THere is no King nor Prince in the World, known by experience or upon Record, that hath such means to support their Splendour and Greatness as his Majesty of Great Britain; nor has any Country on Nation such variety of Staple-Com­modities within it self, and in such abundance; as hath the Kingdom of England: So that if those Advantages were duly improved, England might be a general Mart for the whole World; and then by consequence be the Glo­ry thereof. That those Advantages are not improved is too too obvious to all that look into it; By the fore Complaints that are frequently made of the great Poverty, and decay thereof; And indeed (which is worst of all) by that general desperation of Spirit, which will not put forth a hand to help, support, or pre­vent the Total desolation of our Country, upon a prepossest Opi­nion, that all Endeavours will be rendred Fruitless and Abor­tive.

The Consideration whereof, hath greatly prompted me (who must confess my self the meanest of thousands, more concerned) to use the utmost of my little skill and unwearied diligence (though but as the Woman's Mite) to the right management of so great an Undertaking, that the threatned Ruine of all may be prevented, and (if possible) some good part of that which is Lost may be recovered. I shall confine my self to those things only whereof I have had not only credible Information, but a considerable (though a sad) experimental knowledge; and in a [Page 2]more particular and especial manner, that of the Manufacture of Wooll in England, which, amongst Many, is the Richest Treasure in his Majesties Dominions, the flower, strength, and sinews of this Nation; a Band uniting the People into Societies for their own Utility: It is the Milk and Honey to the Grazier and Coun­try Farmer; the Gold and Spices of the East and West Indies, to the Merchant, and Citizens; the continued supply of Bread to the Poor; and, in a word, the Exchequer of Wealth, and Staple of Protection to the whole, both abroad and at home; and there­fore of full merit to be had in perpetual remembrance, defence, and encouragement, for the most advantageous Improvements thereof.

The Wool of England (before it was manufactured within it self) was always of great account and esteem abroad; sufficiently testified unto, by the great amity which it begat, and for many hundred years (unviolably) maintained, between the Kings of England, and Dukes of Burgundy, only from the great benefit that (from that Commodity) did accrew to that People: inso­much, that the English Wools, they received at 6 d. per Pound, they returned again (through their Industrious Manufacture thereof) in Cloath at 10 s. per Yard, to the great inriching of that State, both in the advancement of the Revenues of their Soveraign, and in a full employment (thereby) continued among the People; whereby the Merchants of this Nation were occasioned, (as a People unwilling to be wholly dispriviledged of so great a bene­fit) to transport themselves (with their Families, in great num­bers) into Flanders; from whence they held a constant Com­merce with most parts of the World. This continued without In­termission, between England and Burgundy, until King Edward the 3d. made his mighty Conquest over France and Scotland; and as a sutable improvement of so great a mercy, did wisely project, and also accomplish, the manufacture of Wools within the Bowels of this Kingdom, to the great inriching of his own People, and also to the peopling of his new Conquered Dominions. The memory of whose wisdome and care for his People, is wor­thy to be had in Remembrance by English Men, unto the Worlds end.

The said King having thus setled the manufacture of Wools with­in [Page 3]the Kingdome of England, confined it by a penal State, which (at first) reached not only to Goods, Chattels, and Lands, but also to Members, and Life it self; but, in a short time, repeal­ed the two latter thereof, continuing the other in its full force to remain to future Generations: Which exceeding great advan­tage to the propriety of the English Trade, hath now continued this Three Hundred years, by the vigilancy of the Kingdoms Monarchs, and the protection of its Laws, in the continued care­ful execution thereof upon Offenders, with more than a little di­ligence, to provide against the thirsting desires of Foreiners to wrest this Nations Priviledge (of so great a moment) out of English hands; which by the providence of God (through the care of our Ancestors) has been (for many Ages) enjoyed by the Nation, as it is indeed its proper right. But so it is, that (for some years past) the diligence of Foreiners to enrich themselves upon us, has so much exceeded our care to preserve our selves, that it's now come to, if not beyond, a question, Who have the greatest benefit of the manufacture of English Wools, They who have no Right unto it, or, They to whom of Right it doth belong?

That this is indeed so, will appear, by considering that not only Holland, Flanders, and Zealand have long sucked the sweet­ness of the Sinews of our Trade; but France is likewise learning to be too hard for us, as is manifest by the great quantities of Wools, that (of late years) have been Transported from England and Ireland thither. How injurious it must be to us is also unque­stionable, if we consider the consequence thereof, which was (with­out question) much in the eye of our Ancestors, as appears by what is above hinted in Edward the 3ds. time, and in several Kings Reigns since.

