therefore he had gotten a lit­tle leasure, by means of the Easter-Holy-dayes, he began to exercise Anatomists, in several kinds of Animals. Now it seemed generally, that the hinder and innermore circumduction of the eye, was as a Concave glasse, by reason of the inverted reflexion, both of the Cand [...]e, and other objects. For the Tunica choroides being diversly coloured, is polished like metal, being very apt to shine, by assistance of that black humor which is daubed upon the back thereof, that blackness also assist­ing, with which the inner circumserence is smea­red as it were, that the light or Image darting upon that glasse, might more strongly, and di­stinctly [Page 97]be painted therein. Now when I name the Choroides, I do not exclude the Retina, which exceeding hardly, and in few eyes can be preserved so united thereunto, as not to slip out of its place, when the vitreous humor runs out, and be drawn together, appearing as it is in­deed a widened production of the optick nerve; but when it is preserved, united to the Choroides, it is so thin, clear, and transparent, especially be­ing moystened, that it seemes to be one and the same surface, one and the same Looking-glasse, on which the Images of things are imprinted. Now although the Optic, or the middle of the Retina, does not diametrically answer the Pupilla outwardly opened (for it stands a little lower) yet the middle of the hinder and colou­red part which is bright like metal, does answer the same, and is divided by a certain Circle, as it were an Horizon, from that obscurity which is in the fore-part.

But Peireskius did wonderfully exsult, when after all the humors were let out, and the Cry­stalline hung so as to be restored to its proper place well near, the Image of the Candle was observed to be represented inwardly in the Reti­na, not inverted, but in its true scituation; and again, when the bottom was so inlightened, that the Crystalline could only receive the light, the Image which was inverted in the Retina, was found to be received by the Crystalline in its right posture. For be conceived it to be manifest, that his conjecture was right in all points; whereupon, the more to confirm the same, he sought out divers Glasses, and Looking glasses, both convex and concave, reslecting and trans­mitting; [Page 98]also divers Vialls or Glasse bottles, in which diversly ordered, 'tis wonderful how ma­ny and how frequently repeated Experiments he made.

Moreover, he could not easily be removed, from his foresaid opinion; only I remember, when it was objected, that the faculty of Seeing, residing within the Eye, should not look out­wards towards the things themselves, but in­wards towards the Looking-glass aforesaid; & that therefore it could not truly be said to see the things themselves, besides other things which argued, that the sight was rather in the Retina; I remember, I say, that he was brought so far, as to suppole, that the visive faculty might exercise its function, not in the Retina, nor in the Cry­stalline, nor in the vitreous humour only: but in the whole capacity, and extent of Humours and Coates.

In like manner he changed somewhat of his opi­nion touching the Spectacles, used by pore-blind and aged people. For having observed, that the image passing through a concave Spectacle was inlarged; and through a convex lessened he ima­gined, that pore-blind persons did therefore use concave Spectacles, because they needed the enlargement of the object; and old men convex Spectacles, because they required the object to be contracted. But after he was informed, that the eye placed upon the paper, did see the object contracted through the concave, and en­larged through the convex Spectacles (viz. be­came the former do so distract the species, that few parts of the same parts of the object incurt into the Eye, whereby it appears lessened; [Page 99]but the latter do so contract the Species, that more parts of the same part, enter into the Eye, whereby the object appears enlarged) then he so tempered his opinion, as to conceive, that there was need of enlargement mixed with con­traction. Not to say, that in pore-blind persons who abound with vitreous humor, Concave glasses are therefore helpful, that the cutting and turning aside of the raies, which were to be beyond the Crystalline, might be carried on to­wards the Retina; but in old men that have the said humor in part consumed, convex Specta­cles are therefore helpful, that the said cutting and diversion of the Raies, might be a little drawn aside from the Retina, as if that the sight were to be caused in a moderate distance from the point of Refraction, after the same manner as in the Prospective-glasse, the Eye must be somewhat distant therefrom; as Scheiner has de­monstrated.

But whether this opinion of his was true or false; I shall do well in this place to relate, some things which were either not at all, or not well observed in former times. For it was apparent, that the Crystalline humor was not in all kinds of Beasts glewed to, nor coherent with the ciliar circumference: but that in divers kinds of Fi­shes, it did as it were swim in the glassie humor; and particularly in the Thyns or Tunic fish, it is held up only by two small fastenings, the one of which is produced from the optick Nerve. Moreover, we found, that the Crystalline hu­mor was of several shapes in several Creatures. For although in most creatures it is shaped like a Lentil, flattish on either side, yet in Fishes it [Page 100]comes more near the shape of a Globe, but in Birds lesse. Yea, and in the Thynn or Tunie fish, it is perfectly globous in the hinder part thereof; but before, it would be plain, save that, leaving a brim round about, a certain portion is raised in the middle, of a larger Globe then the hinder part; for their Diameters are one half as big again as the other. And whereas the said brim is seen in the eyes of certain Birds, and especially of the Eagle; yet is it not in four-footed Beasts, nor in Men; but the hinder part being portion of a lesser Globe than the fore­part, the Segments cleave together with the same circumference, the Diameters of the Globes exceeding one the other, in a Sheep a sixth part; in an Ox, a fourth part; and in others otherwise. But whether those portions are the portions of Globes or of Parabolicks, or other fi­gures, is truely hard to judge; especially because when the animal is dead, the humor begins to flag and fall in; and whether it be held with the fingers, or hung up, or lie upon a paper, it can hardly chuse but alter its natural shape.

Moreover, we found, that in fishes there was either no watery humor, or very little (to be sure in the Tunie fish, the Whiting, the Lamprey, and some others we found none at all) but that there was abundance of the glassy humor. But a­mong Birds & four-footed beasts, those night-creatures as Owls & Cats have much watery hu­mor & little glassy. Moreover, we found, that the greatness of the Eye was not proportioned to the greatness of theanimal. For, whereas Birds consi­dering the quantity of their Bodies & Heads, have very great Eys, so that an Eagles Eye, is almost as big as the Eye of a Sheep; yet among fishes a [Page 101]a Dolphin, which weighed 1000. pounds weight, had a far lesse Eye than a Thyn or Tunie fish, which weighed but three hundred pounds. And a kind of Sea-calf, which seemed to be of that sort which is first described by Rondeletius, weigh­ed about eight thousand pound, and yet had an Eye no bigger than the Tunie fish aforesaid. Also, while Peireskius was taking all the care he could, to procure the Eye of one of those mighty Whales which are caughr in the Aquitanic Sea; Josephus Antonius a Dominican of Marseilles, who had been not long before at the taking of one of them, did relate that the eyes thereof, were hardly any bigger than a mans Eyes. At which while we wondered, he told us another thing which was more marvellous, viz. That the said Whale, having a Mouth so wide, that the Tongue being taken forth (out of which a thou­sand and six hundred pounds of Oyl were pres­sed) a man might ride in on Horse-back, and not touch the Roof of the Mouth with his Head, (like Lucians ship that sailed into the Whales mouth) had notwithstanding so narrow a throat, as it could hardly hold two Smelts no bigger than a mans little Finger, of which a great com­pany were found in his Mouth.

Peradventure, I may seem to dwell too long upon this subject; but, seeing we have already related some things which Peireskius observed in the Eys of other Creatures, 'tis fit verily, that we add what he observed in his own. For he obser­ved, that his Eys did so receive the images of things, that they held them sometime, especially when they were moist, after sleep: So he obser­ved 1000. times, that when he had looked upon the window, distinguished with wooden bars, [Page 102]barrs, and squares of Paper, he carried the form thereof, somewhile after, in his Eyes; but with this difference, that if he kept his eyes shut, he seemed to behold rhe barrs dark, and the Paper squares white, as he had at first seen 'um: but, if he looked with his Eys open upon a dark wall, then the paper squares seemed dark, and the barrs of the same whitenesse with the wall. The same difference appeared, if he set his eyes upon black cloaths, but illustrated with some mea­sure of Light; for the paper squares were blacket with the blacknesse of the garments. The like if he looked upon an open Book; for he could clearly discern the Letters, there where the barrs were presented, but not where the representati­on of the Paper squares was. From whence he argued, that it was no wonder, if the shining of the Light, and the whitenesse of the Snow, do dim the sight, yea, and make a man quite blind, as Histories testifie: seeing that same dull white­nesse of the Paper, does so vitiate the Organ, as to draw a kind of Curtain before it, not present­ly to be removed. Now he was of opinion, that as the light of the Sun, and its heat is imprinted upon a Bononian stone: so the light and white­nesse are imprinted upon the vitreous humor, and by reason of their corpulency, create there a certain shaddow of themselves: but he was afterwards of opinion, that the shadow exter­nally appearing, was not produced from the crassitude of the light or whitenesse, but feigned by a fault which may happen, not only in the vitreous, but also in the watery, and especially in the Crystalline humor.

Moreover, the Species or representations of objects were so doubled in his Eyes, that beside the primary and clear one, he saw another se­condary and darkish one, insinuating it self by the side of the former. So, in a Book lying open, or one a side of Paper while he was writing, he saw plainly both the white margent, and the be­ginnings of the lines; yet so, that a fingers breadth on this side, or in the margent, he see­med to see other obscure beginning of lines. Also, when he looked, upon a time, at a Hill op­posite to the setting Sun, he saw a threefold ap­pearance thereof; as also looking upon a thread, it would appear to him manifold; which gave him the first occasion, to mark the rest.

Moreover, when he knew that I had bin long in that mind, that the axels of both the Eyes do never concur, nor make (as the common opinion is) an angle in the thing seen, but do run perpe­tually parallel, so that only one Eye, is directed upon the object, while the other rests, viz. that Eye which naturally is best sighted (for one of the Eyes as well as Hands, is alwaies stronger than the other) wherefore, it alone sees with that kind of sight which they tearm Distinct vision, though the other may see by that kind of sight, they terme Confused: I say, when he knew thus much, he exulted as having made an experiment, which contradicted a parallelism. For holding his Eyes, otherwise immoveable, only opening the one, and shutting the other interchangeably, he observed, that the right-hand Species passed to the left, and the left-hand Species to the right, so that a crosse motion of lines was made, which is repugnant to a parallelism. Where­upon [Page 104]I warned him to consider, that the right-hand, or distincter representation did belong to his left Eye, which was the stronger; and the left-hand or more confused, to the right Eye, which was the weaker; and that only one axis was directed, namely from the left Eye; and that the Species fell into the right, not directly but obliquely, and so made a crossing: after which manner all things feem double, when we wreath our Eyes, the sight of both eyes being con­fused, because the image falls in only obliquely: but he was not perfectly satisfied, yea and he was of opinion, that there might arise some diffe­rence in the observation of the Coelestial Bodies, if one should peep with his right Eye to direct the Instrument, and another with his left: nor could he be satisfied, till Schickardus had war­ranted him the contrary, in some Letters of his.

But now it is time to leave these matters, and speak of many other things, which he observed about the same time. Of which the Venae Lacteae, or milkie Veins in the Mesentery, were a prin­cipal; of which we spoke before, and which now again he would needs seek, in as many creatures as he could, And because he knew, both from Asellius the inventor, and by divers dissections that he had made, that they could not be discer­ned, save in a Creature yet living & panting; and that therefore they could not be observed in a man, whom to cut up alive were wick­ednesse; yet did he not therefore despair, but that if a few hours after a man was hanged, his bowels were lookt into, some appearance of these Veins might be observed. Wherefore be­caused [Page 105]a man that was condemned to be hanged, (before sentence was pronounced) to be fed lu­stily and securely (that there might be that in his Body, which would afford white chyle at the time appointed) and then an hour and a half af­ter he was turned off, he caused the Body to be brought into the Anatomical Theatre. Which diligence effected, that his Belly being opened, the whitish Veins appeared, and out of some of them being cut, a milkie liquor might be gathe­red; which truly seemed strange.

Moreover, he was careful to observe the seve­ral originals of winds. For at first he was per­swaded out of Aristotle, that the Winds were earthy vapours, which being beaten back by the cold air, fly athwart; and according to the condi­tion of some Valley or some other place, from whence they issue, or which they fall upon, they are carried sometimes Northward, otherwhiles Southward: sometimes Eastward, and other­whiles Westward: but he found so many diffi­culties in that opinion, that he was fain to have recourse to the matter of those exhalations, and to examine, for examples sake, whether or no Vitriol, Sal, Nitre, Bitumen, Sulphur, and such like things, when they exhale, do not cause the several conditions and varieties of winds. Wherefore he would have some admirable kinds of winds, to be observed in their Original, and the proprieties of the places, having an eye also to the Minerals, and other things dug out of the Earth, as also the Plants growing in those places. Wherefore he sent Manlianus a learned Physician to Peiresk, to observe, in the Mount Coyerus, a Cave, out of which a cold wind pro­ceeds, [Page 106]so much the lesse sensible, by how much a man comes nearer the original thereof: such as is also observed in a Clift of Mon-ventour on the North side thereof. To observe likewise the Legnian Lake, not far off, out of which when a fume is seen to arise, a Cloud is certainly made, which soon after discharges it self into a most cruel tempest; which is also related of Pilates Lake in Dauphine, and of others among the Py­raenean Hills. Finally, that he might occasio­nally observe a fountaine at Colmars, which ebbs and flowes at just distances, about eight severall times in the space of an hour.

So, he took care that Budaeus a learned man, should observe the wind called Ponthia, or Pon­ticus ventus, on the West side of the Alpes Cottiae, at a town called Nihons. It blows from the North along the River, and exceeds not a quarter of a league in breadth, nor doth it go in length above half or an whole league at most: save that some­times, when it is more vehement than ordinary, it runs divers leagues, and reaches to Rhodanus. This wind is daily; and when it blows, makes no intermission, nor fluctuation, but is always of one Tenor. It arises in Winter about midnight, and dures till nine or ten in the morning; in Summer from break of day, till eight a clock; in the Spring and Autumn, it rises at four in the morning and blows till noon. Now it is in Winter chiefly very violent, especially when the South-wind blowes against it; and sometimes it is so cold, that when it blowes, water is tur­ned to Ice in the aire. Otherwise, it is a very wholsome wind; and so are the Corn, and Fruits, and some Springs in that Place.

So by Antelmus of Freyus, a Priest, and a very good man, he caused that wind to be observed, which arises at the Hill Malignon, and passes not beyond the descent thereof; also the conflict of the South East, and North-West winds, which meeting at Cap Roux, do there destroy one ano­ther. A wonderful thing to tell; nor is it lesse strange, that the South-East wind is there whol­som, and ripens the Corn, whereas it is unwhol­some, and blasts the Corn at Aix, the North-West wind working the quite contrary: also that, which was observed at Cannae, by the fore­said Meynerius, viz. how that none of the cardi­nal winds blow there, but only the lateral ones; whereas in other places it falls out otherwise. But I should be too tedious, if I should insist lon­ger upon this subject: yet one thing haply ought not to be forgot; how, that such as go into the Hole or Cave of Lanson (like that of Pausilippus) at both ends, do perceive the wind blow out from each end; which is a sign that the wind arises in the Cave, and blowes outwards; but comes not from without into the same.

Again, he was no lesse curious, in considering the motion of the mediterranean Sea, which be­cause it is known to run Westward, by our Euro­pean Coasts, he would have enquirie made, whe­ther by the Coasts of Africa opposite to us, it does not run Eastward: and that by observing chiefly the Countrey, where, at the mouthes of Rivers, the sand is heaped up; because it is wont to be heaped up on that side, towards which the Sea forceth the River water. This he knew by the Sands, which are plentifully cast up by Rhodanus. For the Sea carries them to the Coast of Langue­doc, [Page 108]which by that meanes, becomes void of Ha­vens; for only since the dayes of St. Lewis, the Sea has forsaken the Town of Aiques-mortes, a whole League. And although the Sands of the River Argens, may seem to be driven upon the Eastern shoare, and to have filled up the Haven of Freius; yet he perceived, that the reason there­of was, because the Gulf de Grimaud, or the Gulf de Sainct Tropés, scituate behinde the same, drew more plenty of water, and the Promontory be­tween made the water turn round; which gy­ration, or whirling of the water, forced the streames of Argens, and the mudde or Sand, up­on the Eastern Coasts.

Upon the same occasion, he would have the ebbing and flowing, such as it was observed, both in the Hadriatic Sea, & upon some Coasts of Afri­ca: and when by observatiō of the various motiōs, and Circuits of the Mediterranean Sea, it was apparent, that the water did perpetually flow out of the Pontus Euxinus, by Thraciax Bosphorus, the Propoutis and Hellespont, into the Aegean Sea; so that not only at Smyrna, but in Crete, yea, and al­most at Africa, its motion may be discerned: also being resolved, that the Atlantick Ocean did continually flow in, by the Fretum Gaditanum, or Herculean strairs; for it flowes back only a fixth part of the time it comes in; and all the intermediate space, which amounts to an eighth part, the Ocean flowes perpetually into the Me­diterranean: Being resolved I say, that these things were so, he judged that he must of neces­sity have recourse to channels under the ground, whereby the Mediterranean empties her waters into the Ocean, and is by that meanes kept with­in [Page 109]her due bounds. For, after the same manner, it is believed, that the Caspian Sea, which is clo­sed in on all sides, and though it receives so ma­ny Rivers, flowes not over; does by a passage un­der ground run into the Euxine Sea, emptying it self there, whereas in the middle of the Sea, the waters are sweet; which place, by Aristotle, is called Bathea, or the Deeps of Pontus.

Moreover, it thundred and lightened divers times that Summer. And whereas it was my o­pinion, that the thunder-fire which burns things on Earth, did not come from on high, but brake near at hand from a thick Cloud, which contain­ed and carried the matter thereof, he would have it, that the said fire, though fluxive, is yet with such violence forced out, that from the middle Region of the Aire, it reaches unextinguished unto the Earth, where it does wonders. He ad­ded, that when six and thirty years agoe, the high Altar of the Capucines at Aix, was broken down with a Thunder-bolt, he was then in the City, and as he passed accidentally through a street, called Preachers-street, he had his eyes lift up to Heaven the same way. But the wonder was, that he observed in the middle of the Aire, a certain handful of fiery rayes, partly streaming out right, and partly waving; just after the manner as the ancients were wont to picture the Thunder-fire, in the hand of Jupiter. Its needless to relate, the answer which I made; I shall rather tell you, that the Thunder-fire having thrown down a Crosse from the top of St. Johns Steeple, the Iron beneath which was fastened in the stone, was found to have a rusty Crust, which was powerfully magne­tic. We did not so much wonder at the Iron, [Page 110]which having bin purged now many ages, might contract such a faculty; but that the rust of the Iron should be so powerful, that was a thing wor­thy of assonishment.

He received in the mean while, from Africa, Seeds, Plants and Animals. Among which, none was greater, or more beautiful then the Beast, called Alzaro, which with his head and tail, did represent a Bu [...] but in the rest of his Body, was like an Hart. His Horns were black, bolt upright, and would grow (as was reported) to a wonder­ful height. It was a most swift Beast, and such as could not be taken, save when it was sucking-young. Now he did not keep that Beast long; but after he had sufficiently observed the same, and got it painted out, according to his mind, he sent it to Cardinal Barberino. He received likewise, not long after, the skin of such a like Beast, from the Earl of Marchavilla, returning from Constan­tinople; and upon that occasion, he was desirous to try (and I know not what hindred him) whe­ther the same thing would betide the skin of this Beast, which was wont to betide the skin of an Harr. For it was well known, that an Harts skin, being by the Curriers put in the bottom of their fat, and a great heap of Oxe and other Hides laid thereupon, would never rest, after wa­ter was put in, till it had got it self up, above all the rest. Which when we wondred at, we sup­posed the cause to be the largeness of the Cavi­ties of the Hairs, which exceeded these of the o­ther Hides (for that every Hair is a kind of Pipe or Channel is known by the Augmenting-glasse) so that, they being filled with Aire, and being in the water, do bear up like blown Bladders. Also [Page 111]it is credible, that it makes much for the nimble swiftness of this Creature, when through heat by running, that cavity in the hairs is filled with spirit; as it is also probable, that in Birds, that part of the Quils which is void, being filled with spirit, does assist the Birds in their flight, and helps to bear them up. But so much of this may suffice.

Shall I relate, how Peireskius caused an high Turret to be built on the top of all his House, from whence being very lofty, Caelestial observa­sions might be made? How many things were observed hereupon, is now no time to relate: yet must I not omit, the exceeding joy he took, when from thence he beheld Mars, hiding that Starre, which is last in the Virgins Arm-pit. For he was much moved with what I had told him, touching my observation of Jupiters hiding that Star which is under the feet of Gemini in Decem­ber fore-going; so that for some dayes, morning and evening, being seen through the Perspective, it was observed to have pasted to the South thereof, no more then foure minutes, on the 19. day of the said moneth, at eleven a Clock in the morning: and whereas on the eighth day of June, about evening, I told him, he might see the like Eclipse caused by Mars; thereupon, with great alacrity, he was resolved to sit up, nor did he de­part till the eighth part of an houre after mid-night; at which time Mars was conjoyned with the said Starre, and went but a minute and an half to the South.

Nor must I forget the joy that he conceived by entertaining Thomas Campanella, that renowned Philosopher, at what time (viz. about the be­ginning [Page 112]of November) the Conjunction of Mer­cury with the Sun, was to be seen. For he could bear witnesse, that the Planet was invisible un­der the Sun, being in a Conjunction almost cen­tral; which is an argument, that he was then directly above the Sun, even as he was before seen retrograde under the Sun; and that there­fore, he is, by his motion, carried about the Sun, and that he is not carried in an Epicicle, de­tain'd betwixt us and the Sun. And by the like observation I evinced the same thing, a year and half before, viz. about the end of April.

But with what humanity he received Campa­nella, is hard to relate. For coming to France, as soon as he was at Marseilles and had acquain­ted Peireskius with his arrival he sent an Horse­litter and brought him to his House; where ha­ving made exceeding much of him certain daies together, he sent him to Paris, partly in an Horselitter, partly in a Coach, giving him (be­sides Letters to receive money at Lions) five hun­dred Crowns at his departure; so that being overcome and consounded as it were with so great a Beneficence, he protested that he had be­fore, so much constancy, that he could refrain shedding teares in the middest of most cruel tor­ments: which now he could not do, being mo­ved with contemplation of so munificent a Gen­tleman. This you may suppose that passage aimed at, which he afterwards inserted into the second Tome of his works, about the end of his Oeconemicks. For, I shall not deny (saies he) That a man may least his friends liberaly, but it must be done sruga [...]y, and when they have need: and you shall rather account him your [Page 113]friend, that offers you his money, than he that offers his life: as that rare and wonderful Gen­tleman Fabricius Lord of Peiresk, the Glory of France, and Mecaenas of Philosophers and famous men, whom continually he entertains, is an example to the world.

For the same time that he was with Peireskius, he saw divers guests, and among the rest Monta­gutius the Propraetor of Autun, who coming to visit the sacred places in Provence, would visit him also. Moreover, he brought him two anci­ent silver Cochlears [measures so called] and some other things, which were got from out the ruines of Antiquity at Autun, and which Pei­reskius had a desire to see. Having measured the said Vessels, especially, that which was most whole and perfect, it cannot be expressed how he rejoyced, when he found it weighed two oun­ces of silver, just as the Sextans of the Ancient Pile of weights aforesaid, did weigh; and that it contained just two drams of oil, or the sixth part of a Cyathus, as also the foresaid Sextans contained. Hereupon, he wrote Letters to the Puteans, both very large and full of profound Learning, taking occasion chiefly from the Pi­cture of Mercury, expressed upon one of the fore­said measures; seeing that same two-dram-mea­sure was called Cheme, that name being taken from a certain shel-fish, whose form is retained by the Cochlear: & which is consecrated to Mer­cury; so that both the doublenesse of the dram and ounce, were a Symbol of the double-dealing attributed to Mercury, as also that kind of shel­fish [Page 114]with two valves, and a thousand such obser­vations.

He received not long since, from Venotus the kinsman of Montagutius, a Cifring-table, dug up likewise at Autun, touching which also he wrote very seriously, by reason of the difference of some of the Figures, from those which are writ­ten upon the model of a writing Table which he had out of the Study of Ciaconius, and in the ex­ample described in Gruterus, according to that which Velserus had published, and described out of Occo. And here it may be noted, that he did not allow of the opinion of Velserus (as it is to be read in Gruterus) who thought that those two weights under the half ounce and quarter ounce, were Duellae [weights containing the third part of an ounce viz. two drams and two scru­ples a piece] for he was of opinion, that they were rather Sextulae [such weights as contained the sixth part of an ounce, viz. a dram and a scruple a piece] which being joyned together might make a Duella, one of which being added to half an ounce, makes two Duella's, as both being added, make five Sextulae (for half an ounce contains three of them) so that by this means all the parts of an ounce might be computed, both the duellary and sextulary parts; which could not be, if the weights aforesaid should design on­ly Duella's. I add, that if you shall take the foresaid weights for Sextulae, you will be then a­ble to ma [...]e eleven parts of an ounce, besides the Unitie. For one Sextula makes two parts; the quarter-ounce, three; the two Sextula's joyned, four; the two-dram with one Sextula, five; the half-ounce, six; the quarter ounce [Page 115]with two Sextula's, seven; the half ounce with one Sextula eight; the half ouuce and quarter, nine; the half ounce with two Sextula's, ten; the half ounce and quarter with one Sextula, eleven.

I shall not here stand to tell, how in the mean time he treated with Ludovicus Savotus of the use of Brasse in Coins, and of the armour of the Ancients, which was made of brass, and was wont to be put in their Sepuichres: and with Ludovicus Auber [...]us Menill [...]us of counterfeit Sculptures, which Chaducus himself making, was not ashamed to give out for pieces of Antiquity. Nor again, how he took care to get all Manu­scripts, especially those in Greek, written out, which treated of Weights and Measures out of the Vatican Library, the Kings Library, and that of Augsburg; and two Volumes of Onuphrius Panvinius; also a rare book of the Theorie of Musick, which he sent first to Don [...]us, and after­wards together with an Arabick book and curi­ous Figures, to Marinus Mersennus a Fryar Minim, an exceeding good man learned and cu­rious, and indefatigable in illustrating the veri­tie of Nature and Religion. Nor, to conclude, many other things: but I choose rather to sub­joyn the modesty wherewith he received a Dedi­cation of certain collections out of Polybius, N colaus Damascenus and other Historians, made by a truly learned and famous man, Henricus Valesius, who published them in Greek, turned them into Latin, and explained them with Notes.

For he besides other passages, bespake him in these words. For why should I not call you [Page 116]the Parent and Author of his Book, which was first by you found out, brought at your cost from the Island of Cyprus, and sent to this City? And presently after, But now by my endea­vours it comes in print, not more considerable by the Purple of the Emperor Constantinus, then by your name inscribed in the front there­of: And as for Constantine, let other men speak: as for you, both formerly you have deser­ved well of Learning, and will deserve well for time to come: yet give me leave among your good deservings of Learning and all learned men, that I may reckon this as a principal wherein I am properly concerned. And again, Which work of mine, such as it is, I give and bequeath the same to you, O Nicolaus Fabri­cius; that this Book bearing your Titles in its front, may be accounted totally yours. And af­terwards having said by way of Preface, that of three and twenty Titles of Excerpta, there was only one extant, entitled de Legationibus, and divided into two Books, printed partly by Ful­vius Ursinus, and partly by David Haschelius; he made mention also of this, Which (quoth he) now first sees the Light, through the liberality of that most famous and learned man, born as it were after a special manner, to advance Lear­ning, Nicolaus Fabricius Peireskius, under This Title, Peri aretes cai cacias, Of Vertue and Vice. But Peireskius, being perfectly asha­med, would not have his name joyned with the Imperial Purple: and writing back to Valesius, [Page 117]he said, it would be sufficient, if dedicating the Book to some body else, he should only say, that he accidently got a sight of the Book and procu­red the use thereof, in an obicure corner, when it came first out of the East.

The like moderation he exercised the follow­ing year,1635. when Philippus Rubeus at Rome publi­shed and dedicated to him, that most ancient In­scription of the Columna rostrata C. DUILIOS. M. F. M. N. COS. ADVORSO. CARTACINI­ENSIS. IN. SICILIAD. REM. CERENS. & of which we made mention before; and that with Supplements adjoyned, & illustrations by Gau­ges Gozzeus. Which neverthelesse seemed to be done, not without a Providence; seeing he was at the very same time taking care, to get not only a Copy of the said Inscription, faithfully and ex­quisitely imitated; but also a pattern thereof in Plaister of Paris, that he might consider all things, and might examine the judgements and Supplements of Ciaconius, Lipsius, and others that had taken pains about the same. But I omit how he would also have a pattern of that other Inscription of Scipio Barbatus aforesaid, that he might thereby know the most ancient shape of the Roman Letters; because that same Inscripti­on remained unaltered, whereas the character of the Duillian Inscription had bin renewed, as ap­pears out of Pliny. So, that he might know the ancient shape of the letters of Athens, he procured a pattern of that Inscription which is read in Gru­terus ΟΔΕΝΙ ΘΕΜΙΤ ΟΝ &c. the letters where­of, Scaliger writing upon Eusebius, thought to be the Ionic characters. Though he did that in part to satisfie Salmasius, who was minded to [Page 118]illustrate this Inscription, as he had done cer­tain others, touching the consecration of a Tem­ple, and dedication of a Statue. Finally, he de­sired Donius to send him an accurate pattern of the Eugubine table so called, viz. that brazen one which was found an hundred years ago at Eugubium, mentioned also by Gruterus; and that because of certain Thu [...]can words, in the Inter­pretation whereof; he hoped he should some­what assist, not to say amend, the Conjectures of Bernardinus Baldus.

Moreover, about the beginning of the year, he heard to his grief, that Julius Pacius was dead at Valentia, whom he did love and reverence since the time that he first studied the Laws. Mean while Theodorus Cardinalis Trivultius gave him a visit, who being upon his return to Italy, under­took that Orbicius and other Tactick Authors should be copied out from the Ambrosian Li­brary, which Peireskius used his utmost endea­vours to procure; because Salmasius had need of them. Also, not long after, the Cardinal of Lions visited him, who journeying towards Rome, was desirous to abide some daies in his ancient Arch-bishoprick. And being received thither in great Pomp, because of the good-will and veneration which he had formerly gained in that place, when he both saw and embraced Pei­reskius, who was come a little way out to meet him; he could not refrain from saying, That he more valued the few paces which he had come, then the many miles of others that came out farther to meet him Also Petrus Aloysius Caraf­fa came to see him in his return from Colen and Leeds, being the Popes Legat.

And Peireskius asking many questions touch­ing [Page 119]that Countrey, both of him and his learned retinue one of which was Silvester Petrasancta; he was informed among other things, that there was at Leeds a certain industrious Jesuite na­med Linus, who had filled a glasse with water so tempered, that a lilttle Globe swum in the mid­dle, with the 24 hours written about the same, which passing by a fixed Index or hand, in order, did shew the hour of the day, as if that Globe did exactly imitate the motion of the Heavens. Which relation was confirmed to him, both by the Letters of Rubeus, and the Relation of Dor­malius, who returning into Italy towards the end of the Spring, and being detained certain daies at Aix, described the thing according as himself had seen it. Wherefore Peireskius prai­sed that wonderful invention; and began to cast divers waies with himself, what power of Na­ture could effect such a thing; for he had gotten many years before, the Engine of Drebel; in the glassy and arched Pipe whereof, the water would passe and repass, twice every day, seeming in a manner to follow the ebbing and flowing of the Sea. But he chiefly called to mind, that which Kircherus had told him two years before, how he had stuck certain seeds of the Flower of the Sun into a piece of Cork, which following the course of the Sun, as the flowers use to do, did turn about the floating Cork, and by a certain hand annexed, point out the hours, which were marked upon the Vessels. Upon which occasion it came into his mind to pare that swiming stone which Mersennus had given him, round about, that being rounded like a Globe, it might serve in place of Cork, to make Heliotropick [Sun-tur­ning] & Magnetick experiments.

He was in hope about the beginning of the same Spring, to entertain Pomponius Bellevreus, being to go Embassador from the King, to the Princes of Italy; but his journey being shaped another way, his hope of seeing him, was made void; as also of embracing Franciscus Vayerus à Mosha, whose learning and candor, he had un­derstood, both by his letters and works, and by the relation of their common friends.

Moreover, while he expected from Italy, the foresaid tactick, or military Books, he sent to Salmasius in the mean time, several draughts of Swords, Daggers, Hatchets or Poleaxes, Haiberts, and other Weapons, which the ancients used of Brasse; and particularly, of two Helmets, the one of which, was sent out of the Borders of the Samnites, or from Aprutium; the other was found at the very Lake it self of Thrasymen, with the cheek or eare peices yet remaining, and hang­ing down on either side. Nor did he send him these things only, to assist him in his writings a­bout the Roman Militia; but also the Pictures and representations of divers kinds of Fibulae, buttons or hasps to perfect that work, which he had taken in hand, touching the apparel of the Ancients upon occasion of a certain dissertation touching that same Acia mollis, [neidleful of soft thred] which Cornelius Celsus writes, must not be used too much twisted, to make Surures and Clasps, or Buttons, to hold the lips of wounds to­gether. For Alphonsus Nunnesius, and Jacobus Chiffletius, famous Physicians, contend, that by the word Acia, we must understand a neidle, or some other Instrument made of metal; but the learned Franciscus Rioya, and Franciscus Figueroa, [Page 121](himself also a renowned Physician) said that we are to understand thereby, a linnen or silken thred. Now it is expected, what both Salmasius will determine of this controversie: as also an­other friend of Peireskius, a Dane, called Johan­nes Rhodius, a Physician; who having made choyce of Padua for his residence, begins to be famous both for his other ingenuous Learning, and for his excellent skill in the Art of Physick.

Moreover, he sent a rare work touching Ani­mals, written in the Arabick Tongue, by Ebem­bitar, and brought lately out of Aegypt; after ano­ther Copy, procured with great labour and cost, had perished by Ship-wrack. He sent also ano­ther Arabian Book, wherein were the Canons of the Constantinopolitan, the Ephesian, the Laodice­an, the Cesarian, and the Gangrensian Councels: the Canons of the Apostles, and of St. Clement; the constitutions of Constantinus, Valentinianus, Theodosius, and I know not what other things be­sides. He sent the Rituals, or Service-Book of the Copticks, as their Epistles, Gospels, Psalms; and especially, a Book containing three Litur­gies, of Basil, of Gregory, and of Cyril, with an A­rabick Translation.

He sent more; but there was nothing which he more accounted of, then a volume of the four Evangelists, written in the Elcuphtick or Coph­tick Tongue, and expounded in Arabick; and especially, because the years were expressed, in which each of the Evangelists wrote. For though at first, there was wanting the Praeface to Matthew, where the year was to be expressed; and the Praeface to John seemed to be faulty, say­ng, that the story was written in the sixth year of [Page 122]the Empire of Tarsos, 1634. instead of Nero, and the thirtieth year after the Ascension of Christ: yet as concerning the other two, it made it appear, that that of Luke was written by him at Antioch, in the 12th year of Claudius, and the 20th after the Ascension; and that the other of Mark vvas vvritten in the fourth year of the same Claudius, and the 12th after the Ascention. Now he was of opinion, that there might be some help drawn from thence, to judge of the controversie touch­ing the year of the passion of Christ; and perad­venture also, touching his Nativity, vvhich Joseph Scaliger and Seth Calvisius, make to be two years before the beginning of the vulgar Account; and Laurentius, Suslyga, Joannes Keplerus, and o­thers, make it more then two years sooner. Wherefore he wrote, not only to Rome, to see if haply the foresaid Praefaces might be supplyed and corrected; but also again to Aegypt, to get, if possible, the like volume more com­pleat.

But how would he have even leaped for joy, if he had known, that which we afterwards under­stood! viz. that there is extant, an Arabian Book, very like the former, in the Custody of the illustrious Mon-morius Master of Requests, in which the Praefaces are all perfect? They relate, according to the Translation of the learned Har­dyaeus, how that the Gospel of Matthew was written in Hebrew, in the first year of Claudius, and the ninth year after Christs Ascention: that the Gospel of Mark, was written in Latine, the fourth year of Claudius, and the twelfth after Christs ascension; that the Gospel of Luke was written in Greek the 14th of Claudius, and the [Page 123]22th, after the Ascention:1635. and that the Gospel of John was written in Greek, the 8th year of Ne­ro, and the 30. after the Ascension: out of which being more consonant, it is easie to see, how the other are to be mended.

