CAP. I. Of the Author and end of the Society of Jesus.

IGnatius of Loyola, Founder of the Society of Jesus, born of a good Family in Biscay, being a Souldi­er in the Year 1521. received a dange­rous Wound. Whilst he was under the Surgeons hands in a long cure he chanced to read some good books: if notwithstanding we may call that a chance, which was by a special Pro­vidence of God ordained for his good, and the Salvation of many. For these Books inflamed his heart so with thoughts of Eternity, with the hor­rour of Sin, with the example of Saints, with the love of God, that he was suddainly Metamorphosed into [Page 2]another Man, and resolved on a new life. Being therefore at length reco­vered, he set hand to work, and put in Execution what in his Infirmity he had projected. Instantly stripping him­self of all the goods that formerly he enjoyed or hoped in this World; and quitting house and Home, in a poor beggarly Weed, he went to Manresa, where he was unknown to all the World. There in an Hospital, to which he had Voluntarily offered him­self to tend the sick, he lead a most strict life, and made it his study to sub­due himself as much as possibly he could. He went bare foot, and bare head, pittifully clad, and lodged on the cold ground. He prayed seven hours a day on his knees, used frequent mortifications of hair-shirts, chains, and disciplines. Except Sundayes, he fasted every day; though even on the Sundays too, his dyet was as bad as a fast, for he never eat any thing but what he begged of Almes, and of that the best he gave to the poor, and himself lived on the refuse which seemed not good enough to give to the beggars.

All this he did for to surmount him­self, [Page 3]and learn perfectly that lesson which Christ hath made the first for all those that in his School will study perfection, Si quis vult venire Post me abneget semetipsum, & tollat crucem su­am quotidie, Luc. 9.23. He that will follow me, let him renounce himself and take up his Cross every day.

Whilst he thus sacrificed himself in the fire of divine love, God, who is ne­ver behind hand with his servants, en­dowed his soul with many supernatu­rall gifts, and illuminated him with a­bundance of celestiall lights. As fast as he went out of himself, so fast he enter­ed into the secret mysteries of God and Christ, in which as in a most perfect prototypon he saw the Idea of the So­ciety which he was afterwards to found. His first thought by which he steered all his actions, and which seemed as a beacon for all the course of his life, was a profound knowledg of his end. In that divine light which God streamed upon him in his daily contemplations, he clearly saw how the infinite goodness of God according to his everlasting Councels, in the beginning of time drew the whole world out of nothing, [Page 4]and created man for no other end then to love and serve his Lord and Crea­tor in this life, and afterwards to enjoy him in perpetuall eternities. From this thought he drew a resolution, to make this noble end of his the measure of all his actions, the first and last of all his thoughts, and the onely aim of all his desires. To this his understanding, to this his memory, to this his will, to this his whole soul was so totally applied, that he was even absorpt in this thought of seeking his last end, that is his God. And as the love of God, is of all things imaginable the most active and most noble; he could not endure to bestow himself sparingly on God. His design therefore was to do whatsoever he could imagine to be most advantage­ous to forward him towards his end, and most to the increase of the ho­nour and Glory of God. Hence pro­ceeded that motto of his which was the first rule that he ever prefixed him­self. Ad Majorem Dei Gloriam. To the greater Honour of God. By this motto or devise he intended two things. The first was that whensoever any thing came into deliberation, he was to [Page 5]choose, not that which was most for his ease, or profit, or honour, but that which consulting with reasons of E­ternity, might appear most for the Honour and Glory of God. The o­ther thing intended by him in this de­vise was, that he was to make account that he was never to rest in this World, never to think he had done enough, but still to increase and go on, ad ma­jorem, to the greater and still greater glory of God, by every good action enflaming his desires to do yet better, and more for Gods honour. So was this first thought of his (the know­ledge of his end) like the Primum Mobile in the Heavens, the Superiour Orbe, which with his motion sets all the inferiour Orbes a going; it was like the spring to the Watch of his Life, which being once well wound up, made all the Wheels of his several actions go well, and the Index of his good intention point right every mo­ment of his life: it was like the Sun which gave Light, Vigour, and life, to all the Sphere of employments which he ever undertook.

After then that he was well fixed [Page 6]and radicated in this first thought, and had made such resolutions as did flow from it; his next solicitude was by what means he should best compass this end in the perfectest manner that he could imagine, which might tend most to the glory of God. Here he re­flected, that certainly the best way to find God, was to follow Christ, and the nearer he came to Christ, the nearer he judged himself to be to the design he had laid of consecrating all his life to Gods greater glory. This then was his second thought, out of which he drew this resolution, to take Christ for his pattern, and mould all his actions on the example which he should see in Christ, whose Divinity and humanity were to be unto him the two Tables of the Law of the highest perfection. Meditating there­fore daily on the life of Christ, he en­deavoured alwayes to copy out in acti­on something of that which he saw in contemplation. The humility of Christ, the meekness, the modesty, the temperance, the mercy, the obedience, the fortitude, were all as so many lessons which he studied to get by heart. And [Page 7]in all he profited so well, that he left to posterity admirable examples, so that he may justly say with the A­postle, imitatores mei estote sicut ego Christi; Imitate you me as I have im­itated Christ. But above all he obser­ved and admired the immense charity of Christ, that could make him de­vest himself of his own glory, and un­dergo a painfull life and death, for no other boon but the good of Souls. This he no sooner observed but that he re­solved to joyn his labours with the labours of his Redeemer, and as far as humane frailty would give him leave to co-operate with Christ for the Sal­vation of Souls.

Here were then the two Fundamen­tall thoughts, which were like the two poles on which all the life of this great Saint was turned. The first he drew from the consideration of his Creation, the second from looking on his Redemption: the first inflamed him with a zeal of Gods greater glory, the second shewed him that this aim of Gods great glory must determine in the imitation of Christ, and co-opera­ting with him for the good of souls.

[Page 8]Having then resolved on these two thoughts, and set them down as rules for his future life, there occurred to his mind two main difficulties. First he observed how very unfit he was to think of setting on the conversion of souls. He had been trained up from his Infancy in the Court, and the Camp, two schools where the Gospel is little thought on. Yet without a good understanding of the Gospel to be got with long study, he saw he could neither have authority with others, nor security for himself. The myste­ries of faith are obscure and hard, and it were presumption to adventure to explicate those mysteries without having first learnt them well; And he had not yet read his Accidents. What should he do? Being above thirty years old he begins the first rudiments with little children, and goeth on to the end of Divinity. Labour and con­stancy carried him through, that which no man would easily have ventured on, specially in the circumstances he was in. For having already made a reso­lution of voluntary poverty, he was forced to beg his bread from door to [Page 9]door, he continued still his servent prayer, and fast, and other mortifica­tions, and oftentimes interrupted his studies with acts of Charity; yet at length with above ten years labour he surmounted the difficulty, and got to such a pitch in learning as might give him both security in handling Divine mysteries and authority.

The other difficulty in the enter­prise of the conversion of souls, was greater, and not to be overcome by one Man. His zeal compassed all the uni­verse, he desired to co-operate with Christ for the Salvation of Souls in all the quarters of the World, and if possible in all ages to come; but being alone he could not do this, he was con­fined to one place, and one life of a short and uncertain durance. There­fore he resolved to communicate his desires with such as God should inspire to joyn with him, and to erect an Or­der of Religious men, which should do that alwayes, and every where, which alone, he could do but in one place, and for the date of only one life. With this thought he looked about for such as might be fit for his design, and [Page 10]whilst he was a Student at Paris he won to himself nine others, all men of e­minent vertue and learning, among them one was Francis Xaverius. With these he laid the foundation of a Re­ligious order which he would have na­med the Society of Jesus. The reason of this name was not any thing else, then that all his order should ever re­member, that as they were by the grace of Christ Jesus called to this course of life, so they ought alwayes to look on Jesus, and endeavour to conforme themselves, as much as possibly might be, to the life of Jesus: this imitation being that which St. Ignatius had pre­fixed himself, as the best means to at­tain to his sinal end of Gods greater Glory.

After therefore that he and his Com­panions had given many singular proofs of their vertue, at length Pope Paul the third, in the year 1540 erected the society into a Relgious order, which he and his successours the subse­quent Popes often confirmed and en­dowed with many priviledges under the name of the society of Jesus. The end of this society may sufficiently appear [Page 11]out of what I have said, and it is se down by St. Ignatius in these words related in sum. Constit. Finis hujus socie­tatis est non solum saluti & perfectioni propriarum animarum cum divina gratia vacare; sed cum eadem impense in salu­tem & perfectionem proximorum incum­bere. The end of this society is not only to attend, with the divine grace, to the sal­vation and perfection of our owne soules, but also with the same divine grace to la­bour earnestly for the salvation and per­fection of our neighbour.

This is the end of the society, which I suppose no body can in reason ex­cept against. For what more laudable then to endeavour Gods greater glory, and that in the Salvation of souls? It was this that God aimed at in the cre­ation of this all, this Christ looked at in the whole course of his life, and in his precious death; this is the end of the Gospel, this mans sole good, with­out this nothing is good, and in this is all good. Sin and Damnation are the worst of evils which the Devil and those that co-operate with him lead men unto; on the contrary vertue and Salvation are the greatest Goods which [Page 12]Christ and those that joyn their la­bours with his do lead unto: Cer­tainly, he that will complain of the Jesuits for consecrating their labours to the good and Salvation of their neighbours, must confess that he know­eth not what the name of vertue means; he must allow that he is an e­nemy of reason, and grant that he hath renounced his own nature, and under the shape of a Man is become a Wolf or Tygre, or even an incarnate Devil; there being none but the Devil that hareth the Salvation of mankind, and all those that endeavour to co-operate with Christ to that end.

When I say, co-operate with Christ, no man must be scandalized as at an in­solent term. It is a word ordinarily used by those who would express the nature and dignity of an Apostolical Vocation. So Richardus a S. Victore saith, Nescio an majus bonum possit ho­mini a Deo conferri, quam ut per ejus obsequium alii consequantur salutem, si ta­men Deo co-operentur ex charitate. I know not whether God bestow any thing greater on man, than that others by his means obtain Salvation, if notwithstand­ing [Page 13]he co-operate with God out of Charity. So also doth St. Dionyse express him­self cap. 3. Caelest. Hierarchiae, in these words, Omnium Dominus est Dei co-ope­ratorem fieri, it is the most divine work that man can do to co-operate with God; he speaketh of labouring for the good of Souls, and cireth those words of St. Paul, 1 Cor. 3. Dei ad­jutores sumus. We are the Co-adjutours of Almighty God. S. Paul meant not that God needeth our help, but that he is pleased to use the help of men, and make one the instrument of the Salvation of others, which St. Dionyse calleth the most divine work that man can do; and Hugo de S. Victore, the greatest gift of God.

All this I conceive maketh it clear, that no man can with reason repre­hend the aim and end of the Society. It remaineth therefore that we see whether the Society useth convenient means to attain this end; for if the end be good, and the means to attain that end be also good, it will follow that the whole institute is good, and not only irreprehensible, but also laudable.

CAP. II. By what means the Society endeavoureth to make their own fit Instruments for their end.

TWO things therefore are to be treated of, for to shew what means the Society useth for to compass her end. First how the subjects of the So­ciety are trained up to be made fit In­struments for the Glory of God in the conversion of Souls. And secondly, when we have seen how they endeavor to perfect themselves, we are farther to observe, what it is they do for the good of their neighbour. The first of these two things we will do in this chapter, the second in the ensuing chapter.

S. Ignatius then observed that all the miseries in which the Souls of men are involved spring chiefly from two fountains, ignorance, and vice. Igno­rance like Ice freezeth up the Soul, and benummeth it into a dull stupidity. And as Ice doth easily thaw into water, [Page 15]of which it is made, and water again easily freezeth into Ice; so ignorance easily dissolves into vice, and vice as easily congeals into ignorance and in­sensibility, specially of spiritual and supernatural things. It was ignorance therefore and vice, they were to war against, who would endeavour the cure of Souls; and in consequence to this they were to be armed with vertue and learning. Vertue was the chief; for without true and solid vertue, they could never hope that God would make them instruments of so high a work as the conversion of Souls: nor could they be fit to move others to vertue, unless their words were secon­ded by their works, and their exem­plar life made good their Pulpit-dis­courses: it being most certain which the Golden Orator said, that the best Syllogism is the Preachers life. Yet though vertue were the chief agent, she was not to be ingaged without learning for her second. For vertue without learning would not have au­thority enough to controll malepert spirits, and might perhaps degenerate into zeal without discretion, and so [Page 16]with a good meaning lead to destru­ction. Both vertue therefore and learn­ing were necessary for those who should make it their aim by rooting out vice and ignorance, to work the desired good of Souls.

Now, how S. Ignatius did lay the foundations which might bring up all that should follow Christ in the Society to vertue and learning, we may see by what is set down in the Constitutions of the Society, and is daily practised by the Jesuits: As I shall now declare.

In the Constitutions then the first care is, that none be admitted into the Society, who are not of such capacity and disposition that it may justly be hoped, that in processe of time they will by Gods grace arrive to such a proportion of learning and vertue, as to become fit to deal with their neighbour for the good of Souls. Upon this account divers are excluded not onely for want of health or other abi­lities, but also for such impediments as may give ground to fear the event. For example, those who have been in the world notorious for hainous crimes or infamous lives are excluded the So­ciety, [Page 17]unless they first blot out their ignomy by long and serious penance. Because it is not likely that they will have authority sufficient to handle the Gospel, who cannot be seen in the Pulpit, without memory of their disgrace. Others again are excluded, because of their violent and refracto­ry natures, and uncouth dispositions; because, though their abilities promise very much, yet it cannot be hoped, that in the many and various actions in which the Society must imploy them, they will keep a constant te­nour of vertue, and never lash out in­to the exorbitances into which nature doth seem to precipitate them. Again, they who have deserted any religious Order of which they have once worn the habit, though but in their novi­tiate, are excluded the Society: their former inconstancy prognosticating a future danger.

Now if any that hath no impedi­ment demand to be admitted into the Society, he is asked whether any of the Society ever perswaded him to this vo­cation; and if it be found that any Jesuit perswaded him, then he is not [Page 18]admitted, but turned back to a new deliberation. For though it be not an ill act to perswade another, whom we judge fit, to any determinate good course of life, yet St. Ignatius desired that the Vocation of all that should ever be admitted into the Society, should proceed wholly from God, and not from man.