Every Pack of Wooll sent to France, doth prevent us (not on­ly) of the benefit of the manufacture thereof, but of two Packs more besides it self, viz. Thus; It being Combing, and Combed Wooll (for the most part) exported thither. The French (having no Wools of their own, but such as are very coarse) are not able to make Cloth, or fine Stuffs, without the conjunction of ours therewithal; there being none (to my best information) in all the World fit for that purpose (but ours only) except in North-Holland, [Page 2] [...] [Page 3] [...] [Page 4]and that a small quantity of fine Worsted Wooll; all o­ther being likewise coarse, but Spanish Wooll; and that much too fine, especially for worsted Stuffs, and not in any wise fit for Combing; so that without English or Irish Wools, there can be no quantity of fine worsted Stuffs, nor a middle sort of Cloth made in the whole World. Neither will any Wools be all mixt to­gether, but English and Spanish (for Cloth only), because the Spanish is with the English of one nature; being formerly Eng­lish Sheep, though now much finer for the alteration of the Cli­mate, and the nature of the Land whereon it is fed, as by good Experience appeareth here in England, both near and at a further distance.

Wherefore the Exportation of English Wools into France, must of necessity be greatly prejudicial to this Nation; not only in the quantity sent over, but also in the advantage which is thereby gi­ven to them to manufacture a double portion of their Wooll, (which (formerly) was little worth) into such commodities as spoils us of the advantages of our proper Trades, not only thither, but also into other parts, viz. in these three Respects.

First, The Combed of the English Wooll makes Wooff for the Warps of the French Wooll (or rather of the Turkey Sheep) and so takes up (it may be) as much as the quantity above specified, to every Pack of English Wooll, without which they can (only) with their Wooll, make Ruggs, and at the best, Cloth for Sea-men, and the like.

2dly. Their Combings or Pinnions, viz. the short Wooll that's combed out of the Worsted, serves for their Linnen warp to make some of their Druggets, because their Linnen being sine spun, and coloured, is not discernable to all persons, to be that we call Linsie-Wolsie.

3dly. The finest short English Wooll is mixed with the lowest of Spanish Wooll, called short Wooll, for some of their best Druggets, that is wove upon worsted Chanies; and also for a middle sort of Broad-cloth about 10 s. or 12 s. per Yard. This is the cause, I judge, that short Spanish Wooll is so scarce here in England.

Now if we consider these things together, the dammage of ex­porting of one Pack from England to France at about 10 l. or [Page 5]12 l. Sterling, preventing the manufacturing of two Packs more in England, which would be worth 100 l. Englands loss (in the whole) by the exportation of one Pack of Wooll can be little less than 60 l. It being generally combing-Wool (as before binted) that is exported to France, which makes Worsted, Stuffs, and Stockins: and besides the advantage given them (as above asserted) by one Pack of rough Wooll; it's obvious to all Manufacturers, that a Pack of Worsted (or Cumbed) Wooll, worth 20 l. at 12 score to the Pack, which is 20 d. per Pound, and to make it more easie to every ordinary capacity; that in Stockins (to speak within compass) A Pound of fine Wooll would make at least two pair of Hose, worth 5 s. a pair, that is 10 s. per Pound of Wooll; or reckon thus, to ordinary Hose, three pair to a Pound of Wooll at 3 s. 4 d. per pair, come to the same sum, and 12 score Pound of Wooll making a Pack, so many pence for the Pound of Wooll, so many Pounds for the Pack, and a Pack of Wooll making 480 pair of Hose: which 12 score Angels, being cast up, is 123 l. without any respect given to the advantage given them in rough Wooll, as be­fore asserted.

This, an instance for all, moreover, In it's first exportation, considering the Custome when it is imported; the product of all these Charges augmenting the 100 l. when sold there, laid out in another Commodity beyond Sea, the Custom thereof being paid there, with Frait and Custom (when imported) in Eng­land, it's much if it do not more than double the first princi­pal.

Now if so be, that the exportation of one Pack of English Wool, exported at 10 l. or 12 l. be neer 200 l. dammage to the King and Kingdom in general, by the consequence; What will be the loss of exporting 10. or 15 Thousand Packs into France, besides many to other parts (in two years time) is easily accounted (by such) as are concerned in these Affairs: and although this Evil is almost incredible to many, yet it is too manifest, to such as have made it (something) their business to enquire into it; and not only so, but these further Inconveniencies must (by this means) arise upon us.

