Written Originally in Latin.

With a New Map of the Island.

LONDON, Printed by J. Rawlins, and sold by Randal Taylor, near Stationers-Hall, 1687.

Licensed, November 26. 1686.


TO THE Right Honourable GEORGE Lord JEFFREYS, Baron of WEM, Lord High Chancellor of ENGLAND, and One of His Majesties most Honourable Privy Council.

My Lord,

YOur Lordship, I hope, will pardon the Boldness of this Dedication, and permit the [Page] Presenter of it, to pay that Ho­nor and Veneration, which is due from All to your Lord­ship's Eminent Character, and most Illustrious Merits. To which, nothing can do greater Right, than what has come from the Mouths of the late flagitious Rebels them­selves, who were so highly sensible of your Lordship's Wis­dom and Courage, in oppo­sing their Hellish and Damnable Designs, that their Principal Leaders were us'd to please them­selves with nothing more, than [Page] with the Thoughts and Wishes of making your Lordship a Sa­crifice to their Malice and Re­venge.

I will not attempt to speak here of what you suffer'd for your Inflexible Loyalty from a Seditious Cabal, nor of our Obligations to your Auspicious Conduct, which nipt the grow­ing Faction in the Bud, and stopt the Torrent of Enthu­siastick Frenzy, and by a bold Stroke of Justice, set at Liber­ty those who were condemn'd, [Page] unheard, to a perpetual Confine­ment.

It were a Task too hard for me, to undertake a particular De­scription of these, and other In­stances of your Lordship's Good­ness and Courage, which will be the chief Subject of the most la­sting History of our Times.

All that I pretend to, is, to make some publick Acknow­ledgement of the just Sense I have of your Lordship's Great and Exemplary Virtues, and [Page] to testifie in all Sincerity, that I am,

My Lord,
Your Lordships most Obedient and humbly Devoted Servant, Robert Midgley.


THE Title of this Book seems to promise but a narrow History; and those that only like great Revolutions, and variety of several Events, which have happened in a long Sequel of Time, will not per­haps be much prepossessed in its Fa­vour: The Conquest of an Island, altho' honour'd with the Title of a Kingdom, which was compleated in the second Campaign, will appear to them too short to furnish an Histori­an, with choice Materials. But sup­posing the Interest which all Europe had in this Affair, did not make it, [Page] as indeed it did, one of the most fa­mous Accidents of the preceding Age; yet the taking of Nicosia, and desolation thereof, being the Capital City of the Island of Cyprus, the Siege and Surrender of Famagusta, which capitulated not till after a four Months vigorous Resistance, and the memorable Victory of Le­panto, deserve the exact Care, which the Bishop of Amelia has taken in Publishing them.

The Republick of Venice, never saw her self so threatned by the Ot­toman Empire, as when Selim the Se­cond, form'd the Design of snatch­ing from her this Kingdom; and ne­ver Enterprize was carried on in the Divan, with more dexterity and se­crecy. The Church then govern'd by Pope Pius the Fifth (who was since Canoniz'd) was at the same time attack'd by several Reformers, [Page] authoriz'd by Secular Powers; and the Infidels, who always make advan­tage of the Disunion of Christians, improved so favourable an opportu­nity to the enlargement of their Territories and Religion.

The Pope alarm'd by the foresight of these Misfortunes, dispatch'd Nun­cio's, sent Legates to all the Princes of Europe; and not content with these his good Endeavours, set out a Fleet at his own Charge, and offered to conduct it in Person for the Veneti­ans.

Every Prince consented or refu­sed to enter into the League propos'd by his Holiness, according as he was interessed to break off, or keep in with the Port, and the Advantage he found in the Ruine or Preserva­tion of the Republick.

But the Course which the King of Spain, Philip the Second, held, is a [Page] Piece of the most refined Policy. The Legate had no sooner represented him with the danger, wherein the Republick lay, but he undertook to send a great Force, to its Assistance, and gave Orders at the same time, for the equipping of a considerable Fleet. All Christendom could expect no less from a Monarch, who wore so many Crowns, and honour'd him­self with the Title of Most Catholick King. But his Design was only to merit this Title in appearance; see­ing the slowness which he used in making ready this Fleet, and the se­cret Orders he gave to Requiescens, Chief of the Council, to Don John of Austria, tended only to ruine the Republick, and by this means reduce Italy under his Power.

The Ministers, and Venetian Ge­nerals happily penetrated into the secret Designs of Philip, and gave [Page] speedy Notice to their Masters.

The Venetians, justly grieved to find how unsincerely they were dealt with, made no scruple to accommo­date themselves with the Turk, with­out the participation of the Confe­derates, altho' this was expresly for­bidden by the Treaty, they made with the Christian Princes.

It is in the summing up of this variety of Interests, that our Author dives into, and discovers the In­trigues and Motions of the principal Courts of Europe; and we may well credit his Abilities and Faithfulness, from the Part which Cardinal Com­mendon gives him in all these impor­tant Mysteries of State.


A Description of the Isle of Cyprus. The Manners of its Inhabitants. The Dry­ness of the Territory. Its Abun­dance. Malignity of Ayr. Its different Possessors. Conquered by the Romans from the Kings of E­gypt. King Peter massacred by his Subjects. The Genoeses take Fama­gusta. Catharine Cornaro espouses King James. Demits his Crown to [Page] her at his Death. She retires to Ve­nice, and delivers the Kingdom into the hand of the Senate; who fortifie Nicosia, the Capital City of the Island. Solyman the Father of five Children. Selim, the youngest, succeeds him. His Inclinations. Mahomet Chief Visier. Jealousie of Mustapha, and Piali, touching the Favour of Maho­met. Selim despis'd by the Souldiers. Blind Obedience of the Musulmans. Ʋnhappy State of the Jews. They retire from Spain into Portugal. Their Obstinacy. Selim excites the taking of the Isle of Cyprus. Hospi­tals and Moscs built by the Sultans with the Spoyls taken from the Chri­stians. Selim designs the Conquest of Cyprus for the building of an Hospi­tal and a Mosc▪ Discourse of Musta­pha to engage him in this Enterprize. Mahomet endeavours to divert him from it. He advises him to succour [Page] the Moors in Spain. A great Dearth in Italy. The Arsenal of Venice is burnt. The Disorder which this Fire causes. The Senate mistrust some Conspiracy. A Jew call'd Miches, is suspected. The News of this Fire carried to Constantinople. The Ar­tifice of Mahomet to deceive the Ve­netians. The Ambassador of Venice discovers this Minister's Secret. The Grand Signior sends a Denunciation of War to the Republick. The Doge returns his Answer in Writing. The sudden Death of Lauredon, Doge of Venice. Mocenigo succeeds him. The Epirots treat with the Venetians. The City of Supoto besieged and ta­ken by the Venetians. The Plague destroys their Navy. The Birth of Cardinal Granvil. His Aversion to the Venetians. The Firmness of Car­dinal Commendon. Mark Anthony Colonni, General of the Pope's Army. [Page] Contest between the Generals touching the Means of succouring Cyprus. Rea­sons of the Distrust the Venetians had of John Andrew Doria, Gene­ral of the Spanish Gallies.


The First Book.

MOst of the Ancient Geographers and Historians, have mentioned the Isle of Cyprus with Commen­dation. Some of them have divi­ded it into Nine Kingdoms, altho' the whole Island scarcely deserves such a Title. She is situated in that part of the Mediterranean Sea, which lies nearest Asia, between Cilicia and Syria. The Seas of Pamphylia and Egypt, with the Gulph of Lajazzo, anciently called the Sein Isique, surround her, lying from the Continent about sixty Miles over against Cilicia, and eighty distant from Syria. 'Tis thought she was heretofore a Peninsula, joyning on that [Page 2] side of Asia, being separated by the violence of a Flood, which over-ran all those Parts. She contains about two hundred Miles in Length, and sixty five in Largeness; and is in Circuit near five hundred. 'Tis said there were heretofore fifteen considerable Cities: But at present there are only reckoned five, which are well inhabited, Nicosia, Famagusta, Baffo, La­misso, and Cerines. The rest are Towns to the number of eight hundred and forty; and Vil­lages, divided into eleven Regions or Quarters, named Baffo, Andimes, Limisso, Massota, Sasi­nes, Mesarea, Crusso, Pendengia, Cerines, Carpasso, Visconti; This Island is reckoned at present to contain about two hundred thousand In­habitants, a small number in comparison of that with which 'twas peopled under the Reign of the Emperor Trajan: seeing that ac­cording to the Report of Di [...]n Cassius, in the Life of this Prince, the Jews massacred in one day two hundred and forty thousand Cypriots, to free themselves from the Tyranny of the Roman Empire. The Inhabitants of this Island were separated into four different States, the Nobility, Commonalty, the Freed-Men and Slaves. The two last were only employed in Husban­dry, and the others lived in Cities, and accu­stomed the Country-people (contrary to Right) to Servitude and Slavery. They afterwards en­franchised the greatest part of these, whom they called Francomates. Those who not yet enjoyed their Liberty, called themselves Paresi­ens. They all mortally hated the Nobility; and especially these latter, being worst used by them. [Page 3] The Militia of the Country was drawn from the Freed-Men, and consisted of a certain num­ber of Regiments and Companies.

The Heat of the Climate is the Cause why the Cypriots are ordinarily of a mean stature, and approach rather to Leanness than Fatness. They are more dexterous and nimble, than strong and vigorous: They are of the same Complexion as most Greeks; their Hair is black, and their Wits delicate and surpassing; but their Plenty has made them soft and de­bauched, and subject to Wine and Women. He was not counted a considerable man among them, who was not commonly served in Silver; & the Peasants had each of them a Cup, a Spoon, a Knife, Handle and Fork of the same Metal. The Gentry lived in as great splendor as Prin­ces: Their Houses were fill'd with Officers and Domesticks. They were magnificent in Houshold-stuff, as well as in Cloaths The Fur­niture of their Tables was equal to the Rich­ness of their Cupboards of Plate; and the Ex­pence they were at in Dogs and Horses, was answerable to this their Profusion and Luxury. The Incontinency and Loosness of their Wo­men, has given occasion to Poets to feign, That assoon as Venus came out of the Sea, of whose Froth they say she sprang, she first Landed at Cyprus, and was thereupon first na­med Cypriana, and Paphienna, because of a magnificent Temple built in Honour of her, in the famous City of Paphos.

This Isle abounding in all sort of things, yet suffers oft times by the great scarcity of Water. [Page 4] We read in the Annals of this Country, that the Inhabitants were driven out by an extra­ordinary drought, and that for seventeen years together there was no Rain. She is watered with no River. The Rain sometimes in the Winter causes Torrents, which fall from the Mountains with great swiftness, but are soon dried up by the excessive heat of the Sum­mer.

There are several Wells and Fountains, but they are subject to the forementioned Inconve­nience: Yet do's the Earth bring forth of it self a prodigious quantity of Fruits. A Third part of Wheat, and other Grains which they gather, is more than what's sufficient for the Inhabitants. Their Wines are so delicious, that they are counted the best of all Greece; and the Isle produces so great abundance there­of, that it is thought Selim, who was more ad­dicted to Wine than any of the Ottoman Em­perors, had no greater Motive to conquer it, than that of possessing so delicious a Vineyard. They made so much Salt, that the Venetians yearly drew three hundred thousand Crowns, as a Tax on that quantity which Strangers bought up there. Silk and Sugar make up an­other great part of its Revenues. She is no less fertil in Olives, Honey, Wax, Saffron, Flax, and several other necessary Commodites; but especially in choice Medicinal Herbs and Drugs. They have also Mines of different Metals. There is likewise to be found several Precious Stones; and in general, whatsoever the Earth contains that's rich and rare in the [Page 5] depth of its Bowels. Its Ayr, in truth, is not answerable to the goodness of its Soyl; immo­derate heats rendring the whole Island un­healthy, and in some parts contagious, so that it seems as if its Malignity would ravish from the Cypriots the pleasure of a long enjoyment of Natures Favours; few of them arriving to great maturity of Years.

This Country was first invaded by Tyrants; from whose hands the Kings of Egypt rescued it. Publius Clodius, as well known by the ha­tred which Cicero's Banishment drew on him, as by his Boldness and Birth, took it from the Kings of Egypt. This young Roman falling into the hands of Pyrates, sent to Ptolomy for Mo­ney to pay his Ransom; who offering only a small Sum to the Corsary's, they freely gave Clodius his Liberty; who, after that, sought means to revenge himself of the slight value the King of Egypt set on him.

Assoon as he saw himself Tribune of the People, he made a Decree, by which the Isle of Cyprus was declared a Province of the Roman Empire; and Mark Cato was presently ordered to take possession of it, and transport its Riches to Rome. He found such vast Treasures, as gave cause to think they had tempted the Romans covetous humour.

Ptolomy was so ashamed and enraged to see himself stript of this State by a Citizen of the Republick, that he ended his Life with Despair and Vexation.

After the Fall of the Roman Empire, that of Constantinople possessed this Isle to the Year [Page 6] 1190, when Richard King of England, took it from Isaac Comnenus, who had made himself the Tyrant of it; and drove him thence, for refu­sing the use of his Havens to the Fleet, which he conducted to the Recovery of Jerusalem.

He sold it sometime after to the Templers, whose Order was then most rich and flourish­ing: But their Establishment in this Island, ha­ving excited several Seditions, they yielded their Purchace to Guy de Lusignan, King of Je­rusalem, whom the Infidels had despoyled of his Crown. Guy died two years after his Possessi­on, and left the Isle to his Brother Amaury; under whose Government, she was re-peopled, and rendred more fertil than heretofore, having drawn thither several Families of Strangers, by virtue of Immunities, Exemptions and Privi­ledges. He sent a famous Embassie to Rome, to obtain of the Pope the Title of King. Hugo, his Son, succeeded him; who left his Crown to his Son Henry: He was the Father of Hugo the Second, who died young, and without Chil­dren. Another Hugo, his Cousin-German, Son to the Prince of Pouille, and Isabella, Henry's Sister, was placed on the Throne, as his nearest Relation, and took the Sirname of Lusignan, to make himself more agreeable to the Cypriots. John, his Son, inherited his Crown, and like­wise left it to his Son, Henry the Second. This Prince being troubled with the Falling-Sickness, was declared unfit to succeed; and his Brother Amaury, having caused him to be taken by force, sent him to Aiton, the King of Armenia, his Brother-in-Law; who shut him up in Prison. [Page 7] This Treason remained not long unpunish'd; for the Usurper was assassinated in his Bed by one of the Officers of his Chamber, named Simonnet. Henry was afterwards establish'd; to whom succeeded Hugo, his Nephew. This Hugo, the Third of that Name, was Father of Peter, who merited by his rare Valour, the Sir­name of Couragious. This Kingdom had never been so flourishing as it was under the Reign of this brave Prince. He setled a Commerce in the City of Famagusta, with all the Neigh­bouring States; which enriched his Subjects, and yielded him also an infinite Treasure. He set out a Fleet of Fifty Gallies, with which, the King of Spain, and those of the Isle of Rhodes, having joyned their Forces, he took the City of Alexandria, and carried his Con­quests as far as Syria.

After these glorious Exploits, he intended to go to Rome, to pay his Respects to that See; but during his Absence, the Count de Rocas, to whom he had left the Government of his State, debauch'd the Queen, his Wife, and u­surped the Sovereign Authority.

Peter advertiz'd of this on his way, returns speedily to Cyprus, seizeth on the Traytor, and delivers him into the Hands of his Justices, to be punish'd according to the Laws of the Coun­try: But his great Estate, his Credit, and the Protection of the Queen, having corrupted his Judges, he was discharged as innocent; and Visconti, Master of the King's Houshold, his Accuser, condemn'd to a perpetual Banishment: This Prince being rendred furious and cruel [Page 8] by the unjustice of this Proceeding, extended his Revenge so far, as made all the Cypriots suf­fer: He loaded 'em with Irons, and condemned 'em to die on the least complaint, and meanest appearance of the smallest Crime. He ravish'd the Honour of their Wives and Daughters, and expos'd them moreover to the Brutality of the Ministers of his Passion, not suffering them to spare any.

To encrease the Terror and Confusion of his Subjects, he caused a new Prison to be built in the most publick part of the City, and for­ced whom he pleased of the Inhabitants, of both Sexes, to work at it: But a couragious bold Woman animated them to a Revolt, in this manner; Being a Gentlewoman born, and finding her self forced to serve Brick-layers and Masons, held up her Coats and Shift to her knees, and remained in this immodest posture in expectation of the King, who was to come to see the Workmen, attended by all his Court.

So soon as he was over against her, she let down her Coats, and sate on the ground; but she arose presently after he was past, with such Impudence as scandalized the Beholders. Every one surpriz'd with this Spectacle, and being not able to guess at the Reason, some ask'd her, why she was not ashamed of her Nakedness save only in the presence of the King? She answered coldly, that she and the Women with her, did not look so exactly about 'em; for having seen no Man but the King, she thought she should not offend against Modesty, but only in regard of him: These People net­led [Page 9] by this sharp Reproach, fell on the Prince, and massacred him. His Son, named Petrin, or Petrote, was set up in his place. This new King, having done the Ambassadors of Venice and Genoa, the honour to eat at his Table, these Ministers could not agree about Precedency; but he decided it in favour of the Venetians. The Genoeses, to be reveng'd of the Affront which they pretended to have received, con­spired against him: But their Conspiracy be­ing detected, all the Genoeses about the Palace, were seiz'd on; who were thrown immediatly down from an high Tower on the points of the Halberts. All of that Nation were used through­out the whole Island in the same manner. The Republick of Genoa, concern'd at this Usage, de­clared War against the King of Cyprus; and for that end, set forth a Fleet of Ships, under the Command of Peter Fregosa. This Captain made himself Master of Famagusta, being of intelli­gence with the Queen-Mother, whose Treason reduc'd her Son to such an extremity, that he consented to yield the Place to the Genoeses, and pay them a yearly Tribute; and for the surer Payment thereof, gave Prince James, his Un­cle, and his Cousin-Germans for Hostages. His Death put his Uncle in possession of the Crown, being then a Prisoner at Genoa: but he demitted it into the hands of his Son John the Second, otherwise Janus, being thus call'd from the City of Genoa, where he was born; the Mamelucs made War against him, and over­threw him in a Combat, wherein he was taken Prisoner, and thence carried into Egypt: These [Page 10] Barbarians restor'd him not to his Liberty, till they had drawn great Sums from him, and en­gaged him to pay eight thousand Crowns year­ly Tribute; whereunto his Successors should be also bound for ever to the Kings of Egypt,

This Tribute was punctually paid, and the Venetians become Masters of the Place, thought themselves oblig'd to send it every year to Constantinople, since the extinction of the Ma­melucs, from whom Selim conquered Egypt. Janus had only one Son, nam'd John, a Prince of a weak Constitution both of Body and Mind, whom the Queen, his Wife, govern'd at her Will: Their only Daughter, nam'd Charlotta, was first married to a Prince of the Family of Portugal, who having been poysoned, she espous­ed Lewis, Son to the Duke of Savoy. He reign­ed not long after the Decease of John, his Fa­ther-in-Law. James, Bastard-Brother to the Queen, who was design'd for the Arch-Bishop­rick of Nicosia, could not suffer a Stranger to bereave him of the Crown; so renouncing his Ecclesiastical Profession, he had recourse to the Protection of the Mamelucs, by whose Assist­ance, he drove out the Queen Charlotte, and Prince Lewis, her Husband, recovered Fama­gusta from the Genoeses, and made himself Ma­ster of the whole Island. He considered he needed the Assistance of the Venetians, to con­firm him in the Throne; and therefore sent Ambassadors to the Republick, to desire a Vene­tian Lady, chosen by the Senate, to make her Queen of Cyprus. The Venetians cast their Eyes on Catharine, the Daughter of Mark Anthony [Page 11] Cornaro, being of one of the most ancient Fa­milies in Venice. She was adopted by the Se­nate, and afterwards conducted to the Isle of Cyprus, to King James. This Prince died some time after his Marriage, and left the Queen pregnant; whom he made by his Will Heiress with the Child which she was to bring into the World: She was delivered of a Boy, who was likewise named James, and lived not above ten Months.

The Grand Signior, and the King of Syria, considered the Isle of Cyprus as a State very commodious for them. On the other hand, Fer­dinand, King of Naples, look'd on Queen Ca­tharine, as a Person well qualified for him. Which alarming the Venetians, who thought themselves to have most Right to the Island, they sent George Cornaro, the Brother of this Princess, to pre-engage her in favour of the Republick. His Reasons and Entreaties met with such prevalency in the Mind of his Sister, that she demised her Estate in the year 1489. six­teen years after the death of the King her Hus­band; and Francis Prioli, Admiral of the Vene­tian Forces, went and took possession of it in the Name of the Republick. Catharine at the same time retiring to Venice, the Seniory gave her a small Town in the Mountains de la Marche Trevisanna, where she confin'd her self all the rest of her days, and liv'd there in much tran­quillity to a great Age. This Acquisition gave as great trouble to the Senate, as it did yield honour to the Republick; for if it were glorious to 'em to reduce a Kingdom into a Province, [Page 12] and to extend their Dominion as far as Asia, whence by this means they might draw great Advantages, it was on the other hand troublesom to them to have a State environ'd with those of the Grand Signior, and continu­ally threatned by this formidable Power. That which heightned the more their inquietude, was, That there was no fortifi'd place in the whole Island except the City of Famagusta, which was too weak to resist the Invasions of the Infidels.

Selim, who since declared War with the Venetians, was then Governor of Cilicia, and learnt them by his Conduct, that he earnestly intended the Conquest of this Island. These Suspicions obliged the Senate to send thither Julius Savorniani, with a plenary Power. He was a Person of Noble Birth, whose long Ser­vices, together with those of his Father, had rendered him deservedly famous. He was or­dered to fortifie the Island as he thought fit, but with all possible diligence, lest he should be prevented by Solyman the Sultan, who was then at War with the Emperor Maximilian in Hungary, and commanded his Army in person.

Savorniani, who was a man of a lively and undertaking Spirit, took Shipping assoon as ever he had his Dispatches. Scarcely was he arrived on the Island, but he began to surround it, and view those Places which most needed to be fortified, with such an exact diligence as an­swered the good Opinion the Senate had of him. He thought at first to build new Walls, and raise new Forts to the City of Nicosia, being the Capital of the Kingdom, situated in [Page 13] the midst of the Island, and was then about four Miles in compass. The Nobility made their usual Residence there; the Riches of the Inhabitants rendered her the most wealthy and important place of all the Country; and had she been put in a capacity to sustain a Siege, might have proved, by reason of its greatness, most commodious for a Retreat to the Coun­try-people in a time of War. Neither did the Charge, nor Difficulty of the Enterprize, which had always deterred the preceding Go­vernors, discourage Savorniani. Having assem­bled the Nobility, he shewed them the interest they had to fortifie their City, to secure their Possessions from the Rapine and Avarice of the Barbarians; and that it was of great Conse­quence to their particular preservation, and that of the whole State, these Works should be fini­shed before the end of six Months. These Gentlemen comprehending the danger where­with they were threatned, return'd Savorniani their Thanks, approve his Design, and offer him all that in them lay to facilitate it. He then caused several Workmen and Slaves to come to Nicosia, he pulled down the ancient Walls and adjoyning Houses, and drew a new Line in a round Figure, less than the former, which beginning from an Eminency Northward, near the old Walls, ended at 400 paces near the first Circumvallation: He fortify'd it with twelve Bastions in such a manner that each defended the other with its Cannon. He chose as many of the best qualify'd Gentlemen; to every one of which he committed the care of carrying [Page 14] forward a Bastion, and permitted them for a recompence, to call them after their Names. He thought he ought thus to engage them to ad­vance these Works, and edge 'em on by this lit­tle point of Honour to spare no cost nor pains to hasten forward so important a Matter. He en­couraged them himself by his vigilancy and dili­gence, going about incessantly from one Work to another, and not loosing a moment the Work­men out of his sight. This Enterprize was car­ried on with such a diligence as surpriz'd all People: for these Bastions and the Wall were in a short time brought on to a reasonable height, and the Ditch made deep enough to defend it self against a great Army. The Noise and Re­putation of this Work gave the more joy and hopes to the Republick, because it cost her but little, and because one of her Magistrates had so happily and speedily finish'd it. But the Turks took offence at it, and seem'd strangly out of humor to see an Island fortify'd against 'em­selves in the heart of their Empire, which they had always look'd on with discontent in the hands of the Venetians, altho' without defence, and expos'd as a prey

'Tis certain that Solyman conceived an ex­tream spight at it: He fancied the Venetians shewed by this precaution a great contempt of his Age, and expected he wou'd never return from his expedition in Germany, where he then made War with that vigor and resolution as be­came a young Victorious Prince. 'Tis thought he would have stript them of it, had he lived longer: but dying in Hungary, at the Siege of [Page 15] Sigeth, Mustapha, one of the Generals of his Army, inspired his Son Selim, who succeeded him, with his Father's Hatred and Resentment. This new Emperor believing likewise the Ve­netians had fortify'd this Isle against him, re­solved on the Design which he had long pre­meditated, of conquering it.

And being come to the beginning of his Reign, 'tis not amiss to shew the Reader his Humor, his Genius, and Conduct; having first in few words given an Account of the Princes his Brethrens Destiny.

Solyman had five Sons, whose Birth could no less contribute to the happiness and honour of his Reign, than the Victories he had gain­ed, had not Ambition and Jealousie stifled in his Heart the Sentiments of Nature. Mustapha, his eldest Son, whose Mother was a Circasian Slave, had acquir'd by his excellent Qualities, the Love and Esteem of the whole Ottoman Empire. He was especially ador'd by the Soul­diery. His excellent Virtues, instead of rejoy­cing his Father, excited his Jealousie and De­fiance; so that suspecting him to design the be­reaving him of his Crown, he rais'd an Army, under pretence of carrying the War into Persia, & causing him to be seized on in his Camp, made his Eunuchs strangle him in his presence. Gen­girus, sirnamed Crump-Back, by reason of his Deformity, affrighted at the barbarous usage of his Brother, ended his Life in Rage and De­spair, vomiting out a Thousand Curses at the Cruelty of his Father. Bajazet the Third, be­ing likewise suspected by Solyman, as being no [Page 16] less beloved by the Army than his brother Mu­stapha, was forced by the ill usage he received, to preserve himself by open force, and lost un­fortunately a Battle; after which, flying for Pro­tection to Tammas, the King of Persia; this cruel and Perfidious Prince, affrighted by Soly­man's Threatnings, or corrupted by his Money, delivered him to Executioners, who accompa­nied the Ambassadors which the Grand Signior had sent him. Mahomet died in the Flower of his Age; and Selim, Roxalana's Son, thus be­came, by the death of his four Brothers, Soly­man's only Heir.

He was born in 1520, the same Year where­in died his Grandfather Selim, and was educated in the Art of Government according to the Turkish Maxims. Assoon as he was at Age, he had the Charge of Adrianople, and took on him after the Death of his Brother Mahomet, the Government of Cilicia, which he ruled during Solyman's Life. This Prince was very happy, if we compare his Fortune with the sad Disaster of his Brethren, who left him sole and peaceable Heir of a mighty Empire; But on the other hand, very unlike in his manner of Govern­ing, to his Predecessor. He shew'd from his Infancy no inclination to War, nor Quality befitting a Prince; but on the contrary, dege­nerating from the Sobriety of his Ancestors, he plunged himself into all kinds of Debauchery, and especially in Drunkenness, against the ex­press Prohibition of his Law. His Table, which, according to the Custom of the Seralio, should be mean and frugal, was covered with the most [Page 17] delicious and costly Meats, and always sur­rounded with Dwarfs, Buffoons and Parasites. He usually made one of his Bashaws to dine with him, call'd Achmet, a gluttonous, drunken Fellow, who rendered himself acceptable to his Prince, by drinking with him whole days together; they usually held on their Debauche­ries till Midnight, and were commonly carried away from the Table de [...] drunk. This Ex­cess in Eating and Drinking, made Selim so gross and unwieldy, that together with the Redness which the Wine gave the Whiteness of his Complexion, he resembled very well the Poet's Bacchus, when leaving the Table, he repos'd himself cross-legg'd on Carpets, according to the Turkish manner. He was ad­dicted to all those Vices which attend ex­cessive Drinking. He was much in the Seralio, amongst the Ladies; and yet this Passion could not keep him from a more brutish and abo­minable one, which is too common amongst filthy wretches, who know no Measure nor Rule in their Sensualities. He caused to be brought up with great Care, several youths, the comliest of which, served about his Per­son; on whom he would sometimes bestow great Pensions, and considerable Employments, according to their Capacity. He took much delight in seeing them wrestle, draw the Bow, and perform their other Exercises in the Gar­dens of the Seralio: But this was always in pri­vate, lest he should abase the Majesty of so great an Emperor; and therefore appear'd but seldom at these Spectacles. When he went [Page 18] forth to take the Diversion of Hunting, on the side of Asia, with his Dogs and Falcons, he pass'd over the Channel in cover'd Boats, instead of riding on Horseback out of Constan­tinople. He minded as little the enlarging his Territories, as depriving himself of the Plea­sures he enjoyed in a shameful Repose. Soft­ness and Flattery had so corrupted his Mind, that he thought [...]mself above all humane Greatness. Had he followed his own Inclinati­ons, and not been led by his Ministers, he would have been content with the Conquests of his Ancestors, and languished in the soft Life of the Seralio, suffering all the Princes in Europe to live in Peace.

Piali, and Mustapha, who had long com­manded his Father's Armies, were two of his greatest Confidents; and the Favour of Piali was grounded on the Honour of his Alliance. Solyman returning victorious from the Siege of Belgrade, found him lying expos'd in the Fields; where, his Mother, frighted by the March of the Army, had left him. This Prince, in his Passage, took the Pleasure of Hunting, and seeing the Child, whom the Dogs were about to devour, gave order it should be taken up, and carried to Constantinople. He was educa­ted in the Seralio with great Care; and his towardly Inclinations, joyned to the progress which he made in his Exercises, recommended him so greatly to the Grand Signior's Affection, that he gave him his Son Selim's Daughter in Marriage. The Ottoman Princes acknowledge no other Nobility of Extraction in their Em­pire; [Page 19] giving their Daughters in Marriage to such of their Slaves, whom they believe merit­ed this Honour by their Services. Piali, ha­ving long commanded the Sultan's Land-Forces, was made Captain Bassa of the Sea.

Mustapha had attended Selim from his In­fancy, and corrupted his few good Inclinati­ons through too much Mildness and Indul­gence. But that which acquir'd him greatest Favour, was the signal Service, he did him in the Fight betwixt him and his Brother Baja­zet; for these two ambitious Princes were in dispute about the Empire, in Solyman's Life­time. Selim's Army was routed, and he him­self was put to flight; when Mustapha rallying his Troops, made him return to a second Charge; and falling on Bajazet with an incre­dible Valour, he won the Victory from him, and wholly defeated him; But Mahomet was he, who of all the Ministers of the Port, most absolutely possessed his Master's Favour, and had also given him the greatest and most im­portant Mark of Fidelity and Affection: For assoon as Solyman expired in Hungary, he was so prudent, as to keep his Death secret, and prest forward the Siege of Sigeth, with as great vigor, as if the Grand Signior had been yet alive; so that he carried the Place by Assault, maugre all the Efforts of the German Empire. He at the same time dispatch'd Couriers to Se­lim, to advertize him of his Father's Death, advi­sing him to hasten to Constantinople, before this News were known there. Mahomet well knew the Souldiers contemned Selim, because [...] [Page 18] [...] [Page 19] [Page 20] of his averseness to Wars; loudly talking du­ring his Father's Life, That he was not of the Ottoman Race, but that Roxalana, his Mother, pretending a big Belly, had Fathered on Soly­man the Child of a certain Jewish Woman; and therefore they stuck not to call him according to his supposed Birth.

And to make this Calumny pass the better, they added, he was a Favourer of the Jews, who are more abominable and odious amongst the Turks, than amongst any other People; and therefore to gratifie one John Miches, a Fugivive from Spain, for his Judaism, he ob­tain'd of his Father Solyman, one of the ancient Cities of Palestine, and several Countries round about, to establish a Colony of those wretched People. These Rumors made the greatest part of the Army to prefer Amurah, a Prince of Twenty years of Age, whose In­clinations were answerable to his Birth. But thus Mahomet setled the Crown on Selim's Head without opposition; and for a Reward of this Service, the new Emperor gave him the Seals, with the Quality of Grand Visier, which is the first Minister in the Ottoman Empire: He was already his Son-in-Law; so that Selim commit­ted the Government to his Care, and gave himself over to the Pleasures and Softness of the Seralio.

Mahomet was too quick-sighted, not to per­ceive, that a Favour like his, must draw on him much Envy: That Princes oft change their Favourites, and suffer with regret, those, to whom they believe they are much obliged, [Page 21] respecting them as importunate Creditors, they endeavour to get rid of them assoon as any specious Pretence offers it self to colour their Ingratitude. The Example of Ibrahim, a Fa­vourite of Solyman's, whom a Sultaness ruined, without letting the World know the Occasion, made him wary and solicitous to strengthen himself in his high Places. He began by free­ing Selim from the perplexity of Affairs, which might disturb his Pleasures. He afterwards re­moved all those who were not his Friends, from the Prince's Presence, and brought into their Places such as were affectionated to his Service; and by this means rul'd all at his will. The Bassaes and other Visiers acted only by his Directions, and each of them made their Court to him in the same manner as if he had been their Emperor.

Since the renewing of the Treaty, and Al­liance between the Port and the neighbouring States, and confirmation thereof between So­lyman and the Republick of Venice, sign'd three years after, the Ottoman Empire enjoyed a pro­found Peace; the Continuation of which seem­ed to be lasting, by means of Selim's sluggish and luxurious humor. But the Souldiers being accustomed under the preceding Reigns, to Pillage on the neighbouring Countries, tired with Ease, murmured at the Grand Visier's con­duct of Affairs; saying, he abused his Interest in the Grand Signior; and instead of bringing him off from his Debauches, rather enticed him to continue them; disswading him from following the Example of his Father and [Page 22] Grandfather, who had conquered so many Kingdoms, and carried their victorious Arms to the Ends of the World. They added, That this Lethargy brought shame to the Majesty of the Ottoman Empire; and that the Idleness wherein so many brave Men were suf­fered to spend their days, was no less disho­nourable than the Softness of their Sovereign; That his Grandfather, whose Name he did bear, had not thus reign'd, who by several Conquests acquired with immortal Honour, by the entire Defeat of the Mamelucs, had made himself Master of all Egypt; That the Sultans were not set up to enjoy peaceably what their Predecessors had left them, but to enlarge their Empire by new Conquests, and reduce the Universe to the Mahometan Law: That it belong'd only to private persons to busie them­selves in conserving their Possessions; but So­vereigns should have no other End than to be­nefit their Countrey: That tho' Selim wanted Gourage and Conduct to tread in his Ancestors steps, yet ought he to maintain his Empire by the same ways it was establish'd; and that as great Motions, and the noise of War, keep men in breath, and stir up Valour and Ambi­tion, so Rest and Luxury serve only to abase and depress them: That their Emperors did not get their Possessions by Drunkenness and Luxury, but by Labour and Hardship: That Selim, not contented to frustrate them of the Largess which the new Emperors usually be­stowed on the Souldiery, at their first coming to the Crown, would also deprive them [Page 23] of the only means to defend themselves against Poverty and Misery, although the flourishing State of the Empire was the effect of their Labour and Faithfulness; and, That, in fine, 'twas very hard to buy thus dear the Friend­ship of the Prime Visier, whose covetous Hu­mor could not be satisfied, tho' the whole World should drain it self dry to fill it.

The Souldiers were discontented at Selim's Advancement to the Empire, and not follow­ing the Custom of distributing Money amongst them, which the Sultans are wont to do; and especially the Janizaries, who were perswaded that Mahomet was the Author of this Retrench­ment. Mustapha and Piali, whose Favour this Chief Minister endeavoured to ruine, secretly entertain'd and cherish'd these Complaints and Murmurs. Piali had been disgraced, and thrown out of his Office, but the Tears and Prayers of his Wife regained his Re-establishment from the Emperor, this Princesses Father. Mustapha, having been sent against certain People who in­habit along the Coasts of the Red Sea, had met with bad Success in his Expedition, by the Treachery of Synam, Bassa of Egypt: he was accused, not only for making War with a kind of indifferency, but treating under-hand with the Revolters, to dismember Egypt, and share it betwixt them.

Synam, who sought all ways to procure Fa­vour from the Prime Visier, became his Accuser, and Mustapha's Crime appear'd more plainly, by having espoused the Daughter of King Tomo­nbeius, when Selim I▪ exterminated the Mame­lucs. [Page 24] Mahomet, who knew the jealous Temper of the Prince, represented to him this Affair, as a matter that required a most severe Chastise­ment; and thereupon obliged him to send an Executioner into Egypt, to bring him Mustapha's Head. 'Tis a Custom established by these Bar­barians, from the Tyrannical Power of the Sovereigns, and blind Obedience of the Peo­ple, that assoon as the Grand Signior requires the Head of one of his Generals, tho' he then commanded all the Forces of the Empire, he submissively offers himself to the Will of the Executioner. Mustapha having notice of his Disgrace and Sentence, parts immediately from Egypt to Constantinople; where Amurah, the Grand Signior's Eldest Son, perswaded of his Innocence, took him under his Protection, and presented him himself to his Father; Mustapha casting himself at Selim's Feet, told him with great Freedom, I will obey without the least Repugnancy your Highnesses Orders, if I am sentenced to Death; but if my Enemies, abu­sing their Power, and your Bounty, overwhelm me by the blackness of their Calumnies, I shall have at least the Consolation, that it shall be my Sovereign, and not they that shall pro­nounce my Doom. He afterwards justified himself in all things alledged against him, and shewed so clearly his Innocency, that he obtain­ed not only his Grace, but Places of greater Trust. These Ministers being jealous of the Favour and Credit which Mahomet enjoyed du­ring the Peace, earnestly desired War, to se­cure themselves against so dangerous and potent [Page 25] a Rival. Mahomet alarm'd by the Complaints of the Souldiers, and Murmurs of the Janiza­ries, which grew every day louder and more frequent, believ'd he ought, for the averting of this Storm, to undertake some Military Ex­ploit. This being the only means for the qui­eting the Janizaries Spirits, who thirsted after Mischief and Pillage, and remove at the same time from the Court his Enemies, in sending them away, to expose their Lives in the Gra [...] Signior's Service: And thus the chief Ministers of the Port, altho' with different Interests, con­curred in promoting a War.

Miches, whom we have already mentioned, was one of Mustapha's Confidents, by means of his frequent Access to the Grand Signior. He was a Jew by Birth, a wandring Nation, eve [...] since their committing the worst of Murders, namely, that on the Son of God, whose Blood is on them and their Children to this day. These People are hated, and distinguished by Marks of Infamy in all places where they traf­fick; not being suffered to bear the least Office in any place whatsoever. They were greatly multiplied in Spain, and acquired great wealth there by their false Dealings and Usury. Their way of lending Money, appeared at first very profitable to the People; but when it was per­ceived in the Sequel, that this facility of bor­rowing, gave occasion to Luxury and Prodiga­lity, and that People of Quality, as well as the ordinary sort were near ruined by prodi­gious Sums of Interest-money; the Kings of Spain thought it necessary to remedy so great an [Page 26] Abuse. This People being exceedingly encreas­ed, as I afore mentioned, by means of their A­verseness to Celibacy, esteeming Barrenness a Curse; the Kings of Spain would suffer them no longer in their Territories; commanding them to depart thence, or abjure their Judaism. The greatest part of them loving their Com­merce better than their Religion, chose rather to quit that than their Countrey; and the rest withdrew themselves to Portugal; which, yet received them on condition, They should re­main their Slaves, if they departed not the Kingdom after a certain time, altho' they had given them a great deal of Money to be suf­fered amongst them. They designed to pass over to Mauritania; but finding no Vessels, on the day mark'd for their Passage, by the fals­ness of the Portugueses, they lost their Liberty, according to the Agreement made betwixt 'em. After the Death of John the Second, Emanuel, who succeeded him, drew them out of Slavery, to obtain the Reputation of a merciful Prince: But finding, that kindness prevailed nothing on the hard-heartedness of these People, he took from them their Children, and caus'd them to be Baptiz'd; driving out their Parents from his Dominions. The horror of so cruel a Separa­tion, converted more than the Confiscation of their Estates did in Spain. But the outward Profession of Christian Religion, changed not their Minds; practising no less secretly their Judaish Superstitions. The King of Portugal set up a severe Inquisition against them. The Re­lapsers convicted, were burnt alive, and their [Page 27] Posterity declared for ever infamous. This Tri­bunal consists still in Portugal. Its Rigour cau­ses many to withdraw into several parts of the World; who being privately brought up in the ancient Belief of their Fathers, although born amongst Christians, remain fix'd to the Dreams of their Rabbies, by the horror they are inspired with from their Infancy against our Religion. These People are called by the Spaniards, Ma­rani; and Miches was one of the most conside­rable amongst them. They had sent him to Venice, to obtain, if possible, from the Repub­lick an Habitation, in some of the Neighbour­ing Islands: But the Senate having refused to gratifie his Request, he retired out of humor, to Constantinople; where he married a rich Wi­dow, by whose means he arrived from a mise­rable Condition, to great Wealth, and be­came the eminentest Jew in that Country. Being a Person of great insinuation and address, he soon found means, by Presents, and Flatte­ries, to have access to Selim, who was then Governour only of Cilicia, Solyman his Father, at that time reigning; and by force of Pre­sents, was admitted by this Prince into a near familiarity, and knowledge of his most private Occasions. This man was no stranger to the State of Affairs in most Parts of Christendom, but especially in the Interests of those of Venice, and therefore employ'd all his Skill and Interest with the Grand Signior, to be revenged on that Republick, for the Denial he lately received from them. He often entertained the Sultan, with the Fertility of the Isle of Cyprus, the [...] [Page 22] [...] [Page 23] [...] [Page 24] [...] [Page 25] [...] [Page 26] [...] [Page 27] [Page 28] Excellency of its Fruits, and especially, the De­licacy of its Wine, which this Prince usually ta­sted to Excess. He moreover asserted some kind of Right to this unjust Invasion; that the V [...]netians had usurped it; that it belonged law­fully to his Highness, seeing it made a part of the Kingdom of Egypt; and that it was in qua­lity of the Mameluc's Successor, the Republick paid him an annual Tribute.

When the Wine, Sugar, and other Fruits, which the Governors of Cyprus were wont to send every year to Selim, were presented; Miches derided these Presents, telling the Em­peror, to set him against the Republick, that they were more becoming the mean spirited­ness of the Merchants that sent them, than the greatness of the Prince that received them. He added, That the Venetians made continual infractions in the last Treaty of Peace, in recei­ving into their Ports such as were Pyrates, and Enemies to his Highness: That the Spaniards and Knights of Malta, made not a Prize on the Turks, but under the intelligence of the Repub­lick; and, That, if he suffered the Mediterra­nean Sea to be infested with these Robbers, all his Subjects must give over Trading; which would be as disadvantageous to his Reputation, as contrary to his Profit: That the Mahometan Religion was no less interessed, seeing by this means the Accesses to Meca were block'd up, and all Liberty taken away of visiting Maho­met's Tomb, whither so many devout Turks went on Pilgrimage: That under pretence of chasing the Corsary's, they pursued his Subjects [Page 29] with so great rage and fury, that they cut the Throats of those who surrendred without fight­ing. He at the end flattered him on the im­mense extent of his Power; and assuring him that the Venetians would abandon to him the Island, assoon as ever his Army should set foot­ing in it; he confirm'd this Prince, who other­wise slighted the Republick of Venice, in the Design of invading this Kingdom, assoon as So­lyman should leave him the Empire.

Some have affirmed, he gave the possession of it to this Miches, and that in the midst of a great Debauch, he had call'd him King of Cy­prus: But whether he really design'd to set the Crown on the Head of this profligate Jew, which is very contrary to the usual Genius of the Turkish Policy and Customs, or only to gra­tifie his Appetite to delicious Wines; he in re­gard to this Project, fortify'd that part of Cilicia, which is over against the Island, and divided only by a space of sixty Miles.

The pains the Turks took to fortifie a Place so long neglected, gave great Suspicions to the Venetians: But Selim being become Emperor, forgat this Enterprize; the remembrance of which was not to be offered to a Prince, lan­guishing in effeminate Pleasures. Yet did Mi­ches and Mustapha spend whole days and nights in projecting, how to bring him handsomly to undertake the old Design; and they thought no way could be better than to rouze him by the Murmurings of his Souldiers, who loudly de­manded a War. They made use also of some of the Women-Favourites, who hated Mahomet, [Page 30] to give him this Advice; and Selim, disturb'd with this troublesom Relation, would know this Ministers Opinion: Mahomet counselled him to yield to a War; telling him, what a happy opportunity offered it self for it; the Moors of Spain having sent to intreat assistance from his Highness, against the Tyranny of King Phillip the Second.

The Novelty of this Enterprize, surpriz'd the more the Grand Signior, being ignorant why the Moors would revolt against Spain, and what For­ces they were able to raise against their Sove­raign: But he willingly received the Proposition of turning his Arms on the side of Cyprus; where­upon, Mahomet having shewed him he could not declare a War against the Venetians, with­out violating the Oath he had taken; the Coun­cil thereupon broke up, without determining any thing, tho' Selim matter'd not much the Scru­ples which were offered him.

The Ottoman Emperors believe nothing so great, nor magnificent, whereby to eternize their Names, as to be the Founders of Mosques and Places of Religious Worship. These Edi­fices are lightned within by an infinite num­ber of Lamps, which are always burning during their Ceremonies, and they have Priests, and particular Ministers belonging to each of them; the Porches, and several other parts of these Churches, are paved with Marble, enriched with quantity of Precious Stones, and wrought by several skilful Italian Architects, who, for Gain­sake, make no scruple to be hired by these Hea­thens. But this Magnificence reaches further; [Page 31] they build Hospitals near these Mosques, call'd Kervansarai, of as beautiful Structure as the other, in which are put all poor and sick Peo­ple, who are as neatly, as carefully look'd af­ter. All Travellers may remain there three days, without distinction of Country or Reli­gion. Slaves are therein received, as well as those that are Free, and the greatness of their Number makes no man refus'd. There are also several Children brought up in them. Selim had a Design to build one of these Hospitals, with a Mosque, which should surpass, not only in Largeness and Richness, the Ker­vansarai of Solyman his Father, but likewise all those which had been raised by his Predeces­sors. The Mufti, who is (as it were) the High Priest amongst them, shewed him, 'twas an ancient Custom, established by God's Appoint­ment, to employ in these fort of Foundations, the Booty gain'd from the Enemies of his Em­pire; and especially from the Christians, who most contemn the Prophet, and his Law. Selim, well pleas'd to hear the Mufti thus deliver him­self, resolv'd, from that time, on the Conquest of the Kingdom of Cyprus; and determined the Revenues to the building of a new Hospi­tal.