He sent also into Aegypt, to certain Capucines dwelling there; but especially to Agathangelus Vindocinensis, besides many other Books, two Tomes of the Annals of Baronius, which were desired, besides the whole work which he had formerly bestowed upon them; also to Coelesti­nus à S. Liduina, a bare-foot Carmelite, the Bro­ther of Golius, divers Books; but especially, the Magnus Thesaurus Arabicus, printed at Millain, in foure Volumes, which being sent three or four times before, either to him or to others, was lost being taken by Pirates. It would be too long to reckon up the rest of this kind; seeing that I must not passe over, what he did in the mean time at home.

He knew the ardent desire, which had long possessed me, of having the several Appearances of the Moon, and the varieties appearing in each of them, by the Perspective-glasse, painted out with lively Colours, in their just proportions and scituations. And for this very intent, I sought for and procured of the most rare Galilaeus, a Pro­spective or Telescope, very long and exactly made; and now I wanted only an industrious Painter, furnished with a good Talent of pati­ence. He therefore, for my sake, kept not only a great part of the former year, but the greatest part of this year present, the rare Painter Claudius Salvatus Alvernates, in his return from Rome, who by my direction, was to perform that taske. [Page 124]He kept also the year following, many moneths together, Claudius Mellanus Abbavillaeus, a rare Artist, both for Painting and Graving, who was likewise returning from Rome; both by his rare skill to paint out the new appearances, as also to engrave the same, or some other at least, by his ingenious hand in Brasse. For that excellent man clearly saw, that by that meanes a kind of Sele­nographia, or description of the Moon might be made, the use whereof would be very confidera­ble, both in natural Philosophy, and in Astrono­my.

In natural Philosophy, to reason about those goodly Phaenomena; especially, seeing by the order of the several appearances, it seems proba­ble that that same Globe of the Moon, is some such thing, as this Globe of Earth, on which we live. For seeing, those greater spots, which have bin known and observed in all Ages, do answer to our Seas, so that we may discern in them the Oriental, Occidental, Caspian, and other Seas, with innumerable out-lets, and Bayes or Gulfs: the rest seems to be nothing but Continents, Cheersonesi, Islands; with their Fields, Hills, Vallies, Lakes, and such like. And, that those Spots are Seas, seems to be proved by the Even­nes of their Surface; because there is nothing sticking out in them, to cause any obscurity, when the Sun is just opposite, and through which the Section of a shadow being drawn, is exceeding plain and even: whereas the other parts are high and low, and full of turnings; and the Section of the shadow, passing through them, is vari­ously broken, and interrupted.

Moreover, the litteral parts [about the Sea­shores] when they are just against the rising Sun, are sooner inlightned; against the setting Sun, they are later and slower inlightned, then the Seas beneath them; casting a shadow upon the parts opposite unto the Sun, like very tall Rocks: so that a long rank of shadows, does many times cause a blackness. There are also in those Seas, some shallow places, or knots and ranks of Rocks, in which certain whitenesses appear, as it were the foaming of the Waves.

Touching the Continents it is strange, that though they are generally white yet are they all-together heterogeneous, and one unlike another; as if the varieties of Lands, Woods, Lakes, and such like, did make a various kind of whiteness. For in other parts we finde every where Vallies, Hills, and Plains; only there are in the middle of the Orbe, certain Plains in a row, compassed a­bout with little Hills. For it is otherwise in o­ther places, which are whiter; when the Moon is in the full; for the Vallies are more profound, which when the Sun comes near, or goes away, do appear very obscure, the Sun only inlighten­ing the Hills which are placed round about; so that there is a certain appearance of Jewels; and they are very white, because they fully receive the light, being filled with rayes, collected and compacted, by reverberation from the sides. Howbeit, there are also some parts which besides the gathering together of the [...]ight, are wonder­fully white (as a remarkable point towards the East, which as soon as it is inlightned, shewes forthwith exceeding white) as if there were in that part some Chalkie Mountains, or such as are [Page 126]covered with Snow, like the Riphaean Hills. So also, contrarywise, there are some parts naturally of such a leaden colour, that the greatest light gives them no whiteness, as if they were some Lakes, or Tracts of black Earth, such as is towards the North and that obscure place which is not far from the shoare of the great Sea; and such al­most is the turning, which compasses that same Bosse which is so conspicuous in the South. Con­spicuous, I say, by reason of the rayes which are shed far and near about it, as if they were a rank partly of Vallies, and partly of Snowie Rocks; and the same may be said of the rayes of another Bosse, which is nearer the Center; than which, when it is first or last illuminated, no oriental Pearl is more beautiful. But to run over all these varieties, were an endless work.

Wherefore it shall suffice to note one thing touching the brim of the Moon; that whereas it appeares very eeven, the reason thereof is, be­cause our eye sees not the hollow places in those parts, by reason of the bending; but it joynes together the Hills which are antecedent, conse­quent and mixt. For that the inequality is every where alike, is known hereby, that when the Moon is horned, there appear, beyond the points, and especially the lower of the two, certain light rundles, with darkness between them; which seem to be high Mountains, in the very edge of the Moon. Which is doubtless an Argument, that there is in that part of the Moon, which is never seen by us, the like diversity. Which may be here­by confirmed, in that whereas the same visible parts do not alwayes occupie the brim or edge, (for the Moon by a certain quivering motion, by [Page 127]reason of her divers scituations in the Zodiack, and above the Horizon, seems to be so wreathed about, that now she showes some parts East­ward, which she hides West-ward and now again contrarity, in like manner to the South and North; so that also the [...], are sometimes nearer, and [...] from the Center, or middle [...]) yet nevertheless the same variety [...] observed in the parts discovered. For, [...] solitary spot, for examples sake, which is seen in the West, as it were a Caspian Sea, when it is next the edge of the Moon, leaves nothing between it self and the said edge; but when it is further off, then in the space between, there appear two pretty long spots.

From which, and other the like considerati­ons, it seems agreeable to reason, that in the Globe of the Moon, as well as in the Globe of the Earth, many things are daily bred and cor­rupted, yet is it no wayes probable, that they are like those things, which the Earth affords. For if according to the Proverb, Non omnis fert omnia tellus, Every Land beares not all things; and experience shewes, that in America there are bred live-creatures, Plants, and other things, quite differing from what our parts afford, though America and Eurrope are parts of the self­same Globe; how much more reason have we to think, that all things which are bred in the Moon, being quite another Globe or World, are different from these earthly things. For it is be­yond all hope, and belief, that any perspective can make us discern them, what kind of things they are, though we hear that there is one now [Page 128]made at Naples, which inlarges the appearance of the Moon, and demonstrates all things more distinct then ever; and notwithstanding, that Rubeus wrote to Peireskius some years agoe, that there was with him an excellent Painter, and an honest man, called Hyemus, who told him, that he saw at Drebbles House, an optic Tube or Pro­spective, which was a span in the Diameter, by which one might perceive in the Globe of the Moon, Fields, Woods, Buildings, and Fortifica­tions, not unlike those amongst us.

And this may suffice to have said touching na­tural Philosophy; unless peradventure I should add, that if those obscure parts of the Moon, are as it were Seas, there will be no cause to wonder, that from thence some moysture may be drawn down to this Earth of ours, as is apparent by the marrows of Live-wights, by Shel-fish, by Plants, and generally by all moyst things. For it may be said, that the Raies of the Sun darting upon those moyst parts, and being from thence reflected up­on the Earth, do imbibe and carry with them, some part of that moysture, as when passing through a coloured glasse, they fret off, and carry with them some portion of the colour: and that this is the cause, why in the full of the Moon, Bones are fuller of marrow; Oysters and other Shel-fish, fuller of fruitful moysture; as also o­ther things, by reason of the plentiful afflux of the Suns Raies, darted from the Moon. After which manner, truly, the Moon may, when she is new, or thereabouts, be recompenced, by the reper­cussion of the Raies of the Sun from our Seas, which is so much the more plentiful, by how much a greater quantity of light is reverberated [Page 129]by the Earth, being a greater body, into the Moon; as is argued by that secondary and weak light, which the Moon shewes, besides her silver Sickle, within her Quarter, viz. so long as by her nearness to the Sun, she is capable of reflex­ion.

Now, as for what concerns Astronomy, verily a Selenographia, or description of the Moon, seems to be of great use. For in the first place, from the true scituation, and delineation of the principal parts, with names imposed upon them, it may be observed and set down, when the Moon is divided into two parts in knots, where the points are terminated, where the middle point is between them; so that on the Margin may be set down the cardinal points North, South, East, West; from which, like other Circles, we may begin to divide it into degrees. And because the scituation of the points, is various, not only in respect of their distance from the knots; but al­so with reference to the various age of the Moon, in as much as either Northward, or Southward, she drawes near to, or departs from the Sun: therefore, from hence we may determine very near, in what part of her Circuit she is, and how far distant from the Sun.

Moreover, the Moon being opposite in her knots, either soon before, or after an Eclipse, it may be set down and expressed, what scituation the parts hold, both one to another, and to the Center and brim; that the whole Orbe being otherwise changed, by reason of the quivering motion aforesaid, yet that may be counted the genuine posture. By this meanes also, if any Starre be hid by the Moon, it may be expressed [Page 130]at what part the said Starre enters, where it goes out, and whether by its motion through the Moon, it described a Diameter, or a North or South chord, which by the Degrees written a­bout, may discover the quantity of the way it made crosse the Moon. By which meanes also; it may be expressed, if the Moon passe close by a Starre, when she is in the same Longitude with the said Starre, and how far distant her brim is therefrom; the said distance being compared with the distance of two points, or mensurable places within the Moons Orbe.

Moreover, every Quarter may be known and expressed (which the Ancients in the difficult business of Diameters endeavoured to do, but could not come near the truth, without a Teles­cope or Prospective, by reason of the deceitful­ness of our sight:) as also the other Apparitions, which are to be described by the time of some Phaenomenon, in such variety, that the self-same return not, save after many years. For both the forementioned Libration, or quivering motion; and the distance from the Knots or Bosses, do hourely change; and also the difference of time causes, that when we look for a like appearance, alwayes some dissimilitude insinuates it self, re­quiring a new Picture.

Finally, as concerning the Eclipses of the Moon, the foresaid descriptions would excee­dingly help to know and declare, in what part of the Moon the defect of light began, where it ter­minated; where was the total immersion, or darkening, and where it began to recover light; so that by meanes of the degrees circumscribed as aforesaid, it may be known how far these points [Page 131]are distant spom the Cardinal Points, one from another, and also from the knot or boss. They are usefull also to determine and set down the digits of the defect, viz. by noting the Points or conspicuous parts, which are either touched or forsaken, by the Arch of the shadow. And there­fore they are exceedingly useful to describe the Arch of the shadow, by three remarkable places, through which it passes, at the same time: by which means, the Diameter of the shadow, may be rarely compared with the Diameter of the Moon. Then which nothing can be more pro­fitable in this subject; especially, seeing it is ap­parent, that men therefore err in describing the time and quantity of Eclipses, because the said proportion is unknown, and the Moons Dia­meter is commonly computed, to be a fifth part greater than it is indeed and in truth.

And if any man shall require a very necessary thing, viz. the true Diameters both of the Moon and Sun, taken by observation; let him know that they were divers times taken in the house of Peireskius, himself looking on, by two Tables, the shaddow of the one being shortned upon the other, at the end of a small beam or piece of timber, near upon four fathoms long. Nor shall I stand here to relate the darkness of the place, and other cautions used in the observati­on; I shall only say, for their sakes that are de­lighted with these studies, that the Diameter of the Sun, in its farthest distance from the Earth, is thirty first minutes, and twelve seconds; in its nearest approach to the Earth, it is one and thir­ty prime minutes, and six seconds; and the Moon's in her fatthest distance, is twenty six first [Page 132]minutes, and thirty six seconds; and at her nea­rest approach, one and thirty prime minutes, and six seconds, even as the Sun. Which is true­ly a great abatement, contrary to the common opinion; but I would have men only to consi­der, how much the sight is deceived, while the same thing is measured, according to the several degrees of light and darknesse, wherewith the sight of the eye is affected. To me verily, the same Diameter of the Moon, when I look upon it in the darknesse of the night, seems larger than at the middest of Day-break, and then lar­ger than at Sun-rise, and then also greater than at broad day light. Which I give warning of, to intimate, that it is a more safe way, to make observation by the shaddow; as supposing that the shaddow is not liable to so many deceits, as the Eye-sight is. Moreover, Peireskius did won­derfully rejoyce, when he found, by experience, the use of these things, about a certain Eclipse, which was observed on the third day of March, the middle whereof happened at 8. a clock and forty three minutes.

Consequent hereunto, he began seriously to think of (which he purposed long before) assist­ing Geographers, towards the finding out the difference of Longitude of several places. For he would have a certain method written, of ob­serving Eclipses; and he was wonderfully indu­strious to procure, that the Eclipse of the Moon, which was to be in August next following, might be observed, both in Europe, and in di­vers places of Asia, and Africa. For besides our Country men, and those that live more Westerly, [Page 133]he procured, that by the instigation of Cardinal Barberino, those learned and fa [...]o is men Andre­as Argolus at Padua, and Scipio Claromontius at Caesenna might observe the same; and by the intercession of the said Cardina, he obtained two observations then made at Rome, and two at Naples, where the most exact was that which Joannnes Camillus Gloriosus, a rare man doubtless, had made. In like manner he procured from Gran-Caire in Aegypt, an observation made by the foresaid Capucine Agathangelus, being assisted by Joannes Molinus Dragomannus a Venetian; also from Aleppo in Syria, an observation, made by another excellent Capucine, Michael Angelus, assisted by the foresaid Caelestinus à Sancta Liduina.

All whose observations cannot be set down in this place, yet I must needs say, that Peireskius was herein satisfied by the observations afore­said, that it was a clear case, that all Geographi­cal Tables and Maps, do set those places of Ae­gypt and Syria at too great a distance from us, seeing they do all set Alepo almost three hours, that is to say, forty five degrees Eastward of Mar­seilles; whereas those observations have made it appear, that almost an whole hour ought to be abated, seeing they have reckoned no more then thirty degrees between the places aforesaid. Whereupon the business having succeeded so well, he took a great deal of pains, and procured Cardinal Barberino and the Generals of the Je­suites and Dominicans, to command such religi­ous persons as lived in both the Indies, and all other parts of the world, carefully to observe all Eclipses, and things of like nature. Nor was [Page 134]there afterwards any Capucine or other studious person, that passed through Provence, intending to travel into the East, or any other way, or to settle his abode in any forreign part, whom he did not oblige by divers kindnesses, and to whom he did not injoyn the care of making such observations, giving them Books, Prospective-glasses, and such like things; of the use whereof if any were ignorant, he took care before their departure, both to have them instructed, and that they might experiment their skill.

And knowing that Galileus had framed a Me­thod (which we mentioned before) to find out the Longitudes of places, by the Medicean Stars; therefore he desired Galileus to send him for his own proper use, a Telescope or Prospective-Glasse of the very best, that he himself might make observations, and communicate the same with others. Which he did having first writ many letters, by which he thought he might be allowed to comfort such a friend, and to con­dole with him for his hard hap. Moreover, about this time, he took a great deal of care, endeavou­ring by means of the most excellent Cardinal, that the Sentence of Galileus might be modera­ted, and he restored to his liberty; Which he did of his own accord, judging that the tury of a friend required as much of him, and the merits of that man, whose memory would be delightful to Posterity.

About the end of October, he took it very hai­nously, that the Parliament did not expect till he had of himself surrendred his Senators office, vvhich he had reserved three years for himself, when he made his Nephew his Successor; where­fore, [Page 135]his Brother being at Paris, he procured by the Kings letters Patents to be restored per­fectly to his said office, and that he should exer­cise the same five years longer. This was done the following year,1636. in the whole course where­of, he was not wanting in his care for the ad­vancement of Learning. For in the first place, being much taken with the manifold and rare Learning, wherewith Leo Allatius a very learned man residing at Rome, did bring to light so ma­ny Greek Authors, not seen before, or full of faults; correcting and translating them, with wonderful felicity; he was desirous to assist and countenance his endeavours, carefully trea­ting with the Printers of Paris, to undertake the Edition of his workes. Which he did likewise concerning certain excellentworks of Fortunius Licetus, who was formerly a famous Philosopher in the University of Padua, and is now chief Professor at Bononia, very much renowned for his great worth. So, hearing of the death of the excellent Schickardus, whom the Plague had ta­ken away November fore-going; he used all di­ligence possible, that such workes as he left un­printed, might be preserved, and set forth: which he did by mediation and assistance of Matthias Berneggerus of Strasburge, a renowned man. I pass over, how by the means of Aelius Deodatus of whom we spake before, he sent him divers Elegies, which when they were to be printed Thomas Lansius the glory of Lawyers, and bosome friend of the deceased Schickardus, caused a fu­neral Oration to be printed therewith; wherein Zacharias Scafferus the renowned Professor of [Page 136]Eloquence and History at Tubinga, could not forbear to relate, how that Schickardus had been largely & honourably invited by Peireskius, that to avoid the troubles in his own Countrey, he would come & abide with him, where he should have opportunity, quietly to follow his Studies.

Likewise, he sollicited Elichmannus a learned Hollander, to set out the Lives of Pythagoras, Empedocles, and other Philosophers, which he had by him, in the Arabian tongue; as also Ce­bes his Table wherein he had observed that there was mention of one Hercules Socraticus, a strange person, not to be found in the Greek Co­pies of the said Table, and such like things. So, Samud Petitus, being about a new Translation, with learned Notes upon Josephus; he procured for him, by the means of Helstenius, the Collati­on of di [...]ers places, with three Manuscripts in the Vatican Library. Also, when Buccardus was busied about translating and setting forth of Georgius Syncellus and Theophanes, he procured a Manuscript to be written out, which he both sent to Rome, and received back again, to get it compared with the Manuscript in the Kings Li­brary; nor could he be quiet, until it had been compared, and some places therein corrected by Salmasins, who was then come into France. Likewise he gave occasion to Ismael Bullialdus, a very rare Mathematician first to write a very large Letter touching the nature of Light, and af­terwards to set out a pretty large Book; after he heard that he had interpreted that Probleme to signifie Light, contracted into a Centre by a bur­ning-glasse, which was propounded by Baptista Peissonius the Kings Attorney at Anjou, in these [Page 137]words; Whether there were any demonstration perfectly logical, perfectly mathematical, perfect­ly sensible, by which it might be proved, that there is in Nature a Magnitude not without La­titude, which at some time & place, is in a point truly Mathematical and void of all parts, in which neverthelesse, the Magnitude aforesaid has parts adhering to parts.

Moreover he held divers very learned discour­ses with sundry persons. For to Anastasius a Capucine of Nantes he wrote many things touching the Language of Bretaigne, in which he confessed there are very many roots of ancient Latine words. For he had formerly disliked Adrianus Scrieckius his making the Teuronic or Belgic tongue, the first of all Languages, be­cause it was one and the same with the Hebrew, and therefore the Mother of all the rest: and Go­ropius Becanus his preferring the Juytlanders tongue before all others, as containing the roots of the Hebrew, Greek, Latine, and the rest: yet he said he could be content, they should referr some roots or words of more evident affinity, so they had there rested, and not gone about to make all alike, and bring them in by head and shoulders. Now that some words had or might have at first the same original, he shewed by an example taken from the names of Rivers, which he was wont commonly to derive after this manner, Varus, Guarus, Garumna, Guardonus, Guavardonus, Verdonus, Rhodanus, Eridanus, Du­ranus, Druna, Druentia, Durius, or Duerus, Ibe­rus, Hebrus, Tiberis, Tigris, Ligeris, &c, Besides the vulgar appellations, which though exceeding different from the Latin, or other more ancient [Page 138]tongues, yet are they many times known to be derived there-from; even by the keeping of one only Letter. Which is no more strange, then that from these words, Petrus, Jacobus, Johan­nes, should come Pir, Diego, James Jack, and others more exorbitant than these, in our Mo­ther Tongues.

Also he discoursed much touching a certain Vocabularie and Grammar of the Language of Provence, as it was in the time of Petrarch (viz. after he had procured both of them out of the Library at Florence which is called St. Lawrences) also touching those Poets of Provence, cal­led Trobadores, (that is, Inventors) in those daies when even Princes and Kings did cultivate the Language and Poetry of Provence. In which Subject, he was not little assisted, by certain In­dexes, and Books, which were sent him by the learned Earl Fridericus Ubaldinus, who sojourned with Cardinal Barberino. Buccardus procured him this friend, as also Vincentius Noguera a Gen­tleman of Portugal: not to speak of Constantinus Cajetanus, famous for ancient Books; nor of Au­gustinus Mascardus, with whom Peireskius trea­ted about the Method of History, upon occasion of a Book received from him, which he highly esteemed for the singular learnings sake, and ele­gancy of that man. He dealt at the same time with the illustrious Marquess Vincentius Justinia­naeus, touching those rare Statues, wherewith he adorned his renowned Gallerie, and part of which, cut in Brasse, and bound up into a Gal­lant Book, he had received as a token from Car­dinal Barberinus; at the same time, when by way of requital he sent him the two first Volums of [Page 139]French Historians, digested and published by Duchesnius.

Moreover, he discoursed at large touching the Characters of the Planets, which he concei­ved probably to have bin made of the larger Characters of the Greek vowels, with a little al­teration. Also concerning the Astronomer Pto­lemaeus his Country, and certain circumstances of his Body, Mind, and Life; by occasion of a Ma­nuscript Copy of the Almagest, whose Antiqui­ty was not much short of that Age, in which the generous and learned Emperour, Frederic the se­cond, caused a Latine Translation to be made from the Arabick. For therein Ptolemaeus was termed Phelud [...]ensis, instead of Pelusiensis: And it is said, that he was no King; that he lived se­venty eight years, was of an indifferent stature, had small feet and legs, a thick beard, and such like things which I cannot devise how they could be known. Also there are added certain grave sayings, or moral sentences of Ptolomy: and, which is most remarkable, it was set down in the conclusion, that This Book was [...]rdaslated at the command of Maimon King of Arabians, who raigned in Baldach, by Alhazen, the Son of Joseph, Father of Arismeticus, and by Sergius, the Sonne of Elbe a Christian, in the 212. year of the Sect of Saracens. So that according to this account, the Almagest was translated out of Greek into Ara­bick, in the year of Christ, according to the vul­gar computation, 1544.

Besides all this, he reasoned at large, touching the long lives of men, upon occasion of that old man in England, who died November last, having lived an hundred two and fifty years; and ha­ving [Page 140]information from Alepo, by the Letters of Peter and John Constantine, that there was a man in Persia, known to the Capucines, and other cre­dible persons, who was now four hundred years old: of the verity whereof, they were undoubt­edly satisfied.

Also concerning Tritons, or Sea-men; upon occasion of a certain Sea-man which was seen, as he heard, at Belle-Isle in Bretaigne. Whereupon he procured Henricus Gondius, Governour of the Isles, to enquire into the business, and certifie him by writing. Now the information was, that as much as was seen of him, was in the shape of a Man, saving that his Arms were shorter, then for the thickness of his Body; and his hands greater, and very white in the Palms. He had thick white hair hanging down over his shoul­ders, and a beard reaching down to his stomach. His Eyes very great and fierce; his skin as far as could be discerned rough, neither white nor black. He was reported to have bin at first de­lighted, at the approach of the Vessel, with the fight of Men and Women, and light-coloured [...]loathes; so that he suffered himself to be inclo­sed in the Nets: but as soon as they began to use [...]iolence, endeavouring to draw him forth, and before it could be discerned of what shape he was below the navil, he both easily brake through the Nets, and with small adoe, overturned the Vessel. And that afterwards he appeared only a far off, sunning himself upon some inaccessible Rocks, his lower parts being alwayes covered with water; sometimes clapping his hands, and making an hissing noise, which was supposed to be his manner of laughter. Which custom he [Page 141]held [...] some body shot at him with a Musquet-B [...]a, from which time forward (whether frigh­t [...] [...]nly or killed) he was never more seen: how­ [...] was reported, that there was another seen, which was supposed to be a Woman (because [...] a beard) ending beneath with a forked [...] that of a Salmon.

He reasoned moreover touching the ingrafting [...] Animals, after the manner of Plants; upon occasion of a Sloe, or Bullas-Tree, growing out of a Mans Breast-bone; for a Shepherd of Tarra­gon had fallen into a Slow-Tree, and a sharp point thereof having run into his Breast, in two years time it took such root, that after many branches had bin cut off, there sprang up some at last, which bare both Flowers and Fruit. Now he would never be quiet, till Cardinal Barberino procured the Arch-Bishop of that place to testi­fie the truth of the story; and Putean the Knight received, not only letters testifying the same, but also certain branches thereof, which he sent unto him. Now, he became afterward lesse scrupu­lous of the truth thereof, being informed, that the like had happened in the neck of an Hen in Toscanie; and at Frontignan in Languedoc, upon the finger of a Fisherman, into which the prickle of a Sea-Scorpion being run in, it came to such a passe in the end, that a Chirurgion took out of his said finger three little fishes, being of the kind of Scorpions. Howbeit, he that shall see such things as these, may more safely believe the same. And considering afterwards, that the spurs of Cocks being implanted, where their Combs grow, do thrive and [...]prout; he made no questi­on, but the Horns, of a Kid might be ingrafted [Page 142]upon the Horls of a Lamb, and that other such things might be succesfully attempted; commit­ting, therefore, the care of making such experi­ments, to certain industrious men.

Also concerning the Crocodile, in which he observed divers rarities, not only concerning the motion of his upper jaw; but also concerning the number of his teeth, which Achilles Tatius said, were more then three hundred, Aelian not above sixty; but he, in a Crocodile twelve Paris-Foot long and more, which being sent out of Ae­gypt to Thuanus, he kept a while at his House; found, that there were in the upper jaw thirty seven, viz. sixteen on either side, and five just be­fore; and in the lower jaw, fifteen on either side, and four before; at least if I forgot not. This I well remember, that the Teeth were ve­ry unequal in point of magnitude; and that the upper teeth stuck out, not meeting just upon the lower, after the manner of carnivorous Land-Beasts; also that they were transparent.

But it would be too long, to relate every thing: yet one thing there is which must not be omitted, in which I also had some hand. The learned and quick-sighted Godefridus Vendelinus, at that time a Canon of Conde, and, when he pas­sed his youthful age in Provence, dear to Peires­kius, desired to have the greatest or solstitial Alti­tude of the Sun, observed at Marseilles; to the end, that being to make a second Edition of his Discourse, about the Obliquity of the Sun, he might examine the same, by comparing our ob­servation, with that which was made likewise at Marseilles, by Pytheas, in the dayes of Alexander the great. And because he desired to have it [Page 143]done the year last past, but his letters were re­ceived too late from Dormalius: therefore Peireskius provided betimes this year, to satisfie his desire. For he was most of all affraid, lest at the very time of the solstice, the Sun should happen to be clouded, or some accident might befall us (according to the uncertainty of mans condition) whereby the observation might be hindred. He would therefore go to Marseil­les just in the Whitsun-Holidayes, that he might observe the Meridian Altitude, both of the Sun, and of other Stars; and consequently the Eleva­tion of the Pole; and so by inference, at least, his demand might be satisfied.

Afterwards, when about the Solstice some af­faires happened, which seemed very likely to de­tain him, he brake through all, and went at length to Marseilles, that he might be present, and remove all obstacles which might hinder the observation. And, indeed there was need of a ve­ry high House, which was to be free within; nor, having searched all the Churches in the Town, could we finde a convenient place: only the Colledge-House, which was newly built at the East end of the Church, seemed very fitting, by reason of the roof, which was fifty two foot roy­all in heighth, being only intercepted with a boarded floor in the middle; howbeit, his pre­sence procured the roof to be opened, and the boarded floor to be broken up in such manner, as to make the place very convenient. And to what end, or why a Gnomon was used of the heighth of the House, and which might be divided into 90. thousand parts, is here no place to tell. Let it suffice to say, that the Reduction being made [Page 144]to the same numbers that Pytheas used (whose Gnomon was not divided into more then six hundred parts) the proportion of the Gnomon to the shadow, according to our observation was, the same that is betwixt an hundred and twenty, and forty two, with three fifth parts; which was according to his observation, the same proporti­on which is betwixt an hundred and twenty, and forty one, with four fifth-parts.

Now Peireskius would have me, not only write down the Observation, but the Reasons also, which made me conceive it probable, that the obliquity of the Sun was not therefore greater in those ancient times, then it is in our Age. And because mention was accidentally made of that same hollow kind of Dial, which Eratosthenes and others, and probably also Pytheas made use of: therefore he wrote in all haste to get either such a Dial, or at least a model thereof, which he heard to be in the custody of Cardinal Barberino.

Moreover, because Strabo had written much against Pytheas, it was his pleasure that I should write an Apology for our Country-man of Pro­vence, and vindicate that man, who first demon­strated the Island Thule, and who is the most ancient of all the learned men, which these We­stern parts of the World can boast of.

Finally, he would have me expound that Problem, which till that time had tormented all Navigators, and Mathematicians, to find out the exposition thereof. The Problem was this; How comes it to passe, that Navigators, after they have passed Sardinia, and the Coast of Africa, or at least have saluted the neighbouring Islands, and especially after they have passed Malta, to the end [Page 145]they may come unto Crete, they must not keep right on, but turn to the left hand, or to the North, one point of the wind, or the two and thirtieth part of the Compasse; and two points, or half a wind, that they may passe from Crete to Cyprus, and from Cyprus to Alexandria in Syria? Also how it comes to passe, that in returning, they cannot sail to Cyprus or Crete, unless they turn aside half a wind; nor to Malta, unless they turn a quarter of a wind out of the right way, and that alwayes to the left hand, which is now to the South, whereas they should rather encline to the right hand, or to the North?

Moreover, When Peireskius plainly saw that all their Answers were mere Conjectures; he wonderfully rejoyced, comming to know, that all that practice had its original from that error, by which all hydrographical Tables are made, while Artists suppose that those Eastern parts dif­fer from us, much more then indeed they do, as we briefly noted in the former Eclipse: so that by that meanes, the distance between Malta and Crete, being thought to be more then it is; and the error being yet more between Crete and Cy­prus, and between Cyprus and Alexandria; all those doubts may easily be resolved.

For, let us suppose Malta to be under that Me­ridian under which it lies; and let us imagine Crete to be five degrees more Eastward then it is, but yet under the same parallel; it is a clear case, that the right course from Malta to the place intended, is to leave Crete on the left hand, or Northward: and that therefore Navigators, that they may not erre, must follow the more Nor­thern wind; which is indeed the true wind, [Page 146]though believed to be different from that, which being a false one, is yet accounted to be true. Contrariwise, let us suppose Creta to be in the same Meridian in which it is, & Malta to be 5. degrees more westward than it is, keeping stil the same parallel; it is likewise clear, that the right wind, or course from Crete, to the place suppo­sed, is to leave Malta again upon the left hand, or to the South: and therefore that they may not sail false, they must follow another wind, which is indeed the true one, but is accounted a fourth from the true. And the same is to be said of the distance between Crete and Cyprus, and as far as to Alexandria; yet so, that the error of the di­stance being doubled, they must now use half a wind. The matter being therefore apparent, Peireskius called together a company of Seafa­ring men, and so expounded the Problem, that they were amazed, and being questioned about the particular distances, they freely granted, that of two thousand seven hundred miles common­ly reckoned between Marseilles and Alexandria, at least five hundred might be abated.

But I shall let these things passe, and pro­pound a testimony or two which were given to his rare affection to learning and learned men, And in the first place, Kircherus setting forth at Rome his Prodromus Coptus, writes that among those which sollicited the Edition, Peireskius does justly challenge the first place, as who by an armed intreaty had forced him to set upon the work. In the next place Mersennus dedicating to him his 4. Books of Musick, does thus bespeak him. This m [...]st musical Book, ought not to come into the World without the honour of your name. For [Page 147]although my Harmonia Gallica, will shortly ac­cost you more largely accoutred, if setting pub­lick affaires awhile aside, you shall please to lend afavourable eare thereto; I thought sit never­thelesse, that this Synopsis should be premised, and that all mortal men should be admonished, that there is none of the learned, who has had experience of your singular Benevolence, but ad­mires and adores those vertues wherewith you are perpetually attended: and that not only those Books, but all others, ought justly to be dedicated to you. Embrace therefore these Instruments of the Mases, tuned to sound the prayses of gallant men, and contained in these sollowing Books; with those Hands, which with admirable libera­lity, are open to all men, &c.

Moreover, as concerning his Gallica Harmonia, he dedicated to him certain Treatises of Conso­nancies and Dissonancies, of the kinds of Modes, and of Musical composition or setting, professing, that they were due to him, because his bountiful hand had brought them out of darkness, who was wont with so great munificence, to oblige all Europe, that all learned and good men con­sess, that there is no mortal man alive, to whom learning, and learned men are more indebted. Then he reckons up divers things, which [...]c­cording to every mans Genius, he never ceases, either to produce out of his own study, or to seek in the most remote Countries of the World; re­ceiving all men with so much humanity and Be­neficence, [Page 148]that all which he possesses, seems to be no lesse common to all learned men, then the Air and Water are to all Live wights. And therefore he sticks not to say, that all men would applaud this dedication of his, whereby Testimony is given to Posterity, that there was a man in this Age, whom all these ought to imi­tate, that would be like God, who is perpetually doing good.

I passe over that mention which Petrus Lase­na of Naples made of him, in his Cleombrotus, or Philosophical discourse touching such as die by drowning in the water; yet must I not passe o­ver the grief wherewith Peireskius was affected, when he understood that the rare man aforesaid, died in Autumn, before the Edition of his Book was finished.

When the Winter was begun, he went to A­reles, that he might meet upon the Borders of Provence, the renowned Joseph Bernetius, who being President of the Parliament at Burdeaux, was chosen Prince, or chief Praesident of Aix, af­ter that Lainaeus had surrendred the said Magi­stracy. For he had known him ever since the time that he executed the Office of Kings-Attorney, in the grand Councel, with great applause; so that he did exceedingly love and reverence him for his Vertue. Upon which occasion he saw at Salon, Joannes Jaubertus Barraltius, Arch Bishop of Arles, the rare Honour of Praelates, whose Learning, Candor, Piety and Prudence, he could never sufficiently commend. And because at the same time, he received Letters from the truly good, learned, and renowned Ant [...]ius G [...]dellus, [Page 149]whereby he signified, that he was shortly to come to the Bishoprick of Grass, whereof he was ordained Bishop; he said, that Provence would be happy, that should be illustrated with so many rare Ecclesiastical Lights.

A mortal year followed, being 1637.1637. at which time he was exceedingly delighted with entertaining and cherishing that rare man Jaco­bus Ferrerius of Agin, a Physician, who being of the retinue of the Cardinal of Lions, returning from Rome and Lions, brought him many things, which he had desired. Among the rest there was a model of the Farnesian Congius, of which we spake before. Also there was plenty of a kind of wood, dug up out of the ground, which was lately found out at Aqua-Sparta. Not but that Peireskius had before, some Pieces of that kind of wood; but he desired to speak with an Eye-witness, which had seen the place out of which it was dig'd. And he was indeed informed of that which he desired to know, viz. how that there were only certain pieces as it were of the Trunk of a Tree; but no appearance of any boughs, knots or roots; which seemed to argue, that those parcels of wood were bred in that shape, and were not of the common sort of wood, which is many times buried in the Earth, and there turns to stone. Finally, there was a Copy of a Greek Inscription touching the La­bours of Hercules, which before that time, he could never see nor obtain; the Marble lying concealed in the Farnesian Palace.

At the same time, he was very much pleased with a Marble which was given him by Arnal­dus the Propraetor of Forcalquier, which was [Page 150]dug up at Regium; upon which there was an In­scription containing a vow paid to Aesculapius; viz. a brazen picture of Sleep, a Golden chaine, with two little Dragons of the weight of one scruple; a Silver Dagger weighing five ounces and an half (for so he amended the figures, which were not right in Gruterus); finally, a short Gloak, or Garment to wear upon the shoulders. Moreover, when it was brought into his house, he could not forbear to tell, that he had been forty year seeking to attain the same. For he had a Copy of the said Inscription before he went into Italy. And truly Pignorius, when in his Symbolical Epistles, he had spoken of two Dra­gons, looking one upon another, with their tails knit together, he added: And this Figure is ex­pressed upon an ancient Marble, which was shewed me long since by that most noble Gentleman, the great lover of all learned men, Nicolaus Fabricius Peireskius the Kings Councellor in the Parliament of Alx. And because he remembred, that he had long since seen among the Curiosities of Laelius Pascalinus, a golden Chain made of two Dra­gons or Serpents, such as is here described; there­fore he presently wrote to Fra [...]ciscus Cardinalis Boncompagnus, into whose noble and curi [...]us hands those Rarities had fallen, that he would suffer a Patterne of the said Chain to be made. Which he did for the sake of the foresaid Toma­sinus, who being about to write of the Gifts of the ancient, might illustrate his work, by the mention and description thereof.