First, The spoyling of our Trade with France in all our Wol­len manufacture, as doth already appear by the Impost put upon the same there, from 20 to 40 per cent. since the great quantity of our Wools is exported thither, whereunto woful experience may be a sufficient witness.

And secondly, In time it will capacitate the French as well as the Dutch, (if not much better) to under-sell our Eng­lish Merchants in Forreign Parts, nay (possibly) in our own Country. To this, I shall only mention the words of a Merchant in Flanders, by Letters to another here, treating of this matter thus: We English have our Throats cut, with our own Weapons; wondering at the stupidity of the English here, that they should o­mit, to possess the King's Majesty with this deplorable and danger­ous Case, in respect to the present and future Inconveniences there­of. By reason whereof, as in time the French will not only pre­vent our English manufactures to be sold in France, but also bring theirs into England, and sell them for four times the value here, to the great Inriching of themselves, and the Impoverishing the English, only by new fantastick Fopperies; for which the Eng­lish pay not less than some Hundred Thousands in a Year, to get themselves into the French Mode.

So much indeed, have we been deceived (in this matter) to our shame, as well as to our apparent loss; that, whereas in time of the Late War with the Dutch and French, those French Drug­gets were thereby much prevented, many English Striped broad Cloths rent through into three parts (about 10 s. per yard, price) being put into the form of French Druggets, were sold in each part at 8 s. per yard, and so in the whole came to 1 l. 4 s. per yard: So likewise it is certainly true, that many of those Drug­gets made in England, do go for French, and in order thereunto, directed to French Men in some of our Southern parts (from thence been conveighed into London, and there sold for French Goods) to have coloured the business with the Custom-house Officers, to save the Custom of French Druggets: And this might have continued long, before the Cheat had been discove­red; but being once found out by the Clothier (who could not (to his own private advantage) conceal such an apparent injury to his Country) it was soon prevented: This I had an Experi­mental [Page 7]knowledg of, for the merchant bespoke the same Goods of me. When I understood his end, I did refuse to make the said Druggets that he desired me to make; whereby we may come to see (with clearness) the advantage that that people makes upon our English fancies, by over-selling us in the same kind of Com­modities that they make out of our English Wools, joyned (as before-minded) with their own; having also an advantage there­unto, by the cheapness of the Manufactors thereof, beyond what we can do; the French being very populous, and living harder than we can in England; as is evident by their Linnens, that, pay­ing Frait and Custom, with profit to the Merchant, yet can be afforded cheaper than can be made in England.

But so it is, that the advantage we give them, besides in the mixtures of our Wools with theirs, is such, that, whereas their Wool of it self is not worth 4 l. per Pack; being mixed with ours, becomes so fit for Worsted Stuffs, as that it comes to be worth no less than 12 l. per Pack. So that, all these things considered, it becomes obvious to every Eye, (that doth not (wilfully) close it self) that the exportation of Wools from England and Ireland is of a dangerous and destructive Nature to the very being of the Trade of this Kingdom. What ever Objections have been made thereunto (with respect to the Graziers present advantage) whose loss may possibly be supposed (by prohibiting exportati­on) to be about 20 s. in every Pack of Wooll that is so exported: In answer whereunto, I have this to say; That, though it may be granted, it will be so for a time in this particular Commodity; yet such will (thereby) be the spoyl of the General Trade of the Na­tion, that what is gotten in one, will be lost in every other Com­modity, as Corn, Beefs, and Muttons; on each of which with the Wools, the Graziers and Farmers advantage doth much more than equally depend; besides the inevitable danger of the ruine of our Trade, and so consequently, the starving of our Poor, with­out some extraordinary means for their support; who while the priviledge of our Trade is kept inviolate with other Nations, we have Money plentifully to expend for the advancement of the Farmers and the Graziers; for that is that which chiefly advan­ceth the Farmer and the Grazier, which is Flesh and Corn, and not the quantity of Wooll, as will afterwards more fully appear.

And it hath always been observed (informer times) hitherto, that when the Clothiers have had the best Trade at London, the Farmer did not lose his share in the advantage thereof in the Country; according to the dispose of Providence, Who hath ordered Nations, but more especially, the People of every Na­tion (in matters of this kind) to depend upon each other, and so to rise and fall together, as they are designed, either to Mercy or to Judgment, by the hand of God.

These things considered, with a little deliberation, it will ma­nifestly appear, that the exporting of our English-Wooll, will not only prove the spoyl of our Merchants and Clothiers Trade, and so consequently expose the Poor to desperate straits for subsistence, but in short time must of necessity make the Country mens em­ployment (of every kind) to come to little, and so make them uncapable of paying Rent.