Mustapha, whilst these things were in agita­tion, found a seasonable time, which he had long sought, of enteraining the Sultan in pri­vate. He remembred him, That the Turkish Emperors began their Reign with some Milita­ry Enterprize, and valued more the Respect and Submission paid them by their Subjects, on the [Page 32] account of a Victory, or some Conquest, than from their Right of Sovereignty. That Selim, his Grandfather, whose Memory will be preci­ous to all Ages, came no sooner to the Throne, than he carried his Arms to Persia, and having won a signal Victory in the Plains of Calderana, from the Sophi Ismael, a Prince renowned for his Valour, he made himself Master of Tauris, then the Capital City of that great and famous People: and that this Advantage was only a Prelude to the Glory he afterwards acquired by the same Arms. That Solyman, his High­ness's Father, burning with Zeal to his Re­ligion, made War with the Christians, Ene­mies to the Alcoran, and signaliz'd his first Campaign by the taking of Belgrade, from which the Emperors Amurah and Mahomet had shamefully rais'd the Siege with considerable loss; and by this Conquest, bereaved the Hun­garians of their Reputation of being the best Souldiers in Europe: He afterwards took the Isle of Rhodes from the Jerusalem Knights, the Turks sworn irreconcileable Enemies, with the same valour and speed: That the Venetians had likewise felt the effort of his victorious Arms; and being straightned sometimes by Hunger, otherwhiles by his Troops, they were forced, for the saving of the Isles of Zant, Cephalonia, and Corfou; to consent to a shameful Peace, and to yield him Naplousia and Malvasia, Places of Consequence, and great Strength, with all the Morea: That the Venetian State, being destin'd to furnish the Ottoman Empire with Conquests, they ought to reckon on a [Page 33] certain Victory, in declaring War against this Republick: That, he justly drew it upon her, by fortifying a Tributary Kingdom, as if she would maintain by Force what she held only at his Highness's Pleasure: That Solyman would not have suffered this Insolency, but driven out the Venetians from the Isle of Cyprus, as a punish­ment, for putting themselves into a posture of Defence, whilst he made War in Hungary, and thus profiting by his Absence; he having been often heard to say, some time before his Death, in a great Passion, That if he return'd Conqueror to Constantinople, he would turn all his Forces toward that Island, attacking it both by Sea and Land: That his Highness should the ra­ther enter into this his Father's Resentment, seeing God had permitted the Venetians to fail of their respect towards him at his coming to the Crown, by protecting such as pillaged his Frontiers, and exercis'd their Rapines as well by Land as Sea: That the Ports of the Isle of Cyprus served for a shelter and place of Retreat to the Christian Pyrates, who continually cha­sed the Turkish Vessels; and to have satisfaction for all this, there needed only a Design to be undertaken, whose Success, tho' sufficiently honourable, was neither perilous, nor impossi­ble: What Consternation, added he, will it be to all Christendom, to see the Venetians driven out of this Isle, when they are most confident on their Strength, having fortified the Capital City in the midst of the Country; which, notwithstand­ing its deep Ditches, and new Ramparts, can­not long hold out against an Army, which has [Page 34] been ever successful? That the Conjuncture was favourable, by reason of the Christian Princes Divisions, being almost all of them per­plexed with Domestick Wars, disunited by Differences in Religion, and consequently not in a capacity to assist the Venetians: That the King of Spain was busied in reducing the Moors, and pacifying the Troubles in the Low Coun­tries: That, besides the League made between his Highness and the King of France, this Prince was too young, and his Kingdom too much weakened by intestine Wars, to interest him­self in this Quarrel. As for the Emperor Maximilian, it was not to be expected he would break the Peace lately made; having experienced his Weakness, and so ex­pose himself a second time with such small Forces, in hopes of the assistance of the Princes of the Empire; whose Troops are sel­dom in a sufficient readiness to do any good Service. As to the King of Poland, being in­structed by his Father's Example, and made wise at his Neighbour's Cost, he must under­stand his own Interest too well, to break the Peace he made with the Ottoman Port; so that the Venetians, forsaken on all sides, must inevi­tably lose the Isle of Cyprus, before the News of it can come to the Senate. Should Fortune moreover (adds he) favour this Enterprize, a man might set on foot still greater Designs against this Republick, to the Ruine of the Naval Forces of all Christendom; and by this means open a way to invade all Italy: a thing not unthought of by your Predecessors: That the Idleness where­in [Page 35] the Venetians had languished this thirty years last past, by means of the Peace Solyman had granted them, rendered the Conquest of their whole State very easie; having forgotten the Art of making War, there being but few left of the ancient Officers and Souldiers; so that seeing themselves in a manner lost, they must submit to such Conditions as would please his Highness to impose, and yield their Necks to the Yoke, rather than undergo all the Calami­ties of War. So that in fine, his Army enrich­ed and laden with Spoil, would return in Tri­umph to Constantinople, followed by a prodigi­ous number of Slaves and Captives, making Vows and Wishes for the continuance of his prosperous Reign; which would presage him a continual Series of Victories and Conquests, and an immortal Glory, by the Defeat of the Christians, the most averse People to the Maho­metan Law

Piali, who seconded Mustapha and Miches in their Arguments with the Emperor, help'd to confirm him in the Design of this Conquest. And Selim, whose natural Pride was encreased by the Representation of his Grandeur, the Con­fidence he had in his Power, and the Respect of his Subjects, which extends even to Adorati­on, esteemed himself as the most mighty Mo­narch on Earth; and despising other Soveraigns, supposed there could be no Fleets opposed, nor Land Armies able to resist his; so that this War, in his opinion, must be finished from the mo­ment Mustapha proposed it; had not Mahomet, who would avert this Tempest from falling on [Page 36] the Republick, brought some difficulties; for whether he feared the taking of the Isle of Cy­prus, would encrease his Enemies Credit, or was willing to keep the Pension he received from the Venetians, to keep up the Peace, he made use of the pretence of Religion; and told the Grand Signior, he would do well to consult the Mufti on so important an Undertaking, and know his Sence touching the infraction of a Treaty so solemnly sworn. And being not well assured of the Mufti, how his Answer would be, he undertook himself to shew the Grand Signior, That 'twas more advantageous and honourable to carry the War into Spain, to succour there a Nation that was of the same Religion, and implored his Protection, and in hopes thereof, had already taken Arms against the Tyranny of Spain, and alarm'd the whole Country by their vigorous Resistance; That this Enterprize would draw no new Enemies upon him; for the Venetians would not assist the Spa­niards; but on the contrary, if the Republick was Assaulted, the Spaniards would infallibly assist them: That the Spanish Militia were not so valiant, and brave in their own Country as out of it: That all Christendom was lost when Spain should be subdued: That France, betwixt whom and Spain, there are ancient Hatreds, and Jealousies, edged on by the Disgraces she received in the last War, and engaged by an Alliance, and several good Offices from the Port, would be glad of this opportunity of Revenge, and take part against the Spaniards; there being also as much, or more Honour in [Page 37] protecting unfortunate Believers, related to him by the Sacred Bond of Religion, than Profit in making himself Master of all Spain: whereas, should he abandon the Moors to the Execution­ers of Spain, to set upon a State, with which he lived in Peace, he must undergo an universal Reproach of breaking his Word to his Allies, and wanting Compassion for miserable Wretch­es, forced to renounce their Mahometan Religi­on, and embrace the Christian, by the violence of Torments. These Reasons moved not Se­lim; and if he appeared less hot on the War of Cyprus, 'twas rather because he would not diso­blige the Prime Visier, whose Opinion he disli­ked, than to determine what he was resolved to do; for believing every thing just which he pleased to undertake, his greatest Concern was to put it in speedy Execution. The Riches of the Isle of Cyprus, and the Work in which he would surpass all the former Emperors, made such an Impression in his Mind, that he had not the power to resist it. Yet had this Under­taking been further put off by the Address of the Grand Visi [...]r, had not such News arrived from Italy to Miches and Mustapha, as hastened the Execution of it.

In the Year 1569. Italy was affiicted with such scarcity, as made all the Cities thereabouts feel the smart of it, and expect a terrible Fa­mine. Sicily and Pouille, which are, as it were, the Store-houses of Italy, were as empty of Corn as other Places. Yet the Triumvirs thought on an Expedient, which much helped the City: They issued out an Order, by which [Page 38] they promised a great Price to such Merchants as should bring Grain; which brought so many Vessels laden with it to Venice, that the People scarcely felt the Scarcity, with which other parts were afflicted. But that which was worse than this, and hastened the War which the Infi­dels projected against the Republick, was, That on the 13th. of September at Night, in the same Year, the Powder took Fire in the Arsenal of Venice, and blew up the Magazines, with such a dreadful Blow, that all the Inhabitants, dismay­ed at the Noise, came out into the Streets, and publick places, lest they should be overwhelmed in the Ruine of their Houses. The Sky seem­ed in a light Fire, which caused such a terrible Consternation, that several imagined Venice was threatned on all Parts; and such as were most fearful, reckon'd the Day of Judgment was now come. The violence of this Fire, made it self felt to the most solid Edifices of the City; and the very Boats in the Channels were lifted up in the Air by it. But that which surpasses all Belief, was, that the neighbouring Isles were shaken by it; and it was known afterwards that the Inha­bitants of Trevisa and Padoa, and those of some Towns at greater distance, saw at that time, their Windows, as it were, all on Fire, and heard such a noise under ground, as made 'em fear a terrible Earthquake. The Houses near the Arsenal, buried several Persons of both Sexes under their Ruine.

This terrible Disturbance being somewhat a­bated, and the publick Consternation lessened, they began to suspect some secret Conspiracy. [Page 39] The Senate put the Noble Venetians in Arms; whose Rendezvouz was in the Place of St. Mark, whence were sent to all the Quarters of the Town such as were able to do Service.

These Suspicions were encreased, assoon as it was known the Arsenal was burnt; this being the Part by which the Republick might receive its Death's Wound. Paul Troni was sent by Order from the Senate to the Arsenal, to be more per­fectly inform'd. He found all the Gates of it open; but not one of those which followed him, had the boldness to enter: And had not Trony himself shewed them an Example in his own person, they would have all abandon'd him. Some Nobles assisted him in an exact view of all places; of which he made his Relation to the Senate; and assured them he saw no Re­mains of Fire, nor the least appearance of a new Flame. He found the Walls and Towers on the side of the Isle of Muran, overthrown from top to bottom, without the Magazines, or Sea-Equipages being any ways damnifi'd. The Convent of the Religious, called Celestins, and all the Houses round about, underwent the same Misfortune as the Towers and Ramparts. The Nobility, which were up in Arms, guarded the Town several days and nights, and equipp'd two Gallies for their Security without. But for­asmuch as it appear'd in the Sequel, this Disaster could not be a meer Accident, the Fire having taken several Magazines at the same time, 'tho far distant from one another: There were great Rewards promis'd to those who could discover the Authors; and a Discourse ran, that the vil­lainous [Page 40] Miches had secretly sent some Turks to Venice, who committed this horrible Fact; a dreadful stroke without doubt, and the worst humane Malice could invent, and which would have caused a greater desolation, if some days before this Mischief happened, there had not been taken from the Magazines, by the Senate's order two hundred thousand weight of Pow­der, to be sent to Corfou, and other places de­pendant on the Republick: For what a Devasta­tion would not so great a quantity of Powder have made, if Forty Thousand weight only which remain'd in the Arsenal, overthrew so many houses and so terribly shock'd the Town? Venice, without doubt, according to the opinion of the most knowing persons, must have been laid in Ashes, and the most flourishing and beautiful City in the World, committed wholly to the Flames, by the Treachery of Barbari­ans, whose Perfidiousness cannot inspire all Christian Nations with too much horror.

This sad Misfortune was quickly bruited over all Europe, and Report made, as is usual, That the Loss was greater than it was. A Rumor was spread that the Arsenal of Venice was entirely con­sumed; that the Fire had not spared the Artille­ry, and all the Guns were melted down. Yet did the Loss amount only to forty thousand weight of Powder, and what they must disburst to build up the Walls and Towers, which were re-edified with great diligence.

This News coming to Constantinople, neither the Favour nor Address of the Prime Visier, could prolong the Denunciation of War against the [Page 41] Venetians: Miches shewing Letters brought him by certain Jews from Venice; on Receipt of which, he spread a Report, that the Republick was reduced to such a Condition, whence they would not be able to raise themselves in several years; and withal, that they were so greatly afflicted with Scarcity, that the common sort were ready to starve for want of Bread. Mustapha, on his side, affirm'd, that so favourable an op­portunity was not to be neglected, which seemed to be offered them by Heaven; the Signiory wanting Ammunition and Equipage for a Naval Army, they might not only possess themselves of the Isle of Cyprus, but extend their Conquests to the Republick; which, being busied to defend it self from Famine, would less mind the pre­serving of an Island so far distant, and the City wanting Bread, she could not be in a capacity to furnish a Fleet with Provisions and Ammu­nitions; especially since the fireing of the Arse­nal: That they needed not scruple the Execu­tion of a Treaty of Peace made with God's Ene­mies and his holy Prophets; there being nothing so worthy a Muselman, as his undertaking the entire destruction of Christians: This being the sence of all their Priests of the Law, especially, considering the Venetians, as the first Breakers of the Peace: That other reasonings were the more weak and suspicious, by being offered by [...]uch who received underhand considerable Sums from the Republick: That there could be nothing worse advised, than the carrying the Ott [...]man Forces to the farthest part of the West, when they were attack'd by an Enemy, placed in th [...] [Page 42] Bowels of the Empire: That the Enterprize must be rash, to march to the conquering of a State situated in another World, and defended by all the Forces of Germany and Italy; seeing this could not be done, but by hazzarding the Ho­nour of the Former Acquisitions of the Ottoman Emperors; when, on the other hand, they might by an easie Conquest chastise the Venetians for their Insolency and Falshood: That the esta­blishment of an Empire, consisted not in extend­ing the sovereignty of it to far remote countreys, but in enlarging its Limits through the Neigh­bouring States: That a Conqueror, who would assure his Conquest, should rather consult what's commodious and proper, than what answers his own covetous and ambitious Humor: And as to what concerned the Moors Revolt, this tended rather to the incapacitating of the King of Spain, to make any Engagements with the Venetians: That the whole Force of the War should fall up­on them, whereby this famous Republick, whose Forces by Sea, serve as a shelter to all Italy, and Christendom, being subdued, and its Capital City made Tributary, Spain might thenceforward be easily invaded, together with all the Western Principalities.

Selim puffed up with Pride, and big with hopes at the hearing of this flattering Discourse, resolved on War against the Venetians; but for a shew of Equity, he made the Mufti be consult­ed; who returned an Answer agreeable to the Grand Signior's Designs. He afterwards caused Mahomet to be sent for into his Presence; to whom he shewed his Resolutions; which this [Page 43] Minister had still the boldness to oppose. This Contradiction so provoked the Sultan, that he reproach'd the Grand Visier with being in the Interests of the Republick; calling him Christian and Unbeliever. Mahomet, astonish'd at this sharp Reprehension, held down his Head, and kept himself in an awful silence: Whereupon, Selim becoming sedate, and repenting his severe Treatment of the Prime Officer in his Empire, to whose Fidelity he had openly professed he owed his Establishment, by way of Reparation, told him in soft terms; That 'twas to no purpose to endeavour to disswade him from a Design which he was fully resolved on; and therefore he required only of him to order the Prepara­tions for this War, according to the Place he ex­ercised under him.

Mahomet being strangely mortified, and fear­ing moreover the ill Offices which his Enemies had done him, endeavoured only to re establish himself in his Masters Favour, by the diligence he used in his Preparations for this Enterprize; and advised the Grand Signior to keep it Secret, assuring him, he would so order the Matter, that the Venetians should be surprized, and their Isle conquered before they were in a capacity to defend it. Mahomet, the better to deceive them, imparted to the Venetian Ambassador, as a Secret, that the Sultan was setting forth a great Fleet against the King of Spain. He built several Vessels to transport the Army, and listed great numbers of Sea men, made Provi­sion of Arms, Victuals, and Money, and at the same time ordered the Bassa's of Greece, and [Page 44] Anatolia, to get their Horse and Foot, in a rea­diness to be at the place of Rendezvouz appoint­ed by his Highness; giving out to all Persons, that this Armado was designed against the Spa­niards, and those of Arabia, who had, it seems, lately rebell'd. He assigned this Army to meet at a Sea-port Town of Cilicia, called Finicia.

Mark Anthony Barbaro, then Ambassador to the Republick at Constantinople, who spared nei­ther his Money, nor his Person, to discover the secret Designs of the Visier, had learnt the real intent of these Preparations: Whereupon, he sent word to the Senate to take care of the Isle of Cyprus; advising them to send Forces thither immediately, without which, the Turks would soon become Masters of the Place; giving them likewise a full Account of whatsoever he had observed; and that the Prime Visier had sent for him, to assure him there were no Designs on their parts against the Republick; the Grand Signior resolving to keep the Peace made Thirty years since, in the time of Solyman, his Father: The Fleet putting out to Sea, being intended for the Assistance of the Moors, who had taken up Arms in Spain, to maintain their Liberties and Religion against the Tyranny of King Philip; and might therefore assure, the Senate from him, that they needed not to be alarm'd, and save the Charge of setting out a Fleet; but that they ought not to trust to his Word, whose drift it was (as far as he could perceive) to hinder the sending of an Italian Garrison to the Island; knowing the Cypriots were not able of them­selves, to resist the first Attack of the Turkish Ar­my: [Page 45] That they would do well therefore to put the Place in a posture of Defence before the War was declared; seeing the Reports as touch­ing Spain, for which they levy'd Souldiers, in Si­cily, and the Neighbouring Parts of Cyprus, was too gross an Artifice for one not to see through it. Mahomet stopt most of those Couriers in the way, which Barbaro dispatch'd to Venice; so that the War broke out before the Venetians, amu­sed by the false News of the Enterprize against Spain, could send them any Forces to defend the Island. But all things breathing War at Con­stantinople, and the neighbouring Provinces; and it being impossible to hide any longer the Grand Signior's real Design: the Chief Visier sent therefore for their Ambassador, to tell him, his Highness intended to take Possession of the Kingdom of Cyprus, as having a just and ancient Right to that Crown: That this State served only for a Haven to Corsary's, and Enemies to the Ottoman Empire: But if they would surrend­er it by fair means, the Peace and Agreement should continue: Whereas, on the other hand, should they make the least shew of Resistance against the Emperor's Will, and oblige him to seize on it by force, he could not pass his Word for his Moderation, and resting satisfied with this Conquest. After this Discourse, made in the Name of the Sultan, Mahomet spoke of his own Head to Barbaro, and counsell'd him as a Friend, to try how far he could prevail with the Senate to gratifie Selim; seeing 'twas impossible they could hold it out long against so formidable a Strength; it being to be feared lest their En­deavours [Page 46] to preserve a Country so far distant, should expose the whole State to a manifest danger.

This seemed rather a Declaration of War to the Venetian Ambassador, than a telling him they intended such a thing; and he seeing no likely­hood of averting the Tempest which had so suddenly gathered, he sought, only to gain time, that the Venetians might make some Prepa­rations: And to this end, he used great Instan­ces with Mahomet, to oblige him to shew the Grand Signior, That the Republick had ever faith­fully kept the Treaties of Peace, never failing in the least respect to his Highness: Remem­bring him also, the Almighty had ever punish'd those who violated the publick Faith, and so­lemn Oaths. He, in fine, assured the Visier, that if he rendred this good Office to the Signiory, the Republick would not fail to make Acknow­ledgments suitable to the greatness of the Bene­fit. Mahomet answer'd him, he would not do well to cherish the least Thought of continuing the Peace on any other condition, than that of sur­rendring the Isle of Cyprus; and thereupon Bar­baro, who sought only for Delays, desired, be­fore any Acts of Hostility broke out, that some person might be sent from the Grand Signior to Venice, to see whether the Senate could not find some other means to satisfie him, without break­ing the Peace; whose Treaty should be execu­ted on both sides, to prevent any Scuffle on the Frontiers of the two States, which might per­haps produce an open Rupture. 'Tis certain, Selim had some cause of Complaint against the [Page 47] Venetians; but it was not of that weight as to ex­cuse the troubling of all Christendom for it.

Mahomet easily comprehended the Ambassa­dor's Design, and what he required, no ways hindring his Preparations, which he advanced during the Winter; and it looking better for Selim to declare War against the Senate, before he sent an Army into the Field, he promis'd to send Notice of it; hoping the Venetians, on seri­ous consideration, would sacrifice the Isle of Cy­prus to the Good and Quiet of their State; which obtained, he might employ these Forces in the so much mentioned Enterprize against the King of Spain.

He chose one Abraham to declare the War to Venice; the same that was sent thither some years before, to renew the Treaty. He was a Polo­nian born of the House of the Strassis, a Family considerable enough in the Province of Russia. He lost his Liberty from his Infancy; and becom­ing Turk, follow'd the Military Profession, and was made a kind of Knight at Arms. The Know­ledge he had of the most usual Tongues in Europe, procured his being employed by the Infidels in several important Negotiations. Barbaro caused him to be accompanied by Lewis Bonrici, one of the Secretaries belonging to the Senate; a Per­son skill'd and faithful in Business, and also by his eldest Son, under pretence of greater Cre­dit and Security amongst the Venetians; but in effect, to inform the Senate of the present State of Affairs, by Bonrici, and to preserve his Son from that Servitude with which all the Venetians at Constantinople were threatned. 'Tis [Page 48] said the Prime Visier ordered the Chiaus, when when he was to receive his Dispatches, after he had declared the Grand Signior's Will to the Senate, to give out privately some Words of Ac­commodation, and promis'd him to second his Project with his Favour and Credit.

The Venetians receiv'd continually Advice, as well from those whom they had sent to learn the Motions of the Infidels, as the Governors of the Cities of Dalmatia and Illyria, That the Turks not only prepared themselves for War, but already began it; and that these Barbari­ans, thirsting after Spoyl, knowing the Sultan's Design, made every day Incursions on the Re­publick's Countreys, having burnt and pillag'd several Villages, and fill'd all the Country with Terror. Great and considerable Garrisons were immediately sent to these Parts, to hinder this Vastation; and Savoriani was ordered to get in­to Zara, the Capital Town of Dalmatia, a Place of great Strength and Consequence, by reason of its situation, and which the Turks would cer­tainly attack, considering the advantages and Commotities they might draw thence, in be­coming Masters of it. To this Magistrate was committed also the Care of preserving the whole Province.

Jerom de Martiningo, of the Family of the an­cient Lords of Bresse, have heretofore exercis'd a Place of good Command in the Venetian Ar­my, came and offered his Service to the Se­nate. He was ordered to transport himself with Three Thousand choice Men into the Isle of Cyprus; a small Number, in comparison [Page 49] of the dreadful Multitude of the Barbarians, with which the Island was to be over-run; but who might have valiantly defended it, had they met with a happy Passage. Martiningo had four Ships appointed him, to conduct these Succours to Famagusta.

Savoriani advised the Senate to send over at least Eight Thousand Men into the Island, which could not be kept with a less Force: But Martiningo, being jealous lest Savoriani envied his Reputation, and desirous to shew his Ca­pacity and Bravery, would needs undertake to defend Famagusta with Three Thousand; and the Senate approving his Zeal and Forwardness, imprudently consented to so hardy a Propo­sal. Those who are Chief Officers in a Com­monwealth, do many times manage the pub­lick Treasury with the same Thrift and Spa­ringness they use in their own Domestick Affairs; and think they thus mightily oblige the Re­publick. But the Venetians perceived too late their Folly in sending Three Thousand Men, against an innumerable Army.

In the Senate's Deliberations, about the Con­duct of this War, some were for strengthen­ing the Garrisons every where, and keeping only on the Defensive side. Others were for setting out as great a Naval Army as was possible, and fight the Infidels on the first occasion, and there­by decide at one stroke the Fate of the King­dom of Cyprus. This last Advice was approved as the most profitable and honourable: The Se­nate hoped the King of Spain, who was equip­ping a great Fleet, would come to their assist­ance, [Page 50] and likewise expected, that Pope Pius V. whose Zeal and Courage were well known to them, would assist them in so urgent an occasion. Jerom Zani was made General of the Sea-Forces. This Employ is of the num­ber of those which have no Authority but out of Venice; but the Power of it is then of So­vereign Extent, and there is no Appeal allow­ed from the Sentence of this Supreme Magi­strate. The Senate made choice of several vi­gorous and resolute Gentlemen from amongst the Nobility, to make Commanders of their Frigats and Galleys; and Sea-men and Slaves were sent for from the other Cities of the Repub­lick, to Venice. They proceeded on the setting forth fourscore and ten Galleys; whose Furniture and Equipage could be supplied from the Ar­senal. They built twenty two at Candia, which were joyned with thirty six others that were arm'd against Corsary's, and to keep the Sea open along the sides of this Island. They likewise equipp'd twelve Vessels called Galeasses, by reason of their prodigious Greatness. These are moved both with Sails and Oars, and ap­pear on the Sea like so many floating Castles. The weight of these Bulky Vessels braves the violence of the Waves, and fears no Storm nor Tempest. They moreover equipp'd twenty Vessels laden with Men and Ammunition; not to mention the Galliots, and several other lesser Boats; the Conduct of which, they gave to Hermolaus Tripoli, a careful and active Com­mander. Such a considerable Fleet so soon made ready, notwithstanding the disadvantages [Page 51] the Senate then lay under, surpriz'd with asto­nishment the neighbouring Nations. 'Tis cer­tain the Pope permitted great Transportations of Corn from Anconia to Venice, and a great Subsidy to be rais'd from the Clergy.

In the mean time, the Senate read Bonrici's Letters, by which they were informed of the coming of the Chiaus, the occasion of his Voy­age, and all that past between Barbaro and the Chief Visier. Bonrici having learnt at his Depar­ture from Constantinople, that Acts of Hostili­ty were already began on the Frontiers, be­came afraid lest Mahomet's Son, (who was Bassa of Epirus, and had stopt those whom the Governour of Cataro had sent to carry Presents on his part) should oblige the Envoy to return back the same way he came. In this Apprehension he propos'd the dispatching of one of his People to Ragusa, charged with Packets of Advice to Venice, to the end they might have a Galley sent them for their rea­dier and surer Passage. The Envoy approving this Expedient, Bonrici wrote his Sence in Chara­cters, lest his Packets should be intercepted. The Senate well satisfied of the Care and Diligence of Bonrici, ordered Francis Troni to attend them with a Galley at Ragusa. They arrived after some days, and returned safe; but Troni was forbid to enter Venice: which oblig'd him to lie at Anchor at the Ports Mouth, till further Order. In the mean while Bonrici Landed, and having confirmed by word of Mouth, what was contained in his Letters, he was or­dered the next day to fetch the Chiaus in a [Page 52] Gondollo, and bring him to the Senate. He was brought up the Channel, and Landed at St. Mark's; which Place was so crouded, that it was no small difficulty to make way for him. The murmurings of the People, who gnasht their Teeth with rage and indignation against the breaking of the Peace, struck the Chiaus with such Terror, that he took Bonrici by the hand, the better to secure his Life; for he saw himself in no small danger.

Assoon as he entred the Senate-House, after a short Preamble, he presented Selim's Letter, and that also of the Prime Visier. The Grand Signior complained in his, That, the Uscots, who were Christians, and Allies of the Repub­lick, continually molested his Subjects; and, that the Venetians, instead of hindring these Violences, encouraged the Robbers underhand to commit them: That, animated with mor­tal hatred against the Turkish Pyrates, they gave no Quarter to those that fell into their hands; cutting their Throats at the time they cried for Mercy, and yielded without Resist­ance. But that which was most insupportable to his Highness, was, the Isle of Cyprus's be­coming a shelter for Pyrates, which disturb'd the Commerce of the Mediterranean Seas: That, being Master of all the Countreys, which sur­rounded this Isle, it lay on him to secure the Navigation to those Parts; and therefore if they designed the continuance of the Peace which they had so often broken, they must yield him this Island, chastise the Uscots, and treat his Subjects henceforward with more [Page 53] humanity: That, if they liked these Terms, they should receive kind Remarks of his Gra­titude and Favour; but if on the contrary, they refused these reasonable Conditions, he was in a capacity to do himself speedy Justice, and make them repent of their Folly.

The Prime Visier's Letter contain'd only Mat­ters treated of between him and the Venetian Ambassador; exhorting the Senate to grant free­ly what the Grand Signior desired. They had already resolved what to answer the Envoy; and the Doge was of opinion to give it him in Writing. The Venetians affirmed in their Re­ply, That, notwithstanding the ill usage which the Subjects of the Republick had received, that Peace had been ever of their part most religi­ously observed: That, the Uscots were a poor sort of People, who living on Robbery, fell indifferently on both Turks and Christians: That, it was allowable by right of War, to give no Quarter to Pyrates; and, as to the Kingdom of Cyprus, it belonged to the Repub­lick: That, the Corsary's were so far from be­ing entertained in their Ports, that there were four Galleys constantly kept to hinder their Entrance: But if the Grand Signior made use of these Pretences to colour the breaking of the Peace, the Senate was resolv'd couragiously to defend themselves; hoping the Divine Ju­stice would revenge their Quarrel, and protect their Innocency. The Chiaus being dismist, was carried in a Gondolo to the Galley in which he came, which tarried for him at the Haven's Mouth; which immediately hoysted [Page 54] Sayl on his coming on Board, and transported him to the Frontiers of the State; having re­ceived no Civilities or Presents from the Re­publick. But Mark Anthony Barbaro's Lady sent him, by the permission of the Senate, some Refreshments and a Silk Vest, to the end her Husband might be the less rudely used at Con­stantinople, where the Chiaus returned without any likelihood of an Accommodation.

The Declaration of War made the Nobility and Commonaly pass over from their Con­sternation to Choler and Boldness; and the young People, irritated at the perfidiousness of Selim, conceived a great Contempt at his Dis­soluteness and want of Sence of Honour, against whose Forces they hoped to maintain their Right; provided Heaven declared it self not against them; whereas the ancienter sort, more experienc'd, foresaw the Danger of breaking off at any time with so formidable a Power: But fearing on the other hand, that in granting his Demands, this would be an encouragement to them to ask more, and that the State weak­ned by degrees with these Compliances, would at length grow contemptible to her Allies, as well as to her Enemies. On these Considera­tions, they resolv'd themselves into a War, without hearkning to any Proposal of renew­ing the Peace. Politicians found this Resolution more generous than prudent; for by amusing the Enemy with some sort of Negotiation, a stop might be put to their Army; its heat might be abated; and Time gained to provide for the Defence of Cyprus: Moreover, perhaps [Page 55] the Storm might have been laid with Money, which oftner prevails than Arms on these Barbarians, whose Avarice enclines them to hearken to any such kind of Proposal. But the Ardor of both the Nobility and Commo­nalty, who strove to give Testimonies of their Fidelity, hindered them from making these Reflexions. All the neighbouring Cities be­longing to the Republick, shewed the same Earnestness; sending Offers to the Senate, each according to their Ability. People came from all parts to Venice; some proffered their Estates, others their Persons; and the greatest part to serve in the Wars at their own Charge. So many offered to embark themselves, that the Senate fearing to expose at one time such Num­bers of Illustrious Persons, sent several of them home, having first praised their Zeal and Cou­rage. All the other Cities of Italy gave Marks of the same inclination, to defend the Repub­lick; and the time being appointed, when the Fleet should set forth for the Isle of Corfou, the General Zani weighed Anchor, and sayled to Zara, to order the Affairs of Dalmatia, whilst all the Forces got themselves in a readi­ness.

Lauredon, Doge of Venice, Aged fourscore and ten, died suddenly in coming from the Senate, in the midst of the Gonsultations for the War; and it being feared, lest the dif­ferent Interests of Parties, should draw out in length the Choice of a new Doge, and those who had right of Election, being far di­stant, should abandon their Posts in so perilous [Page 56] a Conjuncture, the Senate ordained that the number of Electors should be reduced to For­ty. 'Twas necessary, for the satisfaction of the People, and the exigency of the present Af­fairs, to choose a Person of extraordinary Cou­rage and Prudence; not following the ancient Custom of peaceable times, which was to elect one of a common Capacity, and of a Humor rather to be governed than govern. Amongft all those who stood conspicuous, none appear'd more fit and worthy than Lewis Mocenigo, both by his Nobility, his Alliances, and great Place, being a Procurator of St. Mark. He had acquired an high Esteem, by a faithful discharge of several Employs; and the esta­blishment of the ancient Discipline was ex­pected from a Person of his Wisdom and Ex­perience. The Forty Electors shut up in the Palace to make this Choice, were not long in their Deliberations. In short, Mocenigo had all their Suffrages, and took possession of his new Dignity. The same day he was elected, he made a thankful Speech, which confirmed the advantageous Opinion of his Capacity; he protested that he would endeavour to me­rit by his Services the Honour conferred on him.

Sebastian Venieri, who, tho' very ancient, felt none of the Infirmities of old Age, com­manded in the Isle of Corfou, with a Sovereign Authority. He being weary of Ease, heark­ned with pleasure to a Proposition which was privately made him by Deputies from the E­pirots, who inhabit near Mount Chimera. These [Page 57] People tired with the Turkish Slavery, were for taking part with the Republick; on condi­tion she would protect them, and send ne­cessary Assistance, to defend them from the Resentment of the Infidels. They desired to begin by the Siege of Supoto, a City garri­son'd by the Turks; assuring, this Place would be no sooner taken, but the greatest part of the Epirots would declare themselves in favour of the Venetians: Venieri liked the Proposition, and all things being regulated by the Media­tion of Marmorio, General of the Grecian Cavalry in Corfou, a man of great Credit a­mongst the Epirots; he took for Hostages, some of the Principal of this Nation, and made all diligence to get ready Preparatives for the Siege. Fifteen hundred Foot, with some Horse, were immediately transported to the firm Land. The Place, altho' situated on a Mountain in the midst of several others, and better forti­fi'd by Nature than Art, was easily invested. The Venetian Batteries, whence the Cannon plaid, did no great Execution: Marmario, who had the ordering of it, desiring to take from the Besieged all hope of Relief, possessed him­self of those high Grounds which commanded the Place, and such parts by means of which they might have Communication with the Country: He pick'd out for this Design the most resolute mongst the Epirots, who made themselves Ma­sters of this Post, after a fierce Combat, in which the Besieged were repulsed to their Gates. The Turks fired several times their Cannon from their Walls; but having not [Page 58] any expert Gunners amongst them, they burst two of their greatest Pieces, by over charging them, which set fire on all their Powder. This Accident, together with the Belief that the Army of the Besieged was greater than indeed it was, and that all Epirus had revolted, hin­dred them not from defending themselves, out of a desperate Obstinacy. Venieri intending to profit by this Error, dispos'd all things for a general Assault the next Morning. The Infi­dels having notice of this Attack, stole away privately out of the Town in the Night, ex­cepting a few, who preferring a glorious Death to a shameful Flight, were put to the Sword, in sustaining the Fury of the Assailants. The Fugitives were pursued, and made Prisoners by the Epirots, who knew the ways of the Country. Venieri having left a Garrison in the Place, the Government of which, committing to Marmorio, he returned himself to Corfou, proud of his good Success. Zani arrived there in the beginning of the Summer, ha­ving tarried long at Zara, in expectation of the Arrival of the Fleet; to which were to be joyn'd the King of Spain's and the Pope's. He judged it not fitting to set out to Sea without a considerable Assistance; having Order from the Senate to sayl to Cyprus, and fight the Ene­my, assoon as the Confederates should joyn him. 'Twas generally believed, that had he parted immediately after Colonni was arrived with the Pope's Galleys, without staying for the King of Spain's, and made directly for Cy­prus; the Place might have been preserved. [Page 59] Quirini joyn'd him at the same time with twenty five Galleys of Candia, and took in his passage a Castle in the Morea, defended by the Infidels, whence he drew out twenty Pieces of Cannon. Zani, not willing to lose time at Corfou, sent Sforza Palavicinus, General of the Land-Army, with forty Gallies, to besiege Margariti, a City of Epirus; which was kept by a strong Garrison, by reason of the Import­ance and Commodiousness of the Place. Sforza Landed five thousand Men; but drawing near the Town, whether he feared the Enemies Horse might fall too fiercely on him, or find­ing the Enterprize, on a second view, too dan­gerous, he put his Men on Board again, with­out daring to stay for the Turks; aliedging, for his Excuse, That he did not believe the Place to be so far distant from the Sea: He after­wards sent to Zani for new Orders; who en­joyned him to call a Council of War; in which, it was determined, to abide by this Siege, it be­ing not for the Honour of the Republick to draw back. He desired the Officers of the Fleet to provide him with Cannon for Battery; which they willingly undertook, tho' their Carriage was extream difficult: But Palavacinus's Cou­rage again failing him, shewed them, that this Expedition would prove more dangerous than profitable; and thereupon embark'd himself and his Men: Altho' this General, to regain his Honour, earnestly desired Pe [...]mission to return again the third time, but with more Men, yet it was not thought fitting to hazard a third Trial; so that nothing was more un­dertaken [Page 60] all the while the Fleet remained at Corfou.

In the mean time, this great Army, having spent most of the Summer in the Ports, by the neglect of the Commanders, the Sea-men living in Gormandizing and Idleness, fell into a con­tagious Distemper, with which also the Souldi­ers were as greatly afflicted. This Sickness en­creasing, carried away great Numbers; so that Zani, supposing Exercise and change of Ayr, would in some sort cure them, set Sayl for Candia: But whether their Provisions were al­ready corrupted, or these new rais'd Men, not accustomed to the Seas; the Sickness en­creased to that height, that in two days time, it cleared a whole Ship; and those that were put in their places, incurr'd the same Fate. Both Souldiers and Sea-men falling one upon another, and suffering insupportable Dolors, breathed out the last moment of their Lives. They were thrown into the Sea, assoon as they expired, and sometimes before. Those that performed this sad Office, expected soon to receive the same themselves, from other hands; and the horror of Death might be plainly read on each man's Face. The excessive Heats, and Malignity of the Air, encreased still the Mortality; and when arrived at Candia, there were found missing twenty thousand Men. The General much perplexed, how to repair this Loss, forced the Candiots to find him Sea-men and Souldiers; and tho' several were drawn out from the Isles of Zant and Cephalonia, and the Providors Quirini and Canali had ta­ken [Page 61] multitudes into Service, by the Senate's Order, out of Isles belonging to the Infidels; yet with all this the Army was scarcely well re­cruited.

The Venetians, at the beginning of this War, had sent to request Assistance from Pope Pius V. who was not over-satisfi'd with the Senate, for their frequent Encroachments on the Pa­pal Authority, and their Connivance at He­resie and Hereticks, which began to spring up in their Chief City. Yet did the Interest of Religion, threatned by so cruel an Enemy, a­wake the Zeal of this Holy Man; and assoon as he understood the Danger to which the Re­publick, lay exposed, he assembled the Sacred Colledge, imparted this grievous News to the Cardinals, and conferred with them touching the means of preventing this dreadful Storm.

Antony Perennot, sirnamed Cardinal Granvil, was then at Rome; his Father was but a Black-Smith's Son in the Franch County, yet a Person whose Virtue was as high as his Birth mean; he had introduced himself by his Merit in [...]o favour with Charles the Fifth; who employ­ing him in the Government of Affairs in the Low Countreys, he had there acquired vast Riches. Antony Perennot, of whom we speak, made use of the Estate his Father left him, to get still more, under the Reign of Philip the 2d. whose Esteem and Confidence he gained by his Prudence and Learning, in which he was carefully brought up from his tender years: But his natural Pride, encreased by his Fortune and Favour at Court, had made his Insolence [Page 62] insupportable to all the World. The whole Consistory was for assisting the Venetians in so urgent an occasion, except Granvil; who de­claiming against the Republick, affirm'd her un­worthy the Protection of the Holy See, by of­fering to make peace with the Infidels on disho­nourable Conditions; notwithstanding the Al­liance with which the Emperor had honoured them, and the Assistance he had sent them. He added, That his Holiness would do well to sit still, and let this Affair take its course a while, and when the Venetians should be made sensi­ble, by their losses of some Provinces, or de­feat of their Army, of the need they had of Succors, it would be then time enough to as­sist them: That it seem'd as if Heaven expo­sed them to this Invasion of the Infidels, as a punishment of their Indifference and Insensibi­lity, at the sight of the Dangers wherewith other Christian States had been threatned; and to shew them the necessity, wherein they might be reduced, of imploring the Aid and Protection of their Neighbors. This Discourse rais'd a se­cret Murmur amongst the Cardinals Cornaro, Amulio and Delphini, all three Subjects of the Republick; but the Respect they bore the King of Spain, and fear of displeasing Granvil, held them in silence. Cardinal John Francis Com­mend [...]n, a Person of singular Virtue, whom neither Fear nor Favour could withhold from his Duty, not being able to dissemble his Re­sentments, as his Countreymen did; refuted whatsoever Outrages this Flemming offered a­gainst the Interests of Italy, and that with such [Page 63] clear and weighty Reasonings, as would admit of no Contradiction: He recited the ancient Services rendred by the Venetians to all Christen­dom, and especially to the Holy See; he shewed, That there was all the Reason in the World for assisting of them now, and sustaining the generous Resentment they conceived against the infraction of the Peace by the Infidels, and not stay till they were beaten; this dereliction of them being likely to discourage them, and drive them into despair: That, he knew not for what reason, or on what Politicks they must be weakned before their Quarrel defended: For if their Valour was mistrusted before there was occasion, what Confidence must be put in it when it should be overcome? That they would remember what they owed their Coun­trey and themselves, if the Pope and other Chri­stian Princes, who were no less interessed than they in this War, would assist them against the violence of the Infidels: That, all who were born Italians, were equally perswaded the Sig­niory was no more threatned than other Chri­stian States; and that other Princes of Italy had the same reason to resist this common Enemy: And that in fine, he was greatly surpriz'd, to hear the Senate charg'd as with a Fault, the ma­king the last Peace with the Port; their Alli [...]s having treated them in such a manner, as made them complain in all the Courts of Christendom; and in consideration of which, it would be well for the Honour of a certain Christian Prince, wholly to lose the Memory of it. A Speech so discreet and generous having been [Page 64] approved by the Sacred Colledge, all the Car­dinals were of opinion to grant assistance to the Republick.

The Pope caused twelve Galleys to be equipt, which the Signiory sent him from Anconia, with­out Equipage, and other Military Provisions: The great Master of Malta furnish'd out three others: The Duke of Savoy four: Of which Fleet his Holiness gave the Command to Mark Anthony Colonni, a Person of Illustrious Birth and extraordinary Merit.

Pius V. who understood not so well the Art of War, as the Government of the Church, suffered himself to be led into an esteem of Colonni, by means of some Conferences with him on the present State of Affairs, and by his offers of Service, which made him to be preferred before several Princes of Italy, who sought all occasions to obtain this Employ: He made himself so worthy of it, and shewed so much Prudence and Valour in the emergencies of War or Peace, that his Credit with the Pope still encreased, notwithstanding the Envy and Jealousie of the Spaniards, who conti­nually endeavoured to do him ill Offices. The Venetians would not at first acknowledge him Chief of the Army of the Holy See, supposing him too much devoted to the Spa­nish Interest; because he possessed some Towns dependant on that Crown: But he knew so well to disabuse them, by a sincere Application to their Service, that they would have willing­ly trusted him with the full Command of their whole Army. The Pope sent at the same time [Page 65] to the King of Spain, Lewis Torici, Auditor of the Reta, to entreat him to joyn his Fleet with the Venetians, and contract an Alliance with them, according to the Design which he had often proposed; his Holiness assuring him he would not only interess himself in this Confe­deracy, but enter therein, and assist the Re­publick to the utmost of his Power. Pius V. made the same Declaration to Michael Soriani, the Venetian Ambassador at Rome.

The King of Spain returned no Answer to the Proposition of Alliance, but promis'd to set out fifty Galleys immediately to Sicily, with Order to obey him whom the Pope should choose to command them.

Colonni expected long the Spanish Fleet; and John Andrew Doria, who conducted it, did not arrive at Messina till July; neither would he weigh Anchor, said he, till he received Or­ders from the King of Spain, and used all his Endeavors to retain the Pope's Galleys. Colonni sent speedy notice of this to his Holiness, who immediately dispatch'd a Courier into Spain, to press the King to make good his Pro­mise: But the Answer arriving at Rome not be­fore the Twelfth of August, Colonni and Doria did not depart till the Twenty fifth for Can­dia, where they set footing after Twelve dayes Navigation; altho' Zani had Order, as we have already said, to attempt the Delivery of Cyprus, and fight the Infidels, if they offered to hinder them from it. The Season being far spent, and the Fleet in no good order, made him dread the Event of a Battel: He called a Council of [Page 66] War, on what was most expedient to be underta­ken; Antony Canali & James Celsi were Providors to the Venetian Army; the Republick never con­fiding the Sovereign Command to one only General. These Officers are indeed inferior to him, yet he can determine nothing, unless one of these two be of his Opinion. Sforza Pala­vicinus was admitted into this private Council; an Honour which no Stranger ever had before. But because it was possible they might divide in contrary Opinions of equal Authority, they resolved to submit to that which was the Ge­neral's; and this Regulation was constantly and strictly observed afterwards. Celsi and Palavi­cinus were not for going directly to Cyprus; al­ledging, That the Tempests which are frequent in Autumn, were to be considered: That the greatest part of the Sea-men were not well acquainted with those Seas; and moreover, their Companies were not compleat; so that should the Turks accept of an Engagement, and be worsted, yet could they get such Re­cruits at Land, as would put their Fleet again in a good Condition; and should they refuse a Defiance, they had Places of Retreat in Cili­cia, and several other Ports, where the Christi­ans dar'd not attack them, but would be forc'd to retreat themselves, lest they ruine their whole Fleet; so that it would be better to send Men and Ammunition to Cyprus, for the Defence and Refreshment of the Isle, than to hazard at once the Safety of the State, which consisted alone in the Maritine Forces: That to save the Ho­nour of so great a Navy, they might attack [Page 67] the Castles of the Dardanello's, lying at the Mouth of the Hellespont, or fall on the Isle of Nigropont, and take by Assault Chalcis, its Ca­pital Town: That, this Conquest, which was certain, would make amends for the Isle of Cyprus, in case the Infidels should be obstinate in its Invasion; and should they come to the assistance of Nigropont, thy would by this di­version ease the Cypriots, and give the Enemy Battel with greater confidence of Victory, the two Armies being of equal strength.

Zani leaned to this Opinion, but he suffered the Providor Canali to speak before him; who said, that besides the Senate ordered immedi­ate Succors to be given the Cypriots; whose Case otherwise would prove desperate, it was far more reasonable and natural, to endeavour the Conservation of ones own, than to become Master of that which is another's: That the Succors which were to be put into Famagusta, would signifie nothing to Nicosia; on the taking of which, depended the loss of the whole Island: That, if it were already too late to endeavor its Deliverance, the Season would much less permit them to besiege Castles further distant, and so near to Constantinople, that the Grand Signior might behold them from the Windows of the Seralio; nor to think of the taking of Nigropont, for which, they must Land Men and Cannon, to batter Chalcis, the Capital Town; against which 'twas almost impossible to raise Batte­ries: That the North-East Wind, which then blowed, would carry them in four dayes to Cyprus, and might return with a Southern Wind, [Page 68] which rises commonly at the beginning of Au­tumn: That the Isle of Cyprus was the real cause of the War; the Title of Conqueror being due only to that Party which should become Ma­ster of it: That it was very strange, the King of Spain's and the Pope's Fleets, which had been expected all the Summer, should set out only to deliberate, whether they were to succor a Country, for the securing of which, these For­ces were ordered to fight: That if the Infidels kept themselves in their Ports for fear of en­gaging; besides, that they should be then in a capacity to relieve Nicosia, there might be good advantage made of this Distrust; and the Confederate Army would gain greater Repu­tation: That if they, on the contrary, ac­cepted the Defiance, they might in the uncer­tainty of the Event, hope well from the Ju­stice of their Cause, and promise something from the Protection of Heaven; and altho' they had not so many Ships as the Barbarians, theirs were on the other hand far better; their Fleet consisting of an hundred and fourscore Galleys, and twelve Galeasses, which amounted to a good Naval Army; besides other Vessels de­sign'd only to carry Ammunition and Provisi­ons, whereof, in case of necessity, a good use might be made: That it was true, the Turkish Navy was greater, as consisting of sixty Galleys, and about fifty Frigats, besides several small Vessels, whose multitude was troublesome, ra­ther than disadvantageous in a Fight: That, in short, it were better to expose themselves to a Defeat, than the shameful Reproaches of ha­ving [Page 69] left People, who threw themselves on the Republick for Protection: That they would draw on them the hatred of all Christendom, should the Infidels take from them a Kingdom before the Eyes of so powerful a Fleet; and if Fortune were not favourable to them, the Se­nate would have at least this consolation, of ha­ving used its utmost Endeavors, according to its generous Maxims, rather to risque its whole Estate, than to leave her Subjects to the Inva­sion of an Usurper.

Zani was shaken by this Discourse; and be­ing unwilling to bear alone the Reproaches he must have undergone from the Senate, if he ex­ecuted not its Orders; he entred into Canali's Sentiment, and concluded it necessary to be followed: But there hapned a fresh Contest, which occasioned another Perplexity more troublesome than the former. Zani and Doria being gone in search of Mark Antony Colonni, to regulate with him the first Difficulty, he was of opinion to go immediately to the Succor of the Isle of Cyprus: Pompey Colonni, his Kinsman, and Alvarez Basano, General of the Neapolitan Galleys, were also of this Mind: But Doria upholding on the contrary Celsi and Palavici­nus's sence, obstinately affirm'd, The Venetian Ar­my was no to be exposed, in their languishing condition from the contagious Distemper, to the danger of a Fleet so well equipp'd; and reproach'd Colonni with sacrificing the Spanish Army to the proud and ambitious humor of the Venetians. Whereunto he replied, That it would be far more p [...]ofitable and glorious for the King [Page 70] of Spain to lose all his Ships in an Engagement, than fail in what all Europe expected from so puissant a Sovereign: That there was no need of bringing an Army so far, and which has been so long time look'd for, if they came on­ly to behold a Kingdom taken by the Infidels, who would become far more formidable by casting a Terror into the Confederates Army, than in conquering the Isle of Cyprus: That it was but reasonable to yield to the Opinion of those Persons who were most concerned, and who would be an Example to the rest, and first engage in this generous Expedition. Colonni added, The Pope ordered him expresly to sayl up to the Enemy, and terminate this War by the decision of a Combat; so that he could not avoid the following those Orders; the inexecu­tion of which, would be prejudicious to his Ho­nour, and that of all Europe. Doria, fearing to be thought cowardly, or ill-intentioned, yielded at last; but sold his Compliance dear, in finish­ing the Campaign sooner by half than need re­quired; for using all Delays till the Thirteenth of September in Deliberations, he publickly de­clared, his Return should be on the First of October, with all his Fleet, wheresoever it lay; being willing the Venetians should be informed of this, to the end they might not pretend a Surprize. The other Generals were agreed, That in case of an Engagement, all the Confe­derate Vessels should be mixt without any Formalities of Precedency; to the end the Glo­ry and Danger being equally divided, each might do his Duty, and be animated by Emula­tion [Page 71] and example. But Doria declared, he would not engage unless the right Wing were given him. The Venetians netled with this unseason­able Pretention, began to suspect his Sincerity, and believ'd he designed this Place, to be in a better capacity of retreating, in case the Chri­stians should be defeated. This General was of Gen [...]a, a Republick much fallen from its ancient Grandeur; but yet still retaining the old Di­spute of Power and Honour with that of Ve­nice. Besides the hatred of the Genoes [...]s against the Venetians, D [...]ria moreo [...]er had a P [...]que with them for complaining against Andr [...]w his Un­cle, and reproaching him with being Chief of their Fleet in the Year 1536. when he spared the Infidels, from whom he might have easily won a Signal Victory; keeping them block'd up in the Gulph of Ambracia: Yet were the Venetians forced to smother their Resentments; for besides that Doria slighted their Reproaches, he threw on them the unprofitableness of this Campaign, and highly complained of the ill Estate of their Army, considering the Interest they had in this important Affair.

The Fleets having set Sayl from the Port of Candia, a City which gives Name to the Isle, of which it is the Capital; came and cast Anchor at Chiti, where Doria would needs have a gene [...]al Muster made, and that both Spaniards and Ve­netians should visit one another's [...]els. He sayled out of the Port into the full Sea for this Design, and ordered, according to Custom, the Shalops to be hoysted up, lest the Souldiers should secretly pass over from one Vessel to an­other. [Page 72] The Venetians not following him, he gave out, there needed no further proof to discover their ill Order and Weakness. Having worn out near three weeks in these kind of Contests, the Christian Army hoysted Sayl on the Seven­teenth of September; before which, there were sent out two Frigats to make Discovery; and in this time, there wanted not Jars and Disa­greements. The Captain-Galley, on Board of which the General is, has only Right to carry the Lanthorn, to denote the Course which all the rest must hold. Zani lighted not his, de­signing to defer this Honour to Mark Antony Co­lonni; but Doria believing he need not give the same deference to the General of the Pope's Gal­leys, caused also one to be lighted; saying, for a colour, he feared lest there should happen some Tempest, wherein the Spanish Galleys might lose the sight of his. Colonni, naturally jealous of the Honours of the Generalship, could hardly suffer this Rhodomontado, and made the Venetians understand as much; who excused themselves, by owning that the Republick was indebted to him for his Moderation.



THE Peasants of the Isle of Cyprus design a Revolt. Nicholas Dandoli, Chief Magistrate of Nicosia, possesses him­self of the Government of the whole Island. Lawrence Tipoli, and Mark Antony Bragadini, Chief Magistrates in Famagusta. Baglioni, for oppo­sing the Descent of the Infidels, con­trary to the Opinion of Bandoli, and the Count de Rocas. Decree of the [Page] Senate, to set all the Slaves in the Island at Liberty. The Turks Land without Resistance. The Number of their Men and Ships. Two Runagates perswade Mustapha to begin at the Siege of Nicosia. The Turks sit down before it. The Besieged make a Sally, but with bad Success. Valour of the Italian Souldiers. Rocas and Palacio kill'd on the Breaches of the Walls. The City taken by Assault. Cruelties exercis'd therein. Desperate Action of a Nicosian Lady. Another gene­rous Action of a Cypriot Slave. Ce­rines surrendred to the Turks. They March to Famagusta. Doria suspect­ed by the Venetians. Quarrel be­twixt Doria and Colonni. Venieri put in the Place of Zani, General of the Venetian Fleet. His Disgrace. Senate's Deliberation on the League with Spain. Don John of Austria named Generalissimo of the Confede­rate [Page] Army. Granvil opposes the Con­clusion of the Treaty. The Venetians make some Advances tending to a Peace with the Port. Colonni's Harangue to the Senate. The League decreed by them. The Pope regulates its Particulars.