These cautions are used in the ad­mission of any to the Society. When once they are admitted they are, after a general confession of their passed life, trained up to a subduing of their pas­sions, renouncing themselves, union with God, and a perfect indifference, that they may be ready to embrace any employment in any place where it shall seem most for the good of Souls to im­ploy them, to the greater Glory of God. The time of their probation, which in other Orders is but one year, in the Society is of two years before their Studies, and one year more after their Studies are ended. In the first two years they are often tould all the hardship they are to expect, shewed the Rule, and accustomed to the mentall and vocal player, examens, spiritual [Page 19]Lectures, and the mortifications which they are daily to practise during their whole life, that if they find not in themselves Strength and resolution to go on, they may go away in Peace, and take what other course they think best. But if they continue their good desires, and give satisfaction, then at the end of two years they are admit­ted to the ordinary vowes of Religi­ous orders, which are perpetual Po­verty, Chastity and Obedience. The exercises in which the Novices are practised in, and tryed by, are serving in Hospitals, tending the sick, wait­ing at Table, helping the Cook and other menial Officers, going in Pil­grimage, begging almes from door to door, and the like. All which, being humble actions, practise a Man in the mystery of himself, subdue pride and self love, and acquaint the Soul with the Cross of Christ. These actions St. Ignatius would have all tryed in from the very beginning, and these all must, and all do daily practise in the Houses of the Society, none at all exempt, but such as sickness exempt­eth. This difference only there is be­twixt [Page 20]Novices and Antient Fathers; that the Novices have more time for humble exercises, as being to get good habits by frequent practise. The An­tient Fathers (unless the necessity of their Neighbour do otherwise re­quire) are employed in these exerci­ses only, so far as to keep up the pri­mitive Vigour of humility, and with­all, not to take up too much time from their studies or other employments. Yet all are practised all their life in humble actions, as sweeping the house, making their beds, serving at Table, and the like mean employments.

I conceive that many when they read this will admire what it means. They have conceived Idea's of Jesuits so distant from these actions, that they will stand amazed, and either not believe that these things are true, or if they believe that I say true, (as I am certain that I do) they will de­spise the Jesuits for them; as deeming these actions far below them whom they conceive to be the great Masters of the World. But to these I answer that they know not the Grand se­cret of Christs School. Perfection is [Page 21]an admirable Fabrick, which reaches as high as Heaven, but unless it be built on a profound Renunciation of ones self, 'tis a Vanity, 'tis Hypocrisie, 'tis an empty shadow, a lye, not per­fection. He that will follow me saith Christ, Mat. 16. must renounce himself. Easie words in reading, but in action the hardest in the World, as which contain the whole Enignia of Christi­an perfection, and all the wonders of Religion.

If you will know the great mystery of Jesuitisme, of which so much hath been falsely blazed in lying Pamphlets, I will tell it you in a word; The mystery of Jesuitisme consisteth in ma­king humble and able men. Here is the secret. These small actions, these contemptible actions, these despica­ble actions practised by Men of good parts, for no other reason then for to renounce themselves in imitation of Christ, are the great Engins which raise them to the heighth of Perfecti­on. We may reckon many great Men of the Society of Jesus, who have done great things, and, carrying the Gospel to the bounds of the Ea [...]th, [Page 22]have converted many Nations: but where did they lay the foundation of their greatness? it was in exercising humility, in abnegation of themselves, in embracing the Cross of Christ which is the science of Saints; If this seem strange and unintelligible, I must confess that it is so indeed to those that seek Vanity and Worldly Wis­dome. Quia abscondisti haec a sapien­tibus & prudentibus & revelasti ea Par­vulis. Mat. 11.25. God hath hid these things from the wise, and sage of the World, revealed them to little ones.

This practise therefore of renoun­cing our selves, St. Ignatius would have the continual exercise of all his. And least humility through want of a sure guide might swarm from the true path of Charity, he ordained that all the exercises done in the time of Pro­bation, and all the employments after­wards, should be squared out by obedi­ence. By this Obedience every one, renouncing his own will and under­standing, becomes capable of being em­ployed, when, where, and how the Society shall judge fittest for the grea­ter [Page 23]Honour of God. Furthermore be­cause for the disposing of every one right, it is not enough that they be perfectly obedient, but it is also re­quired that the Society do know eve­ry one; therefore doth St. Ignatius further order, that every one should en­tirely open his interiour, and all the good and bad of his heart to his su­periour, that so every one may be guided and disposed of in the best man­ner.

These are the chief means which the Society useth in order to attain Ver­tue. For the rest, their life, as to dyet, Lodging, Apparel, is such as beseems poor Clergy Men: there being nothing of Superfluity allowed, and nothing denyed that is necessary.

As for fasts and other corporal au­sterities, there is nothing determined in the rule; only this, that every one shall use such penance, as his superiour or Spiritual Father, considering his health and employments, shall judge most for his advancement in Spirit. How this point is practised in the Society we may judge by reading the acts of those eminent men, whose lives are [Page 24]writ. As for those that are living, this is true, that the number of those who by Labour and Austerity do notably impair their Health is very great, which argueth that they rather need a Bridle then a Spur. All this then the Society doth, in order to bring up her Subjects to Solid Vertue. There are yet two things more which do main­ly conduce to conserve the whole bo­dy of the Society in Vigour.

The first is the power of dismission; a thing which many carp at, yet which is extreamly advantageous to conserve the society. St. Ignatius therefore re­flecting, that in a great number of Men, though chosen with all the care, and educated with all the diligence that humane frailty can use, divers would in length of time, through weariness of labour, or want of fer­vour, or some of the innumerable ten­tations to which mans life is continual­ly exposed, become not only useless to the Society, but also noxious, and perhaps scandalous too: reflecting on all this, I say, St. Ignatius did insti­tute his order so, that the vowes of Re­ligion, which are made at the end of [Page 25]the two years probation, should remain dispensable by the General of the So­ciety. They therefore that in process of time are found by their own fault to become unfit to live in the Society, are dismissed and freed from their Vowes, so that if they be not Priests (which usually none are till nine or ten years experience had of them) they may marry, or take what worldly course they please. This they who are dismis­sed cannot complain of; for before they enter they are told of the condition which they undertake, and every half year during their Novice-ship, they are particularly asked, whether they un­derstand this condition, and are con­tented with it. So they cannot com­plain, since that maxime is manifest, Scienti & volenti non fit injuria. On the other side it is extreamly necessa­ry for conserving the whole society entire to root out those weeds, which if they were let grow would over run the whole Garden of Religion: it is necessary to open a Vein and let out the ill blood, before the disease master the whole body; it is necessa­ry to separate those whose contagion [Page 26]would like a plague infect all. Do­mestick disorder is the intestine Enemy of Religous Houses, and the bane that hath ruined all those holy communi­ties, which from Fervent and Illustrious beginnings have at length ended in smoak and ashes. This disorder came not in on a suddain, but by little and little, now one, then another relax­ed a little of their primitive fervour: Till at length the number of disorder­ly Persons overtopping the Vertuous, Discipline was laid aside and the rule neglected. This sad event the socie­ty endeavoureth to forestale, by cut­ting off the rotten members, before their number and Example corrupt the rest. I know many have objected against this Priviledge of the society; but they have alwayes been answered, and the power of dismission, as often confirmed, as it was questioned. In particular. Greg. 14. in his Bull of the Year 1591. saith, Eam (potestatem) ratam & intactam esse volumus, tan­quam rem magni momenti, ad societa­tis puritatem & conservationem reti­nendam. We will have the power of dis­mission stand Valid, and untouched, as a [Page 27]thing of great concern, for the coserva­tion, and purity of the Society. Nor can the Clergy or other Religious Orders complain of this: for in effect as ma­ny (not to say, more) are dismissed out of other Orders, proportionably great, as out of the society. As it was made appear in the seventh Con­gregation. This is the only difference, that when other Orders dismiss those who are incorrigible, and scandalous amongst them, they expell them with the burthen of their Vowes, and so they remain Apostata's all their Life. The society on the contrary taketh a­way that burthen of their Vowes, from all that are dismissed, if they be not professed. Now it very seldom happeneth that one who is professed in the society doth deserve expulsion. For none are professed in the society till many years (ordinarily it is at least 17 or 18 years) experience had of them; all which time if one both give and receive satisfaction, it is very ex­traordinary, that after so long experi­ence, he should behave himself so as to deserve expulsion from a Religion, in which he hath spent so great a part of [Page 28]his age with content on all sides.

By this means therefore of expulsi­on or dismission, the society endea­voureth to prevent the mischief which the imperfection of some might in time bring on all; choosing rather to part with those, from whom she cannot hope any good, than to use prisons or corporal chastisements. For such severities (though laudably used by other Communities) rather restrain the body than the mind, and oftener make men dissemble their malice, than change their manners.

The other thing which in the Socie­ty will by the grace of God conserve the whole order in vigour, is, the great caution which is used to exclude all manner of ambition of honour and preferments. For all that are profes­sed in the Society do make a vow, that they will never seek neither by direct or indirect means any superi­orities, prelacies or dignities, nor ever admit of them when they are offered, unless they be commanded by those who can oblige them under sin. Fur­thermore they promise to detect any of the society whom they shall know to [Page 29]endeavour directly or indirectly to procure Honours or Dignities. And if any be ever found to have prevari­cated in this kind, then is he made ig­nominious, and deprived of Voice Active and Passive.

This Vow hath many Advantages for conserving of the true Spirit of the Society. For whereas honour is the most specious snare of the World, that enchants the mind with most powerfull charmes, and proves com­monly the bane of greatest Wits, and persons the best qualified; this Vow excludeth all that mischief, by put­ting such a distance, or (to use the Scripture Phrase) so great a Chaos be­twixt Men of the Society, and Ho­nours, that they cannot arrive or aim at them without wading through Hell it self. It is laudable in other Orders to furnish the Church with so many worthy Prelates, as we see they daily do. Yet the Society feareth least by furnishing others, she should disfurnish her self; she feareth opening a Gate to honour, least by the same Gate she let in ambition, to the dishonour of the whole Order: she feareth least [Page 30]those whose vertue and learning do chiefly uphold the credit of the Order, and rigour of Discipline, might by this means be snatcht from her: finally, she feareth least any when by humane frailty they should grow weary of la­bour, and relent in fervour, should re­linquish their vocation, and sallyes out by the fair Gate of honour, and under pretence of doing the Church publick service, serve their own passion. On the contrary, she hopeth that those who really and heartily renounce all those dignities to which their many gallant parts seem to make a Bridge, may do the Church more service by continuing in the humility of their own vocation, and by contemning ho­nour, than by accepting it.

Thus then is honour bounded out of the Society with the strongest ram­part that can be, that is by vow. To this we may adde two other things which both aim at the exclusion of all ambition and conserving humility. The first is, that the Government of the Society is not by chapter and plu­rality of voices, which might cause factions, and foster ambition: But all [Page 31]Offices are given by the General, or if they be inferiour Offices, by the Pro­vincial: who being informed of the abilities of their several subjects, choose whom they think fittest, without ac­quainting any body with their design till the Election be past. The other is, that in the Society there is a perfect equality between all; no man for birth, or learning, or antiquity, or any thing else hath any advantage of place, diet, cloathing, lodging, or the like. But all share alike, and take their turns in the meanest Offices, none being exempt. All this considered, I do not know how it is possible practi­cally speaking to exclude ambition out of any Community, more than it is out of the Society.

These be the chief means by which the Society endeavoureth to educate her subjects to vertue, and keep up the primitive vigour of the Order.

Now for learning, which as I said in the beginning of this Chapter, was the second thing whereby men of the Society were to be made fit instru­ments for their end. The esteem which St. Ignatius made of learning, is suffi­ciently [Page 32]evidenced in the great labour he took himself in studies, as I have already shewed. And in the Society he desired to wedde Learning to Ver­tue, so strongly as that they should never be divorced. For this reason he ordered that none should be professed of four vows in the Society (which is the degree of those that are the chief) who had not got to such a pitch in Sciences, as that they were by sworn Examiners judged able to teach Philo­sophy and Divinity with applause. Though notwithstanding, for avoiding of honours, he would not have the fa­thers of the Society take the title of Doctor, but where it should be neces­sary. For the studies of the Society this may be said in general, that they embrace no study by which they may not hope to become more serviceable to the Church for the good of their neighbour; and they refuse none, by which they may hope to become more serviceable. In particular they all are taught, first humanity, if they be not well entered before their admit­tance. Then they study Philosophy and Mathematicks for three years. [Page 33]Lastly for the space of four years, they study their Divinity; and with that they hear a lesson of H. Scripture, and another of Hebrew in order to the bet­ter understanding of holy writ. These are their studies, wherein they con­tinue at least seven years; during which time they are often practised in preaching, that they may get some facility, and that every ones talent may be seen. And to secure the ex­orbitance, which wits may easily fall into, the rule speaketh plain, that none must broach new opinions, or teach any thing which is not confor­mable to what the Catholick Church holdeth, and approved Authors teach. And of this even before their admittance they are warned, and not admitted unless they resolve to ob­serve it. Which I take notice of, to shew how groundless their cavils are who object Novell opinions and exo­tick Doctrine to the Society, whereas no such Doctrine either is or can be tolerated among them. After their studies they go to the third year of Probation where they endeavour by frequent Prayer and Meditation to at­tend [Page 34]wholly to the study and practise of solid Vertue, according to the end and institute of the Society, re-assu­ming for that purpose the same expe­riments, wherewith they were tryed in their first Probation or Novice-ship. And this is what the Society doth, for to make her own Subjects fit for those functions which they are afterwards to undertake for the good of their Neighbours.

CAP. III. What they of the Society do in order to help their Neighbour, for the good of Souls.

AFter that the Fathers of the Soci­ety have ended their studies and Probations, and now are by Gods grace furnished with such Talents of learning and Vertue, as every one hath been able to arrive unto, the first thing that they are to expect is, to be prefently set on work, and kept in per­petual [Page 35]employment, that idleness which St. Ignatius calleth the Origin and root of all evill, otium malorum om­nium origo, may have no place amongst them.