In the midd e of February, the last of eight Chamaeleons, which he had nourished and che­rished ever since summer, died. For, whereas [Page 151]in the foregoing years he had obtained only one, or two, out of Africa, which were starved and killed, at the first approch of cold weather; there­fore he would needs procure at last a good num­ber of them, that by all possible care he might experiment, whether any of them would out-live the Winter. For, because he found that the Fe­males were full of Eggs: therefore he was desi­rous to know their forming and manner of hatching, supposing that the Spring would be the time of their breeding. Wherefore he covered the Hutch, in which these last were, with cloths, and placed it in a warm stove, and sometimes brought them into the Sun: but, whether they had bin hurt by the first cold, though but small; or whether the place in which they were after­wards kept, was too close and hot; or for that since the moneth of November, they did eat no meat at all; none of them could be preserved alive until the Spring. He caused them to be painted divers waies, but especially hanging by their Feet and the ends of their Tailes, which is their most usual posture, in which they sleep, and hunt for worms and flies.

For he found the common report, that they live only by the Air, to be a Fable; and tried them with many things, but found that they were pleased with no meat so much, as with those small Worms which breed in Meal-tubs, and Kneading-troughs. Now they are wont to use their Tongues, as the Elephant does his Trunk, which being near a foot long, they throw out of their Mouths like a dart; and that so swift­ly, that you can scarce discern them with your eye. Which action they perform by help of a [Page 152]little bone, which where it is forked, is implan­ted on either side in the extremities of their throat or jawes, the rest of the said bone, being round and running the length of their mouths, it serves to contract or draw in and dart out their tongue; which is hollow like a Gut, save that on the top thereof, there is a little bit of flesh, which is somewhat clammy the betttr to fasten upon the prey. Also he found that report to be false, which saies, that Chamaeleons assume the colour of such things as are near unto them: for they are either green or ash-coloured, only they shew somewhat black, on that side which is next the Sun, or the Fire; otherwise they undergo no kind of change.

One thing was rare and wonderful, viz. That the Chamaeleon moves not his eyes both toge­ther; but while he looks with one eye this way or that way, the other stands still, or is turned the contrary way. Now they can turn them every way, by means of four little pulley-muscles; having no distinct Iris, only a little Eye-ball, upon which the Cornea tunica (being as the rest of the Body radiated, party-coloured, and dap­led) is terminated on all sides. Moreover, the Chamaeleons have teeth neatly ranked; certain­ly not to grind the air, but to chew the meat which they catch with their Tongues. They have only one Gut, not coiled or rowled round, but lying in length, only crooked this way and that way. The Excrement within the same, was very liquid, save in that part which was near the Dung-gate. Their Liver was divided into two Lobes or Laps, from the bunchy part thereof, pouring blood into their Heart which [Page 153]had Ears; but no Trunck ascending and de­scending: for not only the porta so called, went directly to the Gut; but the other Veins go al­so directly to the other parts. The Lungs be­ing blown; appeared to be a most thin mem­brane, as big in compasse as the whole Beast it self. In the lower Belly, was no Peritonaeum, only a Membrane dividing the right side from the left. No Spleen, no Bladder, no Kidnies; only we observed certain Caruncles, or small bits of flesh, which were haply the Genitals. In one of the Females, there were above an hundred Eggs, within a membrane or skinny bag, some of which were as big as the stones of an Olive, in which we found a yolk, but no White: whereas the small ones seemed to con­tain a kind of milkie substance,

What need I stand here to relate the continu­al care he took, that Valesius intending to set forth the Orations of Libanius with additions, might get into his hands such Orations as had never yet bin printed? He had before took care, to have those written out, which were extant in the Augustane Library: and now having Dor­malius at Rome, who was ready to write out those in the Vatican Library; he endeavoured by the Authority of Cardinal Barberino to pro­cure him leave so to do. Also he exhorted Buc­cardus to undertake to Translate the Epigrams of the Anthologie, of which there was yet no Translation extant: for himself had written to Salmasius to send that Copy of them, which he had, to him. And intending to send to Salmasius a Manuscript of Vegetius, four hun­dred years old, he would have it compared [Page 154]with another, almost of the same antiquity, and that by the learned hand of Fabrotus, by us for­merly commended, who noted in the margent many differences, of one from another, and from the Editions formerly printed. And to what end, should I relate, how ardently he sol­licited Kircherus, being to go into Sicily, and from thence to Malta, with the Landgrave of Darmstadt, that he would endeavour to procure the Altitudes of the Pole; and that he would curiously observe such things as are commonly reported of Aetna; and bring back with him Indexes of the principal Libraries, and especial­ly of the Manuscripts of the Abbot of Ca [...]ta.

And with what earnestness he expected out of the East, Books of six or eight Columns, termed therefore Hexapli and Octapli? Amongst the which there was a Psalter, distinguished into six Columns, and so many several Languages, which being taken by the Pyrates, he would have re­deemed at any rate; though it cost at first but 24. pounds Tours. Wherefore he lest no stone un­turned, till hearing that the Pirates were arrived at Tripolis in Africa, he wrote unto the Bassa or Governour of that City, using the mediation of friends, who put him in hopes, that the Book should be sent him. Moreover, it so happened, that some one or other hearing how much he desired that Book, hoping to receive a great re­ward for their pains; brought him a Book cha­rily wrapt up, which they said had been pawned to them in that City. How much he rejoyced at the first presentation thereof, it cannot be ex­pressed: but whenas, having taken off the cove­rings, he saw it was nothing but the Arabic [Page 155]Dictionary of Thomas Erpenius, it can as hardly be expressed, how he was daunted; not know­ing whether he should blame the mistake, or im­posture of the bringers.

And here I should add such things as he ob­tained from one place or another in Africa; as Coines, Inscriptions, and divers relations of Sou­thern, Northern, and Oriental Affaires, partly new and partly old, and other such like things: But it seems better by way of Conclusio, to make mention of that same very learned Com­mentary, which Jacobus Gothofredus aforesaid, had composed from the Roman Lawes, touching the Dominion of the Seas, and the Right of gathering up ship-wrackt goods; and dedi­cated the same to Peireskius. For among other things, speaking to him, he has these words; I thought good at this time, to make you privie to, and witness of, this action; who are such a lover of all mysterious and excellent Learning, that you spare no cost in seeking helpes all the world over, nor in provoking and furthering such men as are able to take pains in the ad­vancement and restauration thereof; many of which by your means are become famous, and that deservedly. Than which practice of yours what can be more illustrious, seeing the glory w [...]h is given commonly to Princes, you have thereby fo happily derived to your own Name? Or what can tend more to eternity, to which your self have recommended so many, partly by resto­ring to light the monuments of the Ancients, partly by exciting the best wits of this present [Page 156]Age? I must needs confess, for mine own part, that my mind is never more inflamed to these studies, then when you are wont to incite me thereto: for I find my self rather powerfully drawn than perswaded, by those Letters where­with you provoke me to study, when I am over­whelmed with publick negotiations. And a little after, In regard also of that same singu­lar Candor of yours, which I esteem as a pattern of ingenuity it self, which you would have all that write Books to observe, and to be far from all kind of bitternesse. And again, This Book therefore cannot be unsutable to you, which so exceeding sitly agrees with your dignity, the Subject of your studies, and your disposition and manners. I hope also that it will therefore please you, because it treats of a Subject useful to humane life; and has him for its Authour, who does not only make use of you, as his best and most faithful friend, but every where boasts of your friendship.

The Spring was now begun, when he enter­tained the Cardinal Bichius, and with him Sua­resius, his old friend formerly preferred to the Bishoprick of Vaison, who was going to Rome with the Cardinal. He was refreshed at the same time, by the coming of Franciscus Bochartus Campinius Master of the Requests, and sent into Provence, with the Title of the Superintendent of Justice. For he exceedingly loved and ho­noured him, both for the exceeding goodnesse of his disposition and rare Vertue; as also for the [Page 157]Memories sake of his excellent Father, who ha­ving been Master of the Exchequer, Chief of the Consistorians, and first President of the Supreme Senate or Parliament, did alwaies affect Peires­kius. Whereupon Campinius also made so much of him again, and did so honour him that ha­ving a Son born a moneth after, he chose him to be his sons God-father, and would have him give the child his own name.

Afterwards followed the famous recovery of the Islands de Lerins, about which he was won­derfully sollicitous, and the History whereof he accurately described. Mean while he performed all offices of respect to the first President and his wife, who in the moneths of April and May, were grievously sick. And he saw them indeed recover, he saw the Islands regained; while in the mean time, his own more hard hap was at hand. For the following June, he fell into a deadly Disease; of which and his death which followed thereupon, before I say any thing, it seems convenient to describe more particularly the habit of his Body, the manners of his mind, and the studies in which he exercised his Wits. For, although this may seem sufficiently under­stood, by the course of his life which we have hi­therto described, yet are there innumerable things remaining to be told, which will give great Light to the Story of his life, the know­ledge whereof, having bin by most learned men desired, cannot prove unpleasing to any.


HE was therefore (to begin with his Stature) of a middle and decent pitch, neither too tall, nor over-low. The Habit of his Body was lean, and consequently, his Veins conspicuous, both in his Fore-head and Hands. His constitution, as it was subject to Diseases, so was it none of the strongest; which made him in his latter years, to go with a staffe. And for the same reason, his Members were easily put out of joynt; especi­ally his left shoulder, which was three times dislocated. His fore-head was large, and apt to be filled with wrinkles, when he admired any thing, or was in a deep study. His eyes were gray, and apt to be blood-shotten, by the breach of some little vein when he blowed his nose vio­lently. He fixed his eyes, either upon the ground, when he was seriously discoursing upon any sub­ject; or upon the Auditors, when he perceived that they were pleased with what he said. He was a little Hawk-nosed: his Cheek; being tem­pered with red, the hair of his Head yellow, as [Page 160]also his beard, which he used to wear long. His whole countenance carried the appearance of an unwonted and rare courtesie and affability: how­beit, no Painter had the happiness to express him such as he was indeed and in truth.

As for the care he had in ordering his Body; he affected cleanliness in his Diet, and all things a­bout him; but desired nothing superfluous, or costly. And truly, though he was careful that the Cloathes he wore abroad, might not be unsuita­ble to his dignity; yet he never wore silk. In like manner, the rest of his House he would have adorned according to his condition, and very well furnished: but he did not at all, in a manner, regard his own Chamber. Instead of Tapestry, there hung the Pictures of his chief friends, and of famous men; besides an innumerable Com­pany of bundles of Commentaries, Transcripts, Notes, collected from Books, Epistles, and such like papers. His Bed was exceeding plain, and his Table continually loaded and covered with Papers, Books, Letters, and other things; as al­so all the Sears round about, and the greatest part of the floore.

In like manner, as touching his Diet, his care was to have a well-furnished and gentile Table for his friends and Family, confining himself to a very slender, and very wholesome Diet. He supt alone in his own Chamber (save that for the most part, he was content to have me his guest) that he might not weary out his Family with staying till his Supper-time. And because sometimes dining with his friends, he fed more liberally then ordinary, accōmodating himself to Custom, and the Companie: therefore, to ease [Page 161]stomack, he would forbear his Suppers, on such dayes. He used the ordinary sort of Wine, though he better liked of White-wine, and desired to have it pretty tart; supposing that being so, it better quencht his thirst. He tempered it with much water, save in Musk-million season, where­of eating at the beginning of his meales, he fol­lowed the direction of his Physician, of which I told you. Now he was so great a lover of Musk-Millions, that though he could abstain from any other kind of meat as he list, yet towards them, he professed he was not able to master himself. For custom had made them exceeding pleasant unto him, and the memory of his health reco­vered by them, and his frequent experience, that in Musk million-season he wasThose that are sub­ject to these Infirmi­ties, and otherwise strong and healthy, let them use Cowcum­bers wel boyled, if they cannot get, or affect not Musk-millions, and they shall finde, I dare say, the same effect. never troubled with pains in his Kidneys, nor bred, or voided any Gra­vel. For which cause he was wont to temper his Wine with the water of a natural Bathe, or Physi­cal Spring; ever since the time that going into a Cottage near the Bathe, and observing both Men and Women very aged, he asked the reason, and they made answer, that they continually used the Physical or Bath-wa­ter, not only to drink, but to make their grewel, and all kinds of broth, to make Past, Puddings, Bread, &c.

Moreover, being exceeding sober in drink­ing, and not curious in his Diet; he was so con­tinent, that he was never overtaken with the Witcheries of Venus, in his whole life-time. And the cause may soon be rendred, in regard that he was never given to idleness: yet unless sobriety withdrew the Tindar from venereal Luxury, it wil stir of it self, and take fire upon the least relaxa­tion of minde.

Now whereas I hinted occasionally, that he was wont to eat his suppers late, this is to be understood only of his later years. For, former­ly he was wont to sup more early, and so as to comport with his Guests, and then to give him­self a little after to writing and reading, and so to continue studying late in the night, yea and many times till day-dawn; so that he took very little sleep, and that only in the mornings. But in process of time, finding that this course did him hurt; he began to leave studying between Supper and Bed-time; whereupon he soon after found himself dull and indisposed, to his mor­ning studies; and one business or other conti­nually holding him employed all day long, he found that he had no time left for study. Where­upon he begun a new course, viz. at four, five, or at the farthest six of the Clock at night, when the generality of People begin to think of Supper, he would shut himself up into his Chamber, and suffer no man to visit him, or to speak with him, unless upon some very urgent occasion; and so he would continue till nine of the Clock, which he had alotted for his Supper-time; conversing only with himself and the Muses. Yea, and on those dayes on which the Posts did set forth to­wards [Page 163]Paris or Rome, he was wont to defer his Supper, till ten or eleven a Clock, and very of­ten, till after mid-night; that he might write more, and larger letters. For which cause he of­tentimes, either detained the Posts in his own House, or if they were gone, he would by money and fair words, procure them to stay for his Let­ters.

He went to bed almost as soon as he had supt, and alwayes set his Larum, so as to wake him quickly again. Not that he was weary of his ne­cessary rest; but because when he slept above four houres, such plenty of Urine flowed into his Bladder, that the orifice thereof being shut with too much stretching, he could not make water. And therefore he was forced to break his sleeps, which he did more frequently, when the North-west wind blew, or any the least cold aire affected him; for then he was most of all trou­bled with the stoppage of his Urine. Another occasion of his frequent awaking, was his incli­nation to sweat, which was so great, that the heat of the Bed-cloathes, or of the weather, being joyned to his natural weakness, he was forced to change his shifts, once, twice, or sometimes three times in a night.

In the morning when he rose, his custom was to keep his head very warm, with his Hat, or some other covering, till his sweat and heat, con­ceived during his sleep, were abated; otherwise the cold Aire, entering into the open pores, and stopping the same, was wont to cause Rheuma­tick Defluxions and Tooth-ach. For the same cause when he did write or read, he sat far from the Windowes; otherwise the cold would so [Page 164]pierce into his head and face, or that Cheek which was next the Window, as by little and little to cause Defluxions, and bring the Tooth­ach. For this cause also, he did in the day-time, as much as his occasions would permit, keep himself out of the wind and Sun; which he would sometimes excuse, by saying, that the Bodies of other men were like Plates of Iron, not at all affected by the Aires injuries; but that his own weak Body was like a sheet of pa­per, which the least drop of water can pene­trate.

Therefore he never walkt abroad (which was the only bodily exercise which he used) but when the Air was calm, the Sun clouded, or at least shining very weakly, and inclining to set. Also he had a Servant with him, that waited up­on him with an hand-Canopy, to keep off the Sun-beams, if need were, & the wind. And be­cause that might be troublesom to himself, or his Company, therefore he was wont to chuse his walks in Vales and shady places, where he might go free, and feed his eyes and eares. For de­lighting more in discour [...]e then any other thing in the World, he was wont to procure the Com­pany of such men as were learned, and of gentle meek dispositions; such as the forementioned Galterius, Antonius Arbaudus Bargemonius, Pro­vost of the Cathedral Church of Aix, and other such like; finding himself in the mean while, very naturally delighted, with the pleasant Ver­dure of Plants, beauty of flowers, gentle mur­mur, and purling noyse of brooks, and water­streams together with the various songs of little Birds. And therefore it is no won [...]er, that he [Page 165]adorned his Garden at Beaugensier, with such va­riety of Plants; and that besides a rare Channel of water, he procured the same to be cast up by a curious kind of Fountain; and that in the win­ter, he caused Corn to be scattered for the Birds, which haunted certain Orenge and Lemmon-Trees, made into Arbors, forbidding any one to catch or molest them.

Moreover, he preferred the singing of Birds, before the voyces of men, or any musical Instru­ments; not but that he was therewith also de­lighted; but because after the Musick which men made, there remained in his mind a continual a­gitation, drawing his attention, and disturbing his sleep; the rising, falling, and holding of the Notes, with the change of sounds and concords, running to and fro in his fancy; whereas no such thing could remain after the Birds Musick, which because it is not so apt by us to be imitated, it cannot therefore so much affect, and stir our in­ternal saculty. He would also for the same cause, continually breed up Nightingales, and such like small Birds, which he kept also in his own Chamber; and of which he was so careful, that he knew by divers signes and tokens, what they wanted or desired, and presently would see them satisfied: they therefore, as out of gratitude, would sing unto their benefactor, Hymnes of prayse; and whereas in his absence, they were for the most part silent; as soon as ever by his voyce or staffe, they perceived he was comming, they would presently fall to singing.

And because we are speaking of his affection to dumb-Creatures, it can do no hurt to tell you, that in his Boyes and Youths-Age, he was a [Page 166]great lover of Dogs. Of some of them we have spoken formerly: now he chiefly loved such as he knew to be gifted with some peculiar Instinct. Amongst which, there was one, of which he was wont often to relate this memorable passage; how that having received, from I know not whom, a sore blow, he would not only smell out that man, as soon as ever he came into the house, but he would perceive him comming, when he was fifty paces off, and by his suddain barking, would intimate who was at hand. And by reason of mice which did gnaw his Books and Papers in his Chamber, he became a Lover of Cats, which he had formerly hated; and where­as at first he kept a few for necessity sake, he had afterwards a great Company, for his delight. For, he procured out of the East, Ash-coloured, Dun, and speckled Cats, beautiful to behold; of the Brood whereof, he sent to Paris, and other pla­ces, to his friends. And, as nothing could passe his notice, he observed that Cats go with young, exactly nine weeks; that they conceive, till they are more then fourteen years old; that they sometimes want a Midwife, to assist their bring­ing forth; that they give suck, though they have not conceived; and the like things.

But, to return to the care he used about him­self; it was very plain and ordinary, even in the times of his sickness; and experience had made him in a manner, his own Physician. For in the first place, as touching Fevers, he was wont to cure them by fasting; for he reasoned, that either the matter of the Fever, its fewel being with­drawn, would soon be consumed; or all Impe­diments [Page 167]being removed, it would quickly come to settle and fix.

Moreover, when the Rheum and Cough trou­bled him, he used nothing but a Crust of dry bread; of which he alwayes carried about him certain pieces, inclosed in a silver Box, with some odoriferous juncket, or Confect thereby. For he conceived, that by the chewing thereof, his spittle withall gently dropping down, his Wind-pipe was as it were crusted over; so that the super­fluous humor, would not so exulcerate the same, nor provoke him to cough. To asswage the pain of the Haemo [...]rhoids, he used nothing but the yolk of an Egg, to which sometimes a little But­ter or Lard was added. Also he found, that drinking of the mineral waters, did them much good; and that heat applied beneath, or the least sleep, did mitigate their pain.

We have told you, how he used the said waters against his stoppage of Urine, which to provoke, he was wont to bite a linnen Cloth, or an end thereof, and chew it as it were between his teeth, which he did just as he was straining to make water, and by which meanes he many times voided his Urine. And when that would not do, as in great distensions of his Bladder, he would thrust himself into a narrow place be­tween the hinder part of the Bed and the Wall, there to be squeezed; for after much endeavou­ring, he found some help thereby. Nor did he after every Retention of Urine, void Gravel or stones: yet they came away frequently, after he had bin pained in his Kidneys, and Ureters. Now he was wont to make water alwayes in a large Glasse, like a Cupping-Glasse, that he might soon [Page 168]see in the bottom thereof, whether he had bin delivered of any thing; for he was wont to call his pains, and voiding of stones, his Breeding or childing. Finally, that he was not troubled with the Gout, as his Parents were, he attribu­ted to the careful ordering himself in point of Diet; which thing, as often as his Father was careful of, he fared much the better for it.

Nor must I passe over in this place, that his weak constitution did not hinder him from be­having himself exceeding patiently, in those Dis­eases, and vehement pains. For, the frequency and continuance thereof, seemed to have indu­ced a certain brawny hardness; but yet his cu­storn of suffering was perfected and assisted by Reason, which told him; that, what cannot be a­voided, must be suffered patiently and gently. Truly, his common saying was, That he was not so much troubled at the evils, whereunto he was subjected, as he rejoyced that they were not more grie­vious as they might have bin.

His mind was much the same, in respect of a­ny adverse accident which sell out. For, when he lost any thing, especially if it were precious, he could not but be troubled; but he was wont to remper his grief, by considering the thing, not so much as being lost, as that it had bin possessed, and enjoyed with pleasure. So he comforted himself with what was left him: for he concei­ved, that there was more reason to rejoyce, in be­half of that which good Fortune had left be­hind; than to grieve for that, which hard hap had taken away. Wherefore he was wont fre­quently to say, that who ever seeks after the un­certain good things of this World, should think, [Page 169]and resolve, that he gathers as well for Thieves, as for Himself. Sometimes also it hapned, that what he propounded to himself, did not succeed according to his desires, so that he lost all his la­bour and charges; yet it comforted him, that he endeavoured nothing, but what was laudable, and that he was able to take the like pains, and be at the same cost again. For which cause, he ceased not to endeavour the same thing frequently; as not despairing, but that at last, the business would come to a good issue; and knowing that one time or another, many vain endeavours, might be recompenced with one good success; and that a Fisher man ought not therefore to break his Nets in peices, because sometimes he makes a draught in vain.

And thus did he fortifie his patience and con­stancy; being nevertheless of his own nature, somewhat testy. And he was wont to say, that nothing did ever so much prevail with him to rule his passion, as a sight which he happened to see in an Augmenting-glasse, or Microscope. For, having inclosed therein a Lowse and a Flea; he observed, that the Lowse, setting himself to wrastle with the Flea, was so incensed, that his blood ran up and down from head to foot, and from foot to head again. Whence, he gathered, how great a Commotion of Humors and Spirits, and what a disturbance of all the faculties, anger must needs make; and what harm that man a­voids, who quits that passion. Novv there vvere tvvo klnds of things, for vvhich he vvas chiefly moved. The one of vvhich, and the principal vvas injury, springing from ingratitude. I say injury; for vvhen his kindnesses vvere only for­gotten, [Page 170]he never seemed to be moved: seeming rather himself to have forgotten the benefits he had conferred. But vvhen any man proved so ingrateful, as to be vvithall, an hurt or hinde­rance to him or his, in the bringing about of his affaires and purposes: then he vvould begin to chafe and grovv exceeding angry, yea, and to re­proach such persons; and I remember, how that presently thereupon, endeavouring to re­claim and compose himself, he was wont to say, that upon such occasions as these, his Philosophy failed him. The other was the negligence of his Servants, and their untoward performance of what he set them about. For he was soon mo­ved, if they heard not at the first word speaking, and came not quickly at the first call; and if they did not what was commanded, at the time and manner appointed. For, when he was doubt­ful of the Ability of any one, or had good reason to suspect, that out of conceit of their own wit, they would be apt to leave out, and put in, chop and change: then would he distinctly by peice­meale, and in order, relate how he would have every thing done; if then it was not done, as he had ordered, he could hardly contain from breaking out into complaints and chiding. Whereupon, turning oftentimes to me, he was wont to say, It seems, I must needs have you for a witness of my Infirmity. For he was wont to contain himself, and not to give bridle to his passions, save in presence of his familiar friends. And this was in a manner, the only passion of his mind, which he could not bridle: howbeit, he would soon be pacified, and come to himself again; and as for his Servants, he would many [Page 169]times find fault and chide, only to rowse them from floathfulnesse, and to render them more wary for time to come. Yea, and he was so inclin'd towards those whom he accounted in­grateful and injurious, that he was alwaies more willing to forget, than revenge an injury; and there was none that acknowledg'd his fault, whom he would not embrace, and confer new Obligations upon.

And now that we are speaking of the benefits by him conferred, who is there that knows not how much he was inclined to Beneficence? Doubt­less there was never man gave more chearfully, liberally, or frequently. For propounding to himself to imitate God and Nature, who do not lend, but freely give all things; it may well be said of him, that he prevented mens wishes, out­went their hopes, and was quicker in granting, than they could be in wishing. For, a thousand times, of his own accord, he offered both assi­stance and moneys too, yea and really gave the same, to such as never thought thereof. And see his Policy withal [...] When he sent to Holstenius those Interpreters of Plat [...] and Aristotle, which we spake of before; and which cost him two hundred gold nobles, he writ him a Letter, by which it seemed, that he only lent him those Books; but he writ a brief Letter afterwards, signifying, that he did freely give them him; only he wrote the former Letter that he might have it to produce, to satisfie such as might im­portune him for the said Books, as if that he had only borrowed them. And how often, think you, did he, that which is related of Arce­silaus, that is to say, put money under the pillow [Page 170]of his sleeping, or otherwise not-observing friend, when he perceived that he stood in need thereof, and yet would out of bashfulness have refused the same, if it had bin offered him? Verily, when it was not in his power so to do, and yet he could not endure to see another man blush; he used the hand of a familiar friend, that he might render him that was to receive his be­nevolence, more confident. Truly, I can be a witness in this case: for even in his last daies, he gave by my hand to a certain ingenuous person, whom he knew to be in want, and to be asha­med to signifie so much. Nor would I have you think he did it, that he might have a witnesse of his liberality; for when he knew the parties, he meant well to, were not shie to receive his benevolence, he was far from seeking a third person, thereby to put them to shame. For then he would give it himself, and not only in private where was none to behold; but he would never afterwards speak thereof, to his most familiar acquaintance. And therefore (for examples sake) if I came to know of the Money, he be­stowed upon Campanella; I had it from Campa­nella himself, who both told it in private, and publickly declared the same; but not from Pei­reskius, though both of us sojourneyed with him at that very time. Wherefore, if to one man he gave an hundred Nobles, to another two hun­dred, to another three; it came to knowledge by other means, and not by himself. For indeed, he was none of those odious kind of men, who upbraid the good turns they have done, which as he that hath received them should remember, so should he which conferred them forget; of [Page 171]which rule never was any man more observant than he. For he was so far from speaking of what he had bestowed, that he could never en­dure that others should mention the same, and would blush to hear them, being accustomed so to extenuate what he gave, as that he denyed in a manner, that he had given any thing.

But his carriage was quite different, when he received any thing from another. For he ne­ver left publishing the same, and though it were a thing of small moment, or had cost him dear, yet would he evermore profess himself obliged; being also accustomed by several offices and ob­servances, to testifie his gratitude. For if any had given him a piece of Coine, a Seal, a Parch­ment, Marble, Vessel, or any other thing of great antiquity, brought out of some far Countrey, or otherwise rare; then, besides his affectionate thanks, he would presently enquire, what that man delighted in, or what he stood in need of probably: as Books, Pictures, Plants, or other things, with which (when he durst not with mo­ney) he would return to the value of what he re­ceived, with use. This may be peculiarly mani­fested by divers Books, which he bought at a ve­ry dear rate; but it may suffice for example sake to say, that, because he knew that many men were delighted with Mercurius Gallicus, the Roman History of Coeffeteus, Octavius Strada of the Lives of Emperors with Pictures, and other such like; therefore he would alwaies have a great company of these Books by him, that when occasion offered it self, he might have some­what in readiness to give away. By which it came to pass, that in a small space of time, he has [Page 172]had eight, ten, and more of a sort of those Books, and given them all away; yea, and sometimes when he was out of hopes ever to get the like Books again; such as were Eusebius of Scaliger's Edition, Origanus his Ephemerides, and hun­dreds besides.

For he could never forbear to testifie, that he was born rather to give than to receive; and because he took not more pleasure in any thing, than in a gift well bestowed, that he accounted that day lost, in which he had not upon some oc­casion or other exercised his liberality. And therefore wise men wished him the Riches of Croesus, and the Treasures of Arabia; that he might more fully manifest that same liberal and great mind of his. For they counted it a won­der, where he had wherewith to satisfie so great expences; knowing sufficiently his contempt of Riches, and how free he was from any taint of covetousness. And some indeed there were who disliked his course, supposing that he was not sufficiently careful of his estate. For, his ex­pences seemed to exceed his Incomes; which they could judge by this one thing, that he sent to Rome yearly, three thousand pounds Tours, to be expended. But he regarded none of these Rumors, and alvvaies counted it great gain to be honourably profuse, vvhile he sought the advance­ment of Learning, and the good of learned men. Also that of the Poet vvas true of him, Quaesivit nomen, quaerat avarus opes, He sought a name, let others leek vvealth, that are covetous; for veri­ly, whether it were that he diminished his Reve­nues, or neglected to amplifie them; yet he got so much Glory and Renown; as others [Page 173]cannot attain, with their immense riches. And these men that blamed him, should have conside­red; that Riches are not coveted, only to expel Hunger, Thirst, and Cold; for a small matter will serve for these and other natural uses: but chiefly, that a man may live in splendor, and leave Monuments to propagate his same, after he is dead. For that is the secret End, at which all mortals aime, how ever they dissemble the matter; which neverthelesse, they do not at­tain, who study the enriching of their family ne­ver so much.

I stand not to say, that Peireskius was of that mind, as to reckon the world his Family; and to account all wise and good men to be to him in place of Fathers, Brothers or Children, with whom he made all things common. I name such men as these, because, though he neeer denied any thing, to the well-deserving; yet he made such choice, that he would not give to all indifferently. For when any one was less deser­ving, he knew how to temper his liberality. And I remember, when one desired him to lend him ten Crowns, he answered, that he had not ten to lend, but he had two which he would freely give him. Which when he took, and some asked him, Why he did so? It is sufficient (answered he) to satisfie present necessity, and I would rather be a penurious giver, than a trou­blesome Creditor; having found by experience, that many men shun my sight, because they know themselves in my debt.

Moreover, seeing nothing gains friends so much as Beneficence and friendly Offices; it is no wonder that he had so many, so good and so [Page 174]illustrious, all the world over. For his constant care was to provide wherewith to gratifie eve­ry man; and when his assistance was implored, he so bestirred himself, as that he thought he was unhappy, if he had not foreseen and prevented the necessity of his friend. Wherefore, he knew very well, what was the true Love-potion; his love especially being so qualified, that he never respected his own profit, nor would ever let slip any occasion of doing good to his friends. In like manner, he never asked any thing for him­self of Magistrates, and Great men; but for his friends sakes, and especially for learned men, he never blusht to Petition for any thing which might do them good. And whether they attained any thing by his intercession, or by other means, he would alwaies return thanks; and take upon him both in his own name, and in the name of the Muses, and Common-wealth of Learning, the restification of gratitude.

Nor did he only love his friends, but those whom they loved; especially their Parents, Children, Kinsfolks, Allies, he ardently respe­cted; to whom he would shew himself a Coun­sellor, Helper, Protector and Patron. And it is a small thing to say, that he spared no cost to further his friends affaires; for, which is much more, he neither regarded his own health, nor the unseasonableness of the weather, when he knew his friend was in danger. And his can­dor and ingenuity was so great, that he never called his friends to account, for what he had intrusted them with. Yea, and took it very ill, when having deposited Monies in the hands of those excellent Brethren the two Puteans, to be [Page 175]laid out upon Books and other occasions, they would make Bills of what they had laid out, and reckon what all came to; for it was far from his mind, that matters should be carried so scrupu­lously, between him and them. In a word, he had such a candid and innocent heart, as justly procured him the most loving and respectful friends in the world.

Moreover, what a comfort may we think he was to his friends, when he visited them in their sickness, death of children, or being afflicted with any other casualty? For never man had better and more amiable words; and because he had bin accustomed to suffer diseases and pains, no man was better acquainted with what was fit to asswage all kind of maladies. We have known some, that despaired of life, and were restored by his means; so ingenious he was in detecting, and so eloquent in relating the Symptoms, Prognosticks, and Causes of such diseases, where­with they had not bin acquainted, as also of the Remedies, if not to cure, yet to asswage the same.

From what has bin said, we may understand how delightful his conversation must needs be to those in health; seeing he so well knew, what things were suitable to every ones Genius and Manners. For knowing so much as he did, it was easie for him to discourse of such things to every one as were to him most contentful; and being alwaies intent to learn, he would on­ly ask after such things, as he knew the party to whom he spake, would delight to relate. Where­upon, being frequently visited by travellers and curious persons, he vvould in the first place smell [Page 176]out, vvith vvhat study they were most delighted; and then he would shew them only such of his Books, Rarities, and other things which they would be delighted to see; nor would he pre­sent any thing to them, which they did not af­fect to know. Then he would ask them, what Rarities they had seen, either in their Countrey, or upon their journey; and he had alwaies some like thing either to show them, or to relate as having seen the same, or read thereof in his Books. Whence it was, that every one was sorry to part from him, wishing that the hours and daies had bin longer. Yea, and he was far from making such as frequently conversed with him to be aweary of his company, or satiated with his discourse: for he was alwaies pouring forth new floods of Learning; and his expressi­ons vvere so lively & ravishing that such as heard him, were always asraid, lest he should make an end too soon. And sometimes, he would pertinently interpose a jest, though very seldom; for his custome being to speak seriously, he pou­red forth his words with such eloquence, as nee­ded not to be seasoned vvith Jests.

Moreover, though his company was most ac­ceptable to every one; yet he himself could not endure the company of such as loved only to hear, and speak, of vulgar and trivial matters. And therefore he was wont to complain, that he vvas forced to lose such good hours, only in hearing and assenting that it was cold weather, or very hot; that the Sky was very clear, or cloudy; the Aire healthy, or unhealthy; and other such like things. And for this very cause he shunned the society of Women; because he [Page 177]could hardly get any good thereby; and he must be forced to talk to them only of toies and trifles.

Nor could he endure with patience clamo­rous, brawling, contentious, and talkative Peo­ple; yet could he best bear with the last, because amongst many vain words, some profitable mat­ter might be intermingled, which he was wont to say, he picked, as Corn from amongst an heap of Chaffe. Howbeit, they must be sure to speak truth, which such talkative folk, are not much u­sed to do; for he hated nothing more, then a man that he found in a lie. Wherefore, he was wont so to sift such kind of men, by asking them divers Questions, touching the circumstances of what they told, that they must needs have a good me­mory, if they told a lie, and did not contradict themselves. The like esteem he had of Boasters, and Braggadokies; save that he was sometimes delighted with some witty passage, which would now and then bolt out, among their Boastings. But nevertheless, he wonderfully hated all vain­glorious boasters; for he was endued with so great modesty, that being more delighted with brave actions, then glorious speeches, he never was the man that thought, or spake proudly of himself. So that he might have raught such men better by his own example, who never heard his own prayse, but against his will, and rejected all ambitious Titles which were put upon him, and did so extenuate his own vertues, though very rare, that he was ever accusing himself of infirmi­ty, or ignorance; giving evident demonstration, that nothing could be more desirable, then so great moderation of mind.

And therefore I shall add nothing touching that great gentleness, and singular humanity, wherewith he was wont to entertain, all that came unto him, and all that in any thing, desired his assistance. For it is sufficiently known, how he was not ashamed, to give greater honour then he needed to have done, to any men, though of mean condition, who were any way considera­ble, for Parentage, Learning, or any kind of dig­nity; and with what affability he carried him­self towards the more obscure, clownish, and poorer sort of people; encouraging them to come unto him, sit by him, speak to him, and to ask and answer Questions; till every one thought himself by him fully satisfied. And this was truly his carriage towards all, but especially to such as desired him to promote their Causes de­pending in the Court. For he took very great pleasure, to hear the parties themselves private­ly, and by questioning and pressing them, fre­quently to attain more knowledge of the mat­ters in controversie, then the Lawyers by all their Pleadings and Writings, could suggest. For, al­though he was a lover of eloquent, and learned pleadings: yet he was not well pleased, but greatly offended, when he observed that Truth was disguised, Equity ensnared, the Lawes de­frauded, and Ginnes framed and set to intangle Innocence. Howbeit, how earnestly he endea­voured, that every one might have justice, we have formerly declared.