For if it be so, that, while we have a little Trade, we can hard­ly live one by another; What may be expected, if our Trade should be taken away? Which is now in more danger by the French, than it hath been this 300 years past. And then we may consider, what the price of Wooll may be in England, when we by our remisness have lost our Trade, by the skill and circumventing practices of Foreiners, and we helping forwards for a supposed profit; For there was not more art and skill in our Ancestors, to bring home the work at first to the Wooll, and prohibiting the exportation thereof, and setling the manufacturing in England, than is now to export the Materials manufactured. The necessa­ry consequence thereof, will be to bring the Price of Wooll (as it was 300 years agon, when most was exported) to be 6 d. a Pound, as appears in a little Piece, called, The Golden Fleece, (written by W.S. Gent.) in the Year,—56. Although the Cloth then made in Flanders of our Wooll at 6 d. per Pound, was sold here in England at 10 s. per Yard; when at this day Cloth made in England of Wooll at 12 d. per Pound, will hardly yield 7 s. per Yard, which is above 30 per Cent. worse to the English Trade now, than it was to the Flemmings formerly.

And though for the present, the price of Wooll be risen by its exportation, yet if the quantity lately exported (being no less than 20 Thousand Packs) had been kept in England, the quantity [Page 9]if not Ten thousand Packs more would in time, have been expor­ted in the particular manufactures. For if the Woolls was not ex­ported to those places beyond the Seas, there to be manufactured, they must of necessity have our Woollen manufacture, and then could not have those advantages (as before hinted) by our Wools, to improve the French Wooll, and short Spanish Wooll, and their fine-spun Linnens.

By all which, it is so obvious, that in time to come, the Wooll in England would be much cheaper, because by the aforesaid means, less Wooll would be used in England, and besides that which would be used, the manufacture would be so low, that it could not bear up any price (as is begun already in France, and will suddenly follow here in England) for it is generally reported, that Wooll is as cheap in France at this Day, as it is in some parts where it is used in England. And if it be so now, what in reason can be expected, as the effects of these two things? viz. The first, when the great quantity that is lately exported to France, with those three Additions before hinted, that the Twenty thousand Packs helps to work out, and especially most making Worsted Stuffs, which goes as far by that means as forty Thousand Packs of Wooll would if used in England, because it would be made more into sub­stantial Cloaths, which consums more Wool, than those light and thin Stuffs do: which is a sufficient Answer to that Objection, that the great quantity of any Commodity, that is exported, makes a scarcity, and so consequently raise its price: the which I must confess, if it was a consumptive Commodity, but it is quite contra­ry in this. For as our experience is, when the Wooll was all u­sed in England, (or very little exported) the Wooll was then at 18 d. per Pound, and when all or the greatest part was exported, it was at 6 d. per Pound.

The wise Man saith, What is, hath been; and, what hath been, may be again; and so no new thing.

I shall make a short Review of the Graziers and Farmers pre­sent loss: In the greatest Commodity, which pays his Rent, as was formerly hinted. Suppose (through want of Trade) Mut­ton be sold at 6 d. per Quarter the less, (which is but little) be­ing 2 s. per Sheep, and there being some Sheep that 100. will pro­duce a Pack of Wool (though some less) that comes to 10 l. which [Page 10]is the worth of the Pack of Wooll, (and so proportionably as to the Beefs) which is wholly lost to the Grazier.

And for the Corn (as I suppose) there may be about 50 ls. worth, (as far as I can judge in my Travels, to One Hundred Sheep throughout the Nation, which for want of a Trade, it may not (at some seasons) come to Thirty or Forty at most, and if a good Trade, it may be worth Sixty or Seventy, by which means, it may easily be demonstrated, how the Farmers come to be im­poverished.

For the advantage of the Tenant consists in the advance of the greatest Commodity that payes his Rent, which is not in Wooll, but in Corn, Mutton and Beefs, and it is a necessary consequence. That there being so many thousand Families depending upon the Cloathing Trade (as was before hinted) that was instrumental to advance the price of the Corn, &c. That where-ever Trade is, there People are most populous, and when those persons are de­prived of their Trade, depending wholly upon it, they must un­avoidably come to the Parishes, which is in many places begun already, and Daily encreased and feared in time, will so increase, that the Poor will be expecting more than there will be to con­tribute to them. Although it be a Degression, yet suffer an in­stance of one Parish; that when there was but some obstruction to their Trade, by the Late Sickness, and Dutch War, the rate came for their Poor to Eight Hundred Pound Sterling in one Year, and I have been credibly informed, the Land to the said Town, is not worth one Thousand Pound per annum, and hapily one fifth part the dearer, because of the Trade, as it is in all Cities, or Towns of Trade; than what can reasonably be judged, when the Trade from such a Town is wholly lost, as is already in some parts in this Nation.