Now their employments, which they undertake for their Neighbour, are various. The first (for I will begin from thence, according to the course of Mans age) is teaching the Cate­chisme or Christian Doctrine. This employment St. Ignatius esteemed so much, that besides commending it with his own example even when he was General of the Society, he would also command it, and exact, that all that were professed of the Society should by a special Vow promise to God, to have a peculiar care of teach­ing the Catechisme. Further he or­dered, that all that were imployed in the Government of the Society, should at the entrance of their office, Cate­chise the children and ignorant peo­ple, for a good number of dayes. As St. Ignatius in Europe, so St. Francis Xaverius in the East Indies, commend­ded this holy exercise, both by ex­ample and precept, as the most profi­table, [Page 36]and which he used to call, His employment. He never let a day slip, when possible he could, without cate­chising: and he used to go about the streets, to call all the children, and servants, and slaves together to hear the Christian Doctrine. When he went to Japony, he left Gaspar Barraeus Superiour of the Society in his place, and gave him this instruction, that he should himself personally Catechise, and not commit that charge to any else; whereas in other things he left him free to use the help of others when he should think fit. And in effect those Wonderfull conversions of so many Nations as he became Apostle of, are the fruits of Catechisme. Nor is it to be wondred that the Society sets so much by teaching the Catechisme. 'Tis the Doctrine of Christ, that which the Son of God taught with word, with example, with Signs and Pro­digies. 'Tis the way to eternal Life, and as they call it in the West Indies, the science of Heaven, the only know­ledge necessary to Salvation. 'Tis the study which most imports the World; for those that now are chil­dren [Page 37]will within a few years be ma­sters of all the World; if therefore they be well instructed now, you may hope of good plants good trees, and good fruit of good seed: on the con­trary neglect these Children now, and you shall soon have an unruly, licenti­ous and savage Nation.

For these reasons and many others the society saith with Christ, Mark 10.14. Sinite parvulos venire ad me, let little ones come to me; and maketh this the first of her cares to instruct little ones, and ignorant people in the Christian Doctrine. With what suc­cess they perform this, I had rather you should hear from an Extern, then from one of the society. Laurence Beyerlinke, then a Canon of Antwerp, that died not very long since, a man of great Learning, as his books testifie, writeth thus in Theat. vitae Humanae Tom. 2. lib. C. ‘In our age, among all that profess Religion, those of the society of Jesus do with great diligence and great fruit apply them­selves to catechising youth. If there were nothing else, this might make them commendable to all, that [Page 38]with so great zeal, and so exact a method, they do a thing so advanta­geous to the Church of God. It seemeth to be the proper function of the Jesuits to which they all set themselves, endeavouring so to form the minds of little ones, that they may suck Christian piety with their milk. By this means it happeneth that in the Towns where the soci­ety resides, you shall see the Chil­dren mannerly and devout, and a­ble to discourse of those things, which in other places the elder are ignorant of. Nor do the Jesuits take this pains with the children of the rich only, but even with the poorest Tradesmen, even with almes­men, and beggars. All these they instruct whensoever on Festival dayes they can get them together. Nor do they stop within the Walls of Cities, but make excursions a­broad to those Parishes where Pa­stours are wanting to their duty. Ac­cording to the Apostle, they become all to all, and accomodate them­selves to the manners of all, to teach all. In Antwerp alone you [Page 39]shall see sometimes thirty Fathers and more employed in this pious work.’

The next imployment, following the course of mans age, is the teach­ing Humanity, that is, the Latine and Greek tongues in several Classes or Schools of Grammar, Syntax, Poe­try, and Rhetorick. In these they endeavour to educate Youth to learn­ing so, as all along to instill piety. This is a thing which the Society hath alwaies practised from her first institu­tion, and that (as Greg. 13. saith in his Bull Aedificandi,) by divine voca­tion. In every Colledge of the Socie­ty, you have five or six Masters em­ploy'd in teaching these lower schools. What labour and toyle these men must devoure you may easily guesse if You reflect, what it is for a man that hath otherwise good talents, to consume his age with children. How many impertinencies must he strive with, that is content to be con­find to the company of little one. He must spur on one, bridle another, bear with the rudeness of this, wink at the passion of that, controul the malepert­nesse [Page 40]of t'other, and study the hu­mors of all, to win all to vertue and learning. A great labour, and if it were not undertaken for Gods sake, I should call it intollerable. But since it doth advantage the good of Souls so much, it is embraced by all the So­ciety with a great deal of fervour, without pretending any gain, or be­ing capable of receiving any salary for their pains, but only what God hath laid up in the other World, for those that labour in his Vineyard. Twenty two Years Turcelline taught these low­er schools, Cerda 30. and John Boni­face 40 years together, and very ma­ny have and do spend all their dayes in teaching little children. The So­ciety hath only the labour, others reap the fruit. In these schools are formed those who afterwards become Religious in Cloysters, Preachers in Pulpits, Pastours in Churches, Cap­tains in Armies, Judges in Courts. All the Cities wherein the Society is see this so well, that generally the chief motive why they desire Col­ledges is, that their children may be taught that piety and learning which [Page 41]may make them fit to manage greater affairs afterward. The number of their schollars as Contern guesseth was in the year 1618 one hundred and fifty thousand; another since hath counted them to be above two hundred thou­sand. Another in his book de Instit. Christ. pueritiae saith, that if the Soci­ety had been from the beginning foun­ded for this alone, to teach youth, and did only this one thing, yet would this alone give the Society credit and splendour enough, and administer to them in teaching matter enough of of vertue, and to the whole World of profit.

The third employment wherein the Society endeavoureth to help their neighbour is, (to go on in Doctrinal matters) teaching the higher schools, as Philosophy, Mathematicks, and the several parts of Divinity, both positive and speculative. These stu­dies commend themselves enough by their name and nature. For Mathe­matick besides the profit, is the plea­santest of all studies; Philosophy serves for nothing else then to strengthen reason, and discusse nature; Divini­ty [Page 42]is the bulwark of the Church and School of Faith. In these studies the Society laboureth to perfect men in the best part of nature (that is reason) and Christians in the knowledg of su­pernatural things; that they may be secure in the wayes both of time and eternity. I need not say any thing of the successe which the society hath had in these, and in their other studies. I will only use the words of Christ, John 10.38. Operibus credite, believe their works. Look on their innumera­ble learned works; look on the seve­ral sciences illustrated by them; look on the Catalogue of the books made by the Society in the first hundred years, which Catalogue makes a com­pleat Tome; and let their works speak for them. I know some have carped at some of their works, but withall I know the repute which the Society hath got in all manner of learning is such, that I appeal to the judgment of their adversaries, and desire no commendation but what they do give them.

The fourth employment is preach­ing and explicating holy Scripture in [Page 43]the Pulpit for the edification of the people. This is that function to which all other sciences serve; the end and terme of all. By this they labour to spread the Gospel of Christ, and teach the way of perfection, not to little ones, and ignorant people, but to those who are, or should be grown up to a manhood in perfection. For the manner of preaching three things are set down in the first Tome of the Hist. of the Society l. 2. which from the beginning the preachers of the Society set themselves for inviolable precepts, according to which afterwards their rules were drawn. The first is that for the matter of their Sermons they should, omitting obscure and curious questions, insist chiefly on those things which contain Christian duty, to ex­tirpate vice, and plant vertue. The second that they should never affect an empty verbal eloquence, nor study quaint termes, but solid truthes and eternal verities, which they should a­nimate with a fervour expressed in their eyes, voice, countenance, and gesture. Lastly that remembring that those preachers were most efficacious [Page 44]who brought their own example for instance of what they said, they should live so, that their whole life might continually preach all that they taught in the pulpit. These are the rules of their Preachers, by observing which they have and do dayly through Gods grace work great effects.

The fifth employment enters farther into the interior of mens souls. It consisteth in administring the Sacra­ments, specially of confession and communion. The frequenting these two Sacraments was the exercise of the primitive Church, as Coccius and divers learned authors prove. And for confession, besides those places wherein power is given to priests to ab­solve sins, we have Act. 19. v. 18. that many of the believers did come (to Paul and his companions) announcing their acts, or as the Syriack hath it, offensas suas, their offences. For the holy com­munion we have the expresse text of Acts 2.42. They were persevering in the communion of breaking of bread; which all antiquity ever understood, as likewise modern Authours do, of fre­quent communion. This was their [Page 45]practice, and whilst this practice lasted their fervour was such, as after ages have ever admired. But in successe of time impiety so perverted mens mindes, that they grew to love their sins and hate the remedies. Before the Society was instituted, as Florimond and divers authors tell, it was a dis­grace to frequent the Sacraments; but St. Ignatius and his restored this Pri­mitive custome of the Church. For this reason the Learned Cardinal Ba­ronius, who had seen what was the pra­ctise of the World sometime before, and a long time after the Society was erected, used to call the Jesuites church at Rome, Anastasia, that is, Resurgens, Rising, because that in that place he said he seemed to see the Ca­tholick church rise out of the Lethurgy of sin to a new vigour, by frequenting these two so wholesome sacraments. Indeed it is wonderful to see what strange concourse there is now a daies in all catholick countries to these two Sacraments; churches are filled, and the confessors are fain to fit all the day long in their seats; and that not at Easter only, or once or twice a [Page 46]year, but upon all the great feasts. In particular it is remarkable how those daies usually consecrated to debauch­ments, I mean Shrovetide, are now spent in Catholick countries. For where there is a Colledge of the Soci­ety, there is alwaies at that time a general communion, to which all are by precedent sermons invited. And they come so fast, that in great Towns they reckon the communicants by thousands. In some cities there have been counted twenty, in some thirty, in some fourty thousand, that in one Shrovetide have received the holy Eucharist in the church of the so­ciety.

The sixt employment is the giving the spiritual Exercise; which because it is almost unknown in England even to most catholicks, I must explicate it. The spiritual exercise then is a retire­ment in which the Excercitant with­drawes himself for some number of daies from all communication with o­thers, in order to attend to converse with God, and his own soul in prayer. In this retirement divers meditations are given and several instructions (ac­comodated [Page 47]by an experienced ghostly Father to every one) whereby the soul is lead to a knowledg of her self, a decestation of her sins, a love of God and imitation of Christ. That where­in these spiritual Exercises do most specially help the soul is, to make a good election, and settle well the fu­ture life of every one according to his own vocation. These spiritual exer­cises were compounded by St. Ignati­us, and (which is wonderful) in the first year of his conversion. I may justly call them the chief secret of the Society, the fountain from whence they suck the Spirit of God, and the channel by which they derive the same Spirit into others. Ludovicus Strado of the holy Order of St. Ber­nard, had tryed the spiritual exercises, and he called them Tyrocinium totius mundi, the Noviciate of all the world; because in them every one may learn to steer the whole course of his life to perfection, according to each ones se­veral calling. And Augustine Carna­jal, of the Order of St. Augustine, after having laboured in the West Indies, after having undergone with commen­dation [Page 48]divers Offices in Spain, after having visited the Monasteries of his Order in Italy, by the authority of his Holynesse, at length in the Mona­stery of St. James in Bononia, made for the space of a moneth the spiritual Exercises in the year 1601, and he gave this testimony of them, That from the time he was first a Religious man he had alwaies wished to find out a way by which he might walk straight to per­fection, and that now at length in these spiritual Exercises he had found out that way. Lastly that great Master of Spi­rit, great preacher, and great con­templative Lewis of Granada, of the Order of St. Dominick, speaketh of these spiritual Exercises thus, So much spiritual Doctrine did I learn in those Exercises and Documents, that my whole life can not suffice to write what there God shewed me. Thus do these great men speak: and this I may pre­sume to add, that what skill soever the Society hath in helping souls, what dexterity soever they shew in discreti­on of spirits, what zeal soever they burn with for the good of their neigh­bour, all that they owe to these Ex­ercises, [Page 49]which form in them the true Spirit of the Society, enlighten their mindes, and inflame their hearts. It is not therefore without great reason that they retire themselves every year to make these Exercises, nor can they be condemned if they commend that to others which they find so beneficial to themselves. Many do retire them­selves to the Colledges of the Society to make these spiritual exercises, and none ever repented himself of his pains; but all ever acknowledged, that the fruit which by this means redounds to their soul, is greater then they e­ver could expect, or can express.

The seventh employment which the Society undertakes for the good of their neighbour is, to help in Hospi­tals, comfort the sick, relieve the poor, and imprisoned persons, first for their spiritual, then for their cor­poral assistance also. Those that know the Society and are acquainted with their Colledges and Houses, can tell you how assiduous the Jesuites are in these kinds of charities. If there be an Hospital in any Town where the Jesuites reside, they alwaies depute [Page 50]some of their Colledges, to assist, the sick there; for to catechise and in­struct them; for to administer the sa­craments to them, for to beg almes if need require up and down the town for them; and when servants are want­ing, for to tend the sick, sweep the chambers, make their beds, provide them necessaries. In like manner where there is a prison they go very often to comfort those poor souls, to encourage and assist them (if they be condemned) to a good christian death, or, if their crimes be not capital, to aid them in what they can, so to win them to serious repentance, and a­mendment of their life. As for other poor sick and distressed persons, they seek them up and down in their streets and houses, counting it a fault if any suffer whom they can relieve. This is yet more admirable, in the time of contagious Diseases and Plagues. Whensoever that happeneth in any place where the Society is, presently a proportionable number of Fathers are exposed for the assistance of the in­fected; these Fathers are chosen out of those who voluntarily offer them­selves [Page 51]a sacrifice to God for the Good of their Neighbour. For it is the cu­stome of the Society, that when there is any great occasion of a hard duty for the good of Souls, the Rector or Superior calleth all his Subjects toge­ther, and acquainting them with the urgent necessity, desireth them first to commend the matter to God, and then that those who find in themselves a desire to be exposed, and are ready to lay down their life for their Neigh­bour, should after a convenient deli­beration acquaint him with their reso­lution. Out of those then that offer themselves the Superiour chooseth whom he thinketh fit; and these com­monly are very able men, for the Su­periour cannot think it fit to expose novices or imperfect persons to so great danger. This is what was pra­cticed in the beginning of the Society, and (thanks be to God) this practice is as much in vigour at this day as ever it was. None even of the enemies of the society can say, that in the towns where the Jesuits live, either prisons or Hospitals, or poor, or infected per­sons are neglected by them. Though [Page 52]notwithstanding this practise costs the Society the loss of many brave and gallant Men. In Gant in the year 1633 the Dutch Colledge lost in four moneths ten, who successively ex­posed themselves to help the infected of the plague, all of them very able Men. At Berges neer Dunkerke they lost five on the same account in three moneths. In the year 1649 in a con­tagious feaver at Rome, besides di­vers others, the General of the Soci­ety F. Vincent Caraffa assisting the sick, contracted the disease and died.

And to come home here in London, in the last great plague, three of the Society were exposed to the assistance of those that were infected. One of them was F. Henry Mors, who got the infection but recovered, and was afterward in the time of the long Parliament executed at Tyburn for a Priest and Jesuit. So God disposed that his charitable labours should at length be crowned with a glorious death.