Moreover, his Dexterity and Industry was so great, and happily effectual, that by his own Ar­bitration, he composed the differences of certain Gentlemen, which otherwise could never have [Page 179]bin ended, procuring unexpected Reconciliation between Families at variance. Also whereas it was a custom, that the Clients engaged in suites before the Parliament, were wont to follow the Senators in Crowds, as they went to the Palace, to Church, to their own Houses, or other places, he would never suffer it but contenting himself with one Servant, or one or two of his familiar friends, with whom he might discourse, he dis­missed the Troop of Clients, which would have followed him.

And as his Gentleness and Humanity was so great, as has bin said, towards all men; so did he in a special manner, respect such as he knew to be eminent, in regard of their Degree, Family, or Virtue. For, as he reverenced them all, so did he render to every one, as far as he was able, more honour then was precisely due unto them. Also such as were promoted to Dignities, re­turned into their Country from Travailes, reco­vered of sickness, newly married, had Children newly born, or attained any other of those good things of Fortune, so called; he was wont to congratulate with them, either in their presence, or by Letters, full of good Wishes Reverence and Affection. Nor did he omit any friendly Office or Observance; sending Gifts withall, or at least communicating what ever rarities he had ob­tained from sundry places, according as he knew, or could guess, with vvhat kind of things every one vvas most affected. And he very often (tru­ly) complained, how much time was lost, in giving and receiving Honours and Comple­ments; but, whereas he himself would most constantly refuse such as were given to him, yet [Page 180]would he never omit any honour which he be­lieved due to another. Which he was some­times blamed for; especially, seeing the great weakness of his Body, might have very well ex­cused him; But (his answer was) Would you have me by being the first that leaves fooling, to be reputed the greatest fool of all?

I shall not here recount his great Piety, and fi­lial Respect, towards his Parents; for it has bin formerly sufficiently hinted, in place convenient. Only I shall add one thing, viz. how he over­came and mitigated the curst and shrewish hu­mours of his Mother in Law. Not long before he took his Degree of Doctorship, he was sitting at the Table with her, where she vented that choler against him, which she had conceived a­gainst his Father. Having given him many Tants and Reproaches, and upbraiding him of many things, whereto hoping that he would reply, she intended further to disburthen her stomach; he denying nothing of all that she had said, replyed only, All which you say Mother is true; yea, and there are many more things, for which you may justly complain. And then, fearing lest she misin­terpreting this assent, should blame him for dis­sembling, and grow more angry; or through shame, should seek some other occasion of scol­ding: he presently rose from the Table, and went his way. She not expecting any such thing, and wondring at so strange a carriage, was so cooled in her courage, that she contained her self, and spoke not a word more. Afterward, she enqui­red of him in private, why he, knowing that what had bin laid to his charge, was false, did ne­vertheless, assent thereunto, and take the same [Page 181]upon himself: to which he answered, As I have already (Mother) so will I for the future, take all upon my self; and I do advise you, that as often as you feel your Breast swell with anger, you will empty the same, and ease your self against me, rather then any other. For I shall take all patiently, but others will be incensed so, as to increase your Anger, and make it, that you can hardly give over, before you have brought your self thereby into some grievous sickness. Nor was this carriage of his, unserviceable; for after­ward, she behaved her self much more gently, and began so far to love him, that she had fre­quent thoughts to make him Heite of all she had; and had done it, but that he was far off, in the Low-Countries, when she died.

As for his Brother, his Affection to him was so great, and his Brothers love likewise, so great to him again, that it deserves to be recorded for an example to Posterity. For from their tender years, there was so great an Agreement betwixt them, joyned with the greatest mutual good will possible; that they alwayes conspired in the same studies, never fell out, nor ever so much as thought of dividing the Estate between them. Touching his Kindred and Allies, I can truly bear him witness, that he most dearly respected them all, and would have them use his House, as their common In, so ost as they came to Town, making no difference, how near or far off, they were of kin to him. And as he would chear­fully undertake the Patronage of them all; so was he wont, when any differences arose amongst them, to be Authour, and Arbitrator of their Composure. Of his Tutors and Teachers, we [Page 128]spoke formerly, in place fitting; I shall only add what I have heard him say, more then once, that never any thing befell him more delightful, then when he obtained, I know not what, of his great friend Varius, for Fonvivius, who was his Tutor, during his Travails, as has bin formerly rela­ted.

What need I speak any thing in this place, of the love he bore to his Native Country, when as it is clear enough from what has bin already re­counted, that he was wholly taken up in adorn­ing the same? for, to let passe how he would slip no occasion of maintaining the Majesty of our Kings, and the Honours & Rights of the French, against all out-landish Writers whatsoever; I shall only speak a word of Provence, how it was his chiefest care, in a special manner, to illustrate the same. For to that end, he took so much care and pains, that he might pick an History out of the Ashes and Dust as it were, of the Earls there­of; and give light to its most noble Families; using to this end, not bare Tradition, sleight Ar­guments, uncertain Authorities; but Authentick Records, as Wills, Mariage-Contracts, Trans­actions of business, Law-deeds, Priviledges; also Statues, Tombes, Inscriptions, Pictures, Scutche­ons, Coines, Seals, and other such like things: which that he might discover, and get into his hands, he spared no Cost, Pains, or Industry; per­using himself, or causing to be perused, all Acts and Monuments, which could be found in the Treasuries and Records of the Princes, Bishops, Abbots, Chapters Monasteries, Nunneries, No­bles, Gentry, and private persons whomsoever: Also in the Statutes of Churches, their Registers [Page 183]of Burials, and Kalenders; causing to be drawn out, whatever thing of great Antiquity, was sha­dowed, pourtraied, engraven, or expressed in Books, Vestments, Glasse-windows, and Buil­dings, sacred or prophane. So that it is lesse to be wondred at, if no Gentleman in Provence was better acquainted with his own Noble An­cestors, then Peireskius was; seeing he examined all their Genealogies, and tryed them by the Records and Coats of Arms, whose variations he declared, according to the several Houses, to which they did belong. So, particularly, he fra­med with great labour, a Catalogue of the Vis­counts of Marseilles, drawing them down in or­der from so high as William, the Brother of Saint Honoratus, Bishop of Marseilles, that is to say, from the year nine hundred sixty and two. And after the same manner, he made Tables of the Bishops and Abbots, and all renowned men; ta­king very great pains likewise, about the Troba­dores, or Poets aforesaid.

Hitherto also tended his care to get the Map of Provence, corrected and printed, and to get knowledge of the several bounds in several ages, with the several Peoples, Regions, and Princes, which we read to have bin therein; to say no­thing, of their Lawes, Magistrates, Forms of Ju­dicature, which he also enquired into. But his greatest care, was punctually to search into, and get a delineation of the Via Aurelia, or way of Orleance so called, as far as it ran through Pro­vence: also of the Amphitheatres that of Freius, and the other at Arles; of the Triumphant Ar­ches of Orenge, and of St. Remigius; of the three Towers yet remaining in the Palace of Aix; and [Page 184]in a word, of all things savouring of Antiquity, For that he was besides careful of Inscriptions, Marbles, Images, and other such things, is ma­nifest from what has bin formerly declared; as also what we have hinted tonching Live-wights, Minerals, Plants, and other things, either pro­per to Provence, or brought thither from strange Countries.

Finally, it was to this end, that he constant­ly excited such wits, as either he knew, or fore­saw, were born to honour their Countrey; con­tinually admonishing and animating them, and affording them, if need were, Books, and all other requisites. And as he was wont to com­mend them, who, by their Writings and Inventi­ons, and especially, by describing the Country, and such things as had bin therein acted, did render the same famous; so did he most of all e­steem the studies of Polycarpus Riviera, the glory of the Carthusian Order: who besides his im­mense Learning, had rare knowledge of all the Affaires of Provence, which he intended to re­late in a particular volume of that Herculean work which he had in hand. Also he was very much contented, that by his exhortations, he had perswaded Jacobus Morguesius, a Senator of the Parliament of Aix, and a great honour to that Court, who had obtained a Writ of Ease, that he would set himself to illustrate the Statutes of Aix: by which means great light would be af­forded to all the Tribunals of Provence. And how often did he wish, that Petrus Decormius, the Advocate General, a man of most rare learn­ing, would surrender his Office, to his worthy and learned Sonne, that he might wholly give [Page 185]himself to the Collection, Disposition, and Ju­stification of the Decrees of Parliament, especi­ally such as himself had propounded! How of­ten did he defire, that Scipio Pererius, whose wit, judgement and eloquence, he could never e­nough admire, would publish those Court-plead­ings of his, so learned and elegant! And these few Instances, among many others, may suffice to shew his affection to his Country; for it is to small purpose to say, how much he grieved in troublesome times, when there was no remedy but prayers.

It should now follow, that I speak of his Reli­gion towards Almighty God: but it is in the first place confessed by all, that he so defended the faith of his Ancestors, that is to say, the Roman Catholique Profession, that he also took pains to draw as many of the Heterodoxe thereunto, es­pecially, such as were learned, as he was a­ble.

Moreover, his religious worship of the Dei­ty, was apparent by his rigid observance of all publick Ceremonies, as far as his Health would permit. For he was present at Masses, Sermons, and Processions; and there was no remarkable Holyday, in which he did not Confess himself to the Priest, and receive the Encharist.

Moreover, he had constantly a sincere faith, and love towards God, having high thoughts of so sublime a Majesty, and exceedingly confiding in his goodness. I say nothing of the Reverence he bare to the Pope, Cardinals, Legates, Nunci­o's: for he omitted no occasion to testifie to them his Reverence, Affection, and Obedience; so that it is no wonder, that they had no business in [Page 186]Provence, but they desired that he might have the mannagement thereof. In which respect al­so, he obliged the rest of the Praelates, Generals, and Provincials of Religious orders, whom it would be redious particularly to recount, being acknowledged fora Patron of all religious orders, especially, the Reformates; who when they had a­ny business in the Court of Rome, the Kings Court in Provence, or the Parliament there; they pre­sently implored his help.

And now that I may come to speak more par­tieularly of his studies, I must premise in the first place, that Peireskius was of a ready wit; or if he were any way deficient, he made it up with Art, and Labour. For, things of most difficulty to understand, he comprehended for the most part, at the first hearing; and by continual enquiry, and exercise of his mind, he fitted the same to un­derstand any thing.

Moreover, his wit was so naturally disposed, to all studies, that there was no kind of Learning with which he was not in love, and whereof he delighted not to discourse with learned men. Be­ing moderate in all other things, he seemed only immoderate in his desire of knowledge; and ne­ver man was more desirous then he, to run through the famous Encyclopedia, or whole Circle of Arts. Yea, and not only so, but he was studious of Mechanicks, or Handi-Crafts; for which cause, there was never any famous Work­man that went that way, but he entertained him at his House, and learnt of him many works or mysteries of his Craft; for he would keep him with Diet, wages, and gifts, and make much of him for moneths and years together.

Moreover, his sagacity vvas vvonderful, by rea­son of his constancy, vvhich rendred him inde­fatigable in his inquiries. In which regard, he was frequently happy in his conjectures, because from such circumstances as were obvious, he would smell out and happily divine such things as were hereupon dependent. There never came any thing to his hands, but he would at­tain all the knowledge thereof, which was possi­ble to be acquired; so that he was justly reputed all the world over, a kinde of Judge of abstruse and mysterious things. For if any thing was any where found out, whose Original, Nature, & Use was unknown, presently he was appealed to; as if the true knowledge thereof, could not be attained without his help. Yea, and he dived into the condition of such things as were not, but were only imagined to be; and considered whether it were possible, that such things could be in Nature?

Of his Industry and quicknesse of wit, we have all ready frequently, spoken, by reason of which, he never deipaired to attain any thing, which the wit of man could attain, or bring about; provided he had a mind thereto; and would do his uttermost endeavour to accomplish the same. And verily he accomplished and obtained many things, which see ned above his condition and beyond his strength; because he could easily foresee whatever might help or hinder, and was indefatigable in improving the one, and decli­ning the other, and would try a thousand waies, till he had accomplisht his designs. Moreover, he made friends in all places, and freely obliged them with courtesies, that whether he had at pre­sent [Page 188]any design in his Head, or might hereafter have, they might be ready to serve him. Where­fore, having propounded unto himself his End what it was he would have effected; he first considered whether he was to attain it by mony, or entreaties, through love or fear, by command or free consent; also who was able to contribute any thing thereto; also what, where, when, and which way; and then without delay he set his hand dextrously to the work. In like manner, he was very acute and quick in his invention of the causes of any admirable works of Art or Na­ture: for he conjectured with great facility; and when he had a little digested his thoughts, he would confirm his conjectures with reasons of all sorts. Moreover, he had a happy memory, and which seldome failed him. For though he complained that his memory was slippery, and weak; yet it cannot be expressed, what a variety of things he remembred, even from his young years, and that not in general only, but also with the particular circumstances of places, actions, words, and persons. Whence it was, that he allwaies wonderfully delighted such as heard him discourse, for be the occasion of the dis­course what it would, he could alwaies produce out of his Store-house pertinent matter, which he uttered in choise words, with the greatest grace imaginable. For whether it were some invention of his wit, or somewhat treasured up in his memorie, or some Passion or affection of his mind, which he would declare; he had words so at will, that he could utter all he had to say, distincely, gravely, copiously, and eloquent­ly, so that a man could not see things more [Page 189]clearly with his eyes, then he would set them out vvith vvords.

He was of a mature and solid Judgement; especially being assisted by so much experience, reading and meditation. And although some men may have accounted him rash, because he never stood considering, when occasion was of­fered to advance Learning, and assist learned men: yet that was a businesse which he had con­sulted of in his vvhole life time, from his very youngest years, so that nothing could be more deliberate. Yea, and he was wont to say, there was no room for deliberation. when such men were to be assisted, vvho one way or another, by their learning or inventions, would profit all mankind. He seemed in some cases over credu­lous; but though the very sinews and limbs of wisdom, are to believe nothing rashly, yet reason does not require that a man should believe no­thing, but vvhat he has seen, or heard, or felt vvith his hands. For a difference is to be made, and every man not to be believed: yet are there good and learned men who can neither deceive nor be deceived, vvhom not to credit were a bar­barous & bruitish thing. Especially, seeing it is the disposition of a Wittoo shallow, to perswade it self, that there is nothing in the secret Closets of Nature, beside; these familiar things, vvhich vve commonly meet vvith in the vvorld; and to make those things vvhiche are seen in one Conn­trey or Age, the measure and model of all that vvhich may be in all other Ages and places. Which because Peireskius knew very vvell, he readily gave ear to all, whose learning or honesty he did not question; and though he did not [Page 190]presently determine, that such things as vvere related vvere impossible to be or to be done: yet he vvas vvont to vveigh all things, and at least so to enquire into every circumstance, that, if at least he gave credit to any thing, it could not be otherwise than probable. And if sometimes he stuck close to his own reasonings, and seemed a little too stiff in his received opinions, the cause vvas, that he conceived that a man ought not to be alwaies vvavering, nor to depart from that opinion, vvhich some reason or conjecture had ratified; unlesse some stronger evidence appea­red, to evince more friendly the contrary. And doubtlesse the safest vvay is, for a man to have his mind disposed to put off all prejudice, so as to give place to reason and verity vvithout re­fractoriness; but because the Reasons of things, are hardly ever of equal vveight; it always comes to pass, that a mans mind enclines to one part; so that every man is so much more vvorthy ex­cuse, inasmuch as vvhether he vvill or no, he assents unto that vvhich is most likely.

He vvas also rarely industrious, and of a dili­gence invincible; Which vvas truly greater than could comport with his health & strength, seeing he hardly ever so much relaxed that same earnest contention and bent of his mind, as to let an hour, much lesse a day, to passe vvithout a Line; so exceeding great was his delight in stu­dy. It is needless for me to tell of his indefati­gable care, vvhen he vvas to make any observa­tion, or to commit any thing to writing. For how much he effected in observing things Coele­stial or Terrestial, Natural or Artificial, old or new, or what evet else might seem vvorthy of [Page 191]care and consideration, I have already all along hinted; and he was so unwearied in vvriting, that he presently noted dovvn, vvhat ever he met with. To say nothing of his Letters, which were very many in number, most full of Lear­ning and commonly very large.

There never hapned any thing memorable, which he did not presently set down in writing with his own hand; such as National pompes, publick calamities, prosperous and adverse acci­dents pertaining to great men, famous conten­tions, discourses had with Princes and learned men, and many other things of like Nature. He would presently set them down, lest by delaying some businesses might intervene, and disturbe him, and his memory in the mean while lan­guishing, might let slip many. particularities. His diligence was the same when any notable thing came into his mind, or was suggested by some other, or observed in reading, for he would pre­sently take pen in hand and note the same down, not enduring that any thing should perish, which he conceived might be useful to himself or others. Now he wrote things down in his Me­morials, because he then judged they were out of danger of being forgotten, seeing he could not trust his memory as Socrates or Pythagoras were wont to do; and had found by experience, that the very labour of writing did six things more deeply in his mind.

Moreover, whatsoever he noted down, he did it upon a new or fresh leaf of paper that if anything were afterwards to be added, it might be done without confusion. And he always wrote on the top of the lease, or the upper part of the margent, [Page 192]the Subject or Title of what he was to note down, in a large character (with which com­monly he inserted proper names, and other words, which in the ordinary letter could not so well be read, or so soon found out) and he ad­ded the year and the day, and if he received it from some other, he premised the Authors name. Nor did he only leave a margent, some­times on one, more frequently on both sides of the sheet, that if through haste any thing had bin omitted, it might be there added, rather than interlined: but he lest also a very large front, that the Title might be better distinguished and discerned, and chiefly, if through haste he had not time to set it down. Howbeit that seldom hap­ned; for he never willingly left any thing un­perfected; because he had found too often, that things only begun, or done to halves, out of hope to enlarge them afterwards, by reason of inter­venient occasions, remained as they were left, without any further addition. And therefore he wrote every thing as accuratly as he could; and he was vexed, if when any one was bid by him to write any thing which he dictated, or somewhat which was collected from some Au­thor, or of his own invention; he left not room enough to prefix the Title: or not margent enough, or sufficient distance between line and line, and one word and another, expecting to write the same over again, in a more elegant and ample manner, For he truly judged, that such delaies were deceitful; and that they were an occasion, if of no other inconvenience, at least of losse of Time.

In like manner he took it ill, if any, being far distant, did stay till his return, or for some other occasion, fully to relate or transmit any thing; for he would that what ever was requisite for him to know or have, should be written to him at large, and sent forthwith; because through such kind of delayes, he had bin frequently de­prived of many goodly & very profitable things. Now he that loved him, could not be too large in his Letters, because he desired to have all the circumstances of the subject matter, punctually set down. Yea, and he often complained, that those that wrote did not sufficiently consider, that such things as were clearly visible to them, and which therefore, as too well known, either they little esteemed, or neglected to write; were to persons absent, altogether unknown, and would to them seem new and consequently de­lightful. And therefore, as vvhen he himself en­quired into any thing, or questioned another about it, he would not omit to enquire into eve­ry thing which concern'd the same; even so, when he desired any thing to be sought into and observed, by others, either near at hand or far off, he alwaies gave order, that it should be viewed all manner of waies, so that no circum­stances, if possible, might lie hid, vvhich he there­fore vvas commonly accustorned exactly to set down in vvriting, being vvonderfully delighted, when any one of his own accord and by his own industry, did attend either all, or most, or at least some circumstances.

Moreover, his care was exceeding great, to procure plenty and variety of Books. For to say nothing of Manuscripts, vvhich if ancient, in [Page 194]case he could not procure them, he would cause Copies to be written out (and sometimes vvrote them out himself) having by him Catalogues, of the most renowned and chief Libraries in the world. To pass over, I say, Manuscripts, he bonght up printed Books at Rome, Venice, Pa­ris, Amsterdam, Antwerp, London, Lions, and other places; and that not only after the Mart vvas over at Francfort, but all the year long, his friends acquainting him with, and sending him such, as were for his turn; for which he caused mony to be paid, either by the Bankers and Mo­ney-changers, or by friends. Also where ever any Libraries vvere to be sold by out-cry, he took order, to have the rarer Books bought up, especially such as were of some neat Edition, vvhich he had not. And truly 'tis incredible to tell, how great a number of Books he gathe­red together; also, it is incredible how it should therefore come to passe, that he lest not a most compleat Library behind him: but nei­ther of these will seem strange, if a man shall consider, that he sought Books, not for himself alone, but for any that stood in need of them. He lent an innumerable company, vvhich vvere never restored; also he gave a world away, as I hinted before, of vvhich he, could hardly hope ever to get the like again; Which he did when learned men had occasion to use them. For as for such Books as vvere commonly to be had at the Book-sellers, of them he vvas wonderfully profuse and lavish. For vvhich cause, as often as he vvas informed of Books newly come forth, he would have many of them, vxhich he vvould partly keep by him, and partly distribute them [Page 195]immediately among his friends, according as he knew they would like the subject matter there­of.

And whether he gave them away, or kept them, he would be sure to have them neatly bound and covered; to which end, he kept an industrious Book-binder in his House, who did exquisitely bind and adorn them. Yea, and sometimes he kept many Book-binders at once; for one man was hardly ever able to bind up such store of Books, as came trowling in from all parts. Also, it happened frequently, that such Books as he borrowed, being neglected by their own­ers and ill bound, he delivered to his binder to be rectified and beautified, viz. when their sub­ject matter or rarity deserved that cost; so that having received them, ill-bound, and ill-favou­red, he returned them trim and handsome. And so he did by all the very old Books which he could get, whether printed or Manuscripts. Nor did his care only extend to such as were entire and perfect; but even to the fragments of Books, and Leaves half eaten. And being demanded why he would be at that charge in the Book­binding, he would say, the Cause was, inasmuch as the best Books, when they fell into unlearned mens hands ill-accoutred, were pittifully used; he therefore endeavoured, that they might be prized at least for the beauty of their binding, and so escape the danger of the Tobacconist and Crocer. And those which he bound for his own use, he would have his Mark stampt upon them. Which Mark was made up of these three Capital Greek Letters, N K Φ, which were so neatly interwoven, that being doubted, they [Page 196]might be read to the right hand, and to the left, by which initial capital Letters, these three words were designed, Nicolas, Klaudius, Phabri­cius.

As for the Room wherein his Library was kept, it was indeed too small, though the whole walls were filled, and nests were placed likewise on the floore, filled with Books. Also he had Books in the Porch of his Study, and likewise piled on heaps, in several Chambers. And truly, he had frequent thoughts to build a large Gallery: but so many things were then to be removed, especi­ally, the Library of his Father and Ancestors, in which he had laid up the greatest part of his rari­ties; also he was alwayes so full of business, that he could not accomplish what he intended, but left the House just as he at first found it. I omit to say, that the Porch to his Study aforesaid; also the Porch to the House, and his Carden and o­ther places, were loaded with Marbles, both such as were engraven upon, and such as were formed into statues; and that whereas in the old stndy, he had treasured up an huge Masse of old Coines and weights, especially the lighter fort; and in other places, weights, measnres, Arms, Statues, and innumerable other things: it must needs be, that all things lay as it were confused to others, but to him that knew perfectly where every thing was, they were orderly placed. He was far from the Practise of those mentioned by Se­neca, who adorned with cutious gold-worh, such Corinthian Vessels, as the madness of a few men had rendred estimable; for he neglected even those precious Boxes which he pro [...]ided at first for his Coines; especially after his losse by [Page 197]Theeves, had made him more cautious; so that he made cases of Ebony, and such like stuffe, only for things lesse subject to be stole, as the Tripod aforesaid, the drinking Cups, and such like things.

Nor was it without cause that I told you, how that what might seem to others consused, was not so to him. For though he would frequently excuse himself, that all in his House was nothing but a confused and indigested Masse, or heap; yet was he never long in seeking any thing, in so great an heap, provided that none medled with ms Rarities, Books, or Papers, but himself; and that rome body else being commanded to ferch this or that, had not put them out of order. For to say nothing of his Books, which were all ti­tled, and distributed into certain Classes, and proper places as much as might be, and which he could describe to Simeon Corberanus, an ingeni­ous Joyner, by any the least circumstance, even where they were not methodically digested; he was wont so to digest and bind up into bundles with paper, or some other covering, all other things, that with his own hand he would write litles upon every bundle intimating whatsoever was therein contained.

And whereas he was accustomed in a peculiar manner, to bind up into bundles, such Letters as he received according to the variety of Per­fons, Places, or Times: he first writ upon each, who wrote the same, from whence, what year, moneth, and day; and subjoyned a brief Index of the chief matters, which in reading, he had marked with a line drawn under them: for by this meanes he was holpen, both to answer the [Page 198]same more distinctly and speedily; as also to finde the same, if at any time he went to seek any thing in his Letters. And if any new matters were contained in his Letters, which others de­sired to be acquainted with, he did not promiscu­ously shew them; but caused them so to be writ­ten out, that he first enclosed within certain bars or lines, what he would have omitted in the transcription; cutting off such names of men, things and business, as he desired to conceal; also changing and sweerening the phrase, that no of­fence might be taken.

And as he was wont to keep carefully such Let­ters as were sent him by others; so did he cause his Scribes to write Copies of such as he himself wrote, which he kept by themselves, according to the variety or condition of the Countries or Persons, to whom fie sent them. And being some­time demanded, why he did so, he answered, Not because he thought his Letters worth keeping, but because it concerned him many times, to see what long since, or lately, he had written, or not written; least he might inculcate the same thing after the same manner, and so become tedious; or might omit that which he was uncertain, whe­ther he had written, or no; or least such things which he had sought out, and digested with great care, might slip out of his memory: or he might want wherewith to convince such as should de­ny, that he had informed them of this or that; or finally, least in case his Letters should come to misearry, he must be forced to take pains, to com­pose new ones.

As for the reading of Books, he had truly in his latter yeares, little time to bestow therein. For [Page 199]he was wholly in a manner taken up with wri­ting of Letters; and when he did run over any Books, he did it chiefly, that he might collect somewhat from them, to put into his Letters. And whensoever he gave himself to reading, he was not wont cursorily to slip, or run over the difficult places; but he kept a slow pace, and was wont to stop, when he met with any difficulty. To which end he alwayes had his pen at hand, with which he drew a line under obscure places, and whatever he thought worthy of observation. For he said, that he was thereby put in mind, vvhen he toook the Book in hand again, to consi­der afresh the difficult passages; to inculcate and imprint upon his mind such things as vvere most observable; and readily to finde what vvas most for his turn. He vvas not therefore of their mind, vvho having gotten fair Books, are afraid to blot them vvith such lines, or marginal notes: for he esteemed those Books most highly, into which he could insert most notes; and therefore he commonly caused all his Books, when they were in Quires, to be washed over with Alum-water, and when he foresaw their Margents would not be large enough, he caused white paper to be bound between the printed leaves. Also he was wont, when he received any observations from his friends, either to write them into his Books with his own hands, or to cause his said friends, or some others to write them in.

In like manner, if he had received by gift: or had bought Books which had belonged to learned men, he esteemed them [...] so much the more highly, by how much the fuller they were of such things, as they [Page 200]had inserted with their own hand-writing. And he was exceeding desirous to get into his Hands, Books of the Authours own hand-writing, espe­cially such as had not bin printed, when ever he could procure them of the Authours or their Heires, which he would cause to be printed, or if the Authours were unwilling, he would at least have them written out for his own use. And for this very cause, he had alwayes Scribes in readi­ness (amongst which, I must not forger to name his most faithful and laborious Scribe, Franciscus Parrotus) that whether in the vulgar Languages, or in Larine, Greek, Arabick or Turkish, or any other Language, he would have any thing trans­cribed, he might not fail to have it done to his mind. For he could never endure, that the least invention, or observation of any man, should be lost; being alwayes in hopes, that either him­self, or some other would be advantaged there­by.

And it is requisite, that I acquaint you, that as he was careful of all other studies, so was he not unmindful of that which concerned his own Office. For, conceiving that every man, who by the condition of his birth, or his own free Electi­on, was destined to some kind of publick life, ought chiefly to bend his mind to that, which his Office and Designation required; and that aster­ward he might divert to other studies, at his plea­sure. Therefore he himself, though he followed, indeed, other studies; yet did he not therefore cease to exercise himself in that Art, wherein he was most studied, and whereof he made Professi­on. For he studied the Lawes, after the liberal method of Cujaeins, which tends to illustrate the [Page 201]said Lawes from the Fountains themselves, and fundamental Maxims of Equity and Right, ra­ther then from the rivulets of the Doctors or Lawyers. And this it was, that chiefly made him affect the study of Antiquity; because it gave him great light therein; and, besides a Manu­script of the Pandects which he had, he sought after the Manuscripts also of other Books, because some places in the printed Books, had need to receive light from them. And upon this occasi­on truly, I remember, how doubting upon a time (and the Florentine Pandects could not perfectly satisfie him) what the Interpretation should be of that Law, called Neratius, concer­ning possession kept, or lost only by the mind; he wrote to Rome, that out of an old Manuscript of Cardinal Barberino's, the Text of that Law, with the Marginal Interpretations, might be faithfully exscribed by the Hand of Buccardus: For, as often as he foresaw, that he was to give his vote in Parliament, concerning some famous Case there depending, he would turn all stones, that he might not do it unprovided.

So, long since, touching that Question, Who ought to have the Gain, the Creditor or the Debtor, when after some species of Money being lent out, the value thereof is raised by an inter­venient Decree of the Prince: he wrote to Pa­cius, who was then alive, to acquaint him with all that he had observed upon that Question. So lately he delt with Salmasins, touching the pun­ishments anciently decreed by the Romans and other Nations, for such Souldiers as leave their stations, and give up strong holds, wherewith they are intrusted, rather through faint-hearted­ness, [Page 202]then Treachery. So he dealt with the re­nowned Bignonus, who may be called the Scaevo­la and Varro of this Age, touching the Authori­ty of the Roman Lawes, throughout France, by reason of the Edicts of Alaricus, Charles the great, and other Princes, who seemed to ratifie the Lawes of the Theodosian Code, and the reft. In the mean while, he himself wrote all in a manner, that could be said or imagined upon these subjects, so well furnished was he ever­more, which made them write back to him again, that he ought to consult with none but himself; but the reason that he delt so with them was, that they might not take pains to stuffe their answers with such things as he already knew, but endea­vour rather to produce somewhat that was new.

And what I said occasionally touching his stu­dy of Antiquity, comprehends principally Uni­versal History, which he had so printed in his mind and memory, that a man would have thought he had lived in all places and times. For he held it evermore as a Maxime, that History did serve exceedingly, not only to give light to the study of the Law, but to the ordering of a mans life, and the possessing of his mind, with a rare and ingenuous delectation. For he counted it in some sort, more effectual then Philosophy, be­cause she instructs men indeed, with words, but History inflames them with examples; and makes in some fort, that we ought not to think much of our short life, making the same parta­ker of things and times which are past. And therefore, he alwayes sought the Histories of all Nations, and as he highly prized those which [Page 203]were very ancient, so did he most of all esteem those of our own Nation, or which any way per­tained thereunto. For, as he could hardly well endure to see an ingenuous man, who was a stranger in his own world; so did he a cquaint himself with all that was written, not only of the Affairs of Provence, and France in particu­lar; but also of Italy, Spaine, Germany, England, Hungary, and in a word of al that had any Co­merce or quarrels with our Nation.

And with what ardency think you, did he seek to get a Translation and Edition of those Ara­bick Books, which the most excellent Golius brought lately with him out of the East contai­ning an History of the Expeditions and Wars of our Kings in Syria? For he conceived that possi­bly the Writers of that Nation, might relate many things otherwise then our Writers, which it were worth the while to know; that at least by comparing both together, a more probable narration might be framed. For he was likewise of opinion, that many things omitted by our Historians, might be from thence supplyed, see­ing himself also had many things to be added. out of several Councils or Diets of those Coun­tries and Times, the Charters, Letters, Seals, Coates of Arms, Inscriptions, Coins and other such like things. Now he was extreamly curi­ous of such things as these above others, because he said they were incorrupted witnesses of anti­quity, & that such things might be learned from them, which a man should seek in vain, among all Historians extant.

And truly, I remember, how when upon a time he was looking through certain spectacles of Augmenting glasse upon Papers and Coins, whose letters were exceeding small, and half ea­ten away, that of Seneca was objected against him, You call him an idle person, who spends the greatest part of the day poreing upon rusty plates of brasse. Also that of the Poet, To buy old Statues Damasip is mad: and other such like. To which his answer was, I am not ignorant that many Iaugh heartily at these Studies, as neither honou­rable to my self, nor useful to others: howbeit, those men alone are justly to be blamed, who re­ferre these things to no Learning, or to such as is vain; seeing most men get them only to adorn their Armories and the walls of their Houses, and have them to no other purpose, but that it may be said, they have such things. But those men are worthy praise, and do not vainly spend their time, who seek out such things, weighing and illustrating the same, to the end they may give light to the understanding of good Au­thors; that the circumstances of Histories may be more perfectly understood; and that the Persons, things and actions, may be more deeply fixed in the mind. For by Statues and Coins, we may know what was the Countenance and habit of renowned men and illustrious women, whose actions we delight to hear related; how those ancient gods, goddesses, and heroes were formed, with their Ensigns and Badges; what things were for the Ornaments or Instrements of Religions, Wars, Magistracies, Crowns, Cha­tiots, Triumphs, Thrones, Seals, and other such shings innumerable. Which when he had said [Page 205]and more to the same purpose, then producing divers Monuments of antiquity, he demonstra­ted the same; so as by this means to clear up most of the obscure passages in Authors, and such places, as were by no other means intelligi­ble.

Yea, and frequently he brought fuch as heard him into admiration, when he shewed, that without the view and consideration of such things as these, the meaning of Authors could not be understood, seeing they make so frequent mention of Comes & Weights, as Talents, Sieles, Drachms, Denaries, Victoriates, Selterces, also of the As or pound weight and its parts, and ma­ny other things; of which while he reasoned, producing a vast quantity and variety thereof, I have known many men astonished. And more especially when upon a time a multitude of Oun­ces being produced, differing one from another in weight and fashion, he was asked what meant those so different marks or tokens, which were upon them. For he said that a single Globe or little Boule was put, not only to signifie the number one; but that by the swelling and bunching thereof, which the Greeks term On­cos, an allusion might be made to the word Ounce. For the same cause, the most were marked with an Hook, which being called Uncus or Uncinum, it was intimated, that that was pon­dus unciale, or an ounce weight. But in some and especially those of Tuscanie, there was a Spear, which the Greeks tearm Lonche, that by leaving out [...] the same word once might be inti­mated: So, for the most part, the Moon marked on, did signifie an unity; not only because she [Page 206]alone does enlighten the night, with rare splen­dor; but, because from the word Luna, L being taken, there remains una, which signifies one, So upon some was marked that side of the Astra­galus or Cock-all which being cast uppermost makes one; and upon others that side was only understood, the opposite being expressed, called Senio, Sice or Six. The like things he declared in the other parts of the As or pound weight, as when in the Semissis or half pound, was marked an ear of Corn, because the ancients alluded to the words Semiuis & Semissis; but thus much may suf­fice to have hinted, to shew how he by his study & industrious, & sagacious examination of these things, could interpret matters which no Books could shew; which therefore did so much the more aflonish the hearers.

For it was otherwise a lesse wonder (though many were justly delighted therewith) that he could as well eloquently discourse of vessels and measures, as he could by producing the vessels and measures of the Ancients, make clear de­monstration of what he said. And verily as oft as any Vessel, Coin, or Statue, or any other ex­traordinary thing was presented to him; he was alwaies wont as soon as he could, so to weigh and consider the same, that before he laid it up or restored it to the owner, he would per­fectly know, all that might be known or con­jectured, touching the same. For he consulted with his Books, compared it with like things, and called to mind what ever he had observed, that might give light thereunto; and by all pos­ble Art, he enquired into the capacity, weight. or shape thereof; and asked the opinion of all [Page 207]learned men in all parts of the world; and col­lected all his own conjectures, which he could by any reason make good; and in brief, he would not let it passe, till he knew as much thereof, as it was possible for any mortal man to know. And when he had arrived so far, then ei­ther he inserted all he knew, into a Book of the same or like matter; or he wrote it in a sheet of paper, to be put into his commentaries; or he took occasion to write a Letter one or more, wherein he explained the fruit of his labours in that subject. It is therefore no wonder, seeing all his life long he used this diligence, that no­thing could be propounded, which like another Oedipus, he did not presently explain and unfold.