To return to the Farmer, as being the emediate Person in this business, from hence may be concluded, that the Farmers Loss for want of Trade, is fourfold greater then can be the advantage of the sale to the transporter of Wooll, by (the exportation thereof unmanufactured.)

I shall now endeavour to give some particular account how all are concerned; And before I do this, give me leave to insert the Observation of a worthy Author Sir Walter Rawleigh, who [Page 11]saith, That, then which was in King James's Reign, about four­score thousand undrest and undyed Cloaths yearly were Transported: whereby it was evident, that the Kingdom hath been yearly de­prived of about four Hundred Thousand Pounds, which in fifty five years is near Twenty Millions, that would have been gained by the Labour of Poor Workmen in that time, which the Merchants gains for bringing in dying Stuffs, and returns of Cloaths drest and dyed, with other benefits to the Realm, besides exceeding enlarging of Treffick, and increase of Ships and Mariners.

There would have been gained in that time, about three Milli­ons by increase of Customs upon Commodities returned for Cloaths drest and dyed, and for dying Stuffs which would have been more plentifully brought in and used for the same.

There hath been also transported in that time yearly, by Bayes, Northern and Devonshire Kerzyes White, about Fifty Thou­sand Cloaths, counting three Kerzyes to a Cloath, whereby hath been lost above Five Millions by those sorts of Cloaths, in that time which would have come to Poor Work-men for their La­bour, with Customs for dying Stuffs, and the Peoples profit for bringing them in with returns of other Commodities and Fraights for Shipping.

Bayes are Transported white into Amsterdam, and being there dyed and drest, are shipped into Spain, Portugal, and other King­doms, where they are sold in the name of Flemish Bayes, setting their own Town Seals upon them; so that we lose the very name of our Home-bred Commodities, and other Countries get the Repu­tation and Credit thereof. Lamentable it is, that this Land should be deprived of so many above-mentioned Millions, as that our Native Commodities of Cloath, ordained of God for the natural Subjects, being so Royal and Rich in it self, should be driven to so small advantage of Reputation and Profit to your Majesty and People, and so much improved and intercepted by Strangers; con­sidering that God hath enabled and given your Majesty power to advance dressing and dying, and Transporting all your Cloaths with­in a year or two: I speak it knowingly, to shew how it may be done laudibly, lawfully, and approved to be honourable, feaseable, and profitable.

He observes also the increase of his Majesties Customs, by bring­ing [Page 12]in and spending of dying Stuffs, as also strength in Shipping, and setting so many thousands of Poor on work; also noting, that in the Low-Countries, where these Cloaths are drest and dyed, they stretch them to such unreasonable length, contrary to our Law, that they prevent and forestale our Markets, and cross the just prohibition of our State and Realm, by their Agents, and Factors, lying in divers places with our own Cloaths, to the great decay of this Kingdome in general, and discredit to our Cloaths in particular. Again, he adds, that if the accounts were truly known, it would be found that they make not clear profit only by Cloth Transported rough, undrest, and undyed, Sixty Thousand Pounds a Year; but it is most apparent your Majesty, in your Customs, your Merchants in their Sales and Prizes,; your Subjects in their Labours, for lack of dressing and dying; your Ships and Mariners in not bringing in of dying Stuffs, spending of Alum (if not Copperas) are hindred yearly near a Million of Pounds: So that Trade is driven to that great hinderance of your Majesty and People, by permitting your Native Commodities to pass rough, undrest and undyed. Thus Sir Walter Rawleigh.

Now if it was thus with England so long agoe, when the Wooll was spun and made here into substantial Cloth; and that for want only of dressing and dying, many Millions were lost to the King and Kingdom: What then hath been the loss by so many thousand Packs of Wooll exported (without any improvement,) especially that to France, the consequence of which, is more pre­judicial (as hath been demonstrated) than can be imagined (ac­counting but one Hundred Pounds dammage by one Pack of Wooll,) of which there are not less than ten thousand yearly, if not much more exported, by which there is dammage a Million of pounds sterling, yearly to this Kingdome, (besides the suffer­ing of the Poor for want of Imployment) out of which his Ma­jesties dammage cannot be less than one Hundred thousand Pound yearly: The lessening of Shipping, and discouragement of Mari­ners; the Walls of this Kingdom hereby deserve also to be consi­dered.