I conceive the Reader will be no lit­tle astonished at this Superlative chari­ty. A charity so great that none [Page 53]would dare to command it, did not very Zealous Men Voluntarily offer it, and even beg to be admitted to it. To adventure ones life for to assist poor Miscreants that can not render you thanks, to run into loathsome prisons and stinking Hospitals, to attend Ul­cerous and nasty sicknesses, to em­brace those that have the plague, and all this for no other fee but only the conscience of doing a good work, pleasing to God, and profitable to our Neighbour, is a charity so tran­scendent, that I should fear that none would believe it, had I not all the Na­tions abroad for witnesses of what I say, and every Town wherein there is a Colledge of the Society to attest the truth of it.

The eighth employment which the Society undertaketh for their neigh­bour, is that which is called Missi­on. All that I have hitherto said is practised within the bosome of the Catholick church. This extendeth it self to the furthest bounds of the Earth, to Pagans and Heathens, and seeking wayes to dilate the knowledge of Christ, undergoeth, besides all the [Page 54]labours already mentioned, a perpe­tual banishment from friends, from country, from all the comforts of life. These Missions were begun by S. Francis Xaverius, who, at the in­stance of John the Third King of Por­tugal, was sent into the East Indies. And admirable man, whose zeal sur­mounted the flames of the torrid zone, whose conquering mind overcame the untamed Ocean, whose vast cha­rity was of a larger circumference then the whole universe. Danger was his delight, labour his solace, and death his prize. If I should tell you what he hath done for the church of of God I must name all the chief countries and towns of the East, for all of them he illustrated with the light of the Gospel. The Son doth not make so great a change in the World, when it draws it out of the shade wherein night had buried it, as this gallant soul did in all the East, which he drew out of the Egyptian darkness of infidelity to the admira­ble light of Christianity.

After this great Apostles example many thousand of the Society have [Page 55]gone, and do daily go to spread the Gospel of Christ in all the Quar­ters of the World: To East, and West, India, China, Japony, Brasile, Paraquaria, Canada, Peru, Mexico, Chili, Abassia, Congo, Mauritania, Mo­nomotapa, and in a word to the known Nations of the unknown World. So that the Society may without vanity say ‘Quae regio in terris nostri non plena labo­ris?’

If the Society heareth of a way opened into any country of the World, where Christ is not known, presently they offer themselves to go thither. They know they are to pass through cruell and merciless seas, to more cruell and merciless Nations. They know they are to travers vast woods and desarts full of Lions and Tigers; to find out a people more savage then those Beasts. They know they are to climbe over Mountains of Snow and Ice, to find out men colder then ice, all frozen in impiety; all this they know, and they weigh all [Page 56]the labour and danger they must en­dure, yet nothing can stop them. Ne­ver was there yet labour or danger found so great, but that the Society (through the assistance of God) found greater minds to encounter and over­come those labours and dangers, wheresoever the good of souls did re­quire their help. This is a truth ma­nifest to all this habitable World; there being no country known to Men, where the Society doth not la­bour for Christ. But all this is done with incredible pains. Weary jour­nies by sea and Land, perpetual drudgery, tedious sicknesses without comfort of Doctour or Physick, un­timely, and many times violent death, are daily and hourly to be expected by those that will labour to instruct wild Men and Cannibals, and manure them to the Faith of Christ. And all these troubles and dangers are re­doubled by the want of those com­forts which Friends, and acquaintance, and kindred, and the civility and plenty of Europe afford. So that who­soever goeth into these Missions of the Society, must make account, that [Page 57]he leapeth into a furnace of perpetu­al tribulation, where he is never to cease labouring and induring for Christ, till with his last breath he is sacrificed to Divine love. Yet such is the mercy of God, that the Society wanteth not men, who voluntarily im­brace all this fatigue, and willingly offer themselves, and beg these Missi­ons.

These are then the employments of the Society, these their functions: for I omit the Naval and Camp missions, wherein the Society endeavoureth to assist seamen, and Souldiers; I omit their frequent endeavours to reconcile those that are at Enmity: I omit their industry in promoting of Plety by so­dalities and other wayes; all which may in some sort be guessed at, by what I have already said. To con­clude then this chapter, I desire the Reader to reflect on one thing, which will much inhance the price of all these actions. It is that all this is done gra­tis. The Jesuits do not expect any re­ward, nor can they receive any sti­pend, or recompence for their pains in teaching, preaching, helping the [Page 58]sick, administring Sacraments, or any of the charitable functions which they embrace. But as they do frankly and freely, for the honour of God, whatsoever they can do for the good of their Neighbour, so they rely on the Providence of God who exciteth devout people to supply their necessity out of pure charity. This they do not do as condemning the Clergy and Religious, who take Tithes and Sti­pends for their spiritual functions just­ly, as the church alloweth them: but they desire to imitate as neer as they can their Blessed Saviour, who though he lived on the almes, which devout people gave him, yet did freely and without thought of recompence, all that his eternal Father ordained him to do. By this means on the one side they avoid all semblance of Ava­rice and simony, and on the other side the people, whom lucre often times makes nigards to God, and strangers to the sacraments, are sooner wone to do good, when they see it costs them nothing, but a good will, to make use of the societies labour in schooles, in sermons, in sacraments, [Page 59]and the rest of their spiritual and cha­ritable functions.

CAP. IV. Whence it comes that the Soci­ety is still persecuted and calumnied by many.

ONe would think that so many charitable actions, done purely for love, might deserve a reciprocal love: and that men who harass them­selves with continual toyle for the profit of others, should at least reap thanks for their pains, and find com­passion in their travail, not indignati­on; comfort, not persecution. Yet on the contrary, of the society we may say as of the Primitive church, notum est nobis quia ubique contradici­tur ei, we know that every where they are contradicted and persecuted. But this opposition is not so generall as it is noysed; if the adversaries of the Jesuits be many, their friends are also many, and they of the abler and [Page 60]better sort of people: as evidently appeareth by this, that though the Enemies of the society do all that they can possibly to overthrow them, yet notwithstanding the Jesuits are still maintained, and honoured where­soever Catholick Religion is allowed.

Three sorts of Men I observe in England to be adversaries of the soci­ety. The first and worst of all are some Catholicks, who have such a tooth a­gainst the Jesuits that they cannot af­ford them one good word. These are unexcusable, for since they know the Catholick Church hath approved the institute of the society, and they take that Church for their infallible guide, they can have no colour for condem­ning the society. They do the society great wrong, but themselves far grea­ter, (specially some of them whose quality is such that they ought to be more exemplar) for in effect, whilst they endeavour to disgrace the so­ciety they defame themselves. They must think their Auditours very igno­rant in Christian duty, if they suppose them such as cannot reflect what sin detraction is. Some of these would seem [Page 61]Zealots, and they have something that might give them vogue enough, if en­vy and this spirit of detraction did not de-ingrate all the rest. These I would desire to meditate on that of St. John, Epist. 1. c. v. 20. Si quis dixerit, quo­niam diligo Deum, & fratrem suum ode­rit, mendax est. If any body say, I love God, and yet hateth his Brother, he is a lyar. Again I would desire them to reflect on the severe censures which they incur by speaking against the In­stitute of the Society, which is no less then Excommunication ipso facto; as appeareth by the Bull of Greg. 13. be­ginning Ascendente Domino, Dated 1584. Where he hath these words, Praecipimus in virtute sanctae obedientiae ac sub poenis excommunicationis latae sen­tentiae, nec non inhabilitatis ad quaevis officia & beneficia saecularia, & quo­rumvis ordinum regularia, eo ipso absque alia declaratione incurrendis (quarum absolutionem nobis & successoribus nostris reservamus) ne quis cujuscunque status, gradus, & praeeminentiae existat dictae societatis institutum, aut constitutiones quovis disputandi vel etiam veritatis in­dagandae quaesito colore, directe vel indi­recte [Page 62]impugnare vel eis contradicere au­deat. We command in vertue of Holy Obedience, and under pain of excommu­nication latae sententiae, as also of ina­bility to any office or benefice secular or regular, to be incurred without further declaration, and from which they cannot be absolved but by us or our successors, That no man of what state degree or emi­nence soever he be dare to impugne or contradict the Institute of the society or constitutions; either directly or indirectly under any colour of disputing or search­ing out of the truth.

Another sort of men there are who hate the Jesuites becauise they will, never reflecting why; These are a malevolent sort of men, whose lavish tongues vent nothing but censures, their zeal is fury, their devotion mis­chief, their envious souls are never lodg'd at ease, but in the ruine of their Neighbours. Root and Branch. was the word wherewith they design'd all the Papists long since to destructi­on. Cruel spirits, that could rejoyce whilst they warm'd themselves at the fire which consumed their King and Country: as though their Govenant [Page 63]had been made with death and destru­ction. Aristides was a gallant man, as most that ever Athens saw, a great Oratour, and great Commander, and so upright in all his dealings that he was sirnamed the Just. Yet no vertue could give him security, nor screen him from envy. The people, instigated by certain hotspurs, would needs have him banished. To their Ostracisme therefore they went to vote Aristides out of their Republick. A­ristides went along with them, and whilst he was on the shoreside, look­ing on the fury of the people more mercilesse then the waves of the sea, one comes to him with a shell (for in shells they writ their sentence, which thence was called Ostracisme) and desires him to write in it the word for banishing Aristides. Aristides smi­ling at the man, asked him friendly whether he knew Aristides; not I, quoth the man; And why then must he be banished! saith Aristides, what have you against him? He is just (saith the fellow) he is called Just, that name I hate, we are resolved, he shall be gone; pray write: So Aristides [Page 64]writ as the man desired, and though not without indignation, yet was he glad to see that his crime was Justice. This furious sot was a picture of many mis-shaped souls that we have in Eng­land. They do not know what a Jesuite is, they cannot tell that ever they saw a Jesuit, they cannot name any one true crime committed by any Jesuit, yet they hate the very name, nor shall any perswade them to reason. I can­not hope much of these spirits, yet be­cause I conceive many of them were misled by those incendiaries of our late intestine wars, who from the pul­pits painted the King a Papist, the Pope a Monster, and the Jesuites his horns, I will not dispair, but that now, when those Apostles of Hell are silen­ced, these men may be brought so far, as to resolve not to be enemies to the Jesuites till they can tell why, which is all I beg of them.

A third sort of men there are who are adversaries of the society of Jesus, not out of malice, but prevented by a prejudicate opinion. These are, the rational Protestants. They have heard much against the Jesuites, and no­thing for them. So they presume [Page 65]that the crimes objected, are by silence allowed. It is to these particularly that I consecrate this Treatise. And as I have shewed them in the three pre­cedent Chapters what is the end of the society, and what the means they use to perfect themselves and help their neighbours; so now I intend to shew them whence it comes that the so­ciety is so much maligned; and in the following chapters I will answer the Objections made against the Socie­ty.

The first and principal reason that occurreth to me is Gods eternal dis­position, who, fince all was (as the A­postle speaketh) wrapt up in sin, hath resolved to make use of the perversness of the wicked for the tryal of the good; and hath fixed this irrevocable decree, 2 ad Tim. 3.12. Omnes qui volunt pie vivere in Christo Jesu, persecutionem Pa­tientur; all that will live piously in Christ Jesus shall suffer persecution. So the Confessors, so the Martyrs, so the Apostles, so Christ himself found it. We must not therefore expect, that the Jesuites shall be more kindly used by the World then Christ and his [Page 66]Saints were. Si mundus vosodit, Sci­tote quia me priorem vobis odio habuit. If the world hate you, saith Christ, Joh. 15.18. to those that follow him, know that they bated me before you. They that carry the name of Jesus must not be ashamed to carry also the crosse of Jesus. Nor must they expect, that for them, either God should change his Decrees, or the world its nature.

'Tis the will of God, that the just should be persecuted, and 'tis the na­ture of the World to hate Justice. The plurality of Votes in this World al­waies goes for pleasure and profit, a­gainst learning and vertue. 'Tis a wretchedness in men to do so, but it is an unspeakable secret of Gods pro­vidence, to make use of this wretch­edness of men, for to perfect his saints. This God did do with the primitive church, this he did with the Holy Or­ders of Saint Benedict, St. Dominick, St. Francis, and the rest, and this he doth with the society. And I take it for an argument of Gods great good­will to the society, that he is pleased to try them by adversity. This I am further convinced of, when I reflect, [Page 67]that all their persecutions have still ended to their advantage, which sheweth the secret hand of God that directs all for their good, and makes it an argument of the Jesuites perfection that they thrive by persecution, as [...] did the primitive Church, to the asto­nishment of all the World. Surely there hath been enough done to exter­pate the Jesuites out of England, and out of all the World, if God did not maintain them. But as long as God maintaineth them, persecution shall only perfect, not overthrow them.

The second reason why the Jesuites have many adversaries I take from the nature of their functions. To teach and instruct others, is a thing very profitable, but not very pleasing. Re­prehensions which masters must use are necessary, but odious, and many times children remember more what they suffered, then what they got in schools. In a hundred or two hun­dred thousand scholars, some will be uncapable of learning, others unto­ward and of no application: Yet these many times are of great birth, and prove leading men in towns, and ci­ties, and armies. Now when it hap­peneth [Page 68](as often it must do) that any of these are checked, and corrected, and perhaps (when they are incorri­gible) expulsed the schools, there re­mains an adversary for the society, as great as any of these may chance to be in birth or dignity. All this on the Jesuites side is unavoydable, for if you will keep schools, you must keep order and discipline, and correct those that transgresse. Nor on the other side must we wonder, that some without any offence prove ungrateful. Most men are so to God and to Christ; what if some be so to the Jesuits? What I have said of schools, is in pro­portion to be understood of the other employments of the society. A prea­cher must reprehend vice, he must speak home to his auditour. And how many are there so lew'd, that they hate the commendation of chastity? how many so riotous that they cannot endure an invective against drinking? how many are netled when they hear excesse in apparrel condemned? I know where it happened that a Bishop was ready to inform against a Jesuit, as having spoken treason, when he [Page 69]had preached against vanity in apparel. And the complaint had been carried to court, had not the chief Magistrates of the town, testifyed that the good Father had said nothing which might any wayes touch upon the State, and further that they themselves had desi­red the Father to preach of that mat­ter, as not being able to bear the ex­pence which their Wives and Children put them to for their apparel. But reprehension is a touchy matter, and no warinesse is enough to prevent complaints. In like manner a Con­fessarius must not flatter his penitent; he must urge restitution of goods and fame, he must be satisfied that the purpose of amendment is real, he must see the contrition be hearty and sin­cere. These are no pleasing actions, and many finding the Society more rigo­rous then they could wish, fling off, and call the Jesuites scrupulous, and Puritant-papists, though the Jesuites and the Puritans be antipodes in all their life and maximes.