The Second Book.

THE first Rumors of this War, being spread over Cyprus, pro­duced different Effects in the Minds of its Inhabitants, every one being pleased or displeased according as they were interessed. The Coun­try People expected Ease from their Labours, in some new Revolution; their Masters, who used them with too great severity, having for­ced them to such a Desperation, that they had thoughts, more than once, of delivering their Countrey to the Infidels: And for want of a better Commander, they chose a certain School­master, whom they intended to proclaim King, [Page 74] under the Protection of the Grand Signior: But the Venetians having Notice of the Design, before the Rebels treated with the Port, punish­ed this pretended Monarch, according to the greatness of his Crime. The Nobility were willing enough to take Arms for the Defence of their Country; but there being no Sovereign Magistrate in the Isle, and the Officers aspiring Jealousies producing Emulations and Hatreds, things were but ill ordered for a Defence, a­gainst that Storm which was now fallen on them. In the beginning of the Year 1570. the Venetian Ambassador at Constantinople, sent Notice to the Cypriots of the Declaration of War. Nicholas Dandoli was then Podestat of Nicosia, and had succeeded Lawrence Bembo, whose Death pro­ved very projudicial to the Affairs of the Repub­lick. Dandoli, who being but a meer Lawyer, took on him the Government of his own head; was a man of great Insolency, and wholly un­worthy of such an Employ. Lawrence Tipoly and Mark Antony Bragandini were then at Fa­magusta, the former in quality of Podestat; the other exercising the Magisterial Function; and both well acquitting themselves of their Duties Astor Baglioni commanded the Garrison; who was a Leader of good Experience, full of Courage, and of no less Prudence, but had neither Men, nor Authority sufficient to withstand a great Force.

Assoon as this News was known at Nicosia, there was held a Council, consisting of the principal Citizens, to advise and order what was necessary in this extraordinary State of Affairs. [Page 75] 'Twas first determined, to cause all the Corn and Grain of the Country round about, to be trans­ported into the Town; which was accordingly with great diligence executed. Dandoli, whose first Care was, to finish the new Fortifications, had no Genius or Experience in these sort of Affairs: And when it was decreed, that these Works should be continued according to Savoriani's Platform, and the Bastions begun by his Order, carried on by the same Gentlemen to whom that Care was committed; Dandoli shewed, That the Money would be ill managed, and soon consumed, if several Persons had the dis­posal of it; wherefore he was for keeping it himself, and finishing only one Bastion at a time, and thus dismist the greatest part of the Workmen. He ordered other Affairs in the same manner; for according as the Report rose or abated of the Turk's Army, so he encreased or diminished the Preparatives for the War: And when it was believed as a thing certain, That the Turkish Fleet would not set out from Constantinople that Summer, all things were car­ried on at such a negligent rate, that Baglioni, and such as understood those Affairs, continu­ally advertiz'd Dandoli to stand on his Guard, and expect a sudden Invasion from the Enemy. Eugenius Sinclitici, Count de Rocas, one of the best Families of the Kingdom of Cyprus, having been deputed to Venice, to entreat assistance, re­turn'd to the Island, with the Title of General of the Horse, which the Senate had given him; with the News, That the War was certainly de­clared; but he brought neither Men nor Ships. [Page 76] All People were strangely surpriz'd to see him thus return; considering the Condition of the Isle, the Weakness of the Garrison, Scarcity of Arms, and especially of Muskets; so that it was thought, his new Honour had made some decay in his Sences; seeing he forgat to repre­sent these wants to the State. The Cypriots find­ing themselves thus frustrated in their expecta­tions, made bad Relations of his Voyage; af­firming, his going to Venice, was only for an Airy Title of Honour, to satisfie his Vanity, rather than the Exigencies of the Island; so that he would have done as well to have staid at home with his Lady; they having no need of a Captain, who brought nothing but a Name, and neglected the Duties of the Office.

James Nores, Count de Tripoli, betwixt whom and Rocas reigned an hereditary Jealousie, en­vying the Honour which Rocas came from re­ceiving, entertain'd these Complaints and Mur­murs: and his Merit having acquired great Credit amongst the Nobility, the Publick con­ceived the greater Hatred and Contempt against his Enemie; which proved very hurtful to the Welfare of the Country. When the Council was assembled, Rocas and Dandoli were of con­trary Opinions; so that no good could be ex­pected to the present State of Affairs: And thus the Winter was past over in Quarrels and fruitless Debates.

In the beginning of the Spring, there arose a Dispute between the Magistrates of Nicosia and Famagusta, touching the Transport of Grain, which was gathered in the fruitful Plains [Page 77] of Messara, equally distantfrom these two Towns. 'Twas thought fitting, for the adjusting of this Difference, to agree on a Place and Time, wherein all the Magistrates and Military Offi­cers should meet; in which Assembly, Mat­ters concerning the War, should be treated on, and each Person his Function and Post allotted him, that he might be in a readiness on the first Occasion: Which Meeting was held at a Place called Aschia; where all present exhorted one another to lay aside their Differences, and joyntly concur to the common Safety. They af­terwards decreed, That the Corn of the Ter­ritory of Messara, should be equally shared between Famagusta and Nicosia; each of them gathering that part which lay nearest them. They moreover Ordered, when this was done, That the Countreys which were farthest di­stant, and whose Crops would be troublesom to be transported, should be laid waste, to hin­der the Enemy from Forrage. But they after changed their Design into that of preserving them for the refreshment of the Christian Army, which they expected would come to their As­sistance; contenting themselves with pulling down all Mills, to deprive the Enemy of the Use of them; who yet profited by so abundant a Crop when they least expected it; having already stored themselves with Provisions from Cilicia. After a long Deliberation of what Place Baglio­ni should undertake the Defence, 'twas resolved, he should shut himself up in Famagusta; which according to all appearances, was to be first besieged; and that in expectation of the Three [Page 78] Thousand Men which Martiningo was to bring them from Venice, there should be a like Num­ber chosen from among the Freed Men of the Island, to strengthen the Garrison: That there should be as many put into Nicosia, with some new Levies raised out of the Country; and the Citizens of both Places, were to take Arms, and be listed into Companies; which should be commanded by young Gentlemen. There was afterwards an Account taken f the Num­ber of Men each of these Cities could well contain; and those who lived far in the Coun­trey, were Ordered to leave their Villages, and retire to these Places of Strength. The mixt Multitude, such as Women, Children, and aged Persons, were enjoyned to betake themselves to the Woods and Mountains, with whatsoever they could carry; and several were sent out to discover in what Parts they could be in most surety. John Susomini, a prudent and careful Person, had the Charge of leading them thi­ther with their Goods and Chattels. Cerines, a Maritine Town, situated over against Cilicia, was ordered to be ruin'd; as not being in a condition to hold out a Siege; and its Artillery to be transported to Nicosia: But some being of a contrary Opinion, 'twas thought expedient to communicate this Affair to the Senate, and ex­pect its Orders. The greatest Difficulty agita­ted, was, Whether 'twere most advantageous to oppose the Enemies Descent, or let them Land without Resistance? Rocas and Dandoli, who endeavoured to raise their Reputation in Milita­ry Affairs, by singular Opinions, rejected such [Page 79] as were necessary to be followed; and con­stantly maintained, by a fatal obstinacy to their Countrey, That the Infidels should be suffered to Land. Astor Baglioni endeavoured on the contrary, to make them embrace a more gene­rous Resolution: He vehemently set before them, That there is nothing more dangerous than Despair or Distrust at the sight of an Ene­my; People seldom coming to themselves in such a kind of Consternation: That he knew, after a particular Search, there were more Horse in the Island than was conceiv'd; there being enough to mount eight Thousand Men; the greatest part of which, might be Armed with Lances, and the rest with Carabins and Muskets; and in this Equipage might success­fully oppose the Infidels Landing; and being seconded by choice Men of the rest of the Militia, and five and twenty Thousand Foot, drawn up on the Hills of Salines, on the Sea-Coast; the sight of so considerable an Ar­my would perhaps put a stop to the Enemies Fleet, and defer their Landing: That what­soever might happen, they must of necessity oppose them, tho' they should fail, and be o­verpowered by their Number: That in fine, All the Rules of War oblig'd them to resist their Entrance, unless they design'd to render them­selves contemptible to their Enemies, and cast the Cypriots into a Consternation.

All the Gentry that assisted at this Council, were of Baglioni's Opinion, and promised him to use their utmost Endeavours to facilitate the execution of this Design: But Dandoli and Rocas [Page 80] persisted in maintaining, there were only Fa­magusta and Nicosia to be defended; and that the Malignity of the Ayr, with the excessive Heats would drive away the Turks from the other Parts of the Island.

Rocas added, that Palavicinus had been of the same Opinion in Venice; which was appro­ved by the Senate; and therefore he must yield without wavering, to the Sentiment of so great a Captain, being likewise confirm'd by the So­vereign Council, without the least respect to the Reasons which might be alledged to the contrary. Baglioni interrupting him, To what purpose (said he) is Palavicinus and the Senate cited? Are we not here on the Spot, and con­sequently far better instructed in the present Ex­igency of Affairs, than all the Republick joyn'd together, who judge only from a simple Rela­tion? It is Men, and not Counsel, which ought to have been sent us from Venice. The Passion, with which he was transported, made him add, That if no body else would follow him, he would go to the Sea-side with his Friends and Domesticks, to receive the Infidels at their Descent; for he would never consent they should Land, as if the Countrey was to be de­livered to them by Agreement: That he would give them some Demonstrations of Courage, at least with his small Company, if he could not hinder their Design; it being a grievous shame to be exposed to the Raillery of these Barbarians, and hear them say, The Venetians were so affrighted at the News of their Coming, that they were not able to bear the sight of them. [Page 81] The two Chiefs hardening themselves in their Obstinacy, as fast as they found Resistance, Baglioni added, He would lead up as many Horse as he could find in the humor to attend him to the place most in danger; at least to learn the Force and Number of the Barbari­ans; being not able to bear the Reproaches which would be cast on his Countrey. That they had not one Person of sufficient Valour to face the Enemy. Dandoli made Answer, He might do as he pleased; but would never consent to his having any Troops committed to him: Saying moreover, he would send Notice to the Senate of the Success of so rash an Enterprize. Baglioni, who knew the Senate confided more in the Providors, than in the Military Officers, and that they do more approve a discreet Conduct, than a bold and honourable Exploit, pretended to persist in his Resolution, but intended to do nothing contrary to the Providors determina­tion.

The Assembly being broke up, each Person departed to his Post, to execute the Orders which belonged to him.

Things being in this condition, and all Peo­ple bewailing this Disunion amongst the Chief Persons in Authority, the Vessels on which Martiningo was embark'd with the three Thou­sand Men which the Senate sent to Cyprus, touched at Famagusta, and brought the sad News of the Death of their Commander; whose Age not being able to undergo the Te­diousness of the Voyage, encreased by the ill Ayr, he died in the way, not suffering them to [Page 92] carry him to shoar, in order to his Recovery. He was the more regretted, by reason his Death was accompanied with that of the greatest part of his Men, seiz'd by the same Distemper; so that the Remainder arrived in such a condition, as sensibly touched all who were interessed in the Welfare of the Republick.

On a Belief that the Infidels would begin by the Siege of Famagusta, the Defence thereof was committed to Baglioni; and Rocas return'd to Nicosia, to command that Garrison. And it being well known that neither Dandoli, nor He understood the Art of War, they had there­fore two old Officers given 'em; Ranconi and Palacio, to assist them in their Councils, in case they had Docility enough to be instructed. Since the Conference at Aschia, Affairs moved but slowly, and the carrying on of the Forti­fications was in a manner neglected. The Of­ficers encouraged the Souldiers in their Lazi­ness, by telling them, The Turks would under­take nothing till the next Campaign, so that they had time enough to provide for the De­fence of the Countrey. They were also so im­prudent as to suffer the Freed Men newly listed, to return home, and bring if they would, their Wives into the Garrisons.

Scarcely were they got to their Villages, but Nicosia was alarm'd by the Discovery of Twenty five Sayl of Turks Men of War, lying at An­chor over against the Isle of Baffo. This News strangely surprized the Officers, and cast the People into a horrible Consternation. 'Twas thought immediatly the whole Fleet was not [Page 83] far distant from this Squadron; and indeed they were in the right; for these were sent before, commanded by Siroc, one of the General Offi­cers, with Order to make Descent on the Island, and get information from the first that fell into his hands, of the State and Strength of the Countrey, the Designs and Motions of the Go­vernors, and to return quickly with an Account of what he had learnt. Siroc landed at a Place called Lara, with five hundred Foot, seized on some Peasants, whose Villages he burnt and pil­laged. This Booty having drawn him farther into the Island, he was charged by a Regiment of Epirot-Horse, whose Quarters lay near Lara, and beaten back to his own Vessels; leaving eleven of his Men dead on the place, and two of 'em were taken Prisoners, with one of their En­signs. Zandochio, who commanded this Regi­ment of Horse, entred into Nicosia, puft up with this small advantage, and caused to be carried before him, on the top of Lances, the Heads of these Enemies that were killed. 'Twas known from these two Prisoners, That the Barbarian Army lay in the Port of Finicia; and that the Sultans never before set out such a numerous Fleet, so well stored with Men, and all sorts of Provision and Ammunition necessa­ry for so prodigious an Army: That the Visier, who commanded it, was still employ'd in em­barking the Horse, and would soon follow in Person. Those who expected this inundation of Barbarians not before the next Summer, and consequently believed the Danger at a great distance, were terribly alarm'd; seeing the E­nemy [Page 84] so near. Dandoli and Rocas, who walk'd every day about the Town, full of Pride and Confidence, found themselves immediatly pos­sessed with such a disheartning Faintness and Terror, the Effects whereof could not be con­cealed from every vulgar Eye: They at last saw themselves void of Counsel and Experi­ence; their Fortifications unfinished, their Gar­rison without Arms, and much weakned by the Leave they had given the Freed-Men. They mistrusted the Fidelity of their Slaves, the in­capacity of their Officers of War, and their Authority and Power over the Souldiers: They sent immediatly Commands to the Freed-Men to return to Nicosia: But most of these rude and brutish People refused to obey their Orders, and withdrew into the Forests and Mountains, believing themselves in greater safety, and more at liberty there, than within the Walls; so that scarcely five hundred, of the seven thousand who were Mustered, returned: 'Twas also pro­posed to give Liberty to the Slaves; and this was, without doubt, an excellent means to make them forget the Tyranny of their Masters, and engage them faithfully to serve the Republick, had not this Means been thought on too late: Yet was it proclaimed throughout all the Island, That the Senate granted a full and perfect Li­berty in general to all those who were born Slaves; exhorting them, for an Acknowledg­ment of this Grace, that such amongst them as were able to bear Arms, should repair with di­ligence to Nic [...]sia and Famagusta, for the com­mon Defence of the Countrey. This Bait drew [Page 85] not many; and excepting some who lived in the neighbouring parts, and could not hand­somly get away, they all withdrew into the Mountains with their Families, and whatsoever they could carry along with them.

This Proclamation was made about the Se­venth of June; and in the First of July follow­ing the Ottoman Fleet appeared, making with full Sayl towards the Island. They cast Anchor at Baffo, and rode there only one day, and then came up to Limisso, where they Landed some small Forces, to be informed of the Coun­trey: They were charged by the Epir [...]t Caval­ry, and constrained to return to their Vessels with some Loss. The Barbarians advanced the next Morning as far as Salines, entring into the Gulph which bears that Name; and tho' they expected to fight at their Descent, yet did they Land all their Forces without the least resist­ance. Baglioni still endeavoured to vindicate the Cypriots from this Affro [...]t, and required, to no purpose, some Horse to contend with them on the Shoar.

But Dandoli and Rocas kept with them all the Cavalry; and whether they feared they should be beaten, or agreed together to disgust this brave Commander, they contented themselves with being Spectators of their Landing. Musta­pha took this for a good Omen of their base and foolish Conduct; and his Army promis'd to themselves, as well as he, an assured Victory. This Navy consisted in near four hundred Ves­sels of all kinds. There were one hundred and sixty Galleys, or Frigats, near fifty Galliots; [Page 86] the rest were laden with Victuals, Ammunition, and Souldiers. But this Number aggrandiz'd extreamly the Fleet, which extended it self as far as the Eye could reach; and the Cypriots, affrighted at this terrible Aspect, kept a sad and solitary Silence at the noise of the Shouts of Joy uttered by the Souldiers and Sea-men. Ro­cas and Dandoli shut themselves up in Nicosia with their Horse; and Baglioni retired to Fama­gusta; which was the first Place to be besieged, according to the Report of the Fugitives and Prisoners. The Turkish Army consisted of se­venty thousand Men, without reckoning the Slaves, and such as followed the Camp; which made in all, according to exact computation, above an hundred thousand Men. There were near nine thousand Janizaries in this Expediti­on; in whose Valour the Turks put their great­est Confidence. They had two thousand Horse, and as many Mules, and other Beasts of Carri­age.

All this Army was soon Landed; and Musta­pha, who was the Principal Author of the War, had the general Command of them. Hali and Piali were joyntly Commanders of the Fleet; but this latter with more Authority than his Companion, according to the Custom of the Turks, who always appoint two Admirals; one of which has greater Power than the other. They Landed none of the Men belonging to them, for fear of being surprized by the Christi­ans Fleet, which they expected must certainly come to the Succour of the Island.

[Page 87] Mustapha, having for some dayes refreshed his Army, he during that timecaused a general Muster to be made of it, and informed him­self of the state and strength of the Cypriots; preparing all things for the Siege of Famagusta, according to what he had design'd before he par­ted from Constantinople: But he receiv'd an Infor­mation, which obliged him to think of another Enterprize. Two Greeks habituated in Nicosia, stole secretly thence in the Night, and came into into the Camp: They were led to his Tent; where they declared, they had Matters of importance to discover to him, whence they might draw great Advantages, provided their Relations found Credit with him, and they a certain Reward proportionable to the Ser­vice they were able to render him: And to procure an entire Confidence f [...]om him, they told him their intentions were to become Ma­hometans.

The Visier having sent for his Interpreters, and dismist those about him, they shewed how Nico­sia, whose Fortifications and Strength they were exactly acquainted with, was not in a condition to hold out long; giving him a perfect Account of the Place, the Incapacity of the Commanders, for whom the Souldiers had a great Aversion and Contempt; of the ill State of the Garrison, and small Provision of Victuals and Ammunition for the sustaining a Siege. These things, part of which were too true, were so exaggerated by these two Fugitives, that Mustapha easily suffer­ed himself to be perswaded by them. They re­presented him with the immense Riches which [Page 88] were shut up in Nicosia, with all the Nobility of the Isle, to tempt his Avarice, by the hopes of an inestimable Booty: They assured him, on so easie a Conquest depended that of the whole Countrey: They continually put him out of Conceit with besieging Famagusta, by shewing him the Garrison was strong there, and its Commander would defend the Place to the last Extremity; and moreover, the taking of it could not much advance his Affairs: That he ought to march straight to Nicosia, to which Place they would be his Guides, and lead him the nearest way; entreating him to keep them as Hostages and Pledges of an assured Victory. The Visier perswaded by these earnest Remon­strances, gave over his first Design, commends the Zeal of these Renegadoes, makes them Pre­sents, promises them great Rewards, and shews them publickly all Respect imaginable: He com­municated the next Morning to Piali, Chief Bassa of the Sea, whatsoever he learnt from these Traytors; but Piali was not of opinion these Villains should be so soon and so greatly credited: He would have the Visier believe, that the first Enterprize was of far greater Import­ance; especially considering the Sultan had likewise approved of it; and might be carried on at the same time both by Sea and Land, the Christians not being in a capacity to sustain these two different Attacks: That the Loss of Fama­gusta, depriving the Nicosians of all hopes of Suc­cour, they must surrender to such an Army: That Nicosia, the Capital of the Kingdom, and situated in the midst of the Countrey, had late­ly [Page 89] been fortify'd by the Venetians, with great Care and Charge; which was sufficient to shew thence must be expected a vigorous Defence, the Place being in such a condition: That the Nobility, and all the Riches of the Isle being therein included, 'tis to be expected, the Gen­try, animated by a desire to preserve their Treasure and Families, must hold out in De­fence to the last Breath: That he would not empty his Ships of Souldiers to encrease the Land-Army, before he understood what Strength he needed to withstand the Christian Fleet, which would infallibly come to the As­sistance of the Besieged. Thus did Piali declare himself: Whether this was his real Opinion, or that he was nettled to see a Design underta­ken in which he could have no part: But Musta­pha stuck the closer to this new Project; by having put some Christian Prisoners to the Tor­ture, the violence of which made 'em confirm the greatest part of those things the two Greeks had spoken. Being thus resolved, he sent three thousand Men towards Famagusta, to conceal his real Design, with Order to march secretly thither, lest Baglioni, who knew well the Ground, should charge them at a disadvantage, to pos­sess themselves of all Avenues, and hinder any Communication betwixt the two Cities. He gave a Cypriot Monk, who was found amongst the Prisoners, some Letters to the Chief of the Nobility, stuft with proud and threatning Terms, which these Barbarians commonly use to exalt the Power of their Sovereigns, which they in­solently equal to that of the Almighty. He [Page 90] treated in his Letters, with an insupportable Disdainfulness, not only the Venetians, but all Christians in general; and summonn'd at the same time, the Cypriots to deliver to him their Capital City; and put him in possession of their whole State, with a promise to let them live in an entire Liberty, and suffer them to enjoy their Religion and Estates. The Nicosians re­turning no Answer to such unreasonable Propo­sitions, Mustapha took this so hainously, that he wasted all the Country round about. The In­habitants of the Borough of Leiparus felt the first Effects of his Cruelty: But whether they were disgusted by the bad Usage they had long re­ceived from the Nobility, or would secure them­selves from being pillaged, and their Houses from being burnt, they surrendred themselves to the Infidels, on advantageous Conditions; and several other small Places followed their Example. The Nicosians thought themselves obliged to punish this Fact, to prevent the ill Consequences of it; and therefore sent some Regiments under the Command of Demetrius Lascaris, which being arrived at Leiparus, cut all the Inhabitants Throats, during an obscure Night, whom they surpri­zed in their Beds; not sparing a man of them, and burnt the Village. This severe Chastisement affrighted the neighbouring parts, and kept the rest of the Isle within the Bounds of their Duty.

In the mean time, Mustapha parted from Sa­lines, at the Head of two thousand Horse, and a considerable Body of Foot, ordering the rest [Page 91] of his Army to follow him with the Artillery and Baggage; and after six days March, came, and posted himself within four Niles of Nicosia. There were in the Town fifteen hundred Itali­ans, a thousand Gentlemen, with their Dome­sticks, two thousand Freed-men of the new rais'd Forces, two thousand of other Foot, drawn from different parts of the Island, two thou­sand five hundred Citizens in Arms, two hun­dred Epirot-Foot, five hundred Horse of the same Nation, and a thousand other Cavaliers, consisting of Gentry: Besides as many Slaves, as were found able to do Service, had Arms given 'em, and the Place was furnish'd with all sorts of Ammunition and Provisions for a long Siege. Besides, the multitude of unserviceable People, which were retired into inaccessible places; more then twenty thousand Men, able to de­fend the Countrey, were gone to seek for Safety in the same Retreats. There might have been drawn a great Succour from so considerable a Number, had there been Arms for 'em, and a Commander capable to mannage them. Cap­tain Palaceo, a Person of a consummated Experi­ence, and who was sent to Nicosia, as has been already observed, to assist Rocas and Dandoli with his Advice, was for charging the Enemy in their March with all the Horse, and a part of the Foot; assuring them, they would be surpriz'd by this vigorous opposition, and put in Disorder before they could be form'd into a Body. Altho' these two Generals were often ruled by Palaceo's Opinion, yet they now again re-assumed their former Obstinacy, and rejected this wholsom Advice.

[Page 92] The whole Turkish Army came up the next Morning, being the Twenty Second of July, to the Visier, who caused his Tent to be set in a Plain at the Foot of a little Hill, call'd Mandia, from the neighbouring Village: He extended his Camp as far as a Countrey-Seat belonging to Demetrius. Having found all the Wells there­abouts poysoned, he caus'd new ones to be dig­ged, and proved several to be wholsome Wa­ter; so that the Christians, who thought to poy­son the Infidels, or make them undergo an ex­tream Thirst, had the displeasure of seeing this their Stratagem of none effect. Mustapha sur­rounded the Place at the Head of his Cavalry, to view it, and draw out the Garrison; but Dan­doli and Rocas would not suffer the Nobility nor Epirots to sally forth; who burnt with a desire of charging the Infidels. The Visier, who often turned his Head towards the side of the Ram­parts, seeing no body appear, cried out in Laughing, The Christians were to blame in be­lieving themselves secure behind their Walls. He caused Lines to be drawn as near as could be to the Body of the Town: He raised his first Battery on the side of St. Martin's Gate, over against the Bastion of Podocatero, with such dili­gence, that the work was finished in a Night's time; the Besieged having scarce made any op­position. This Battery being distant about three hundred paces from the Bastion, did not much dammage either the Walls, or the neighbouring Houses; the Infidels rais'd three more; one against St. George's Church, the other on a Prominency called St. Marguerite's Place; and a third, on a [Page 93] rising Ground, term'd Mandia; with which, they endeavour'd to ruine those of the Besieged, and dismount their Cannon; but seeing this Ar­tillery advanced not much their Design, the Visier made the Trench be carried on to the Walls of the Ancient Town, and within an hundred and fifty paces to the Counterscarp. He afterwards built four Forts, opposite to so many Bastions, called Podocatero, Avila, Con­stance, and Tripoli, from the Names of those who took care of their Structure under the inspection of Savoriani. These Works being soon finished, the Turks placed great Pieces of Ord­nance on them, some of which carried Bullets of sixty pound weight, which would in a short time grind the Wall to Powder: But having fired continually for four dayes together, they observed the Bullets entred only the Earth which filled the Thickness of the Walls; where­fore they quitted these new Batteries. The Commanders of the Place, who dared not to Sally out, endeavour'd to ruine with their Can­non the Enemies Works, killing every day se­veral of their Men. The Turks displeased at the small effect of their Artillery, advanced their Trenches near enough to the Counter-scarp, to shelter themselves from the continual Firings of the Besieged. This Work contain'd several Angles, and the Earth thrown up on the side of the Town, was a sufficient Defence to the Workmen: They wrought day and night with an indefatigable Toyl, without rest­ing in the time of the greatest Heat; so that in a small space they got to the Walls. They made [Page 94] a second deep Trench, that was Cannon-proof against the Town; which was lined with with Musketiers; who fired so thick, that the Besieged durst not appear on their Ramparts; so that the Infidels lodged themselves in the Ditch without any resistance. The Cavalry of the Garrison would have sallied out on the Turks, to hinder these near Approaches, but they could never get leave of their Superiors.

The Siege grew every day worse for the Christians, the Garrison being considerably weakned by the great number of Souldiers that were killed or wounded. The Infidels gave 'em not a Moments Rest, attacking them in several places at a time; having fresh Men continually to supply the places of the tired or slain. They were already so well lodged in the Ditch, that they began to undermine and pluck down the Walls, and there remained no way to hin­der them from entring the Town. In this Ex­tremity, the Chief of the Garrison went to Rocas and Dandoli, to whom they represented the deplorable state of the Place; conjuring them to have pity on the Capital City of the Island, and not suffer so many brave Men to be slain like Beasts, pent up within Walls: That if they must perish, it might be with Arms in their hands; by which means, they should not undergo an inglorious and languishing Death; which is commonly met with in an obstinate Siege: That they might be permitted to charge the Barbarians. whose Insolence grew every day insupportable: That true Valour shewed it self more by fighting with Swords in [Page 95] their Hands, than firing great or small Pieces at a distance; seeing Fortune many times over­threw the Brave and Valiant in this manner, by the hands of a paultry Fellow, during a Siege; and the Enemies having made them­selves Masters of the Out-works, they were near the last extremity, so that they could not comprehend the Policy of keeping Peoples Spi­rits evaporating between Walls; and which at the same time encreased the Courage of the Turks; and that in short, their only Safety con­sisted in making a vigorous Sally, before the Gar­rison was wholly out of condition to sustain a general Assault. These Remonstrances and Entreaties somewhat prevailed over the Com­manders; but tho' they were convinced of the necessity of a Sally, yet were they hardly brought to yield to it; alledging, there remain'd only five hundred Italian Souldiers, in whom lay all their Confidence, as not much trusting the Freed-Men, who were altogether undisci­plin'd; much less the Citizens, a great part of which they had lost in the forty dayes Siege, as well by the excessive heat, as the Enemies hands; who were so far from understanding the Trade of War, that they could not tell how to carry their Arms. After long Contests, a Sally was at length granted; and for this end, a thousand Foot were chosen, who were to be sustained by the Epirot Cavalry. Those of the Ifle could not suffer themselves to be reserved in an occasion which must decide the good or bad Fortune of Nicosia; and therefore press'd Dandoli to permit them to joyn with the Epirots; [Page 96] shewing him what a great Affront 'twould be to young People, who desired nothing more than to spend their Blood in the Honour and Defence of their Countrey, to give this plain demonstration of mistrust of their Courage and Fidelity. Dandoli, who was not easily brought to change his Mind, and feared the Place would be in this manner left destitute, forbid any Horse to stir, except those of the Epirots. The next Morning there were drawn out two thou­sand Men; the Command of which was given to Cesar Pioveni; to whom was joyned Albert Scotto, and Gregory Panteus, together with Ni­cholas Gradenigo and Zanet Dandoli, two young Noble Venetians. They were ordered to destroy the Enemies Out-works, and if possible, to ren­der useless their Cannon, assoon as they had driven them out of their Trenches. Pioveni, having provided all things necessary for this Exploit, gave Order to his Men to be ready about Noon at the Town-Gate; because the Turks usually went te rest at that time. Al­tho' the Design they had laid, was not well ex­ecuted, by the Greeks Fault, who set on the Avant-Guard before the Sign given, through the Envy of some Officers, who were jealous lest their Commanders should get too much Honour by a happy Success: Yet Pioveni at the Head of this Detachment, Marched out by a way which lay private about the Ditches, and led to the Trenches. He arrived there without any disturbance unperceived, and charged with so great Valour, that the Turks surpriz'd with this unlook'd for Onset, before they could give [Page 97] notice thereof to the Camp, believing the Chri­stians to be more in number than they were, fled before them as fast as they could. The Assailants kill'd several of them, and became Masters of the Places where they lodg'd; and thinking they were followed by their Horse, pursued them into their Camp, which they fill'd with Disorder and Confusion. But Dandoli, whom perhaps God had appoint­ed to be a Minister of his wrath to the Cypriots; for the Ruine of their City, would needs hin­der the Epirots from passing out of the Town. Some Gentlemen highly offended at his forbid­ding them to be of the Party with the Epirot-Horse, had armed themselves like them, and mixt amongst them. John Falerio, a Noble Ve­netian, who was to be their Leader, was known by his too great care of concealing himself; and Dandoli, who stood at the Town-Gate, to see his Orders observed, reprehended him too sharp­ly for this his Disobedience; Falerio boldly an­swered him, He thought himself oblig'd in this Occasion to hazzard his Life in the Republick's Service: But Dandoli more enrag'd by this Re­ply, caused the Gates to be shut, and com­manded the Epirots to return. The Chief of the Garrison entreated him to Sacrifice his Re­sentment to the need his Men had to be sup­ported; laying before him, how that these brave Foot-Souldiers would be immediatly cut in pieces before his Face, if some Horse were not suddenly sent to their Succour: That they ought not to be thus abandoned for the Impru­dence of some rash young Heads; yet whose Fault [Page 98] was too great a desire to shew their Courage. But Dandoli, inflexible to their Reasons and En­treaties, answered in a Fury, Let them perish ra­ther than my Orders be disobeyed. And thus did this mean Soul, transported by Pride, expose this generous Company, in whose Safety con­sisted that of the whole State.

These valiant Men, having rendered useless the Cannon of both the Batteries, thirsting af­ter Glory and Revenge, pursued too far the flying Enemy. Mustapha advertized of the Rout of his Men, sent out a Party of Horse to their Relief; and they rallying at the sight of this Assistance, returned to the Combat with great­er vigour. The Christians, who thought them­selves back'd by the Epirots, made a firm resist­ance, and both sides did their utmost. The Turks were animated by the shame of having been driven from their Trenches, by an handful of Christians, in the sight of so great an Army: and they, on the other hand, encouraged by the assurance of the Assistance of the Epirots, flattered themselves with the hopes of a certain Victory. But the Turkish Horse having charged on every side their small Number, they were forced to take their Heels, and yield to the Multitude. The Spahies, who pursu'd them, made a great Slaughter of them: The Re­mainder which could not enter into the Town, the Gates having been shut, for fear the Infi­dels should enter, lay all night in the Ditches, and with much danger and difficulty gat en­trance through the Breaches already made in the Ramparts. The Turks lost fifteen hundred [Page 99] Men in this Occasion, and the Christians about two hundred; amongst whom, is to be chiefly remembred Cesar Pioveni, their Leader; who often look'd towards the Town for the Horse which were to relieve them; but seeing no ap­pearance of Succour, he threw himself despe­rately on the Enemies, and was over-powered by their Number. Albert Scotto, and many o­thers, who behaved themselves with the same Generosity, incurred the same Fate. There had been obtained a signal Advantage over the Enemy that day, and the Turks would not have been able to extricate themselves out of their Disorder; had the Christian Cavalry come in to their Assistance, at the same time the Trenches were cleared: The Terror was so great in their Camp, that several there began to think of Flight. They since confess'd, That had this Advantage been closely followed, and their Ar­tillery made useless, they must have rais'd the Siege. Dandoli, to repair the Dammage which his Obstinacy had occasioned, became yet more intractable; swearing, he would not hencefor­ward suffer a Man to out of the Town at any ones Instance, under pretence of charging the Infidels, or ruining their Works. The Turks pro­fited by this Shock, in taking greater Care of themselves, and doubling the Guard over the Workmen, whom they relieved continually; and thus advanced their Works with an incredi­ble diligence. They had already beat down part of the Ramparts, and the fore-part of the Ba­stions; so that 'twas no hard matter to ascend on the Breaches. The Besieged abandoning the [Page 100] Out-works, retrenched themselves with a great Ditch, and repaired as well as they could with­inside the Ruines of their Bastions; and put themselves in a condition to fight on the Walls. The Infidels doubled their Attacks; and the hope of certain Pillage, rendered them indefatigable. Altho' the Christians kill'd them a great many Men, yet were they weakened themselves by these means. The few Souldiers which remain­ed, had scarce any Arms in good order, nor Powder and other Ammunition; and this Ex­tremity began to discourage them about the Is­sue of the Siege: Yet the hopes of the Christian Fleet, which was dayly expected, bore up their Spirits against their ill Fortune, and bad Con­duct of their Commanders. Mustapha caused several Letters to be shot into the Town, fill'd with Threatnings and Promises; by which, he exhorted them to prevent their approaching Ruine: But this Course procured him no Suc­cess, the Souldiers being still resolute, in expe­ctation of Assistance, which rendred them in­compliable.

They wrote to Baglioni, to entreat him, if he could leave Famagusta, without great prejudice to his Interest, and that of the State, to come to their assistance. These Letters were written in Characters, lest they should be intercepted, and there were great Rewards promised to him that would undertake to carry them. The Ways were so diligently kept, that they fell into the Enemies hands; the Persons that were en­trusted with them, being led round about the Walls, and massacred in the sight of the Besie­ged, [Page 101] to deter others from accepting for the fu­ture, such a dangerous Commission. Baptista Scolomban, a brave and daring Officer, who commanded two hundred Men in the Town, and was perfectly acquainted with the Wayes, was entreated by all the Garrison, to expose himself for the common Safety, and carry a Letter to Famagusta. Scolomban affected with the common Calamity, undertook this dange­rous Enterprize; and leaving the City by night, he arrived at Famagusta, by winding and diffi­cult Ways. He gave an Account to Baglioni, of the deplorable State of the Nicosians; en­treating his Pity, and that he would come and repair the Dammage, which had principally happened by the incapacity of the Command­ers. Baglioni could not leave his Post, much less ungarrison the Place in favour of the Besie­ged: Yet, to satisfie, in some measure, those unhappy People, who implored his Assistance, and lest it should be suspected, he was deterred by the greatness of the danger, he resolved to throw himself into Nicosia; and to keep this his Intent secret, supposing them of Famagusta would hinder his Departure. Scolomban assu­red him, his Presence would re-animate the In­habitants and Souldiers, and his Orders would be executed with the greatest joy and readiness imaginable. He well knew the small sufficiency of both Dandoli and Rocas, and foresaw the loss of the Capital City, would make great way for that of Famagusta: But this Design being discovered, his House was immediately besie­ged by the Populacy; who resolv'd to retain [Page 102] him by force, if their Entreaties could not prevail. Bragadin and Tipoli, who no more ap­proved of this his Resolution, shewed him so plainly the ill Consequence, that he gave him­self up to their Reasons. Bragadin taking on him to speak in the Name of the Town; gave Sco­lomban to understand the Kingdom would in­cur the Risk of being lost, by weakening the Garrison of so important a Place, and taking thence so able and necessary a Commander: That this was an exposing his Person to an in­evitable Danger, and in a manner, to deliver Famagusta into the Enemies Hands: That should they consent to his Departure, 'twas not in their power to contain the People and Garrison: That the Souldiers would desert the Place, in seeing themselves bereaved of their General; and the Citizens, despairing of their Safety in a Defence, would set open their Gates to the Infidels. Scolomban return'd with this Answer; and the Nicosians, expecting no longer any Succour thence, sent to those who were retired on the Mountains; beseeching them to choose out some of the ablest Persons a­mongst them, to come to their Assistance; shewing them the deplorable Condition where­into they were reduced: But their Messengers having been surpriz'd, the Infidels loaded them with Irons, and carried them about for a Spe­ctacle to the Besieged; to inform them, that they were forsaken on all hands, so that they had no other way but to surrender.

The Visier, finding his Promises and Threat­nings ineffectual, and that his best Souldiers . [Page 103] were carried away by Sickness, caused by the excessive Heats, besides those he lost every day in the Attacks, resolved to make a general As­sault, before the Courage and Number of his Men were more diminished. Providence se­conded this Design; for receiving frequently News of the Christian-Fleet's being kept back at Candia, by the contagious Distemper, and how they had already lost above twenty thousand Men; and that the Venetians could not soon enough remedy this Misfortune: He wrote to Piali, to send him a Detachment of Janizaries, and other Infantry; assuring him, he need not fear any danger on the Sea, seeing the Allies were so far from succouring the Cypriots: That their chief Care was, to preserve themselves from the Plague: That he had made a con­siderable Breach in the Walls of Nicosia; the taking of which was certain, if he would share the Honour with him.

Hali came and joyn'd him, at the Head of a great Body of Janizaries, fill'd up with seve­ral Voluntiers, drawn out by the hope of Pil­lage. Mustapha, being recruited with these new Forces, appointed a general Assault to be made on the Eighth of September, and pre­pared all things necessary with great Care, for this important Expedition. He commanded his Officers to refresh their Souldiers; to keep them in good Order, and exhort them to acquit themselves well, by the remembrance of their past Actions: He shewed, That they were at the Vigil of finishing honourably this War, and being recompensed for their Hardships and La­bours: [Page 104] That they were to storm a Place, which could no longer hold out against them; consi­dering the condition whereunto their Cannon had reduced its Walls; having moreover to do with People covered with Wounds, and so greatly dismayed, that despairing of their own strength, they every day implored the Assist­ance of their Neighbors, which assured them of the Victory, provided they were not wanting in their Duty: That in becoming Masters of a City of such consequence, they would possess the Riches of a whole Kingdom; whose Treasures gathered during several Ages, should be equally divided amongst them: That the Venetians, in fortifying Nicosia, shewed plainly enough the Importance and Worth of the Place.

The Souldiers being thus animated by great Encouragements and Promises from their Offi­cers, and the Army divided into four Bodies, they were ordered to March at Break of Day towards the Town. These four Squadrons at­tack'd at the same time the four Bastions of the Place, before which the Besieged had raised Forts. The Bassa of Caramania commanded that party which attack'd that of Podocatero; Musaferro, that of the Fort of Constance; and Hali and Mustapha ascended at the same time on the Breaches of those of D'Avila and Tripoli, with the Sound of Drums and Trum­pets. The Besieged had no expert Comman­ders, and laboured besides under the want of many Necessaries; yet made an incredible re­sistance. They were perswaded, that the Arri­val of the Confedrates obliged the Turks to this [Page 105] vigorous Assault; and if they were repulsed, they would abandon the Siege, and betake 'em­selves to their Vessels. This Belief doubled their Courage, and kept them up with dayly Expe­ctations of bettering their Fortune: They di­vided those Souldiers which remained, and dis­persed them on the Defence of the Breaches, and planted their Cannon in proper places, to divert the approaching Storm. They brought on their Walls all sorts of Weapons and artificial Fires; and in general, whatsoever might annoy the Assailants; whom they receiv'd with that Resolution and Valour, that they drove them from off their Ramparts; having first made a great Slaughter of them. Altho' the Besieged lost fewer Men by far than the Infidels, yet were they more weakened than they; for the De­tachment from the Fleet, enabled the Besiegers to send continually fresh Men, which relieved the wounded and weary; and the Christians, on the contrary, sustained all these different Ef­forts, without a Moment's Refreshment. These Onsets lasted long, and the Barbarians, who thought to carry the Place at the first Assault, began to doubt of the Victory; and grew less fierce at the sight of that Resistance, which they did not foresee. The Besieged on the other hand, emboldened, by having made so brave a Resistance, defended themselves with a mar­vellous Vigor and Constancy. Mustapha, and the Generals of the Turkish Army, seeing their People thus repulsed, edged them on by Re­proaching them for not making themselves Ma­sters of a Place, in a manner level'd; and de­fended [Page 106] only by an ignorant and undisciplin'd Handful of Men. These Invectives, together with the hope of Booty; of which these Bar­barians were remembred, made them begin a­gain an Attack, far more terrible than the for­mer; but which also ended in a Repulse from the Besieged, tho' more tired and weakned than ever. The Italians and Cypriot-Gentry follow'd by their Vassals and Domesticks, exhorted one another to prevent by an honourable Death, the shameful Loss of their Lives and Country. Those who defended the Bastion of Constance, attack'd by the Bassa Musaferro, overthrew the Infidels into the Ditch, with their Engines, plant­ed under certain little Places of Shelter, devi­sed by an able Engineer, named Susomini. The others behaved themselves as well at the Bul­warks of Avila and Tripoli; and the Christians, puft up with this Glorious Success, insulted al­ready over the Infidels, inviting them again to a Third Assault.

This Day might have wholly disheartned the Barbarians, and preserved Nicosia, had not the Bassa of Caramania, who attack'd the Bul­wark of Podocatero, been seconded by the ill Genius of the Place. Rocas, who defended this Bastion, and whose obstinate Conceited­ness held as long as the Siege, having repulsed the Enemy, and seeing they returned not to the Charge again, came down into the Town, fol­lowed by the Nobility and Souldiers, who guarded this Post, and left it naked; which the Turks perceiving, attack'd it again, and got on the top of the Walls, and made themselves [Page 107] Masters of the inward Trenches; having first cut several Christians in pieces. The Besieged, being reduced to their new Fortifications, per­sist still in their resistance; but the Turks ha­ving gained the Tops of the Walls, in great Multitudes, fill'd the Ayr with Shouts of Joy and Victory, and possess themselves also of these Works. The Christians, and especially the Freed-men, betake themselves to Flight: Se­veral Gentlemen, and some few Italian Souldiers, who had disengaged themselves from the Fury of the Barbarians, would not dishonour their Birth, nor Countrey, by yielding; and therefore re­sisted the Barbarians until their last Breath. Ro­cas, hearing the Noise of this Disorder, and being sufficiently informed of the Occasion, by those flying, ran in great diligence with such as he could hastily gather; but seeing himself out of a possibility to encounter the Enemies, he placed himself at the Head of his Company; and falling amongst them like a desperate Man, he was stab'd several times, with Palacio, his Brethren, and others his near Relations. The Barbarians misused his Body; exercising on it all the Cruelties which Vulgar Ntaures are capa­ble of.

The Conquerors, meeting no Resistance, tu­multuously entred the Town; and dividing into two Parties, Marched directly to the Bulwark of Constance; where the Christians still held out, witb incredible Valour; where they came upon their Backs: Those that so valorously resisted, knew nothing of the Defeat of their Compani­ons; but found themselves immediatly invested [Page 108] by one of these Parties, whom they knew by their Ensigns, and the confused Shouts and Noise of the Souldiers; and Musaferro giving an Assault without, became Master of the Wall. The Christians surrounded on each side, and knowing not on which hand to turn, were all of them put to the Sword. The Forts of D'A­vila and Tripoli incurred the same Fate. Ran­dochio got out from Nicosia by a false Door, with the sad Remains of his Epirots, and sought his Safety by Flight. John Falerio, who command­ed a Troop of an hundred Horse, rais'd at the Charge of Francis Caterini, Bishop of Baffo, resolving to sell his Life dear, came up, and charged most desperately the Mahometans, kil­ling all before him; but being overwhelmed by the Multitude, he was overthrown, and lay amongst the dead, covered with Wounds and Blood; Mustapha, having known him, gave him his Life, and dismist him, having first paid his Ransom. The Bishop of Nicosia, who, du­ring the whole Siege, had assisted the Souldiers and Inhabitants with his Estate and Person, was kill'd in the mixt Multitude. The People still defended themselves in the Streets and narrow Passages, without Officers to Head them, or any kind of Military Skill, according as they were in any capacity of Resistance: But the In­fidels soon put to the Sword, and dispersed all those who through Despair opposed their Cru­elties; the Fury of these Barbarians sparing neither Men, Women or Children.

Whatsoever a man may imagine that's horri­ble and deplorable, comes not near the dismal [Page 109] condition of this unfortunate City, lately so sightly and flourishing. All parts resounded with Shrieks and Groans. The Women of Qua­lity fled for Refuge into the Churches, prostrate at the feet of the Altars; with doleful Cries imploring Heaven's Compassions. Some drew their Children with them along the Streets; others, on their knees endeavoured to soften by their Prayers and Tears, the hardness of the Barbarians Hearts, and offered themselves to their Swords, to attone for the Death of their innocent Families. 'Tis reported, some threw themselves down off their Houses to avoid the Brutality of the Infidels; and that others were so cruel, as to cut their own Daughters Throats, for fear they should lose their Honour with their Liberty: But there was one especially amongst the rest, whose Desperateness and Grief requires a particular mention in this Hi­story.

This Woman, hearing by the Shouts, Shrieks, and other dreadful Noises, wherewith the Town resounded, That the Infidels were become Ma­sters of it, left her House, to know what was become of her Husband, and three of her Children, who had followed him to the Breaches: But seeing the Garrison routed, she recovered her Lodging; where she soon heard they all four perished with their Arms in their Hands, in using their utmost Endeavours to defend their Countrey. This Relation depri­ving her of her Judgment and Reason, she en­ters into her Chamber, where she beholds her young Son, who was a Child of perfect Beauty, [Page 110] the only one left her, and which she loved with a tenderness not to be express'd: This unfortu­nate Mother, having long held him in her Arms, tells him in a Tone mixt with Despair and Compassion, Shall these inhumane Wretches snatch thee out of my Arms, and make thee their Slave, abusing perhaps thy Body too, because of thy Comeli­ness? In ending which Words, she stuck a Dag­ger into his Throat, and afterwards kill'd her self at three Stroaks with the same Weapon.

Mustapha, entred into the City, which was full of dead Bodies, and streaming with Blood; where, being come to the Publick Place, he made the Slaughter cease; promising their Lives to such as laid down their Arms: Whereupon, the Populacy rendered themselves on discretion. Dandoli, who had retired into the Royal Palace, with several others, sent to desire Quarter of him, by a principal Officer, named Constancio: But the Turks having, in the mean time, broke open the Gates, and forced open the Door of that Apartment wherein he retired, massacred him and all his Company. Podocatero defended himself to the last, in the House of his Bro­ther Count Tripoli, who was kill'd two days be­fore in an Assault: He made his Composition, and obtained for himself and those that follow­ed him, liberty of dwelling with their Wives and Children in the Town, by paying great Ransoms, and delivering to Mustapha all the rich Furniture of this Magnificent House: But this perfidious Turk broke his Word, and kept them all Prisoners.

[Page 111] The Souldiers, distracted after Booty, fill'd the Town with Marks of their Rapine and Brutishness. The Visier, to shew that Pity did not oblige him to give Life to those who sur­rendred without Resistance, and that he only caused Murthering to cease, that he might have the more Captives, made the old People and Children to be set apart, and led into the Pub­lick Place; where having been thrown one up­on another, they were all of them most inhu­manely burnt alive. 'Tis thought there were above twenty thousand Persons put to the Sword after the Town was taken; whose Death, al­tho' cruel, was envied of those who survived them, only to bewail in Captivity the misera­ble Ruine of their Countrey. They were seen some dayes after in the Fields, weak and lan­guishing, fastened in great Companies to long and heavy Chains, lying on the ground like so many irrational Creatures. The Lamentations and Bewailings of the Women and Children, were yet more irksom to the Husbands and o­thers, than the loss of their own Liberty; but they often saw themselves separated from each other, without hope of ever meeting again; which made many pine away with Grief. The Infidels carried off twenty thousand Captives from several parts of the Isle, not reckoning those which they made in Nicosia, who were all sold into Syria and Cilicia. Eight days was the City plundring, and transporting the Booty: But a Couragious Cypriot-Woman snatch'd this Prey out of the hands of Mustapha. He had laden the two greatest Vessels of the Ottoman [Page 112] Fleet with Plate and other valuable Spoyls; He also embark'd on the same Vessels several of the chiefest Gentry, comely Children, and beau­tiful Women, with which he intended to ho­nour his Return to Constantinople, and make a Present to the Grand Signior. Whilst these Vessels were lading, which lay near one another, and staid only for a good Wind, to set Sayl; this generous Matron, preferring Death above a cruel Servitude, descended into the Ships Hold, and couragiously put Fire to the Pow­der; the Flame whereof, communicating it self immediately to the other Vessel, they were soon both consumed, with all their Lading; there escaping only some Sea-men who swam to Shoar.

After the entire Desolation of Nicosia, the Cypriots who were withdrawn into the Moun­tains, under the Conduct of Scipio Caraffa & Paul Synclitici, who had often surprized and defeated the Infidels in the Fields; now by the Advice of their Principals, sent to demand Composition, and surrendred themselves to the Visier, with assurance of their Lives.