Next then to his Majesties loss, is that of the Merchant and Cloathier; after which must follow detriment to all other per­sons depending on Trade, there being such a Connexion of [Page 13]Trades one to another, and the whole of Trade being enlarged by the abounding of Laborious People. Those supply the Far­mers and Graziers with money, for to supply the Gentry. They again scatter it amongst the Tradesmen, as may be witnessed by the building of the City of London, how Provision and all Con­sumptive goods are advanced by it: by which circulation all de­grees are either imployed, enriched, or both; and hence na­turally comes Content, Harmony, and Pleasure, one in another; the Poor being by Imployment delivered from fear of want, the Gentry, Merchant, and Tradesmen, by the establishment of Trade therein. This rationally is the strength of any People, Poverty and Idleness bring their Shame and Ruine, which would unavoid­ably follow want of Trade. And so much the more where the greatest Trade hath been; if it fails, the greater Poverty is and will be. And to instance, as here, in London, the Trade in Pro­vision is the more, so by Consequence it must be dear, and so best for all; so of the other hand, if the City should be forced to keep so many thousands, when all their work is done, as is now in the Building, it would be a great burden: so the case is in Eng­land in this particular, where great Trade have been formerly kept, and drawn several Families thither, and have raised Com­modities there; but when it fails, it is a miserable state and con­dition those places are in. To return, in short there is such Con­nextion and Dependancy one upon another in England, that if one fail, all the rest more or less, either more near, or remotely are concerned; as in the natural body, when any Member fails, the whole suffers thereby; and as all Trades and Degrees of men may suffer by one failing in Trades, and in none more proba­bly. I will say then this of Wooll, as Merchant Articificers, Far­mers, Sea-men, Fisher-men, being the people, which by their study and labour do principaly, if not only bring in, or give occasion to the bringing in of Wealth to the Nation, and other kind of people (viz.) Nobility, Gentry, Lawyers, Physicians, Schollars of all sorts; Shop-keepers are they that receive from these, and di­stribute it again, and all are consequently concerned in this rich Treasure of Wooll, because this being a Manufacture at home, sets more hands at work than half the Nation.

May I not with modesty and within Compass, say three parts of Laborious and Industrious People? Considering that most of the Shipping is imployed in this Affair, and also so many Trades that depend immediately upon this of Cloathing, that most of o­ther Trades are but for Provision, either in Food or Convenien­cies for Cloathing: and so from his Majesty to the meanest, all are more or less concerned, The King mostly; not only in that his People are by that most imployed and provided for, (nor in that such a Staple Trade, the like whereunto the World hath not maintained with so good Advantage;) but because so great a Revenue comes directly into him upon the Trade, occasioned thereby: Thus as the King gains, or suffers most, so the persons that have the greatest Estates or Trades, and so all proportion­able to the Beggar. And also considering that an accustomary thing begets such an habit that is hard to reduce; as in our rough and undrest Cloath to Holland, so it will be with all our Manu­factures in France; nay I am informed that the French hath not only imposed a great Tax upon our Woollen Manufactures, from twenty to fourty per cent, but have also (as is affirmed, besides that their Imposition) absolutely prohibited our Cloaths coming there. I am the more large in the Demonstration of this affair, not only because this hath cost me many years labour and study to consult all sorts of concerned persons, besides mine own ex­perience about it; nor because it is so hard to convince people of the meanest capacity, but some of the wiser sort, how to cure this dismal malady: which some despairing of, have rather thoughts of setting up some other Manufacture (in Lieu of endeavours to prevent the exportation of Wooll and Manufacturing of that at home, looking thereon as a thing not to be overcome,) as that of Linnens in some capable parts of England, and a better improve­ment in the product of Forreign Plantations, which may also be set upon together herewith as an Addition; so as several sorts of Persons maybe set better on work, not capable of this employment, and yet no prejudice to this of Cloathing: For all other Coun­tries have the Advantage of England, or are equal to us in other Manufactures proper to their Countries, but not in this of Cloath­ing: and it will be found that all Trades in England, wholly di­stinct from this of Cloathing, bring not the tythe of Advantage that this doth.

Since men cannot rationally believe the effects to be greater than the cause, the most of other Manufactures either is in being, or brought to use, by the Manufactures of Wooll; even from the Farmer to the Merchant, all are concerned in this of Wooll; as may hereafter more appear. It now remains that we sum up Englands Loss by the Exportation of our Wooll to Forreign Parts; not only in the Advantage we might have by the Manu­facturing thereof, here in England, as formerly noted; but also in the importing of Dutch Cloath, and more in French Manu­factures, because England improves not their own Wools; and of the humour of English people, in putting such a value upon French Fancies, when themselves are in a better capaci­ty, if improved, to produce the like, or better, and save the following Sums.