The third reason is the nature of humane frailty, considered as well in the Jesuites, as in those that oppose [Page 70]and calumny them. On the the Jesu­ites part, it is humane frailty that now and then some of them fall into errors and perhaps scandals too. This is the condition of man, that none can live quite blamelesse, and in a great num­ber of never so perfect men, some will be imperfect. In so many hundred masters as dayly teach schools in the Society, some will swerve from their rule, and either through indiscretion, or passion commit faults which may justly be censured. The like is of the other imployments of preaching, ca­techising, missions, and the rest which I have numbred in the precedent chap­ter, all which being hard imployments, and requiring a solid renunciation of ones self, for to be constantly per­formed well, it must be expected that some will falter, and having set their hand to the plough look back.

Now whereas when any of these things happen, all prudent men, ought to compassionate humane infirmity, and by good counsel and advice endea­vour to take away the fault, or at least the Scandal; for the most part it happeneth quite contrary, through [Page 71]the frailty (to call it no otherwise) of those that oppose the Society. If one Jesuit among a hundred have er­red, presently they magnify the fault, and multiply it too, and clap it on all Jesuites, as a property of their vo­cation. For example if they see a Jesuit exceed in cholar, presently these Calumniatours comment on that fault, and first conclude that that man is haughty and proud, then that all Je­suites are arrogant and insufferable men: and so they set the calumny a­bout, which runs through the whole nation, still growing by the way, till at length the multitude takes the noise for an argument, and rests fully con­vinced, every one being well conten­ted to believe ill of others. This is what I have very often observed to have happened to the Jesuites: a little fault of one mans frailty, para­phrased by malevolent glossers, hath often made a great noise, and when the matter hath been sifted, the source of all has been at most a peccadilio, an oversight, a chance. Now if it hap­pen that some Jesuit committ a great fault against the precepts of [Page 72]God or leave his vocation, present­ly that is rung out in a full peal, and all the Jesuites in the World, must be lashed by every mans tongue, for the fault which one committed, though all the rest were against the delin­quent, and more sensible of his fault then they would be of any humane losse, or even of death it self. God be thanked such scandals happen but very seldome; and perhaps that's one reason why the faults of the Jesuites make so much noise, because they happen seldom. Howsoever the Je­suits have reason to relent this unjust proceeding of their adversaries, which is both unchristian and unrational: Unchristian because it is against all the rules of charity: unrational be­cause very illogically these men draw a general conclusion out of particular premises. All lewd Women must not be concluded Saints, because St. Ma­ry Magdalen was so, nor all the A­postles Traytours, because Judas was so. The Jesuits for the most part are vertuous and able men, if some times they err, they desire a charita­ble interpreter, not a sower Critick.

The fourth reason is the condition of the Jesuits life which on the one side is publick in the view of all the World; and on the other side hath not that exteriour rigour, which may bespeak veneration by a kind of looks of Vertue, or countenance of morti­fication, which takes the multitude that is not able to see into the inside of Vertues. Other religious orders are immured up in Cloisters, where if they commit any fault, it is covered in silence and solitude. A rough ri­gid habit gets reverence to some: perpetual fasts give fame to others: others are credited by great austerity. Others by daily begging of almes make their poverty and contempt of the World known and esteemed. All do laudably; nor do I cite their ex­ample to tax them, but to commend them, whom the Society looketh at as their elder brothers. All that I say is, that the Society hath none of those things which may serve for a sconce to others if they fall. A Jesuit [Page 74]that is a Master, or Preacher, or Mis­sionant, cannot err, but that he must have as many Witnesses of his errour as there are men that he dealeth with. The life and habit of a Jesuit, hath nothing that speaks Rigour: 'tis a common life, such as may beseem poor Clergy Men that are tyed to conti­nual labour: as it hath nothing of superfluity, so it wanteth nothing that is necessary. This the Vulgar un­derstand not, but easily interpret a­miss. I believe if I should describe the rigid life of the Charter-house Moncks in perpetuall silence, perpe­tual solitude, perpetual fast and pra­er, there would be found many hair­brain'd men who would presently cry, The Devil is in these men. And the same Men if they should be told all the Jesuits life, would presently cry, that They had an easie life, a merry life, alwayes fall of Good cheer. These men may have the comfort that they are not the first Fools of the World: there were as very fools as they a long time ago. Christ our Saviour tells us so. Mat. 11.18. Venit Joannes neque manducans neque bibens & dicunt de­monium [Page 75]habet; venit Filius hominis man­ducans & bibens, & dicunt ecce homo vorax & potator vini. John came neither eating nor drinking, that is, with extream Rigour of fast, and they say of him he hath the Devil in him. On the other side. The Son of Man comes eating and drinking, that is leading a common life, not refusing a necessary diet, and they say he is a de­vourer and a Wine-bibber. So doth the multitude usually misinterpret ver­tue, and like ill Schollars alwayes construe wrong. Nor is it only the multitude, some (for that must be said too) some I say, even among Priests and Religious men reprehend the life of the Society. They are startled to see the common life of the Jesuits, and like St. Johns Disciples they ask. Math. 9.14. Quare nos & Pharisaei je­junamus frequenter, discipuli autem tui non jejundnt. Why do we and the Pha­risees fast often, but your Disciples fast not? They have set themselves a me­thod of life and a way of Rigour, which is laudable, but that which is not laudable, is, that when they see the Society go another way to perfecti­on [Page 76]on different from theirs, they imagine they are out of the way. And which is yet less laudable they fall some­times into open complaints, when they see that the Jesuits, (though there appear no extraordinary Rigour in their life to commend them to the o­pinion of the World) are notwith­standing in a high opinion for Ver­tue and Learning, and carry away the ball for conduct of Souls in most countries of Christendome. This doth easily gall those who are not solidly Vertuous: it makes them re­pine, to see that esteem, which they judge due to themselves, paid to o­thers, in whom they acknowledge so little merit.

Yet this must be borne pationtly by the Jesuits: nor must they change their institute because of wicked eyes that look on: they must not overload their Subjects who are wearied with their daily employments, for the judgement of other men. Wise Men see, (notwithstanding the murmure of some) that there are very few Or­ders in the church of God more strict, and bound to greater hardship then [Page 77]the society. Nor doth it import much, whether the mortification be in the brain, or on the back: the former is least seen, but most felt. And who­soever will look on the employments of the Society will easily find, that they import as much pain and morti­fication, as any rule can easily do. Be­sides, the rule of the Society obli­geth, that every one shall use such mor­tifications, as, his employment and health considered, his Superiour or Ghostly Father shall think fit to al­low him. In consequence to which rule I conceive the voluntary morti­fications used in the Society may com­pare with most, and transcend many of the exactest observance. But they do not appear, and so those who mea­sure all by the outside, easily judge wrong.

These are then, as far as I can con­ceive, the fountains and sources of the animosity that divers have against the society. Now let us proceed to see what it is that is objected against the Society, and what is their answer.

CAP. V. The Objections made against the society of Jesus, which concern their life and Institute.

TWO things I desire to advertise the Reader of, before I enter on the particular Objections. The one is that I shall deal sincerely and plain­ly in setting down the objections and answers (as far as I know them) with­out dissembling, or publishing any thing; my intent being wholly bent on this to declare the truth, of which every one may judge as they see rea­son. The second thing is, that when in the answer to these objections, I do clear (as I conceive I shall) the Soci­ety, my meaning is not to say that never any man of the Society erred in those points, no, that is not my mean­ing, nor would it be true: I have al­ready shewed in the former chapter that one of the causes which gives rise to the calumnies made against the So­ciety, [Page 79]is the frailty of particular Jesu­its, from which I never intend to ex­empt them. But to shew that the so­ciety is blamelesse, is to shew that their Rule and Institute, which in ef­fect is vigorously looked into, for­bids those faults, and fenceth them out, and prevents them, and punisheth them severely when they are found, which is all that humane frailty can do. All this every judicious man will allow: and so I come to the Ob­jections, and first to those which are the most vulgar.

The first objection then, which ta­ble talk layes to the Jesuites is, that they are crafty. I answer that if by craft it be meant that the Jesuits are not fools, not imprudent men, not headlong zealots, I hope it is all very true. The Jesuits have a very pru­dent Government, like to Monarchi­cal mixt with Aristocracy. All de­pend on one, but one that hath his lawes fixed, and is bound to hear counsel in every occurrent of moment, and may be called to account. Be­sides the Jesuits do not easily admit a­ny amongst them but such as they [Page 80]hope may in time prove vertuous and able men. Further they set the high­est esteem, after vertue, on learning. And to secure the actions of all, every office and employment amongst them hath set rules, made with long deli­beration and experience. Finally no Jesuit is allowed to follow his own dictamen, but all are regulated by the advice of Superiours, Masters, and Ghostly Fathers. All this gives the Jesuites much advantage and dexteri­ty in action, and will effect, that (with Gods blessing) their endeavours will succeed, which is that which prudence aimeth at. But if by craft is meant as the word sounds (specially in an ob­jection) a practise of compassing their ends by wiles and tricks, or an endea­vour to overreach others by undue means, it is very false and very farr from the Jesuits. This may appear first by looking on the end of the So­ciety described in the first chapter. Did ever any man go about to cheat ano­ther, for his good that was cheated? Yet the end of the Society is the good of their neighbour. Next the means the Society useth to compasse this end, [Page 81]are teaching, preaching, catechising, and the rest numbred in the third chapter; All which are no actions of cheating or cozenage: and besides, they are done by the Jesuites frankly and freely, without hoping or admitting a­ny salary or reward. Do men, think you, use to take great pains in trickes and double dealing for no advantage of their own? Lastly all the Kings and Princes and their Councels, all the Cities and Nations that hold the society in esteem, confute this objecti­on. For they all judge the Jesuits prudent men. Men of solid Vertue and Learning: and on that account they trust the Jesuits with their dear­est pleadges, their children, and their consciences. Now if this Objection were true, all those must be conclu­ded to be of very weak judgment, that have been so long gulled, ta­king that for prudence, which is but craft, for vertue which is vice, for honesty which is a cheat. But the ignorant, seeing that God usually blesseth the endeavours of the Socie­ty, taketh that for craft, which is done by the rules of true prudence.

[Page 82]The second objection is, that the Jesuits are rich. This is another of those Objections which in the tongues and ears of inconsiderate people makes a great noise to cry down the Jesuits. I answer. Suppose this were true, and that the Jesuits were in­deed rich and very rich; yet 'tis no crime to be rich, but to use riches ill is the fault. Bishops are Rich, Canons are rich, Monasteries of Moncks are rich, and no body com­plains: nay all good men are glad to see wealth in their hands who will use it well for the honour of God: it was for this reason that the piety of our Ancestours was so bountifull to Churches and Monasteries, because they thought their riches best placed where they might be best used for the glory of God. And what then if the Jesuites were rich? Yet 'tis not so: They are actually poor, and very poor: they are not so well furnished as com­monly the poorest of all the Clengy. The whole annual rent of a Colledge, which keepeth about twenty Jesuits to teach and preach, is not usually so great, as what oftentimes one Canon [Page 83]possesseth. All the Colledges in a Province (Flanders for example) are not worth the Revenues of one Mo­nastery. I can assure you this, that there are but few Colledges so well rented in all Europe, as to have year­ly twenty pound a Man for every Religious person that they maintain. Yet out of this twenty pound a Man, is to be defalked the expenses of the Church, the expenses of the Fabrike, the expenses of Strangers; either of the society, who come that way, or of secular Men, who upon occasions re­tire themselves to the Colledges for to make the spiritual exercise. All which expenses deducted, the remain­der is not so great, but that in ef­fect the Fathers need daily almes for to buy their bread, almost in all the Colledges of Europe.

But that which Malevolent men lay hold of to make ignorant people be­lieve the Jesuites are rich is, that they see the Jesuites Churches splendid, and richly furnisht, and their schools and halls for publick exercises mag­nificently built. This they take for riches, and they do not consider, that [Page 84]these works argue the devotion and magnificence of the Founders, not the riches of the Jesuites. Churches are great for the concurse of many that there serve God; and schools are large to receive many Schollars. 'Tis the good of the Town that good schools be built: it maketh not the Master one penny the richer; nor is it any comfort to him to pass out of a large school, through a fair Hall built for publick exercises of learn­ing, to a poor garret, there to spend the rest of his time in Solitude, Si­lence, Prayer, and Study. An ava­ritious man cannot center here, though a religious Spirit finds more solace in the bare walls of a narrow cell, then in the specious magnificence of state­ly buildings.

Another reason why the Jesuites are commonly thought rich is, be­cause generally every one of them is sufficiently provided of necessaries. Yet this proceedeth not from any o­ther riches then the Treasure of cha­rity. It is the rule and practise of the Society, that amongst them every one must be equally provided of ne­cessaries, [Page 85]what is their's is common to all. They have no Abbots who have their quota, a part for to keep State and publick Hospitality, as some o­ther Religious very laudably do. Their Rectours eat and drink no better then their Porters and Cooks do; all out of the same pot, and at the same Table. This equal division makes that their Almes and Reve­nues being equally shared amongst all, none abound, nor none want, or if they do? 'tis when all want. Be­lieve not me in this, believe those that have lived (as many Gentlemen in England have done) in the semina­ries and convicts of the Society, they can tell you that all Jesuites fare and lodge alike, all are clad alike, all equally attended in health and sicknesse. There is no difference, save only the respect due to age and superiority.

The third objection is, that the Je­suites are ambitious: but what are they ambitious of? If a hard mission be to be undergone, if Prisons and Hospitals be to be visited, if any be to be exposed to contagions, or pesti­lences, then (thanks be to God) the [Page 86]superiours find them all ambitious of such employments. But for Titles and Honours, they are so far from aspi­ring to them, that I think no com­munity in the World can better plead Not guilty then they. All that are professed in the Society make this vow. Promitto nunquamme acturum vel prae­tensurum ne indirectè quidem, ut in a­liquam praelationem, vel dignitatem eli­gar vel promovear. I promise that I will never procure or pretend (not so much as indirectly) to be chosen into any dignity or prelacy. This vow they make to ex­clude all ambition of dignities or pre­ferments within the society. Now for other Titles out of the Society, as of Bishop or Cardinal and the like, they Vow thus: Promitto praeterea nunquam me curaturum praetensutumve extrasocie­tatem praelationem aliquam vel dignita­tem, nec consensurum in mei electionem quantum in me fuerit, nisi coactum obe­dientiâ ejus qui mibi praecipere potest sub paenâ peccati. I promise besides that I will never procure or pretend unto any dignity or Prelacy out of the Society, and that as much as lyeth in me, I will not consent to my Election, unless I [Page 87]be forced by obedience of him who can command me under pain of sin. If they who make this vow, and keep it most exactly (as the society hath e­ver done) must be called ambitious, what shall we say of those that desire and procure Dignities and Prelacies. I would fain see those that tax the so­ciety of ambition, lay their hands on their breast, and make the same vows which the Jesuites do. If they refuse that, and yet would not be judged ambitious, though they pre­tend (as they say) to prefer them­selves by Legal wayes, let them change their sentence, and give a milder cen­sure of the society. Certainly the Je­suites have had many able men, who have been Confessours and Preachers to Kings, Princes, and Popes; and by that means they have had a fair door open to honour. Nay many times honours have been thrust upon them; but their resolution, and only their resolution to avoid all honours, hath kept them off. Some few of the Society have been raised to Ecclesiasti­call dignities, but it is known that thay accepted not those dignities but by [Page 88]force, and so kept the rigour of their vow. All this makes it clear that this Objection is wholly ground­lesse.