There had been put a great Garrison of Itali­ans and Freed-Men into Cerines; which the Neighbourhood of Cilicia rendred important; the taking of which, was not over-easie, by reason of the difficulty in bringing Cannon. This Place had been heretofore fortify'd, and made famous by the brave Resistance of Queen Charlotte; whom James her Bastard-Brother, had therein long besieged: But John Maria Mudacio, who was the Governor, dismayed at [Page 113] the Disaster of the Nicosians, basely set open the Gates to the Bassa of Cilicia. Mustapha for­tify'd the Place, disarm'd the Inhabitans, put Commanders of his own into Baffo, Limisso and Salines, left a moderate Garrison in Nicosia; the Government of which, he committed to Giaferro; and parted the Seventeenth Day of September with his whole Army, to invest Fa­magusta. He had sent a Slave before, whom he commanded to present to the Officers of the Place Dandoli's Head, without saying any thing more; thinking to affright them by so terrible an Object, and oblige them to a Surrender: But they shewed little Fear at the Spectacle; and respecting the Death of Dandoli, as an in­considerable Loss in comparison of their Capi­tal City; of which this imprudent Governor was the Author: They buried his Head, and prepared themselves to revenge the Death of their Companions. The Visier made his Naval Army advance at the same time as he drew near the Place, on the Western side; thinking to dismay them, being invested both by Land and Sea. He caused it to be summoned, and endeavoured to perswade the Inhabitants 'twas better for them to try his Mercy, than oppose his Arms; but these Promises and Threats ma­king no Impression on their Minds, buoyed up with confidence in the Experience of their Go­vernor, in the Strength of the Place, and its Garrison; Mustapha contenting himself with this Trial of them, put his Troops into Win­ter-Quarters.

[Page 114] Thus did the Infidels advance their Conquests in this Campaign, whilst the Confederate-Fleets, divided amongst themselves for Superiority, and too weak to succour the Cypriots, made slow Preparations for their Deliverance. Their Com­manders having left Candia, the Seventeenth day of September, touched the same night at a Place called The Red Castle, which lay in the mid way between Candia and the Isle of Cyprus. Zani cast Anchor a little above the Town, and Colonni stopt at Calmat, where Doria also came and cast Anchor, altho' he affirm'd this Road was dangerous. He put out to Sea at Midnight, without Notice to Colonni beforehand, and sent him word at parting, that he foresaw a Storm arising, and that he would sayl towards Italy, if the Wind encreased. This Proceeding offending Colonni, confirm'd the Venetians Suspitions; who loudly complain'd of the Insincerity of this Ge­noese. Setting Sayl the next Morn at Break of Day, they were informed by Lewis Bembo, who was sent out to learn the Enemies Proceedings, that Nicosia was taken, and all the rest of the Island, excepting Famagusta, from the Relation of some Rhodians which he met in a Vessel laden with part of the Booty of the Island. This sad News obliged Doria to return, and joyn Colonni; with whom were already Zani, and the Venetian Officers, to consult what they were to do in so sad an Occasion. Zani had already held a Council; in which Palavicinus and Celso were not for going to the Succour of Cyprus; and Canali, since the taking of Nicosia, was likewise of the same Opinion. Venoccio, Quirini, [Page 115] and Duodi, who commanded the Galeasses, and Troni, were for going directly to the Infidels, now grown careless, and overcharged with Prisoners and Booty. Most of them which were Assembled in Colonni's Galley, were for return­ing to Candia; and Zani also seem'd to approve of this Opinion by his Silence. Matters being in this state, 'twas concluded to attack by the way the City of Chalcis in the Isle of Negropont, or some other Place easie to be taken. The Noise and Confusion hindred a precise Deter­mination; wherefore each of them, according as his Fancy guided him, weighed Anchor, and parted without Order. The Vessels and Galleys dispersed by bad Weather, met not till they came to Candia; and the Tempest, by good Fortune, threw the Generals on the Isle of Scarpanto. They met on Board of Zani, where Doria declared to them, That finding he could do them no Service, and the Inconveniency of the season might too long detain him, he was re­solved to conduct the King of Spain's Fleet into Sicily. Zani, fearing lest the Infidels, hearing of their leaving Castel Rugio, or Red Castle, and their not daring to attempt the Relief of Cy­prus, should follow them as Fugitives; earnestly entreated Doria not to forsake the Catholick King's Allies in so great a Danger; assuring him, he might still retire at the Term prescribed. Co­lonni prayed him in like manner, and shewed him, his Departure would sensibly offend the Venetians, and embroyl them with King Philip. But Doria remained firm; replying, He need not be taught in what manner to mannage the King of [Page 116] Spain's Interests. Colonni answered, He knew well in what hands his Catholick Majesty had put his Fleet. As to that, answered Doria, I shall make no Answer. To which, replied Colonni, Were I ordered to obey any one, I should not behave my self as you do; wherefore I think you ought to have a defe­rent form. Whereunto Doria answered, That the King of Spain had not commanded him to obey any Body, nor fight but under the Orders of the General which the Pope had nominated. Then Colonni drew out the Letters he received from the King of Spain, and read them openly; telling Doria, If he had any contrary to his, he should shew them for his Justisication. Doria refused to give an Account of his Conduct and Extent of Power to any but his Sovereign, from whom he re­ceived it; and leaving the Council, hoysted up Sayl assoon as he came on Board his Gal­ley: Yet he thought it his Duty to salute the General of the Venetian Fleet, who was expect­ed at Candia; which having done, he brought his Galleys to Sicily; whence he afterwards im­mediatly parted, accompanied only with two Galleys, going directly to the King of Spain. His Obstinacy doubled the Venetians Suspicions; who penetrating into the King of Spain's secret Designs, easily judged how he intended to suc­cour them; and the unkind Usage they found afterwards, gave them so great a Mistrust, that this Disunion occasioned all the Mischiefs which happened to Christendom.

Colonni and Zani, having been surpriz'd by a Tempest, reached the last to Candia; being ob­liged to leave in their way the greatest part [Page 117] of their Ships, which were not in so good E­quipage to make much haste; some of which, not being able to bear up against the ill Wea­ther, were forced on shoar. These two Gene­rals, not thinking themselves safe at Candia, as fearing the Infidels might make after them; launched thence, to the Isle of Corfou, in great diligence; leaving Palavicinus to wait for the rest of the Fleet, and to endeavour the sending some Assistance to Famagusta. Quirini was ordered to guard the Coasts of Candia, with twenty five Galleys; and the Vessels be­hind being come up to Palavicinus, he joyned the Fleet at Corfou. Had the Turks followed them, the Christians would have been infalli­bly lost; but Piali was gone to Famagusta, after the taking of Nicosia; thinking to hasten the Surrender of the Place, dismayed by seeing it self attack'd both by Sea and Land. He had Notice brought him in the mean time, That the Christians came with full Sayl to the As­sistance of Famagusta: Which News oblig'd him to land his Slaves and Booty; and this unlading put all his Souldiers into Disorder. Assoon as he had re assured them, he made out to Sea, and prepared for a Fight. Mustapha, on his side, kept his Troops in breath, ready to en­gage, if need required: But they both a while after learnt, the Christians were withdrawn to Candia: They triumphed at this Retreat, as at a Signal Victory; uttering a thousand Shouts of Joy, and conveying on Board again their Booty, they sayled for Rhodes. Piali endeavour­ed to pursue the Confederare-Army with an hun­dred [Page 118] chosen Galleys; but Heaven took pity on the Christian-Fleet; there arising a contrary Wind, which blew them into their Ports; and he sayled on the first fair Wind to Constanti­naple.

'Tis said, the Grand Signior gave him but a bad Reception, and reproach'd him with a great deal of sharpness, that through his Fault the Christian-Fleet escaped an entire Overthrow.

Colonni and Palavicinus left Zani in the Isle of Corfou, and gave themselves over for lost in their Return from Candia. Colonni's Galley having gained the Gulph of Catarro, by force of Oars, was smitten with a Blast of Lightning, which burnt her entirely; the Men and Cannon be­ing saved with much difficulty. Colonni, go­ing on Board another Galley, which was brought him from the lesser Port of Hiron, as­soon as the Sea grew calm, was set upon by an­other Storm, and run on shoar a little above Ragusia, yet without any loss of his Men. He past over the Night under the shelter of a Rock, using the best Precaution he was able; but had the Turks been informed of this Disaster, he had certainly perished. He caused Horses to be brought from Ragusia, on which he parted the next Morning, before Break of Day, and came to this Town at the same time wherein Palavicinus, who was likewise surprized in the same Storm, arrived. Palavicinus parted thence for Venice, and Col [...]nni for Rome; having tasted both good and bad Fortune, and happily esca­ped both Shipwrack and Fire.

[Page 119] The Turkish Garrison of Castelnovo, a Place situated on the opposite Coast to that of Cataro, seized, through the Carelesness of the Officers, on two Venetian Galleys, which were left for the securing the Town, and Gulph of the same Name. The Turks being become by this Ad­vantage, Masters of the Gulph, set out certain Vessels, with which they pillaged the Venetian Countrevs, and held Cataro block'd up; so that they began to suffer under the want of Provi­sions. The Republick sent four other Galleys, commanded by Hermolaus Tripolus, for the pre­servation of her Allies; which repress'd the Insolence of these Barbarians, and brought a­gain Plenty to Cataro: But the Plague being in three of these Vessels, left for the Security of the Countrey, the Distemper raged so violent­ly, that it carried away most of the Souldiers and Sea-men. A great Ship, laden with Mo­ney, Cloaths, and other Necessaries for the Fleet, having been cast into the Gulph of Ca­taro, by a contrary Wind, found her self near Castelnovo; the Cannon of the Place, having forced her to the other Shoar, to land her Men; the Turks perceiving there was no Fraud in the Fear she shewed, attack'd her in four Barks; which they brought back laden with Booty. Two other Galleys, commanded by Francis Prioli and Angelus Toriano, were ordered by their General to get Knowledge of the Ene­my. They fell on five Ottoman Galleys; which Toriano no sooner perceived, but he [...]ed in all haste: But Prioli, seeing himself too far enga­ged, to use the same Means, exhorted his Men [Page 120] to perish, rather than surrender themselves, with their Arms in their hands, to the Mercy of these Barbarians; wherefore, making all the Sayl he could towards them, he fell in amongst the thickest of them, and fighting like despe­rate People, was himself slain, with most of his Men; but sold his loss at a dear Rate to the Infidels. The Turkish Horse, at the same time, made great Inroads in Dalmatia, and forced all the Countrey-people to retire to Places of Strength, having wasted and spoiled all their Harvests. Had these Disgraces happened to the Venetians at the beginning of the War, they might have comforted themselves by the hopes they had in their Naval Forces; but seeing Nicosia already lost, and the whole Island in a manner swallowed up, their Commanders con­strained to quit the Seas, and eighteen Galleys destroyed and taken in different and vexatious Occasions; they were the more sensible of these Calamities, by having flattered themselves with the Pope's and King of Spain's Assistance; whereby they questioned not but to be able to drive the Barbarians from Cyprus, and defeat them in a Naval Engagement. This Confidence gave occasion to a false Report, which ran touching these pretended Advantages, of which they were so firmly perswaded at Venice, that the Senate imparted this great News to Pius V. and the rest of the Confederates; but they be­came afterwards ashamed and sorrowful for their fond Credulity.

The Venetians, disheartned by these Mis­fortunes, knew not where to betake themselves, [Page 121] nor what to do. They saw a formidable Army, ready to enter on their Country, and scarcely had any more Hope in the Spanish Assistance; whose Slowness was no less suspected, than the Artifice of him who commanded their Navy: All Italy being dismayed at the Christians Misfor­tunes, and the Progress of so formidable an Enemy, reproached Doria with the secret Joy he felt from the Perplexity and Weakening of the Venetian State: But they themselves were no less blamed, for taking so little Care to preserve a Kingdom exceedingly threatened; in not sending Forces sufficient, nor choosing a Governor capable to oppose the Enterprizes of an open Enemy. They were also blamed, for having put the Command of their Fleet into the Hands of a Person, wholly unworthy this great Trust; especially considering, this Navy was their only Confidence. Complaints were made against the corrupt Dealings of those who were to furnish the Army with Victuals and Ammunition; and the contagious Distemper, which swept away so many Thousands, was attributed to the bad Provisions wherewith the Victualers had supplied the Fleet. The Stran­gers which were engaged in the Service of the Republick, murmured at the Pride of the Vene­tian Officers; who used them with the same Disrespect, as if they had been their Slaves. 'Twas publickly discoursed, That this Severity disgusted their Friends and Allies; and that they would be constrained at length, sor want of Men, to recal such as were banished, and change corporal Penalties into several Years Ser­vice [Page 122] in the Wars; and to make their Criminals, Souldiers or Sea-men, according to the great­ness of the Punishment they deserved. These Speeches being come to the Ears of the Senate, they thought themselves bound to give a great Example of their severe Justice; and make known to Europe, That whatsoever Power a Citizen might be entrusted with, and Com­mand he might have in the Armies, he is no less accountable for his Behaviour, and submit­ted to the Censure of the meanest Subjects of the State: 'Twas resolved on then to set up a Tribunal against those who had the last Year the chief Administration of Affairs committed to them. There were three Commissioners ap­pointed by the Senate, to examine the Guilty, John Mocenigo, Federio Valeresio, and Nicholas Contareni, who dying immediatly after his Electi­on, Gasper Raynerus was chosen into his Place. These three Magistrates began with the General Zani; calling him to answer the Matters laid to his Charge. But he being already instructed with the bad Offices Fame had done him, and foreseeing the Storm ready to fall on his Head, was no sooner at Corfou, but he suppli­cated the Senate to grant him his Discharge, and send another in his Place. The Senate delibe­rated not a Moment in choosing Sebastien Venieri in his stead; tho' he was not then at Venice; but his Services spake in his Favour, and all the World was willing to do him this Right. He coming from gaining Supoto in Dalmatia, readily took on him the Defence of the Isle of Cyprus (an Employ which no body dared to [Page 123] accept) altho' his Age of Seventy Years might have been admitted as a just Plea, to excuse him from so difficult and dangerous a Commission. He was always of opinion, since the Loss of Nicosia, to carry all possible Succours to save the rest of the Isle; arguing with such Earnestness and Vigour, as startled the young People. Au­gustin Barbarigo, a Person to whose Wisdom and Experience several important Affairs had been committed, was joyned as a Partner to this Ge­nerous Commander; with Order to command the Naval Army, in case Venieri should land to the Succour of Cyprus. The new Commissi­oners sent an Officer with Barbarigo, for Zani, to bring him Prisoner to Venice; thinking, such an Act of Justice would terrifie those who found themselves guilty; and shew all Italy the Severity with which were maintained the Re­publick's Laws. Zani was accused for suffering the Souldiers to live irregularly, and without Discipline; to have preferr'd his Countrymen in all Offices and Employs, and authorizing their Insolencies against the Confederates; to have a­bused his Authority in Matters of his own par­ticular Interest; and not to have upheld the Honour of his Dignity with the Courage and Prudence necessary for a General; and which was worst of all, That he had not followed the Senate's Orders, which required his Succour­ing of Cyprus; and forced the two Providors to follow his Sentiment, altho' they were of a contrary Opinion. John Legio, Provid [...]r of Dalmatia, was likewise apprehended, at the Suit of Justiniani, deputed to take Cognisance [Page 124] of the Affairs of this Province. Julius Savoriani also prosecuted Legio, and obtained of the Tri­umvirs, that the Accused should be kept close Prisoner, during the time Informations were to be brought against him. He was charged with passing whole Days and Nights at Play and Debaucheries, and making himself by these means, mean and contemptible to the E­nemy; for having treated the Allies with great Roughness, and not only diverting the publick Stock to private Uses, but exacting on the In­habitants belonging to the Republick's Cities; for delivering out Provisions at an excessive Rate, and furnishing the Army with Stuffs and Cloaths in such a manner, as savoured more of the Merchant, than Officer of War; for ha­ving, through his Ignorance and Vanity, hindred Savoriani from acting for the good of the Province; and causing, by his ill management, several other Dammages. The Publick was startled to see two of their Princi­pal Magistrates lie in the Prisons at Venice; and 'twas verily thought they had lost their Lives, had they been brought to Tryal during the Heat of the New Tribunal: But their Friends and Kindred rais'd up so many Difficulties in the Proceedings against them, that the Com­mission of their Judges, which could not hold above a Year, expired before they could be Sentenced. These Affairs waxing soft with the Time, the Knowledge of them was remit­ted to the Colledge of Forty; where the Fa­vour and Employes of the Accused, obtained both their Absolutions, tho' there were too [Page 125] many Proofs against Legio. And thus did this Inquisition, which appear'd at first so rigorous and dreadful, occasion more Fear than Hurt. Zani died in Prison with Shame and Grief, be­fore his Sentence was given. He was a Person better versed in Affairs at Court, than in Feats of War. His Father, at his Death left him no Estate, so that he was forced to shift for his Living: Voyaging into Syria, when he was very young, he served as a Factor there; and after a long time, traffick'd for himself; and return'd to Venice, with so great an Estate, that he was rank'd with the principal Citizens. He afterwards was admitted into the Management of publick Affairs; by which means, he pro­cured so many Friends, that he was immedi­ly employed in the greatest Offices of the State. He was a Candidate in the last Election of a Doge, with Mocenigo, who carried it from him, only by the Credit of his Family, which was more powerful and numerous than that of Za­ni. He was afterwards chosen General of the Venetian-Fleet; an Office of absolute Authority out of Venice; but he wanted both Courage and Wisdom to support the Honour and Weight of this Burden.

The Pope, extreamly afflicted, since Colonni's Return, with the Misery of Christendom, ap­plied himself more than ever, to find the Means of succouring the Republick; and doub­led his Entreaties with the King of Spain, to make him enter into the League, which he had already projected. This Affair was long agitated in the Senate; wherein such as were [Page 126] disgusted at the Proposals of a second Alliance with Spain, by the Vexations the first had giv­en them, strengthened their Opinions with the last Words of one their principal Senators. This Magistrate, Venerable by his great Age, was consulted lying on his Death-Bed, touching the Course to be taken when the War was first declared. Tell, sayes he, the Senators from me, that they had best to comply with the Grand Signi­or's Will, and make Peace by any means with him; or if they are for shewing themselves brave, and righting their Cause by a War, let them make no Al­liance with the Spaniards; but begin by putting a strong Garrison into the Isle of Cyprus, and hasten to meet the Infidels with their own Forces: 'Tis certain the Pope will never abandon them; and that the King of Spain, to acquire the Reputation of a Prince, zealous for his Religion, cannot lie idle, and see them fight, but will be the more ready to come to our Assistance, by how much he believes we can make a shift without him; and then the Se­nate, being free from the Engagements of a Treaty, may take such Measures as best please them­selves.

Altho' this Discourse moved several of the Senate, yet the Generality were for a contrary Resolution. They imagined a disadvantageous Peace with the Infidels, would draw on them the Indignation and Hatred of all Christendom: And making themselves thus contemptible to the Ministers of the Port, they wouldstart continually new Pretences, and at length demand whatsoever Places they yet held in Greece. This Considera­tion, being strengthened by vehement Exhor­tations [Page 127] from the Pope, made them conclude on a League.

The King of Spain's Council was no less per­plexed on this Matter than the Senate: Some of its Ministers were of Opinion not to enter into a League against the Ottoman Empire; situ­ated, as to their regard, at the other End of the World: That 'twere better for them to preserve their own Conquests, than attempt new ones in a Countrey, the Acquisition of which, cannot compensate the Cost: That, if they were resolved to extend their Domini­ons, they had better carry the War into Africa, whilst the Turks made it against the Venetians; and at the same time chastise the Algierines, for pillaging their Subjects: That, if the King of Spain enters into the League, he must furnish the Republick with the greatest part of his Troops, without any expectation of Profit from so considerable a Charge and Trouble: That, the Venetians inconstant in their Resolutions, and ruin'd by the Charge of their Fleet, would basely forsake their Confederates in the heat of the War, as they had already several times done. They added, 'twas dangerous to send all their Naval Forces to the furthest part of the Medi­terranean, in a time when the Insurrection of the Mores was not wholly quieted; and those of the Low Countreys every day encreased; and that the Resentment of Germany, and the un­der-hand Practices of the French with the Prince of Orange, were equally to be feared. Thus did they reason, whose Views reached no far­ther than Spain: But others, whose Politicks [Page 128] were larger, affirm'd, That if the Republick fell for want of Support, under the weight of the War, 'twould be infallibly carried next into Spain; & the Port had already determin'd the execution of this Project: That, if the Venetians were strong enough to repulse the Infidels, 'twas of absolute necessity, for his Catholick Majesty to bear a part in this glorious Advantage; and if the Re­publick should be constrained, by a Defeat, to accommodate her self on shameful Conditions, the King of Spain would be reproach'd for be­traying Christendom, by refusing to enter into the League: That the Turks could in a dayes time pass over from Epirus to Ottranto, and land in Italy more Forces than could be brought a­gainst them, were the Venetians put out of a Ca­pacity to contribute to the common Defence: That France and Germany were not to be feared in this present Conjuncture; those Princes not daring to undertake against a Sovereign League with the Republick and Pope, who dispose of all Italy; and for which, all Christian States have a Respect and Veneration: That this was a fit Occasion, wherein to give Marks of a true Zeal for the Interest of Religion: That there was no need of being at any great Charge, seeing his Holiness permitted a Tax to be laid on the Clergy, which would furnish a Stock sufficient to equip and keep up a good Fleet: And that, in fine, Whether the Venetians would faithfully observe the Treaty, or make Peace on disho­nourable Conditions, his Catholick Majesty would be advantaged and honoured by this Confederacy. Altho' Philip had Piety enough [Page 129] to be sensible of these Reasons, yet was he more swayed to favour the League, by the Fruit he hoped to reap from this War, He caused the Pope's Nuncio to be sent for, and assured him, That notwithstanding the Revolutions in his Dominions, which might fairly excuse him from entring into the League, and equipping a Fleet for the Levant, he would prefer the publick, be­fore his own private Interest, and joyfully se­cond the Pope's Intentions, as a Mark of the Respect he had for him. He sent at the same time Orders to the Cardinals, Granvil and Pa­checo; as likewise to his Ambassador at Rome, to conclude the Treaty of Alliance with the Venetians, on such Conditions as his Holiness would please to make.

The Venetian-Ambassador, having already received the same Power, the Negotiation of the League began. The Pope committed the Management of this Affair to six Cardinals; whom he caused, together with the Ambassa­dors of Spain and Venice, to come before him, and made them a Discourse full of Sentiments, proceeding from the Tenderness of a Father, afflicted with the Misfortunes of his Children. He began, by shewing them, The Anger of Heaven could not be turned away, but by Fast­ing and Prayer, and Re-establishment of the Ancient Discipline of the Church; and explain­ed himself in such affectionate Terms, as drew Tears from their Eyes. He afterwards particu­lariz'd all the Disorders of the Church, and as their Chastisement, the fore mentioned Cala­mities, wherewith Christendom was afflicted: [Page 130] And having praised the good Qualities of these Prelates, of which this Assembly consisted, he exhorted both them, and the Ambassadors, to endeavour with all Sincerity, the finishing of this important Work; recommending to them, amongst other things, the Re-union of the Confederates Affections, which he esteemed of far greater Importance in this War, than the Conjunction of their Arms. He added, They could not too soon put themselves into a Con­dition to retake the Isle of Cyprus; this Post be­ing necessary for the Execution of several En­terprizes; and even for the Conquest of Jerusa­lem, and other Places, Consecrated by the Blessed Presence of our Saviour, and Operation of the principal Mysteries of our Salvation. In fine, this Venerable old Gentleman offered to go in Person in this Expedition, without any regard to his Age and Infirmities, should this be deem'd necessary for the common Good. This Assembly, having rendered their most humble Thanks to his Holiness, Cardinal Gran­vil desired the Conditions of the Treaty; which the Pope promised to send them the next Mor­ning. The Cardinals and Ambassadors, having conferred a good while on the Means, whereby to repulse and attack the Infidels, broke up in a perfect Intelligence.

This Treaty was very easie to be concluded in appearance; but at bottom was full of Diffi­culties and Obstacles. That which suited well with the Venetian Interest, disagreed with those of the Spaniards; who fearing the encrease of the Turk's Force in Greece and Illyria, yet more [Page 131] passionately wished the diminution of the Vene­tian Power in Italy. They had in this respect, a less Desire to invade, than to defend; and were rather for drawing the War out at length, than ending it by a Victory. The Republick, on the contary, used all their endeavours to make a speedy Decision of it; as fearing the exhaust­ing of their Treasure. The Allied Towns were wearied with sending Money and Sea-men; and the Fields, for want of Tillage, already lay waste. Such opposite Interests produced every day such great Difficulties, that the Ne­gotiation was several times breaking off, had not the Pope, sometimes intreating one, and threatning another, kept up the Confereences by his Patience and Constancy. When they came to Agreement on any Articles, they fell out about other Incidents; and it was determin'd, for avoiding the Consequences, to send conti­nually Copies of the Treaty to the King of Spain and Senate, and expect their Orders; and in the mean time, publish the Conclusion of the League. The Spaniards dared not to oppose this last Article, altho' they knew very well, that such a Report might alarm the Infidels, and ob­lige them to make Peace on advantageous Con­ditions to the Venetians.

The Senate, having examin'd the Articles of the Treaty, found some of them prejudicial to their Interests, and blamed Soriani for not op­posing with more rigor the Spaniard's Pretenti­ons: But because he was thought to lean too much to the making of a League and War; they sent him John Sorantro, as an Adjutant; who [Page 132] immediatly arrived at Rome: He was a rough sort of a man, positive and ignorant in Busi­ness; whose Carriage so sar displeased the Pope, that he had like to have sent him out of Rome, had he not feared Soriani might suffer for it; for whom his Holiness had a particular Esteem: And in effect, he was a Person of great Prudence and singular Integrity, and well seen for a Venetian in Matters of Religion, fit for the Employ he exercised, as well for his Fidelity, as Experience. Sorantro was no sooner setled at Rome, but he grew weary with the importunate Demands of Cardinal Granvil, and other Ministers of that Faction. Soriani pre­tended himself indisposed, to excuse himself from these Conferences; and this Affair grew so troublesom, that the Commissioners, setled to regulate it, began to despair of ending it: Yet the Pope, discouraged by no Difficulty, sur­mounted all these Obstacles, and accommoda­ted all things, but only one particular Article. The Spanlards pretended, the King, their Ma­ster, should appoint the Generalissimo of the Con­federate Army; forasmuch as his Catholick-Ma­jesty contributed chiefly to the Charge of the War; and the Venetians would by no means yield to this. Pius V. was for Don John of Au­stria's being revested with this Character, be­cause he had the Honour to be Philip the Second's Brother: But the Spaniards, who were resolved to exclude Colonni from his Office, demanded, That Don John might be impowered to name a Lieutenant General to command in his absence; designing to secure this second Place to Doria, [Page 133] or else to Lewis Requiescens, Brother to Zuniga. The Venetians had a horrid Repugnance to this; but seeing the Pope's Authority interposed, they thought their Interests could not be better ma­naged than in his Hands: Whereupon Pius de­clared, Don John should command the Army, when there in Person; but would hearken to no Proposition touching the choice of him, who was to command in his absence; seeing this Right ap­pertained to the Sovereign Prelate. Granvil and Zuniga refused this Condition; saying, 'twas to be communicated to the King, their Master. The Pope, who was very jealous of his Authority, dispatch'd at the same time, a Cou­rier into Spain: He wrote thereon to Philip in Terms so pathetick and rational, that this Prince sent an Order to his Ministers, to con­clude the Treaty: And to shew that he would be concerned in the nomination of the Person which was to command the Fleet in Don John's Absence, he proposed Mark Anthony Colonni, together with Requiescens and Doria; and thus preserv'd the Pope's good Opinion.

This Prelate was so vigorous and firm in what he believed to be equitable, especially when the Honour of the See was concerned, that he would not buckle to the greatest Sove­reign in Europe, to maintain its Interests. He thanked King Philip for the Deference he paid him, and gave Don John the Title of Generalis­simo; and to Colonni, the same extent of Power in his Absence. Philibert Emanuel, Duke of Sa­voy, was proposed to command the Christian Army; which the Venetians much desired; and [Page 134] the Pope had no less an esteem of his Capacity; but besides that, this Prince esteem'd it of dan­gerous consequence to leave his Estates, whence his Father had been driven, and of which he came now from possessing himself. The Spani­ards could not approve, that a Sovereign Prince, whose Head was full of great Projects, should have committed to him such a Power. They raised a new Difficulty on the Design they had on Africa; maintaining, the League was not on­ly made against the Turk, but against all the Ma­hometan People. The Cardinals assembled on this Affair, could not forbear smiling at the Pretention, and shewed the Spaniards, That the King of Persia was so far from being considered as an Enemy, by reason of his Religion, that he ought to be earnestly solicited to enter into the Confederacy: That the Christian Princes would joyn themselves to little purpose, if the War were carried any where but to Greece, and on the Grand Signior's Countreys. The Spani­ards refused again to sign the Treaty, unless therein were comprehended the Conquest of the Cities of Tripoly, Tunis, and Algier; alledg­ing, That without this Clause, the People would never be brought to consent to the levy­ing of those Taxes which were necessary for the Entertainment of their Fleet. They would also have a Promise, the Infidels should not be atrack'd, but the Christians ssiould keep them­selves on the defensive part; foreseeing the Ot­toman Army would be far stronger than the Confederates; and the Venetians granted this last Article, as having discovered the Meaning of [Page 135] these Demands. The Pope being tired with the length of these Contests, sent Pompey Colonni in­to Spain, a Person of large Abilities, charged with Packets and Instructions; and who was moreover ordered to lay open to Philip, that his Ministers spoyled the Fruit of his good In­tentions by the aversion which they manifestly discovered against the Republick. Colonni ac­quitted himself so well of his Holiness's Orders, that the King of Spain ordered his Ambassador to pass over all these Difficulties, and conclude the so often mentioned Treaty. 'Twas com­monly reported, the Pope acquainted this Prince with the Venetians treating with the Port, ma­king use of the Fame of this League to better their Composition; which was true enough; for they had sent to Constantinople, and secretly negotiated with the Prime Visier.

In fine, all Matters being regulated, the Pope intended to solemnize, before the Foreign Am­bassadors, the Confederacy between the See, the King of Spain, and the Venetians. He gave Notice of this to the Ministers of the Allies, de­siring them to meet him at the Vatican; where he celebrated Mass; having made them first sign the Treaty. But before this, Cardinal Granvil being come, together with the Spanish Ambassa­dor, he rose up, and declared the King, his Master, was not in a readiness to execute this Year what he promised in his Name: That the Season was too far advanced to work at the Preparatives of a Fleet: He afterwards de­manded, that the Venetians, who had several Vessels ready to put to Sea, should furnish his [Page 136] Catholick-Majesty with them, they receiving Soul­diers from him, and Money for all the Charges of the Campaign. 'Twas agreed on in the first Conferences, That in expecting the Conclusion of the Treaty, all possible Preparations should be made for the War, to prevent the loss of Time: So that the Venetian Ministers, enraged at this unexpected Remora, detesting a Return of this Nature, withdrew to confer together, and brought Answer, They intended to adver­tise the Senate of the inexecution of the Treaty. This Proceeding touched the Pope to the quick; and tho' he was prepared to overcome by his Patience whatsoever might oppose this good Work, he lost all respect for Cardinal Granvil, and drove him away from his Presence; ha­ving first told him with great sharpness, That he saw he made it his Business to ruine the Affairs of Christendom. He afterwards comforted the Venetians, and enjoyned them to assure the Sig­niory from him, that he would so order the Mat­ter, that the King of Spain should religiously observe the Treaty.

Assoon as it was known at Venice, what pas­sed at Rome, , Mosenigo, who was then Doge, and the principal Magistrates, who had been ever of opinion to avert this Storm by an Ac­commodation, fell outragiously on the Spaniards, calling them Cheats, and perfidious People; and changed the Design of taking Arms, into that of concluding a Peace; for which there happened a favourable Occasion: Mark Antony Barbaro, their Ambassador at Constantinople, be­ing confined to his House, since the Declaration [Page 137] of War, was not strictly guarded; who, assoon as he understood the loss of Nicosia, sought all Means to accommodate the Republick with the Port, seeing no other Remedy to so vexatious a Disaster, nor a better way to recover his Li­berty. All the Turks trading in Venice, were imprisoned, assoon as 'twas known there, how the Republick's Ambassador was used at Constan­tinople. Amuti, an Envoy from the Grand Sig­nior into France, passing then through Venice, was also stopt, and more carefully kept than o­ther Prisoners. Barbaro, introducing himself into the Acquaintance of a Jewish Physician, named Solyman, who had frequent Access to the Prime Visier, by means of his Profession; men­tioned to him a Proposal of treating with this Minister, touching the Exchange of Captives; and to try whether he was any ways inclinable to a Peace. Solymon made this Attempt, not wholly without Success; and entreated Maho­met to send some body, as from his part, to Ve­nice, which he willingly consented to; for he was none of the worst of the Venetian's Ene­mies. This Envoy, being charged with Letters from Barbaro to the Senate, arrived just at Ve­nice, when the News came there of a fresh Re­fusal, which the Spaniards made to put to Sea the next Spring. The Council of Ten, which consists only of Magistrates, of a consummate Experience, and whose Authority absolutely decides either War or Peace; would not com­municate this Affair to the Senate. They chose James Ragozzone, a prudent and active Person, who having long traded into Turky, knew well [Page 138] the Ayr and Manner of the Turkish Dealings, to go and negotiate this Exchange; but with se­cret Instructions to conclude an Accommodati­on, on the Conditions which Barbaro and he should judge least incommodious to the Repub­lick.

This Voyage disquieted Pius V. who mistrust­ed this Business to be a Cloak to a real Nego­tiation of Peace. Alarm'd by these Suspicions, he sent for Cardinal Commendon, in whom he reposed an entire Confidence. His Holiness knew this Prelate's Zeal to Religion, and that his Vertue and Sincerity were proof against all Interests and Passion. The Pope entertained Commendon in the Garden of the Vatican, with the deplorable State of the Christian's Affairs; sighing unfeignedly at the Relation of the Mis­fortunes with which they were threatened; and demanded of him, what means should be used to hinder the Venetians from an hasty Accomo­dation with the Grand Signior: For no body, seeing the Indifferency of the Ministers, which were to make the League, but would conclude it past effect. Commendon exhorted his Holiness to try all ways to break off these Practises, and counselled him to send Mark Antony Colonni to the Republick, whose Dexterity and Earnestness might be more likely to prevail with the Venetians to continue the War, by his losing the Lieutenancy in the Christian-Army.

The Pope never shewed so much Heat in all this important Affair, as he did in putting in practice this good Advice: For assoon as Com­mendon had taken leave of him, he sent for [Page 139] Colonni, and ordered him to go in person, to en­courage the Venetians, disheartended by the Dis­advantages they received the last Year, and dis­gusted by the disingenuous Dealings of the Spa­niards. His Holiness shewed him, 'twas to be feared, lest the Mistrust they had of their Al­lies, and of themselves, should force them on unjust Measures: He enjoyned him to use all his Industry to conclude the League, and vigo­rously set about it, notwithstanding all the Diffi­culties, which appear'd insurmountable; assu­ring him, God would bless this Enterprize, and carry it on by ways incomprehensible to humane Reason; all things being easie to those who put their Trust in him. Colonni took Post for Ve­nice; where he was received both in publick and private, with great Honour and Welcome; his new Dignity encreasing the Esteem and Re­spect the Venetians had for him: But the Chief Senators, who had alwayes an Aversion for the War, received him with great Coldness: Yet they knew themselves obliged to honour him, and use some Compliance to a Person, whose Merit rendered him dear to the Sovereign Prelate; and who moreover was to share with Don John in the Conduct of the Army, and command it alone in this Prince's Absence. Colonni, em­bellisht not his Harangue which he made in full Senate, with the vain Ornaments of a fruit­less Eloquence, but by easie and natural Ex­pressions, he endeavoured to perswade his Au­ditors to embrace what was necessary. He be­gan by praising the Pope's ardent Zeal, whose Interest was no other than the Preservation of [Page 140] the Republick; who was to be respected as the only Sovereign that could keep the Spaniards in their Engagements, and chastise them on the Breach of their Words: That his Holiness kept them in his Dependance, by the permission granted (after several Refusals) to his Catho­lick Majesty to levy an extraordinary Tenth part on the Revenue of the Clergy of his E­states; which Money is to be only employed in assisting the Signiory: That he design'd the Church's whole Revenue to this purpose; and would besides supply them with Souldiers, Vi­ctuals, and Ammunition: That they might load their Ships with Grain in the Provinces of the Marche, and Romagna; and their Officers list Souldiers on the Ecclesiastical State: That his Holiness was about sending, at his own Charge, three thousand Foot into Dalmatia, for the securing the Frontiers, till the Arrival of the Naval Army on the Coasts of the Morea: That he granted them the last Tax, laid on the Clergy in their Dominions, which they de­manded; and that they might moreover expect from his Holiness, all the good Offices the com­mon Father of Christians is capable of; who finds himself no less engaged, by the Duties of his Place, than the Affection he bears the Re­publick: That he would leave no Means unattem­pted to engage the Emperour, and the rest of the German Princes in the League: That he would also earuestly solicit the Poles, who are so strong in Cavalry, and all other Christian Potentates, to whom he would immediatly send Legates: That the Spaniards, in whose respect the Sena­tors [Page 141] Minds were to be mollify'd, were in some sort excusable; they not being chargeable for all the Faults in the last Armado: That there was a Mistake in the King of Spain's Apprehensions of the Pope's Intentions, and the Orders of his Catholick Majesty were not perhaps well under­stood: That Philip the Second, does not re­fuse to execute the Treaty, but requires Ship­ping, not having Galleys sufficient; nor them in so good a Condition at this time, to put to Sea: That he obliges himself to re-imburse all the Charge of the Equipage and Souldiery: So that at this rate, it will cost him more than he is taxed with: Yet his Catholick Majesty has fourscore Galleys in readiness, which he hoped to bring himself, if Don John hastened not to conduct them, towards the End of May, at whatsoever place of Rendezvous should be thought best: That besides this Fleet, the Pope would set out twelve Galleys, the Republick of Genoa two, the Duke of Savoy and the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, each of them four, which would follow the Church's Banner: That they had their Galeasses, their Vessels of Lading, and more than an hundred and fifty Galleys, Frigats, and Galliots, which they used in the last Expedition: That the Christians never sent such an Armado against the Infidels before; so that the Victory would be certain if they came to an Engagement; and if the Barbarians, mistrusting their Strength, should yield them the Mastery of the Seas, they might easily land at Nigrepont, or the Morea, and thus repair the Loss of Nicosia: That the Fleet was to be [Page 142] commanded by three Generals, who alone would hold the Council of War; wherein eve­ry thing should be regulated without distinction, by a Plurality of Votes; to shew by this Equa­lity the Expedition was common to the Christi­ans: That neither of the Generals, not Don John himself should prefer his Opinion before what the two others may judge the more ad­vantageous to the common Good; nor have power to carry the Fleet any where without a just Occasion: That his Holiness would nomi­nate him General of the Church's Army, or some other more experienc'd Commander, who will shew no less Submission and Obedi­ence to the Orders of the Sovereign Prelate, than himself: That whosoever was to fill this Place, will alwayes act in Consort with the Commander of the Venetian-Army; and by this means over-rule all Debates and Undertakings: That Don John of Austria gave too great hopes, not to answer whatsoever might be expected from a young Prince, whose Ambition is just and regular; and that being desirous to merit the Reputation of a great Captain, 'tis his Inte­rest to begin his first Undertakings by a sage and judicious Conduct: That all these things considered, he could not stifle his Resentments at secret Negotiations, which have gotten Ayr; and that he was willing to believe such grave Statesmen could not approve of such a Conduct: But yet he thought himself oblig'd to adver­tise them of the Injury their Honours suffered by such a Report; and that they would do well to make a publick Justification of their In­nocency: [Page 143] For in fine, what can be more infamous than to entreat Peace, and submit ones self to an Enemy, from whom a man has received infi­nite Indignities, when he may generously de­fend his Liberty, for which the meanest sort have dared to die? That the Sultan, looking on them already as his Slaves, commanded them to yield him a Kingdom, which the Signiory has been possessors of for above this hundred Years: That they would do well to reflect, what would become of a City, so flourishing as Venice; see­ing in forsaking the Isle of Cyprus, they discover­ed likewise the Weakness of their Capital City, and the small Strength of all Christendom: But he was far from having such disadvantageous Opinions of a State, governed by such wise and generous Persons; and therefore conjur'd them not to be wanting in so favourable an Oocasion, of repairing the Injuries they had already suf­fered; and that they ought to follow the Stan­dard of the Sovereign Prelate, who offered to march in Person, as their Leader; and if they neglected this Occasion, they might, for all that any body knew, hazard the Liberty of their own Persons: That Time was not to be spent in Deliberations, nor Answers returned in doubtful and ambiguous Terms; the Season be­ing far advanced; so that all things considered, the Publick would take the least Delay for a Re­nunciation of the League; and that he could like better, they should see themselves the Mi­series they were threatened with, than that he should thus, or in a fuller manner, describe them.

[Page 144] Colonni was as able at conducting an Army, as making an Oration. He was of a mild Temper, very just and as greatly obliging; he usually spake with as great Ease as Eloquence, and had by a long Practice a perfect knowledge of Affairs; which Qualities had gained him the Esteem and Kindness of the young Venetian Nobility. He had likewise engaged them by several good Offices; and his Prudence made no less Im­pression in the Minds of the Senators and o­ther Magistrates. He had drawn many of them already into the Interests of the League, and mist not one Occasion in common Conver­sations, or in particular Entertainments, of ma­king them understand the necessity of it. The Council of Ten, who did not at all approve of the Alliance, yet saw little forwardness of a Peace. 'Twas highly important not to discon­tent the Pope; and Colonni's Credit inclined the greatest part of the Senate to a Confederation. After this particular Council had wearied them­selves in fruitless Deliberations, for the finding out wayes to amuse his Holiness, surprize Colonni and the Senate, and to entertain at the same time a secret Correspondence with the Port; Paul Tipoli, one of the Ten, being of Opinion, they ought no longer to conceal an Affair, whereon depended the Safety of the State, was was for opening it to the Senate, and referring to them the uncertain Determination of a Peace or War. This Magistrate thought it an unjust thing, that the Members of the same Body should have no participation in their Motions; that some should make the Secrets of the State [Page 145] a Mystery to others; and that the Council of Ten should underhand endeavour a Peace, and at the same time delude the Senate, without consulting them on the Means of carrying on the War. He represented to his Colleagues, that if it were perillous to make known to so many People the State of their Affairs, it was yet more dangerous to refer all to a small num­ber of Magistrates; and if the Secret was bet­ter kept by them, they met with this Disadvan­tage, that Matters were not so well and fully discussed. To which was offered the Accom­modation made in the Year One thousand five hundred and thirty nine, with the same Ene­mies, without the participation of the Senate. But Tipoli reminded them, how greatly this Pro­ceeding had offended the Senate; and under what a grievous Odium the Authors of it lay from the People; so that they would do well now to prevent the like, or a worse Consequence. The Matter being submitted to the plurality of Votes, some aged Persons were excluded, whose Minds being as much weakened as their Bodies, might have been troublesom to the Assembly▪ Colonni, then seeing his Party the strongest, en­gaged Tipoli to relate the Affair to the Senate. This Magistrate, being of great Credit in the Assembly, was the first that disapproved of the secret Negotiation, and that declared himself against the Peace: He immediatly represent­ed that in the Deliberations of making an Accommodation with the Grand Signior, or concluding against him a League with the Pope and King of Spain, the Republick was at [Page 146] liberty to take what Party she pleased: That there is no body but will prefer a certain Peace, not only to a dissicult and hazardous War, but also before the probability of a glorious Victory: That any man might see they would exhaust their Treasure, and disgust the Allied Towns, which supplied them with Sea-men and Slaves: That the Pope had more good Will than Power; and that the King of Spain failed of his Word: But 'twas to be examined on the other hand, whether it was less advantageous to them to enter into a League, and strengthen themselves by that means, than to hearken to an Accom­modation, which could not be effected, but on the Sultan's own Terms: And whether a shameful Peace, granted by an insolent Con­queror, might be expected to be lasting and sincere? For if they were not satisfied in this Difficulty, to what purpose should they conti­nue a Negotiation, which would give them fresh occasion of Disquiet, and draw on them the Pope's Indignation, and Contempt of the Christian Princes: That such who were so great­ly in Love with Ease, as to suffer all things, than incur a War, would do well to reflect on the Motives, which not only Selim's Predeces­sors had, who were Warlike Princes, but of Selim himself, wrapt up in Softness, to violate their Oaths, and break Treaties so solemn­ly sworn: Besides, the Pride of the Ottoman People, appeared plainly in the small Account they made at the Port, of the Venetian Militia; the Disproportion of the Forces of the Repub­lick with those of the Grand Signior, and the [Page 147] small Confidence which the Venetians had in the Succors of the Christian Princes.

That it then lay upon them to know, if after having answered so resolutely the Turkish Envoy, they were rather for renoun­cing their Reputation, than be affrighted at the first Noise of Arms, and meanly beg their Peace, or make a generous Effort; and shew these Barbarians, that the Re­publick, being sensible of the Indignities of­fered her, wants neither Strength nor Courage; and can bring, when she pleases, the Forces of other Christian States to her Assistance.

That it was time to undeceive the Infi­dels false Perswasion, of the Venetians being terrified at the only mention of the Otto­man Name.

That if they now abandoned the Isle of Cyprus to Selim, he would demand that of Candia, the Year following.

That supposing no Loss of their Reputa­tion, by seeking a Peace, yet the Sultan will be sure to impose on them his own Conditions: For, if before the Losses, which the Republick had now suffered, he violated the Oaths, by declaring a War a­gainst them; can it be expected, he will be more Religious, when being become more insolent, by the Conquest of a new Kingdom, and satisfy'd in the Disunion of Christians, he will invade all Italy?

[Page 148] That they had no Reason to rely any longer on the good Offices of the Prime Visier; seeing the Presents and Pensions he had already drawn from the Signiory, could not empower him to avert this Tempest from falling on their Heads; but on the contrary, would have surprized and deceiv­ed the Vigilancy of their Resident; perswa­ding him, his Highness arm'd himself on­ly for the succouring the Mores of Grenado; and therefore they were bound in common Prudence, not to trust any more an Enemy, that came just from betraying them: And now this Minister, continuing his Perfidi­ousness, would by a feigned Negotiation, amuse and abate their Courage, retard their Preparations, and disturb their Con­federacy, and surprize them again with a numerous Army.

That this Artifice would undoubtedly prove successful, if they delay'd any longer from joyning with the Pope, and King of Spain.

That Mark Antony Colonni had clearly set before them, these Delayes would be certainly expounded to their Disadvan­tage.

That it was to be feared, Pius V. and King Philip, seeing their Preparations broke off by Propositions of Peace, displeased at the small Account made of their Assist­ance, would abandon them to their Fears and Confusions, and extend their Resent­ments [Page 149] to the raising up vexatious Affairs to the Republick, on the side of Germany and Italy; so that they would do well to consider the dreadful Conditions to which they will be reduced, the Turks invading them; bereft of Auxiliary Forces; their own being not in a Readiness to take the Field.

That their Maritine Countries could not resist the first Onset of their Enemies.

That the Frontiers of Dalmatia must yield to the same Violence; and their Fleet being far weaker than the Ottomans, want­ed Ports to secure it self; being so far from defending so many Christian Pro­vinces, that she would be scarcely able to save her self.

That the Turks might, if they were minded, come on full Sayl to attack their chief City; and then, what Confusion would there be? What Consternation a­mongst the People and Citizens? What Despair amongst the Allied Towns, who could not be reproached with Faint-hearted­ness nor Ingratitude; seeing themselves for­saken, and constrained to receive Laws from the Conqueror? But what Shame and In­famy will it not be to hear published throughout the World, That the Question is the Disputing a Kingdom between the Grand Signior and the Republick; but touch­ing the Safety of the Venetians, forced to defend their Liberties, and their Lives in [Page 150] the Capital City of their Country. And for to compleat these Miseries, the Chri­stians would reproach them, as having drawn down these Misfortunes on them­selves; and the Infidels would vaunt their subjecting them, by surprizing their Cre­dulity.

That it behooved them to prevent these Misfortunes; the Foresight of which, struck him with Terror; there being only one Remedy; which was, to conclude the League with all Expedition, and joyn the Confederates in the beginning of the Spring, to find out the Enemy, and fight him.

That the King of Spain would set out Fourscore Galleys; to which will be joyn­ed Twenty others, under the Banner of the Holy See.

That the Venetian-Army, being as nume­rous as the last Year, will be far better supplied with Souldiers and Slaves.

That if the Senate was for punishing its Commanders for not giving Battel with Sixty Auxiliary Sails, they must hold them­selves assured of the Victory, seeing this As­sistance was almost doubled.

Tripoli, willing afterwards to answer the Reasons grounded on the Insincerity of the Spaniards, added, They would never have shewed themselves so nice at first, had they not intended to execute the Treaty.

[Page 151] That supposing, there were just Causes to suspect their Conduct, the Turks, who were more interessed than the Spaniards, to break their Word, were far more to be feared.

That if the King of Spain should fail in his Word, it would be then fit to endea­vour after Peace; and that it was of high­est Consequence, to treat with Arms in their Hands, to obtain advantageous Con­ditions, in case the Injustice of any of their Allies, should force them to con­clude it.

He was therefore of Opinion, they would do well, before all things, to send back Colonni, to assure his Holiness, of the Repub­lick's Obedience, and constant Preparations for the executing of his Orders:

And that Ragazzoni and Barbaro should be enjoyned at the same time, not to re­ject wholly the Accommodation, in case they found the Prime Visier disposed to it; but give Advice to the Senate, of the pre­sent State of Affairs, and agree to nothing, till the Senate's further Order; so that in this manner they might conclude a Peace with the Port, if they were forsaken by their Allies, without Offence either to God or Man; and vigorously retake what the Barbarians had snatch'd from them, and curb for ever their Insolence, in case the Confederates would act in Consort: And it being a thing dishonourable to negotiate [Page 152] at the same time the League of Venice, and the Peace at Constantinople; 'twas therefore of highest Consequence to mannage these two Expedients, and not ruine one by the other.

Tripoli's Harangue made Impression in all the Senators Minds, excepting some of the ancientest; who had been of Opinion of sending Ragazzoni to negotiate the Peace with the Prime Visier.