The same course he took, touching the won­derful things of Nature; of which seeing all along we have made frequent mention, it is needless to make any further specification in this place. It may suffice to say, that no man made more observations, or procured more to be made, to the end that at last some Notions of natural things more sound and pure, than the vulgarly received, might be collected: for which cause he admired the Genius, and approved the de­sign of the great Chancellour of England Sir Francis Bacon, often grieving that he never had the happinesse to speak with him, being then alive when he was at, and came last from Paris. He was verily, displeased with that Doctrine of Nature, which is commonly taught in the Schools, as being too obscure and imaginary, built more upon tricks of Wit, than experiments of Nature. He was therefore wont to frown, and look with a very discontented countenance, [Page 208]when he met with such Writers of natural Phi­losophy, which did contend more with subtilty than solidity; and though he commended the acuteness of their wits, yet he grieved that it was worn out rather about words and trivial di­stinctions, than employed in penetrating into the nature of the things themselves, whose very surface was still unknown. And if they were very stifly opinionated, and addicted either to the Aristotelean or any other Sect, he would leave them to their own wisdom, and never con­rest with them, about any thing; but if they were such, which for Love of Truth would lay aside prejudice, & had rather gently to hear, then stubbornly contradict; then would he pour forth such discourses, as they could not but re­ceive with pleasure and applause. For, although they did not altogether allow some of his opi­nions, yet were they wonderfully affected, while he did evermore confirm his opinions, either by the observations of such things, as though vulgar, were not sufficiently marked; or by the relation of his own, or other mens ex­periments, of which he had alwaies plenty to produce (so continually curious was he to note down and collect the same) or by producing the things themselves, about which the question was; for he was furnished with an infinite quan­tity of rare Minerals, Stones, Plants, Animals, such as for any price or by any Art he could ob­tain, and keep.

By the Premises may be gathered, that he was not pleased with those Logical and Meta­physical niceties, which are no waies prositable, and serve to maintain bawling, and contentious [Page 209]disputes. For though he was delighted to hear a thing acutely concluded; yet he grieved that the Subject matter was but a trifle. So was he also many times troubled, when he heard men discourse of sublime things, which fall not under sense. For that the mind of man could ascend so high, as to Ideas and separate substances, that he accounted a thing to be admired and com­mended; but to dream so many things concer­ning them, and to go about to prove the same, by such weak Reasons and Analogies, that was a thing which he did not approve, but pittie. For he was grieved that excellent wits should passe over, unknown and unhandled, such things as we see with our eyes, and feel with our fingers, and busie themselves about such matters, as they can­not reach, no not so much as by a probable con­jecture. Yea, and he was wont to say, that he was not without fear, that the Doctors did pre­sume too far, when with such confidence they disputed so many things touching God and mat­ters Divine, besides what the Christian Faith teaches us to believe. For all the Decrees of Faith he said must be accounted indubitable; but what they discourse over and above, cannot be but doubtful; and seeing what is maintained by one is contradicted by many, the Majesty of sacred divinity is thereby violated. For which cause, he could indeed bear with those unprofi­table publick disputes in matters Logical, Physi­cal, Medicinal, and such like: but he could not with patience endure the boldness of such as would take upon them to prove that there is no God, that God is unjust, impotent, improvi­dent, miserable, and the like; for though they [Page 210]said they did it to illustrate the truth, yet he thought it was a thing undecent, and that no Prince or discreet man, could take it well, that such things should be controverted concerning himself, especially when there was no need of such disputes.

He could better bear that manners should be called in Question and controverted, provided the Statutes of Religion, and Laws of the Coun­trey were not medled with. For he conceived that the Laws were most highly to be esteemed, which might be wished indeed, as good as possi­ble, deserving neverthelesse [...]eneration what­ever they be. Forasmuch as in the obsetvation thereof, consisted the safety of the Common­wealth; so that such as are not very just, may be more useful for publick good, than juster, provi­ded they be religiously observed. And therefore he did not dislike those men, who being thus af­fected, did contemplate the Laws and Customs of sundry Nations and compare them with our own. For by this means he conceived an inge­nuous man might lay aside that prejudice, which makes the vulgar sort of men account the Cu­stoms of their own Countrey to be the Law of Nature, and that nothing is well done, which is not sutable to their waies and manners. For when all things considered, he shall see, that other Nations have their Reasons to justifie their Manners and Customes, and that every Nation dislikes the Customes of another; then is he in a capacity to elevate his mind above the vnlgar condition, and though he defend his own Countrey manners, yet to be indifferently en­clined towards all men, and to become like [Page 211] Socrates, a Citizen, not of one Country only, but of the whole World; to admire nothing in hu­mane affaires, and in a word, to have his mind so tempered, as to enjoy the greatest tranquil­lity possible, and consequently, the greatest good.

And for this very cause, he did not only out of Books and printed narrations, inquire into the variety of mens manners, which by himself a­lone, or with some friends, he examined; but with all diligence possible, he enquired of such as came from far Countries, what notable thing they had observed, concerning the manners of the people of those parts; exhorting all his friends that took journies into forreign parts, to observe the same. And by this meanes he was so well acquainted with the ancient and late man­ners of all Nations, that it was almost impossi­ble to relate any new thing unto him; so that he seemed to have bin born, or at least to have con­versed in all Countries; so that consequently, to that goodness wherewith he was naturally enclined to all men, he added such a kind of hu­manity, as made him embrace men of all con­ditions, as if they were his Brothers; being rea­dy to do good to all, and hurt no body. For he indeed, hated those abominable vices of Impie­ty, Cruelty, Malice, Perfidiousness, and the rest: but distinguishing humane nature from the pra­vity thereof, and taking the same into serious consideration, he was moved with pitty, that through weakness and blindness, men could not continue in the way of vertue. Seeing men were not sufficiently aware of the nature of their lusts, and the true ends which good men should aim [Page 212]at. For if men understood how little would con­tent Nature, they would abandon all deceit and fraud, by which superfluous things are sought: And, if they knew but the use of Riches; Humani­ty, Honesty, Moderation (for want of which, not only Societies, but private mens lives are disturbed) would not be banished the World.

Moreover, he studied the Mathematicks with all his might; because they were no wayes sub­ject to the foresaid Disputes; and they so ac­customed the mind, that being used to such truths as were made clear by demonstration, it could not easily be deceived with the bare appearance of truth; and in a word, did by their evidence and certainty, cause such a kind of pleasure, as none could be greater, more honest, or more constant. And the truth is, he had not leasure, scrupulously to study all the parts of Mathema­ticks; yet he would know and understand, the principal and more facile points of every one. But he principally loved Astronomy, because a Man (as he was) born for contemplation, could not behold a greater, more sublime and excellent sight then those illustrious Regions of the Hea­venly Bodies. And next to that, he loved Geo­graphy, because it and Chronology, did most of all illustrate History, and cause, that ingenuous men, and otherwise learned, should not be like Children; but rather possess themselves with the knowledge of the whole World, and all the times and Ages thereof. And next to that, he loved Opticks, because thereby were explained the Causes of so many things, which appear to the eyes, which are accounted miracles, or at [Page 213]least, would be so, were it not for their familiari­ty, and our want of consideration.

And therefore he was wonderfully delighted with painting, which made him keep Painters; & procure Pictures, whose excellency, he knew as well as any man. And he frequently averred, that it repented him that he had not learnt to paint, when he was young; and wished, that with the losse of two fingers of his left hand, he could purchase that skill which his right hand wanted. For though both in his own Countrey and abroad, he had used the Industrious help of divers Painters; yet he could not alwayes finde store of such as were skilful, nor could he make so frequent use of other mens hands, as his occa­sions required. In like manner, and for the same cause, he loved the Arts of Carving, Engraving, and making Statues, by which he caused ancient works, to be imitated or amended. So did he Architecture, and the Art of making Engines for Water-works, and such like. Also Husbandry: and in a word all kinds of Art and Industries: for he kept not his mind intent upon the North pole alone, or Charles his Wain, but took a di­ligent view of the whole Heaven of Arts.

It remains, that I speak a word or two touch­ing that opinion commonly spread abroad, that he had composed divers Books and Treatises. And the truth is, it cannot be denyed, but that he gave great hopes that he would publish in print, the Antiquities of Provence, with Obser­vations upon Coines, and other choyse Monu­ments of Antiquity; and that he had a great de­sire long since to publish Commentaries concer­ning the Medicaean Starres, and the Kalendar [Page 214]of Constantine; that he would publish a com­pleat work touching weights and measures; and that he had a mind to handle divers other Argu­ments: for, as there was no kind of Laudable E­rudition, which the vastness and curiosity of his mind did not embrace; so was there nothing in a manner, concerning which he had not Intenti­ons to write. Nevertheless, he did nothing, ex­cepting what I told you, just now, he inserted in­to his Letters: for as concerning that Book, call­ed Squitinius, I have formerly said in place con­venient, what we are to think thereof. For this excellent Man, who never thought he had gotten Monuments enough touching any subject; did gather all his life long great variety upon every Argument; and the more he got, the more he thought he wanted, so that in conclusion, he did not digest, no nor so much as begin any thing.

And I remember, when I was wearied by our Countrymen, who would ask me, if his History of Provence, would shortly come forth, I asked him, How long he would have me give them no other answer, then that some of the work re­mained yet to finish? And he answered smiling, that it was requisite to spred a rumour abroad, that the History of Provence was near finished; for by that meanes, many desirous to have them­selves or Ancestors mentioned therein, would hasten of their own accord, to contribute some ancient Monuments; which otherwise they would not communicate, though they were in­treated to do it.

Moreover, he was in hopes, that he might at last withdraw to Beaugensier; and peruse that [Page 215]mighty Masse of Ratities, which he had there pi­led up, and having rightly digested all, might ex­iract somewhat which might be so molded, as to become worthy to see the Light: howbeit, he doubted both his own Health, and the obtaining of that happy leasure, by reason of many busines­ses comming in, one upon the neck of another; especially, calling to minde how it fared with him, at his late retirement, where he did not so much as open his Desk, where the foresaid Histo­ry was lockt up; though his Brother Valavesius, who caused it to be conveighed thither, did solli­cire him thereunto, offering himself to be his Assistant and Scribe.

Wherefore, fearing that it would fall out, as it did; and desiring that all should not be lost, he took the course above specified, namely, to take, or seek occasions of writing Letters, into which he inserted the principal matters. And therefore I may well say, there are many of his Letters, which being replenished with Learning, may be accounted so many Books, and do every way de­serve to be published in Print. Many of these there are, in which he so discourses of Antiqui­ties, and the wonders of Nature, that who ever shall read them, will be instructed. For he was alwayes very willing to communicate, what rari­ties he had in that kind to good men and friends; because he alwayes loved learned men, who would be edified thereby, and assisted in the Composure of divers works. For he judged, that it was all one, whether he or others published the same; provided, they were such things, as the reading whereof might be judged profita­ble.

He hoped moreover, and professed, that when they were inserted into other mens works, they would become so much the more profitable, by how much they should prove more illustrious, by passing through such learned hands.

For he did not for any other end, search our, and suggest them, then that they might provoke excellent wits to invent somewhat better: for­asmuch as he himself was unable to produce a ripe and elegant birth, or to form and fashion, and lick the same as it were over; but was hap­py enough, if he might by any means play the Midwives part, in helping into the World the La­bours of other Men. It was therefore his cu­stom, even unasked, so to assist any man that was writing a Book, that there was nothing which he would not afford him, either out of his own ob­servations, or his Treasury of Rarities, or the Ra­rities of other men, which he would procure of purpose, or out of Manuscripts, which if he had not himself, he would take pains to procure them out of any Libraries, where ever they were to be had. Nor was there any man fit to write upon any subject, whom he would not sollicite there­unto, and remove all Impediments if any were, and contribute Money, Books, or what ever else he stood in need of.

But to speak yet further concerning his Let­ters, there are very many moral ones, which are exceeding well worth the Printing, in which he comforts, exhorts, disswades, and the like, with wonderful elegancy, and efficacy; but he is no where in my opinion, more eloquent, then where he advises learned men to abstain from re­viling, and bitter girds; to honour Antiquity, and [Page 217]not to dissent therefrom, without some testifica­tion of Reverence; not to receive, or give out uncertain things for certain; rather to produce somewhat of their own, then to confute other men; not to imitate such men, as being to take a Journey, stand to throw out of the way, all the stones they meet with; or who intending to ga­ther a Nose-gay of Roses, do first of all cut all the prickles from the Rose-bush; to excuse, connive at, and mitigate the faults of others, when they meet therewith; and think with themselves, what man will be thought to deserve prayse, if none may be praysed but he, that is without fault; to take it gratefully rather, that they have broken the Ice, and have at least endeavoured to make a very rough way smooth; to acknowledge, that nothing is at the first perfect, and that no man would produce his endeavours into the eye of the World, unless he hoped for some favour, rather then reprehension; to remember that they also themselves are men, and apt to be mistaken, and should by that meanes merit pardon, if they showed themselves gentle to others; with other such like things, all which were here too long to relate. There are also other Epistles, in which he commends, begs, excuses, congratulates, ex­postulates, and the like, with so much decency and grace, as can be desired; he was so naturally apt to observe Decorum, invent Reasons, and stir affection. I forbear to tell you how he very sel­dom wrote in Latine; but used principally the French Tongue, or the Italian, the sweetness whereof, and all its charming Elegancies he ex­pressed, not only in his Letters, but also when he discoursed with Italians by word of mouth. And [Page 218]such a Man, as you have seen declared, was Peireskius.

I return now to the time, in which, as I said before, he fell into a mortal sickness. But I must first tell you, that a few moneths before, there was a common report at Rome, that he was dead, which was brought from thence to Paris: where­upon Valavesius, who was then in that City, sent unto his Brother a Congratulatory Letter, full of good wishes, for the continuance of his life and health. Nor must I passe over in silence, how Peireskius himself, four dayes before he was ta­ken sick, did relate unto us this following Dream.

I thought (quoth he) that I was at Masse, in the Chappel of the Palace, and that the Roof of the Chappel fell down, and overwhelmed my self, with o­ther Eenators, and the Priest. And when at the first crack the Priest being affrighted, would have left his Sacrifice. Why art thou affraid Friend (quoth I) seeing thou hast God so near at hand? Howbeit, I do not relate this, as one that would seem desirous to rake up wonders (as many fables are wont to be related upon such occasions) but that I may not be thought to make so much haste to the end of my story, as to omit any thing which may seem extraor­dinary. Now I call such like stories as this, which are commonly related, Fables; because, if they be not altogether false, yet are they drawn in by the head and shoulders, upon some sleight oc­casion, and happen rather by meer chance, then any intention of Nature; who cares no more for a wise man, then a fool; nor for a famous per­son, than one that is obscure, and of no note. As for those accidents last related, this was not the [Page 219]first time, that a report was spread touching the death of Peireskius, as has bin noted in its proper place, and it might now more easily be occasi­oned, because men had often heard of his sick­liness. And not many dayes before his Dream, the Roof of the Palace, a great part thereof fell down: and therefore it is no wonder, that the fall thereof, having made a deep Impression up­on his fancie, might, as is usual, occasion such a Dream; other circumstances being mixed there­with by reason of the Conjunction of other in­tervenient Species, or Representations of things seen or done.

But be it how it will, Malignant Fevers were at that time very frequent all the City over, and therefore because he would not let slip any duty, that might concern him, he went not only to the chief President and his Wife, who were sick as I told you, and now upon recovery; but he fre­quently visited others also, whose life he was ten­der of. Amongst the which, there was Franciscus a Sancto Marco, a Senator of good fame, whose ingenuous and constant love, he highly respected; and Gregorius Francus his house-Physitian, whom he loved for the skill he had in his Art, and the gentleness of his manners; and Natalis Galliar­dus, a youth of rare towardness, whom as he ho­ped, he would in process of time, carry a great stroak in matters judicatory; so he loved him for his great affection which he knew he had to learning. And seeing there were many others also, and the Disease was popular, and the heat increased, nor did he ever the more abstain from comming to the Senate, or taking care of his friends, and houshold occasions, or from assisting [Page 220]learned men, or writing of Letters, or searching and observing divers things; it was no hard mat­ter to foretel what would follow.

Moreover, having visited a friend of his that came from Marscilles, who lay sick at an Inne, he caused him to be brought home to his own house, that he might be more handsomly and carefully accōmodated, and visited him often, and felt his pulse, when he was troubled with raving, and o­ther symptoms, gave him good words, suitable to his condition, and continually provided for him, both diet and all other things necessary. So that he indeed recovered; but, as he began to grow well, Peireskius fell sick.

It was the tenth day of June, when he awaking towards morning, and perceiving that by reason of the frequency of his sweats, he had not chan­ged his shift all night (as he ought to have done twice or thrice) and felt withall a shivering cold, with a light sweat, he opened his eyes; and see­ing the casement not well closed, he foretold his own sickness. Then he began to seel his Head ake; yet he arose, went to the Court, and visited and saluted some friends, and certain sick people, ac­cording to his Custom. When he was come home, and felt his pain as bad as before, he refused his dinner, hoping, that (as he had often found) if he shou'd fast all day from eating and drinking, he should prevent the sickness which threatned him. All the Afternoon, he did either sit in his Chair, or lie upon the Bed; till about Sun-set, he got on his Cloak, and entertained the excellent Campinius, who was come to visit him, and after much discourse, brought him to the door, to take his leave of him. When he was gone, there came [Page 221]to see him Raimondus Maranus, the Son of Wil­liam, Professor of Law, in the same University of Tolouse, with an ingenuous youth, the Sonne of his Brother the Counsellour, with whom he was forced to abide a while in the Porch, with his hat off: and being withall careful to entertain them in his House, he was much troubled, because that part of the House which was most convenient for them, was taken up. Afterward, with much a­doe, he went up staires; and being in his Cham­ber, and his Head-ach and Fever increasing, he supt only a little broath. He was wont to ob­serve, that when he abstained wholly from meat and drink, he was never thirsty; finding there­fore, after his broath, that he was a dry, he took it for an ill signe.

The day following, being Corpus Christi day, he sent to desire Hannibal Fabrotus, a famous Law­yer, of whom we have formerly made frequent mention, that he would come and keep his Cuests Company. He kept his Bed all the day, and be­sides the Fever, was pained in his Kidneys, and Haemorrhoids. The same day, he was let blood, and the Fever continuing, he was enjoyned to forbear his drinking of the mineral water. About the evening of the thirteenth day, his Head-ache and Fever increased. The day following, he was somewhat better, and the Post, who had brought Letters from his Brother Valavesius, from Paris, being to return, he would needs write an answer with his own hand; but after he had made three Essayes, and had thrice changed his pen, suppo­sing that to be in fault, after he had wrote three lines, his hand grew so stiffe, that he never wrote more after that time. Having in the mean time, [Page 222]with much ado consented, that Johannes Salva­tor, who was then his Physician, should prescribe him a Potion, he took it the next morning: and finding himself pretry well after it, he busied himself about many things.

On the sixteenth day, he did endite a Letter to his Brother, in which he extenuated his sick­nesse; and yet towards night, there came forth upon his back, great red spots. After which, the Feaver encreased, and he slept not at all that night. Whereupon the day following, towards evening, he was let blood in his right foot, to prevent raving which was frequent and vehe­ment, in those Diseases. And the day after, indeed, in which he began to fetch his breath short, he raved not; yet on the ninereenth day he did, which I took notice of, and observed therein certain markes of his Learning. On the twentieth day, in which his strangury was not so great as formerly, he was a little better; save that in the afternoon, his raving was some­what more apparent; though it was alwaies in a learned strain, and observed only by my self. For he would commonly speak to no body but me, and he spake little, and low; bring­ing forth his words slowly and with diffi­culty.

The day following, his raving was yet more vehement; because the Fever was grown stron­ger, and caused very many spots to come forth; which seeming somewhat abated, Cupping-glas­ses were applyed. And because both Salvator and Prisius Insulanus another Physitian, did judge that he was dangerously sick, I began to take care that he might not depart before he had [Page 223]received the Sacrament. Which being propoun­ded to him, he consented, and desired withal, to hear Masse celebrated in his Chamber, on the two and twentieth day. Wherefore the fore­said Minutius, a Friar Miním, having got a Li­cence from the Arch-Bishop, both said Masse and gave him the Eucharist. That very good man Jacobus Resius, Rector of the Oratorian Society, had first heard his Confession, to whom he was wont to confesse himself, in time of his health. These things were done about nine a clock, he sitting all the while in a chair, upon which he had caused himself to be set, that his Urine might come from him, with greater ease.

We supposed that he was weary with sitting, but he would not suffer himself to be removed, commanding the company to withdraw, that he might dictate some parts of his Will. The chief were, that he would be buried in the Se­pulcher of his Ancestors, viz. within the Chap­pel of the Dominicans Church, which is situate at the left end of the High-Altar; that he gave to the Dominicans three hundred pounds Tours, to the Brotherhood of the Oratory, a thousand. To me all his Mathematical Books, and all his Instruments, and of his other Books an hundred, such as I should make choise of, with the Picture of Wendelinus. To Scipio Pererius, as a token of his love, the Florentine Pandects; to Hannibal Fabrotus, six Volums of Law books, such as he should choose; to Baltasar Viasius, six pieces of ancient Coin, such as he had most mind to; to Arthur Olivarius, one of his ancient Rings; to Bonifacius Borrillius, the Picture of Reubeus. To [Page 224]his Nephew, God-sonns, officious persons, and servants (amongst which he mentioned Anto­nius Agarratus, who assisted me in observing the Motions of the heavenly Bodies) he gave divers Sums of Money. To him whose name he had told in his Brothers ear, (which the event shew­ed to be Cardinal Barberino) his Samaritan Pen­tateuch. He made his brother Heir: and the O [...]erseers of his will Honoratus Agutius one of the Senate, and the foresaid Balthazar Viassius. All which being ingrossed and read about eve­ning, he could not subscribe his name by reason of his weaknesse. Mean while his Urine stop­ped, and a great and stiff-stretched swelling, arose upon the Region of his Bladder.

On the three and twentieth day in the mor­ning, he was in pretty good ease, and was dis­pleased at the application of certain fomentati­ons, to the tumor aforesaid. About noon he de­fired me not to omit to observe the Suns Alti­tude, and remembred to ask me, if the Solstice were past or not; A while after, he uttered some raving speeches, but savouring of curiosity and Learning. About four a clock the Chirurgion came to let out his Urine, who after he had tri­ed a wax Candle to no purpose, he used his Ca­theter. And, at that time, a good deal was voided; but not without immeasurable pain to him, who not being able to stand of himself, was held upright. After he had rested a while, he indited a short Letter to his Brother: and after nine a clock, the Chirurgion let out his Urine again; but he was very like to faint away, so great was his pain, and so great his wea­rinesse.

Finally on the 24 day about Sun-rise; Minu­tius asked him, if he would receive the extream Unction. He said, it was that he desired; and when a little after, we told him the Parish-Priest was come, I am (quoth he) very much obli­ged to him. Then beckening to me, to turn my eare towards him, he charged me to see that twelve pounds should be given to the Parish-Priest, when he went away. In like manner he was alwaies careful that his Physician and Chi­rurgion should have their sees given them, every fourth day. Moreover, when the Parish-Priest pronounced the Absolution, he of his own ac­cord and with his own hand, signed himself with the sign of the Crosse. Also he made shew that he was delighted at the performance of the ex­tream unction. Then, I stood by him, and bad him be of good courage; for if God had appoin­ted this to be the end of his Life and Labours, he ought to take it patiently, and follow his Commander according to his wonted courage. To which words he gently assented. Afterwards Minutius pronounced the General Absolution; and telling him, that as he would have God to forgive him, so must he forgive others, what ever offences they had committed against him; he presently made answer, So be it.

Mean while the lower part of his Belly, which, we told you before, was much swelled and stiff, having been somewhat asswaged, was now again so distended, that he complained he was choaked. The day before, he refused the Cataplasms; but now Resius and Minutius came both to him, and desired him for the Love of God, to permit the Application. He answered, [Page 226]I am content; seeing you will needs have it so. But he endured the Cataplasm not long; com­manding to take it presently off again, and com­plaining afresh that he was choaked. The Chi­rurgion was therefore sought for, to let forth his Urine; but he was gone to some Village, about I know not what businesse. Others being sent for, either durst not meddle, or wanted Instru­ments. Mean while, he caused himself to be placed in the Chair, but putting down his feet he could not in the least bear himself up any longer; yea, and he sunk so down upon the Chair, that his Neck falling on one side, and his eys being distorted, we thought he had bin gi­ving up the Ghost.

Being carried into his Bed again, he came so far to himself, that he could still complain of choaking. Then came the President and his Wife, who sent another Foot-boy for the Chi­rurgion. Mean while, another Chirurgion be­ing called, he was placed upon the side of the Bed; but the Chirurgion endeavouring in vain to thrust in his Catheter, he fell again into a swoon. Being come a little to himself, the other Chirurgion returning about noon, thrust in the Catheter with much ado, but could bring out no water: and then he fainted away the third time, and though he were put into his Bed, yet he recovered very little strength. To be sure, he never speak word more, although his frequent and difficult breathing, did sometimes appear as if it had bin speech. Whereupon being advised by Resius, to pronounce the sacred name of Jesus his Saviour, he could not do it; and being by by him intreated to testifie his Pietie by some [Page 227]sign or other, he did it divers times, by lifting up his eyes. Finally, having wrastled with so many Pains and Dolours, he rendred his Soul to God, a little before three a clock in the after­noon: having lived just fifty six years, six moneths, twelve daies and twenty houres.

After his decease, his Nephew provided for him a very honourable funeral. And because there was then in the house Petrus Pavillonus a rare Statuary and Carver, whom Peireskius, had kept above two moneths as he returned from Rome, that he might repair a maimed Statue of Diana, a broken Tripode, and other marble workes; he made use of him to figure out in plaister, all the dimensions of his Countenance, to the intent, that afterward a Marble Statue might be formed, as like him as was possible. Also the Physicians thought good to view his internal parts, that they might be perfectly sa­tisfied touching the cause of his death, though it were not very obscure. Therefore the night fol­lowing they dissected his Body, and found that his Heart, Liver, Lungs and other parts, were in good plight: only his Bladder in the forepart thereof, was so corrupted, that like wet Paper, it would rend apieces, being never so little tou­ched. It was therefore conceived, that a day or two before his death, it was so torn, that his Urine was shed into his Belly, and caused the foresaid swelling. The hinder part thereof, was more sound and whole: but there was in the bottome, store of phlegm, and a little gravel. At the Sphincter there grew a fleshy or callous substance, which being in the neither part, shaped like an half Moon, and the third part of a finger [Page 228]in thickness, did stop the Orifice of his Urine. In his left Kidney there was nothing extraordinary; but in the right, there was much gravel and di­vers stones, three of which were bigger than the rest: the one being as big as an Almond, the other two, as two Lupines. And these caused the pains in his right Kidney; as his Strangury was caused by the Caruncle which stopped the Orifice of his Bladder. The day following, which was the seventh of the Kalends of July, his Corse was carried to Church with great Pompe, and exceeding sorrow of all good men; and was buried, during the celebration of the ac­customed Ceremonies, in the Vault or burying place of his Ancestors, in the Church of Saint Dominick, at eleven a clock in the fore­noon.

His Brother Valavesius was absent at Paris, to his great grief, when the tidings of his death were brought him. For besides the bitter sense and want of his most dearly beloved Brother, it encreased his sorrow, that it was not his hap to be by him in his sickness, to refresh him in his lan­guishings, to satisfie himself by seeing and em­bracing him, to receive his commands, and to hear his last words, that they might remain fixed in his mind. They that acquainted him with this sad accident, and gave him my Letters, were the two Puteans, whom the two Brothers al­waies made use of, as their prime friends. The elder of the Puteans being highly respected by Petrus Siguierius the Chancellor, undertook to acquaint him with the business. And finding him with a great company of people about him, and being demanded what he would have with [Page 229]him, he related the matter to him; whereupon let us go aside (quoth he) for your relation is more grievous, and that man was greater and to me a dearer kinsm [...]n, than that I should seem to, grieve perfunctorily for him. But Valavesius, though he was cast down, yet he generously, took heart, and went to the Cardinal of Lions, who also, out of the great love he bore to his Brother, gave great Testimonies of sorrow. Also he went to that mighty Cardinal renowned through the whole world, and never to be for­gotten Johannes Armandus Plesseus, Cardinal of Richelieu, who abundantly testified how dear to him the memory of Peireskius was, and of his own accord, bestowed the Abbey of Guistres up­on his Sisters son, and the son of Henry Segui­ranus, who was chief President of the Chamber of Accounts. And coming a moneth or two af­ter, into Provence, the first thing he did, was to perform Funeral Rites to his Brother, and to be present at the Obsequies, which those of Rianti­um, having made an Hearse, did celebrate for him. Also he wrote forthwith to Genua, for to have from thence a Marble stone, to make such a Monument as was sutable to his Brothers Re­nown, and their mutual love.

Moreover, the rumor of Peireskius his death, was quickly spread abroad, through the whole learned world; all Scholars, being so smitten with grief, as if the common Father and Prince of Learning, had bin dead. For seeing he cherished all their hopes, encouraged their minds, was a Patron and Assistant to them all; they could not choose but all of them be dejected and out of heart, having lost that spirit, which did animate [Page 230]them all. I say, presently: for lo, even from Leiden, Letters were dated the third of the Ides of July, from Salmasius to the Puteans, where­in he writes, that the tidings of his death, had rendred him wholly unfit for study, or any thing else. And not to passe over what he saies after­wards, I am not able (quoth he) to comfort my self, being quite out of heart, and I make no account of my studies, since he is gone, who was their cherisher, and promoter. And my grief for his losse would not be so much, if during his life I had testified that affection which I had justly conceived toward him, for the benefits he conferred upon me: but now I must die ungrate­full, he being dead before I could make testifi­cation of my thankful heart. All that I can now do, is to hold his memory in veneration, and in my writings to transmit to posterity such Testimonials of him, as his incomparable Virtue, and inestimable merits do require from the hand of that man, who honoured him living, and received more benefits from him, than from any mortal man besides. But I can say no more, for weeping, and must of necessity here break off. Behold also Letters from Rome written by Nau­daeus, the day after the Ides of the same moneth, in which among other things there are these Pas­sages. O the instability of all mortal things! O the unspeakable cruelty of the Fates! O the bit­ter Death & mischievous to all good men, which is befallen in the middest of our jollity! that [Page 231]incomparable man, being taken away, when his death was the thing we least feared. What Bla­zing-Star appeared? What notice had we there­of from Heaven? Where were the Earth-quakes, unwonted thunder-claps, the Apparitions and Prodigies, which should have appeared at the death of that man, the greatest, the best, the wi­sest of all other? verily we are deluded, &c. I passe over other Letters, in which such passages as these were frequently inserted, No future Ages will ever produce such a man. Also, when shall we meet with his like again? And, Our hopes are laid in the dust, Our Sun is set, the Graces have forsa­ken us; the delight of mankind is dead; that man is dead, who was the only cherisher of the disconsolate Muses, in this Age wherein we live.

I passe over likewise other Letters, wherein his friends and learned men, in whose Breasts Candor and Gratitude did reside, did both testi­fie their grief, and mutually comfort one ano­ther. Many came to my hands, the chief of which were those of the renowned Balzac (to whom all Writers both in French and Latine, do easily grant the Palm of Elegance) wherein he rarely bewailed his Funerals. I omit likewise the Ele­gies, Epitaphs, Lamentations, Encomiums, which were published both in Prose and Verse in divers Languages; but especially in Latine by Grotius, Rigaltius, Dumayus, Gothofredus, Gaf­farellus, Billonus, and others; none of which (I hope) will be offended, that I speak of Viassius, by himself, for honours sake: who as he excee­dingly honored Piereskius, and was by him high­ly eueemed; so did he take extraordinary pains in [Page 232]composing a Poem, wherein he prosecutes the rare praises of his deceased friend, most decent­ly and copiously. Nor will it be unworth my labour, if I shall likewise select and insert the Epitaph which Rigaltius composed, & Valavesius made choice of, to be engraven upon his Tomb. Which was as followes.

Here lies,
Expecting a Christian Resurrection,
Nicolaus Claudius Fabricius
Lord of Pieresk.
Whose Sagacity, Counsel, Liberality,
Open'd the most secret Treasures of Antiquity,
To all the learned world of men.
A Man so rarely Happy,
That living in an Age of Quarrels,
All Men knew, but no Man blam'd him.
The VIII of the Kalends of July, in the year
Of Christ, 1637.
of his own age
Let every good man pray for the best of Men.

And verily, I must not omit the Funeral Ho­nours which were performed for him at Rome: were it only because that crafty estimation of Vertue, ought not to be forgotten, with which those most politick men, thought fit to adorn, e­ven a man born on this side the Alps. For vvhen the Pope, Cardinal Barberino, and other great & learned men, came not without extream sorrow, to understand this sad Accident; they thought fit to decree such Honours, as might adorn a man so well deserving of the Roman and learned World. He vvas chosen in his life-time, though absent, into the Academy which is called Acade­mia Humoristarum: which is a renowned Soci­ety of learned men, who meet twice every moneth, vvhere, in a full Assembly, one of the Academicks makes an Oration, and others recire their Poëms and other vvorks, vvorthy of a learn­ed Auditory. It was therefore thought fit, that Peireskius should be honoured in that Assembly, though contrary to the Lawes of the said Acade­my, vvhich allow that Honour only to Princes of the same Society; so that in whole forty years time, only six, and they Princes, are recorded to have received that Honour. But the fame, and splendor of his rare Vertues, overcame that ob­stacle; as also the extream affection the Cardinal bore him, with the generous humanity of Camil­lu, Columna, Prince of the Academy; and the great admiration and respect of the Academicks, by whose Votes it was carried.

The twelfth day therefore of the Kalends of January, was appointed for the solemnity; a­gainst which, Seates were provided, hung with mourning, as also the Pulpit, and an Image of [Page 234] Peireskius deceased, set in a conspicuous place. There came besides Cardinal Barberinus, and his Brother Antonius, the Cardinals Bentivolus, Cu­eva, Biscia, Pamphilius, Pallotta, Brancatius, Al­dobrandinus, Burghesius; and such a multitude of other very renowned and learned men, that the Hall was searce able to contain them. Where the most choyle wits in all the City, recited Verses in prayse of the deceased, in Italian, Latine, and Greek; and his Funeral Oration neat and elo­quent, was pronounced by Joannes, Jacobus Buc­cardus, who was chosen to perform that Office, both for the excellency of his wit, the great love he bore to his Countrey, and his special Affecti­on to the memory of the party deceased. I would let down here the chief heads of the Oration; but that it has bin already divers times printed, with a dedication to that greatest of Cardinals, and an Epistle subjoyned to the foresaid Luilleri­us. And there was added to the Edition printed at Rome, not only the foresaid Verses recited by the Academicks; but also the Letter of Naudaeus forementioned; and withall, a rare fardle of Fu­neral Elegies, which because they were expres­sed, in almost all the Languages of the World (for they were near upon forty); Therefore they were entituled Panglossia, or the Lamentations of Mankind, in all Languages expressed, for the Death of their Darling. And because the Book was to be licensed, and approved by the Master of the sacred Palace; Loe how Lucas Holstenius made way, and declared by this following cen­inre, that the Laudatory Oration of Buccardus, was written eloquently and elegantly, and with the same purity and Candor, with which that most excellent [Page 235]and incomparable man alwayes lived; and the Ele­goes written by most renowned and most excellent man, that is to say, the very Teares of the Muses, run­n [...]g down in the clear and learned Humour of the [...]man Academy, at the Funerals of Peireskius, [...]ght by any meanes to be published, that the memory of so great a Personage may be transmitted to all posterity; seeing they set before Mens Eyes, the il­lustrious Example of a Man born to advance all good Literature and Liberal Arts.

And I have bin more large in recounting these things, thus transacted at Rome, because, this was as it were his Apothe [...]sis, or Canonization, which was entertained with the whole Worlds applause. For though there was no learned man who did not wish with all his heart, that Peires­kius might have bin longer the Recreation of Mankind (which was in old times said of a Prince) rather then so soon a Companion of Saints and Angels: yet all were pleased, that he was honoured in that Theatre, of which he was, while living, judged most worthy. And perad­venture, if it had bin his hap to live longer, the greatest Honours might have bin conferred upon him, without his seeking after; but they could add nothing to his Honour, vvho by the common vote of all men, vvas ever counted vvorthy of the greatest, which could be conferred.

Moreover, as he vvas alwayes richer then the vvealth vvhich he contemned: so was he more glorious then those Honours, he scorned to seek for. And therefore, though he was taken away in the middle of his vvhole Age, yet in respect of glory, he lived very long, having by his vertue attained an eternal Renown. For as long as there [Page 236]shall remain any Lovers of good Literature they will dearly esteem his Memory, whose love to learning, and munificence towards learned men, they shall see sprinkled in all Books. We have mentioned many of them all along; and have omitted more, yea, such as have been dedicated to him. One thing I must not omit, being pro­per f [...]r this place, viz. that many Authours were resolved to dedicate their Books to him, just when he died. Amongst them were Campanella, Licetus, Hortensius, Buccardus, Arcosius, and who not? And what would have been done, think you, if he had attained a riper Age, and longer lise? Those things which he accomplished, may justly be counted very many, and very great: but he vvas just then taken away, vvhen by rare acti­ons he began to exceed himself. For he had now contrived to himself many vvayes of entercourse, into all the Provinces of Europe: into Asia, and all the Eastern parts of the World; into all A­frica, and the farthest bounds of Aethiopia; into the two Continents of America, and the un­known World it self; so that he vvas now in a ca­pacity more abundantly to unite all Mankind, through the whole World, by the Commerce and Correspondence of Letters; and to supply all learned men, with such Books, and other things, as they stood in need of.