The fourth objection; that the Je­suites are nice and lead a lazie and de­licate life. This objection is answered in the end of the precedent chapter, and it needeth no further refutal, then the bare rehearsal of the employments wherein the Jesuites are busied. How can any man judge them lazie who embrace so many employments of such fatigue, for the publick good? How can they be judged nice, who spend a great part of their life in schools, and never refuse to go to Hospitals and Prisons, and treat with beggars for the good of their souls? But the Je­suites have a decent habit, and by their rule have a great care of cleanli­ness, in their house, in their cham­ber, and Refectory, and above all in their Church; this they who will nick­name all vertue call nicety: as the or­der they keep in their Schools, to a­void confusion, and ease their labour, they call Laziness; and with their good leave I call their whole objection sot­tishness.

[Page 89]The fist Objection; Jesuites are dangerous men, because they meddle in intrigues of State, and thrust them­selves into Court affairs. I answer that if ever any Jesuit doth do so, he transgresseth his rule, and committeth a grievous sin against an express pre­cept of obedience; which is set down in these very words in their Consti­tutions, under the Title Censurae & Praecepta. In virtute sanctae obedientiae praecipitur nostris omnibus, ne quis pub­licis & saecularibus Principum negotiis, ulla ratione se immisceat, nec quan­tumvis per quoscunque requisitus aut ro­gatus, ejusmodi politicas res tractandas suscipiat. ‘All ours are commanded in Vertue of Holy obedience, that none do any wise intermeddle in publick and secular businesses of Princes, nor upon any intreaty or re­quiry do embrace such State affairs.’ Can there be more caution used then to forbid this under the highest penal­ty that can be, that is under mortal sin? for 'tis a mortal sin to transgress a precept. Truly when I have some times reflected on this precept, I have been so far from siding with the ob­jection, [Page 90]that I have thought Sove­raigns might justly except against this rigour. For it seems to me that by this precept Princes are excluded from making that use of their Sub­jects which otherwise they justly might. It may happen that a Jesuit may be as fit to be entrusted with publick affairs of State, as other Church men are, whom we see often employed. Why may it not be as law­full for a King, if he so please, to use a Jesuite, as a Fryar, a Monck, a Canon, a Bishop, (who is wedded to his Church) or a Cardinal? We have seen of all these men that have very fortunately managed State af­fairs. I see no other, solution, but that it is for the publick good, that whilst some Churchmen laudably serve their Princes in this kind, others should (as the Jesuits do) avoid all actions of pomp and States matters. But happily this objection proceed­eth from those that cannot distinguish betwixt Temporal and Spirituall. They see that in most Courts there are some Jesuites neer the persons of the Princes and Soveraigns, and chief [Page 91]Courtiers: I mean those who are their Confessours or Preachers. This makes many cry out of the Jesuites as med­dlers in State affairs. They might as well say, that the Physitians are States men, because there is no Prince that hath not his Physitian as well as his Confessor or Preacher. But the Physitian, you will say, attend­eth to his business; and I answer that the Jesuite also attendeth to his. And if either of them hear any thing of State matters, 'tis but what the Princes please to communicate, which is no crime, nor doth it make either of them States men.

The sixth objection. The Jesuites cannot be trusted, because they reveal all secrets, even confessions, to their su­periours. I answer first, that this ob­jection, if it were true, would prove the former objection to be null; for if they reveal all, they are not fit to be States-men, whose first maxime ought to be secresie. But it is false, as all those know who usually en­trust the Jesuits with their conscience. England saw F. Garnet rather chose to dye then to reveal a secret of confes­sion. [Page 92]And besides this in all matters that require a natural secret, the Je­suits know their obligation as well as others. Nor doth their rule, or can their superiour oblige them to reveal any thing in this kind. True it is, that the Jesuits among themselves, for the publick good, give one another leave to reveal to the Superiour the faults which they see in them. This is by publick consent among themselves on­ly for the good of all, and it reacheth not out of their own community, nor toucheth externes. And besides no Jesuit can undertake an imployment, or go a journey without acquainting his superiour, and having his leave. All this is for Domestick Order. But wheresoever any one openeth a secret to any Jesuit for counsel, or the good of his conscience, there the Jesuits observe the same rules of secrecy which other honest and religious men are bound unto.

But because in this objection I have mentioned F. Garnet, I must say a word or two concerning him. The cause of his death, was that having in confession heard of the wicked design [Page 93]of some of those who were contrivers of the Gun-powder treason, he did not reveal it. Upon this he was condem­ned of treason. And truly I do not won­der that Protestants, who know not the Sacramet and seal of Confession, should cry out of him for it: but I wonder that some Catholicks and Priests should lay that treason on the Jesuites doctrine. And for a full sa­tisfaction I desire the judicious Prote­stant to consider three things. First of all. Father Garnet did nothing in that concealment, which every Priest in England and in all the World, will not say was the Duty of a Catholick Priest. Every Catholick knoweth, that a Priest cannot reveal any secret imparted to him in confession for any Good in the World. Christ hath commanded that secret should not be broke for any good imaginable. So Father Garnet did nothing but what all Priests will professe to be their du­ty. It was his chance to be in the case, but if any body else had been there, he would have done the same. I intend not to dispute why this secret is such, or whence it is proved, but [Page 94]only I say that all Catholicks believe it to be such, and all Priests profess that they do and will ever keep the secret of confession in all things whatsoever. So that this cannot be laid to the Je­suits as their doctrine.

Secondly, I desire the Protestant to reflect, that this secrecy though it be allowed, can bring no prejudice to any Soveraign or State, but may probably bring some good. For if this secrecy be not allowed, no body will ever reveal such wicked designes to any Ghostly Father. Whereas if upon confidence of secrecy, they do reveal it, the Ghostly Father may likely diswade them, by shewing them the enormity of the fact. Good counsel is a great preservative from sin: and nothing precipitates a man more headlong into desperate at­tempts then want of counsel. When a man consults only with his own passion and ruminates by himself his melancholy designes, the mischief takes still deeper root, which had it been vented would often have been dissipated. That wicked man who murdered King Henry the fourth of [Page 95] France, being asked why he did not reveal his temptation to some good Ghostly Father, answered, that he thought that if he had done so, the Ghostly Father must have revealed it. This error of his, as he professed at his examination made him smother this sin in confession. So he went on in his design, which very likely he had ne­ver done, if he had spoken plain, and revealed his temptation in the begin­ing. It is true F. Garnet did endea­vour to disswade those perfidious trai­tors, and could not effect it. Yet o­thers have often hindred sinners from their wicked designes, by good counsel given in confession.

The third thing which I desire the Protestant to consider is, that God, to clear F. Garnet from any treason, and shew that he accepted his death as a Martyrdome, did honour him, with the wonderful imprinting of his pi­cture on some of the strawes on which his blood fell. This is writ by divers; the strawes with the Picture in them were seen by many, and by K. James himself. And among others, I know a person of note, who was present, and [Page 96]had formerly known F. Garnet and saw the straws: He was a Protestant, and one who did not easily believe a­ny miracles, but (as many do) laught at them. Yet when I asked him whe­ther he thought, that this could be natural? He answered that without dout it was supernatural, and that it was impossible so plain a picture should be made by any art in so little a com­passe. All this I have said not to dis­pute the controversy concerning con­fession, or the fact of F. Garnet, but only to evince, that the Jesuits have no doctrine in this point, but what all Catholick Priests professe, and which, as I conceive, can prejudice no body. And certainly those Protestants, who did sometime in England practise confession, thought those that heard confessions amongst them to be obliged to keep secret all the sins, and tempta­tions which any should reveal unto them in confession.

The seventh objection, the Jesuites make a vow to the Pope, and there­fore must be supposed not to be so loy­al as others, being already tyed to a forreign prince, and therefore but [Page 97]half Subjects. I answer that that vow is only in order to the propogation of the Ghospel which can prejudice no body. So say the Constitutions of the Society, part. 5. c. 3. Tota inten­tio quarti hujus voti fuit & est circa Mis­siones, & sic intelligi oportet literas A­postolicas ubi de hac obedientia loquuntur All the intention of this fourth vow, was and is concerning Missions, and so the Apostolical letters are to be understoood where they speak of this obedience. What the Missions are I explicated in the third Chapter. And surely no prince hath ever been prejudiced by this vow. Nor is it specially to be object­ed to the Jesuits that they have an obligation of obedience to the Pope; All Catholick Bishops take an oath to the Pope, nor doth any King or Prince suffer by that oath. And St. Francis the Seraphical Father promised for himself and all his Fryars Obedience to Pope Honorius the third and his suc­cessours, as Cordova saith, super. reg. c. 1. q. 3. circa finem. And Saint Bona­venture in Expositione reg. c. 1. calleth that promise a special vow, in these words, Etsi totus clerus & religiosorum [Page 98]universitas teneatur firmitèr Apostolico domino obedire, tamen huic debito vo­tum adjecit speciale. Although all the Clergy and all religious orders be bound to obey the Pope, yet St. Francis would add a special vow to this Obligation. For my part I think that no man, who rightly considereth what the Vow im­porteth can be startled at it: nor can a vow to go to the Indies for good of souls, if I be sent, more offend my So­veraign, then a Vow of going on Pil­grimage to Jerusalem, or any other Vow. This sheweth how vain a thing it is to object to the Jesuits their de­pendance of the Pope: whereas on the other side they depend of the Pope less then any of the clergy or religious men; speaking of that dependance, which may byass their affection or make them side with the Pope, since they cannot admit of those Ecclesiastical dignities, by which the Pope may oblige those who can accept them, and as we see dayly do pursue them. What the Jesuits obli­gation is in refusing dignities, I have said in the third objection in this chap­ter, and I think no man can say that they ever infringed that vow.

CAP. VI. Objections made against the Jesuites Doctrine.

AS the Jesuites Lives and form of Institute have found many Ad­versaries, so their Doctrine hath heen opposed by many. Some as well Protestants as Catholicks have im­pugned them by opposing reason to reason. These the Jesuites account their friends, and thank them for their pains. For to canvass doubt­full matters, by sifting one another's sentence, helps to whet the wits on both sides. There is a friendly clashing in Schools, and a striking fire in dispute, which serves only to give light to ob­scure questions. This opposition the Jesuites use not only with others, but even among themselves, nor do they fear any breach of charity in this amicable enmity, which is for the profit of both parties.

Another sort of adversaries oppose their Doctrine not by reasoning, but by railing, by clamours, by forging [Page 100]and falsying their books; as doth the authour of the Provincial letters, who never had any care of speaking truth: and so his work hath been of­ten condemned, and burnt by the hangman, as containing nothing but slanders. Indeed such adversaries de­serve such entertainment: for this is not to impugne Authors, but to be­ly them. These, to say truth, deserve no answer; they should be whipt out of Schools, if they had their desert. Yet to satisfie others sometimes they must be answered who merit not so much as to be heard.

From these adversaries not of learning but of truth proceed the ob­jections against the Jesuites Doctrine which I intend to take notice of in this chapter. And their First ob­jection is that the Jesuites teach the Doctrine of Equivocation and mental reservation, and therefore they can not be trusted. I answer that the Je­suits reach nothing in this matter which is not the common Doctrine of all Schools, and Universities none excepted. Nor do I see how it can be denyed unless we will say that it is [Page 101]lawfull to lye, as Statera morum doth for then we may infer as that book doth, pag. 172 that it is clear they are in an errour who scorning the name of a ly, make use of Equivocation. But that Author will not find any of his opinion, nor doth he lessen but in­crease the difficulty. The summe there­fore of the Doctrine concerning Equivocation is this: That it is al­wayes ill done to lye, but not alwayes ill to conceal the truth by ambiguous speech, that is by Equivocation or mental reservation. When there is a just cause to conceal the truth, then it is lawfull (say the Divines) to use ambiguous speech; on the contrary when there is not a just cause to con­ceal the truth then it is a sin to equi­vocate. Now when the cause to con­ceal the truth is just, or not, depen­deth on the particular circumstance of every occurrence, for which there is no rule can be set. This is the Do­ctrine of Equivocation wherein the Society hath nothing particular, but teacheth that and only that in which both Catholick and Protestant Do­ctours agree. Among the Catholick [Page 102]Doctours that teach this are St Au­gustin, S. Chrysostome, S. Ambrose, St. Thomas, and after him a torrent of School Divines. Among the Prote­stants are divers mentioned in the Pro­testants Apology: as Peter Martyr, Zuinglius, Willet, Melancton, Luther, Musculus, Wiclef, and divers others cited at length in the 7 section of the 3 Tract. under the Let. M. number 76. and in the 703. page of the Impression An. Dom. 1608. Though of the Au­thors there cited, some will not use the name of Equivocation or mental reservation, but call these doubtfull speeches officious lyes; which notwith­standing they say one is bound some­times to use. So Luther there cited, saith of Rahab, and concludeth that there is an officious lye, by which men provide for the fame and safety of their Neighbour. Igitur honestum ac pium mendacium est, ac potius officum charitatis appellandum. And Osiander there cited, saith of the Calvinists thus, Hanc maximam sou regulam habent Cal­vinistae licere pro gloria Christi mentiri. The Calminists have this for a ground or Principle, that it is lawfull to lye for [Page 103]the glory of Christ. Yet Catholicks generally do not allow of lying, but (as many Protestants) of concealing the truth by Equivocation.