These ancient Magistrates, seeing the League in a manner concluded, charged Nicholas Ponti, one of the most considerable amongst them for his Age and Eloquence, to answer Tripoli. Who began, by reckon­ing up all the ill Offices which Cardinal Granvil and Doria had done to the Repub­lick; comparing the Malignity of their Proceedings and Discourses, to the Fury of the Ottomans; and endeavoured to per­swade the Assembly, that it was contrary to all the Rules of Prudence, and common Sence, to ground a Victory on the Assi­stance ofan Allied Prince, whose Advan­tage lies rather in their Weakness, than Strength.

He afterwards advised the Senate, in ve­ry urgent and Pathetick Terms, not to hearken too much to those specious Rea­sons, wherewith they must be blinded; and to beware above all, of Granvil, who under a Pretence of this pretended Alli­ance, [Page 153] designed only the lessening them by a War.

That the Spaniards were an insolent sort of People, and more perfidious than the Infidels themselves.

That Granvil, educated in the Politick Maxims of his Father, would sacrifice all things to his Fortune, and the Favour of King Philip.

That this Monarch, under pretence of a League, would destroy the Republick; and establish on its Ruines, his Dominion over all Italy.

That they were unwise, in assuring them­selves against these Fears, by the Sacred­ness of this Sovereign's Oaths; who consult­ed more his Interest, than either Justice or Reason.

That they ought to terminate a War, un­der whose Weight their Capital City was ready to faint.

That this Extremity would alone force them to make Peace, when they should have to do with an Enemy less formida­ble.

That they needed some Years Rest, to take Breath; in expectation of a favourable Conjuncture, to regain what they had lost.

That the Peace was certain, seeing the Turks would free themselves, by making it, from the Disquiet which this Triple League gave them.

[Page 154] That Selim, in keeping the Ifle of Cy­prus, was led rather by his Superstition, than Ambition; having no other Design, than the building of a Mosque, and enjoying af­terwards a profound Repose in the Serag­lio.

That there was no Shame in desiring a Peace from an Enemy, the Fame of whose Arms over-spread the whole Universe.

That the Report of the Confederation, in­stead of softning him, would double his Pride and Insolency.

That he would be harder to be dealt with, if the League could not be conclu­ded; and therefore he was of Opinion, they must amuse Colonni and the Pope, by continuing the Negotiation (which might be easily done, without giving them the least Suspition) till they received News from Constantinople; where the Treaty of Peace should be no sooner broke off, but they might sign the Treaty of Alliance.

That this Course seem'd to him best and surest; but the Suffrage of the whole As­sembly was to be expected; and withal to be remembred in their Deliberations, 'twas that there was never a more important Affair agitated in the Senate.

Notwithstanding this Discourse, the great­est part of the Senators bore down the Cre­dit of Nicholas P [...]nti, and the rest of the anc [...]ent Magistrates; and their Propositions of Pea [...]e we [...]e wholly rejected.

[Page 155] The next Day, Colonni was introduced into the Senate; where, the Doge declared, That the Signiory accepted the Confede­racy with the Holy See, and King of Spain.

Colonni, having applauded their Zeal, and confirmed what he had promised from the Pope's Part, took Post, and arrived at Rome; where he was received with great Expres­sions of Honour and Kindness from the Pope; having so dexterously ended an Af­fair, the Success of which began to grow desperate.

His Holiness, being satisfied with the Re­solution of the Venetians, assembled the Con­sistory, the Twenty third of May, One Thou­sand five Hundred sixty and seven: Where, having declared to them the Subject of their Meeting, which was approved by all the Cardinals, he solemnly ratified the Treaty: Of which, these are the prin­cipal Articles:

That there shall be a lasting and perpe­tual Union between the Sovereign Prelate, the King of Spain, and the Republick of Venice.

That they shall continually make War against the Turk.

That they shall equip, for this effect, and at the common Charge, two hundred Gal­leys, and one hundred other Vessels of Bur­den.

That they shall raise an Army of sixty Thousand Foot, as well Spaniards, as Itali­ans [Page 156] and Germans, together with four Thou­sand five hundred Horse.

That this Army shall meet every year in the Month of April, in the Morea.

That if either of the Confederates should be invaded, a considerable Detachment should be sent to their Succour; yea, the whole Army, in case Need required.

That the Ambassadors of the Allied Prin­ces, residing at the Pope's Court, should meet, by his Authority, in the beginning of the Spring, every Year, to regulate a­mong themselves the Preparations of War for the next Campaign.

That the Charge of the War shall be di­vided into six parts; three of which the King of Spain shall furnish.

That the Holy See shall maintain twelve Galleys, equipp'd with all Necessaries, with three thousand Foot, and two hundred and seventy Horse.

That the Sixth remaining Part of the Charge shall be furnished by his Catholick Majesty and the Venetians; the Pope grant­ing them, in consideration of this, the levy­ing of a considerable Tax from the Cler­gy in their Dominions.

That the Republick shall give the Pope twelve Galleys, if he demands them, with­out his Holiness's being obliged to satisfie any Dammage may happen to them; but surrender them in the same Condition they shall return out of the War.

[Page 157] That each of the Allies shall contribute such things with which they most abound, and an exact Account be kept, and Satisfacti­on made for them.

That the Venetians shall assist the King of Spain with fifty Galleys, if he made any Enterprizes on the Cities of Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoly.

That his Catholick Majesty shall furnish the Venetians with a like Number, in case they besieged any Places on the Coasts of the Adriatick Sea, on this side the City of Piergo, anciently called Apollonia; yet on condition that their Army to whom these Succours should be given, shall be stronger than the Auxiliary Troops.

That if the Infidels invaded by Sea or Land any of the Church's Countreys, the Confederates should come immediatly to her Assistance, with all their Strength.

That the Command of the Naval Army shall be divided between three Generals; which are to meet on all Affairs wherein the common Cause is concerned. And,

That Don John, who is to be Generalissimo, shall punctually execute whatsoever may be determined contrary to his Opinion, by the Sentiment of the two others.

That in his Absence, Marc Antony Colonni shall be entrusted with the same Autho­rity.

That neither of the Generals shall set up any other Standards than those which the [Page 158] Sovereign Prelate shall send them, which shall be common to all the Confederates.

That the Emperor, the King of France, and other Kings, and Christian Princes shall enter (if they please) into the League, and that his Holiness shall send Legates to them for that purpose.

That the Conquests shall be shared con­formable to the Treaty of the Year 1537. By which 'twas decreed, the Allies shall be to restored whatsoever belonged to them, and the rest divided, according to the Charge each one was at, excepting the Cities of Al­giers, Tunis and Tripoli; which should be wholly yielded to the King of Spain.

That no Act of Hostility shall be commit­ted in the City, nor Territories of the Repub­lick of Ragusa, unless his Holiness shall other­wise determine.

That the Pope shall be made Arbiter of whatsoever Differences may happen; and neither of the Confederates make Peace with the Port, without the Advice and Consent of the rest.

And thus at length was concluded this much desired League, when 'twas least ex­pected; by the Zeal and Constancy of Pius V. which surmounted all Obstacles, that seem'd to ruine the Success of it.



THe Naval Army of the Holy See routed. Venieri fruitlesly at­tempts the taking of Durazzo. The Cardi­nals Alexandrinus, and Commendon nominated Legats; the First into Spain and Portugal; the Second to Germany and Poland. King Philip, and Se­bastian of Portugal's answers. An Em­bassie from the Venetians to the King of Persia. Discourse of the King of France with Cardinal Alexandrinus. Promoti­on [Page] of Cosmus de Medici's. The Empe­ror Maximilian long resists Commen­don's Reasonings, but at length promises to enter into the League. Commendon disswades the King of Poland from Repu­diating his Queen. Henry Duke D'An­jou Elected King of Poland. Louchali and Caracossa Famous Corsaries. Per­tah burns Suda in Candia. Those of that Island Revolt. Design of the In­fidels on Cataro discovered. Bravery of the Inhabitants of Dulsingo. Admi­rable Courage of the Women of Cursola. Complaint of the allyed Cities against the Republick. Venice Fortified. Scitua­tion of Famagusta. Besieged by Mu­stapha. The Turks Defeated in an At­ [...]ack. Articles of Capitulation. The Christian Soldiers Massacred contrary to the Conditions of the Treaty. Horrible and Cruel Usage of Bragadin.

The Third Book.

THE League was no sooner Signed, but the Pope used all Endeavours to cause the Confe­derate Fleets to joyn in March on the Coasts of Greece. And to lose no time by these Preparatives, he bor­rowed Twelve Gallies of Gosmus de Medicis's ready equipt; for each of which he paid him Five Hundred Crowns a Month: To which he also added Four others of Malta, and as many from the Duke of Savoy, ordering Co­lonni to set Sayl on the beginning of June, to encrease the Venetian Army, and oppose the In­fidel's Designs, in expectation of the Spanish Assistance, which was but slowly setting for­ward. [Page 152] His Holyness and the Republick were agreed to go in search of the Enemy; and ha­ving found him, to engage, immediately after the Conjunction of the Fleets: the Venetians being greatly interessed to end this War in any sort: The Pope on the other hand trusting to the Divine Assistance, and fearing the League would not last long, was also for deciding the Quarrel by a Combat, expresly enjoyning this to Colonni at his departure.

Colonni having found the Fleet ready at Civita Vecchia, weighed Anchor the Fifteenth day of June, and arrived in the Eighteenth, at the Port of Naples; where he remained some days for the repairing the Gallies of Malta, and after­wards came and cast Anchor in Sicily, with 20 Vessels. The Coast dangerous, by reason of the Infidels being already at Sea; he sent out two Frigats on discovery, and order'd those who sat in the Watch-Towers on the Coasts of Calabria, to give warning what Ships they espied, to be very careful in their Observations; and put a Light in their Lanthorn, if they espi­ed less than Twenty Vessels; to put in Two, if Twenty Five; and thus encrease the Signals according to the number of which the Ene­mies Fleet consisted. Three days after his de­parture from Naples, he was informed, approa­ching to Tropea, that there appeared Seventy Sail, which were thought to be the Ottoman Navy. He went himself next morning to dis­cover them, and met by the way with Two [...] Gallies, commanded by Manipieri, and [...]. They informed him that Venieri was [Page 153] at Sicily with the Fleet, designing to stay at Spartivento, in expectation of the other Con­federates. Colonni having toucht at Messina, sent to entreat Veneri to come there, as well to confer on their Affairs, as for that he might there find all such things they needed. Colonni met him out of the Town with a great Train of Attendants, and afterwards they consulted together. They resolved to stay for Don John, although they were certain he was yet in Spain.

Venieri had received in Candia orders to com­mand the Venetian Fleet; whence returning to Corfou, he thought himself obliged to Signa­lize this new Honour by some Famous Action: In this regard he tacks about to Durazzo to be­siege it, although he wanted several things ne­cessary to such an Enterprize. But having found the Place in a better Condition, than he imagi­ned, returned to Corfou, where he received an account of the Conclusion of the League, and expected the Assistance of the Ally's. His Fleet consisted of Sixty Vessels; when News came to him that the Infidels appeared before Candia. Not finding the Road of Corfou secure, he resolved to Sayl into Sicily, as well to hasten the Spaniard, as to hinder the Turkish Army from blocking up the Passage. He received in his way a Command from the Senateto steer this Course, and was well pleased with himself that he had prevented their orders. Colonni wrote to him at the same time from Naples, to the same purpose. He sent out before Sancto, Fran­cis Troni and Daniel Molino, with three Gallies to cruise on the Adriatic Gulph. Sancto was or­der'd [Page 154] to leave the two others in the mid-way, and make directly to Venice, to inform such Vessels as were going to Corfou, to Sail to Si­cily, and avoid by this means the Ottoman Fleet. He likewise dispatch'd one Benedictus, Captain of a Friggat, a Native of the Isle of Cyprus, to the Providors Quirino and Celsi to hasten them away, without any delay, to the place of Rendezvous with the sixty Gallies, of which he had left them the Command, with whom he joyned some time after Colonni arriv'd there.

Pius the Fifth, who was not wanting in any particular of his Duty, assembled the Sacred Colledge immediately, after the departure of his Fleet, and nominated two Legats, to wit, Cardinal John Francis Commendon, and Michael Bonelli Sirnamed Alexandrinus, who was his Sisters Son, and brought up in the order of St. Dominic. The Colledge sollicited for him a Cardinals Cap, as soon as his Unkle was seated on the Throne. He was indeed a young Man, of small experience, but of such a Virtuous Temper, as rendred him worthy of the Sacred Purple. Commendon, though absent, was pre­ferred before several of his Competitors, who strove for that Honour. His Piety, Prudence and Zeal to the Holy See, merited, without doubt, this Preference, and none in that time at his Age acquired such an Esteem and Repu­tation in Nunciatures and Embassies. He had ne­gotiated with all the Soveraigns of Europe, un­der the Pontificats of the three last Popes, es­pecially with those of Germany and Poland. [Page 155] He had made Friends amongst the Chief Per­sons of each Nation, and having applyed him­self to the Learning, the Humours and Inclinati­ons of those Princes, he had dexterously insinu­ated himself into their Favour. He was sent to the Emperor Maximilian, Sigismond Augustus King of Poland, whom the Pope Vehemently desired to enter into League.

Cardinal Alexandrinus was dispatched to the Kings of Spain and Portugal, who in his Passage to Spain, went through France, where he nee­ded extraordinary Circumspection in dealing with several Great Persons of different Inte­rests. As soon as he arrived in Spain, he passi­onately Solicited Philip the 2d. to execute the Conditions of the League in good earnest. Shew­ing him, that should the Venetians grow in the least measure jealous of his Sincerity, they will certainly turn their Thoughts on their own particular Interests, at the Cost of his, and other Christian Princes: That a State which has no Inclination for War, must naturally tend to the side of Peace. That his Catholick Maje­sty had great Reasons to fear, lest the weight of the War should fall on Spain, by a forced Compliance of the Venetians with the Con­queror: That the State of his Affairs not permitting him to manage a matter of this Im­portance in Person, he ought to send some Per­son to Rome of approved Wisdom and Integri­ty, with ample Power of regulating all diffi­culties which may happen, on which dispatch­ing to him continually Couriers, much time is wasted by expecting his Orders, and several [Page 156] favourable occasions lost to the Progress of the Christian Arms. That all Sincere Endeavours must be used, That his Fleet and those who were to command it, arrive precisely on the day and place appointed for the general Rendez­vous of the whole Army; That the Remora's had already cost great and unnecessary Expen­ces, and withal entreated this Prince not to commit the whole Care of this Expedition to the management of his Ministers, least per­haps they abuse his Power and Trust.

Don Sebastian King of Portugal was a Young Ambitious Prince, who was easily enflamed with a desire to do some Signal Service to Chri­stendom in her necessities. The Legat exhorted him to enter into the League, by representing him how greatly he was obliged to declare him­self against the Infidels, and oppose their Pro­gress in the East, to preserve the Conquests of his Predecessors on the Coasts of Asia and Afri­ca. He then likewise desired him to send Em­bassadours to the King of Persia, to make him take Arms against the Turks, on supposal he would comply with this Request, on account of the Allyance and Amity which the Relation of Nighbourhood had long since establish'd be­tween them. Tipoly had been already sent into Spain and Portugal, to Solicite the same thing on the part of the Republick. The King of Spain returned the like answer to the Legat which he had already made to Tipoly; That he would never be wanting in what Christendom may justly expect from a King, whose greatest Glory is the title of most Catholick, and [Page 157] absolutely devoted to the Service of the Church.

Sebastian, whose Youthful Heat passionately desired a War with the Turk, assured the Legat his Forces should not be wanting to so Holy an Enterprize, but needing time to set out a Fleet in good order this Summer, he would not fail to be in readiness against the next, and would in the mean time advise with his Holyness whe­ther 'twere better to make them direct their Course to Greece, or conduct them himself on the Coasts of the Red Sea, to divert the Otto­man Forces; That he intended to charge his Embassadour at Rome to follow thereon what­soever his Holyness should determine, and de­signed according to his desire, to send to the King of Persia, although the Age and Sluggish Temper of this Prince gave small hopes of any Assistance from him.

The Venetians sent at the beginning of the War Vincent Alexandri to Tammas King of Per­sia, in quality of Embassadour, who having tra­versed Germany, Poland, and Moldavia, embark't at Mount Gastro on the Euxin, for Sinope; where landing, he travelled through Armenia, and se­veral other Provinces dependant on the Grand Seignior, and happily arrived at Tauris, then the Capital City of Persia, by reason of his know­ledge in the Turkish Tongue and Customs. He found Tammas basking in softness, encircled with Women and Eunuchs, and returned to Ve­nice without any positive answer from this Ef­feminate Prince. Tammas, although Son to the brave Ismael, an avowed Enemy to the Turks, and who by his Valour had meritted the Title [Page 158] of Sophi, trembled at the bare mention of the Ottoman Arms, and had caused Prince Ismael his Son, who was Heir as well of his Grand­fathers Virtue as Name, to be carefully guar­ded, lest he should by some means or other en­gage him in a War against the Turks.

Cardinal Alexandrinus likewise negotiated by the Popes order, a Marriage between Sebastian King of Portugal, and Margurita de Vallois the French Kings Sister: This Allyance had been already proposed, but no Prayers and Entreaty could make Sebastian change his aversion to Marriage. The Pope desired he would embrace this offer, to hinder this Princess from espou­sing Henry King of Navar, who was a Calvi­nist. Sebastian answered the Legat, who prest him on this Affair, that in Complyance with the Popes desires, he would espouse Marguerit, without demanding of the King her Brother any other Conditions, than to break off with the Grand Seignior, and enter into the League against the Common Enemy of Christendom.

The Legat was order'd to pass over into France, in his return from Spain, to exhort his most Christian Majesty to joyn himself to the Confederates, tho' the Pope could not expect he would declare himself, against an Empire with which he had made Peace: the Civil Wars which disturbed his Countries not permitting him to make so considerable an Ally his Enemy; but he thought it might be taken ill, if he was the only Christian Prince, whose Assistance the Ho­ly See should omit imploring; and at the same time drew a promise from him to undertake no­thing [Page 159] against the Spaniards, while their Forces were employed in the Venetians Service, 'Tis thought the French could not rest quiet, and see­ing Spain without Troops and Defence, they would amuse the Calvinists by turning the brunt of their Forces on that side. Gaspar de Coligny, Admiral of France, a Person of great Courage and Conduct, saw this a favourable Conjuncture for the executing those great Designs which he had projected against Spain. This King answe­red according to the Formal Sayings of his Pre­decessors, That if the Emperor and other Prin­ces would enter into the League, he would also enter therein, as well to testifie the Esteem and Consideration he had for the Holy Father, as to follow the Zeal and Piety of his Predeces­sors to the Church; That he would not break the Peace which was lately confirmed by a new Allyance, his Queen being Sister to the Catho­lick Kings: but as to the Marriage of Don Se­bastian King of Portugal, he was already engaged to give the Princess Margurita to his Cousin, the King of Navarre. Cardinal Alexandrinus shew­ed him with great earnestness this Allyance wou'd certainly tend to the Prejudice of his Af­fairs, by countenancing a Party in his King­dom which would certainly ruin it. He told him moreover whatsoever might render him sensible, of the ill consequences of such an Al­lyance. The King displeased at this Discourse, taking Alexandrinus by the hand, pray, says he, assure your Unkle from me, That I give my Si­ster to a Prince, whose Humour and Temper I so well know, that I can bring him into the [Page 160] Bosom of the Church when I please; That my discontented Subjects will be ne'r the Stronger, for having him on their side, and I have only this means left me to be revenged on them, for the deplorable condition wherein they have laid my Kingdom.

Cardinal Alexandrinus returned with these an­swers from Charles and Philip, well satisfied with the Honours which he received, both in France and Spain.

Cardinal Commendon was charged with a lega­tion more tedious and laborious, by the difficul­ty which detained him Two Years in Germany. The Pope had entrusted him with the manage­ment of two Affairs, the first to use the utmost of his Eloquence to engage the Emperor in the League; and the other, which was no less de­licate, concerned the Title of Great Duke of Tuscany, with which his Holyness came from Honouring Cosmus de Medicis. After the Mur­ther committed on the Person of Duke Alexan­der, by his Cousin Laurence, the City of Flo­rence, jealous of her Liberty, imagining she could not maintain it, but under the Authori­ty of one Chief, chose Young Cosmus, who an­swered their expectations, and opened the way to Great Enterprises. The first years of his Government were traversed by some Malicious and Envious Spirits, who could not endure he should use the Counsel of some particular Per­sons, and dispose of the Republicks Treasure. The Nobility had often retired from the City, displeased at his Conduct: they often assembled without permission, and the Banish­ment [Page 161] wherewith this new Soveraign had pu­nished their Audaciousness, drew on him a Ci­vil War. But his application to dissipate all these Intrigues, annulled the design of the Male­contents, and the different Conspiracies which he happily discovered, served only to streng­then his Authority. Having vanquished the grea­test part of the Rebels, he banish'd the rest, or put them to Death; so that becoming Master of the rest of the Citizens, by Favours and Presents, they preferred an Honourable Servi­tude, and Riches acquired under the Peaceable Government of a Soveraign, before a disad­vantagious and imaginary Liberty.

The other allyed Towns, wearyed with the Pride and Avarice of their Magistrates, breath­ed likewise a Monarchial Government. Cos­mus drew insensibly on himself the whole Au­thority of the People and Senate, possessed himself with the execution of the Laws, and left the Officers only Vain Titles and Names, without either Force or Credit, quasht all the Liberties of the Florentines, altho' Idolaters of Independency; and in fine, invested himself with the Soveraignty.

The Exiles implored the Assistance of Peter Strozzi, one of their Patriots, a Person Coura­gious and Enterprizing, hoping with the assi­stance of the French, to re-establish themselves in their Country. But the good Fortune of Cosmus disconcerted all their Projects. He beat Stroz­zi, drove him from Aetruria, possessed himself of the City of Sienna, a place considerable for its Strength and Riches, and finding his Reputa­tion [Page 162] much encreased by this Conquest, he be­gan to distinguish himself from the other Italian Princes. But Mens Ambition generally increasing with their good Fortune, the Quality of Duke, which Usurpers commonly take on them, flat­tering not sufficiently his Vanity, he resolved to confirm by some Glorious Title, what he had gained by Force and cunning. He endea­vour'd to erect his new State into a Kingdom, thinking it large enough to deserve that Title. He thereupon endeavour'd several times at this Honour, and the Pope, who had ever refu­sed it, at length granted him something like it. He had wrought himself into the Affections of his Holyness, by setting up Tribunals of Inqui­sition against Hereticks, who already began to [...]pread their Doctrins through Tuscany; and at length obtained of Pius V. in the year 1570. the Title of Great Duke, which is not much Inferiour to that of a King. Coming to Rome with a Numerous and Magnificent Train, his Holyness sent two Cardinals before him, re­ceived him with great Testimonies of Honour and Affection, and publickly crowned him, during the Celebration of the Sacred Mysteries. Maximilian, who pretended that Cosmus and his Estate depended on the Empire, respected this Action as an Attempt against his Dignity, the Holy See having no right to his Vassals. Cosmus de Medicis on the contrary, defended himself from being a Feudatory to the Empe­ror; and thereupon Maximilian sent Embas­sadours to Rome, to blame the Pope for what he had done. This Contest was like to prove of [Page 163] dangerous Consequence, and Commendon was order'd to find out expedients. He discussed in presence of Maximilian the rights of the H. See, and Empire; shewing him that the Issue of this Quarrel might prove prejudicial to him, in the present Conjuncture, and explained so clearly the Reasons of it, as softned him in some measure, and engaged him to send one to Rome, to agree on some Expedient which might suit the Interest of both Parties, yet without vio­lating the Popes Decree. This business might have been perfectly ended, had not the Legat been obliged to pass over with all Speed into Poland, earnestly to oppose the secret Design of that King, which was to put away his Wife, Maximilian's Sister, and Espouse a Gentlewo­man of an ordinary Family, with whom he was extreamly in Love.

The Venetians had already tryed the Empe­rours Inclinations, by their Embassadour James Sorancio, who having discovered the Senti­ments of his Imperial Majesties Ministers, found them not at all inclinable to the League; and when he propos'd it to Maximilian, he reply­ed, That when the Truce made between him and Selim was expired, he would then consider the Conditions offered by the Confederates; but whatsoever Instances Sorancio made him to know these Conditions, the Emperour would never talk further about it. Although this Prince was willing the War should last, yet he was fearful of entring into an Affair, whose Success was doubtful. The Weakness of his Body rendring also his mind less disposed to [Page 164] great Enterprises. Thinking himself unable to bear so heavy a Burden, nor of sufficient Credit amongst the Princes of the Empire, who are as much afraid of the Encroachments of their own Emperour, as of the Invasion of the Turks. He likewise mistrusted the Constancy of the Venetians, who perhaps would leave him enga­ged in the Heat of the War, exposed to the common Enemies resentments; besides, being taught by his own experience, that several Ar­mies joined together, was but a Body of an ill Composition, whose efforts, by reason of its dis-union, could not atchieve any great Matters.

The King of Spain, whose Duty 'twas to draw him into the League, did all he could under-hand to hinder it; so that the movements of the Imperial Court were meer Mysteries and Dissimulations. The Spanish Embassador publickly solicited Maximilian to engage in the League, assuring him of his Masters Con­current Assistance to the utmost of Power; so that the Emperor resolving to manage himself af­ter the best manner, that he might not disoblige the Pope nor Republick, gave all outward Signs of his readiness to comply with the Confede­rates. Affairs being in this disposition, when Commendon came to Vienna, he gave Maximili­an to understand his Charge was not so much to perswade him to joyn with the Holy See, the King of Spain and the Venetians against the Ot­toman Empire, as to assure him, that if he would diligently Arm himself, he should receive from the Soveraign Prelat, whatsoever a Dutiful Son can expect from the Tenderness of an In­dulgent [Page 165] Father: That the deplorable state of Christendom call'd aloud for his earnest Assi­stance: That the Pope alarm'd at the Miseries of Europe, had hitherto used fruitless endea­vours, to pacifie the Quarrels, and end the dif­ferences of Christian Princes; and at his com­ing to the Pontificat, sent up Fervent Prayers to God for the defence of his Church, against its greatest Enemy; That his Petitions would have been undoubtedly heard, had not the Chri­stians themselves labour'd at their own Destru­ction: That they were set upon by a Prince, puffed up with Pride and Vain Glory, wallow­ing in Lust and Idleness, yet designed no less than the Invasion of all Italy, having first taken the Kingdom of Cyprus from the Venetians. Tho' the Pope was perswaded God permitted this Barbarian to form these great Projects on­ly to re-unite Christians, and remember them of their Duty; That the Victory was certain from a due Preparation for War by united Forces; That his Imperial Majesty would be more advantag'd by the Defeat of the Musul­men, than any other Christian Prince; That ha­ving the Honour of Precedency before all other Christian Princes, this obliged him to a more singular forwardness, his Place Empowring him more particularly to exhort Europe to a common Defence in case of a Vacant See; That he would not trouble him with the remem­brance of the losses which the Infidels made his Father Ferdinand suffer, nor those he had un­der went himself. That the Infidels setting on the Christian Princes, during their Dis-union, [Page 166] found an Infallible means to ruine them, one, after another; That all the Advantages they obtained over them, sprang from their Mis-un­derstandings; each of them shutting his Eyes at anothers Misfortunes, found himself at last insensibly overwhelmed in the Ruine of his Neighbour; That the Christian Princes had not hitherto bin in a Capacity of attack­ing the Infidels both by Sea and Land; That the Turks usually invaded Hungary, when they undertook nothing against the Venetians, on the Mediterranean; and on the contrary, left Germany at rest, when they invaded the Mari­tine Countries of the Republick: That if his Imperial Majesty would joyn his Forces to the Confederates, as well for his own Interest, as the Signiories, they might with such a considera­ble Army, exterminate the Turkish Nation, or at least subdue its Pride, and curb its continual encroachments; considering the Christian Fleet would consist of Two Hundred and Fifty Gal­lies, and consequently will be far stronger than the Turks, being Manned with Sixty Thousand Foot, and Five Thousand Horse; so that the Emperour assisted by the Forces of Germany, might surprize the Enemy in Hungary, lying open without defence, he might possess himself of it in one Campaign, and extend his Conquest as far as Thrace, and strike Constantinople with the Terrour of his Arms; That the Confede­rates and all other Christian Princes would fa­vour this Enterprize; and the Poles, who are a Valiant People, and so Strong in Horse, would espouse the common Cause at the Popes first entreaty.

[Page 167] The Legat concluded his discourse with re­minding the Emperor, that if he let slip this fa­vourable opportunity, which seem'd to be offer'd by Heaven it self, it must be thought the Divine Wrath has blinded the Eyes and hardned the Hearts of the Christians.

The Emperor gave a fair hearing to Com­mendon's Discourse, but wanting Courage and Prudence to declare himself for the League, he required further time for Consideration, and then returned Answer in Writing. He acknowledged no Prince more interess'd than himself in the Destruction of the Ottoman Empire; so that he must passionately desire it, receiving such continual Alarms from their Neighbourhood, but he could not exercise any Act of Hostility, against so Potent an Enemy, with whom he had lately made a Truce, the observation of which was confirmed by Oath. That his being more exposed to the Injustice of these Barbarians, he must be forced on other measures, than the rest of the Confederates; and would therefore see first what the King of Poland would do, and the other Christian Princes, who had not yet declared them­selves.

The Legat answered, this Method was ex­actly contrary to that which ought to be ta­ken, inasmuch as those who were most mole­sted, and ready to be swallowed up, should shew themselves an example to others, whose States being farther distant, were least in dan­ger. That if he any longer delayed to animate his Subjects by a Speedy and Generous Exam­ple, [Page 168] he wouldrender indifferent the greatest part of those who were wavering in their choice on what side to incline; and when he shall sollicit the Polanders, and other Neighbouring Princes in quality of a Legat, they will de­mand of him, how he found the Emperor af­fected, and what Troops he had raised for that Design; should he answer his Imperial Maje­sty intends to take his resolutions from theirs, 'twill be easily perceived how fruitless his Embassie has been to him; That none of the Northern Princes will take Arms, as long as they see the States of the Empire look on un­concerned; It being also certain, when the Venetians shall see themselves cut off from all hopes from the Empire, and sorced to decide the Controversie by a Naval Combat, they will not sustain this Burden with the same Resolution they shewed at first; so that unless the Emperor gives some Diversion to the Ot­toman Forces on the side of Hungary, their Army will not be able to hold out long against the Grand Signiors, but must lay aside all hopes, and shamefully break that Allyance which serves as a Buckler to all Christendom; and as to the Truce, he need not endeavour an an­swer to the Scruples about that, seeing the Emperor himself had complained in several Diets, that its Articles were not observed by the Infidels, who kept their Word no longer than it held with their advantage, and broke their Oaths by Incursions and Seizures of se­veral places in Hungary; That his Character of Legat obliged him to give an account to [Page 169] his Holyness of the Conferences held with his Imperial Majesty, and therefore entreated him to consider how the Pope and Venetians would be affected, when they knew his An­swers, beseeching him withal to take care lest he repented of his Indifferency, when the mischiefs were past remedy.

Maximilian being full of Trouble and Rest­lesness, lest Commendon should send advice, to Rome and Venice, of what past betwixt them, which would be a means to cool the Zeal of the Confederates; demanded of him some days time to deliberate, further on that Affair. The Perplexity wherein his waveringness re­duced him, the fear of engaging in a dange­rous War, or occasion the breaking the League, and the Instant Exhortations of the Legat, gave his mind no quiet Night nor Day. He wrote the next morning betimes a Note to the Legat, who imparted the same to the Au­thor of this History, containing exactly these Words. The Emperor Maximilian to Cardinal Commendon. I have not slept since the Conference which you and I had Yesterday, so sensible am I of the Reasons you offered me: the Affair we treated on, I know requires speedy Answer, and therefore intend, with Gods Assistance, to come to such a resolution, as will content his Holyness. But I entreat you by the Friendship betwixt us, not to send as yet any positive Message to Rome, till we have had another meeting, which I will endea­vour shall be within two days at furthest. And therefore pray think not this delay long.

[Page 170] He sent for the Legat three days after, and promis'd whatsoever his Holyness could desire from him, but on condition the Allys would send him Troops to prevent Surprises from the Turks, who might perhaps in their Resentments turn their whole Force on him; in which case he must be assured of this Assi­stance, before he could publickly declare him­self in Favour of the League; and withal must know with what number of Horse and Foot the Confederates could assist him.

Commendon answered him, he might assure himself of a considerable supply, and regu­late it according to his own mind. Where­unto, Maximilian said the Confederates must consider what Detachments they could spare from their Army. You will fall into your first unresolvedness (replyed the Legat) if you stick at so small a matter, and 'twill be thought you seek new Pretences to avoid engaging your self; for before the Allys can communi­cate this Affair to each other, and the Result of their Deliberations be known, considering the distances of the places, and length of time which such a Negotiation required, more than half of the Year will be lost; and your Maje­sty, who knows better than the Allys, what Forces you need, may obtain what you desire at the first Proposal. The Emperor having awhile longer held out, on this Article ren­dred himself to the Legats Reasons, and assu­red him, provided he were assisted with Twen­ty Thousand Foot, and Four Thousand Horse, one half of which should consist of Germans, [Page 171] to joyn his Forces, he would attack the Turks in Hungary, and give a great diversion to them on that side.

As soon as Commendon drew this Assurance from him, he gave advice thereof to the Pope, by an express Courier, together with a full and particular account of this Negotiation. He afterwards went into Poland, not only to ex­hort Sigismond to enter into the League, but to disswade him from the unjust and violent de­sign of putting away his Wife.

The Legat speedily passed over Moravia, and Silesia, notwithstanding the rigor of the Cold, and incommodiousness of the Snows of that Country. He found this poor Prince besotted with the Love of this forementioned Woman, his mind being so entirely possessed by this furious Passion, as left no room for thought of business. He endeavour'd to con­ceal the Project of a Divorce, remitting the execution of this Design, when the Legat should be gone. But Commendon by his inge­nious Carriage, had so greatly insinuated him­self into the affections of the Polanders, that he became acquainted with the whole Intrigue, and the Methods laid by the King to effect this Separation. The Cardinal therefore made a Discourse to him on the Excellency and Dig­nity of Marriage, the Holyness and Indissolvi­bleness of the Conjugal Union amongst the Christians; and shewed him plainly he could not break his Vow to the Queen, without dis­honouring himself, and engaging in a Cruel War with the House of Austria.

[Page 172] The King appeared sufficiently convinced by the Cardinals Reasons; but his Passion would no question have prevailed, had not the death of the Queen, which immediately happened, prevented that grievious Scandal. For she seeing her self slighted, and driven from her Husbands Bed, for the avoiding other affronts, left Poland, under pretence of visiting her Re­lations. She staid a while at Lintz, a City be­longing to the Arch Duke her Brother, where she dyed with Regret and Sorrow.

The King of Poland, being solicited to joyn himself with the Confederates, remitted this Affair to the Dyet, which was then held, to lay, by this means, on this Honorable As­sembly the shame he had to refuse the gratify­ing his Holyness's just Desires. The Walaques, a People bordering on Poland, and Tributary to the Sultan, had driven away their King and set up another in his place, upheld by the con­sent and Assistance of the Grand Signior. Bogdan the former King had recourse to the Polanders, who lending their Assistance to his Re-establishment in the Throne, disoblig'd the Grand Signior, which affair gave no small Di­sturbance to Sigismond; who was not for War, tho' the greatest part of the Senate were. The chiefest of the Nobility, with whom Commendon was much in favour, sought by Arms to encrease and uphold their Credit, and therefore zealously promoted his Demand. The business began to be in a fair way, when the Kings Sickness put a stop to the Conclusion of it. For Sigismond having no Children nor [Page 173] Heirs of his Name, the Senate and Great Lords laid aside all affairs, the better to attend to the Future Election. Commendon also was not behind hand in his Care about this matter, as fearing lest some Protestant Prince, by great Sums of Money might prevail with the Senate, and People, to chuse him for their King. But Sigismond without any reason offer'd, than his bare Will, dismist the Dyet, and caused himself to be carryed to Chimieschi, a Frontier Town of Lithuania, where his excessive Passion conside­rably encreas'd his Indisposition. He drove away his Physitians, placing his only Confidence in an Old Witch, who promis'd to cure him by Virtue of her Enchantments. But he dyed within a few days, and the Great People of the Kingdom not being any of them able to pretend to the Election; engaged themselves in several Interests to obtain by their Suffrages, his Favour who should be chosen King. The Interregnum lasted a whole year, and the Estates assembled at Warsaw, Elected in fine Henry Duke of Anjou, Brother to Charles IX. King of France; This surprising Diversity of Affairs, long retained Cardinal Commendon in Poland.

Whilst the Christians lost time in Disputing each Article, the Ottoman Fleet desolated the Island, and ravaged all the Coasts of the Vene­tian State. Hali parted from Constantinople, in the beginning of the Spring, with fourscore Gallies, and other Vessels laden with Provisi­ons for the Turkish Army at Cyprus, and fresh Men to fill up the places of those that dyed. He left Arpagmat with Thirty Gallys, and [Page 174] other Vessels under the command of Mustapha; who lay before Famagusta. He afterwards set Sail with the remaing Forces for the Isle of Rhodes, and passing by Candia, he came and cast Anchor at Nigrepont, called heretofore the Isle of Eu­boe, where the Bassa Partau was already ar­riv'd with all his Fleet. This Bassa supplyed the place of Piali, whom Selim retain'd at Con­stantinople, whether out of Displeasure, be­cause he had not defeated the Christians in the last Campaign, or did this out of compla­cency to his Daughter, who could not so often suffer her Husbands absence.

Louchali and Caracossa Famous Pyrates, came also and joyned the Ottoman Army, both of them Italians by Birth, the first a Native of Calabria, and the other of the Marches of Anconia. They had been Slaves from their Youth, and procuring their Liberty by renoun­cing their Christianity, became of great Con­sideration. Louchali's Good Fortune had brought him to be Vice Roy of Algiers. His Squadron consisted of Nine Gallys, and Thirty small Vessels. Caracossa Commanded Forty Frigats and Brigantines, and the two Generals Hali and Perteau made great reckoning on the Valour and Experience of these two Runa­gado's.

The Turkish Army consisted of two hun­dred Gallies, and an hundred other small Ves­sels of different kinds. Having weighed An­chor from before Negrepont, this Fleet fell on the little Island of Tines, belonging to the Re­publick, whose Villages they plundred with­out [Page 175] daring to attack the chief Town, which was built on a Rock of difficult access, and de­fended by a Valiant Venetian Gentleman, na­med Paruta; who in Derision of the Enemies, shewed them the Garison on the Walls of the Town.

Pertah at the same time hoysted up Sayl for Candia, and drawing in the night near the Shore to conceal his Course from the Sight of the Christians, he gat into the Port of Suda, one of the most commodious of the Mediter­ranean. He landed some men, which forced the Town, and Burnt it, and spread themselves about the Country, where they made several Peasants Prisoners, and burnt many Villages. But Michaeli, Chief Magistrate of [...]anea, charged and repulsed these Pillagers, with eight hundred Men, Commanded by Justinia­ni, a Noble Genoise, who had by chance lan­ded at that place, and which were seconded by some Troops of the Militia of that Country.

Louchali Cruised with fifty Gallys, on the Coasts of the Northern parts of the Isle, where he landed some men, who wasted the Country for a great Space; chance favour'd the Valour and Diligence of him, who was sent out on this Expedition. Retimo, a con­siderable Town, and well Peopled, but with­out Garrison, and ill fortified, lay open to the least Insults. Barochi, Sacredo, and Justini­ani her Magistrates, on the rumour of the ar­rival of the Enemies at Negrepont, were ur­gent with Marinus Caballo Providitor to send them at least Five hundred Men, to encourage [Page 176] the Inhabitants, and defend themselves from Surprise. But Caballo refused them, lest by this means he might weaken the Garrison of Gandia, whereon depended the conservation of the rest of the Island. Those of Retimo, whom the march of the Infidels fill'd with dis­quiet, were seized with such a Trembling at the hearing of the Enemies being at Suda, that taking care only of their Lives and Fa­milys, they forsook the Town without minding their Estates, and gain'd in great hast the Mountains, and other places of Retreat, it not being in the Magistrates Power to hinder them; who seeing this, caused the Treasure to be cast into a Deep Well, and the Publick Registers exported out of the Town, and thus left it. Louchali drew near it with a design of with­drawing at the least Resistance, intending only the Alarming of the Inhabitants, but finding it forsaken, he gave the plundering of it to his Soldiers, who being laden with Booty, burnt it, with whatsoever they could not carry along with them. 'Tis said the Infidel caused what was taken from an Old Woman, to be resto­red her, who was the only Person left in the Place, and commanded her in a joke for all ac­knowledgements, to thank his Countrymen for the Booty they had left his Army, and thus returned enrich'd to his Fleet.

The Pillage of the Country and Desolation of Retimo, served for a Pretence to the Revolt of some Peasants; who being discontented at the rigorous usage which was shewed them in the Imposition of the heavy Taxes on them, [Page 177] and forcing them to serve the Venetian Gallys, were resolved to make advantage of the dis­orders of the Isle, believing this a favourable conjuncture for the casting off the Yoak which they long intended. And in Effect, had the Barbarians remained any considerable time in Candia, and the male-contents declared them­selves, the Isle would have bin absolutely lost. These Peasants not being able any longer to contain themselves, got together in great numbers, on occasion of a Priest whom a young Gentleman had beaten. They thereon took Arms, broke into, and plundred this Gentle­mans House, and murthered him and his whole Family. Which Action having encreased their Boldness, they fell on the Nobility, and made a great Slaughter of them, pillaged their Estates, and shared the Booty between them, as if they had obtained the law [...]ul Possession of it by right of Arms. They wrote at the same time to Perteau, entreating him to take them under his Protection, but he who had the charge of carrying their Message, on his re­turn relating this Bassa's departure from Suda, the Remorse and fear of Punishment dissipated this multitude, several of them returned into their Houses, and others offer'd the Providi­tor to take a new Oath of Fidelity, desiring Pardon for their Fault. Caballo was the more inclin'd to grant it, as apprehending the Consequence of so dangerous an Emmo­tion. But when he understood the Ene­mies had weighed Anchor, he sent a thousand Foot against these Rebels, under the command [Page 178] of Peter Avogaro, to whom was joyned Ma­thew Calergio, followed by a great number of Friends and Domestic's. Avogaro disarmed these Mutinous People, and made them Pri­soners, several of which were condemned to dye, and more to the Gallys.

The Turks at their departure from Suda, drew near a place called Turluro, to alarm those of Canea, but were surprized by a Tempest wherein they lost Three Gallys, and nine others had like to incurred the same Fate. They put off from Candia to make a descent into Serigo, and wasted the Country round about, without offering to attack the Town. They afterwards steer'd their Course toward Zant, where they also landed some Men; but Perteau seeing the Inhabitants retired into the Castle, and bent on a Resolute Defence, dis­charged his Choler on the Trees and Houses.

He cut down all the Vines with which this Isle is every where planted, and burnt such a Prodigious quantity of Vessels, that the Inha­bitants were at a great loss where to bestow the next year their Wines. From Zant he came to Cephalonia, the Territory of which is far more extensive and Fruitful. Where the Barbarians made a great Multitude of Slaves, Drove away a prodigious number of Cattle, and thence parted to Corfou. Lewis Gorgio, and Francis Cornelio, to whom the care of this Isle was committed, had prevented Per­teau, by a deligent Preparation, on supposal they should be attackt. They caused all the Corn in the Fields to be hastily transported in­to [Page 179] the City. so that that the Turks finding no­thing to Pillage, revenged themselves on the Trees with Fire and Sword. The Venetian Soldiers not daring to set upon them in the open Field, laid Ambushes for them, and kill'd several who were straying in search of Plun­der; The Commanders were informed by some Prisoners they took, that the Bassa had no design of besieging their Town, being well fortified; and in effect they soon set Sayl for Supoto. The Venetians had possessed them­selves of this place at the beginning of the War with as great Dexterity as Valour; and Manlio, by whose advice it was attacked, was en­trusted with the care of keeping it, when 'twas taken. The Italian Garrison being dismayed at the Arrival of so formidable an Army, slipt out at a private Gate, and abandoned the place with more Cowardise than the Turks had one before them, leaving their Commander to the Mercy of a Cruel and Spightful Enemy: Yet Manlio defended himself with those few Men that staid with him to the last Extremity, more edged by despair than hope of being re­lieved, but at length was forced to yield the place, and himself a Prisoner.

The War lasting all the Winter in Iliria, and Dalmatia, these Provinces were over-run with the Enemies Troops at the beginning of the Spring; and the Inhabitants of Zebenico who had no Mills about their Town, suffered great Inconveniencies for want of Flower. Hemolaus Tipoli, who commanded four Gal­lys along this Coast, attacked, during the [Page 180] Night, an ancient place near Zebenico call'd Scardona, kept by a Turkish Garrison, which held the Country in Subjection. Hermolaus having taken and burnt this place, did thereby lay open a way to those of Zebenico for the grinding their Corn. He held afterwards four of the Enemies Vessels, as it were, be­sieged, who retiring up the River of Narante, set upon all the Barks which appeared in those parts. Tipoli having given them Chase, they made to Shore, and landed a thousand Men, who immediately opposed the Venetians ap­proaches to their Vessels, but their Cannon forced them to leave them, and Tipoli having taken out thence whatsoever was valuable, burnt them. The Venetians at the same time met with an happy opportunity, but the small Diligence and Vigour they used in effecting the Enterprize, spoiled the Success of it.

There were some Persons sent privately by the Turks to Alexander Donati Governour of Antivari, who were conducted out of the place by some Epirots, that perswaded them by the way to deliver Scutari, a Town well fortified, and the Capital of the Province. These Traytors agreed with Donati concer­ning the recompence of this Service, and the means of accomplishing it. The greatness of this Enterprize extreamly flattering the Va­nity of the Governour of Antivari, he wrote of it to the Senate, not so much for the obtaining their order and further Succours, as to make himself necessary. The Senate judging it expedient to follow this advice, [Page 181] sent him eight hundred Men, commanded by Annibal Emiliani of Forli, with order not to undertake any thing, without the participation of Zachari Solomoni Magistrate of Cata [...]o. Donati vext that he must share the Honour of this Enterprize, obeyed with an ill will, and kept the matter no longer as a Secret; so that the Turks having notice of it, punisht the Tray­tors with the greatest Severity, and more care­fully guarded the place. The Venetians hoping to subject all Epirus, ordered James Malateste to march to Cataro with Four Thousand Foot. This place, besides the Plague with which it was afflicted, had underwent all the Calamity of War, and the Infidels thought to have sur­prized it by the Treason of a Sicilian Captain, who was to deliver them a Gate, the keeping of which was committed to him. Salamoni disco­ver'd this Plot, saved the Town, and caused the Sicilian to be strangled; who was after­wards hang'd by one Foot, on the outside of the Walls. But the Designs on Epirus met with very unfortunate success, and proved greatly dis-advantagious to the State. The In­fidels becoming Masters of a Village about two hundred Paces from Kataro; Mala­teste wanting Experience, and not being able to smother his Resentments, thought he was bound in Honour to drive the Enemies from a Post, which was won in his Sight, and whose Neighbourhood incommodated the Town; and seeing no likelyhood of attacking them that Day, he prepared himself the next morning, and being informed of the place of their Re­treat, [Page 182] he sent one Party before him by Land, and himself went on board a Gally with a con­siderable number of choice Men.

He made sure of a Rising Ground near the Bourg, in which they had passed over the Night, and whence they dislodged at the first news of his March. Malateste pillaged and burnt this Village, enraged that he had mist his blow. But the Infidels, who sent at the same time for Assistance in all the Neighbou­ring Parts depending on the Grand Signior, speedily gathered a considerable Body, charged Malateste from a higher part of the rising ground of which he had possessed himself, row­led down great Stones on his Men, and over-whelmed them in a Tempest of Darts and Ar­rows. This Surprize, together with the dis­advantagiousness of the place, having discom­fited them, Malateste used his utmost endea­vours to make them keep some order, and op­posing the Enemy alone with too great bold­ness, had his Thigh broke with the blow of a Stone, and was made Prisoner. The Turks carryed him to Constantinople, where he could not obtain his Liberty, till after two years Sla­very, and then was released at the Intercession of the King of France.

This Misfortune ruined the Affairs of the Venetians in Epirus, and the Turks alarm'd at the danger with which Scutari had been threat­ned, and Revolt of some of the Neighbou­ring People; sent a considerable Army of Horse and Foot under the Command of Acho­mat, to keep this Province in its Duty. This [Page 183] Bassa drove the Epirots out of the Field, who had taken part with the Republick; and forced them, after several Combats, to shut them­selves up in Dulcino; where Achomat besie­ged them with his whole Army. He batter'd the place several days with his Cannon; threw down the Walls, and gave divers Assaults, whence his People were continually repulsed by the vigorous resistance of the Besieged; who seconded the Scituation of the place. 'Twas a Scraggy Rock surrounded by the Sea, except a space of Land, which serves for an Avenue, and which part was the most strong­ly fortified. Caracossa having taken thirteen Gallies, approached Dulcino, to acquaint the Inhabitants, that they were no less in danger from the Sea than the Land. This threatning so dismayed them, that they had set open their Gates to the Infidels, had not Tipoly and Sora­nio obliged Sciara and Martinengo, Malateste's Successors, to get into the place, with a Re­inforcement of Five Hundred Men, which he had led to Cataro. Martinengo no sooner un­derstood the ill condition of the place, but sent word to the Senate, he would leave it, if he were not succour'd in three days. Perteau, who left Supoto, arrived hereupon with all the Ottoman Army; so that the Besieged having no hope of Assistance, surrendred, on condition the Citizens should only take an Oath of Fide­lity to the Grand Signior, and the Garrison march out with their Arms and Baggage. But this Treaty was executed according to the usual Faith of these Barbarians: For Achomat ta­king [Page 184] it ill the place should be yielded to Perteau, and not to him, who first besieged it; when he was entred, fell to Plundring it. Perteau, who was no more exact to his Word, laid all the Soldiers in Chains, excepting Martinengo, Venieri, Podestat of the Town, and some Of­ficers, whom he permitted to depart, having first taken away their Arms and Equipage.