But, as for such things as would have hap­pened, if he had lived longer, I leave them to Gods disposal. Who verily, has cansed the grea­rest sorrow imaginable, by taking away the Pilot, who stood at the Helm of the Ship of Learning; or rather, the Pole-starre, upon which all learn­ed men kept their Eyes fixed; setting none in [Page 237]his place, toward whom they may look up. For there are men indeed, who by their Wealth, Au­thority, Favour, do assist and cherish some kind of Learning and learned men: but there is no Man, that ardently affects all the learned, through the whole World, as he did; who bends all his care that way, neglecting every thing besides; ex­hausts his Estate to that end, and liberally spends his Treasure; who is in such Credit with all Men, and catches at all opportunities of doing good, with the greatest willingness, Industry, Fe­licity, imaginable. Tistruly scarce credible, that there will ever arise such a man, of such a dispo­sition and inclination as he was. For although the former Age by a wonderful felicity brought forth those three rare men, Pinellus, Velserus, and Molinus, who were rarely affected to all learned men: yet Peireskius comming after them, did so in his own person, combine the vertues of each of them, as to weigh down the prayses of them all, seeming to him inferior. Yea, and whereas before those three mentioned, we hardly read of a few Kings and Emperors like affected, Peireski­us seems in nothing to them inferior, save in the largeness, and ostentation of their Riches. This was the opinion of learned men, when commen­ding his truly royal, and magnificent mind, and acknowledging him to be the pattern of never to be forgotten beneficence, they declared, that he had seazed the glory due to Kings; and that he was so much more worthy of commendation then Mecaenas, inasmuch as he had no Augustus, by whose favour and liberality he might be ina­bled to do good. In a word, this vvas the true fruit which he attained, viz. to leave a grateful [Page 238]Memory of himself consecrated and inshrined in the Breasts of those men, vvho have extolled him to the Heavens, and will transmit his memory to all succeeding Ages. Others seek Renown; by enlarging their Dominions, leading of Armies, presenting rare shews, building Tombes, Pyra­mides, and such like things; yet oblivion at last overwhelms these men, as inglorious, and igno­ble; or if any memory of them remains, it is either despicable, or at least void of love and af­fection. Those men alone, who get a name and Honour, by their Beneficence, become so immor­talized, as no man can ever make mention of them, but with ardent affection, and a secret sense of Gratitude.

This is the way which was trod by those gal­lant Personages, to the love of whom, after so many Ages, we are by Histories allured; in this caelestial path you have chosen to walk, ô Ludo­wick Valese, the best of Princes; whose im­mense goodness may be felt by us, but not ex­pressed. Good cause have I to praesage, that your memory will remain as dear to Posterity, as ever Timoleus was; for you patiently heard, I well re­member, my Discourse touching his exact and rare way of Life, among the Syracusians, over whom he ruled. For, neglecting your own af­faires, you make it all your business to sustain che­rish, and erect afflicted Provence, and (if the times will give way) to restore it unto its anci­ent splendor. Do but proceed, to merit the af­fections of those People, who are so loving, and so devoted to you; for they are those, who ho­nour and advance the reflourishing Glory of that most excellent and Beneficent King Renatus, who [Page 239]was of your Family. But to conclude, Here you have, what at your Command, and the importu­nate Requests of others, I have bin able to say of Peireskius. I ask no pardon for delaying to finish the same, so soon as you desired: for you are ac­quainted with my long sickness, and the longer Reliques thereof, which have lasted full half a year. And truly, I am hardly now perfectly well; so that knowing this small work to have bin by me laboured in my sickly condition, you need not wonder that it beares the Marks and tokens of a mind languishing, in a sick Body. But be it as it will, it may at least testifie, the exceeding willingness I have to serve you. Mean while, I provide my self (since your singular Gentleness will have it so) to return to you, as soon as may be. And so fare well, ô Honour of Princes. Fi­nished at Digne, the XII. of the Kalends of March, 1639.

THE PRAYSE OF PEIRESKIUS, In a Funeral Oration pro­nounced in the Romane Academy, December the 21. 1637.

IT is excellently done of you (O Roman A­cademicks) and suitable to the Dignity of your Order and Renown; in that, you have decreed publick Obsequies, and a Funeral Oration commendatory, to be performed in ho­nour of that most gentle and learned French­Man, Nicolaus Claudius Frabricius, Lord of Pei­reskis. For, if this pious Custom hath bin set on soot by your Ancestors, chiefly to adorn such as have well deserved of the Common-wealth, and to transmit their memory with honour to all Po­sterity: such truly, and so great are the merits of Peireskius, and the Ornaments by him bestowed upon that part of the Common-wealth, which is devoted to the studies of Learning and Huma­nity; that he seems, not only to have removed from the Nations on the other side the Alps, that [Page 242]hateful Imputation of the suppression and decay of Learning; but even to have equalized, or ra­ther transcended, that Glory which the Romans themselves ch [...]nge, for the Advancement of Arts and Science [...]. For all the learned men of all Ages, in this City, who either by their own Industry have illustrated, or by their Authority, and Liberality adorned, the liberal Arts and Sciences, if they were brought all together, seem in no wise comparable to Peireskius. Who was in a word so excellent in all kinds of vertues, that in him alone this Age of ours, may compare with Antiquity, in all that is prayse-worthy. In which respect, I finde the task imposed upon me more great and difficult; viz. that I, being a stranger, of a mean wit, unexercised, and unable, should in this honourable Assembly of Romans, elo­quent and polite men, discourse of the innume­rable, and almost incredible vertues of that man. Which task has bin by me undertaken (most learned Academicks) not out of any self-confi­dence, or fool-hardyness: but out of my Re­spect to you, who by your most honourable de­cree, have assigned me to this work; and my du­ty to those, who as they have the greatest Com­mand over me, so I could not but prefer their Authority, before the estimation I made of my self; but especially out of that good will, and pi­ous respect, which commands me to give such great thanks to Peireskius, now dead, by this last office of Humanity, as I did owe him living, for the greatness of his deserts towards me. For, seeing in my own Countrey, my Parents would not suffer me to lead that studious life, to which from my Child-hood I was addicted; but drew [Page 243]me by force to the Court, and Pleading places: I resolved at last, freely to forsake Paris, a most large, and powerful City, and by a voluntary banishment, to betake me to this City of yours: seeing from thence I understood by Books, that all Religion, Lawes, Learning, all knowledge of things, and elegancy of living, did anciently flow into our parts; and our learned men in­formed me, that they did all now flourish more and more, under the countenance of a most gentle and wise Pope. By the Advice of which learned men chiefly, visiting Peireskius by the way, as one best acquainted with the Affaires of Rome: he both liberally entertained me in his House, received me into the condition of an inti­mate friend; and at my departure from Pro­vence towards Rome, gave me such a serious Commendation by Letters, to the learned and principal men of the City, and such excellent precepts touching the Customs thereof; that presently upon my entrance thereinto, I was not only soon acquainted with the publick fashions, to which I easily did accommodate my self; but I also insinuated my self into the acquaintance of all of you, most learned Academicks; and which is the greatest matter of all, I gained such a place in the Familiarity of the chiefest Persons both in the civil and literate Common-wealth, as is wont to be allowed, only to famous and learned men. I might justly therefore be accused of Impiety, not to say ingratitude towards you, and all o­thers; if, having long since made it my business, to write the Encomiums of all learned men de­ceased especially Italians; I should now refuse the duty imposed this day upon me, how ever [Page 244]hard and difficult, of praising the learnedst man in the world, and one so nearly related to me, as a Countreyman, Friend, and Benefactor. I shall therefore set my self upon this renowned and exemplary work; most full of novelty and admiration: and look how much eloquence there is wanting in me, to accomplish the same, so much I shall endeavour to borrow and supply, both from my own singular affection to that most rare man, and the greatness of the grief, by me conceived for his death, which sometimes makes men eloquent and copious; as also from your Benevolence, right reverend Fathers, and you most renowned men, and that benignity wherewith you affcord your audience with so much attention.

When I compare the Life of Nicolaus Claudi­us Fabricius Lord of Peiresk, which transcends the Capacity and Custome of this Age wherein we live, with the Lives of the most excellent and happy persons of Antiquity; the Life of Titus Pomponius Atticus, above all others, seems so like & neerly to resemble the same, that I think fit be­fore I passe unto other things, which may satisfie the expectation which I have already raised tou­ching the Learning of Peiresk us, & his affection to all good Literature, to propound the same, as a most perfect picture thereof; in which you may behold an expresse image of the Disposition and Virtues of Peireskius. For being both of them of Noble Parents, lovers of Learning, they passed their boys-age in liberal studies, and their youth in learned Peregrinations, living in great Honour with Princes and learned men, in for­reign [Page 245]parts. Both of them in their own Countrey were linked in friendship, with persons of the greatest and most excellent ranke and quality: and were a safeguard to good and leared men, both from the injuries of others, their own mu­tual detractions, and the pressures of Poverty. In their houses, into which both of them liberally invited men of all ranks, there was more ingeni­ous Elegancy then superfluity of Diet; as in their cloathing, they affected cleanly neatnesse, rather than luxurious extravagance. Using neverthe­lesse, the best in all things, especially in their houshold servants, where there was not a Page, which could not perform the office of a Bible-Clerk, and Library-keeper. In the Common-wealth, which in both their times was very vari­ous and subject to change, they so carried them­selves, as alwaies to side with the most honest party. As for the Honours of which they were therein capable, they sought them not: but be­ing content with the dignity wherein they were born, they lived well and happily unto old age, in their old way of the studies of Philosophy and antiquity, being of most sweet and excellent manners.

These few things, out of many which might have bin said, I have instanced in, for example sake, to make it appear, that Peireskius shared in all the Praises which ancient Authours give to Atticus for his Vertues in general, and especial­ly his Temperance, Honesty and Prudence: I come now therefore to those Vertues to which my mind has long hastned, which were so pecu­liar to Peireskius, and so much his own; that no man in all antiquiry can pretend to outgo, or [Page 246]once compare with him in the glory thereof, viz. a continual and almost incredible labour and rare industrie, to attain the knowledge of all great and excellent things, all Arts and Sci­ences: an ardent study & eager care to preserve & advance the same: finally, a perpetual & constant desire to adorn and ser forth learned men; and a princely & magnificent liberality, in effecting all the premises. In the handling of all which, I shall be so careful both of verity and brevity; that setting aside all rare ornaments of speech, I shall in a plain Historical narration, briefly set forth the studies of Peireskius, his diligence in reading and writing, with his liberality to lear­ning and learned men.

The Fabrician family, after that from the or­der of Knighthood, in which for the space of three hundred years and upwards, it had flourished in the glory of Chivalry, it became adopted into the Parliament of Aix; did so excel in wit and Learning, that an Inheritance not only of highest dignity, but of most excellent Learning also, did from the fourth generation, together with a large Library, and other literary utensils descend unto Nicolaus Claudius Fabricius Lord of Peiresk. Who resolving with himself, not only to keep, but also much to augment those pos­sessions, chiefly of Study and Learning, de­scended from his Ancestors; he made it all his care, and spared no cost, to adorn and aug­ment those literary Instruments, which are al­together needful for the attaining of good Arts and Sciences. Wheresore, after he had taken care, to get from all places the most excellent Books, and to adorn them with gold, purple, [Page 247]and all manner of neat and curious workman­ship, by such excellent Workmen, as lived in his house; and had diligently perused them all: his greatest care in the next place was, to travel all Europe over: not only to acquaint himself with the manners and Cities of the Nations then living; but that coming to the very things themselves, and comparing what he had heard and read, he might diligently view the ancient Monuments of Antiquity: and from thence carry home as much as he could, to treasure up in his Library. The first place that invited his presence was Italy: in which as there are flou­rishing at this day most excellent and elegant wits, most civil and polite manners, and tran­scendent Laws; so are there yet remaining very many reliques of the ancient fortune, and those most flourishing times for Arts and Literature. Having therefore viewed the Cities of Liguria and Tuscanie, he came by long journeys into this City of yours, as the Seat of all Divine and Humane Empire, the Mansion place of Antiqui­ty and Humanity: where with his eyes and feet he diligently went over and visited the Courts, Theatres, Temples, Bathes, Arches, and Caves; as also the Spires Columns, Statues, Monuments of Brasse and Marble, Coins, Jewels, and Books; in a word, all the Monuments of the ancient Magnificence and Arts; more of which and more illustrious are comprehended within your walls, than in all the world besides; these he viewed and handled, and carried what he could home with him: which he partly bought at a great rate, partly received by way of free gift, from learned men; which as they are alwaies in [Page 248]great aboundance at Rome, so were they then especially, in the dayes of those most studious and most munificent Princes, of the Family of the Aldobrandini, in very great number and exceeding courteous. All which, but especi­ally Fulvius Ursinus and Laelius Pasqualinus, most diligent and industrious collectors and admirers of the Reliques of Antiquity, were drawn into admiration and friendship, by the Virtues and rare Learning of young Peireskius. The same expectation and favour he brought with him from Rome to Naples, where he conversed with Matthaeus Capuanus Prince of the Conchani, more renowned for his love of Learning and his knowledge, than for the great Dignity of his Fa­mily and Fortune, and with Mars Gurgustiola, one of the Supreme Council, and a very learned man: both which had in their houses, most rich Treasuries of all kind of Antiquities. There also he frequented the renowned houses of Jo­hannes Baptista Portae, and Ferrans Imperatus, of which the former was an eager searcher out and explainer, the latter a most diligent keeper and preserver of the most abstruse works of nature. And seeing Peireskius spent his study & pains no lesse in these kind of things, than the contem­plation of Antiquity; he searcht every most se­cret corner, not only of this most large and beau­tiful City, but also of the whole Territory of the most happy Countrey or Campania; where he might behold the pleasant spectacle of Nature, (which there chiefly delights to work wonders) contending with the ancient Magnificence and Luxury of the Greeks and Romans. He dili­gently viewed the rest of Italy, and all that part [Page 249]of France, which is on this side the Alpes: tur­ning aside to Ravenna, that he might behold those dismal Trophies of Gothish Barbarisme, erected upon the ruines of the Roman Empire; as also and chiefly to visit Hieronymus Rubeus, an eloquent Writer, as well of those Antiquities as of the Art of Physick. From thence he jour­neyed to Padua, chiefly invited by the fame of the rare learning of Vincentius Pincllus, and of his Library, full fraught with Books in all Tongues and Sciences: which fame was so spread all Europe over, that learned men, who intended to collect ancient Books to furnish Libraries, or to set forth their own works; did come from remote parts, to consult with him thereof. There Peireskius abode for a season. not only to insinuate himself into the House and Library but the acquaintance also of Pinellus; into which he perfectly rooted himself, that he might know and understand his great care to adorn Learning and learned men, and all other Virtues of that most excellent man; to the in­tent he might imitate the same, and in processe of time exercise them all with most ample addi­tions, for the advancement of Learning. Of which thing be then and there gave so great and undoubted hopes, that Paulus Gualaus, a man fa­mous both for his own wit and learning and the intimate familiarity he had with Pinellus; in those elegant Commentaries, which he wrote touching the Life of the said Pinellus, did affirm of Peireskius: that if our Age did ever produce a man equal to Pinellus, it could be no other than he who at Padua being hardly past a youth, did with such ardency embrace Pinellus and his stu­dies, [Page 250]that he was a miracle to Gualdus himself and to other learned men. Which learned men, truly, as many as then happily spent their daies in study at Padua; especially Pinellus himself, and Hieronymus Aleander, and Laurentius Pig­norius, men excelling in accuratenesse of judge­ment, as well as polite Literature, did so approve this grave testimony given by Gualdus, touching the rare towardlinesse of Peireskius, and did so admire and love the same in him; that every one invited him to his house, with the greatest hospitality imaginable; and communicated to him their greatest ratities, both such as were in their own studies, and in the publick Libraries and Records both at Padua and at Venice, a Ci­ty abounding with those and all other excellent things, which they did as well when he was ab­sent from them, as when he was present, which was also done by the greatest part of the other Cities of Italy and of Europe; discoursing with him by Letters touching their studies, fending their Books either to be printed by him, or, for honours sake, to passe into the world under his name and patronage. Thus flourishing in the favour and entertainments of most renowned and learned men, when he had enriched him­self with Statues, Tables, Coins, Books, and other most ancient Ornaments of Italy; he pro­ceeded in his Travails to Germany, and as far as to great Britain; where he gathered many Re­liques of Antiquity, and gained the repute and goodwill, not only of men skilled in the studies of wisdom and good Arts, but also of such as ex­celled in Painting, Architecture, and other curi­ous Actifices: whom Peireskius being an ele­gant [Page 251]spectator of their works; did highly account of in those Countries, as formerly he had done in Italy, making himself acquainted with them, as with all other learned men: espe­cially with Petrus Paulus Rubeus, both for his knowledge of Antiquity, and his skill in Painting, Graving, and Architecture; which Arts he seems to have first of all brought out of Italy, into the Low-Countries, with their an­cient splendor and dignity: Marcus Velserus a Magistrate of Augsburge, studious of the Com­monwealth there, and a careful advancer of Learning through all Germany: John Barclay, at that time famous in England for the elegance of his wit and Learning: Daniel Heinsius chiefly in Holland, and his most learned Master Joseph Scaliger, who as soon as he heard Peireskius, whom he knew only by name and hear-say, rea­son about matters of Learning, being of a pier­cing and sound judgement, he presently knew him, and declared who he was. His last pere­grination was to Paris, whither, by reason of the great aboundance of excellent Books, and most learned men which he there found, he made a second journey. In his first journey thither he visited Jacobus Augustus Thuanus, and his most renowned Li [...]y, and saw Isaac Casan­bon, Franciscus Pithaeus, and abundance of other learned men then living who came frequently to Thuanus his Library, daily magnifying Thua­nus; as the most excelient Prince and Patron of History, and all other Arts and learned men, and earnest defender of the French Empire and Majesty. And having spent ten years at his own house in perusing those Monuments of Antiqui­ty [Page 252]and Learning, which he had collected all Europe over, and in reducing and digesting the same into his studie and memory, wherewith he was endowed after a divine manner: he went to Paris the second time, to turn over and de­vour those other Libraries, viz. the Kings, that of St. Denis Victoria, St. German, and of the Memii, and to visit those learned men which frequented the same; of which there was at that time a new generation, as it were, sprung up. Amongst whom those two most courteous brethren the Puteans, do at this day excel; who abiding with the sons of Thuanus their kinsmen, excellently adorned with the gifts of wit and vertue, derived from their Father, do by all the waies and means they can, assist and wonderfully adorn, not only his Library, but Learning also & learned men, which were commended to their faithful care and protection, by the last will and testament of Jacobus Augustus, Nicolaus Rigal­tius, who excels all men whatever in the polite elegancie of Learning and judgement, and incor­rupt purity of the Latine tongue; to whom I glory to say, that I am beholden, for whatever progress I have made in that kind of Learning: Claudius Salmasius and Hugo Grotius, who chal­lenge the principality of Literature and all good Arts: Petrus Seguierius, Henricus Memmius, and Hieronymus Bignonius, men more renowned for their Learning and rare love of Arts, than the purple Robes they wear as ensignes of the su­preme honours they enjoy in France, whom for brevities sake I passe over. I shall also passe by Sirmondus Pelavius, Morinus, Mersennus, Bur­delotius, and Valesius, and an almost innumera­ble [Page 253]company of others; who are exceeding fa­mous, for their transcendent Learning, and most excellent writings; all whose hearts and good­wills, Peireskius did win unto himself, and ob­lige them to the service of his ends, viz. the advancement of the Common-wealth of Lear­ning. Yet there is one man whom I cannot passe over, namely Gulielmus Ʋarius or Du Ʋair, who may be compared to Marcus Tullus, as well for his study of Eloquence and Philosophy, and other high Virtues; as for the sacred and inviolable friendship he alwaies held with this our Atticus. He, after that he had initiated Pei­reskius into the Parliament of Aix, of which he was chief President he presently so addicted himself to his acquaintance and society, that they continually lived together at Aix; nor could he ever after endure him to be absent from him, Wherefore, when the King called him to Court to be Keeper of the Seal, which is the highest dignity which a Gowned man is capable of in France; he carried him to Court with him. esteeming him to be the only man in France, whom he could find in his heart to make, his Camerade, his bosome friend, the assistant and companion of his State-Counsels and Honours. Whose favours Peireskius made use of only in de­precating and shielding of, the dangers and dis­commodities of his friends, that is to say, of lear­ned men; and procuring the advancement of Learning; to which end besides many other rare Ornaments and accommodations, he con­tributed one of the greatest moment; for by his means there was procured in the Kings name, great store of most ancient Books, to supply and [Page 254]enlarge the Library at Paris: which at all times stands so open for the use of all men that from thence most rare Monuments of ancient Lear­ning, are daily brought to light. There was [...] a manner but one good turn which [...]e procured of Varius for himself, viz. that by his authority he was admitted, to search the most ancient Re­cords of Courts and Churches, in all the Towns of France. As for wealth and honours, he was so far from seeking them, that he often refused such as Varius freely offered him, who when he would have adopted Peireskius into the most an­cient and worthy order of Prelates of France, he had much ado at last to make him accept of an indifferent Church-living. Ʋarius being dead, who gave all his rarities of antiquity, in a man­ner to his most loving and officious friend, com­mitting his last Will and Testament to his faith­ful care and oversight; Peireskius began to look after his own home and study, from which he had been long absent: when lo, just at his depar­ture from the Court of Paris, he was in his jour­ney invited again to the Court of Rome: recei­ving the most joyful tydings of Cardinal Barberino his being made Pope. For he knew the said Cardinal before his Election to the Popedom, being the Prince of Wit, Lear­ning, and Sanctity in the Roman Common­wealth; having some whiles before procured a first and second Edition of his Divine Poems, and obliged him with other services: so that when the Messenger, who intended first to ac­quaint the King with the news, meeting Peires­kius did only tell him, that the learnedst of all the Roman Princes, and his most loving friend [Page 255]was made Pope; he presently knew, that Barbe­rino was placed at the Helm of the Common­wealth, to his incredible joy. For he did fore­see, that under a most learned Pope, the Study of good Literature, would be reduced into its anci­ent Light and Splendor; and that Students in hope of Honours and Rewards, would flock from the utmost ends of the Earth, to adorn the Court of Barberino. Which happiness of the times and learning, that he might at least view with his Eyes, and adore the new Pope, who so highly fa­voured him, he was by his friends, perswaded to come to Rome, not much against his will. But he was loath that Ambition, from the very suspi­cion whereof, he was alwayes free, rather then duty, should be thought the occasion of his jour­ney thither: and after that, with much adoe, he had gotten out of the Island of Circe, he feared, if he gave eare to the Sirens Songs, he should be by them detained: therefore after a long peregri­nation, he betook himself at length to his own Ithaca, to the most desired Haven of his Study. And then truly, the Study of Peireskius, and his whole House, through the well-nigh Kingly Li­berality of its present Master, which from that time forward, he used not only for the Ornament of Learning, and the Instruments thereof; but chiefly, in assisting and honouring learned men; was more magnificent, and fuller of Hospitality, then the Court of Alcinoüs.

A little after the return of Peireskius, Cardi­nal Franciscus Barberinus, brought thither with him, the flowre and Cream of the Court of Rome; being sent as Legate from the Pope, to the most just and valiant King of France. And [Page 256] Peireskius entertained him, and his Noble Reti­nue, so plentifully, and with so much splendor, that he seemed to contend, even with Kings, in point of magnificence; admiring and adoring in that young Prince, as well the mature pru­dence and sanctity of the Pope his Unkle, as his singular love to Learning, and good will to learn­ed men. And in regard of his so rare vertues, he bore him such Reverence, and was so offici­ous to him all his life long; that hardly any one went out of France into Italy, by whom he did not send him Letters full of dutiful respect and Learning; as also Books, Plants, and rare out­landish Creatures, to adorn the study and Gar­dens of Cardinal Barberino. To whom that most courteous Prince, alwayes returned the greatest thanks possible, with like frequency of Letters and tokens. With no lesse observance, did Peireskius honour and respect, those most learned, and rare­ly-qualified persons, which were in the Legats most renowned Retinue; but most especially, Cassianus Putealis, a Man for the famousness of his Family, Vertues, and Learning, worthy of the greatest prayses, and Honours imaginable; with whom being most closely united in Affection, by reason of the likeness of their natures, in excel­lency of manners, and love to learning and lear­ned men; he held afterwards constant corres­pondency, familiarly acquainting him with the whole course of his Studies. Also with Johan­nes Baptista Donius, who by reason of his Ingenu­ity, and a wit fit for the knowledge of all great things, was most dearly respected by him. These friends he then and there procured, as others af­terward at Rome, by the mediation of Hierony­mus [Page 255]Aleander, a Man endued with most excellent Arts and Ornaments, and a Lover of Peireskius from his youth up; who then so admired his No­ble House, full of Dignity and Wisdom; that he afterwards openly pronounced, that Peireskius was the greatest and most happy man in the World: and was often thinking to remove from the Court and City of Rome to Aix, that he might enjoy his sweet Company, and that preci­ous Treasury of Literature, which he had there hoarded up. Thither came afterwards all those brave men, who about affaires of State, went out of Italy into France, or from thence to Provence; to his House they came, to see that Man who had the Commentaries, Acts, and secret Records of Kingdoms; who perfectly knew the Scituations of Countries, Counts of Times, Originals of Peoples, their Lawes, Confederacies and Warrs; and the Families, Kindreds, and Successions of Kings and Princes: so that no man knew the condition of his own House and Land, better then he was acquainted with the state of this World of ours. Also all men, of what ever Rank or Nation, that were studious of great and rare things, came thither to see him, and his most re­nowned Study, where they might at one view, be­hold a Collection of what ever was rare and ex­cellent, to get a sight of which, men were former­ly wont to travel all the World over. All which Peireskius and his Brother Valavesius, a most courteous Gentleman, brought home with them from their Travess, which two Brothers lived to­gether, even to old Age, in such a Community of Studies, Cohabitation, and Revenues, without any falling out; that there was never any need [Page 258]that one of them should be reconciled to the o­ther. Also new things were continually brought him, not only from all parts of Europe, but from Asia, Africa, India, and the new World; since this old World of ours, would not content his greedy desire of knowledge: so that no man came from the remote parts of the World to these Coasts of ours, that did not bring with him whole Cart-loads of Rarities of Art and Nature, to the House of Peireskius. For these kind of things were daily sent him, from choyse men dwelling in the principal Cities and Haven-Towns of those Provinces; who were by him imployed with all their diligence, to procure such things, to his infinite charge and expence. And because those Men, with all their Art and Industry, cou'd not fully satisfie Peireskius, he oftentimes sent others from his own House, into all the Islands of the Aegean Sea, to the Mountain Atho, to Constantinople, Alexandria, and those miserable Reliques of Memphis, and Carthage: who for him, and with his money, should seek to procure. besides other Rarities, chiefly, the anci­entest Books in the Greek, Hebrew, Arabick, Persian, Coptick, and Aethiopian Languages; fi­nally, besides other Monuments of Asiatick and African Antiquity, the Bodies of the ancient Kings, and Princes of Aegypt, embalmed with most precious Spices, Gums and odours. In which practise of his, verily, he seems with a mind truly royal, to have imitated the care of those ancient Kings of Pergamus, and Alexan­dria; as also of our France, in the magnificent setting forth of their Libraries. And to this his Shop and Store-house, of wisdom and vertue, [Page 259] Peireskius did not only courteously admit all Travellers, studious of Art and Learning, open­ing to them all the Treasures of his Library; but he would keep them there a long time, with free and liberal entertainment; and at their depar­ture, would give them Books, Coins, and other things, which seemed most suitable to their stu­dies; also he freely gave them at his own ex­pence, what ever things they wanted, most libe­rally: even as to all other learned men, well near, which were absent, and whose names he had only heard of; what ever he had among his Books or Relicks of Antiquity, which he thought might assist them in their writings, he would send it to them of his own accord, not only without their desiring the same, but many times when they were ignorant of such things. If there were a­ny thing which he had not himself, but lay some­where concealed, he would spare neither pains nor cost to procure that also for them, that the works which they were writing, might come in­to the World perfect and polite. And such as he heard, were about to travail to search after Antiquities and Rarities of nature; he would procure them letters commendatory, horses and money to bear their charges, out of his own purse: and he invited many to take upon them such journies, by offering them the like conditi­ons, of his own accord. And all men, whom he knew to be in a calamitous condition, only by meanes of their love of learning and vertue, and the injury of Fortune, he assisted with such things, as they stood in need of, & helpt to pay their debts for them; or he carefully commen­ded them to some great personages, and obtained [Page 260]many things from them in their behalf: having gained great favour and Authority, with all the more courteous Princes of Europe; especially, with the most eminent Grandees, who at this day, steere the State-affaires of France, as who out of their singular knowledge, and love to learning, have learned men continually in their Eyes, Eares, and Embraces; and, which is their royal magnificence and magnanimity, do in the conferring of Benefits and Honours, prefer them before all men, of what Order soever.

Out of which Order, I can cite plenty of Eye­witnesses, of the beneficent, and most liberal na­ture of Piereskius; not only out of this City, and present Assembly; but even out of the farthest parts of Syria, and the immense Altitude of Mount Libanus, I can bring the most learned A­mira, Bishop of the Maronites; out of Magna Graecia, that great Philosopher Campanella; out of France the learned Petitus, and an infinite multitude more, out of other Provinces. Also I could relate unto you, an innumerable Exam­ples of Liberality and Magnificence; scarce cre­dible of a King, much lesse of a man only of a Senatorian Dignity, Rank and Estate. Whereas nevertheless, which sounds more like a miracle, than a thing credible, he laid out in this City a­lone, every year, three thousand pounds-Tours, that is to say, a twelfth part of his whole Reve­nue; which we may well think he did in other renowned Cities of Europe; partly, in sending Books, and other such like tokens to his friends; partly, upon Books, Statue, Brazen Monuments, and Marbles, which were daily here discovered; or at least upon Patterns of them, and Images [Page 261]painted, carved or molded; in Wax, Plaister, or moystened Paper.

But, consideration of the time (most learned Academicks) advises me now to take-in my Sails, and look towards the Haven. Yet verily, that same ardency of your Countenances, and Intention of your mindes, does call upon me to perform the rest of my Promise; which was, that I would prove Peireskius to have far exceeded all other men; not only in a rare love and Libera­lity towards Learning; but, which is the greatest matter of all, in unwearied labour, and incredi­ble Industry, in commenting and writing, touch­ing almost excellent Arts, no part of which veri­ly, he left untouched.

He wrote the History of Provence, which was his own Countrey, in many large Volumes; with so much diligence, that whether you regard An­tiquity, or the Lawes, Peace or Warre, and the Changes happening in the Common-wealth; you shall therein finde nothing wanting. In other Volumes he set down the Originals of the No­ble Families of the same Country, and of his own by it self: and seeing the Family of the Fa­bricii, had its Original from Pisa, from whence after the space of four hundred years, flourishing in Chivalry, it was propagated into France; he did in the same Book, excellently illustrate the Antiquity of Pisa; and consequently, of Italy, of which he was alwayes an exceeding great Lover: setting down many unknown passages, touching the Gothick Kings, who bore sway in Italy, which he collected from ancient Coines; as also touch­ing the French Kings, whose Originals and Pe­digrees, being obscured through length of time, [Page 262]he much illustrated. Finally, he wrote most elegant, and full Commentaries, of all great and memorable things, which were transacted in his time. Also he adorned Philosophy by his wri­tings, and amplified the same; especially, the na­tural part thereof, to which he was wonderfully addicted. For he had made an elegant Book, touching those sporting works of Nature, which in some Countries, are digged out of the ground: viz. concerning wood and other things, degene­rating into the Nature of stone, or some other different substance: also touching huge and vast bones of Gyants, as is commonly conceived; a great quantity whereof, he caused to be brought to him, from far Countries: touching which be­ing of a discerning spirit, he discovered many Im­postures. And as for Plants, especially such as were of Indian growth, he wrote a peculiar Hi­story of every one well near, which he illustrated with experiments never before practised; for he engrafted Trees with happy success, not only up­on Trees quite of another kind, but upon the Horns, Heads, and other parts of living Crea­tures. Of which live Creatures, yea, even of E­lephants, he diligently sought out, the Nature, manner and weight; and dissected all their members; as also of the Body of Man, with his own hand: especially, the Eyes of huge Beasts, and of Whales; for the finding out of which, he sent men as far as Herenles Pillars. By which means, he wrote new things, never before heard of, as of other parts of the Body; so especially, concerning the admirable frame of the Eye. Nor was he lesse industrious, in illustrating the Ma­thematical Arts: giving himself up in his latter [Page 263]years, to the study of Astronomy, so as to build a most high Tower, furnished with plenty of In­struments belonging to that Art, where he watched all night long, when the Skie was clear, in Contemplation of the Starres: not only dili­gently observing their Altitudes, Magnitudes, and Motions; but penetrating by the quickness of his wit, into their very matter and Nature; as­sisted by that new and admirable Invention of the Telescope, which makes the most remote and obscure Species and Representations of things, clearly to be seen, whose name and use was in­vented by Galilaeus, the Prince doubtless of Ma­thematicians, and a very loving friend of our Peireskius. By the help of which Instrument Pei­reskius caused the several faces and appearances, both of the other Planets, and also of the Moon, with the smallest marks and spots as it were, which appeared therein, to be diligently viewed and engraven in Copper Plates: committing to writing, his own perpetual observations thereof; so that no man was better acquainted with this World of ours, then Peireskius was with the Hea­venly Orbs, especially the Moon, which the an­cient Sages of Italy were wont to call Antich­thôn, the other Earth. Whose Eclipses he did both observe himself, and caused them, by all Ma­thematicians, to be more diligently observed then formerly; not that he might assist the la­bouring Goddess, whose shape like another En­dymion, he beheld and admired; but that there­by he might finde out, and set down the sure and certain distances of Cities, Havens, and Islands, both from the four Coasts of Heaven, and one from another: and so take away the received [Page 264]Errors of Travellers, and Seafaring-men. A thing before, not so much as endeavoured by a­ny, except one or two, and they great Kings: which it was hoped, that Peireskius would at last happily accomplish. For he caused most accu­rate observations of the Eclipses to be made, in the most renowned Cities of the old and new World; of which observations, the most excel­lent he said, was that which he received from Naples, from his good friend, Johannes Camillus Gloriosus, an excellent Mathematician. And herein he used the continual Assistance of Petrus Gassendus, the most excellent Astronomer, and Philosopher in France, intimately acquainted with Peireskius; so that he lived with him ma­ny years together in his own House, as a bosom friend, where he was assistant at his death: and now out of the dear memory he beares to his Name and Vertues, he is intended to write an History of his Life; which makes me rejoyce, that the work which I had long since designed, is now taken out of my hands, by a most learned man, and my very loving friend; yea, and I con­gratulate the Memory of Peireskius in that be­half.