• 1. One Million of Pounds Sterling yearly, in the Exportation of our Wooll.
• 2. Five Hundred Thousand Pounds in Rough Cloath, which is but half what Sir Walter Rawleigh observes in his time.
• 3. Many Thousands of Pounds by the Importing of Dutch and French Woollen Manufacturies.

And lastly, the evil consequences thereof in loosing our Ship­ping, which would be encouraged thereby, and are the strength or Walls of our Kingdom, as more particularly doth appear here­after.

Having now discovered the Dammage it is to England, in the transportation of Wooll from the King to the meanest, I shall endeavour also to discover the methods how it is done; before I shall prescribe a Remedy (for it is not enough to know Distempers, especially such that are so Consumptive,) it is re­quisite to know the Cause of these Distempers; or else the sup­posed Remedies will in time come to be a disease, as it is too much in this case at this day in England: Where the Causes are mistaken, the Remedies are consequently misapplyed, whereby a [Page 16]disease in supposition becomes one in Fact; the methods or ways of this evils are—First, in Rumny-Marsh in Kent, where the greatest part of rough Wooll is exported from England, put aboard French Shallops by night, ten or twenty men well Armed to guard it; some other parts there are, as in Sussex, Hampshire, and Essex, the same methods may be used, but not so conveni­ently. The same for Combed Wooll from Canterbury, they will carry it ten or fifteen miles at Night towards the Sea, with the like Guard as before; but for other parts it must be done partly by the Remisness of the Officers of his Majesties Customs, and easie Composition for the Forfeitures of the Bonds, as more shall appear anon.

And then for Combed Wooll in other Parts, some is Shipped off from London for Bales of Drapery; nay some at Lime, and also at Exon, where there is ten thousand Pounds Sterling weekly laid out in the woollen Manufactury, which is most for Workmens Wages: I know no place clear; and then another reason, why persons are not detected, is, because all the Wools that have been taken in those Parts, where most hath been exported, have been suffered to go off at the same place after Judgments past, and by the Officers, to the same Persons at a low rate, being under rated to those very men that intended to Ship it at first: so that the e­vil is never like to be avoyded that way; only that which is taken, happily may be a little the dearer, to keep the Trade going; for I have enquired, and cannot understand, but of two parcels of Wooll that have been seased on in Kent, that have been used in England, but all sent away, and so his Majesties pro­vidence is cheated, who keeps Servants at great Wages to prevent such abuses.

And then another Cheat is under a pretence of Wooll from Hampton, to the Islands of Jersey and Gernsey, and sometimes from other Parts which is against the Law; for there is no Wooll to be exported to those Islands, but only from Hampton, and that by Law should be by weight: but now it goes by gross, by the Pack when it should be weighed, but I believe not one Pack in Ten is weighed, for three Packs is put into one. Then from [Page 17] Ireland, which is the greatest mischief of all to England, and much increased since the Act was in force against Cattel, the Irish Wooll can be sold as cheap in France, Holland, and Flanders, as it is in those Places where Wooll is used in England, which is a great augumentation to us of prejudice for Foreiners to have our Wooll so cheap as we in England, having other Conveniencies to under­work us, as formerly hinted. The ways there must be by the care­lesness of the Officers, in not taking solvant security and exactness in the weight of Wooll, and true examination of the returns of their Certificates, and partly by easie Compositions, if not before Bonds are forfeited, and happily much Combed Wooll there packt up as before, as Bales of Cloath, or Barrels of Beef, and Shiped as Irish Cloath; and in all points so cunningly carried, as they are seldom discovered, and never Sealed, as the Statutes in that case made and provided, do strictly require.