Now that this Doctrine may, and must be sometimes allowed, examples will make manifest. I will instance in one. When his Majesty after Wor­cester fight was constrained to shelter himself in Boscobell, there was, as we all know, narrow search made after him. Among the rest one of the Pen­drils, (those loyal Subjects, ever to be commended in all history) was asked where the King was. He answered that he knew not: meaning that he knew not for to tell them. He thought he might and ought in that case con­ceal the truth. And all the Jesuites in the World are of his opinion. He was bound there under pain of high Treason to Equivocate. And those that deny Equivocation to be lawfull, let them say what they would have done? Sure I am, that if they would not in that case have used Equivocati­on or montal Reservation, they must have been either Lyars or Traytours. The doctrine therefore of Equivocati­on [Page 104]teacheth only this, that when there is a just necessity of concealing the truth, then you may equivocate: but when there is not a just reason to con­ceal the truth, then it is a sin to E­quivocate, because such equivocation containeth fraud and double dealing contrary to Christian Charity, and that candour and sincerity which is necessary for commerce among men. And in this the Jesuits are no wayes singular, they teach but what all teach.

The second Objection is that the Jesuits teach that horrid maxime. Fi­des non est servanda haereticis. Faith is not to be kept to Hereticks. I answer that, that maxime is point blanck a­gainst the doctrine of the Jesuits. Lay­man was a Jesuit: hear what he saith, lib. 2. Tract. c. 12. de Charitate. Tam. Je­suitae quam alii doctores Catholici aper­te profitentur ac docent: fidom publicam haereticis datam inviolabiliter & sine ullo dispensationis aut absolutionis reme­dio servandam esse. As well Jesuits as all other Catholick Doctours openly pro­fesse and teach that publick faith given to Hereticks is inviolably to be kept [Page 105]without any remedy of dispensatirn or ab­solution. Coutzen was also a Jesuit: and he in his book called Desceptatio de secretis Societatis Jesu, maketh this profession in his own name, and in the name of all the Jesuits pag. 86. Nos docemus Haeretico, Judaeo, Genti­li, Turcae, Rebelli subdito, fidem datam servandam esse, nec modo non aperte vi­olandam sed nec ambiguâ fraude, nec aequivocatione eludendam. We teach that faith is to be kept, to Hereticks, to Jewes, to Gentiles, to Turks, to Rebel­lious Subjects: and this faith is not only not be openly broken, but also not be elu­ded with fraud or equivocation but strict­ly to be kept. This I hope will sa­tisfy that that maxime is not the Je­suites.

The third and main Objection a­gainst the Jesuites Doctrine is, that they maintain the Popes authority in prejudice to Soveraignity, teaching that the Pope hath power to depose Kings. This is the Objection with which the Jesuites are every where cryed down. And because it is so much made of by the adversaries of the society, I shall humbly intreat the [Page 106]Reader to give me leave to be a little more large in my answer. I say there­fore as to matter of fact, for I mean not to meddle with the question other­wise, that the Jesuits never did at any time teach in this matter otherwise then what was the common doctrine of other Doctours in the Catholick Church, and for the present they are lesse chargeable with this Doctrine then any others. The first part of this assertion, I prove by the autho­rity of Henry the great, our dear Sove­reigns Grandfather, who (when this doctrine of the Popes deposing Kings was objected against the Jesuites, as an argument why they ought to con­tinue banished out of France) said to the Parliament these words, I am cer­tain that in averring and defending the Popes Authority they differ not from other Catholick Divines. This the French Stories averre, this the speech of that great King makes appear (as you may see in the speech it self which I have inserted in the next chapter) this the actions of the same King (if his words were not exstant) would make plain to all the world, for how can it be ima­gined [Page 107]that he who was in the account of all, a very wise man, should admit into his Kingdom men that held trea­sonable doctrine? How should he be possibly supposed so forgetful of his own good, and the safety of his own posterity, as that he should plead for men who were charged to hold do­ctrine prejudicial to Monarchy, with­out examining whether their accusati­on were true? No, no, he was not so weak, as to become the Oratour, for his own ruine; He would never have made it his businesse to plead for the Jesuites and command their admis­sion, nay further to take them into his familiar acquaintaince, make them his confessours and build them Col­ledges, and bequeath his heart unto them, if he had not been fully satisfy­ed, that their doctrine conteined no­thing singular to the prejudice of So­vereignty. I easily believe that those who have already calumnied the soci­ety in this matter, will endeavour some sleevelesse answer to this autho­rity of the words and actions of so great a King. But withall I confide that his Majesty will give more credit [Page 108]to the single assertion of his Grandfa­ther, then to ten thousand detracti­ons; and all wise men will joyn in his Majesties opinion.

But to go on and prove both first and second part of what I asserted. Nothing else need be said to make all my assertion evidently clear, but on­ly to give a true historical account of what hath been done in this matter, which I will do sincerely and faithful­ly. The opinion then of the Popes authority in deposing of princes was held by many religious and clergy men before any of the Society writ of it. For example there were ordinari­ly cited for this opinion of the renown­ed order of the Benedictines, Gregory the 7th. and other Abbots that joyn­ed with him (as Desiderius Abbot of Mont Cassin, and Anselmus Lucensis did) and Panormitanus &c. of the order of Saint Austiue, Aegidius Romanus, Au­gustinus Triumphus, &c. of St. Domi­nicks order, St. Thomas, St. Anthoni­nus, Cajetan, &c. of the Franciscans, St. Bonaventure, Johannes de Capistra­no, Pelagius Alvarius Alexander Ales, &c. of Carmelites, Waldensis and Ba­con; [Page 109]of the Clergy very many Priests and Bishops and Cardinals, as Gerson Doctour of Paris, &c. Of Law­yers Bartolus and Baldus &c. These and many more were cited in Shooles for this Doctrine, which Barclay rightly calleth the common doctrine of both Canonists and Divines, though notwithstanding it is to be observed that none of these, nor no Catholick Divine ever gave the pope an Arbitra­ry power to depose at his list, as now some though very falsly presume; Their opinions were modifyed so that their books stood in esteem and were not thought to have deserved so ill at princes hands as now some would make them seem. All which I do not sry to defend their opinions as good, but only as declaring matter of fact I say these and many more were cited in Schools for this doctrine; as a com­mon opinion before the Society was in the World: as besides what I have said is manestly proved in the Oration which Cardinal Peron made to the 3. Estate in France.

Whilest then this was the opinion of Schools, Beliarmine writ his contro­versies [Page 110]and in the matter de summo pontifice he taught this doctrine, and he took his arguments as he professeth himself in great part out of Sanders, a secular priest. After Bellarmine, partly to vindicate him, partly on o­other accounts four or five Jesuites more writ of the same matter, alledg­ing authours, who had writ before them, and taking for the most part their reason out of former writers that stood in Libraries and were read with­out controll in Schooles: And this is that which Henry the fourth said, that he wassure Jesuites taught nothing in this matter which did differ from o­ther Catholicks. But it was not enough for the society to be as wary as others.

Their doctrine therefore, after the death of Henry the fourth their great Protector, was highly contradicted, specially in France, and much noise there was. The Jesuits then seeing that this doctrine was Lapis offensionis, and bred disgust because they taught it, to take away all complaint of the society, resolved never to say more of that matter: so F. Claudius Aquavaria the fifth General of the Society made [Page 111]a prohibition concerning this matter on the 5th. of Jan. 1616. But because that prohibition seemed not efficaci­ous enough, to prevent all inconve­niences and give the World full satisfaction, Father Mutius Vitelleschi the sixth General of the society in the year 1626 on the thirteenth of August made a precept of obedience, by which all Jesuites are obliged under pain of damnation, never to write, dispute, teach or print, any thing con­cerning that matter. The precept is extant in an Epistle of Father Mutius, and from thence inserted as a perpe­tual precept into the 8th. Congrega­tion in fine, it runneth thus, Ordinamus in virtute sanctae obedientiae ne quis in posterum materiam de potestate summi pontifieis super principes, eos deponendi, &c. tractet aut libris editis aut scriptis quibuscùnque nec publice disputet, aut doceat in seholis, ut occasiones omnes of­fensionis & querelarum praecidantur. This is the precept which hath now stood this 35 years, and never was infringed by any one; fince the year 26 nothing hath been said of this question in schools, or sermons, or pub­lick [Page 112]discourses nothing hath been printed of it in the society. This care the society hath had to avoid all of­fensive questions. And truly I conceive it were much to be desired that all other Divines as well Protestants as Catholicks were obliged in the same manner, to perpetuall silence in these matters.

But whilst the society hath used this caution, others have not done so. They taught it before the society was in the World, and some continue it still: All this makes me reflect on the proceeding of those who love to re­vile the society right or wrong, cer­tainly if these mens zeal were for his Majesties safety as they pretend, they would never have picked out the Jesuits amongst all others to blame for this doctrine: they would have endea­voured to have rooted it out where it is main tained, not where it is already silenced and banished the schools. They might have found Doctrine more capa­ble of their invectives which concern­eth our times and our Nation neerer. For example the Author of the Re­flections on the Oaths of Supremacy and [Page 113]Allegiance, telleth us, page the 67^th. that in Spain Schools are connived at still in teaching this doctrine of the popes temporal power. If this be true why doth he not cite these schools? are they Monks? are they Fryars? are they Clergy men? for I am sure they are not Jesuits. But his resolu­tion to make the Jesuits odious, will not give him leave to name any body else. Again whilst these men would banish all the Jesuites out of England, because some Jesuites did fourty or fifty years ago teach that doctrine, why do they not cry out of such Eng­lish men as lately have writ the same doctrine and more too.

I will not cite them as not willing to propagate any of this kind of Do­ctrine, though it be but in a citation. But certainly they might have been taken notice of by any that did really intend rather to root out such kind of Doctrine then to impugne the Je­suites.

The fourth Objection against the Jesuites Doctrine is that they teach the killing of Kings, though under the name of Tyrants. So Mariana a Spanish [Page 114]Jesuit teacheth, and therefore ha [...] his books burnt at Paris. I answer, that Mariana did in the year 1599. print a book entituled, De Rege et Regis institutione, which he dedicated to Philip the second King of Spain. In this book he did teach a doctrine, (af­ter Dominicus Soto l. 5. de jure & Ju­sticia q. 1. a. 3.) contrary to the judgment of the society, of killing, not Kings, but of Tyrants: which do­ctrine the society condemned and for­bid, and the other Doctours of the society all unanimously impugned it. That you may know the truth, I must do as in the last Objection, that is, give you a narrative of the passage. When then the General of the society, Clau­dius Aquaviva understood that Maria­na had put out an opinion of so dan­gerous consequence, he writ to the fa­thers of the society in France, who had acquainted him with the whole matter, in these words, as Father Coton sets them down in a Letter to the Queen Regent of France. We have been very sorry that no body percieved the fault, untill the books were printed; the which notwithstanding we have presently com­manded [Page 115]to be corrected, and will use great care hereafter that such things hap­pen no more. This passed in the year 1606. four years before the Sorbon con­demned Mariana's book, which was Anno Domini 1610. July. 4. Accor­ding to this the General of the society did give order for the correcting that place, and suppressing the book till it were corrected; but some copies being abroad (before the error was known to the General) which the society would gladly have called in, the heirs of one called Weebel a Protestant, or as some French Authors call him, a Hu­gonot, printed it again at their own charges. And this for no other rea­son, as it may be presumed, but ei­ther lucre or malice to the society: After this the General sent a strict command to all of the society, as ap­peareth in Cong. 8. tit. Censurae, un­der pain of Excommunication, inabi­lity, and divers other penalties, pro­hibiting all of the society from wri­ting, or teaching in private or publick, or advising that it is lawful to kill Kings or Princes, or machin their death upon any pretence of Tyranny. [Page 116]And all the Authours of the society, excepting only Mariana, both before and since him, perpetually taught and teach the contrary; saying Ana­thema to all those that teach, or pra­ctise any such doctrine, condemned long since by the Councel of Constance. This is what the society hath done to stop that book, and root out the opini­on, which I conceive will clearly shew, that this Doctrine is not reasona­bly laid to the society; Nor can it be Objected but by them who will have it, that the fault of any one of the so­ciety must like Original sin infect all for ever and unpardonably, to whom I can give no other answer, but that I wish them more wit, and lesse ma­lice.

But now, lest what I have said in these two last Objections may give the Reader occasion of Scandal, I have two things to Admonish him of.

The first is, that I have said nothing but what I conceived precisely neces­sary to defend the innocency of the society, wrongfully impugned, and slandered by divers libells, and parti­cularly [Page 117]by the Author of the Reflecti­ons upon the Oathes of Allegiance and Supremacy, in his 9. Sect. I would confute the particulars, but I conceive on the one side, that which I have here writ is enough to make any body able to confute them, and on the otherside, the supposed Authour of that work, having before those of his own Order, that could and did call him to account, renounced the work and disowned it; I esteem him not to deserve an answer. By what I have said it is clear that the society hath no particular Doctrine concerning the Popes authority over Princes, but that they particularly are forbid the teaching of that opinion, which none else are known to be. And this I conceive answer enough for all that Authours false and malioious a­spersions, of a party of temporal ends, & the rest of his uncharitable censures, for which I pray God to forgive him.

The other thing that I would adme­nish particularly the Protestant Rea­der, in all love and charity is, that be­fore he condemne the Catholicks for the Doctrine which they have taught, he would turn his eyes a little towards [Page 118]his Own Church, where he shall find as dangerous Doctrine, not so say more dangerous. Luther, Zuinglius, Galvin, Beza, Knox, Goodman, and divers others have vented strange do­ctrine concerning Soveraignty. I will not cite their sentences, lest I may seem to exprobate: But this I say, as I do not censure any Protestant, be­cause some have taught dangerous Doctrine, so I desire the Protestant will be as favourable to me, and not lay the blame of other mens actions or words on me. As for my part, I do sincerely make this Protestation as in the sight of God; I do acknowledg his Majesty CHARLES the II. to be my lawful Soveraign, and leige Lord, I believe that I am bound to respect, honour and obey him, and that not only for fear but also for conscience sake, as the Scriptures teach me. I do believe that whosoever resisteth him, resisteth God; and whosoever rebelleth against him, rebelleth against God, and procureth to himself damnation. And accordingly I do promise to be a true and faithful subject to his Majesty, and not only never to Act against him, [Page 119]or abett any that shall act against him, but also to defend and maintain, accor­ding to the best of my skill, his life, crown, dignities and prerogatives. If I refuse the oath of Allegiance, as now it is couched, it is not because I refuse Allegiance, but because I must not renounce my faith to God. That to take the oath, as now it lies, is to renounce the Catholick faith, I am taught by the example of all former Catholicks in England, who though faithful to his Majesty, yet chose to lose their fortunes, liberty and life, rather then to take that Oath, for fear of violating their faith; I am taught so by the publick voice of the Catho­licks and Priests now living, who all generally esteem, it cannot safely be taken; I am taught so by the general opinion of Protestants, who judge those that take that oath to be confor­mists, and no more Roman Catho­licks; Finally, I am taught so by the very title of the Act wherein this Oath was inserted when it was first made. Which is, an act for the discovering and repressing Popish. Recusants. All this maketh me judge it not safe in consci­ence [Page 120]to take the Oath as it lyes, for fear of being perjured in that Oath wherein I desire to be most strictly bound to my Soveraign: But if it may so please his sacred Majesty, and the honourable houses of Parliament to make such an oath of Allegiance as may without trenching on conscience, contain all imaginable civil duty in the strongest expressions that can be conceived; I shall be exceeding glad, and most ready to take it my self, and invite all others to take it: Nor will I be my own Judge of the legality of any Oath; whatsoever all other priests and religious shall agree to, that I shall most willingly accept. This is my Protestation, to which I know all Jsu­ites in England will most willingly sub­scribe, for though they be slandered as making a party, and maintaining dangerous doctrine, yet they have no such doctrine, nor party, nor interest at Rome, but do willingly professe to joyne in whatsoever others shall agree.