The excellent pains he took in describing your Antiquities (O Roman Academicks) I cannot passe over in silence: seeing there came no Ʋ ­tensils, nor Ornaments of the ancient Romans to his hands (of which he had very many in his house) of which he left not something or other in writing, but most copiously and diligently touching the Weights, Measures, and Tripodes of the Ancients. [Page 265]I omit the rest of his works, in other parts of Learning. I shall only add his Letters and Epi­stles, to increase the admiration. Which were so many and so learned, as, if he had writ nothing besides, he might neverthelesse have been said to have gone through the whole Encyclopaedia or perfect Orbe of all Learning and liberal Arts. For you cannot think of any rare and excellent Argument in all the Arts and Sciences, of which Peireskius did not write to all learned men, ei­ther asking their judgment, or returning his own being asked, learnedly, frequently, and very largely; so that he seems to have filled all Cities in all Countreys, with his Letters, shall I say, or volums rather. And that you may know I speak no more than the truth in this point, con­sider I pray you with me how many, and what for Epistles he sent to this very City, for exam­ples sake. There are extant an almost innumera­ble company, written to Pope Urbanus the 8th; and to Cardinal Franciscus Barberinus, compre­hending that knowledge of good Arts, which we all admire in those two most excellent and learned Princes. There are extant Letters to Caesar Baronius and to Johannes Franciscus, Vi­dius Balneus, Cardinals: to Josephus Maria Sua­resius a Prelate: to Christophorus Puteanus and Constantinus Cajetanus, all of them persons re­nowned for the Science of great Arts; touching Religion and matters Divine, as also of humane affairs and history, to Cardinal Ʋidus Bentivolus and Augustinus Mascardus, persons best seen in that Art of any, not only in this City, but in all Italy: and touching the abstruse and hidden things of Nature, to Cassianus Putealis and Pe­trus [Page 266]Vallensis, both of them renowned, as well for their knowledge in natural Philosophy, as other great endowments. There are extant Letters of his touching Humanity, (as they call it) and the ancient Tongues of Europe, Asia, and Africk; as also concerning the latter Languages, as the Gothick, Cantabrick, Provincian, Italian, to Lucas Holstenius, Gabriel Naudaeus, Leo Alla­tius, Ʋincentius Noguera, and Fredericus Ubaldi­nus, men excellently and perfectly skilled in the said Languages; also to Cardinal Franciscus Bon­compagnus, Ʋincentius Justinianus, Maria Felix Zachus, and Alexander Rondaninus her husband, Stephanus Gnaldus and Claudius Menetrius, men most diligent in searching out and preserving the Reliques of Antiquity, touching Statues, Coins, ancient Jewels: also touching Books anciently written and Manuscripts, to those rare men Cardinal Scipio Cobellutius and Nicolaus Ale­mannus; whom Peireskius intirely loved, and whose benignity in opening to him the treasures of the Vatican Library, he exceedingly wanted when he was dead. These men (ô Academicks) [...] know to have been most excellent in all Arts; which I have therefore the more willingly reckoned up & as it were mustered out, because all of them in a manner, as well Peireskius him­self, having bin long since chosen into this Aca­demy, have illustrated the splendor and glory of your order, and daily illustrate the same. More­over, he sent the like or a greater quantity of Letters, not only to other Cities in Italy; espe­cially to Padua to Licetus, Rolius, Argolius, and Thomasmus, samous men in the Arts by them professed: but also to Mantua, Paris, Oxford, [Page 267]Leyden, Lovane, Augsburge, Ʋindobona, and other renowned Cities of the new & old world, flourishing with famous and learned men. With which Letters truly of his, he linked and united in a way of learned Commerce and correspon­dency, not only the Nations on this and the the other side of the Alpes, but all other Nations also of Europe and the barbarous people to boot; so that in conclusion he made common to all those Nations, those good Arts and all their In­struments, which for the good of all he had trea­sured up in his own study and mind. So that we must not judge of the excellency of Peireskius his learning, nor of the worth and greatness of his study, by his writings and other Monuments of the Ancients which are extant in his house; but we must rather conclude, that there are no fa­mous Libraries in the whole world, in which some part of the Library of Peireskius is not to be found; and that no Books have been set forth in this Age of ours, exceeding fruitful of Wri­ters, which do not carry with them, as well the Learning as Name of Peireskius.

Imagine with your selves (O Academicks) that all studious persons do make as it were one Body, in the middest whereof Peireskius performs the office of that quiet part, for the nutriment whereof, all the other Members in their several places, do all they do; and whose ministry is no lesse industrious, nourishing as much as it is nourished: so that with an insatiable desire of reading and learning, devouring all the food of study and erudition, which all men every where gathered and heaped up for him, he turned the same by his heat of meditation and writing, [Page 268]into juyce and blood; which in like manner he dispersed into all parts as a common nourish­ment of all Wits, unless we should rather say, that Peireskius was the Soul of that same illustrious and immortal Body, which governed the whole, and by his force and Divinity, did preserve and augment all and every the parts thereof. I said Divinity, O Academicks: for he who spent a great part of the short age of fifty seven years in peregrinations and the Kings Gourt, another part in the Parliament of Aix where he twice a day attended his Senatorian office; & could ne­vertheless leave so many, & so illustrious Monu­ments of his love of Learning, & his liberality in the advancement thereof, to the eternal memory of posterity; more Books and Letters written with his own hand, than other long-liv'd men, abounding with leasure are wont to read, both in Latine, Italian, and French: he, I say, seems to me worthy to be accounted more than a man. Moreover, that this Divine soul of Peireskius, be­ing now free from the fetters of his earthly body, is mounted aloft, and entred into possession, of that eternal and coelestial Mansion, to lead there most happily among the holy Saints, that life he happily liv'd amongst us, you have (ô Roman Academicks) all the reason in the world to think; & to honor the same with all Honors, which are wont to be conferred on the greatest Heroes. For, besides that he lived with the greatest inte­grity and innocency possible; he was also a great houourer of the Romane Religion and the Ceremonies thereof, wherein he persisted most constant, to his very last breath. He valiantly contended for the Catholick Faith, so that he [Page 269]reduced many thereto, even of those that had left that most ancient and holy Religion, and obliged themselves to new and strange ones; having not without hope of victory, assailed three of the most learned of that way. Shew therefore your thankfulnesse (O Academicks) in ador­ning the funerals of that man, who has so many waies, so excellently deserved of the Roman Common-wealth; and as you have thought fit, that he should be honoured by a publick Decla­ration of his Praises; so, what I, through the scantiness of my wit and the time, have not been able in my Oration to set forth (sutable to the Grandeur and Dignity of the Argument: do you at present supply, with your most delicate and curious Verses: and, for the time to come, give this noble Gentleman deceased, instead of a short life, a lasting memory; and which will be of all things to him most acceptable, enter as it were into the inheritance of his Studies, and constantly hold the same. And you, most vene­rable Fathers, as you have brought to the man­nagement of that Common-wealth whereunto you are called, all the most excellent Virtues of Peireskius, worthy to be imitated by the greatest and in all things praise-worthy most eminent Princes, such as you are; go on, I beseech you, and proceed in this good course, imitating his divine care and royally magnificent liberality, in the advancement of those Arts, wherein all civi­lity and elegancy of life, and even humanity it self, do consist and are contained; as also by lo­ving those men that study the same, and adorning them with Honours, and such Benefices and Pre­fermeuts, as those holy and Religious Ancestors [Page 270]of yours, have thought fit to bestow upon them. For an unworthy and shameful thing it were, that those men should lye in the dirt, by whose labour and watchings, Learning, the best thing God ever gave to mankind, does now chiefly flourish: being altogether worthy of all favour and authority, amongst you. For they, by the eternal Monuments of their writings, do conse­crate to immortality, such Princes and worthy Personages, as have deserved well of them and their Virtues; as on the contrary, being wron­ged, or neglected, they brand them with such marks of infamy and reproach, as the longest tract of Time, nor the armed hands of Tyrants, cannot wipe off or deface. You ought not there­fore by any means, to give ear to certain worth­lesse persons, who though they serve to no other end than to fill up the number of your Court, and to enhance the price of Corn and other Victuals, yet like empty hogsheads, turning this way and that way, whose vacuity makes them nimble, and full of empty found; do make great stirrs, laughing and hooting, as well at the dispo­sitions and manners of learned men as at the use and dignity of Learning it self. Learned men (right reverend Fathers) are the most harmless and temperate sort of men in the world; be­cause, they spend all their time and study, which the foresaid cocks-combs are wont to employ in ambition, avarice, or things ridiculous and fil­thy, in the contemplation of the greatest and most excellent things in the world: nor are they, as those men call them, wayward and crab­bed,; but such as make an accurate estimate of things: nor stubborn and proud; but such as [Page 271]can neither act, nor endure things unworthy an ingenuous man: not slouching, and sneaking; but modest: finally, not clownish and rude; but following the ancient manners, and so full huma­nity, that the Arts which they profess have from thence their name. As for Learning it self, how great maintenance as well as ornament it, af­fords to well constituted Cities, may from this City of yours alone appear: which as it was in times past afflicted, through neglect thereof; even so now, a most learned and most wise Pope, bestowed as a coelestial gift and Divine pre­sent from God himself, is the cause, that your Cōmon-wealth does at this day gather strength and flourish; that it is happy; and that, in a word, while other parts of the world are shaken, and tossed with the tempests of Wars and other cala­mities, This alone enjoyes it self in Peace and Rest: which I beseech the most good and great God, long and long for to continue.

A LETTER OF Gabriel Naudaeus TO Petrus Gassendus, Concerning the Death of Peireskius.

BEing urged more then once, to commu­nicate those Astronomical observati­ons, which I made at your request, to those renowned men Fortunius Lice­tus, & Scipio Claromontius; & being solicited like­wise by your Letters, to continue that mutual entercourse of friendship, whereby we have heen long since nearly united one to another; I take it for an Argument of your very great love; that though I have been so long silent, yet out of your singular humanity and good will, you have not been offended with me therefore: judging that I have not been wanting to our mutual love and the singular respect I bear you, though being busie about my Treatise, De Studio Militari, I have in the mean time neglected to answer your Letters; save that I frequently signified to our common friend, the renowned Peireskius, [Page 274]that as soon as ever I got any leasure I would re­turn such an answer to all your Letters, that you should have no reason to complain, that your most delightful Urbanity and pleasant jesting, has not bin by me answered, and recompensed with like festivity. But, O the uncertainty of mortal things! O cruel Fates! O that bitter death milchievous to all good men, which is fallen out in the middest of our jollity! that incompara­ble Person being then taken away, when we thought of nothing lesse than his death. For where was the Blazing-Star? Where the Thrn­der and Lightning? Where was the earth-quake and unwonted noises? Where the Apparitions and Prodigies, which might be expected at the death of that man, the greatest, the best, the wi­sert, in the whole world? Historians verily do mock and sweetly delude us, when they tell us that no Princes depart this world, without such signs and tokens, foreshewing their death. For, I beseech you (my dear Gassendus) how can it be, if the world is not governed by chance (as indeed it is not, but ruled at the pleasure of Divine provi­dence) that Heaven takes care of such men, as ra­ther by the blind disposal of Fortune than their own merits, are advanced to Thrones and Scep­ters, being commendable for nothing but riches & power which they most wisely abuse to the ru­ine of mankind, through the extream filthiness of their flagitious lives: and in the mean time the Heaven is silent, the Moon heedlesse, nothing new or unusual is seen in the Elements or such live-Creatures (if any such there be) as foretell things to come, at the death of those, who by their virtue have obtained a most ample and [Page 275]honourable Kingdom, among the sons of men; who being born for the good of all men, are by their labour, study, industry, helpful unto all; and draw the whole world into admiration, by the Fame and commendation of their Merits? And if I shall say, that Peireskius deserved this praise the best of any man, either in these or for­mer times, no man will contradict me that is not an enemy to Virtue, envious at his glory, or ignorant of those things, wherein all good and learned men are agreed. For, was there ever a man, I pray you, better skilled in Antiquity, Nature, Chronologie, History, and Languages? or more ready to assist the labours of studious men, by Speech, Letters, Books, Models, Plants, Animals, Pictures, Coins, and the like Monu­ments of ancient and latter times? Or in a word, better fitted to do all this, with Will, Wealth, Authority, Knowledge, Providence, and other Virtues; with a mutual consent of all which, that man must be adorned, that will undertake like the renowned Peireskius, to govern the learned world by his beck and at his pleasure. Which truly, how hard a thing it is to do, you may here­by (friend Gassendus) conjecture, in that if you have recourse to all the Heroes of ancient times, you shall not find any one that has done the like. And though the times immediatly foregoing, have afforded Vincentius Pinellus and Dominicus Molinus, men peradventure not much inferiour to Peireskius, for their endeavours and desire to assist learned men, yet I know not how, they wanted divers helps, which Peireskius had, by which he was enabled to hold on his course with full sail, from his early youth to his very last age. [Page 276]And verily with what facility he did all this, no man can be ignorant, save he that cannot see the Sun at Noon-day. For, who knows not, that his mouth was not the mouth of a man, but of Delphick Apollo, out of which Oracles daily issu­ed, touching the most abstruse and hidden things? and that his house was like a renowned Mart or Fair, full of most precious Wares brought from both the Indies, Aethiopia, Graece, Germany, Italy, Spain, England, and the nearer Provinces; and that no Ship entred the Havens of France, which did not bring some strange Beast, rare out-landish Plants, ancient Marbles, engraven or inscribed; Books in the Samaritan, Coptick, Arabick, Hebrew, China, and Creek Tongues, or Reliques of highest Antiquity from Peloponesus, into the only Treasurie of Peireskius? Finally, who can be ignorant, that he did not gather all this Treasure for his own delight, or to adorn his study, that they might ly there, as in the Cellars of the Capitol, or Sepulchres, where it was unlawful to remove or take any thing out, for the bene­fit of others: but that Peireskius made this Law to himself, that if he knew any learned men that might be assisted by his Counsels, Wealth, Books, Statues, or Marbles, he would not stay till with importunate intreaties they should defire the same; but he would offer the same of his own accord, and cause it to be brought unto their houses; so that, I could almost say, he did over­whelm all learned men with the greatnesse and frequency of his benefits. But, what need is there that I should write these things to you, most excellent Gassendus, who have with your [Page 277]own eys seen more of the brave actions of that rare man, worthy to be remembred to the daies of Eternity than any other man is able to set down in writing; that being a work fit for none but your self, who in your love to him and the Elegancy of your style and expression, give place to no man? Verily, seeing no part of his life was without a Miracle; seeing there was never man in this world, to whom learned men were so much and so greatly endebted; since the grea­test part of what for some decads of years last past, has been beautifully, elegantly, and learned­ly observed, came from him for the most part; nor should he be reckoned among mortal men, were it not for his immature and bitter death, ô grief to tell, who ought alwaies to have lived: I am very well convinced, that every man is not fit to transmit his memory to posterity; for that a vulgar mouth should do it, were great wickednesse; yet, to find out words sutable to so great and incomparable merits, seems to me a very hard thing. To gather therefore together a Breviary of the Life of this great Patron of the Muses, out of the whole world, whereinto it was diffused into a small Volume; this is such a work, which unlesse you shall perform most learned Gassendus, who have the command of a pure ele­gant & proper style, used to write of matters Di­vine & Caelestial, of which kind all good men ac­count Peireskius to have bin; and who art wont to reduce the supream Orbes and their Miracles, which are not verily more large than the Fame & merits of Peireskius, most artificially into a small Globe: I can hardly find any man man else, who can so fitly and happily perform this work. [Page 278]For though all that were friends to Peireskius, are furnished with Wit and Eloquence, and they are all as well as you concerned to cele­brate that man, whose memory ought to be to them most sacred; and although many things which may be set down and alledged touching his most excellent disposition, his industry, and wonderful readiness to assist the endeavours of good men, may be known to any man as well as your self, by his most excellent actions and works; yet can it not be denied, that the grea­test of his Praises, are better known to you than any other, by reason of the intimate acquain­tance you had with him, and your continual li­ving in the house and dealing with him for ma­ny years together. Come on therefore (my Gas­sendus) take that pen in hand, which has bin ac­customed to defend or praise gallant men, as well as to explain the Miracles of Nature, and the Heavens: and think with your self, that in so doing, you shall profit all the learned; honot his and your Countrey; advance the glory and splendor of great Person ages and Princes, whiles out of that great love you have alwaies borne to him living and dead, you shall set forth the true Picture of Peireskius, who did incite and assist all men to be vertuous, nor only to be seen, but imitated also by them. As for me who have al­waies so accounted of Peireskius, as one in whom Nature was chiefly intended to try her strength, in producing such a man, as might want nothing excellent and comely, as far as mortal nature was capable; so that I cannot set him forth with words as I ought, because the riches of his Me­rits have impoverished my Rhetorick: there­fore [Page 279]I most earnestly beseech you, to take this one task in hand; and I shall then conceive the piety of my self, and others satisfied, who are bound to prosecute the memory of Peireskius, with eternal honour and grateful veneration; if by you, both the present Age and future Gene­ration, shall be made to understand, that Peires­kius was not only most learned and most muni­ficent, which the whole world can witnesse; but a man most great and good beyond comparison, a prime Patron of learned men; one for pru­dence and learning, and all kind of virtues so ex­cellent, that he ought in that respect to be recko­ned amongst the miracles of our Age, and hono­red accordingly. Farewel, and read, if sorrow will give you leave, what I have mournfully written, as one suddenly smitten with excee­ding grief.

Out of the Praeface of the Renowned Salmasius, be­fore Cebes his Table in Arabick.

AMong those kind of men, whose losse their friends ought to lament, both for their own sake, and the publick, there died three years since, Nicolaus Fabricius, Lord of Peiresk, a man honoured, as soon as named. Whom did not Fame report to have bin such an one, as I knew him to be, I would here endeavour to paint him out with my Pensil, though with rude lines, and obscure colours, as the most perfect Picture and Pattern of all Vertue, and all kind of Learning. I would endeavour, I say, to do that, the least part of which I could not promise my self to be able to accomplish, as it ought to be. I would perform verily, what I owe to that mans merits towards me, which will never slip out of my minde, so long as I have a day to live. But see­ing I cannot so do it, but that I must omit more then I shall be able to set down; it being impos­sible to do it compleatly, and suitable to his life and fame; I am forced to gather in my Sails, and creep under the shoare, least venturing into such a vast Sea of prayses with my small Cock­boat, I should be in danger of drowning. Let it therefore suffice to say, that the Sun never shone upon a man for many Ages past, who was more [Page 281]desirous to advance the Common-wealth of Learning, nor who, while he lived, did more ad­vance the same. As his Curiosity was not drawn forth by one kind of Science alone, so neither was his Benevolence, joyned with a beneficent mind, felt only by one kind of men. There are innumerable others, whom I know, who, if they be not unthankful, will do their utmost endea­vour, to publish to the World, what, and how much they owe unto him. As for mine own par­ticular, his kindnesses to me were so many, en­deavouring by all the wayes he could to assist my Studies, that I can hardly comprehend them in my thoughts, much lesse can I by words express them. All which helps and furtherances, though I must now want, he being taken away, to the great stop and hinderance of my Studies, especi­ally in the Aegyptian and Arabick Tongues: yet I more lament the losse of the Common-wealth of Learning, by his Death, then my own Detri­ment; however, I am sufficiently sensible thereof, to this very day. Next to this losse, which I con­fess, concerns the whole Common-wealth, as much as mine own parricular, and is much to be lamented, there is none more grievous, &c.

An ADDITION. To the Life of the Renowned PEIRESKIUS. To the famous Franciscus Henricus, that great Favourer of Learning, and my singular good Friend, Petrus Borellus Castrensis, Doctor of Physick, sends Greeting.

YOu have at length (Renowned Sir) procu­red the most Learned Petrus Gassendus, though much taken up with divers Studies, to fit the life of the most famous Peireskius, the third time for the Presse, and to illustrate the same with new additions, and to distinguish the Text, which was formerly continued, into cer­tain Verses or Paragraphs, for the more commo­dious use of the Readers. The work being at length by your care committed to the Presse, and almost finished; I gave intimation, that I had collected here and there, certain Testimonies of great Men, concerning Peireskius, after his Death: which to omit upon this occasion, as, it were a kind of sacriledge, and in jurious to the glory of the Gentleman deceased; so, I have [Page 283] [...]ht fit here to subjoyn such Testimonies, as [...] co lected out of divers Authours, printed [...] his Death, according to your Request, and [...] the Consent of Gassendus: and in the first place,

Out of a Book of Athanasi­us Kircherus, called Lingua Aegyptiaca re­stituta, Printed at Rome in Quarto, Anno 1644.

AFter he had related, that a Copto-Arabick Dictionary was found in Aegypt, by the most illustrous Knight Petrus à Valle, a Patrician of Rome, he adds that which follows: Mean while, the most Renowned Nicolaus Fabricins, Lord of Peiresk, a Senator in the Parliament of Aix, and the glory of learned men, being informed of this Treasure, newly brought out of Aegypt, he left no stone unturned to procure the same to be turned into Latine, and printed for the common good. Whiles therefore in other places, and chiefly in France, where the Studies of all Languages and Arts do ex­ceedingly flourish, a fit man was sought to under­take this work; I at last, being banished out of Ger­many, by reason of the Swedish I umults, and coming into my own Country of France, was, by the earnest [Page 284]sollicitation of my friends from all parts, and chiefly, by the intreaties of my most familiar friend, Pei­reskius, compelled to put my shoulders under the bur­then, though scarce strong enough to bear the same.

By which may be seen, the great Affection of Peireskius, to learned Men, wherewith he was wont to cherish them, by his most courteous wri­tings to assist them, and most magnificently to seek to confer upon them, all the Benefits which came in his way; thereby also may be seen his great Study to reveal secrets, to the end, he might assist as much as he could the Learned Common­wealth, in such things, wherein they were most deficient. Which he rarely performed, by pro­moting this Copto-Arabick work: in which, ma­king a way into the most secret Closets of the Ancient Aegyptians, our new Interpreter, by the assistance of his good Angel, has revealed the hidden Mysteries of natural Magick, and their sa­cred Arts and Cabals.

And in the 528. page, in a Supplement to the Chapter of the names of God, he explains an Hieroglyphic figure in which the Sun and Moon, and many other things were contained within a Snake coiled round, and holding his tail in his month. And thus he goes on.

And now let us see, whether there are yet to be found any foot steps of these Coptick names, in the Aegyptian Ruines; the Copticks before cited assirm the same, and that fragment of Ae­gyptian Antiquity, which that rare man of im­mertal Memory, Nicolaus Fabricius Lord of Peiresk, [...]ut of his incredible love to me and [Page 285]my Studies, such as they are, among many other things which wanted an O [...]dipus to explain them, sent unto me to be interpreted, does more then sufficiently demonstrate the same. In which the names of four Gods, which rule the four Quarters of the world, are to be seen fair­ly represented in the most ancient Coptick Let­ters; as also in words, between the Characters of the Sun and Moon, compassed by a Serpent: the Picture thereof, he there sets down.

Out of the Obelissus Pam­philius of the said Kir­cherus, printed at Rome in Folio, Anno, 1650.

Having praemised an exhortatory Epistle to the Readers, skilled in abstruse Learning; and ha­ving rendred a Reason of the Title of the work, and the occasion of Writing the same, he adds these following passages.

Sixteen years are now past (friendly Reader) since in the time of Pope Urban the eighth, I was sent for out of France, to Rome, to try if I could interpret the Inscriptions of the Roman Obeliskes; it being reported, that I had taken [Page 286]upon me the Restitution of this kind of Learn­ing, out of a very ancient Arabian Manuscript the business being eagerly urged and prosecuted by that great Maecenas of learned Men, Nico­laus Peireskius a Senator in the Parliament of Aix in Provence.

And after that Kircherus had shewed (from the very words of Gassendus) how he was invited by Peireskius, and desired to bring with him, the Arabian Manuscript, writ by Rabbi Barachia Ne­phi, teaching the way to interpret Hieroglyphicks; together, with some example of an Interpretari­on and his own notes; he observes, that the Au­thours right name is Abenephius, and then reck­oning up such as had bin assidant to the work, he has these words.

This Treasury, and Shop of Antiquities, did first belong to that Gentleman, worthy of im­mortal prayse and memory, Nicolaus Peires­kius, a most renowned Senator of Aix in Pro­vence; who out of his zeal to promote these Studies, caused all his Aegyptian Rarities, which he had in his Treasuries of Antiquities, to be drawn out, and sent to me at Rome, to as­sist me in my Restitution of the Art of interpre­ting Hieroglyphicks.

And again in Page 451.

Just against the Chain, there is the figure of a sacred Cup or Chalice, which the Priests used in their Sacrifices; which may be known, by that Hieroglyphical Representation upon a certain Aegyptian Amphora (a model whereof was [Page 287]sent me from the Store-house of Peireskius) in which the Priests being to sacrifice to their God Mophtasen, or Niligenius, did hold this fi­gure in their hands, as it were a certain Cup, with its appropriate Liquor; by which means, I first came to know the signification of this Fi­gure.

And again, in Page 473, he propounds the same figure, and makes again honourable menti­on of Peireskius.

Peireskius and Kircherus, were an Example to all men, by so much Expense, Care and Labour, advancing the common good. And I could wish, that such Jewels, Coines, Vessels, Statues, and other such like things, as lie hid in the Closets of Antiquaries, might be brought to light, for the explanation of ancient Histories, and the aug­mentation of Learning; which I have small hopes to see effected in these dayes of ours, in whith there are few Kirchers, and never a Peines­kius.

After Kircherus, Mersennus comes to be con­sidered, whom when Peireskius knew to be wri­ting of Universal Harmony, and all kind of Mu­sick; he presently sent him the names of two Musicians, which contained the six Musical notes, UT RE MI FA SOL LA in them, let­ter for letter, not one over, or under. Of which Mersennus makes mention, in his first Volume of Universal Harmony, printed at Paris, in the year 1636. Now their names were these.


That wonderful things have bin sometimes sound out in Anagrams, who can deny? Witness the Sybilla Gallica, in which Thomas Billonius, an Advocate in the Parliament of Aix, has curi­ously abbreviated the Life of King Lewes the thir­teenth, by divers Anagrams comprehended in Heroical Verses; which I do not mention in this place, as intending to assert the Art of Divi­nation by names; much lesse, the foolish and chymerical Conceits of Robert Flud, touching the same: but to bring upon the Stage an Art (to me well known) but through the carelesness of Students, not sufficiently searched into by which through the Doctrine of Combinations, all the Anagrams which can possibly be made of any name, may, without any labour, be seen at one view; nor can there more be found out by any Created Being, Man or Angel; so that if the name consist of four Letters, it will afford 24. A­nagrams; if of five, an hundred and twenty; and so of the rest ad infinitum; so that of a word or speech of sixty four Letters, there does arise by these Combinations, the wonderful product of ninety Cyphers, out of which, a skilful Composer may frame as many Anagrams. And so much may suffice to have said occasionally, in praise of this Art.

But that the six musical Notes, ƲT RE MI FA SOL LA, should be contained in the names aforesaid, is but a matter of chance, may appear, in that the said Notes (setting aside the Ana­grammatism) are contained in the Hymne, which is wont to be sung, on the Nativity of St. John Baptist, as you may here behold.

UT queant laxis REsonare fibris,
MIra gestorum, F Amuli, tuorum,
SO Lve polluti LAbii reatum,
Sancte Johannes, &c.

To reckon up in this place the Rarities con­tained in the Study of Peireskius, would be a work too long for an Epistle. Howbeit, I shall briefly touch upon such things, as it was my hap to meet with here and there. And the first shall be that same Greek Manuscript of Constantinus Porphyrogeneta, mentioned by Gassendus, peri A­retes cai Cacias, of Vertue and Vice, out of which Valesius gathered an whole Book, and printed the same, which is now kept, in the ample Library of Msr. Ranchinus, a Senator in Languedock; also the Epistle of a certain Sultan, to an ancient King of France written in Arabick Characters upon a silken Paper, sprinkled with small streaks of pure gold, which shine up and down, which (being in some sort useful for our Histories) I shall cause to be printed, with an Interpretation in the Mother Tongue. I must not forget to tell you, how I saw a Cymbal of Brasse, exceeding neat, which came out of the same study: it was of a round shape, like an Orenge, hollow within, and divided into two parts, like two Acorn Cups, out of the bot­tom of which arose another Cup, which was fa­stened to the other, not by the surface, but only in one point where it toucht, which (the two first being drawn down parallel from the top, and boared as it were with so many holes) being never so little stirred with the hand, would make a musical sound, which lasted a quarter and half [Page 290]quarter of an houre, sending forth, by repercussi­on of the Aire, a manifold Eccho.

Out of the same Study, came that Volume of the Travels of Vincentius, mentioned by Gassen­dus, being deposited with Peireskius in his life­time; which intending to print, he was hindred by the foolish Discourses of Blancus, touching the plain Surface of the Earth, and other such like things; till at last, after both their Deaths, it was in the year 1649 again taken in hand, and printed at Paris. Touching which, I desire such as are curious to take notice, that the true Ori­ginal Copy of the said Journey of Blancianus, is kept by Mr. Hardii, a Senator of Paris, which be­ing compared with the printed Edition, does in some things vary therefrom, being likewise en­larged with Topographical Maps of the places, and the lively Pictures of the several Cloathings of divers Nations. And if the Book come to be printed again, I dare say, the Original Copy may be procured of that most courteous Gentleman, to make the Edition thereby more compleat.

These things I had to say (Renowned Sir) touching Peireskius, which supposing they would not be to you unpleasing, I have therefore more willingly published under your name, because I knew you to be a very great Referencer of Per­sons rarely learned; in whose foot steps glori­ously treading, you daily search into the deepest mysteries, furthered by your Genius, so desirous to learn; and what you search into, you examine with a piercing Judgement; what you finde out, you commit to writing; from whence, the rich Treasures of Nature, will one day advance into the World, compleatly written by your eloquent [Page 291]Pen. Which God grant for the common good, and your own immortal prayse.

In the mean while (most loving friend) as I now present this pledge of my Devotion to you, so shall I daily (God willing) prepare some bet­ter, and more worthy presents, viz. the third and fourth Centuries of wonderful observations; one Century of such as belong to our Micro­cosme; a second part of Bibliotheca Chymica; the Life & Philosophy of Democritus; a Trea­tise of an Universal Language, and touching the way to expound the foure-square Venetian Cy­pher, with a Key: all which will, I hope, be ac­ceptable to the curious. Dated at Paris, the Ka­lends of July, 1654.

To Petrus Borellus, Dr. of Physick, his loving friend F. H. P. L.

YOu are an happy man, friend Borellus, whom good Fortune has made after so many years, an Amplifier of the Dignity of Peireskius. Happy man am I, to whom you have directed your commendations of a man so heroically vertuous. And we are both happy, whom Gassendus has thought fit to propagate the memory of that renowned Man, himself being the most worthy praiser of the Vertues of Peireskius, [Page 292]and the perfect writer of his life. By whose meanes Posterity will abundantly honour the most glorious name of that great Heroe, which all learned men ought to admire, and commend the same to eternity. What was the habit of his Body, what the manners of his minde, and what his Studies, have bin so punctually set down by Gassendus, and in a style so sublime, that no man well advised, can pretend to add a tittle thereun­to. For he has given us a most perfect Picture of that brave Man, expressed his rare works, and in a pure style graphically painted forth, his man­ners, and inclination to all excellent Learning. He has set forth to Posterity a genuine example of polite Literature, and plentiful grounds of emu­lation to the learned World. For by his most happy undertakings, the Muses have recovered their spirit, life and Countrey, whom the Barba­risme of the former Age had banished out of the World. To whom therefore must the Muses ac­knowledge their liberty, when they shall reflou­rish? to whom shall Studies and Arts acknow­ledge their recovery? to whom shall learned men attribute the increase of Sciences, and those helps tending to unlock the most abstruse points of knowledge? To whom, but to Peireskius, and in the next place to Gassendus; who was the first that did what no body else could do, in painting out to the Life, that worthy Heroe in a Picture which shall last to eternity. I shall not go about ambi­tiously to praise the one or the other; for they need no prayses, who are above all Commenda­tion, and greater then any Titles can be given them; whose renown will be immortal. I shall only resume his Studies (which Gassendus has [Page 293]most accurately prosecuted in his sixth Book) and contract them into a small handful, propounding his Manuscripts at large, for the common good of those, who desire the same. But I need not ex­plain these things to the learned; I conceive it may suffice to say, that this most unwearied Gen­tleman laboured all his life, in gathering the same, to this only end, that he might be as a Midwife to Posterity. Give me leave here to set down the very words of Gassendus, and therein to admire the lowly modesty of that most eminent Man, whose words touching himself, are these in Gassendus, viz. that he was unable to produce a ma­ture and elegant birth, or to lick the same into any shape: as if he could be thought insufficient for such a burthen, who left at his death, fourscore and two Books, of his own hand-writing, of all most exquisite Arguments; considerable for their Bulk; but more for the variety and excellency of the subject matter, in which he sets open to all men, a Treasury of most choyse Learning, by as­sistance whereof, they who like him are wont to search into the depths of Erudition, may be ina­bled to support the decaying Arts, and save them from perishing. Now what chance this great trea­sure of his has undergone, which has bin hitherto hid from the learned, I shall here briefly hint, yea and ingenuously intimate, who it is which hides the same; that such as are disposed particularly to examine these great Riches by him heaped up, or (if possible) to publish the same, so as to satisfie the great thirst of those, that earnestly enquire af­ter them; they may have the opportunity, to search into the very bowels of these Books, and bring forth the Treasure they meet with for the [Page 294]common good; that the victorious labours of that rare man may be admired, and that others being enriched with his spoiles, may prosecute and perfect what has bin by him begun, and de­liver the same as an Inheritance to Posterity, through the munificence of that great Maecenas. Ten years after his Death, his Heires caused his Library to be brought to Paris; vvhich, in the year 1647, I saw there, consisting of a great Company of Books, most curiously bound. But alas! what a miserable fate it underwent vvhen it came to sale they know, vvho grieve for such a losse never to be repaired. For this most rich Library might, yea and ought to have bin reserved for the Muses; or at least those precious Books, vvhich by infinite Labour, vvere procured from all the choisest Li­braries in the World, should have bin sold all together; but the renowned Genius of this Li­brarie being extinct, so fate ordered the matter, that being torn into piece-meales, it miserably perished; vvhich is so ordered, I conceive, by the eternal providence of God, that all men may re­member, in the midst of their most eager Col­lections of Books (vvho are apt with too much confidence to brood over their learned Trea­sures) that such things as are collected in time, will likewise after certain revolutions, passe away with time. His Manuscripts doubtles, had bet­ter fortune. For that excellent and learned Man Petrus Puteanus, when he was living caused very providently his said Manuscripts to be separated from the rest of the Books, both to preserve the Labours of his friend from perishing, and to sa­tisfie the learned Common-wealth, which is ex­tream thirsty, after abstruse knowledge. Having [Page 295]therefore put all the sheets, being in certain bundles, according to the accurateness of his judgement, into several Classes, suitable to the variety of the Arguments; he caused them, being so placed in order, to be bound up into fourscore and two Volumes, making a Catalogue of the names of every one of them, to the very least: which Catalogue I do now publish, having never before seen the light. With which (that I might not seem to do any thing negligently) I have di­ligently compared the several Volumes or Books aforesaid; that by this meanes, learned men may have a Breviary of the said Manuscripts, begun by Putean, and finished by my self. To the ma­king of which Catalogue, that most illustrious Gentleman, Claudius Fabricius, Baron of Rians, the Son of Palavesius, Brother to our Peireskius, did much contribute (very readily lending all the Books to that end) who being renowned by the Noble Titles of his Ancestors (with which the Fabrician Family is famous to this very day) has added thereunto most proper and peculiar gifts of his own minde, viz. sweetness of manners, Candor and Ingenuity, with an industrious wit, thereby to augment, not only the glory of his Unkle, but the growing Wealth of the Literary Republick. I am so far from unthankfully passing over in silence, how I owe all I have done in this business, to the Gentleman aforesaid; that I am ready with the most officious words I am able to return him, as by these presents I do, all possible thanks for his favour to me in this particular. Go to therefore, who ever thou art, that longest after mysterious and hidden secrets of Learning; go to the Peireskian Fountains, which do by their [Page 296]streames plentifully water the field of Learning; you shall finde plenty wherewith to quench your thirst; whether you desire caelestial things, or things terrestial; natural or artificial, old or new. And behold in these a most intent observer, the Judge of most abstruse matters; and celebrate the Phaenix and miracle of his Age; in one word, re­commend to Posterity, this most worthy Gen­tleman deceased, whose Vertues while living, did merit a publick Triumph. Dated at Paris, the last of December, 1654.

A CATALOGUE OF Nicolaus Claudius Fabricius, Lord of Peiresk, and Sena­tor of Aix, his own pro­per Manuscripts.
Printed from the Original Copy of Petrus Puteanus his own hand-writing, being diligently com­pared with the Books themselves, which are at this day in the Custody of the Baron of Rians.