Dolcino being taken and sackt, the Barbari­an's Fleet went to cast Anchor over against Antivari; a City built on a rising ground, in the midst of a Plain within Three Miles of the Sea, sufficiently fortified by its natural Situation, as well as Walls. The Valour and good Disposition of the Inhabitants would have defended the place better than its Garri­son. But Emiliani and Donai, who were to sustain the Siege, were so much at variance, that they made use of their Authority to deli­ver it to the Conqueror; the Effects of whose Perfidiousness was sufficiently felt by the Peo­ple and Garrison. The Soldiers were put to the Chain, and as many Citizens as were found retiring with their Goods (according to the Articles of the Treaty) were taken and sold for Slaves. Perteau caused the Archbishop of the place to be cruelly murthered, a Person, whose Singular Piety cannot be sufficiently commended: He permitted the two Traytors to retire where they pleased. But they ban­nisht, and secured themselves by a Voluntary Exi [...]e from the Punishment due to so infamous an Action. The Bassa left a moderate Garri­son in the place at his departure, and rased the [Page 185] Castle of Pisani down to the Ground. He dealt in like manner with the Town of Budua, which its Inhabitants had deserted; and afterwards returned to his former post, to retake Cataro. He had sent an Epirot, taken Prisoner at Dulcino, whom he used as his Kinsman (being both of of the same Country) to exhort the Gover­nour to Surrender. He was enjoined to assure him, that in case he yielded to his desires, the Garrison should march out with their Baggage, and the Inhabitants enjoy an entire freedom from all Impositions; but if they designed to hold out a Siege, they should certainly be put to the Sword. Barbaro, for thus was this Epi­rot Prisoner call'd, having offer'd his Proposals in the hearing of the Citizens and Soldiers, Sa­lomoni answered in the name of the Town, That the Republick having committed to him the keeping of it, he would rather perish to­gether with all the Inhabitants, than fail in his duty. In the mean time Perteau advanced up the Gulph of Cataro, thinking the Misfortune of Antivari and Dulcino would dishearten the Catarians, and make them comply with his Offers. But being informed of their Generous Answer, he imagin'd Barbaro had ill acquitted himself of his charge, and therefore caused him to be laid in Irons. The Fleet continued their Course, and cast Anchor under Castel-Novo, to deliberate maturely on this important Enterprize. The Garrison of this last menti­oned place passionately desired the taking of Cataro, confidently affirming the Siege could not be either long or difficult. But Perteau, [Page 186] who mistrusted the Success, wisely consider'd he might set himself more back in Selims favour, by a disappointment in his Design, than he could advance himself in the accomplishing it; and therefore declared, his chief business was to find out the Christian Fleet, and engage 'em: and as to the Siege, it must be deferred till the next Spring.

Whilst the Turks remained in this Road, Louchali and Caracossa with part of the Gallies, went to insult over the Venetian Islands. But Cursolari, which lay most exposed to danger, was preserved by an Adventure worth admiring. Antony Balbo its Governour, more faint hearted and timerous than a Woman, fled the same Night the News came of the arrival of the Turkish Fleet, and was followed immediately by the Men Inhabitants. Their Wives being left alone in the Town, shut the Gates, and by the Counsel of a Priest, called Antonio Ros­cono (who had endeavour'd to retain the Go­vernour and Citizens) they put on the Cloaths, and took the Arms of their Husbands, moun­ted the Walls, and thus stood in the posture of People, resolutely determin'd on a Couragious Defence. This Stratagem was seconded by a Singular Accident; for one of these Women seeing the Enemies Gallies drawing near the Walls, boldly put fire to one of these Can­nons, pointed by chance directly against the Fleet. The Shot was so fortunate, that it struck down one of the Masts of their Gallies; and the Infidels supposing the Garrison were very bold and numerous, retired without lan­ding a man.

[Page 187] The Senate was so pleased with this Action, that when after the War, the Inhabitants of Cursolari, press'd by Scarcity, had recourse to their Liberality; 'Twas answered, They had not so well served their Country nor the State, to deserve such a Favour, and must present them­selves in their Wives Names, to whom they were indebted for their Safety. The Turks advanced as far as the Isle of Lesina, where they landed, and Pillaged the Country; forced the Town and burnt it; the Old People of it were murthered, with all others that were not capa­ble of Service, and the rest made Slaves. These Pyrats rejoined Perteau, who no sooner had set Sayl, but he received orders from the Sultan to besiege Cataro. But he returned answer to his Highness, That this Expedition must ne­cessarily be put off to a more commodious Sea­son, and steered his Course thereupon to Cor­fou. Where he landed in Person with Eight Thousand Foot and Four Hundred Horse taken out of Epirus, and charging the Christians, who rashly opposed his descent, he beat them, and made them retire into the Town. He af­terwards made himself Master of the Sub­urbs, which he burnt, as if he intended a for­mal Siege. But the Cannon from the Castle, which kill'd him several People, forced him to retire. He caused the Fields to be wasted, the Trees to be cut down, and returned to his Vessels without any advantage from so great a Devastation. This Bassa being too well instru­cted of the ill Condition of the Venetian Fleet, tarryed thirteeen days longer before Corfou, [Page 188] without undertaking any thing further, in ex­pectation of News from Constantinople, with as great assurance, as if he had rode in the Tur­kish Ports; which was no small Grief to the Christians, considering how easie this Barbari­an might have been attacked and routed, had their Fleets bin out with the same Diligence, and good Agreement.

The Venetians Celebrated with great Joy, the Conclusion of the League, in the presence of the Foreign Ministers. But if this Union encreased the Courage and Hopes of the Ve­netians, the main difficulty lay in raising of Money, to carry on these great Preparations. After several Assemblies of the Senate, the Result of their Debates was divided, touching the manner of exacting Contributions from the associated Cities. Some were for levying a tenth part on all the Fruits of the Country. Others, That every one should pay proportio­nably to the quantity of Acres he held; which last advice was followed.

As soon as this Tax was published, the Peo­ple were so greatly set against it, that all Con­courses, Fairs and Markets rung with Com­plaints. One Town exhorted another not to suffer so grievous an Imposition, which would soon be followed by others more intollerable. 'Twas every day spread about in all places, that new ways were devised to impoverish the as­sociated Cities; That these Impositions had no President; That whatsoever the Earth pro­duced was laden with Tribute; That no Commodities were free; That Seamen were [Page 189] press'd from the associated Towns, contrary to their Rights and Priviledges; That so great a number of them were raised, that the Fields lay wast, and such as remained within, were overburdened with Taxes; That endeavours were used to render them uncapable of ever raising themselves from these Miseries, whilst the Chief Magistrates lived in Luxury and Wantonness on what they had unjustly taken from their poor Families; maintaining in this manner their Rapine and Avarice, under a Pre­tence of a War, wherein only Venice was inte­rested; That before the last drop of Blood was drawn out of their Veins, the Senators would do well to open their Coffers; That such a grievance was not to be endured, but openly and universally protested against, by which means the Senate would be forced on more moderate Counsels. Some of those who were most notorious for these Complaints, were punisht for their Insolency; but 'twas not judged fitting to pass further, till the Deputy of each Town were heard. The Senate seeing the City filled with these Depu­ties, order'd them to make their Remonstran­ces apart. Their Harangues were all different, some affirmed an inhability to contribute in any sort to new Impositions, having much ado to acquit themselves of the old. Others reque­sted some Diminution; but all in general re­jected the Decree. The Magistrates were strangely surprized at so precise and general a Refusal. 'Twas impossible to make War with­out Mony; and sufficient Supplies could not [Page 190] be had without extraordinary Levies, and it highly concerned the Senate's Authority not to revoke a Decree of that Nature. This Af­fair having bin long agitated, 'twas thought ne­cessary to encline to moderation, to prevent any Sedition; and the discontented Towns putting themselves under the Protection of some Neighbouring Prince. The Senate ha­ving then annulled their Decree; all the De­puties were order'd to be in the Palace; where they were told, That the Decree they complain'd of was made by meer necessity, the Senate being very sensible of its Rigour and Severity; That they had voluntarily revo­ked it, being satisfied with their Zeal and Fide­lity; That this Condescension should oblige them to assist the Republick, according to their utmost Power; That the State expected no less an acknowledgment for the fifty years Peace which she had procured them; That 'twas fitting those amongst them, whose Coun­tries lay nearest the Sea Coasts, should contri­bute most, as being in greatest danger; That 'twas absolutely necessary to provide for a great Army, or resolve on yielding to the In­fidels, and perhaps become Slaves and Tribu­taries.

That Venice, wherein resides the Soveraign Authority, would contribute first; the Ma­gistrates freely submitting themselves to the Execution of their own Laws; That if they consider'd the weight of the Burden they had to bear, they must also consider the Enemy they had to deal with, who without any Pro­vocation [Page 191] on their parts, forced them against their Wills on these defensive Preparations. This Discourse so appeased the Deputies Minds, that they consented to a levy of Poll-Mony, amounting to more than three hundred Thousand Crowns a Year whilst the War should last.

This Talk being over, Venice was vexed with another trouble worse than the former. There were every day Reports spread of the Progress of the Barbarians in the Mediterranean Islands, That having Pillaged Candia, Zant, and Cep­halonia, they would exercise the same Barba­rity in other places, and come with a formida­ble Army to attack the chief City. Although her Situation secured her from a Surprizal, yet the slowness of the Spaniards, which hin­dred also the other Confederates, obliged them to stand on their Guard. They feared lest the Populacy, affrighted at the sight of the Infidels, and struck with some panick terrour, should forsake their usual Traffick, and leave the Town in disorder and Confusion. The Magistrates to prevent so great a Mischief, resolved to for­tifie themselves on the side of the Sea: for Venice is so Situated amongst small Isles, and se­parated from the Continent by the Waters flowing in the Mediterranean, that there's no going on Shoar to her but in small Barks, whose prodigious number fills the Channels, which pass through the midst of the greatest Streets. Great Vessels can come near her only in one place, and neither dare they enter without the guidance of some Skillful Pylot of the Coun­try, the continual agitation of the Waves [Page 192] making this Passage uncertain and difficult. Two well built Castles form and defend the Entrance of the Port, which is shut up by a great Iron Chain, fastned from one Fort to the other. There came Three Gallies from Pola well Armed, which rode at Anchor be­fore the Port, and three great Vessels over against a place called Malamocque, in as good a Condition as the Galeasses. The Continent was fortified with Trenches, Forts, and Walls, which Works were defended by several great Pieces of Cannon, drawn from the Magazins of the Arsenal; wherein were placed ten Thousand Foot, raised in the Cities, obliged to furnish them with Militia, with what Horse they could get besides. Julius Savorniani, in whose Ability the Senate put much confi­dence, was sent for from Zara to take care of this Work, and named General of this little Army. Vincient Morosini who was chosen Provi­ditor, had Co-adjutors, Lewis Grimani, Alex­ander Buono, Andrew Bernardi, Laurence So­rancto, Mark Justinian, and Francis Michaeli. The Venetian's Application to this new Work, made their Strength mistrusted, and in effect it might be said, considering these Precauti­ons, That the Infidels were already Masters of the whole State, and that now they had only their Capital City left to preserve.

The restlessness of the Venetians was encrea­sed by the News of the taking of Famagusta; and the Republick having from thence forward no other Support than her Sea Forces, all her hopes lay in the Decision of a Combat. This [Page 193] News being found false and without grounds, the City began to re-assure her self. But this Re­port proved ominous, and presaged the Misery which soon after happened. Zani had ordered Peter Troni the last Summer to load four Vessels at Candia with Provisions and Soldiers, and carry them to Famagusta. Troni dyed in the mean time, and Mark Antony Quirini was put in his place. Who fruitlesly spending the time, till the end of the year in the Port of Candia, there was another Officer chosen for the Con­duct of this Enterprize, called also Quirini, and Sirnamed Stenta, who took as many Gal­lies, as he thought requisite for this Expediti­on. He set Sayl on the Thirteenth of Janu­ary, and came within sight of Famagusta after ten days setting out. The Enemy had left six Gallies near enough the place to defend the Entrance of the Port from the Christian Ves­sels. Quirini, who had twelve very well equipt, sent before the Vessels which were laden with Ammunition and Provisions to draw the Infidels out to fight, and endeavour'd in following them to conceal his course. The Turks no sooner saw them, but they made out after them with full Sayl. But the twelve Venetian Gallies, which appeared immediately made them get to Land, where they dis-imbar­ked their Cannon, and retrenched themselves on the Shoar. Quirini, who pursued them, sunk two of their Gallies, the four others escaping by means of the Night, whilst Quirini was endeavouring to put his Succours into the Town. He went the next morning in search [Page 194] of them, and fell on one of those great Vessels which the Turks call Mahones, which set out from a part of Cilicia, carrying Cloaths for the Ottoman Army, and three hundred Jani­saries, who did not surrender till after a blou­dy Fight. Quirini moreover took a French Vessel, which the Turks constrained to part from Alexandria to carry Ammunition to Cy­prus. The Governour of Damas was in this Vessel with two hundred Soldiers. He got out in a small Boat to the Turkish Fleet; and his Men were put to the Chain. Quirini entring Famagusta with such glorious Spoils, assured the Garrison of a more considerable assistance than that which he then brought them, and thus returned to Candia as happily as he set sorth.

Mustapha transported, during the Winter, fresh Troops into the Isle of Cyprus, to fill up the places of the Dead and Wounded. And the Pillage of Nicosia, the Noise of which was carryed far and near, on purpose to stir up the Rapinous Humour of these Barbarians, had brought over above Sixty Thousand Volun­tiers, in hopes of Sacking Famagusta, which was held for the Store-House of all the Neigh­bouring Ports, and imagin'd to be full of Riches. Mustapha renewed afresh at the be­ginning of March his Preparations of this Siege. Bragadin and Baglioni, who defended the place, labour'd without ceasing at the re­stablishing of their Rampars, as soon as the the Enemy retired into Winter Quarters, and employed this Season in fitting and preparing [Page 195] all things for a vigorous Defence. But they chief­ly applyed themselves to perswade the Garrison to hold out to the last, and dye like Faithful Subjects and true Christians. The good Corre­spondency between these Commanders, and Obedience of the Soldiers (two things necessa­ry in a dangerous Conjuncture) had saved Fa­magusta, if the baseness of those, whose duty was to succour it, had not abused and decei­ved the hopes of the Besieged.

Mustapha drew near the place immediately after the taking of Nicosia, and told his Peo­ple, when he had considered the Situation and Fortifications of it, that this Siege was far less difficult and dangerous than that he came now from finishing. But mention'd nothing what he thought of the Commanders and Garrison, whose Capacity and Courage he more feared, than their Walls and Ditches. He sent three thousand Men, in his March towards Nicosia, to hinder the Communication of the two pla­ces; of which Baglioni having notice, expe­cted them in Ambush, and charged them with that fierceness, that he scarcely suffered one of them to escape. He moreover set upon their Reer Guard, when they retired into their Quarters, of which more than five Hundred Men lay dead upon the place; ruin'd their Works, and carryed away one part of their Baggage. These Valorous and Generous Acti­ons, shewed Mustapha that Famagusta would be better defended than Nicosia; neither did he think this Conquest certain, as long as the Venetians had one Port in the Isle; and his Pre­parations [Page 196] for the Siege of Famagusta, intimated of what importance he thought the taking of it was. The prodigious Army with which he was to attack it, seemed to encourage him: But seeing the Fatigues of the Soldiers, during the Siege, and what an abundance of Men 'twould cost him, he had endeavour'd to win the Inhabitants by entreaties, and grievous threats. Sometimes he desired them to make their own Terms of Composition; otherwhiles threat­ned them with a Desolation, like that of Ni­cosia. But both his Offers and Threatnings were rejected. He sent then Podocatero and John Susomini, to perswade them to surrender. They were enjoyned to assure them, that he was really interessed in their Fortune; and that they ought to seek their safety in his promises and Faithfulness. But these sayings were of no Force with the Besieged. Susomini was de­tained by Force in the Town, because of his great Skill in Fortifications; and Podocatero o're­whelmed with Sorrow, by returning with such a disagreeable Answer to the Visir, was sent back for fear of the ill usage of his Wife and Children, who were kept in the Camp as Hostages. The piteous Condition in which he appeared at Famagusta, lively affected all those who knew him in his Flourishing Condi­tion. He was cloathed in a ba [...] Slaves Suit, which scarcely cover'd half his Body; His Head was tyed about with a Dirty Linnen Cloath, besmeared with Bloud; his Beard full of Nastiness, his Hair hanging clotted and unkembed, and his pale and meager Visage [Page 197] rendred him scarce known to his Friends, who remembred the Neatness and Gallantry of his Person, and the Magnificence of his House.

Mustapha finding this Endeavour vain, re­venged himself on this poor Gentleman, cau­sing his Head to be cut off in the sight of his whole Army, his Wife and Children being present, who were dragged in Irons to assist at this Spectacle; and this Barbarian thence forward had recourse only to Force and Vio­lence.

Famagusta is situated on that side which faces Syria, the Sea washing the Feet of its Walls. The Rocks that reach from a little Promonto­ry, which is at the right hand of the Town, form a Port very sure and large. Two Shelfs of Sand arise behind these Rocks, the one which joyns the Cittadel, and touches the Sea Shoar, serves for a Ditch, and so closes the entrance of the Port, that scarcely can the Vessels find a Passage. This Channel is defended by a Castle, built on the other side, which answers the Citadel. The Town contains about two Miles in Circuit, she is surrounded by a deep Ditch, and Stone Walls, fortified by several Towers, built after the ancient Manner, more for Shew than Defence, whose Materials are easily beat down by the Cannon. The Veneti­ans had raised some Works after the modern use, according as the time and place allowed them.

The Visir having encamped his Army, began his Lines of Circumvallation, opening at the same time a Trench by forty Thousand Work­men, [Page 198] defended by as many in Arms. He af­terwards raised his Batteries in very advanta­gious Places. The Besieged every day sal­lyed out with incredible Valour, and kill'd great numbers of the Enemy. They stole out in small Companies, and tarryed not for the orders of their Commanders to attack their Trenches. But whatsoever advantages they gained, they lost still more than the Be­siegers, proportionably to their Forces. Three hundred Men, most Greeks, armed with Sword and Buckler, according to the manner of their Country, having made a Sally, were charged by the Turks in a place dis-advantagi­ous to them, where they suffered themselves to be imprudently surpriz'd. They left Fifty of their Company dead behind them, and the rest being grievously wounded, were beaten back into the Town. Since that time the Ge­nerals forbad, on great Penalties, all Persons to go out of the Town without leave. The Batteries of the Besiegers being higher than the Walls of the City, no body could safely walk the Streets, nor abide in their Houses. But seeing their Cannon did not such executi­on as they expected, they set up another Bat­tery against the Walls of the place, and made therein a considerable Breach. Yet dared they not to hazard an Assault, but advanced as far as the Counterscarp, and endeavour'd to fill up the Ditch to the Top of the Breach, to as­cend more easily thereon. They threw Night and Day great quantities of Earth on the Ru­ines of the Wall; and for fear it might be [Page 199] removed by the Besieged, who had already at­tempted it, they lined the Counterscarp with Musketeers, who continually fired on the Breach; so that the Christians not daring to ap­pear in this place, could not hinder the des­cent into the Ditch. The Barbarians fill'd it up to the Rampart; covering it on the right and left with Babbins and Sacks of Wool till 'twas Musket Proof. They attempted an As­sault by this Breach, which would have succee­ded with them, had not the Besieged, who burnt their Sacks and Faggots, driven them from this Post, with the loss of many of their Men.

The Turks discouraged, neither by the great­ness of the danger, nor yet by the Difficulties or Fatigues, re-took the Ditch, and repaired again the ruined Works. They set Miners here and in many other places. The Besieged listning to them, heard the noise of them un­der ground, and made some Counter-Mines. But there was one sprung on the side towards the Sea, where 'twas least mistrusted, that with a terrible Noise overthrew a Tower, and part of a Wall, which buryed many Soldiers in its Ruine. Presently after the blowing up this Mine, the Besiegers, who were in readi­ness, made an Assault on this Breach with great Shouts, and the place had bin lost, if those who guarded that Quarter, and were unprovi­ded, had been capable of Fear. They bore this Shock, maugre their Surprize, with an Heroick Courage and Valour: so that the Commanders getting leasure to draw Forces to­gether, [Page 200] the Enemies were vigorously beaten back. Baglioni falling upon them with a handful of pick't Men, tumbled them down into the Ditch. Their Officers, reproaching them for being beaten off with so small a num­her, from the Breach of a place half won, made them return five times to the Assault, but were always received with the same Vi­gour, and in fine, forced to a disorderly Re­treat, being sorely Wounded. The Besieged, to prevent such another Attack, raised up a new Wall with Forts upon the Houses which were demolish'd, for to make Retrenchments, in case the Enemies should gain the out-works. The Besiegers sprung a great Mine at the Gate, called d'Limisso, which blew up many Men, and effected such a Breach as might be easily ascended. The Infidels, animated by Honour, the Recompence, their Commanders promis'd them, and hopes of a Rich Prey, fell despe­rately on this Breach, rending the Air with their Shouts, and marching over the Ruins of the Wall, on the Bodies of the slain and wounded. At the same time, and with the same Vigour they attackt the other Breach, thus to divide and weaken the Christian Garri­son. The Fight held for Six hours together in both these places without a moments Respite: and if the Men that defended the place, shew­ed this day the height of Valour, the Women also testified more than could be expected from the Weakness of their Sex; for not contented to carry Arms and Ammunition to the Soldiers, they ventur'd into the greatest [Page 201] Dangers, throwing down Stones and Scalding Water on the Turks, who were exceedingly disturbed by it. The Bishop of the City, a Dominican, was on a Bastion near the Gate of Limisso, with a Cross in his Hand, and going with a marvellous Courage in the most perilous places, animated his People by his Zeal and Example. Mustapha, vext at the loss of so many Men, and disappointment in so many Attempts, resolved to encrease his Batteries, to make wider Breaches, and thereon sounded a Retreat. Yet did he not suffer the Besieged to rest, but harast them Night and Day, that he might tire them out with continual La­bours; as soon as the Batteries were ready, they fired so fast, that the Besieged counted in one day five Thousand Bullets from their Ene­mies greatest Pieces. Neither the old nor new Wall could resist this Fury, nor the Besie­ged repair their Ruines, being hindred by such Showrs of Musket Shot. The offering at this Work, was to expose themselves to cer­tain Death. The Christians being no longer able to defend this Bastion, dug a Mine under it, to be sprung, as soon as the Enemy should become Masters of it. The Visir caused the Town to be assaulted at the same time by all his Army in four different places; and the Ve­netians being tired and wounded, could hardly undergo these Attacks. Yet did they encoun­ter the Infidels with more Courage than Strength. The Dispute at Limisso was the most obstinate, because Mustapha encouraged his Men by his own Example, and the Christi­ans [Page 202] were forced to abandon this Post, Some of the Barbarians, who were mixt with them in the heat of the Fight, entred the Town; when Baglioni percieving the danger, so seasona­bly, set Fire to the Mine, that above Three Thousand Turks, who thought themselves sure of the place, were blown up with the Bastion into the Air. The effect of this Mine was so Violent, that it fill'd the Neighbouring places with Ruines and Dead Bodies. Near an hun­dred Christian Soldiers, amongst which were some Officers, that could not retreat time enough, unfortunately perished together with the Turks. The General dispirited at so many Repulses, began to distrust the taking of a place so bravely defended. He had already lost the third part of his Army. He feared, that the ill Success of this Siege wou'd eclipse his Glory of taking Nicosia, and bring him into Disgrace with the Sultan. These Reflexions strangely disquieting him, made him severe with his Men; He sometimes upbraided them for suffering themselves to be repulsed from the Breaches of a dismantled place, into which they might have easily entred. He other­whiles incited them by great Promises to use their utmost endeavours for preventing the Re­lief expected in Famagusta, which would cause them to begin their Works anew. Having let them rest four days, he order'd his Officers with sound of Drum and Trumpet to a fresh Assault of the late Breaches. Himself at the Head of his best Troops, fell in with incredi­ble Valour on that of Limisso, which the Ru­ines [Page 203] of the Bastion had rendred very easie to be defended. Lewis Martiningo bravely with­stood this first Effort, with such Men as he could draw together; but not being able to hold out against a second Charge, more furious than the first, Baglioni, tho' slenderly accom­panyed, coming seasonably by the Gate, fell on the Turks, disorder'd them, and having kill'd a great many, put the rest to Flight. They were received in all other places with the same resolution, being forced to leave the Walls, and retreat into their Camp with considerable loss.

Famagusta, so frequently assaulted, bore these violent Efforts, some of which held four and twenty Hours together, and the Besieged, joining Prudence with their Valour, encoun­tred the Attempt, and brake the measures of the Barbarians. Hicronimo Magio, a Native of Anglaria, a Town in Tuscany, an excellent Ingineer, was in the place, who invented cer­tain new Mines and Fire-Works, with which he greatly endamaged the Enemy. He le­vell'd his Cannon so exactly, that he dismoun­ted eighteen of the Besiegers Pieces, by shoo­ting right into their Mouths, and in an instant shatter'd and overthrew the Works, on which they had spent much time and labour. Baglioni, Bragadin and Tipoli having appointed the Officers of the Garrison every one his Post, continually visited them, giving all necessary orders, exhor­ting and encouraging the Soldiers, and comba­ting in Person with the Enemy in the greatest Dangers. They eat and lay in the Towers of the [Page 204] Ramparts, not to be out of sight of their Men. The Christians, who thought it a point of Ho­nour to keep their Posts, outbraved Death, by shewing as great a Contempt of Life, as Love for Honour. They stood before the Cannons Mouths as if their Bodies had been Walls, and his place who was carryed off, was immediate­ly supplyed by another. Neither were the In­habitants wanting in their Duty, the young People being amongst all Attacks, spared not themselves in any danger. The Ancient Peo­ple, the Women and Children were servicea­ble to their Power. Some tended the Works, and received the Soldiers Command with a wonderful readyness. The Ancient Women led on, and encourag'd by the Ecclesiasticks, brought Victuals and other Necessaries to the main Guards, and Posts furthest advanced. A Great Store-House was raised, into which eve­ry particular Person had put in what his House yielded; and lest Money should be wanting during the Siege, new was Coyned of Brass, with the Arms of the Republick, whereon was put a Price, the value of which was to be paid in Silver as soon as the War should be ended. 'Twas judged that Famagusta might have been saved, had the Venetians sent any conside­rable Succours. The Valour and good Con­duct of the Commanders, the Courage of the Garrison, and Firmness of the Citizens, who held out four Months against the vigorous At­tempts of a numerous and formidable Army, resolved to dye with Arms in their Hands, and who destroyed Sixty Thousand Barbarians, [Page 205] would have certainly made them raise the Siege, had the Republick seconded these brave and generous Resolutions.

Hierom Ragazoni, Bishop of Famagusta, ha­ving been entreated by Bragadin and Baglioni to go and demand Succour of the Senate; slipt out in the Night through the Enemies Sentinels, past over into Candia, and got to Venice. He shewed the Magistrates the piteous state of the Town, and spared neither Prayers nor Tears to move them to Compassion. The two Commanders had already made known this Extremity to the Republick, and that it was impossible to hold out longer, unless they were speedily supplyed with new Troops and Ammunition. Bragadin o'rewhelmed with Despair, yet complained pathetically to see himself thus forsaken, recommending his Children to the Senate, whom he comforted in his Letters, and exhorted to be ever true to their Religion and Country according to his Example. Which Letters being read in Full Senate, set all the Kindred of Bragadin on wee­ping. But this afflicted Family found more Compassion than Assistance from these Magi­strates. Genevre Salviati, Baglionies Wife, whose Spirit was enflamed by the Grief to see her Husband in such danger, could not re­frain from breaking out into Reproaches. She every where published, That if the Republick forsook a Person so greatly devoted to their Service in such a pressing Extremity, they must not expect hence forward that any Man will adhere to their Party. Having held this [Page 206] Discourse before the Chiefest of the City; she afterwards went and importun'd the Senate, and forced them by her Clamours to meet and consult on a Remedy; but 'twas no where to be found. All the Troops were embarkt on the Fleet, on design of a general Engagement: They knew not on whom to cast their Eyes, and no body offered himself to execute so peri­lous an Enterprize. Genevre, who had not only the Courage of a Man, but of a generous Soldier, importun'd an order from them of conducting these Succours, alledging her Sex was not to be minded, seeing a Womans love to her Husband would transport her beyond all Dangers. Her restlesness making her a­fraid of the Senate's tedious Deliberations, she sent to Perusia, where Baglioni's Family was of great Consideration, secretly to raise Men, and draw together his Friends and De­pendants, being resolved in her own Person, and at her own Expence, to conduct a Succour to Famagusta, in case the Senate came not to speedy determination. In fine, to lessen her Discontent, 'twas agreed, there should be sent to Bragadin 700 Foot which were designed for the Navy, with Orders to Honorius Scotto their Collonel to convey them thither. At the same time Orders were given to make rea­dy two Vessels, for the carrying all manner of Refreshments, the Command of which was given to Nicholas Donati. At his departure he was advised to be careful of his way, and steer towards Candia, there to learn News of the Enemy: These Succours were long in [Page 207] preparing, that Genevre had no less difficulty to hasten them away, than to obtain them: and for the compleating her Despair, the Senate forbad her making use of this opportunity of going to her Husband. Donati was no dili­genter in his Voyage, than in his setting forth: and yet the Fame of this mean Supply might have preserved Famagusta, and this relief might have arrived time enough, had he in­stead of going on Shoar at Crete, only coasted the Isle towards the South, to avoid meeting with the Infidels. But he unfortunately put in at Candia, that he might be more particularly instructed in his way, and confer with the orher Officers of the Venetian Fleet about it. The Providitor Caballo staying him on several pretences, made him lose the opportunity of ex­ecuting so generous a design. 'Tis true, he was not the most to blame, Caballo's Avarice, and Quirini's Spleen being the principal causes of his stay. Caballo desired to make advantage of the Provisions, Donati was carrying to Famagusta; and Quirini was glad of this occasion to re­venge himself of the Senate's Ingratitude, in not acknowledging the Service, he had done by his former Succouring the same place. The other Officers in vain remonstrated to him the necessity of saving a place of that Consequence, nor was it to any purpose to represent, that such gallant Men well deser­ved to be relieved, and this second Attempt would crown his former Action. We must (answered he furiously) make the Senate feel the want of such Men as we, learn to recom­pence [Page 208] those Citizens who serve them Faithful­ly in their Armies, and no longer bestow all their Favours to support the Ambitious hu­mour of those who take their ease at home. 'Tis said, That Quirini, advanced from ex­tream Poverty to great Wealth, was thereby become less active, loving more to enjoy what he had gotten, than gain Reputation. But during these Disputes, he received orders from Venieri to repair immediately to Sicily, so that setting Sayl, and leaving Donati disabled to conduct his Succours, the Besieged, continu­ally prest by Fire and Sword, tired out with numerous Inventions and Stratagems, assaul­ted by the Enemies Cannon, as well by Sea as Land; their Gallies having approached the Walls to reduce them to despair, held out yet longer, resolved to defend themselves to the last, in hopes of being soon relieved.

Tho the Famagustians had by four Months Siege lost the greatest part of their Garrison, there remaining but eight hundred Italians, wearyed out and wounded, yet were they not discouraged, till they had spent their Powder and other Provisions. All the Stores were exhausted, and the Famine was so great, that they had several days fed on Horses, Asses, Dogs, Cats, and such like Creatures, so that Toyl and Hunger had quite exhausted their Spirits. The Commanders, who never before would hearken to any Proposals of yielding, began to be touched with the Mise­ries of the Inhabitants. These poor People told Bragadin, That having given so many [Page 209] Marks of their Courage and Fidelity, in hopes of being succour'd; they must think of sur­rendring on honourable Conditions; before the Enemy became instructed of the deplora­ble State, to which they were reduced; That some care must be taken to preserve the Re­mains of a place, whose Zeal and Faithful­ness the Republick had sufficiently experien­ced: That a longer and more obstinate Resi­stan [...] was not to be affected; lest they should draw on themselves a Disaster, like that of Nicosia; That they should be yet worse trea­ted then the Nicosians, having held out longer; That he would consider how cruelly the Bar­barians might use the Christians when taken Prisoners, having so often felt their Valour; and whether he could consent to the Sack of the Town, and the delivering up himself with the Wives and Children of so many gallant Citizens, who had suffered all the Extremities of War, in the Service of the State and their Country. Such pressing reasons perswaded in fine, Bragadin and Baglioni; The latter ta­king Heaven to Witness, that it was not he who rendred the Town, but the Senate gave up him to the Enemy. On the First of August, there was by general consent a White Flag set upon the Walls, to let the Besiegers under­stand they were inclinable to a Treaty. There was at the same time a Cessation of Arms, Deputies were sent, and Hostages given on both sides. Hercules Martinengo and Mathew Colcio, sent to treat with Mustapha, were re­ceived by his Son, who conducted them into [Page 210] the Camp in great State. The Turkish En­voys were at their entrance into the Town treated by the Governours with like Ho­nour.

After many Conferences, Famagusta was at last deliver'd up on these Conditions; The In­habitants were to be suffered fully and quietly to enjoy their Estates, with Liberty of Consci­ence, and the free exercise of their Religion. The Garrison was to go forth with Flying Co­lours, Arms and Baggage. The Comman­ders were to take with them five Pieces of Cannon, such as they pleased out of the place; and three Horses of State taken from the Infidels. They were to be supplyed with Ves­sels to transport them into Candia; with a Squadron of Gallies for their Convoy. Musta­pha was too well informed of what past in the Town, to be ignorant of their Extremity: but he fear'd, he increasing the Christians Cou­rage should drive them to Despair, by refusing the Conditions, and was willing to spare the rest of his Army. But if he accepted the Ca­pitulation, 'twas on design to falsifie his Word, and by cruel Punnishments to avenge him­self on them, for the time and Men he had lost. The next day, the better to conceal his Treach­ery, he kindly presented the Christians with all sorts of Refreshments. The greatest part of the Garrison and of the Baggage was alrea­dy on board the Vessels to transport them, when Bragadin, coming forth of the Town, sent to request Mustapha, he would put in some of his Men, to preserve the Inhabitants from [Page 211] ill usage. The Desire met with a kind Re­ception from the Visir, who appointed when Bragadin should come to him. He went ac­companyed by Baglioni, Tiepoli, Lewis and Hector Martinengo, with several other Offi­cers, and attended by near Two Hundred Musketeers. Mustapha, on pretence of do­ing them Honour, made the Troops about his Tent stand to their Arms. He, and the Chief of his Company were brought in, and had Seats given them with great Ceremony. The Visir at first spake to them very kindly, enqui­ring concerning many particulars of the Siege, and commending their Courage and Constancy, with a Flattery the more perfidious, in that he was going to cut their Throats. As they were taking their leave, he spake to Bragadin, to send him the Prisoners, taken during the Siege. Bragadin extreamly surprized, answered him he knew not of any Prisoners to return him: and thereupon this Barbarian, who was pre­pared for it, putting on Astonishment, cryed out furiously, That they were then murthe­red during the Truce, and at the same time caused all these Christians to be seized on, and put in Irons. 'Twas in vain for them to ex­claim against the Breach of the Articles; They were dragg'd out of his Tent, and cruelly slain in his Sight.

The Unfortunate Bragadin, was saved from this slaughter, to satiate the Tyrants Rage, by undergoing the greatest Torments. Mustapha, desiring to make him suffer more than one Death, set thrice his Scimitar to his Throat; [Page 212] which this Illustrious Christian still undaunted­ly beheld. Having cut off his Nose and his Ears, they threw him with Irons on his Legs into a hole, whence the Executioners drew him on the following days, to make him carry Earth in a Basket. They made him bow down with this heavy Burthen, and kiss the ground every time he past before Mustapha, who was setting Men at work to repair the Fortificati­ons of Famagusta. He was afterwards put on Board the Fleet, where he suffer'd several other Indignities. They tyed him to one of the Yards of the Gally, to make the Deformity of his Visage more publick. He was drawn into the Market place, and being hung up by the Heels, was flead alive. The Cruelty of this Torment, drew not from him so much as a Sigh, or the least word that savour'd of Meanness and Dejection; and this Hero sur­rendred his Soul to God, reproaching his Ene­mies with their Perfidiousness and Barbarity. His Skin seasoned with Vineger and Salt, Mustapha caused to be stuffed with Hay, and fastned on the Top of his Cabin for a Spectacle to the Coasts of Aegypt and Syria. 'Twas put into the Arsenal of Constantinople, whence the Children of this generous Martyr redee­med it, and preserv'd it as the most Glorious Trophy of their Family. The Fury of Musta­pha being appeased by this Barbarous Execution, he gave the rest of the Garrison their Lives, but chained them to the Oar. Thus Famagusta, as valiantly defended, as 'twas obstinately at­tackt, followed the mournful Destiny of the unhappy Isle of Cyprus.



THe Arrival of Don John of Austria at Genoa. Great de­liberation amongst the General Officers, on the different Designs of the Confede­rates. Great Mis-understandings in the Christian Army, the ill Consequences of which are prevented by Colonni. Ad­vice of Perteau, touching the Battle▪ Mutual Errour of the two Enemies Fleets. Order of Battel of both. Discourse of the Osficers to the Soldiers. War-like Exploits of the Christian Slaves. Vi­ctory [Page 214] on their side. Hali kill'd on his own Vessel. Perteau saves himself in a small Boat. Number of the slain, of the Prisoners and Turkish Gallies taken and sunk. Famous Action of the two Brothers of the House of Cornaro. The Providitor Barbarigo kill'd in the Fight. Venieri and Don John's Disa­greement. This Mis-understanding spoils the Fruit of the Victory. Publick re­joycing at Venice. Colonni receiv'd at Rome as a Conquerour. Venieri besieges Leucada without Success. Com­plaints carryed to the Senate of his Con­duct. He is removed from his Office at the Popes Request. James Forscari­ni succeeds him. Consternation in Con­stantinople. Disgrace of Perteau. Pius V. falls Sick. His Death and Elogium.

The Fourth Book.

WHILST the Barbarians finish't the Conquest of the Isle of Cyprus, Colonni and Venieri, who expected in Sicily Don John of Au­stria, beheld with grief the Desolation of Dal­matia. Venieri, advancing too far with his Fleet for the taking in of Provisions at Tropia, was surprized by a Tempest, in which he lost Se­ven Gallies, that were dasht in pieces against the Rocks near the Shoar; and for to com­pleat this Misfortune, the Fire took the Pow­der of the Gallies, commanded by Francis Gri­ti. These Disgraces joyned to the Losses, which the Venetians suffered in the last Cam­paign, [Page 216] afflicted them the more, by how much they placed all their hopes in the Naval For­ces. The Pope, who grew impatient at the slowness of the Spaniards, continually dispatcht Couriers to King Philip, complaining at their letting slip the best part of the Season, without drawing any advantage from all these great Preparations of War. All Europe was atten­tive to the motions of the Spaniards. But whether 'twas an effect of the Gravity of the Nation, or that Philip design'd the Republick's Ruine; his small hast to second the Soveraign Prelate's Intentions, gave cause to mistrust his Sincerity. Although the time wherein his Fleet was to arrive in Italy was expired, and the Season already far spent, 'twas not yet well known, what was to be expected on that hand, and the Conduct of Don John gave great Sus­picions to the Republick. This young Prince, whose Army was ready to part, busied him­self in fitting up his Equipage, by the Magnifi­cence of which he pretended to draw admira­tion from all other Countries. Besides, this pittiful reason, Maximilian's two eldest Sons, whom the Empress their Mother caused to be brought up near Philip the 2d. their Unkle, waited the occasion of this Fleet, to pass over into Italy. One of these Princes fell sick, and was a good while before he recover'd, so that the Gallies could not leave the Port of Barcelo­lona; and the Venetians murmured against this delay, so prejudicial to the Affairs of Chri­stendom; and caused by reasons of such small moment. In fine, Pius V. sharply affirming, [Page 217] the interests of Religion, were betrayed, by abandoning the Confederates; the Spaniards ashamed at these Reproaches, set Sayl, and ar­rived at Genoa, towards the end of July, by afavourable Wind; Don John landed, and dispatcht at the same time Plegio, one of his Gentlemen, to give notice to the Pope of his arrival in Italy, and assure him he would, by his future diligence, make amends for the time he had lost. Yet he tarryed some days at Ge­noa, during which Doria, who entertain'd him in his Palace, treated him with whatsoever the Magnificence and abundance of the Country yielded. Antony Tiepoli, who was going Em­bassadour into Spain, was order'd to wait on him at Genoa, to compliment him in the name of the Senate, and entreat his immediate de­parture, for the Relief of those unhappy Peo­ple, that wanted his Assistance. He dismist some German Lords, who were to go to Mi­land by Land; sent to Naples one part of his Fleet, under the Command of the Marquis of St. Cruce, to make ready all things there for his Reception, and some days after took the same Course. Cardinal Granvil, who lately succeeded Riberio, in the Government of the City and Kingdom of Naples, presented him with a Standart, which he had received from the Pope. Don John parted immediately af­terwards, and came on the 17th. day of August to Messina. Colonni and Venieri went out to meet him with all their Gallies. They shew­ed, to oblige him to use greater Diligence in his passage to Greece, the engagement of the [Page 218] Treaty of Allyance, and disadvantages of the Venetians, for want of his Assistance.

Paul Odescalchi, a Prelate of a singular Vir­tue, was dispatcht to him from his Holyness, to joyn his Exhortations and Entreaties to the Venetian's Remonstrances.

Don John excused his stay, by laying it on the Preparations of the King of Spains Arma­do; and complain'd of certain Discourses, stuft with Outrages and Lies; by which 'twas endeavour'd to perswade the Publick, that his Catholick Majesty and he, were not willing to engage the Infidels, whatsoever occasion might offer it self of receiving, or bidding Defiance. He afterwards returned the Pope and Repub­lick thanks for their Esteem and Confidence in him, notwithstanding his Youth and inexperi­ence, assuring them he would be wanting in nothing, his Honour required, for the defence of their Interests. But this was a very diffe­rent Strain from that which was used in the Council which was given him. It was compo­sed of Spaniards, of Doria, Landriani Governour of Sicily, Sforza Count of St. Flora, Ascanius Corneo, and Gabriel Cerbellon. Requiescens, in whom resided the greatest Authority, during this Expedition, shewed, that laying aside all Punctilio's of Honour, they ought to avoid the engaging the Turkish Fleet; That the Venetian's Interests were quite different from the King of Spains; That the Republick still dismayed with the danger she had run, and despairing of making with the Sultan any reasonable acco­modation, was for playing a desperate Game, and hazzarding all; whereas his Catholick [Page 219] Majesty, who was led neither by Necessity nor Despair, could not endanger a Fleet, whose Conservation was to be reckoned of equal value with Victory; and that Don John ought more to prize the Honour, he had of being the King of Spains Brother, than the Command of the Confederates Army. The Italian Captains knew that Requiescens had his Masters Secret, and therefore they hearkned to him with as much respect, as if he had been the King that spake: They only answered, 'twas to be feared lest the Venetians, trusting no longer to the Assistance of their Allies, should clap up a shameful Peace, which might sharpen the Pope against Philip of Spain. Yet 'twas determin'd to go as far as Greece, as if 'twas designed to carry the War thither; and having amused the Vene­tians during the whole Summer, they should then return and lay up their Gallies in the Ports. Quirini and Canali, Providitors to the Venetian Army, brought Sixty Gallies from Candia to Messina, perswaded the Spaniards were in ear­nest. Doria and the rest of the Fleet being come thither likewise, the Council was call'd, in which 'twas resolved to sayl towards the Morea, Colonni and Venieri having desired it with great Entreaties. A review was made of the three Fleets, and because the Venetians had more Vessels than they needed, and there being a want of them in the King of Spains Fleet, Soldiers were offered in exchange on his part, which were accepted by the Venetians, so that four Thousand Italians were embark't on the Republicks Gallies at the Spaniards cost [Page 220] for whose Maintenance and Support they la­ded great store of Provisions.

All these things being thus prepared for a departure, the Generals, Officers and Soldiers went on board, having first devoutly received the Sacred Host, and set Sayl the fourteenth day of September, by the favour of a fair Wind. They carryed along with them the Vows and Benedictions of all the People of Sicily, and other Neighbouring Countries, who came down in great Concourses to Messina, to see the most numerous Navy which the Christians ever set forth; who made the Port and Coasts ring with Shouts of Joy. The Flower of the Italian Nobility was in this Fleet, several of them having signaliz'd themselves by Valorous Actions, as Sforza Count of St. Flora, Andrew Doria, Ascaneus Corneo, Pompey Colonni, Paul Ursin and Latin his Brother, Gabriel Cerbellon, Paul Sforza, Honorius Cajetan, Vincent Vitelli, and several others of the best Families in the Kingdom of Naples, Augustin Barbarigo, Mark Quirini, Antony Canali and Paul Duodi, Noble Venetians. There were also Spaniards of a di­stinct merit; namely, Lewis Requiescens, Chief of the Council to Don Iohn of Austria, Alva­r [...]z Basano, Marquis of St. Cruce, John of Cor­dovia, and several other Gentlemen of Note. But those who held the first Rank by their Birth, were Francis Maria of Rovere, and Alexander Farnese; the first, Son to Duke Urbin; the second, to the Duke of Parma; and Paul Jourdan, chief of the Illustrious Fa­mily of the Ursins, and Son-in-Law to Cosmus [Page 221] de Medicis Great Duke of Tuscany. Pius V. sent also Michael Bonelli his Kinsman, Brother to Cardinal Alexandrinus, to serve his first Ap­prentiship under such great Captains. All these Young Lords, attended by a great num­ber of Domesticks, zealous for the Honour of their Religion, had embarkt themselves in the quality of Volunteers. Although Don John of Austria won the publick Affections by his Youth, his Martial Ayr and Good Mein, yet the Generality of People could not but fear the Success of an Affair, whereon depended the Welfare of Christendom, which needed a Commander of great Courage and Experi­ence. The Naval Army consisted of two hun­dred and ten Gallies, each of which carryed an hundred and fifty Soldiers, armed with Muskets, Swords, and kind of Half Pikes, of twenty eight great Ships of Burden, Ves­sels which having only Sayls, move not with that speed, as the Gallies do. These were la­den with Men, with all kind of Arms, Ma­chins of War, and commanded by Caesar d' A­valois, a Neapolitan Gentleman. There were besides six Galeasses, which were floating Castles, carrying Guns of the greatest Size, and which Fear neither the Attacks of the Ene­mies, nor the violence of the Waves.

This numerous Fleet, having weighed An­chor from the Port of Messina, at Sun rising, after four hours Sayl, came to the Premento­ry of St. John; where she r [...]de the remaining part of the day and the night following, to take in Fresh Water, and other Necessaries. [Page 222] The next Morning she used no greater diligence, the Spaniards still busying themselves in these kind Employs, and spending much time there­in. Venieri, who suspected these Amusements, shewed a great deal of Impatience; Don John having sent him word, he took in fresh Water, that he might not be obliged to stop any more in his course; he, in an angry manner retur­ned him answer, That his Fleet had bin sto­red with all things necessary fifteen days ago; That time was not to be thus consumed, seeing Autumn drew near; That 'twas a shame they had not yet undertaken any thing, against the Infidels, who were still Masters of the Seas; That he believed him too jealous of his Ho­nour to avoid occasions of obtaining it; but he feared his Council were not led by such generous Sentiments: This Young Prince awakened by so bold an Answer, made a little more hast, and came to Corfou, after ten days Navigation; in which he often met with con­trary Winds. Paul Ursin, being sent out be­fore the Fleet, informed the Generals, that the Infidels had lately retired from before this Ifle, having done what mischief they could in it; and that departing from the Gulph of La­ra, on the fourteenth of September, they had sayled to Lepanto.

The Christian Fleet rode three days before Corfou, to refresh themselves, and expect some Vessels, which were behind. Having provi­ded themselves with all necessaries, and taken in more Artillery; the Council Assembled to deliberate, on what was needful to be under­taken. [Page 223] The Spaniards and Italians, whereof consisted Don Johns Council, prepossessed with the secret Intentions of the King of Spain, were far from being in the Venetians Sentiments. Yet they did not openly declare themselves, but appearing uncertain, between both sides, they were for determining themselves, accor­ding to the exigency of Affairs, with respect to time, place, and all other Circumstances, resolving on nothing but what might be agree­able to his Catholick Majesty. They were wholly against the Confederates advancing to­wards Greece, alledging, this would be to ex­pose the Army to Winds and Tempests, usual in Autumn, on those Coasts; That they might besiege Supoto, Margariti, or Castel Novo, the taking of which places would be followed by the Conquest of all Epirus; That when the Sea became boysterous, each might retire, in­to their Ports, to return on the next Spring, more early, to make amends for this years loss. Venieri understood well enough, that the Spa­niards sought out Pretences, to let the Sum­mer slip, and return into Sicily, towards the midst of Autumn, as if they had Religiously observed their Engagement, though they had not struck a stroke. This ancient Comman­der shewed, to the end he might the longer retain them, that the Peasants of Candia were revolted; That the whole Isle was in a terrri­ble Consternation, so that 'twas to be feared, lest the Mahometans should make advantage of these Intestine Orders. That 'twas their Duty to hinder the Attempts, which might be made [Page 224] that way; it being unreasonable, the Republick should set out every year a Fleet, without ma­king any Profit for so great an Expence; and that he doubted not but the Barbarians Pre­sumption would accept a Combat. Colonni, more sixt to the Interests of the Pope, than Phillip the Second's, penetrated into the Spa­nish Intentions, and was for neither of these opinions. He maintained the Sedition of Can­dia was appeased, so that this Country needed no Succours; That the taking of Supoto or Marguriti, was an Enterprize unworthy such an Illustrious Armado; That 'twas shameful to them, to have layn in the Ports of Sicily, whilst the Turks ravaged the Isle of Corfou, not weighing Anchor till the departure of the Ottoman Fleet: Such a piteous Conduct as this, frustrating the expectations of all Christendom, would prove as disadvantagious to them, as Honourable and Profitable to the Infidels; That they came not surely with such Prepara­tions to behold the Republicks States, filled with Murthers, Rapines and Devastations; That he was, in fine, for going directly to the Enemies, to draw them to an Engagement; according to the orders he had received from the Pope, to whom the King of Spain and the Venetians had committed the Soveraign Power of this Expedition; That their Fleet weary­ed, and spent with Labour, and continual Courses in the last Campaign, could not hold out against the Christians, which was in its full Vigour and Prime; That some Spies, repor­ted the Bassa's of the Sea, had detached seve­ral [Page 225] Gallies, imagining the Christians would not attempt any thing at the end of a Campaign; That should Fear, keep the Barbarians blockt up in their Ports, the advantage of curbing their Insolence, and encouraging the Christians, would at least redound hence. That the Tem­pests of Autumn were needless Terrors, and meer Chimera's, seeing there was time enough remaining, for the effectual execution of what they came out, and that in all cases, there were good Ports, and safe Retreats against the Violence of the Seas.

Colonni, having thus spoke in the Council of War, advertised Don John and the Spani­ards in private, not to discourage the Venetians, and thwart them in their way, lest they forced them on desperate Councils; disadvantagious to the rest of the Confederats; That the loss of Cyprus, and the Pillage of their other Islands, the Vastations of Inland Countries, and seve­ral of their Gallies, which were sunk or lost; so greatly dispirited them, that unless they were effectually assisted elsewhere, they would certainly conclude a Peace, with the Conque­rours, on shameful Conditions for themselves, and indeed, dishonourable to all Christendom. That 'twas true, the King of Spain hazarded more, and gained less than the Venetians in a Combat; But the King of Spains Honour, was as much concerned, as the Venetians Safety.