CAP. VII. The last Objection made against the Jesuites, from the Exam­ple of Venice and France.

THe last Objection neither impug­neth the Jesuites Doctrine, nor their lives, but argueth from the ex­ample of Venice and France, that ba­nished the Jesuites. Truly if the ar­gument of example may here take place, as I desire it should, the Jesu­ites will be in a very good condition; for the verdict of the greatest part of Christendom standeth for them. They can fetch examples from all quarters of the world; the Sun never sets nor rises, but upon some nation where Je­suites are highly made of. So that their adversaries urging this argument is but to give them the Que to dilate themselves in reciting the publick te­stimonies which Religious Orders, Universities, Cities, States, Kingdoms, Popes, Emperours, Princes, Nobles, [Page 122]and Commons have every where given them. But I will decline this, as having not undertaken to praise the Society, but to give a true notion of their lives and Doctrine. True it is, their adversaries are many, which gives them great occasion of practising vertue, according as it did to the Apo­stle, who said, 1 Cor. 16.9. Ostium mihi apertum est magnum & adversarii mul­ti, a great door is opened to me and many adversaries. But there is main difference betwixt their Friends and their Adver­saries. Their adversaries excel in num­ber, but their Friends in quality. Their adversaries are for the most part ene­mies of either vertue or learning, or both, their friends persons of the best repute. Their adversaries act in pri­vate by Libels, in publick by clamours and tumults. Their friends give them juridical testimonies, in the face of the world and publick courts. Their ad­versaries are carried on by passion; their friends by reason. Their adver­saries are moved by private disgusts and self ends; their friends act for the general good and common interest. All this I could prove by instancing in [Page 123]every particular several praesidents in all the Nations of Europe, Africa, Asia, and both Indies, as far as the name of Christ is known. But I will not commend the society as not having undertaken that task: Only I say that there is no Nation under the cope of Heaven, where Catholick religion is tolerated, but that the Jesuites are also allowed, as well as other Priests.

I come therefore to the Objection, and say that the examples of Venice and France, are no motives to make England banish the Jesuites, but rather arguments of the contrary. It is good to be wise at other mens cost. Venice and France have repented their acts; and surely he cannot be a good friend, and good counsellour, that advises Eng­land to do what other nations repent they have done, that is, exhorteth us to imitate other mens faults. The matter is plain; yet because nothing is too plain for them that will not see, and do besides indeavour to cast a mist be­fore other mens eyes; Lets look at both the passages. And first for Venice.

Spondanus then in the second Tome [Page 124]of his continuation of Annalls, an. 1606 relateth how pope Paul the fifth, was offended with the Venetians. The cause of the disgust was, that the Senate had made some lawes whereby they took to themselves power over the Clergy in punishing their crimes: as also they forbid the giving of any im­movable goods to pious uses, as to build any Churches or Hospitals in their State, without having first ob­tein'd leave of the Senate. Pope Paul admonished the Senate of this; they sleighted his admonitions, and main­tained that they did nothing but what they had just authority for. After several replyes to and fro, the Vene­tians persisting in their opinion, the Pope proceeded to censures. He sends a Breve with the sentence of Excom­munication and Inderdict to all the Bishops and Prelates of the state of Ve­nice, with command that if the Senate did not satisfy within 24 dayes, then they should publish the Breve, whereby the Senatours were to be Excommuni­cated, and the State interdicted. The Senate on the contrary sends to all the same Bishops and Prelates a counter­mand, [Page 125]not to publish the said Brief. Yet some Prelates obeying the Popes authority, the brief waspublished when the time elapsed. And so the Duke and Senatours were Excommunicate, and an interdict laid on the whole State. Many contemning the inter­dict celebrated divine offices; some o­beyed it. Among these were the Je­suites and the Capuchins, and some others, for which they were at the in­stigation of one Friar Paul banished the state. The next year matters were compounded, the Senate took off their lawes, and the pope his censures. All others were restored, but only the Je­suites whom Friar Paul particularly maliced. So the Jesuites remained out of that State (pope Paul and his successours for the publick good, let­ting their cause fall) till pope Alexander that now sitteth. For this pope toge­ther with the Embassadour of the Em­perour, Spain, France, and other princes, dealt with the Ʋenetians to readmit the Jesuites. The Senate then looking back on what they had done, cancelled their own Act, de­clared it null, and invited the Society [Page 126]their republique, restoring them all their houses and colledges with much honour.

This is the story, which I think no man will take for an argument that the Jesuits are to be banished England. The occasion of their banishment was, the o­beying the Popes censure of Interdict and Excommunication, which King James doth not deny but that the Pope may inflict, as Patriarche of the West. The event was, that the Venetian Senate retracted their sentence, and acknow­ledged the Jesuits innocence.

Now for the story of France; it hap­pened thus. In the year 1594 on the 27 of December, one John Catel, a persidi­us miscreant attempted on the life of H [...]ry the Fourth, presently after his reception at Paris, in the closing of the long Civil warrs of France. But by the blessing of God the Felon missed of his wicked design. For whereas the King was stooping to salute some of his No­bles, the wound light on his upper lip, and only struck out one of his teeth with much effusion of bloud. Catell being presently taken was racked, to confess his complices, and who had [Page 127]set him on. He never confessed any thing that might concern any Jesuit, neither in nor out of the torture. Yet the Cal­vinists and other enemies of the society would needes have it, that the mischeif was of the Jesuites plotting, grounded on this only argument, that Catell, though then a Student at law, had formerly studied his philosophy un­der the Jesuites. Presently therefore they runtimed to the Colledge, seize on all th [...] Jesuites, search their house, and ransack their papers. Father Gueret was the Master under whom Catell had heard his philosophy, him therefore they tortured, but finding nothing by his Confession on the rack, or by any witnesse, they banished him for ever out of France. And whereas a­mong the papers belonging to one Father Guignard, they found something which had been writ during the time of the Ligue, and it seems might be interpreted treason, they presently took him, condemned him, and hang­ed him. Then they made an act, saith Monsieur de Thou, Hist. lib. 132. without order of Judgement, without hearing the partyes, as in a publick sedition. Non [Page 128]servato juris ordine, neque partibus audi­tis ut in seditione & publica grassatione. They are the words of Harley the Pre­sident. In this Act Catel was condem­ned to death, and all the Jesuites of France (as far as it then obeyed Hen­ry the fourth) sentenced to perpetual banishment, and their goods confisca­ted to pious uses; and further in the same sentence, it was made high trea­son for any to send their children out of France to study in th [...] Jesuites schools. And that they might not seem to be severe only against the Je­suits, they banisht for nine years the father of Catel a Merchant of cloth: his fault was, that whereas his son had acquainted him with his design of killing the King, he had not revealed it in time, nor used means to prevent it, though he did disswade it. Finally the Parliament of Paris, to make the Jesuits eternally ignominious, erected a pillar in the place where Catels house had stood, with an inscription that might carry to future ages the infamy of Catels fact, attributed to the Jesuits. The pillar was erected, and the sen­tence executed in all the Kings domi­nions, [Page 129]except only the Parliament of Tolouse and Bourdeaux, and the places depending on that Parliament. For the Parliament of Tolouse seeing the injustice of the proceeding commanded that no town or place belonging to their judicature should obey the Act made at Paris.

All this is related by de Thou, Peter Mathien, Scipion Duepleix, Spondanus, and others. King Henry sat not yet fast enough in the saddle to contest with the Parliament of Paris. For though the Parliaments of France, be nothing like our Parliaments of Eng­land (ours being a representative of the Nation, with whom the King can make and unmake lawes; theirs only a number of Lawyers in several courts of Judicature to take cognizance of particular cases and crimes) yet King Henry, thought not fit to scratch the wounds of France, not yet well healed, by offending them who had so lately been reconciled, and had during the Ligue droven a strong interest for the side they took. But as soon as the first storme was over he began by little and little to shew his inclinations to the [Page 130]Society, hearing willingly those that spoke for them, and himself speaking favourably of them; till at length when things were ripe for a good issue he resolved to recall them. The Parlia­ment of Paris, on the contrary, endea­voured might & main to oppose them, and to that end after many other en­deavours, one of the Presidents, by name Harley, towards the end of the year 1603. made in a full assembly be­fore the King a long and sharp inve­ctive against the Jesuites, all tending to this, that for the good of the King and Kingdom the Jesuits ought not to be recalled, but continue banished.

When K. Henry had patiently heard him out, he was pleased to speak him­self, and plead for the Society, retort­ing and answering all that Harley had said, so dextrously that all admired his vivacity of memory and judgment, and his strong nervous eloquence, which made him King not only of men, but of Eloquence also. I mean to set down his speech as it was printed in Latine first, then in English in the year 1611. I taking that to be an authentical copy. For whereas in the year 1610. the ca­lumnies [Page 131]against the society grew very rife, by occasion of the untimely death of Henry the IV. the friends of the So­ciety thought it necessary to reprint the speech, (then fresh in the memory of many) and to joyne it with a decla­ration wherein the Bishop of Paris de­clared the Society's innocency and merits, and a Constitution of Lewis the XIII. by which the Society was confir­med in all the priviledges granted by his father Henry IV. All these were put out together and translated into many languages to confute (as in effect they did) and silence the calumny of Henry IV. death, of which the adversaries of the society had made many stories run in most of the languages of Europe. Out of this copy therefore I intend to take the speech. But because I have mentio­ned the death of Henry IV. I will say something of that story before I set down the speech.

On the 14. day of May 1610 this great King was murdered in his coach by a perfidious villan named Francis Ravaillac, who being often examined and tortured, alwaies protested that he was never induced by any man living [Page 132]to this fact; and further, that he had not communicated his design to any. Yet they who by Catels fact had trium­phed over the society, and procured their banishment, (thinking now they had a good occasion to wreck their ma­lice against the Jesuits in the nonage of their new King whom they could not hurt whilst the father lived) spreadma­ny libels against the Jesuits to make them seem guilty of that horrid Par­ricide.

For this purpose they voiced that Ra­vaillac had learnt his mischief out of Mariana, and some did not stick to say, that he had all Mariana without book: But he being examined was found not to know so much as Mariana's name, and besides he never understood latine. Howsoever that which might give some colour to the noise was, that the school of Sorbon renewed a decree which had been made in the yean 1413. wherein the doctrine of Killing Kings was con­demned according to the Council of Constance. This decree was made the 4. of July 1610. And the Parliament of Paris soon after caused Mariana's book de Rege et institutione Regis, to be burnt, [Page 133]which all reflected on the Jesuits. Fur­ther the Parliament on the 26 of Novem. then following condemued the treatise of Cardinal Bellarmine against Barklay, de potestate summi pontificis in tempora­libus, but the K. of France 4 daies after issued a contrary decree, to cashiere that Act of the Parliament, and publickly cleered the Jesuites of all suspition of his fathers death. The King being then in his minority was assisted by the Qu. Regent his Mother, the P. of Conde, the Count of Soissons, Princes of the blood, the D. of Mayenne, the L. Chancellour, the D. of Espernon, of Lacerdeene, of Bois, Daulphin, Marshal of France, &c. this made the fathers innocency so ma­nifest that none durst any further con­demn them.

All this I have mentioned for two reasons, the first is because I find that some English books take up the French slanders, and make much of the decree for condemning Bellarmine, whereas notwithstanding they might have taken notice that that decree was recalled and annulled by the King, Princes, and Councel, and the Jesuits freed from the aspersion of the Kings death, which [Page 134]without any the least appearance of probability was by meer calumny ob­jected to them.

2ly. I take notice of this decree be­cause it will shew what Judgment the reader make of some other decrees: he may guesse by this whether that be not true which Spondanus saith ad an­num 1626. numero secundo; where ha­ving taken notice of the strife of Sorbon concerning Santareles book, and the censures of it, he hath these words. Haec doctorum Sorbonicorum dissidia non ali­unde procedebant, quam ex occultis schis­matis seminibus, quae a multis fovebantur. These dissentions of the Sorbon Doctours did not proceed from any thing else, but from hidden seeds of Schisme, which many did nourish. This he doth not say (nor do I) as though the book of Santarel were not justly condemned, since the King, as Spondamus there saith, signified to Sorbon that that book was already suppressed at Rome by the Pope, and dis­owned by all learned men, and there­fore they needed not trouble them­selves with giving their censures. But the violence [...] [...]hese Doctours proceed­ing [...] to inclinati­ons [Page 135]bent to Schisme. And he addeth how the Cardinal Rochefcault took oc­casion from these stirs of Sorbon (which was for a good part of that year 26 bu­sied in Centures) to write a book which he dedicated to the King with this title Of conserving the unity of the Church. This unity, saith Spondanus, the Sorbons went about to tear in pieces, quam isti discer­pere studebant, all which well weighed shewes that the authorities which A. G. layeth as a foundation in his questions concerning the oath of Allegiance cannot be a guid for us. It is not safe to be lead by them who endeavour to tear in pieces the unity of the church, qui u­nitatem Ecclesiae discerpere student.

But I have made a long diression, Now then I will give you the speech of that great King, and great Protector and Patron of the society. And with it I will end, for I know not where I can end better, then with the Oracle of that wise Monarchs judgment, which I hope for our dread Soveraigns sake, who is his Grandchild, and heir of his eminent perfections, will be welcome to all, and I am sure containeth a summe of all that needs be said in defence of the so­ciety; [Page 136]especially if we consider that his words were followed with such effects as the cancelling the act, the recalling the Jesuits into France, the founding many colledges (particularly that roy­al one of La Fleche) the giving his son to be educated by the society, and final­ly the bequeathing his heart to them.