  • Ʋolume I.
    • DUkes and Peers of France, Vol. 1.
    • Dukes and Piers of France, Vol. 2.
  • II.
    • Divers Catalogues of Manuscripts.
    • Divers Catalogues of printed Books.
  • III.
    • Books of divers Heralds touching Coates of Arms.
    • A Miscellanie of divers Coates of Arms, some blasoned some not.
    • Certain fragments touching kingly Robes.
    • Divers Instructions concerning Heraldry.
    • [Page]The Coats of Arms of the greatest Families in Europe blazoned.
    • Figures of divers ancient Tapestries.
  • IV.
    • England Volume 1.
    • England, Volume 2. Scotland.
  • V.
    • Ancient Authors, Greek and Latine, touching weights and measures.
    • Divers Calendars.
    • Of Looking-Glasses, and Spectacles for divers purposes.
    • Observations touching the Eies of Men, and di­vers other Beasts.
    • Effects of the Sight.
  • VI.
    • Touching Maritim affairs.
    • Of Commerce.
    • Matters appertaining to the Law.
  • VII.
    • Inscriptions and Subscriptions of Letters writ­ten by the King, Queen, and others, as well within as without the Realm.
    • Other Memorials touching the same subject.
    • Enlogies and Epitaphs.
  • VIII.
    • Turkes.
    • Voyages.
    • A mixture of divers Papers of the same Subject.
  • [Page]IX.
    • A verbal processe touching the negotiation be­tween Pope Sixtus Quartus, and the Princes of Italy.
    • Memorials of Queen Margaret.
  • X.
    • For the Life of St. Lewis.
    • For the Maid of Orleance.
    • Of the City of Rhemes.
    • Enchanters, Sorcerers.
  • XI.
    • Memorials of the Council of Trent.
    • Assemblies of the Clergie.
  • XII.
    • Chancellours and Keepers of the Seal of France,
    • General Rules for the Houses of the King, the Queens, and the Parliaments.
  • XIII.
    • Genealogies of the House of Austria.
    • Letters and Passages touching the Martiage of England 1624, 1625.
  • XIIII.
    • Acts and Memorials touching Bearn, Metz, Toul, Verdun, Commercy.
  • XV.
    • A Discourse touching the power of the Pope.
    • Touching the power of Kings. Tampin.
    • Whether or no it is lawful to bear Arms for a Prince of a different Religion.
    • [Page]The English Naaman, whether the Catholicks sin that live among Hereticks.
    • Vacancies, and Exactions of the Pope.
    • Bishops, and a Catalogue of Bishops.
    • A Treatise of the Inquisition, by Father Paul.
  • XVI.
    • Ancient Statues and other Antiquities.
    • Precious Stones. Of the Tripod.
    • Seals of divers sorts.
    • Pourtraits of the Princes of the House of Anjou, and other Figures.
  • XVII.
    • Regencies. Portions.
    • Seats of Justice held by Kings in their Parlia­ments.
    • Verifications of Edicts, in the Chamber of Ac­counts, and the Court of Aides or subsidies.
    • The Chamber of Justice against those of the Ex­chequer.
    • Receits of the Exchequer.
  • XVIII.
    • The History of the Marshal of Fleurange.
    • The History of James de Lalain.
    • Lives of the Earles de Carcez.
    • A discourse touching the Life of Monsieur Charls de Lorraine, Duke of Mayenne, by Cornac.
    • The Negotiations of Monsieur de Bassompiere in Spain, touching the Valtelline.
  • XIX.
    • Assises or Assemblies at Hierusalem.
  • XX.
    • The Liberty of the French Church.
  • XXI.
    • A Catalogue of the Books in the Kings Library.
  • XXII.
    • Orations and Discourses.
    • Divers Discourses and Memorials.
    • Genealogies, and other historical Treatises.
  • XXIII.
    • Ancient Genalogies of the Kings of France.
    • Extracts from Chronicles and Histories.
    • French Antiquities, or Extracts from divers Histories.
    • Touching the ancient History of France.
    • Titles and Acts, for the History of the second Race.
    • Priviledges granted by the Popes to the Kings of France.
    • Ancient Inscriptions. Vol. 1.
    • Ancient Inscriptions. Vol. 2.
    • New and Christian Inscriptions.
  • XXV.
    • Divers Orders of Knighthood. Vol. 1.
    • Divers Orders of Knighthood. Vol. 2.
  • XXVI.
    • Ceremonies, Consecrations, and Coronations.
    • Entries. Receptions. Te Deum. Baptisms. Mar­riages. Butials.
    • Reception of the Duke de Pustrane into France.
    • [Page]The Reception of Monsieur du Mayne into Spain.
    • Memorials of divers Ceremonies.
    • A Discourse touching Seats and Places.
    • A memorial touching Places.
    • Of the Debate 'twi xt France and Spain touching Priority of Place.
  • XXVII.
    • Criminal Process or Trials of Robert Earl of Ar­tois, of Gilles de Rail. Of the Constable of St. Paul. Of the Duke of Montmorancy.
    • Divers criminal Arrests, and criminal Processes,
    • A Chronicle of the Metensian Bishops.
    • Chronicon Besnense. Chronicon Novaticense.
    • Chronicle of Berne.
    • Divers Letters and Acts passed between the Emperors and Princes of Germany and the Kings of France.
    • Chronicles and Statues of Monpellier.
    • Divers Chronicles.
  • XXIX.
    • Legati à latere.
    • Indulgences of Cardinals.
    • The Legation of Cardinal Barberin in France and Spain.
  • XXX.
    • Italy, vol. 1. Rome. Urbin. Parma. Este. Gennes. Mantua. Montferat, and Venice.
    • Neutrality of the free County.
    • Italy, vol. 2. Milaine. Savoy and Piedmont. Naples and Sicilie.
    • [Page]The Empire of Constantinople.
  • XXXI.
    • Of the Huguenots or Protestants from the year 1550 to the year 1619. Vol. 1.
    • Of the Huguenots from the year 1620. to 1629. Vol. 2.
  • XXXII.
    • Of Genealogies, vol. 1.
    • Of Genealogies, vol. 2.
    • The General Assembly of Estates holden at Paris, under King John.
    • Other Assemblies in the years 1418. & 1461.
    • Assemblies of the Notables at Roan. 1596. 1617 and at Paris 1627.
    • An Ordinance made in pursuit of the said Assem­bly.
    • A Register containing the Acts of the Estates general assembled at Paris, during the Ligue or Confederacy in the year 1593.
    • Italian Relations Vol. 1.
    • Italian Relations, Vol. 2.
    • Italian Relations, Vol. 3.
    • A Diarie of the Popedome of Leo the 10th.
  • XXXV.
    • A Remonstrance of the third Estate, to the Estates General assembled at Paris in the year, 1615.
    • [Page]A verbal process of the Lievetenant General d'Evreux touching what passed in the said As­sembly.
    • A process verbal of the House of Lords to the said Estates General, 1615.
    • A Remonstrance of the said Lords.
  • XXXVI.
    • Divers Mathematical Treatises.
    • Astronomical Discourses.
    • Sundry Latine Poems.
    • French Poems.
    • Pasquils. Devices.
    • Contracts of Marriage.
    • Contracts of Marriage.
    • Testaments.
  • XXXIX.
    • Spain. Arragon.
    • Flanders Spanish.
    • Holland.
  • XL.
    • Divers Conclaves.
    • Relations of Cardinal Bentivoglio.
  • XLI.
    • Letters of Monsieur Salmasius and Monsieur Peireskius.
    • Italian Letters of divers great Persons.
    • Letters of Monsieur Peireskius.
    • French Letters of divers great Persons.
    • [Page]A Miscellaniee of French Letters.
  • XLII.
    • Parliaments of Paris, Tholouse, Bordeaux, Bre­tagne, Dyon, Metz.
    • Parliament of Provence.
    • Chamber of Accounts.
    • Court of Aides.
  • XLIII.
    • Of Weights and Measures.
  • XLIV.
    • Earls of Thoulose, Languedoc, Montpellier, Dau­phine, Guyenne, Bretagne.
  • XLV.
    • Divers Registers touching Monies.
    • Acts and memorials concerning the business of Monies.
    • Touching Monies.
  • XLVI.
    • Germany, Denmarke, Sweden, Poland, Lor­raine and Bar.
  • XLVII.
    • The Chancellour de l'Hospital.
    • Baldwin.
    • Monsieur du Vair. Monsieur de Villeroy.
    • Monkes. Jesuites.
    • Knights of Malta.
  • [Page]XLIX
    • Mortal Duels. Tiltings.
  • L.
    • Matters Theological.
    • Letters of Popes.
    • Lives of Saints.
    • Certain writings of Hinemarus.
  • LI.
    • Guistres.
  • LII.
    • Gardens and fruits.
  • LIII.
    • Observations of divers wonders in Nature.
    • Curious Inventions.
    • Instructions touching Curiosities.
  • LIV.
    • Memorials touching the Affairs of Switzerland.
    • Touching the Grisons and the Valtelline.
    • Treaties betwixt the French and Switzers.
      • Of the Switzers among them.
      • Of the Grisons with the Switzers and other.
      • Touching the businesse of the Valtelline.
  • LV.
    • Medals. Arabian Medals.
    • Explications and Discourses touching divers Medals.
    • French, Saxon, British Coins, &c.
    • Inventories of divers Cabanets of Medals.

Here I must acquaint the Reader, that divers Books which belong to this 54 Volume, are missing, which he that bought the Coins has in possession, whether justly or no, it concerns not me to enquire. Yet most sure it is that they were cunningly, if not forcibly, got out of the Treasury of Peireskius, and lye at this time in some secret place of the buyers house, so that for this seven years they have not bin seen, nor may be lent to any man, being confined to sight with moths and worms in some dark hole. That Treasure is therefore lost, which the most renow­ned Peireskius had ordained as an assistance to the curiosity of Antiquaries; but by what fate, force or fraud I do not enquire. For that hard man would reap where he had not sowed, and gather where he had not scattered, hiding ano­ther mans talent in the ground.

  • LVI.
    • The Oriental Languages, Hebrew, Samarican, Arabick, Aegyptian.
    • Indexes of Books in the foresaid Languages.
    • Antonius Kircherns his Apparatus for the expla­nation of Hieroglyphicks.
    • Jacobus Gaffarellus touching the Kabala, and Mersennus upon him.
  • LVII.
    • Divers Titles and Acts from Hugh Capet to the year 1399. 1. Vol.
    • Divers Titles and Acts for the History of France, from the year 1400. to 1579. 2. Vol.
    • Divers Titles from 1580. to 1614. 3. Vol.
  • [Page]LVIII.
    • Divers Titles from the year 1615. to 1626. Vol. 4.
    • Divers Titles from 1627. to 1631. Vol. 5.
    • Divers Titles from the year 1632. to 1634. V. 6.
  • LIX.
    • Annals of Giovennazzo. The History of Varchi. The lire of Castruccio Castracani. The life of Saul.
    • An History of the Siege of Malta.
    • An History of the Albigeois.
    • A Chronicle of Savoy.
    • Johannes Baptista Tassis, his Belgick History.
  • LX.
    • Learned Epistles of famous Men.
    • Observations upon divers Authours.
    • Epistles of Petrus Gassendus.
    • Mathematical Observations of Joannes Gualterus, and Peireskius.
  • LXI.
    • An Inventory of the Register of the Ordinances of Parliament of Paris.
    • Divers Inventories and Extracts of the ancient Registers of the Parliament of Paris.
    • A Table of an Inventory of the Registers of the Ordinances of the Parliament of Paris.
  • LXII.
    • A Table of the Ordinances of the Chamber of Accounts.
    • Divers Ordinances.
    • [Page]Memorials of the Chamber of Accompts at Paris.
  • LXIII.
    • Extracts of divers Registers of Parliament, of the Chamber of Accounts and others.
    • A Court-rolle.
    • A Collection of divers ancient Ordinances made by Register du Tillet.
    • Customs of red Wines, by Phlets de Beaumanoi.
    • A Table upon the seven Volumes of the Inven­tory of the Treasure of Charters.
  • LXV.
    • Acts and memorials for the History of Provence, from the year 1441. to the year 1479. V. 1.
    • Acts and Memorials for the foresaid History, from the year 1580. to the year 1590. V. 11.
    • Acts for the foresaid History, from the year 1590, to the year 1637. Vol. 3.
  • LXVI.
    • Particular Relations of what passed in Provence, during the Reign of Henry the 3d and Hen­ry the 4th.
    • Divers Memorials, subservient to the ancient History of Provence.
  • LXVII.
    • Genealogical Treatises for the History of the Earls of Provence.
    • Genealogies and Titles for the House of Fourbin.
  • [Page]LXVIII.
    • Titles and Momorials for the Family of Pourcel­lets. 1. 2.
  • LXIX.
    • Genealogies of Glandevez, Agoult, Sault, Ponte­vez, Rodulphi, Leonce, Benau, Luynes, Brianson, Puget.
  • LXX.
    • Genealogies de Grignan, Simiano, Villenube, Sa­bran, and Castillane.
    • Genealogies of the Baux. de Foresta, Oraison, Las­caris, Ventimille, Brancas, de Callian, Grace, Vallavoire, du Blanc, Lodun, Mondragon, Can­dolle Sceytre, Pontanier, Boucicault, Spinola de Alx, Clemens, &c
  • LXXI.
    • Histories of the Antiquities of Arles, by L. de Romien.
    • An History in form of a journal, touching what has past in Provence, from the year 1562. to the year 1617.
    • A Procez against the Earl of Provence, by the Duke of Lorrain.
  • LXXII.
    • Divers ancient Genealogies of Princes, which have ruled in Provence.
    • A Miscellany of divers Letters, touching the Fa­milies of Provence.
    • Genealogies and Titles for the Houses of Bulbone, Requeston, de Medallionc, de la Garde, Simons, Signa Cornuti, Grimault, Renigliaos, Flotte, Jarante, Cossa.
    • [Page]A Register de Caradet.
    • The Genealogy of the House of Fabricii, and the Families thereto allyed.
    • Cities of Provence, Aix. Arles, Toulon, Yerres, Forcalquier, Brignolles, Erejus, Riants, Nice, and others.
    • Acts and Memorials touching the City of Mar­seilles, and the Lords which have possessed the same.
    • The Statutes of Marseilles.
    • Antiquities of Marseilles, Rhemes, Solers.
    • Arch-Bishop of Arles. Ancient Acts.
    • Bishops of Marseilles, Frejus, Die, Vence, Gap, Digne, Grasse, Senez, Glandevez, Riez, Syste­ron.
  • LXXV.
    • Arch Bishop of Aix, Bishop of Toulon, Apte, St. Paul, Vaison, Cavaillan, Aurange, Nice.
    • Abbeys, De Lerins, de Nazareth, Caroli loci, St. Veran, Lioncel, St. Poris, Almanarra, St. Hie­rosme Correns, St. Mary Magdalanie, Beaugen­sie, Pignans, Barjolz, &c.
  • LXXVI.
    • Abbeys. Of St. Victor de Marseilles, St. Max­imin, Articella, Boscodum and Luze.
    • Abbey. Of Montmajour, of Arlez.
    • Chartrenses of Montriou, Valbonne, Val St. Marie, de Ʋrbonne, de Verne, Bompas.
  • [Page]LXXVII.
    • Avenion.
    • Letters of Pope Clement the 4th.
    • The Earl De Venisse.
    • Aurenge.
  • LXXIX.
    • Very rare Memorials for the History of France, chiefly touching the troubles of the Ligue, or Confederacy in general, and what hap­pened in Provence touching the same.
    • Divers curious Relations made by Mr. Peiresk in Conferences.
    • Ancient Parliaments.
  • LXXX.
    • Grotius Querengus.
  • LXXXI.
    • The third Discourse and Commentaries of Mr. Lewis de Perussiis Esquire, de Coumons, Knight of the Kings Order; also the Con­tinuation of the Warre and Troubles of those times, from the 22th of February 1554. to the year 1581.
    • The Bull of the Legation of Avenion.
The End.

Courteous Reader, these Books following are printed for Humphrey Moseley, at the Princes Armes in Sr. Pauls Church-yard.

Various Histories, with curious Discourses in humane Learning, &c.
  • 1. HIstoricall relations of the united Provinces of Flanders, by Cardinall Bentivoglio: Englished by the Right Honorable Henry Earle of Monmouth. Fol.
  • 2. The History of the Warrs of Flanders, written in Italian by that learned and famous Cardinal Bentivo­glio; Englished by the Right Honorable Henry E. of Monmouth. The whole worke Illustrated with a Map of the 17. Provinces, and above 20 Figures of the thiefe Personages mentioned in this History. Fol.
  • 3. The History of the Warrs of the Emperor Justi­nian, with the Persians, Goths, and Vandalls, written in Greek by Procopius of Caesaria in eight Bookes, trans­lated into English by Sir Henry Holcroft. Knight. Fol.
  • 4. De Bello Belgico, the History of the Low-Country Warrs, written in Latine by Famianus Strada, in Eng­lish by Sir Robert Stapylton, Illustrated with divers Fi­gures. Fol.
  • 5. The use of passions, written by I.F. Senalt, and but into English by Henry, Earle of Monmouth 8o.
  • 6. Judicious and Select Essaies and observations by the Renowned and learned Knight, Sir Walter Raleigh, with his Apology for his Voyage to Guiana. Fol.
  • 7. The Compleat Horseman and Expert Farrier in two books, by Thomas De Grey Esquire, newly printed with additions. in 4 [...] 1656.
  • 8. Unheard-of curiosities concerning the Talisma­ticall Sculpture of the Persians. The Horoscope of the Patriarchs, and the judgment of the Starrs, by J. Gaf­ [...]nel, Englished by Edmund Chilinead, Ch. Ch. Oxon.
  • 9. The History of the Inquisition, composed by [...]. F. Servita, the compiler of the History of the Coun­cill [Page]of Trent, in 8o, traslated out of Italian.
  • 10. Biathanatos, a Paradox of self-murther, by Dr. Jo. Donne, Dean of St. Pauls London.
  • 11. The Gentlemans Exercise, or the Art of lim­ning, painting, and blazoning of Coats and Armes, &c. by Henry Peacham Master of Arts, 4o.
  • 12. M. Howels History of Lewis the thirteenth King of France, with the life of his Cardinal de Richelieu. Fol.
  • 13. Mr. Howels Epistolae Ho elianae. Familiar letters Domestick and Forren, in six Sections partly Histori­call, Politicall, Philosophicall, the first Volume with Additions. 8o.
  • 14. Mr. Howels new volume of Familiar letters partly Historicall, Politicall, Philosophicall, the se­cond Volume with many Additions. 8o.
  • 15. Mr. Howels third Volume of Additionall letters of a fresher date, never before published. 8o.
  • 16. Mr. Howels Dodona's Grove, or the Ʋocall Forest, the first part, in 12o. with many Additions.
  • 17. Mr. Howels Dodona's Grove, or the Ʋocall Forest, the second part, in 8o, never printed before.
  • 18. Mr. Howels, Englands Teares for the present wars.
  • 19. Mr. Howels, Fre-eminence and Pedegree of Par­liament, in 12o.
  • 20. Mr. Howels Instructions and Directions for For­ven Trvels, in 12o with divers Additions for Tra­velling into Turky, and the Levant parts.
  • 21. Mr. Howels Vote, or a Poem Royall present­ed to his late Majesty, in 4o.
  • 22. Mr. Howels Angliae Suspiria & lachrymae, in 12o.
  • 23. Marques Virgilio Malvezzi's Romulus and Tar­quin, Englished by Hen. Earl of Monmouth, in 12o.
  • 24 Marques Virgilio Malvezzi's David persecuted, Englished by Ro. Ashly. Gent. in 120.
  • 25. Marques Virgilio Malvezzi, of the successe and chiefe events of the Monarchy of Spain, in the year [Page]1639. of the revolt of the Catalonians from the King of Spain. Englished by Rob. Gentilis Gent. in 12o.
  • 26. Marques Virgilio Malvezzi's considerations on the lives of Alcibiades, and Coriolanus, Two famous Roman Commanders, Englished by Rob. Gentilis.
  • 27. Policy unveiled, or Maximes of State, done into English by the Translator of Gusman, in 4o.
  • 28. Gracious priveleges granted by the King of Spaine to our English Merchants, in 4o.
  • 29. Englands looking in and out by Sr. Ralph Mad­dison, Knight, 4o.
  • 30. Gratiae Ludentes, jests from the University.
  • 31. The Antipathy between the French and the Spanyard, an ingenious translation out of Spanish.
  • 32. Mr. Birds grounds of Grammar, in 8o.
  • 33. Mr. Bulwers Phylocophus, or the Deafe and Dumb mans friend, in 12o.
  • 34. Mr. Bulwers Pathomyotomia, or a Dessection of the significative Muscles of the Affections of the Mind, 12o.
  • 35. An Itinenary containing a voyage made through Italy in the years 1646, 1647. illustrated with di­vers Figures of Antiquity, never before published, by John Raymond, Gent. in 12o.
Books in Humanity lately Printed.
  • 36. THe History of Life and Death, or the prolon­gation of Life, written by Francis Lord Ʋeru­lam, Viscount St. Alban in 12o.
  • 37. The naturall and experimentall History of Winds, written in Latine by Francis Lord Verulam Viscount St. Alban, translated into English by an ad­mirer of the learned Author. 12o.
  • 38. The life of the most learned Father Paul, Au­thour of the History of the Councill of Trent, transla­ted out of Italian by a person of quality. 8o.
  • [Page]39. Paradoxes, Problems, Characters, &. by Dr. Donn Dean of St Paul's, to which is added a booke of Epigrams, written in Latin by the same Author, trans­lated by Iasper Main. D. D. 12o.
  • 40. Ignatius his conclave, a Satyr written by Dr. Donne Deane of St. Paul's. 12o.
  • 41. A Discovery of subterraneall Treasure, viz. of all manner of Mines and Minerals, from the Gold, to the Coale, with plain directions and rules for the finding of them in all Kingdomes, and Countries, writ­ten by Gabriel Platt. 4o.
  • 42. Richardi Gardiner, ex Aede Christi Oxon. speci­men Oratorium. [...] o.
  • 43. The Soveraignty of the British Seas, written by that learned Knight Sir Iohn Burroughes Keeper of the Records in the Tower. 12o.
  • 44. Grammatica Burlesa, or a new English Grammar made plaine and easie for Teacher and Schollar, com­posed by Edward Burles Master of Arts.
  • 45. Artificiall Arithmetick containing the Quin­tessence of the Golden Rule, the true valuation of all Annaities, also to find the distance at one station; An Art never till now published, usefull for Merchant, Gunners, Seamen, and Surveyors, by Robert Iager of Sandwich in Kent Gent.
  • 46. Naturall and Divine Contemplations of the Passions and Faculties of the Soul of Man in three books, written by Nicholas Moseley Esq 8o.
Se [...]rall Sermons, with other excellent Tracts in Divinity, written by some most eminent and learned Bishops, and Orthodox Divines.
  • 47. A Manuall of private Devotions & Meditations for every day in the week, by the right reve­rend Father in God, Lancelot Andrews late Lord Bi­shop of Winchester, in 24o.
  • [Page]48. A Manuall of Directions for the Sick, with ma­ny sweet Meditations and Devotions, by the right reverend Father in God, Lancelot Andrews, late Lord Bishop of Winchester, in 24.
  • 49. Ten Sermons upon severall occasions, preached at St. Pauls Crosse, and elsewhere, by the Right reve­rend Father in God, Arthur Lake, late Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells. in 40.
  • 50. Six Sermons upon severall occasions, preached at Court before the Kings Majesty, and elsewhere, by that late learned and reverend Divine, Iohn Donne, Dr. in Divinity, and Dean of St. Pauls London, in 4o.
  • 51. Private Devotions in six Letanies, with directi­ons and Prayers for the dayes of the weeke and Sa­crament, for the houre of Death, and the day of judg­ment, and two daily prayers, for the Morning and E­vening, written by Dr. Henry Valentine, 24o.
  • 52. A Key to the Key of Scripture, or an exposition with notes upon the Epistle to the Romans, the three first chapters, by William Sclater, Dr. in Divinity and Minister of the word of God at Pitmister in Somer­setshire, in 4o.
  • 53. Sarah and Hagar, or the sixteenth Chapter of Genesis opened in ninteen Sermons, being the first legitimate Essay of the pious labours of that learned, Orthodox, and indefatigable Preacher of the Gospell, Mr. Josias Shute. B. D. and above 33 years Rector of St Mary Woolnoth in Lombardstreet, in Follo'
  • 54. Christ's Tears with his love & affection towards Jerusalem, delivered in sundry Sermons upon Luke 19. v. 41, 42. by Richard Maden, B. D. late of Magdalen Colledge in Oam. in. 4o.
  • 55, Three Sermons viz. The benefit of contentati­on, The Affinity of the faithfull, and The lost sheep found, by Mr. Henry Smith. 4o.
  • 56. Ten Sermons preached upon severall Sundayes, [Page]and Saints dayes, by Peter Hausted Mr. in Arts, and Curat at Ʋppingham in Rutland in 4o.
  • 57. Eighteen Sermons preached upon the Incar­nation and Nativity of our blessed Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, wherein the greatest misteries of God­liness are unfolded, to the capacity of the Weakest Christian, by Iohn Dawson Oxon. in 4o.
  • 58. The History of the Defenders of the Faith, dis­coursing the state of Religion in England during the Reigns of King Henry 8. Edward 6. Queen Mary, and Queen Elizabeth. by C. L. in 4o.
  • 59. Christian Divinity, written by Edmund Reeve Batchelour in divinity, in 4o.
  • 60. The Communion-Book Catechism expounded by Edmund Reeve Batchelour in Divinity, in 4o.
  • 61. The true and absoluce Bishop, wherein is shew­ed how Christ is our onely shepheard and Bishop of our soules, by Nicolas Darton, Master in Arts, in 4o.
  • 62. A description of the New-born Christian, or a lively pattern of the Saint militant child of God, written by Nicholas Hunt, Master in Arts, in 4o.
  • 63. Divine Meditations upon the 91. Psalm, and on the History of Agag King of Amalek, with an Es­say of Friendship written by an honourable person,
  • 64. An Historicall Anatomy of Christian Melan­choly, by Edmund Gregory Oxon, in 8o.
  • 65. Lazarus his Rest, a Sermon preached at the Fu­nerall of that pious, learned, and Orthodox Divine, Mr. Ephrim Ʋdall, by Thomas, Reeve, B. D:
  • 66. The Survey of Man, in a Sermon as it was de­livered by Mr. John Bishop at his Fathers funerall.
  • 67. Enchiridion containing institutions Divine and Morall, written by Francis Quarles, 24o.
Books in Divinity Lately Printed.
  • 68. THE Psalmes of David from the new Trans­lation of the Bible, turned into Meter, to be [Page]sung after the old tunes used in the Churches; by the Right Reverend Father in God Henry King Bishop of Chichester. 12o.
  • 69. Choice Musick for three voices, and a tho­rough-Base composed by Mr. Henry and Mr. William Lawes, brothers and servants to his late Majesty; with divers Elegies set in Musick by severall friends upon the death of Mr. William Lawes. 4o.
  • 70. Letters between the Lord George Digby and Sir Kenelm Digby Knight, concerning Religion. 8o.
  • 71. Essaies in Divinity by Dr. Donn. D. of Saint Paul's, before he entred into holy orders. 12o.
  • 72. Publike devotions, or a Collection of Prayers used at sundry times by divers Reverend and godly Divines, together with divine implorations, and an introduction to prayer. 24o.
  • 73. The Sinners Tears in Meditations and Prayers by Thomas Fettiplace of Peterhouse Camb. 12o.
  • 74. Quaestio Quodlibetica, or a discourse whether it be lawfull to take use for mony by R. F. Knight.
  • 75. Sions Prospect in its first view presented in a summary of Divine Truths consenting with the faith professed by the Church of England, confirmed from Scripture and reason, composed by Mr. Robert Mossom Minister: 4o.
  • 76. Flores Solitudinis, certaine rare and elegant pie­ces, viz. Two excellent discourses. 1 Of Temperance and Patience. 2 Of life and death by I. E. Nierem­bergius. The World contemned; by Eucherius, Bishop of Lions. And the life of Paulinus Bishop of Nola, collected in his sicknesse and retirement, by Henry Vaughan.
  • 77. 14. Sermons on severall Texts of Scri [...] with a Catechism written by Willam Gay Rector of Buckland.
Choyce Poems with excellent Translations, by the most eminent wits of this age.
  • 78. EPigrammata Thomae Mori Ingli, in 16o
  • 79. Fragmenta Aurea, a collection of all the incom-Parable [Page]Pieces written by Sr. Iohn Sucklin Knight, 8o.
  • 80. Poems, Songs, Sonnets, Elegies, and Letters by Iohn Donne, with Elegies on the Authors death, to which is added divers Copies under his own hand, ne­ver before in print. 8o.
  • 81. Juvenalls 16. Satyrs translated by Sir Robert Stapylton, wherein is contained a Survey of the man­ners and actions of Mankind, with Annotations, 8o.
  • 82. Musaeus on the loves of Hero and Leander, with Leander's letter to Hero, and her answer, taken out of Ovid, with Annotations by Sir Robert Staplyton, in 12o.
  • 83. Poems, &c. written by Mr. Edward Waller of Be­consfield, Esq 8o.
  • 84. Pastor Fido, the faithfull Shepheard, a Pastorall, newly translated out of the Originall, by Mr. Richard Fanshaw, Esq 4o.
  • 85. Poems, with a discovery of the Civill Warrs of Rome, by Mr. Richard Fanshaw, Esq in 4o.
  • 86. Europa, Cupid crucified, Venus Vigils, with An­notations, by Thomas Stanley, Esq 8o.
  • 87. Coopers Hill, a Poem written by Mr, John Denham Esq the 2d Edition with Additions, 4o.
  • 88. Medea, a Tragedy written in Latin by Lucius Annaeus Seneca, Englished by Mr. Edward Sherburn Esq with Annotations, 8o.
  • 89. Seneca's answer to Lucilius his Quaere, why good men suffer misfortunes, seeing there is a Divine pro­vidence, Englished by Mr. Edward Sherburn, Esq 8o.
  • 90. Madagascar with other Poems, by Sr. W. Davenant.
  • 91. Poems with a Masque by Thomas Carew Esq Gentleman of the Privie Chamber to his late Maje­stie, revived and enlarged with Aditions, 8o.
  • 92. Poems of Mr. John Milton, with a Masque pre­sented at Lud [...]w Castle before the Earle of Bridgewa­ter, then President of Wales, 8o.
  • 93. Poems, &c. with a Masque called The Triumph [Page]of Beauty, by James Shirley, Gent. 8o.
  • 94. The Mistriss, or severall Copies of love-verses, written by Mr. Abraham Cowley. 80.
  • 95. Stepps to the Temple, sacred Poems with the delights of the Moses upon severall occasions by Ri­chard Crashaw of Cambridge. 12o.
  • 96. Divine Poems written by Francis Quarles 8o.
  • 97. Clarastella, with other occasionall Poems, Ele­gies, Epigrams, Satyrs, written by R. Heath. Esq
  • 98. Poems written by Mr. William Shakspeare.
  • 99. Arnalte & Lucenda, or the melancholy Knight, a Poem translated by L. Laurence. 4o.
  • 100. The Odes of Casimire, translated, by Mr. George Hills of Newark. 12o.
  • 101. Alarum to Poets by I. L. 4o.
  • 102. Fragmenta Poetica or Miscellanies of Poeticall Musings, by Nich. Murford Gent. 12o.
  • 103. Hymnus Tabaci, Authore Raphaele Thorio. 8o.
  • 104. Hymnus Tabaci, a Poem in Honour of Tobacco Heroically composed by Raphael Thorius, made En­glish by Peter Hausted Mr. of Arts, Camb. 8o.
  • 105. Olor Iscanus, a Collection of some select Po­ems, and Translations, written by Mr. Henry Vaughan
  • 106. Argalus and Parthenia by Francis Quarles.
  • 107. The Academy of Complements wherein La­ [...]ies, Gentlewomen, Schollers and strangers may ac­commodate their Courtly practise with gentile Cere­monies, complementall, amorous, high expressions and forms of speaking, or writing of Letters, most in fashion, with Additions of many witty Poems and pleasant New songs. 12o.
Poems lately Printed.
  • 107. Poems and Translations, the compleat works of Thomas Stanley Esq 8o.
  • 105. Choice Poems with Comedies and Tragedies, [Page]by Mr. William Cartwright late student of Ch. Ch. in Oxford, and Proctor of the University. The Aires and songs set by Mr. Henry Lawes, servant to his late Majesty in his publick and private Musick.
  • 108. Herodian of Alexandria, his Imperiall History of twenty Roman Caesars, and Emperours of his time, first written in Greek, and now converted into an He­roick Poem by C. Stapleton. 4o.
  • 109. The Card of Courtship or the Language of love fitted to the humours of all degrees, sexes and Conditions.
Incomparable Comedies and Tragedies written by severall Ingenious Authors.
  • 110. COmedies and Tragedies written by Francis Beaumont, and John Fletcher, never printed before, and now published by the Authots Originals Copies, contayning 34 playes, and a Masque, Fol.
  • 111. The Elder Brother by Francis Beaumont and Iohn Fletcher.
  • 112. The Scornfull Lady by Francis Beaumont and Iohn Fletcher.
  • 113. The Woman Hater by Francis Beaumont and Iohn Fletcher.
  • 114. Thierry and Theodoret by Francis Beaumont and Iohn Fletcher.
  • 115. Cupids Revenge by Francis Beaumont and Iohn Fletcher.
  • 116. Monsieur Thomas by Francis Beaumont and Iohn Fletcher.
  • 117. The two Noble kinsmen by Francis Beaumont and Iohn Fletcher.
  • 118. The Country Captain and the Variety, two Comedies written by a person of Honour. 12o.
  • 119. The Sophy, a Tragedy writen by Mr. Iohn Den­ham Esq Fol.
  • 120. Brennoralt, or the discontented Collonel, a Tra­gedy written by Sir Iohn Suckling Knight. 4o.
  • 121. The deserving Favorite by Mr. Lod. Carlel.
  • 122. Albovine King of Lombardy by Sir William Davenant.
  • 123. The Just Italian by Sir William Davenant.
  • 124. The Cruel Brother by Sir William Davenant.
  • 125. The Unfortunate Lovers by Sir William Davenant.
  • 126. Love and Honour by Sir William Davenant.
  • [Page]127. The Sophister by Dr. Z.
  • 128. Revenge of Bussy D Ambois George Chapman
  • 129. Byrons Conspiracy George Chapman
  • 130. Byrons Tragedy. George Chapman
  • 131. Contention for Honour and riches J. Shirley
  • 132. Triumph of Peace in 4o J. Shirley
  • 133. The Dutchess of Malfy by Iohn Webster.
  • 134. The Northern lass by Richard Broome.
  • 135. The Cid, a Tragicomedy translated out of rench by Ioseph Rutter Gent. 12o.
  • 136. The Wild Goose Chase a Comedy written Fr. Beaumont and Iohn Fletcher. Fol.
  • 137. The Widow, a Comedy by Ben: Iohnson, Iohn [...]letcher, and T: Middleton.
  • 138. The Changling by T Middleton and Rowley. 4o.
  • 239. Six new plaies. 1. The Brothers. 2. The Si­ [...]ters. 3. The Doubtfull Heir. 4. The Imposture. 5. The Cardinall. 6. The Court-Secret, by I. Shirley.
  • 140. Five new plaies. 1. A mad couple well matcht. The Novella. 3. The Court Begger. 4. The City Wit. 5. The Damoiselle, by Richard Broome
  • 141. The Tragedy of Alphonsus Emperor of Germa­ry, by George Chapman 4o.
  • 142. Two Tragedies. viz. Cleopatra Queen of Aegypt, and Agrippina Empresse of Rome, by Thomas May Esq
Playes lately Printed.
  • 143. THe Gentleman of Venice, A Tragi-Comedy by James Shirley.
  • 144. The Polititian, a Tragedy by James Shirley.
  • 145. The Passionate Lovers in two parts, by Mr. Lodowick Carlel.
  • 146. Mirza, A Tragedy, really acted in Persia with Annotations by Robert Barron Esq
  • 147. Three new playes, viz. 1 The Bashfull Lover. 2 The Guardian. 3 The very woman, by Phillip Mas­ [...]enger, Gent.
New and Excellent Romances.
  • 148. CAssandra the Fam'd Romance, the whole work in five parts, written in French, and now Elegantly rendered into English by a person of quality, Fol.
  • 149. Ibrahim or the Illustrious Bassa, an excellent new Romance, the whole worke in foure parts, written in French by Monsieur de Scudery, and now Englished by Henry Cogan Gent. Fol.
  • 150. Artamenes, or the Grand Cyrus, an excellent new Romance, written by that famous wit of France, Monsieur de Scudery Governour of Nostre-dame, and now Englished by F.G. Esq Fol.
  • 151. The continuation of Artamenes, or the Grand Cyrus, that excellent new Romance, being the third and fourth parts, written by that Famous wit of France, Monsieur de Scudery Governour of Nostre-dame, and now Englished by F. G. Esq Fol.
  • 152. The third Volume of Artamenes or the Grand Cyrus, that excellent new Romance, being the fist and sixt parts, written by that famous wit of France, Mon­sieur de Scudery Governour of Nostre-dame, and now En­glished by F. G. Esq Fol.
  • 153. The fourth Volume of Artamenes, or the Grand Cyrus, that Excellent new Romance, being the sea­venth and eighth parts, written by that famous Wit of France, Monsieur de Scudery Governour of Nostre-dame, and now englished by F. G.