Here see what W. S. faith: Now to shew you more particularly these abuses, how the Laws are crossed and daily obstructed to such as endeavour to serve their Country, by such as ought to encourage the Persecutors; sure there will be very many practises of evil con­sequents discovered; for first in the Custom-House, where Bonds are taken, to the intent that these prohibited Commodities pass not by means of Mariners out of the Nation, but only from Port to Port for accomodation of such Parts as want such Commodities; they are very Remise and careless in taking of the Sea-mens discharge of their Obligatory Conditions; where also it is usual with the Sea-men to bring fraudulent Certificates, and so to cheat the Kings Provi­dence, who keeps Servants at great wages purposely to prevent such abuses; or if there be a regular return of their Bonds, yet there is commonly a fraudulency in giving them, for the Masters of Ships will so continue their designe, as he who is Master at giving the Bonds, and is legally bound, shall immediately pass his Interest to another man, who taking charge of the Vessel and Voyage, is notwithstanding not engaged in the Poart Bond; and therefore, neither is he accountable for breach of their condition; Again, when the Port-Bonds are justly taken, and as justly returned; yet to prevent the true and real detection of the Offender, and to dishear­ten [Page 18]the legal Prosecutor, some Friends of the Offender will clap an Information against him, purposely to hinder and divert others, and soon after will let the Prosecution fall at his pleasure; nay, it hath been said, and peradventure not unjustly, that such preventing In­formations have been antidated to the over-throw of the real Infor­mation; but when all is granted, and a full and formal hearing, and decree passed to the just condemnation of the Offender: Yet when judgments and inquiries are granted, and do without Errours of the Clarks (which is not always,) impower the Sheriffs and their Ba­liffs to see Execution thereof made; it is familiar with those Offi­cers to return a Non est inventus, or a Mortuus est, viz. Not to be found, or dead, even then when the Offenders and the Officers have been known to have been drinking together, at that very time when the Writ should have been executed.

After all this, one step farther will shew how Charity it self a­baseth Justice; for let all the former Proceedings be granted, and be candid, and clear, and that the Law be indeed justly and legally exe­cuted; the Offender in custody, and nothing remaining; but that he honestly discharge himself with money, seeing Bail will not be ad­mitted; nevertheless upon a lamentable Petition, and urging a great charge of Children to the Bench, the Offender is usually admitted to compound for Ten in the Hundred, or less, when by his offence he hath gained a Hundred for Ten, or more, and peradventure hath undone a hundred Families or more in so doing: Yet all this while the honest Prosecutor, the only man that appears for the good of his Country, who ought by the Law to have the full benefit and advan­tage of the Law gratis, it being enough that he spend his time for the promotion of the publick Wealth, after it hath cost him several great sums of money, and large expence of time, to bring the Offender to Tryal and Conviction, is dismissed with little or no satisfaction, unless he be rewarded with the brand of an Informing Knave: Sure­ly they who made these Laws for the benefit of themselves and their own Country, did intend a more current and just passage towards them, than thus to be obstructed and baffeled. Such abuses as these made Theodosius say, as it is Recorded, that a wise man did him­self [Page 19]Injustice by hazarding his Wisdome and Estate for the bene­fit of his Nation; And therefore some have not spared to urge, that Customs and Impost, and Toles and Taxes might be taken away from honest laborious hazardous Trades and Adventurers, and be put upon litigious Suits at Law, and such as make benefit of their corrupt breath, that is to say, upon such Lawyers as abuse their Clyants, and such malicious Clyants as abuse the name of a just in­nocent Defendent. Nor is the Loss in these by their Transportati­on all the injury, but when honest men well affected to the good of their Country, do detect these Caterpellars of the Common-wealth, who make so vast gain, as hath been denoted upon the materials so carefully prohibited, when they do endeavour by due course of Law to make stoppage thereof, and to have the Offender's punished; so many are the evasions, such combinations and interest in the Offi­cers, who ought to punish the Offenders; such favour have they in Courts of Justice, and deceptions in the Return of Writs, and in general such affronts and discouragements as the dearest Lover of his Country, or most intrusted in Trade, dares not attempt to prevent that mischief which his eyes behold to fall upon his Nation, or which his own person feels to pick his Pocket. Thus far Mr. W. Smith. not to mention the very same things above asserted that I have met withall.

From hence its to be lamented, to see what the consequence of those things are, I did think to have propounded some things for Remedy, but time not permitting, must beg the Readers excuse, only this by the way, that if there was never such effectual ways propounded, yet if those wayes and means was never made use of, it is but beating the Aire. For the Life of the Law lies in the practick part; For if there was more care in this business when less Law, then hath been since more, are extant; the Fault then cannot be for want of Law, but only the want of Faithfulness in impartiality, in the Execution of those Laws: And this in short is the principal Cause of the continuance of this evil pra­ctice of Transportation of Wooll, and was very engenuously confest to me by some of the Transporters of Wooll within this [Page 20]few Dayes in these very words, viz. That if we had been pro­secuted at first according to Law, we should not have acted the second time: For if the Transportors did but rightly consider the danger they are in, they would desist; for I dare say, although some may escape for a time, you may be met withal first or last, and then are exposed to ruine.