The Opinion which the Spaniards had, that the Ottoman Fleet would avoid meeting them, made them enter into Colonni's Sentiment. [Page 226] The Chief Officers were the more perswaded of this, by a Bark arriving from Zant, which brought News, that Sixty Turkish Sayl had steered their Course towards Modon. The greatest part of the Officers extreamly rejoy­ced at this News, prepared to follow them, and disposed their Men to fight, although they expected to find the Enemy in a posture of de­fence. The Fleet having set Sayl, the first of October, were driven by a violent Wind, which obliged them to drop Anchor, and ride before Gomenize two days. Don John, and the two other Generals, made an exact view of all their Troops, in expectation of a more particu­lar account, of the Turkish Fleet.

Giles d'Andrade a Spaniard, who was sent together with Cantareni, and Malipieri, each on his Gally, to discover the number, and po­sture of the Enemy; reported, they had seen Sixty Sayl, making towards the Levant, with­out knowing precisely, their Course; and that their Generals, with the rest of their Fleet, lay near the City of Lepanto; That they had received no news of the Christian Fleet; That they wanted Sea-men and Soldiers, and the Of­ficers were employed in this leasure time, in filling up vacant Places; and that 'twas thought they came to besiege the City of Zant. This Relation encreased the desire which the Chri­stians had of fighting them; and Don John shewed in appearance great joy at so favoura­ble an occasion; and treated the Venetians with more Sweetness and Confidence.

[Page 227] The Confederate Army had scarcely began to Sayl, when a Dissention arose, which had like to have proved of fatal Consequence. The Venetians, had embarkt on their Gallies, some Companies which Don John had given them in Sicily. An Officer, named Mutio, a Native of Cortonne, was order'd on board a Frigat of Candia, com­manded by Andrew Calergio; who treated this Captain with great Insolency, and contempt. Calergio prayed him several times, to live more civilly with him; but this fair procee­ding, gaining nothing on the Spirit of this bru­tish Person; Calergio complained of him to Venieri; acquainting him, that he could not be Master of his Frigat. Venieri sent for Mutio, to chide him; but he derided this Order, and answered, he knew no other General but Don John. The Guards of the Standart, were at the same time dispacht, to seize on his Person. These Officers, in the Republick's Navies, car­ry the Generals Orders; and 'tis a Capital Crime, not to yield Obedience to them. Ve­nieri had agreed with Don John, that in case the Soldiers, which were Strangers, deserved Punishment, they were to be seised on; but this Prince should judge them himself, to shew the Respect, they were willing to pay to his Quality of Generalissimo, and for the greater Authority of these kind of judgements. Mutio, did not only defend himself from being seized on, by these Persons; but causing his Men to take their Arms, he charged the Guard of the Standart so furiously, that one was kill'd, and the rest forced to depart the Vessel, grievously [Page 228] wounded; using a thousand outragious, and unmannerly expressions against Venieri. This Insolence, capable to provoke the most Peace­ful, and Moderate Temper; so lively touched this Old Commander; that he caused this Re­bel, to be seized with three of his Accompli­ces, and hang'd them all four, without any fur­ther Tryal, at the Yards end, of his Gally; notwithstanding the entreaties of Paul Sforza, in whose Regiment Mutio was a Captain; and without giving advice of it to Don John. This Prince, nettled at so violent and hasty ex­ecution, assembled his Council, to seek means of Revenge, for an affront, of which he was the more sensible, by his secret hatred of the Venetians. Some Spaniards, too fierce and open Enemies to Venieri, and the Republick, would have him punished in the same manner, and with this same hast, he had used in the behalf of these four Persons; affirming the out­rage, could not be otherwise revenged, which he had offered the Supream Authority; and that the death of the guilty Person, was the only Vengeance which would cost least Blood. Don John would have willingly followed this severe Counsel, had not Colonni speedily shew­ed him, there was more Malignity, than Pru­dence, in taking so cangerous a Party. This Wise Commander, having exactly informed himself about Mutio's Execution; and the manner, after which the Spaniards, pretended to draw their satisfaction; went directly to Don John, at Midnight; this Affair requiring an extream Diligence. He found him in a fu­rious [Page 129] Passion, and threatning to leave to Po­sterity, such a Terrible Example, that should for ever put a stop to such Irregular Attempts. Colonni entred immediately into his resent­ment; found Venieri's Action worthy of Pu­nishment, and more rash and injudicious, than had bin yet represented: He afterwards used all his Rhetorick and Prayers, to mitigate his Cholor; by shewing him an Affair as this was, must not be undertaken, in the first Motions of Passion. All the World will acknowledge, says he, that Venieri deserves Death; but how­soever, it does not follow, you are obliged to dispatch him, without examining the Conse­quences of it. You must first fight the Veneti­ans, if you be resolved to follow the violent Counsels, which are offered you, to the preju­dice of the common Cause. The Republick's Fleet, consisting of Fifty Gallies, will defend him; without examining, whether he has right or wrong; yours being less numerous, you ought to mistrust the event of so Bloudy a Contest. But supposing, you conquer them, what Comfort will you reap thereby, in redu­cing by this means, the Affairs of Christendom into the most deplorable Estate imaginable. Will you suffer so good Beginnings, which promise you Immortal Honour, to terminate in such a sad and miserable end? Will you re­nounce the Esteem of so many Princes, and the Love of their People, which will on this Action, change into Hatred and Curses? En­ter a little into your self, let your Reason ex­ercise it self, and know that in overcoming [Page 230] your Passion, you will acquire as great Glory, as subduing one of the Infidels Countries. Consult not your Power, nor the greatness of the affront offered you, but consider the pre­sent State of Affairs; and be perswaded, you will be esteemed the Wisest Prince in Europe, when being able to obtain satisfaction to your just Passion, you sacrifice your resentment, to the Interests of Christendom.

Don John yielded to these Reasons, on conditi­on Venieri should never present himself before him. He hated him before this Affair hap­pened, for so seldom making his Court to him, and not demeaning himself according to certain Punctilio's of Respect, and servile Compla­cencies, which please the Spanish Pride. He was a true Tarpolian, that understood his business, but could not screw himself into all the crin­ging and flattering shapes of Courtiers; and therefore past for a rude sort of a Man. Co­lonni went afterwards to Barbarigo, who, al­though he had not the Title of General, was never the less considerable in the Venetian Army; and whom the Senate had chosen to repair by his Prudence and Gentleness, the Faults which Venieri might possibly commit. This Prudent Magistrate thanked Colonni for the Service he came now from rendring the Republick, and assembled at the same time the Council. All People were of advice, that Venieri should not be present with Don John of Austria, lest some new Action should divide the Confede­rates, and make them fail of the occasion of giving Battle; and that Barbarigo should sup­ply [Page 231] his place, in the General's Conferences. Withall my heart, answered Venieri briskly; but I for my part too pretend, that young Man, and all of his Humour and Council, forbear coming into my sight. This Affair having bin happily ended, by the address and care of Colon­ni, the Fleet continued its course, and ranged it self into order of Battel, for fear of surpri­zal; and to the end every one might quit and return to his Post according to the several oc­currences without disorder and Confusion. This disposal having somewhat retarded the Fleet, she arrived not till the next morning at Cephalonia, were she cast Anchor two days in the Alexandrine Port, to learn News of the Mahometans. Venieri received Letters in ar­riving from Caballo, dated from Candia, which gave him advice of the surrender of Famagusta, and the Cruelty of Mustapha, who had inhu­manly massacred Baglioni, with the Valiant Sol­diers of the place, and barbarously put to Death Bragadin, against the right of Nations, and the publick Faith. All the Soldiers, gnashing their Teeth, at the relation of this Barbarity, urgently demanded, to be led to revenge the death of these generous Christians; and inter­rupt the exultations, wherewith their Executi­oners were filled, at the surrender of so conside­rable a place.

The Turks, having cast Anchor at Lepanto, understood that the Christians, in their depar­ture from Corfou, came upon them with Full Sayl. They were hardly brought to believe this, as not comprehending whence this new [Page 232] Courage should come to them. They had so long bin in possession of the Seas, without the least disturbance, and were so prejudiced in their opinion, concerning the pitiful condition of the Christian Fleet, that they could not imagine them Couragious enough, to challenge them to an Engagement. Their Generals, whom this report had strangely alarm'd, immediately coming from their astonishment, sent forth­with Barks into all the Ports of this Gulph, to bring them Seamen and Soldiers. They were much perplexed what to do. Perteau was by no means for hazarding a Battel, and an advantage which they possessed without striking a Stroak: but the Grand Signior having laid on him a contrary order, and he making him­self responsable, for the event of this in-excuti­on, he was for knowing the opinion of the Chief Officers, before he declared his own. The Wisest amongst them could see no like­lyhood of Success, in accepting the defiances of the Christian Fleet, confident in their Strength and Bravery; yet Selim would be displeased, and enraged perhaps, at this their wary Precau­tion.

Hali, whose Age and Temper did not suit with such a Prudent Conduct, and seconded by those who aspired after bold Attempts, com­plained of the Affront offered the Musulmen, by deliberating whether the Christians were to be engaged, who offered them what they ever passionately desired. We must, said he, be as mean Sprited as those People, whom we have so often beaten, both at Sea and Land, to bal­lance [Page 233] a moment, in going to receive them, ha­ving been in search of them on the Coasts of Sicily, they not daring to appear. It seems, as if 'twere we, who have bin chased, tho' during the whole Campaign, we have won Cities from 'em, ravag'd their Fields, and sunk and taken se­veral of their Vessels, with an Army always Vi­ctorious, and seconded by the good Fortune of our Invincible Monarch; yet we hesitate, we tremble, and would colour over our Cowardise, with a chimerical and false Prudence. And if the Enemies become Masters of the Entrance of this Gulph, we shall keep our selves like Women, shut up in our Ports, exposed to the Scorn and Laughter of the Christians, who according to the Rules of War, will not fail to besiege some Maritime place, to draw us to a Combat. Shall we suffer the Tributary Cities to be laid Wast and taken, without succoring them? What will Europe, attentive to the event of this War, think of us? Shall we suffer (having so often defeated the Christians) it to be be reported throughout the World, That the Republick of Venice, has made us at length abandon the Mediterranean and Archipelago. God and his Holy Prophet preserve us from so great Infamy, and grant that the Sultan, who represents the Divinity on Earth, be not infor­med of our irresolvedness. If we be not asha­med to renounce the Advantages which we come from obtaining, let us not at least disho­nour the Victorys of the Ottoman Princes on the Christians, and fall into such a meanness, as may sully their Memory, as well as the Glori­ous [Page 234] Reign of Selim. Have we forgotten, that Piali lost the Command of this Fleet, for ha­ving omitted to pursue the Enemies, although he put himself in a posture to do it, and be­came culpable, only by the Winds Fault? A Soveraign so jealous of the Reputation of his Arms, will blush at our Waveringness, and pu­nish us for it, as we deserve. For, in fine, we ought only to deliberate how to spare our Sol­diers Bloud, and not doubt of Combating and Vanquishing our Enemies.

This Discourse moved those that were of a contrary advice, and Perteau himself was drawn thereby to prefer, what seem'd honourable, be­fore what was safe and profitable. They were told, that the Christian Fleet had already got­ten above the Isle of Cephalonia, they therefore sent the Corsary Caracossa, Famous for his Valour and Skil, to learn more particular, and certain news. He took a Skiff, and drew so near the Cbristians, under the favour of a dark Night, that he could tell every Vessel: He found not their Fleet so strong, as 'twas imagined; and returned sull of joy, to assure the Bassa's, that the Enemies Forces consisted only of an hun­dred and ten Sayl. 'Tis true, he could discover no more, and that the rest of the Gallies and other Vessels lay at Anchor in different Roads. The Turks flattering themselves already with a Victory, immediately weighed Anchor, to cut the Christians short in their passage, whom they imagin'd too weak, to dare to expect them. Two Hundred Gallies, and near Sixty and Ten Frigats, and other Vessels, composed the Ot­toman [Page 235] Fleet, therein comprehending the Sixty Sayl, which were discovered making towards Modon, and which rejoyn'd them in the Night, unknown to the Christians. The Barbarians be­lieving there were but an hundred and ten Gal­lies in the Confederate Fleet, came in search of it, with great Confidence and Triumph.

The Christians parted from the Port Alexan­drine the same day, being the Second of Octo­ber, and ordered themselves in the Gulph of Lepanto, as if the hour of Combat had bin agreed upon by them and the Enemy. Yet they despaired of fighting them, and expe­cted only the advantage of daring them to it. The two Fleets, thus deceived, found them­selves engaged, by a fatal necessity, to enter in­to Combat, notwithstanding the foresight of the Generals. The Barbarians, who had, du­ring the Night, got a little beyond the Gulph, cast Anchor at Galengo, and ours, who advan­ced further, cast Anchor between Petala and the Cursolary Islands. The two Fleets quitted their Posts by break of day, the next morning, without each others knowledge; and the Chri­stians, more minding their Preparations for a Fight, than their Course, ranged themselves in order of Battel, and divided their whole Force into four Squadrons. The Right Wing, which reached towards the Sea, consisted of Fifty Four Gallies, and was commanded by John Andrew Doria. Augustin Barbarigo was at the Head of the Left Wing, with a like number of Gallies. Don John of Austria commanded the main Body, consisting of Sixty one Vessels, [Page 236] having on each hand of him Colonni and Venieri. The Duke of Urbin's Son, joyned the Captain Gally of the Church, being on board that of the Duke of Savoy; and Alexander Parma, that of the Venetians on the Admiral of the Repub­lick of Genoa. Peter Justiniani, who com­manded the Gallies of Maltha, and Paul Jour­dan, were at the two ends of this Line. The Marquis of St. Cruce commanded a reserved body of Sixty Sayl, to help those who had most need. John de Cardone preceded the whole Army, with a Squadron of eight Ves­sels, to make discoveries. He was ordered to be at no greater distance from the Fleet, than four hours Sayl, to send notice to the Genera­lissimo, as soon as ever he saw the Infidels, and immediately return and re-joyn the Army. The Six Venetian Galleasses made a kind of a vantguard, on design to disconcert the Enemy, by the Fire of their Artillery, which carryed very far. The Confederates Vessels were se­parated, for fear they should take in the Fight particular Resolutions; and 'twas decreed they should mix, that they might share the Dan­ger and Honour, and mutually animate each other to combat well, and ingage the strongest to help the weak. The same Vessels were dif­persed and sent away, of which there were a prodigious number, to remove all hope from the Soldiers of saving themselves otherwise, than by defending their Gallies. Although the Vessels of Burden were well equipt and defen­ded by good Soldiers and Artillery, yet 'twas not thought fitting they should enter into the [Page 237] engagement, lest they might not be able to fol­low the rest of the Fleet, in case the Wind changed, or they wanted it.

The Two Fleets were separated by the Cur­solaries, at Sun Rising, so that one could not dis­cover the other. Ours having still continued their Course, were ap-perceived by the Infidels, who appeared also some time after in the same order of Battel, excepting their not having a reser­ved Body, and that their Line, by consequence being of greater extent than ours, was accor­ding to their Custom, drawn up in form of an Half Moon. Hali, as being chief Bassa of the Sea, was in the midst of the Army, on board the Admiral, directly opposite to Don John's. Perteau was on one side of him in ano­ther Gally. Louchali and Syroch, who com­manded the two Wings, faced Doria and Bar­barigo. They were no further distant than ten miles from one another, when Don John obser­ving their Course, gave the sign to Fight, by setting up the Standart, sent to him at Naples from his Holyness; The Adorable Image of Jesus Christ on the Cross, curiously wrought on this Banner, was no sooner displayed, but the the whole Army saluted it with shouts of Joy. Some bethought themselves of advertizing this Young Prince not to expose himself too confi­dently, in hopes of Victory, to the hazard of a Battel, the advantage of which could bring no profit to the King of Spain, but whose loss would lay open to the Barbarians a way into Italy. But an Advice given so late, and imper­tinently, was not so much as hearkned to; [...] [Page 238] [...] [Page 239] [...] [Page 234] [...] [Page 235] [...] [Page 236] [...] [Page 237] [Page 238] and Don John commanded the Soldiers should be refreshed with meat, and afterwards made to take Arms, and all things else prepared for a Fight. The Officers, to whom was commit­ted this care, had the leisure of doing this with­out Precipitation, and Disorder, whilst Don John, followed by Requiescens and Cardone, went in a Shallop from one Gally to another, to exhort the Soldiers to behave themselves like Christians. He judged of the brave disposition of the Navy, by the publick Acclamations; and as soon as he came on board the Admiral, on design to harangue his People, he lookt up to the Standart, and entreated of God with Profound Humility, to grant his Protection to the Christians, by casting Fear and Dread into the minds of the Enemies of his Holy Name. Then all the Officers gave at the same time a sign for Prayers, and the whole Army on their Knees devoutly adored the Sacred Image of Jesus Christ. 'Twas a Spectacle admirable enough, to see such a prodigious number of Sol­diers armed to fight, and breathing nothing but Slaughter, to prostrate themselves in a mo­ment; some looking towards Heaven, others having their Eyes fixt on Crucifixes, and all in the posture of Suppliants, fervently praying for the Pardon of their Sins, and for the Grace to vanquish these Barbarians. This Counte­nance might make some suspect, that seized with Fear and Dread, they had no other hopes but in the extrordinary assistance of Heaven; had not the Valour and Courage they shewed in this Rencounter, sufficiently justified their Humility and Devotion.

[Page 239] These Sacred Solemnities being over, the Cap­tains represented to their Men, That they were at length, come to that happy day, in which the Christians might take Vengeance for the Outrages they had received from the Infidels; and for ever deliver themselves from the rigo­rous Yoak they would lay upon them; or open by a Glorious Death, the way to Paradise, and Crown themselves to all Eternity; whereas their Enemies must expect the infinite Pains of Hell, if they lost their Lives in the Fight; That God by his Mercy promised them in this World Riches, Pleasures and Honours, if they survi­ved this perilous occasion; and Riches of a dif­ferent Price, if they lost their Lives; That they ought to remember the impatient and earnest expectation, which all Europe had shewed for the union of the Christian Princes; and with what Horrour they detested their Mis-understandings and Divisions; That they saw themselves at pre­sent at the utmost of their wishes; That their Army was filled with the bravest and most Illu­strious Youth of Christendom; That they were now in a Condition, to testifie to their Country­men, as well as the Infidels, that it has not been hitherto through the want of Courage or Prudence they have been worsted, seeing their particular Mis-understandings have been the onely cause, That the Barbarians had ever made their Profit of these Divisions; and that now God by his Grace, had given the Sove­raign Prelat, and the rest of the Confederates, a Spirit of Peace and Concord, who would al­so give them Strength and Courage against the [Page 240] Profaners of his Name; That the Turks puffed up with Pride at their advantages in the last Campaign, disdainfully offered a Combat, when they might end the War by keeping themselves peaceably in their Ports; That God struck them with so great Blindness, on purpose to deliver them to the just Resentments of the Christians, resolved on a strenuous Attack, confident of Victory, and animated to revenge the Death of their Brethren, on their cruel Murtherers; That this numerous Fleet, wan­ting Soldiers and Seamen, was now falling a Prey into the hands of those, whom she thought to terrifie by the multitude of their Vessels; That they were interessed to fight, not only for the sake of a Victory, but to save what they esteemed most dear and precious; That the Liberty of all Italy, was in their hands, with the Honour and Lives of their Wives and Children, and that they themselves would be taken and sold, if their Valour made not all these Disgraces fall on the Heads of their Enemies.

In the mean time the two Fleets drew near to one another, and that of the Turks was dri­ven by a favourable Wind, but which fell a lit­tle before the Fight began, as if Fortune would make all advantages equal, by preparing a great Calm, on so remarkable a day. But it blew a little afterwards in favour of the Chri­stians, and carryed the smoak of their Artille­ry into the Faces of the Ottoman Army; so that this Change was lookt on as a kind of Miracle, and an assistance sent from Heaven. The Priests, [Page 241] amongst whom were some Religious Capucins, exhorted the Soldiers with Crucifixes in their Hands, assuring them the Change of the Wind was an infallible mark of protection of the God of Hosts, whose Ensigns they ought to follow with Confidence. The Soldiers anima­ted by these Discourses, went to fight with as great Contempt of Death as hopes of Victory, (strong Motives to awaken Strength and Va­lour.) The Mahometans having seen our Fleet make up to them above the Cursolary Islands, were strangely astonished at it. They were im­mediately surprized at so bold a March. But when they perceived the prodigious number of Vessels, which they did not suspect, they felt themselves struck with a terrible Terror. Per­teau, amongst the rest, began to bewayl his Misfortune, and was sorry he had engaged him­self in so great danger, for the humouring of young rash Heads. But 'twas no longer time to muse on any other Remedy, than the necessi­ty of making a strenuous Resistance, or perish­ing. When the two Fleets drew near at the distance of a Mile, Hali fired one of his grea­test Pieces, to have the Honour of beginning the Action; and Don John at the same time answered him in like manner from his Gally. The Turks ren [...]ing also the Air with Shouts, accompanyed with the noise of Drums and Trumpets, and other Warlike Instruments, made up directly to the six Galeasses, who were advanced, and ranged two by two before the Fleet. The terrible Fire from these Floating Castles, put a stop to the course of the Infidels, [Page 242] and made them slacken their pace. Some of their Vessels driven out of their order by the first Discharge, quitted their Ranks, and in­tangled themselves with those which were to supply their places, so that both of them remai­ned exposed to the Christians Cannon. Had this Avantguard been less distant from the Body of the Battel, and we charged the Barbarians on this first Disorder, there might have been ob­tained a great and speedy Victory. But the Gallies being obliged to march in a Front, ad­vanced but slowly, and left too great a distance between them and the Galeasses. As soon as the two Armies were within Cannon Shot, both Fleets fired so fast, that the obscurity of the Air, caused by a thick Cloud, encreased the Horrour, which so dreadful a noise made in all parts. The Officers and Soldiers, surroun­ded with Darkness, confusedly mixt, and threatned with the same danger, could no longer distinguish one another. Some Turkish Gallies, who would have gotten betwixt the Galeasses, having drawn too near the Land, to attack them in the Flank, fell into a grievous disorder, so that Barbarigo, who commanded the Left Wing, first charged them, and drove them violently towards the Shoar. Siroch, who commanded the Enemies Right Wing, was pent up between a Promontory called Molesegno and the Cursolarys, and saw himself set upon by our Gallies on the side of the full Sea. But some of his Gallies having made a vigorous attempt to cut through our Right Wing, charged the Venetians with the greatest Valour imaginable. [Page 243] This Effort of theirs would have endangered the Christian Gallies, had not some of the Ene­mies Frigats, dismayed at the first Attack, be­gan to fly towards the Land. The two Fleets had as yet only fired their great Peices, with which the Christians were better stored than the Turks, and whose use they knew better than they. They had amongst others, certain Pie­ces of a new Invention, whose surprizing effect much contributed to the gaining of the Victo­ry. These were a kind of Mortar Pieces, which falling into the Turkish Vessels, made a horrible Slaughter. The Christians, after se­veral Broad Sides, continued the Fight with Musket Shot; the Turks answering them with Darts and Arrows. But these kind of Arms are generally laid by, as being of no great Ef­fect. 'Tis true, a Man cannot use a Musket with that readiness; but then on the other hand, they do greater execution. Ours had sheltered themselves by thick Planks on the side of their Gallies, which served for a kind of Wall, which received the Enemies Shot, and behind which they threw several artificial Fires. Besides they were most of them armed with Head and Back Pieces; whereas the In­fidels, on the contrary, presented themselves naked. But that which contributed most to their Defeat was, Don John publishing a little before their Fight, by the advice of the two other Generals, that liberty should be given to all the Slaves, condemned for their Crimes to the Gallies, if they obtained the Victory. The Captains at the same time set them loose, [Page 244] giving them Arms, to deserve, by couragious Endeavours, the recompence which was now promised them. Some from the hopes of de­liverance from their Slavery, others breathing Pillage, according to their natural Inclination to Theft, leapt into the Enemies Gallies, through Swords and Darts, with a Valour, so determined, that Don John made good his Word to them. But if this Expedient was ad­vantagious, it proved also very prejudicial, for by this means the Gallies were not in a capa­city to pursue the vanquished. The Infidels, who bethought themselves of promising as much to their Slaves, did not draw thence the same advantage. Their Gallies being full of Chri­stians, so ill handled, that they look't upon their Death as the lightest of their Miseries. But these people became as furious as Wild Beasts escaped out of their Dens, where they had bin long shut up, seized on the Arms of those who had bin killed at the same Instant, and on what­soever came to their Hands; and being far more animated by Revenge, than hopes of Li­berty, massacred their Patrons and Officers; so that several Turkish Gallies were lost by the Fury and Rage of these desperate People. The Fight was then very earnest on all hands, and the Vessels of the two Fleets mixt together, boarding one another without distinction, those that came next to them. Both good and bad Fortune presided in their turns in these several Rencounters. Some Gallies avoiding Boardings by their Lightness and swiftness, and Skill of their Pylots, made up to others unequal to 'em [Page 245] in number, but far stronger in Soldiers and Equipage. Others, who could not dis-engage themselves, fought with excessive Courage, and with an obstinacy without Example. One Squadron kept fighting against another; a lit­tle distant, two other Vessels were singly enga­ged; some Gallies were hooked and chained to others by their Grapling Irons, and so pier­ced with Cannon Shot, that the Water rushed into them in prodigious quantities. Two Tur­kish Vessels pursued one Christian: Two Chri­stians further off chased a Turkish Gally. A Confederate Vessel was surrounded by several Mahometan Friggats. Here you might see a Gally bereaved of her Oars; another so shat­tered, that she was sinking. One yielding to the Strongest, another escaping from the Hands of those who thought themselves Masters of it. Some sought to fly, others to vanquish; and the Heroick Exploits of the Combetants had already coloured the Seas with red, and filled the Vessels with Bloud and Slaughter. Don John engaged particularly Haly's Gally. Venieri and Colonni fought each of them on their side with incredible Valour: Each of the Admirals were Attended with some Gallies, which supplyed 'em with Men, to fill up the places of the Dead and Wounded. Their presence encreased the Courage of their Soldiers, who put forth their whole Strength to deserve their Esteem. The Turks shewed at the beginning of the Engage­ment great Contempt of the Christians, and respe­cted them as base spirited People, whom they had always beaten, and dared not expect them. [Page 246] But their Zeal for their Altars, together with the necessity of Vanquishing, rendred them so fierce and terrible, that the Barbarians were dismayed at the Fury with which they came to the Charge. The Mahometan Armies are only to be feared in the first onset; and their Vigour abates, when the first Effort is sustained. And in effect, they defended themselves as People wearyed and tired out at the end of the day; and our Men, who perceived this, were the strongest, and attackt them with the more hope and vi­gour. The Fight continued for three hours with an equal advantage, the Victory inclining to nei­ther side. But the Left Wing, who were first en­gaged, began to drive all before them; seve­ral Friggats making hastily towards the Shoar. Barbarigo, seconded by Quirini and Canali, sunk Siroch's Gally, who was kill'd, defending him­self like a Lyon. His Death was attended with that Consternation usual at the loss of a great Officer; and the Gallies which he comman­ded, vigorously attackt by the Republicks, fled towards the Coasts. The Turks, who ad­vanced near the Land, for the safety of their Lives and Liberties, drew after them their whole Fleet, and were the cause of its entire Defeat. The Conduct of their Commanders was certainly much to be blamed; for those who understand Maritime Affairs, say, they should have kept out as far as they could at Sea, that their numerous Fleet might have the more room, and to make their Soldiers lose sight of Land, who had an Eye to the Shoar, as their place of Refuge. The good News of the Vi­ctory [Page 247] spreading it self amongst the Confederates Fleet, came to the Ears of Don John of Au­stria, who had been long engaged with the Turkish Admiral Haly, without losing or winning any Advantage; Yet the Infidels be­gan to slacken their Courage; when the Joy which this News brought to Don John, was in­terrupted by the Jealousie he had conceived against the Venetians, who first made the Vi­ctory appear on their sides and carry'd away from him this Honour. This Sentiment en­creasing the Spaniards Valour, they fired more fiercely on the Admiral. Hali fell down dead with a Musket Shot, in encouraging his People by his example, to bear up against this vigorous Attack. The Spaniards immediately boarded his Gally, taking down his Standart, and be­came Masters of his Vessel. Don John at the same time made them cry Victory, to encou­rage the rest of his Men, and terrifie the Bar­barians. 'Twas no longer then a Fight, but a cruel Massacre of the Turks, who suffer'd their Throats to be cut without resistance. Doria and Louchali, the two Famousest Captains of their Age, set one against another, and excited by equal Emulation, had both the same Design as soon as they saw the two Fleets engaged, which was to get out to Sea, and come and charge behind, and in the Flanks. But Doria having not Vessels enough to make a Front, equal to that of the Infidels, gained the Sea with all his Gallies. Eight of the Republicks Friggats, whose Captains mistrusted his sincer­ty, and imagined he was shifting for himself, [Page 248] according to the event of the day, stood still with their Oars lifted up; and five others, who knew not the occasion of this stop, stood also still, according to their example, between the Squadron of Doria and the Body of the Fleet. Louchali perceiving his measures broken by Doria's dexterous Foresight, invested these Gal­lies as they lay still without motion. The Ve­netians, though unequal in number, defended themselves with admirable Valour, and were all worsted and put to the Sword. Lou­chali remained Masters of their Vessels, and revenged Doria by this Advantage, from the suspicions entertain'd of his Conduct. He was for going afterwards to set upon the great Bo­dy of the Fleet; but he found the brave Peter Justiniani in his way, who seconded by the Knights of Malta, with two of their Gallies, had already sunk down three of the Turks, and narrowly pursued a Third. He was environed from all parts, and lost all his Men. A Turkish Officer, by whom he was happily known, ha­ving leapt into his Gally, was so generous, as to save his Life; but he was at the same time succoured, and re-taken with his Gally from the Infidels; so that this Officer being become his Prisoner, begged quarter of him on his Knees, and obtained both his Liberty and Life at his Intercession. In the mean time Loucha­li came with the Fierceness of a Conquerour, to sustain the main brunt of the Battel. But Doria, thinking it at last, time to share in the Victory, which was already gained, aban­doned his distant Post, and struck in with his [Page 249] whole Right Wing amongst the Barbarians, who began to turn their Backs. The Marquis of St. Cruce commanding the reserved Body, pursued them with the same vigour, as soon as the smoak would permit him to see what was to be done. Louchali, who only set himself to watch advantages, and had not fought regu­larly, understanding the Death of Haly, and seeing no Flag on his Gally, doubted no longer of his Defeat. He clapt on all his Sayl and fled, followed by Thirty Gallies, as soon as he perceived Doria and the Marquis of St. Cruce endeavouring to come on him. The rest of his Vessels were taken or sunk. And from that time the vanquished ceased from all resistance. Some Turkish Vessels were run on Shoar; and Perteau, without being known, escaped in a small Boat through the Christian Gallies. Paul Ursin seized on his Gally by a particular Accident. He came from taking the first Vessel he had boarded, when he was obliged by a false Alarm to quit his Prize and Post, to succour Don John, whom he believed to be in great danger. But ha­ving been disabus'd by the Rout of the Infidels, he met with Perteau's Gally, which was endea­vouring to save her self by force of Oars, clea­red her Decks, and made himself Master of her. That which carryed Haly's two Sons, and which kept on side the Admiral, ran against Colonni's Gally with such violence, that she made her quit her Rank; but was her self so plyed with the Cannon, by two of our Frig­gats, from which she endeavor'd to escape, that these two young Lords were taken Prisoners, [Page 250] with their Vessel and Equipage. Colonni set on the Turkish Admiral with as great Boldness and Courage, as if his Gally had never been damni­fied, and took a Brigantine, which attack't him in the Flank, all whose Soldiers he put to the Sword. Ramagsio Sequani, a Commander of the order of Malta, well experienced in the Seas, sig­naliz'd himself in this occasion by as great Va­lour as Prudence. General Venieri, who went continually from one end of his Gally to the other, often exposed himself to eminent dan­gers, with his Sword and Buckler. He earnest­ly wished to encounter some Infidel, and make him fall under his Blows; and neither of the Generals shewed in the heat of the Fight more Courage and Stout heartedness than this Old Commander.

The Infidels lost thirty thousand Men in this Engagement, the Bloudyest they ever felt since the Establishment of the Ottoman Empire. Five Thousand were taken Prisoners▪ amongst whom were Haly's Two Sons. Their Father was for giving them the sight of the Flight and rout of the Allys, which he thought unquestiona­ble; to inspire them with the same Contempt and Disdain against the Christians which he had: and make them learn Military Experience at the Christians cost; but had he never so little mis­trusted his ill fortune, he would have left them in the Town of Lepanto, or permitted them to be Spectators only of the Fight at a distance on the Shoar. The Conquerors made them­selves Masters of an Hundred and Thirty Turkish Gallies; Fourscore and Ten, or thereabouts were [Page 251] run on Ground, sunk or burnt. But the Liberty which Twenty Thousand Christian Slaves of different Nations recovered, gave as much Joy to the Confederates, as the loss of these Gal­lies. The Booty was no less considerable; for besides the Pillage of the Isles, the Barbarians had moreover laden themselves with that of several Merchants Vessels, which they had ta­ken on the Seas. The Booty was shared a­mongst the Soldiers, excepting the Prisoners, the Gallies, and Artillery. This was without doubt a Signal Victory, and the greatest which has been won from them on the Seas this six Ages. This Battle was fought in the same Gulph, and almost in the same place, where Caesar Augustus defeated Marc Antony and Cle­opatra; and whatsoever Elogiums Ancient Au­thors have made on this Victory, 'tis hard to know which of the Two was most Famous. The First carryed it by the number of Vessels, the Fame and Magnificence of the Preparations, and the great Concourse of several Nations. But this surpassed in the good Condition of its Gallies, the length of its Action, and the Cou­rage and Obstinacy of the Combatants. Marc Antony's Flight immediately put his Enemy in possession of the Victory; and Don John disputed it a long time before he could obtain it, and lost more Men, though he drew not so great Advantage by it as the Emperor, Augu­stus. The Christians lost eight thousand of the Stoutest Men in their Fleet. Twenty Captains of the Venetian Gallies lost their Lives, most of them being of the Ancientest Families in the [Page 252] Republick; amongst whom we may reckon the Three Brethren, Grand-Children to Lewis Cor­naro Sirnamed the Sober. Louchali had attackt their Gally, and their Governour, who seized on a Skiff, to get two of them away from the Danger, could never obtain of them their Consent to forsake the Third, who could not follow them by reason of his Wounds. They dyed with their Arms in their hands near the place where their Brother lay expiring, and signaliz'd at the same time their Fidelity and Tenderness. Several other considerable Peo­ple were also lost, and especially on board the Generals Gallies, who were most fiercely enga­ged, amongst whom is not to be forgotten Fa­bian Gratiani, a Young Gentleman of great Courage and Hopes, who was killed by a Musket shot in the Head, and fell dead at Colonni's Feet. The Author of this History sup­poses the Reader will give him the liberty of rendring this Testimony of Love to the memo­ry of a Brother, who deserved a more happy destiny. But Barbarigo was alone as much re­gretted as all the others together. He had broke the Enemies Right Wing, and animated his Men to pursue them. But exposing himself too desperately, he was struck into the Eye with an Arrow, with which he dyed soon af­ter, in the Arms of his dear Friends. He askt in dying news how the day went, and of the State of the Christian Fleet; and having un­derstood the Barbarians were utterly defeated, he lifted up his hands to Heaven, and surren­dred up his Soul in Peace, making Signs, that [Page 253] he dyed content, after so glorious an Advan­tage. He was worthy, without doubt, of the greatest Honour, for by his Prudent Conduct the Confederates were brought to fight the Turk; and he behaved himself in the whole Action with incredible Valour and Courage. He gave the first charge, and first routed the Enemy. But the Immortal Glory which he now enjoys, is a far greater Recompence than the Praises and Honours which could be given him on Earth.

Don John of Austria, after Haly's Death, and the taking of his Gally, attended by Venieri and Colonni, and several others, who had no longer any Enemy to encounter, went on com­pleating their Victory, wheresoever they found any still resisting. The Fight lasted from five in the Morning till the close of the Evening. The Darkness of the Night, and the Sea, which began to grow troublesom, obliged the Conquerours to retire with the Captive Gallies, into the Neighbouring Ports. Such as were wounded were carefully lookt after. The next Day and Night were spent in rejoycing and Thanksgiving to God. Don John forgat his Animosity, embraced Venieri with great Testi­monies of Friendship, and told him in most obling terms, how much he admired the youth­ful Valour which he shewed in so great Age. But this new Friendship lasted not long.

'Twas resolved the next morning by a ge­neral Consent, to pursue the vanquished, and not give them the leasure of coming to them­selves. Don John being grown more enterprising [Page 254] since this great Victory, design'd to leave the Sick and Wounded at Corfou, with whatsoever was cumbersom in the Fleet; to take an hun­dred and twenty Gallies, to equip them with the Spoils of others, and besiege the Town of Lepanto. The Consternation of the Barbari­ans made him believe the place would surrender as soon as it saw his Ensigns. He design'd af­terwards to encourage the Greeks to an Insurre­ction, whom the defeat of the Turks had ani­mated to a Revolt, and expected only some small Assistance to declare themselves. This Project was well contrived, and the most ad­vantagious the Confederates could form in this War. But Venieri's troublesom humour un­happily broke all the measures of it. 'Twas decreed that the Generals should dispatch the next morning all together Couriers to Pius V. to give him notice of the Victory obtained of the Barbarians, which his Holyness should after­wards impart to all the Christian Princes; and that John Baptista Contareni, who was going to Venice, should transport the Couriers as far as Otrante. Venieri, who was for this opinion, afterwards considered the Senate would re­ceive so great News too late, and thought it would be well taken from him, should they have an account before the Pope. Humphry Justini­ani came to him by chance, as he rowled this design in his Head. He was a young Officer, very enterprizing, and ready to put in executi­on immediately whatsoever orders were com­mitted to him Venieri no sooner saw him, but he found his desires sharpned with a new edge, [Page 255] and demanded of him whether his Gally was in a condition to part for Venice, and he in a hu­mour to make this Voyage. Justiniani answe­red him, he was ready to receive his Com­mands; whereupon Venieri put his dispatches into his hands. This Officer at the same time went on board his Gally, and hoysted Sayl. Don Jobn took this Affair far more haniously than it deserved, and his spite passed so far, that he revenged himself on the common Cause, by giving over his design on the Town of Lepanto, and that of raising Commotions in the Morea, for tacking immediately about, he struck out to Sea, to arrive at Corfou. All the Fleet were not over much troubled at this change of de­sign; for as well the general as particular Offi­cers, and Venieri himself, were more desirous to return home, to shew the Spoils taken from the Barbarians, to their Countrymen, and re­late to them the part which each of them had in the Victory, than to continue the War; and this impatience made them lose all the Fruit of so Glorious an Undertaking. Yet it being shameful to remain idle in the midst of a Victory, 'twas proposed to attack, by the way, the Isle of Leucade, at present called St. Maure, after the Name of its Principal Church; and Prosper Colonni, a valiant young Captain, was ordered to go before, and view the place. Venieri secretly traversed this Project, hoping to carry the place alone, without the help of the Confederates. He sent, for this effect, or­ders to young Colonni, who received the Re­publicks Pay, to disswade Don John from this [Page 256] enterprise, by setting before him the difficul­ty of it, as well for its numerous Garrison, as the Situation and Strength of the place. There needed no more to drive off People from an Attempt, when they were fo earnestly bent to return home. As soon as the Fleet were dis­burthened at Corfou, the Gallies and Artillery gained from the Infidels, were divided between the Generals, each of them having a proportio­nable Share, according to the charge they had been at. They came afterwards to the dividing of the Prisoners; but Don John pretended eve­ry tenth Man belonged to him, on account of his quality of General: 'twas agreed to refer the Arbitrage of that Controversie to the Pope, who ordered the most considerable of them should be brought to Rome, to exchange them for Christian Slaves, and the rest equally divi­ded between Don John and the other two Ge­nerals. This Holy Prelate was struck with Horror at the Proposition, which the Venetians made him, of cutting the Throats of these Wretches; for fear, said they, that when they be redeemed, they use the Christians with greater Barbarity. But Pius V. on the contra­ry secured them in convenient places of confine­ment, and endeavoured to win them to the Christian Religion by ways of gentleness and good usage. Colonni would not suffer Don John to part from Corfou, till he had co [...]sented Venie­ri should come to salu [...]e him. This young Prince received the old Captain with a smiling Counten [...]nce, and clapping him on the Shoul­der with his hand, told him betwix jest and [Page 257] earnest, he abounded mightily in his own Sence, and was too ready and active for a Man of his years. They afterwards went both of them to Messina, whence Colonni parted for Rome, and Don John to Winter at Palerma, where People came from all parts to congratulate him on the Advantages he had obtained.

Justiniani charged with Packets from his General, made such good hast, that he arrived the ninth day at Venice. He saluted, according to usual custom, the Castles which defended the entrance of the Port, with all his Guns. This noise immediately drew down along the Banks of the great Channel, infinite numbers of Peo­ple, inquisitive to hear some news of the Fleet. At the same time a Friggat was perceived set forth with Turkish Colours, the end of which hung into the Sea, at which sight the Inhabi­tants conceived great hopes, and filled the Air with Shouts of Joy. Justiniani drawing near the place of St. Marc, made signs with his hand that the Christians had won a signal Vi­ctory.

He put off his long Robe, to march the more easily, and immediately landing, went strait to the Doge's Palace through this numerous Crowd. He told Moceningo, who advanced to embrace him, That the Confederates had en­gaged the Infidels near the Cursolaries; That the Turkish Fleet had been not only defeated, but wholly ruined, and gave him an account of the number of the Gallies they had taken and sunk. The Doge, without putting on his habit of Ceremony, went immediately to give God [Page 258] Thanks for this Victory in the Patriarchal Church, the news of which was soon spread over the Town. The Citizens left their Hou­ses, the Artists shut up their Shops, and all the Town ran to the publick place. The widest Streets were so crouded, that several Senators could not get room to pass to the Church. Ju­stiniani read in the presence of the Doge and the Senate, Venieri's Letters, made them a par­ticular relation of the Fight; and received or­der to give a formal account of it to the People. He spake aloud, That the Turks were routed; That all the Vessels which the Sea had not swallowed up, were in the Conquerours Pos­session; That there were slain Thirty Thou­sand Barbarians; That their Admiral Haly was killed, and his Gally taken; That Perteau esca­ped in a Skiff, accompanyed only with a Slave; That Siroch, Caracossa, and several other conside­rable Officers had lost their Lives; That the two Sons of Hali, together with Mahomet Bassa of Negrepont, were taken Prisoners, with other Persons of Quality, and that the advantage obtai­ned was above what they could either expect or wish. He afterwards exhorted them to go and give thanks to Heaven, and entreat with fervent Prayers, they may never do any thing unworthy so great a Benefit. Then the publick Joy filling all parts of the City; People em­braced, as they met, though unknown to each other, with Tears in their Eyes, comparing their present State with the Alarms and Fears which put them not long before on fortifying the Capital City against the Surprizes of the [Page 259] Victorious Enemy. They could not consider without trembling, that they were lost beyond repair, had their Naval Army been routed; and the remembrance of their dangers and past sufferings, made their Joy the greater. Some of the Senators endeavour'd to get through the Croud to the Doge's Palace, others made to­wards the Churches, and afterwards imparted their Joy to their Wives and Children. Justini­ani was surrounded with an infinite number of People, some embraced him, others took him hold by the hand, and all were for hearing from his Mouth the relation of this memorable Acti­on. The Crowd having carryed him to his House, so closely stopt up all Passages to it, that his Mother, who came from the Church, could not come near the Door, and had like to have retired with the displeasure of not seeing her Son, had not her Tears and entreaties at length obtained way. Justiniani was accom­panyed for several days, and followed along the Streets with the same Croud as at the first day of his Arrival. He carryed the Mobile along with him wheresoever he went, so that to see his Train, a man would think him to be the Head of some Seditious Party. Never any Noble Venetian received so much Honour from all kind of Persons in the Republick. He was of so advantagious a Stature, that he was tal­ler by the Head than all those that surrounded him, and knew to express himself so freely, that he won the Hearts of all his Fellow Citi­zens by his Eloquence. After the first Trans­ports of the publick Joy, the Magistrates sent [Page 260] immediately expresses to their Embassadours, especially at Rome and Madrid, to give them notice of this important News. The Senate assembled the next morning to order a day of publick Thanksgiving in all Churches of the City, and especially that of St. Justin, whose Festival is kept on the Sixth of October. Gus­man de Silva, the King of Spains Embassadour, who was also a Priest, Celebrated Mass there­in, from whose hand the Doge and Principal Officers of the State communicated. 'Twas ordered by a solemn Decree, that for a remem­brance of this Victory, the People should cease from all kinds of Labour on that day of the year for ever, and that the Doge, accompany­ed by the Senate and People, should assist at a Solemn Mass, in the same Church of St. Justin. The private Joy succeeded to the publick, and la­sted several days. The Festivals were solemnized with Justs, Wrestlings, and several other Spe­ctacles, which the several Corporations of Ar­tificers presented, in Emulation one of another. Only Barbarigo was bewayled in the midst of this rejoycing; and Praises and Commendati­ons of their Valour was given to several other Venetians, who perished in the Engagement in­stead of Tears. Their Families did not so much as go into Mourning, for fear of lessen­ing the publick Joy by Testimonies of private Grief.

The Pope, who since the departure of the Confederate Fleet, had incessantly made Vows and Prayers for the happy Success of the Chri­stians Arms, expected every day news with an [Page 261] Impatiency worthy of his Zeal. The Venetian Embassadour came in fine to him, with an ac­count of what past; of the entire defeat of the Turks, and loss of their Gallies. This good Pope, animated with a new Fervor, went direct­ly to the Chappel to return God Thanks, and remained long fixt on his Knees like a Statue. He imparted his joy to the Cardinals, who were then all in the Vatican, telling them, that the Bounty of Heaven was greater than he could wish or hope for. He afterwards gave order to make ready, against the next morning, the great Altar in St. Peters Church, to Cele­brate there himself the Holy Mysteries, in the Presence of all those who were to assist at these Sacred Ceremonies. The whole City follow­ed his Holynesses Devout Example; and the other Churches were filled with Offerings and Prayers. A Thousand Blessings were given to Pius V. and 'twas publickly declar'd, that the Christians owed their Victory to the Tears he every day shed in the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass. In the mean while Colonni was ready to arrive at Rome, where the Pope was for making him a Reception agreeable to his Character, and the Service he came from rendring the Church. The Spaniards traversed this Design, shewing this would be an Affront to Don John of Austria, to pay the General of the Holy See such Honours, as were only due to him alone. But the Pope deriding their Proud Op­positions, consulted no body but himself, touching the manner of receiving this Prudent Commander, to whom he had entrusted the [Page 262] Conduct of his Naval Forces. The Spaniards extreamly offended, forbad all those of their Nation, and who were their Creatures, from going to attend Colonni, and also to stand where they might behold his passage on the day of his publick Entrance. Such a disdainful procee­ding encreased the desire, which the Italians had of giving him an Honourable Reception. There were chosen Six Thousand Men amongst the Citizens, who were ranged under several Ensigns, and went in good order out of the Town. The Magistrates in their Robes follow­ed on Horseback this Infantry, accompanyed by the Flower of the Nobility. The Pope hereunto added three Companies of his Guard. His Major-Dome in the midst of his Officers, and several Cardinals, concluded the Cavalcade. The Captives immediately preceded Colonni, mounted on a Spanish Jennet. He rode to the Capitol, according to the custom of Ancient Romans, and came back through the chief Streets of the City to the Palace of the Vati­can. His Holyness received him in Constan­stine's Hall, in the presence of several Cardi­nals. He made a Speech to his Praise, and at the same time, for a Token of his Liberality, presented him with Sixty Thousand Crowns of Gold. He gave also a Rich Abby in the Town of Bonevent to his Son Ascanius, with a promise of a Cardinals Hat, as soon as he should be of Age to be received into the Sacred Colledge.

Venieri finding himself alone at the Head of the Naval Army, bestowed on himself the en­tire [Page 263] Honour of the Victory. The Praises he continually received, and which he shared to no body, softned that rough Humour which he shewed in his bad Fortune, and blasted the Fruit which might have been gathered from the Consternation of the Enemy. He flatte­red himself at first, that nothing could be hence forward too hard for him. He resolves to pursue Louchali, into his own Ports; to pos­sess himself of the Maritime places of the Mo­rea, and in his own Fancy seem'd to threaten Constantinople. But his slowness and unresol­vedness ruined these vast Projects. The Pro­viditor, Phillip Bragadin, an expert Seaman, came and joyned him with fifteen Gallies the next morning, after the fight at Lepanto. He instantly entreated him to let him have fifty Sayl, to go in search of the rest of the Otto­man Fleet, promising him to make great ad­vantage from the disorder of the vanquished, without running into any Hazard. Veni­eri approved of his design, and commended his Zeal. But he deferred the execution of it, to have no Rival in the Honour, he so much thirsted after; and whilst the Sur­geons had him in Hand for the curing of a slight hurt in his right Thigh, he would never permit any matter to be undertaken. This jealousie was very prejudicial to the Republicks Affairs; for had the Victorious Navy only shewed it self along the Coasts of Greece, they of the Morea, who sighed af­ter nothing more than Liberty, would have thrown off the Infidels Yoak; and the [Page 264] Christians might have drawn marvelous ad­vantages from the Weakness and Astonish­ment of the Turks. Venieri applyed himself chiefly to the design of possessing himself of Leucade; at the perswasion of some igno­rant Officers, who represented to him, That the place would be easily taken. He had hin­dred Don John from besieging it, that he might conquer it alone. But James Sorancio, who succeeded Barbarigo, was not at all of his opi­nion. He askt him, whether he seriously con­sidered the difficulty of this Enterprize; and whether he pretended, with the Republicks single Forces, to possess himself of a place, which all the Confederates Navy, though ani­mated by their late Victory, could not master. He added, that supposing no urgenter occasi­ons, they ought not, in so doubtful a matter, to hazard the Honour they came now from ob­taining; That they ought to attack places fur­ther distant; That they might besiege Leucade when they pleased; and that the Neighbour­hood of the Isle of Corfou would always furnish them with the means of doing it; That they ought to make a better use of so favourable a Conjuncture, by sailing towards Lepanto, to fire the Vessels which had saved themselves in this Port, destitute in a manner of both Soldi­ers and Seamen; That afterwards they might advance towards the Morea, where the Greeks being retained only by Fear, would no sooner see their Ensigns, but would range themselves under them, and take up Arms against the Ma­hometans; That afterwards they might steer [Page 265] their course along the Hellespont, and if they could not force their passage by the Dardanel­los, they might at least alarm Constantinople; that their greatest advantage in this War lay in shewing the World, That the Grand Signi­or, having no more Sea Forces, kept himself shut up in his Seraglio, whilst the Venetian Fleet threatned the Capital City of his Empire; That having made themselves thus Masters of the Sea, they might ravage all the Coasts thereabouts, and carry away whatsoever was to be transported to Constantinople, from Alex­andria, and other Ports of Aegypt, for the reparation of the Turkish Fleet; That they might burn the Materials laid up on the Sea-Coasts for the building of the new Gallies; That they might wast the Isles, and carry off Slaves for their own Gallies, and by this means, at the same time deprive the Infidels of the means of repairing the loss of their Seamen or Slaves; and that this was the only way to end the War, for to incapacitate the Enemy to set out a new Fleet the next Spring. Sorancio's reasons were approved by the most part of those that were of the Council of War; but Venieri's Heart was too much set upon the en­terprize of Leucade, to change his mind in that matter.

There were embarkt then two Thousand, and three Hundred Greeks, with an Hundred and Fifty Epirot Horse, on eight and forty Gal­lies, for this rash enterprize. The Isle of Leu­cade is situated between Cephalonia and the Province of Caramania, being separated only [Page 266] by a small Channel, over which there is built a Bridge to succour it, in case of need, more commodiously from the Land. The Turks who thought the Venetians fully satisfyed with their Victory, and being disarmed at Corfou, did not expect they would undertake any thing at the end of a Campaign; and although they had caused to come several Troops of both Horse and Foot for the defence of the Isle of Leucade, yet they redoubled the Garrison of the place, at the first news of the Venetians defigns, who having made a descent, would needs raise up a Battery of six Pieces of Cannon; but the Infidels falling with great fury from all parts upon them, Venieri was the first that despaired of effecting what he came for. He took Fifty Horse to view the place; but the Turks sallyed out in greater numbers, and so vigorously en­countred him, that he left several of his Men dead behind him; the rest flying towards their Gallies in Confusion: Venieri himself had like to have been taken Prisoner. This danger made him open his Eyes, and quit this Siege. As soon as he had re-imbarkt his Cannon, he sent Sorancio, with six and thirty Gallies, to winter in Candia, and in his own passage to Corfou he lost a Friggat by the way; and thus this Famous Fight produced no other Fruit but the re-taking of Supoto, and the Castle of Mar­gariti; whence the Turks fled, as soon as Paul Jourdain appeared near the Walls at the Head of Four Thousand Men. He rased it to the ground. Several Captains of the Venetian Gallies publickly complained of Venieri's Con­duct, [Page 267] and accused him of obscuring the Bright­ness of the late Victory by his slowness and im­prudence.

The People of Venice have no part in the Government of the State; and the Soveraign Authority resides wholly in the Body of the Nobility. This Body is divided into two con­siderable Factions (a division which often hap­pens in great Cities) but their hatred and re­sentment do only shew themselves in the pur­suit of the great Officers in the State. Each Party forms its Plots and Cabals to exclude one another. But 'tis forbid by Law to carry on these Intrigues with any kind of open shew, under Penalty of being treated as Disturbers of the publick Peace. There are reckoned at Venice above twenty ancient Noble Families, distinguished by the Rank their Ancestors have held, who respect the other Gentry with Con­tempt, and as Persons newly raised to what they are. These last hate as much the others, as they dis-esteem them, and their number be­ing the greatest, they often times sufficiently revenge themselves on the others Pride; and their mutual Enmities are the more violent, by being forced to keep them lockt up in their Breasts. Venieri was of a good Family, but opposite to the Faction of the Ancient Ones. James Sorancio, one of the Providitors of the Naval Army, was nobly born, and a Person very ambitious, who enjoyed a great Estate, and lived with greater Splendour than is usual with People of quality at Venice. He was of opinion, that if Venieri was called home, he [Page 268] should [...]e put in his place; and in this regard, wrote in cruel terms against him. He set him forth in his Letters to the Senate, as a Man, whose good Fortune had made him insolent. He accused him for his sluggishness in the enjoy­ment of a Victory in which he had no share, it being rather the Work of Heaven than that of Men, and spoiled all the Fruit of it by his softness and indifferency. He affirmed that Ve­nieri had not engaged at all with the Infidels, but to make amends, was ready to fall foul on the Confederates; That his unseasonable seve­rity had like to have ruined the Republick; and that had not Barbarigo opposed his violent hu­mour, the Mahometans had not been defeated; That 'twas well for him and the Republick, that his Avarice had not put him on extending too far his Authority; That Don John had for­bad his coming into his presence; and that it was impossible to fight advantagiously under the command of a Leader so greatly enraged against the Republick's General; That instead of dexterously gaining the favour of a young Prince, environed with a Spanish Council, he had drawn his hatred by his Obstinacy, the ef­fects of which could not be too soon remedy­ed. These things were at first only discoursed of amongst some of the ancient Nobility; but they were soon after spread about the whole Town. Bernard Tipoly ventured to pro­pose the calling home of Venieri, under pre­tence of easing him of the Fatigues and Cares of his Office in favour of his great Age, by which means the Republick might prevent the [Page 269] Affront of re-calling him at the pursuit of the Pope and King of Spain. The Senate was the more enraged at this proposition, that Tipoly's Brother sent lately Embassadour to Rome, a Person indeed of great Merit, and much estee­med at Venice, was a little suspected to aim at the Generalship, or at least the employ of Pro­viditor, if Sorancio, who was older than he, filled the first place; so that they both acted in consort against Venieri, although with different Motives. The Friends of this last exclaimed against so terrible a process, and complained that they made use of Calumnies and Impo­stures to oppress an Officer, whose Services de­served another Recompence. The Senator Soriani having met Tipoli, began to ask him, whether he could shew more malice and ill will, if Venieri, defeated by the Infidels, had been convicted of engaging the Turks unadvi­sedly. The Republick will not punish a Ci­tizen for keeping up the Honour of his Chara­cter against the Encroachments of a young rash Prince; and you do not well to conceal (says he) the secret Envy you bear his Virtues, un­der the false shews of a great Zeal for the pub­lick good. The Senate was angry at Tipoly's Remonstrances, which shewed with what Craft and Malignity he endeavour'd to uphold the interest of his Faction, and his Brothers Pretensions. 'Tis certain he had well enough devined what would happen in the Sequel. For Don John declared a while after, he would quit the Command of the Fleet, if Venieri was not displaced. The Spanish Minis [...]rs gave [Page 270] the Pope to understand that this Old Comman­der was of an insupportable Humour; and Co­lonni, who was for making himself agreeable to Don John, confirmed what the Spaniards had said against him. Pius V. who applyed him­self continually to remove such Obstacles which might hinder the common good, wrote to the Senate to appoint another Commander. He granted that Don John, as well as Venieri, were to blame; but he was for complying in some measure with the extream aversion this Prince had for this Old Officer; and that the Repub­lick being more interessed in this War, should be the more willing to abate some of her Rights; That the Division of the Comman­ders would ruine the progress of their Arms; and that they ought before all things to remem­ber the vexatious Mis-understandings of the last Campaign, which sprang only from light occasions.

These Remonstrances lively toucht the Se­nate, who were otherwise interessed than Ve­nieri, in this Affair. 'Twas a shame to expel a Magistrate from the chief employ in the Re­publick, to satisfie the passion of a Stranger. After several Deliberations, during which, much was said against the Pride of Don John, they were forced to buckle, and yield to the desires of Pius V. But they had no regard in their choice of a new Officer, either to Soran­cio or Tipoli; and as a Punnishment to them both, for their Ambitious Pretentions, there was a General chosen out of the opposite Facti­on; who was James Foscarini, a Person of a [Page 271] bold and enterprizing Spirit, but had never went through the Offices, which successively carry a Noble Venetian to the general Com­mand of the Naval Army. Venieri was left in Dalmatia, with orders to watch over the Countries of the Adriatick Gulph; and to les­sen his Disgrace, the Senate confirmed to him the Title of Providitor General, and enjoined Foscarini to obey him when they should meet together. This Person lived long, as it were, forgotten by Fortune, but she raised him at last in his Old Age, when he began neither to hope or mistrust her Favours. He had conser­ved much Health with all the Fire of his Youth, by a long habit of Labour and Absti­nence. He spent his first years without any employ, and betook himself to the Bar, where he pleaded for Money with more Diligence and Honesty, than Knowledge and Eloquence; al­though it be a thing very rare for a Noble Ve­netian to meddle with this Profession, unless forced to it by the bad condition of his Affairs. He quitted the Employ of Advocate, to betake himsef to publick Offices, as soon as he saw himself encouraged to enter therein, and exe­cuted them with more Integrity than Fame. His inclination for Arms made him pass a­mongst his Fellow Citizens for an excellent Captain, although he understood nothing in Warlike Affairs. His brisk and fiery Temper engaged him in many Quarrels, as well on his own, as his Friends account, whence he al­ways came off with advantage. His natural Fierceness, which his Age could not mode­rate, [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page 268] [...] [Page 269] [...] [Page 270] [...] [Page 271] [Page 272] was not abated either by the Power or Honour of the Employs, he obtained in his Elder Years. He sought for the Command of the Troops, design'd for the Succour of the Isle of Cyprus, though his Age might justly have excused him; and 'twas this Earnestness procur'd him the general Command of the Fleet, when Zani received order to come and give account at Venice of his ill administration. Venieri, besides the Esteem his Family was al­ready in, had gained himself so great Honour by this Victory of Lepanto, that, after Moce­ningo's Death, he was, by consent of all the Electors, on the very first day of their mee­ting, nominated Doge. This Magistrate is re­spected in Venice, as a Soveraign in his Domi­nions; but his Power is limited, and depends on that of the Seigniory.

The Infidels commonly disguise the State of their Affairs by spreading abroad Reports, which either encrease their Advantages, or di­minish their Losses. But they could not at this time hinder the true News of their De­feat, from being universally known at Constan­tinople. The Inhabitants were struck with as great a Consternation, as if the Christians were entring their Gates. And (the like of which was never seen before) the Seraglio was no less alarmed than the Town, by the Lamen­tations and Tears of one of Selims Sisters, who bewail'd the loss of her Husband, and the Cap­tivity of her two Sons. 'Twas for several days fear'd, that the Victorious Fleet would come with Full Sayl, and attack the Imperial Seat: [Page 273] wherefore the Grand Visier, to prevent Sur­prize and Insults, augmented the Garrison of the Dardanels. The People were so disturb'd, that, to keep them within bounds, they were fain to issue out very severe Orders. Selim was then at Adrianople, busied about the Mosque and Kervansarai. He returned thence with speed, at the first News of the Tumults in the City, for fear it should be yielded to the Conquerors. The ignorant Multitude were so terrifyed, that the greatest part of them gave the choicest of their Goods to be kept by the Christians, whom yet they treated with the highest Contempt, and as kt 'em, whether they might at least be permit­ted the free exercise of their Religion in paying Tribute. The Grand Signiors Arrival calmed these Storms, and kept the People in their du­ty by the sole Fear of Punishment. Thus was Venice reveng'd of the Alarms given her by the Menaces of an Insolent Conquerour; and the Fright at Constantinople was so much the greater, in that the Infidels thought them­selves secure of the Victory. This Turn is a great Example of the Inconstancy of Humane Affairs, and how little Confidence ought to be placed in Fortune's Favours, which become so much the bitterer, the less we expect to see our selves deprived of them. The Grand Signior removed Perteau from his Employ, confiscated his Estate, and with difficulty lea­ving him his Life, banisht him from Constan­tinople. He thought by this Chastisement to cast the shame of his Defeat on one of his Gene­rals ill Conduct, and so to save his Armies [Page 274] Credit. Louchali, who was escap't with about Thirty Gallies, and some Christian Vessels, he had taken in the beginning of the Fight, was Honoured for this little Advantage, and retur­ned Triumphantly to Constantinople. The Grand Seignior highly extolled his Valour, presented him with a Magnificent Vest, and made him Bassa of the Sea in the room of the unfortunate Haly. The Pope Passionately desired the Re­turn of this Renegado to the Christian Religi­on, and would have proposed to him by some able Mediators, not only the Pardon of his Apostacy, but also the giving him a Town in Soveraignty, within the Realm of Naples, which was his Native Country, on condition he would deliver up the Fleet to Don John. Cardinal Alexandrini had in his Holynesses Name much pressed the King of Spain to that purpose. Philip the Second approved this Design, admired the Zeal of Pius the Fifth, and promised to second it to the utmost of his Ability; but he did not exactly keep his Word; and the Popes Death, happening a little after, was highly prejudicial to the Af­fairs of Christendom.

The Musulmans, having a little recovered their Spirits, drew Troops out of the inland places, to strengthen their Garrisons on the Sea Coasts, fearing, that the Christians, be­come Masters of the Archipelago, might make use of this Advantage. But the Spies, they had sent to learn News, brought them Word, that Don John, satisfyed with gaining a Battel, was gone to disarm in Sicily; That the Veneti­ans, [Page 275] incapable to make the best of their good Fortune, only amus'd themselves about taking half-ruin'd Castles in Epirus; and that Venieri, having ill succeeded in an Enterprize, was gone to Winter at Corfou. The Ministers of the Divan, re-assured by this Report, set close to the repairing of their Fleet, seeing this to be the only means to preserve the Glory of the Ottoman Name, and secure their Coasts. It was besides of extream importance to them, to let all Europe see, that the Grand Signior was powerful enough, not only to repair its Ruins, but also to put to Sea the next Spring a much more formidable Fleet. Louchali, engaged by his own Employ to support his Masters Glory, with his utmost Endeavours advanced the Pre­paratives of this Design. He sent for Four and Twenty Gallies, left to secure the Isle of Cyprus, which had not been in the Fight at Le­panto; he diligently drew together all those, that had escaped from the Conquerours, and provided them of new Furniture. He made use of the old Hulls of Vessels, found in the Harbours or Ports. The Bassa's had Order to build the greatest number they could, in all places of their Governments, appointed for such Works: so that Louchali surprized the Di­van by the speed, with which he made ready Two Hundred Gallies. This Effort made Se­lim conceive a great Opinion of his Power; and with this Fleet ill equipp'd, the Turks pre­tended to revenge themselves of their last De­feat.

The happy Success of the Confederates Arms [Page 276] could not make the Generals forget their parti­cular Quarrels. The Report of the late Fight, already spread over all Europe, warmed Chri­stendom, and made it with reason expect a a Series of Victories. But the Hatred and Jealousie of the Soveraigns, disappointed so great an Expectation. Though there seem'd to be a great Accord and Union between the Spaniards and the Venetians, yet they loved one another less, than they hated the Infidels, and their Victory had doubled their Aversion. The Spaniards treated the Venetians with as much Contempt as Pride. They publisht, that the others had contributed little to the gaining of the Battel, and that the whole was in a manner due to their Troops and Gallies. The Venetians, who could not suffer these insolent Discourses, boasted their Gallant Actions, saying, that their Army both began the Fight, and determin'd the Victory. They moreover complained of the Spaniards Malice, who had let some of the Republicks Gallies be taken, when they might easily have succoured them. Amongst others they accused Doria of Treach­ery, reproaching him with having placed him­self at such a distance, that several Christian Friggats thinking he fled, had tumultuously followed him, with not having so much as made one Shot; with having carryed away, and pillaged the Vessels, taken from the Infi­dels, instead of pursuing Louchali, who retrea­ted in Disorder; and with having behaved him­self on the Day of the Fight, more like a Pyrate than a General.

[Page] The Venetians in the beginning of the Win­ter sent Paul Tipoli to Rome, to assist Sorancio in the Negotiations touching the League. Re­quiescens was employed upon the same Affair, with the Embassadours of the Catholick King. The Pope often discoursed him in private, gave him several Marks of his good will, and di­stinguished him from other Forrein Ministers, because he was Governour of Milanese. The President du Ferrier, Embassadour from France to his Holyness, a sensible and punctual Man, found fault with this Preference, and complai­ned with so much earnestness of the Affront done the King his Master, whose Ministers had always been more Honoured than the King of Spains, that Requiescens fearing, this Con­test might unseasonably cause a War between France and Spain, retired to his Government. Philips and the Republicks Embassadours had every day some new Disputes in the Presence of the Pope and Cardinals, assembled to Regu­late them touching the Preparatives for the next Campaign, and agreed not upon any Ar­ticles without his Holynesses Interposition. The Venetians desir'd that an account might be ta­ken of the Expence, they had been already at; pretended, that they were much more Money out, than they were oblig'd to by the Treaty; and demanded to be re-imburst. The Pope, all whose Cares were employed upon this Ho­ly Expedition, fear'd the too exact Charge of the Venetians, and the too subtile Discharge of the Spaniards; and to hinder their Contests about the past, from prejudicing the present Affairs, [Page 280] forbad the examining any of them, till they had agreed, with what number of Troops, and on what part of the Mahometan Coun­tries the War should be carryed on in the Spring. As soon as they had submitted to his Holynesses Sentiment, the Venetians propos'd, that Greece should be attackt by all the Confe­derate Land and Sea Forces. These Troops to­gether made a Body of Fifty Thousand Foot, and Four Thousand Five Hundred Horse, not counting the Militia of the Fleet, consisting of Two Hundred Gallies, and an Hundred Vessels of Burden, laden with Victuals and Ammunition. The Emperor was thereupon to be furnisht with the Troops, which Cardinal Commendon had promised him, to engage him in the League, and put him in condition to attack Hungary. And in case Maximilian was not sure to put himself in the Field, the Army must take the way of Macedonia, through the Provinces of Illyrium and Epirus, for to en­ter into the Enemies Country. The Turks were too much weakned to resist such great Efforts; and 'twas hop'd, they might be driven out of Europe; Repose restor'd to Italy for e­ver, and all Christendom secured. The Spani­ards continued obstinate in their first opinion of keeping on the Defensive, endeavouring by that means to ruine the Venetian Fleet, and make advantage of the War, by carrying it on the Coasts of Africk. Not daring openly to maintain this Proposition for Fear of draw­ing on themselves the publick Hatred, and knowing, that the Emperour would keep [Page 281] a Neutrality, they pretended, there could not any attempt be made on the Sea Coasts, unless he attackt Hungary, a great Diversion on that side being necessary, to hinder the Turks upon the Mediterranean from sending speedy Relief to any Maritime place the Christians should assault; without which their Efforts would not only be useless, but also dangerous; That it was therefore (added they) more fit in expe­cting the Emperors Declaration to keep two Hundred Gallies in good Condition, and rea­dy to act and surprize the Enemy according to the occurrence of Affairs, and to rid themselves of the trouble of the Vessels of Equipage, whose attendance the ablest Sea-Officers had always slighted; That with an Hundred and Fifty Soldiers on each Gally, they might in a moment land Thirty Thousand Men, at­tack and take many strong places, before the Enemy could have time to relieve them; That they should no more expect Resolutions from Rome, where neither the Condition of Affairs, nor situation of Places was known; but that all should be left to the Prudence and Fidelity of the Generals, by making them absolute Ma­sters of the whole Fleet. They represented far­ther, that in respect to the Generalissimo, the Fleet should assemble in Sicily, this Isle being moreover able abundantly to furnish all Pro­visions, necessary for so numerous an Army.

It seem'd, that it should be referr'd to the Generals Determinations; and the Spaniards, who believ'd that Colonni would assert the King their Masters Interest, doubted not, but that, [...] [Page 280] [...] [Page 281] [Page 282] if the Fleet had its Randezvous in Sicily, they might soon pass over from the Morea to the Coasts of Mauritania. The Venetians formally opposing it with consent of the Cardinals Com­missaries, the Spaniards explained themselves more openly, remonstrating, that 'twas unjust to have Respect only to the Interests of the Vene­tians, and that the King their Master, who contributed most to the Expences of the War, should have no part of the Profit; That all his Coasts were exposed to be plundred by the Corsairs, as if his Catholick Majesty had not any Vessels at Sea, or that it cost him nothing towards the maintaining the Confederate Fleet; That if the Ports of Africk were once cleansed of these Thieves, who had no other Retreat, Spain would, in acknowledgement of so great a Benefit, make new Efforts to as­sist the Holy League; That Italy was not much less exposed to the Incursions of these Pyrates, than Spain; That this Enterprize was neither long nor difficult, there being no Garrison in Algier, the best of their Ports, which would yield, as soon as the Christian Army should ap­pear; That they would incontinently after re­pass into Greece, to employ the rest of the Campaign in other Conquests, which the Re­port of taking this important Place would al­ready have prepared; That they would in the mean time resolve nothing on their own Head, and that they were ready to refer themselves to the Prudence of their Generals, who would know how to take their Measures on the pre­sent State of Affairs. Paul Tipoli, Embassa­dour [Page 283] of the Republick, afterwards took up the Discourse, and answered, That it was in vain to deliberate on things already decided: That the Fleets were oblig'd by the Treaty to meet every Year in the beginning of the Spring at Corfou, to go and attack the Enemies in Greece; That it was no longer to be talkt of leaving to the Generals Discretion, what had been regulated by all the Confederates, and that 'twas contrary to good Sence and Reason to change such just Measures; That they ought not to amuse themselves about making Shots out of reach at an Enemy, when they might give them Mortal Wounds: But suppose, continu­ed he, that in clearing the Coasts of Africa from Pyrates, you restore Repose to Spain and Italy by entirely securing the Maritime Places; What Benefit will you get by it, if you give the Infidels time to put forth a new Fleet to Sea, and see your selves once again exposed to the Perils, from which you were but just now miraculously delivered? You will then no lon­ger have to deal with the pitiful Boats of Thieves, whose Surprizes to avoid is suffici­ent; but you will see the Coast of Sicily and Italy covered with the Enemies Vessels, un­der the Shelter of which the Corsairs will in less time be re-settled in Africk, than you will have been in driving them thence. When the whole Body is assaulted by some great Distem­per, we neglect curing the remoter Parts, and apply Remedies to the places where the Ma­lady is more dangerous and pressing. What will the taking of Algier, with the Defeat of [Page 286] the Corsairs, signifie to the Reputation of our Arms, and the decisive Point of the War, which is the Question, if we must necessarily attack the Enemy in the Heart of his Domini­ons. For in fine, whether we ravage Greece, or hinder the Re-establishment of the Ottoman Fleet, we shall make our selves, without fight­ing, Masters of Africk; whereas at present we cannot invade it without abundance of dan­ger and Expence. We shall have to do with such, as have from their Infancy been bred up to War, and that will defend themselves like Mad-Men and Desperado's; nor shall we find there, as in Greece, People exasperated by the Rigor of their Government, and wholly ready to declare for us: But if we must not ex­pect any Success, unless the Emperor enter into the League, as the Spanish Ministers aver; will he approve of turning War on the Coast of Mauritania, when we should, by attacking the Enemy in the Archipelago, divide the Otto­man Forces, which without this Diversion, will all fall upon him in Hungary? This Prince is undoubtedly too clear-sighted to sign the Trea­ty of Union, as soon as he shall judge, by the Attempt upon Africk, that the Spaniards aban­don the publick Interest, to mind only that of the King their Master. Tipoli, in fine, con­cluded upon the forming two Armies, one by Sea, and the other by Land, of all the Confe­derate Troops, and vigorously pressing the Ene­mies, before they were recovered of their Consternation.

[Page 285] These Disputes took them up two Months without coming to any Agreement: but the Parties referring themselves to the Pope, he in this manner regulated all these Differences. He ordered, that the Fleets should repair to Corfou about the latter end of March, with all sorts of Ammunition and Equipage; That the Venetians should add Three Galeasses to Six others, which were already in their Navy; and that Greece should be invaded on the side, which the Commanders should think fittest; that the Holy See and the King of Spain should send the same number of Vessels, as in the last Camapign; That there should be embarkt on­ly Two and Thirty Thousand Foot, and Five Hundred Horse; That there should stay at Otranto Twelve Thousand new-raised Men, ready to pass over upon the first Order from the Generals; That there should be Thirty Pieces of Canon with Powder and Ball, enough for each Piece to make a Thousand Shot; That there should be Twenty Thousand Mus­kets, Thirty Thousand Swords, Fifteen Thou­sand Partisans, Two Thousand Lances, and Five Hundred Iron Coats, with all sorts of Utensils and Instruments necessary for such an Army. The Pope did not only solicite the Emperour to joyn with the Princes of the League; he sent also at the same time two Prelates, Antonio Salviati and Paulo Odescalchi, to the Princes of Italy, inviting them to contribute every one according to his Abili­ty towards the defraying so Holy an Enterprize: They all promised to second his Holynesses Zeal. Gulielmo de Conzaga, Duke of Mantua [Page 286] offered Two Hundred Horse and a Thou­sand Foot; the Duke of Parma engaged to send as many; and the Duke of Urbin (whose Power was much inferiour to that of those two Princes) promised only a Regiment of Horse, compos'd of Two Hundred choice Men; the Republick of Lucca, which had not any Troops, taxt themselves at six Thou­sand Crowns of Gold a Year; the Genoueses answered, that they had lent the King of Spain Four Gallies for this Expedition, and that their Militia was embark'd on his Catholick Maje­sties Fleet. Philibert Duke of Savoy, offered Two Thousand Foot, and Four Hundred Horse, but at the same time he besought the Pope to consider, that he had much more need for them for the securing of his own State, than against the Turks, being threatned by Gas­par Coligny, who had put himself at the Head of the French Protestants. The Duke of Sa­voy had reason to distrust so Potent and brave a Man. He had newly, without the Dukes consent, marryed a Gentlewoman, born his Subject, of one of the best Houses of Savoy, exceeding Rich, Lady of many great Castles, and who, for the sake of this Marriage, had renounced the Romish Religion. Cosmo de Medicis gave five Hundred Horse, and Six Thousand Foot, on condition that the Empe­rour, and the other Confederate Princes, should grant him the Title of Great Duke of Tuscany. Alfonsa Duke of Ferrara offered his Holyness as many Troops as he should ask [...]im, without determining the Number; but [Page 287] the Jealousie, given him by the Elevation of Medicis, with whom he had long been dispu­ting about Precedency and Power, and the Offers of this Redoubtable Rival, oblig'd him to make a Journey to the Emperor, to oppose the settling this new Title. The Pope, who fear'd the Duke of Ferrara would divert Maximilian from entring into the League, lost all the good opinion he had of him, and gave apparent Signs of his Indignation against this Prince.

The Cares and Authority of Pius the Fifth having surmounted the greatest Difficulties, and regulated all things betwixt the Allyes, the Christians might Rationally promise themselves a Glorious Success in the next Campaign; and Colonni, having given all Orders necessary for his Departure, was setting forth for his Post, when Heaven, more than ever incen [...]ed against our Crimes, chastised us for them by the Death of Pius the Fifth, which happened a few days after. He felt himself at first assaulted by Pains, of which, neither himself, nor Physiti­ans could Divine the Cause. He had no great opinion of their Prescriptions, being perswa­ded, that all the secret Physick consisted in ab­staining from things p [...]ejudicial to Health, and in a simple and frugal manner of living. Hence he had but one Physitian, who had a long time been his Servant. These sharp and continual Pains gave the Physitians to understand, that he had a Stone in his Bladder. But he could not be brought to use the Remedies necessary for his Cure, bcause they too much offended his Modesty, and himself judged, that his Di­stemper [Page 288] was incurable by the Redoubling of his Pains. He would not then hear of any Af­fairs, but his Salvation, and applyed himself, sick as he was, to continual exercise of Devo­tion. He undertook to visit on Foot, the Se­ven Churches, maugre the Prayers and Tears of his Nephews. He employed but a day and an half in this Holy Pilgrimage, though he stayed a considerable time at Prayers in every Church; but he returned so tir'd, that the Physitians believ'd, this violent excercise, join'd to the cruel pains he suffered, and to the Au­thority he used till his death, would shorten the days of this Holy Man. He dyed to the great Unhappyness of all Christendom, but to his own Repose and Glory, on the first of May. He was a Personage, comparable to the first Vicars of Jesus Christ, for the Innocen­cy and Holyness of his manners, the firmness of his Faith, the Ardor of his Zeal for Religi­on, and who merited no less than those, whose Memory the Church Solemnly Celebrates.

He was born in the Year 1504. near the Town Alexandria, in a Village called le Bois. His Birth and Fortune were mean enough, though some Authors, to flatter him, have written, that he was descended of the Ancient and No­ble Family of the Ghislieri of Bononia. He was from his Childhood educated in the order of the Dominicans, of which he took the Ha­bit, and liv'd to the Age of Fifty Years in the most Religious Observation of St. Dominicks Rule. This Uniformity of Conduct gained him the esteem of a perfect Religious. 'Tis [Page 289] said, he never had any Office in the Order, and that he was only chosen to govern some Houses in quality of Prior, which Employs he for no other reason accepted, but he might not disobey his Superiors. Cardinal Caraffa having been named Soveraign Inquisitor, heard of his Merit. He sent him to Bergamo, to order the Process against certain Hereticks. For besides his extraordinary Piety, he was very Learned in the Holy Scripture, and in Divinity, which he had a long time taught in his Order with the Title of Doctor. Cardinal Caraffa, well sa­tisfyed with his Activeness and Fidelity, which were of proof against Sollicitations and Mena­ces, sent for him back to Rome, where his Ser­vice was very useful to him in the same Functi­ons. This Cardinal, being after Julius the Third, and Marcellus the Second, who both reigned but a very little while, advanced to the Church­es Throne under the Name of Paul the Fourth, gave the Bishoprick of Nepi to Michael Ghisli­eri (so was he call'd amongst the Dominicans) and Two Years after honoured him with the Sacred Purple, though Cardinal Charles Caraffa his Holynesses Nephew, opposed his Promoti­on. He afterwards made him chief of the Inquisition, giving him far greater Power than any, who had before him filled that place, and extoll'd his Capacity in the presence of all the Cardinals. He made himself many Enemies by Honourably asserting the Interests of Re­ligion, but was nevertheless chosen Pope the Fifth day of January, Anno 1566. Those, who seem'd the most contrary to his Election, were [Page 290] the first to give him their Voices. He shewed so much indifference therein, that, when ac­cording to Custom, they came to ask him, whether he consented to what the Conclave had done in his behalf, he for some time doubt­ed, whether he should accept it, and received the Tiara with as much Moderation, as he had testified little desire to obtain it. In the mean time this Man, full of Humility, without Estate, without Birth, and without Favour, supported only by his Innocency, and the up­rightness of his Intentions, manifested no less Greatness of Soul, than Zeal and Devotion. At his Entrance into the Pontificat, he set about restoring the Discipline, which had been long corrupted. A Work undoubtedly Laborious, but which he Gloriously accomplisht, by being himself the first in diligently observing his own Ordinances, and severely punishing the obsti­nate and Refractory. By proposing Recompen­ces only to those, who endeavour'd their a­mendment; the Court of Rome was in so short a time purged of all the Vices which dis­honoured it, that 'twas scarce credible he alone should have performed, what several of his Pre­decessors never durst attempt. The Respect and Veneration that was had for him, preven­ted his Orders, and every one amended his Manners, through the Sole Fear of displeasing him. The Corruption was grown so great in the whole Ecclesiastical State, that Wisdom and Modesty rendred Men contemptible, and nothing made them valued but Libertinism. But Pius the Fifth took such good order there­in, [Page 291] that Virtue regain'd the place, whence Vice had driven her. The Banditi were become so formidable by their Assassinates and Robbe­ries, that the Towns themselves were not safe from their Insults. This Holy Pope caused these Thieves to be punished with so much Se­verity, that his Subjects enjoyed a Calm and Repose, the like of which had not yet been seen in any State of Italy. He had so little Ambition to advance his Family, that 'twas only at the Instant Request of the Sacred Col­ledge, that he gave the Hat to his Nephew Michael Bonelli, his Sisters Son, who had also taken the Habit of St. Dominick, though he loved him tenderly, as being a Person of great Wit and Virtue. He took from him the Office of Treasurer of the Church, worth ten Thou­sand Crowns a Year, some time after he had given him it, and sold it, to Cardinal Cornaro for Four Hundred Thousand Franks, which were employed in Equipping the Fleet of the Holy See. His Nephew willingly parted with it, offering him also, whatever was left him of his Benefits, for so Holy an use as that. He entertain'd a young Bononian, that was his Kinsman, named Paulo Ghislieri, who had a great inclination to the Wars, and could not have fail'd of succeeding in it. But the Pope understanding that he had an habit of Lying, would not see him, but banish'd him from Rome, with Prohibition of ever returning thi­ther, whatever Intercess [...]n the Princes and Cardinals made in his be [...]alf. By so admi [...]a­ble a Conduct [...]e merited the Esteem of all the [Page 292] Christian Princes, though no Pope of a long time had so little Condescendence for them, or more vigorously oppos'd all their Enterprizes against the Honour or Interest of the Holy See. He rejected the Counsels of those able Politi­cians, who pretended to govern the Church according to the Wisdom of the World, and said, that the Vicar of JESUS CHRIST ought to be ignorant of State-tricks, and to de­mand of GOD alone Strength, necessary for the supporting this Burden. This sole Confi­dence gave him such an Authority, that he a­lone engag'd the King of Spain, and the Vene­tians in the League, and gave the Form and Motion to this long and difficult Work.



HUgh Buoncompagno chosen Pope under the Name of Gregory the Thirteenth. His Birth and Fortune. Designs of Gaspar de Coligni Admiral of France. Condition of the two Fleets. Louchali's great Ability. Unwilling­ness of the two Generals to Fight. Each of them slips an Opportunity of gaining the Victory. The Turks shut up in an Harbour. The Christians will attack them. Don John carries back the Spa­nish [Page 294] Fleet into Sicily. The Venetians Complaint against him. 'Tis ref [...]rr [...]d to the Council of Ten to treat secretly a Peace. The Turks make themselves Masters of a little Place and Fort. The Republicks Complaints to the Pope. Great Contests at Rome about augmen­ting the Navy. The Pope grants Don John the Liberty of Haly's Son. This Prince sends him back to his Mother with­out any Ransom. A witty Saying of the Bassa of Negrepont Prisoner at Rome. The Pope exhorts the French King to enter into the League. Reasons of the Power and Greatness of the Realm of France. Causes of its last Misfortunes. Peace and Alliance between France and Spain. Henry's lamentable Death. Jealousie between Catherine de Medicis and the Cardinal of Lorrain. Conspiracy of Amboise. Death of Francis the Se­cond, King of Navarre declared Regent [Page 295] during the Minority of Charles the Ninth. Duke of Guise assassinated before Orle­ance. Battel of St. Denis. Anne de Momerency, Constable of France, mor­tally wonded. Battel of Jarnac. Prince of Conde slain after the Fight. Conduct of Admiral Coligni. Cardinal Ursin Legat in France. Conditions on which the Emperor will enter into the League. Peace concluded at Constantinople be­tween the Grand Seignior and the Ve­netians. Copy of the Treaty sent to Ve­nice. All the Christian States offen­ded at this Agreement. The King of Spain receives the News of it with a great deal of Moderation. The Pope drives from his Presence the Venetian Embassa­dour, who came to tell him of it. The Venetians are in danger of their Lives at Rome. The Popes Discourse, in his Anger, to the Cardinals. His Ho­lynesses Decree against the Venetians. [Page 296] Tipoli's Address to pacifie the Pope. Nicholas Ponti extraordinary Em­bassadour from the Republick to Rome. He reconciles the Republick with Grego­ry the Thirteenth.

The Fifth Book.

THE Popes Sickness, followed by his Death, interrupted the Course of Affairs; and stayed Colonni at Rome, though all things were ready for his depar­ture. The Castles and other Lordships he held in the Ecclesiastical State, too much inte­ressed him in the next Election, to let him ab­sent himself during the holding of the Conclave. But the Cardinals, sending for him to the Consi­story, told him, he must not abandon the com­mon Cause in the present Conjuncture, and oblig'd him to go and join the Fleet. They gave him Money out of the Churches Treasu­ry, to pay the Troops of the Holy See; and [Page 298] having taken his Leave of the Sacred Col­ledge, recommending to them his Interests, he went immediately to Civita Vecchia, where he found another occasion of delay. The Great Duke of Tuscany, not yet knowing how mat­ters would go touching the Election, made a Difficulty of furnishing out the Twelve Gal­lies, the deceased Pope had already hired of him. Cardinal Ferdinando de Medicis, his Son, seeing the other Cardinals highly disgusted at this Refusal, cast the Blame on his Fathers Offi­cers, and undertook for the Performance of the Treaty, made with Pius the Fifth, which was no sooner satisfied, but Colonni, setting sail, took his course for Naples, thence to pass into Sicily.

The Cardinals, having (during the nine days destined to that Ceremony) paid their last Du­ties to the departed Pope, entred into the Con­clave on the 11th. of May; and the next day, notwithstanding the Powerful Competition of Cardinal Farnese, who pretended to the Pontificat, they, at the solicitation of Cardi­nal Altemps, chose Hugh Buoncompagno, who took the Name of Gregory the Thirteenth. He was born at Bononia, of a very mean Family: his Father, whose Fortune was no greater than his Birth, left nevertheless a great Estate, which he got by his Industry and Frugality. When Charles the Fifth received at Bononia the Impe­rial Crown from the Hands of Clement the Se­venth, this Man, who had gotten into Trade, made so considerable an advantage of abun­dance of Wares, which the Concourse of Stran­gers, [Page 299] drawn thither by the Pomp of this Cere­mony, had made dear, that he was in a con­dition to build Stately Houses in a Quarter of the Town, call'd The Street of Hell. He cau­sed all his Children to be carefully brought up in Learning, and engaged his Son Hugh in the Study of the Civil Law, in which he made so great a Progress, that having taken his Degree of Doctor, he for several years taught publick­ly in the University of Bononia. Being above Forty years of Age when he lost his Father, he went soon after to Rome, hoping to get there both Wealth and Reputation, by following the Profession of the Bar. He there administred some publick Employs with so great Probity, and such exact Justice, that he successively en­joyed almost all the Chief Offices of the Town. He passed several Years without rising to any great Height; but his good Fortune, in fine, declaring it self, he advanced much faster in his latter days, and was at the Age of Threescore and Ten mounted upon the Papal Throne. He was more indebted for his exaltation to the Esteem, he had acquir'd, of being an Upright Man, and a great Justiciary, than to Favor or Intrigue. He was naturally sullen, and slow of Speech: but he knew so well how to make ad­vantage of these Defects, that his Silence was taken for a Mark of singular Prudence, and his Sullenness for an admirable Strength of Wit.

Colonni, having by the way learnt the Ele­ction of the new Pope, hasted back to Rome, to Congratulate his Holyness, who, having gi­ven [Page 300] him his Orders, sent him again to the Fleet. Don John had passed all the Winter in Feasting and Jollity; and this Young Prince, much more sensible of the Lustre, than of the Be­nefit of his Victory, had prepared for the Expedition in Africk, not doubting, but the Spaniards might engage the Pope and the Ve­netians in it, by perswading them, it would not take up much time. But having received Advice, that it had been resolved at Rome to at­tack the Infidels in Greece, he departed with all his Fleet from Palermo, and came before Mes­sina: He sent some Vessels of Burden to Cor­fou; and making a shew of no small Impati­ence at Colonni's stay, without whom he could not go against the Enemies, he would oblige Leonardo Contareni (who was sent to him from the Republick, with order to stay there, and see the Navy set forth) to go and assure the Se­nate, that he would weigh Anchor, as soon as ever Colonni, whom he daily expected, should have join'd him with the Popes Fleet. Colonni being, in fine, arrived, the Venetians, under pretence of shewing greater Honour to Don John, or to hasten his Departure, sent from Corfou into Sicily Five and Twenty Gallies, commanded by James Sorancio, to meet him, and represented to him, that his delay was highly prejudicial to the Good of the Common Cause, and his own Glory. Don John, one while shewing an extream Desire to second the Republicks Intentions, and other whiles excu­sing himself upon some Preparatives, that were yet wanting to the Fleet. Sorancio in vain re­doubled [Page 301] his Instances; for Don John had a se­cret order from the King of Spain, not to make War upon the Infidels this year, but to keep his Fleet along the Coasts of Sicily. This he had imparted to Colonni, desiring him to favour his Catholick Majesties Designs, and amuse the Venetians. Sorancio, whom a long experience had rendred very quick-sighted, discovered this Mystery through all these Disguises, and gave notice to his Holyness, who complaining of it to the Spanish Embassador; that Mini­ster presented to him a Letter from the King his Master, in which Philip the Second repre­sented to the Pope, that all France was in Arms. That the Admiral de Coligni, Head of the Protestants in that Kingdom, had got the chief place in the Young Kings Favour; that he had procured a League Offensive and Defensive between France and England; That the Admi­ral sollicited the Flemings to a Rovolt; and made, at his own charge, great Levies in Ger­many: And that his Catholick Majesty was per­swaded that the Admiral abus'd the French Kings Weakness, and set all manner of Engins at Work, to cause Insurrections in the Neighbou­ring States, for no other end, than with the greater Facility to attack his: That his Holy­ness ought not to be displeased at the Kings cal­ling back his Fleet for his own particular secu­rity; besides that, it concerned all Christendom, as much as himself, to oppose the aggran­dizing of so Pernicious a Sect. 'Tis manifest, the Admiral had used all his Endeavours with Charles the Ninth, to induce him to declare [Page 302] War against Philip; having often represented in the Council, that there never could be so fa­vorable an Opportunity, and that all things promised an advantagious Success.

In the mean time the King of Spain's Letters to his Holiness put the whole Court of Rome in a rage; and the Venetians fill'd all Europe with Complaints and Murmurings, saying, that the Spaniards not only abandon'd Christendom, but deliver'd it up to the Infidels; That the Dis­contents and Divisions of France were only Pre­tence, to make the Republick lose the Benefit of the Victory of Lepanto, by giving the Barbari­ans Leisure to set forth a new Navy. The French, that were at Rome, used the same Lan­guage. The Cardinal of Lorrain, and the Em­bassador du Ferrier stiled these Reports an Im­posture and Calumny, publickly declaring, that the Spaniards endeavour'd dexterously to cast their Perfidiousness on the French. Some be­liev'd, that Philip the Second intended by this manner of proceeding, to try the Popes Pati­ence, with a Design to attempt greater matters, in case he found him of an easie and Flexible Temper. But Gregory, without examining, whether the Spaniards Excuse were true or false, dispatcht away two Prelates, Salviati and Ormanet, the latter into Spain, the former into France, to prevent the War, that was rea­dy to break forth between these two Crowns. Salviati, being arrived at Paris, writ him word, that he found no appearance of Division in that Kingdom, and that the King and his Mi­nisters laught at the Spaniards absurd Pretences [Page 303] for deserting their Allies. The Pope in the mean time could not suffer so open a Violation of the League in the beginning of his Pontifi­cat. His Predecessor had granted the King of Spain the raising of about an hundred Thousand Crowns a year on his Clergy, on condition to maintain Threescore Gallies against the Infidels, and of this his Holyness demanded the Perfor­mance. The Spanish Ministers answered him, they had no orders about it; and Address being made on his behalf to Don John, he offered Twenty Gallies, in case the Cardinal Granvelle and the Spanish Embassadour would consent to it. These two Ministers, consulting of this Affair, were of opinion, that instead of the Threescore Gallies, demanded by the Pope, there should be only Two and Twenty granted to the Venetians, on the one side, for fear of rendring them too strong, and on the other, to enable them to support and continue the War.

They were delivered to Colonni, who imme­diately went with those of the Holy See, and some of the Republicks, to join the rest of the Venetian Fleet at Corfou. The King of Spain and his Subjects were become odious to all the other Nations of Europe, for having so shamefully gone back from the League, and abandoned the Common Cause, as well as that of the Venetians. Philip, having received Ad­vice thereof from several parts, and amongst the rest from Don John of Austria, re-call'd the natural Inclination, he had for his Honour, and the advancement of Religion, and sent Orders to Don John, to pass with all his Forces into [Page 304] Greece, and to behave himself in this War with all the Valour and Fidelity he expected from his Obedience. Don John had no sooner received this Order, but he writ to Colonni: But this Letter having been differently repor­ted, the Original falling into the Author of this History's Hands, he thought it his Duty to set it down here in its very Words.

Don John of Austria to Marco Antonia Colonni.

HIs Catholick Majesty having recovered Valenciennes, and driven thence the French, who still continue Masters of Mons and Haynault; the Perplexity of his Affairs in the Low Countrys not hindring him to satisfie his other Obligations, has comman­ded me, that leaving all things else, I should with the whole Confederate Army carry the War into the Morea. I am extreamly pleased with imparting to you such Agreeable News, upon which, I am sure, you will take good Measures. I am of opinion to let the Greeks know, that we shall soon be upon their Coasts, to maintain them in their purpose of declaring for us: in the mean time attempt nothing of Consequence without me, only hinder the Isles from being plundred, and stay for me, to the end we may all together make a greater Ef­fort. I write to the Marquess of St. Cross, [Page 305] and send him Word, that, in what place soe­ver he receives my Orders, he incessantly re­pair with what Vessels he has to Corfou, where I shall no sooner arrive, but we will begin the War. I desire you to keep the Soldiers in Discipline, and above all things, to prevent the breaking forth of any Quarrels between the Spaniards and Italians, nothing more troubling me, than to see these two Nations at difference. I will set Sail at the first Arri­val of the Vessels. Communicate this News to the Venetians, to whom I have not leisure to write. I believe, you will take my Word for the good Faith and sincere Intentions of the Catholick King.

Colonni received this Letter in the way be­tween Corfou and Cephalonia, and having read it, call'd a Council. The Venetians, still fearing some disappointment from the Spaniards, gave little Credit to this News, and were of opini­on to keep on their way, remonstrating, that the State of Affairs imposed on them a necessi­ty of continuing this Navigation alone, if their Allies either stopt or turned back: and in effect Don John having recommended to them the confirming the Greeks in their Intentions to re­volt, and the securing the Republicks Frontiers, 'twas impossible to do either the one or the other, if the Fleet returned to Corfou; wherefore Colonni, and Andrada, Commander of the Spa­nish Ships, were of the same Mind with the [Page 306] Venetians. Being then arrived at Cephalonia and Zant, they re-assured their Allies against the Fright, the Turks Fleet had given them, and sent discreet Persons to the Greeks, inhabiting the Mountains of Morea, to renew the Intelli­gence, and stir them up afresh to Rebellion. Steering towards Cythera, now call'd Cerigo, they met Leoni and Soriano, Captains of the Venetian Gallies, who were ordered to go up­on Discovery. These Two Officers told them, that the Enemy was not far off, riding at An­chor under the Walls of Malvasia, which is the ancient Epidaurus of the Greeks; That their Fleet was composed of above Two Hun­dred Gallies, and many other Vessels; but that, though this was the greatest Navy they ever had at Sea, neither their Hulls nor Furni­ture was any way comparable to the Christi­ans, and that there was great likelyhood, they would not expose themselves to a Fight. The Confederates Fleet consisted of an Hundred and Forty Gallies, Six Galeasses, and one and Twenty great Vessels, fitted for War, though laden with Victuals and Ammunition. The General resolved the next day to seek out the Infidels, and draw them to a Battel: But Co­lonni altered this Resolution, fearing, that if the Turks continued in their Post, the Retreat of the Great Vessels might become dangerous, this sort of Ships not being very sure in Fight: for, though they are wonderful with the Wind, they become useless, and even cumbersom, du­ring the Calm, and it would be difficult to row them back at the sight of the Enemies Fleet: [Page 307] so that 'twas not thought fit to hazard a Battle, being Weaker in Gallies than the Infidels, and having need of these Vessels to cover their Wings. The next day they got towards the East part of the Isle, and the Fleet drew up in Battalia near certain Rocks call'd Dragonares, over against the Promontory of Malea, as if they really design'd to engage the Enemy: the Galeasses were on the Right Wing, and the Ships of Burden on the Left, to the end they might come to them with the Favour of the Wind, in case it blew from the South. The Turks far exceeded the Christians in the num­ber of their Gallies, but were much inferiour to them in Marriners, Rowers, and Soldiers, since the Battel of Lepanto; so that their Ship­ping was not [...] serviceable. This Weak­ness obliged Louchali only to shew his Fleet, and carefully to avoid coming to Blows: he fear'd being dishonoured, and giving the Chri­stians occasion to glory, by standing too much upon his Guard: And 'twas an Advantage great enough for him to keep the Sea, and his Ene­mies in Breath. He no sooner understood, that the Christian Fleet was in Battalia near the Dra­gonares, but he set Sayl, to make a shew of fea­ring nothing; and leaving the Promontory of Malea, he coasted the Land on the right hand of this Promontory, as if he neither distrusted the Enemies Forces, nor the ill Condition of his own. The Wind blowing hard enough from the South, to work the Great Ships, they went with full Sayl against the Enemies, who were making towards the West, believing that [Page 308] they Fled; and they would undoubtedly have engaged in Fight, had not the Wind faln of a sudden. Louchali, seeing the Christians left Wing naked, turned his Prows that way; but Colonni speedily detacht the Frigats, which had already secured the Ships of Burden. The Two Fleets stood a long time facing each other within Cannon Shot, yet without making any Attack. The Christians fear'd being enclosed, if they left their Gallies and bigger Ships; and Louchali, who perceived this Precaution, made the greater semblance of Fierceness and Readiness to Fight. In fine, the Turks, seeing the Night approach, discharged all their Cannon, and retreated under the Shelter of the Smoak. The Christians co [...]nued in Battalia till the next day, when [...] went to Cerigo without any Order or Discipline, on pretence of taking in Fresh Water. The Negligence of the Officers was so great, that the most part of the Gallies put in where they pleased, not only in several parts of the Isle, but even in the Ports of the Continent, without obeying any Com­mand. But they were chastised for it by a ter­rible Alarm; for not knowing, what Course the Ottoman Fleet had taken, word was brought them, that they were within eight Miles, ad­vancing towards them. They got aboard their Vessels in an hurry, smitten with all the Ter­ror, such a Surprize could cause. Colonni at the same time sent to gather in all the dispersed Gallies, and having given the Signal of Battel, lancht speedily forth into the Deep with Three­score [Page 309] Sayl, putting the rest in Battalia as fast as they came up to the Fleet. Those that were most remote, gave little Credit to the Orders and Signals, which they unwillingly and very slow­ly obeyed. However, though they were throughly perswaded that Louchali would have defeated them, had he took Advantage of this Disorder; and though the neglect of Disci­pline be very destructive to an Army, yet was there no example made of the Offenders, Co­lonni and Andrada not daring to punish them, because there were some Spanish Gentlemen amongst them.

The Infidels, veering towards the West, left the Christian Fleet, not yet recovered of the Fright, into which they were put by the hazard they had run; and 'twas believed, they were then going to plunder the Islands and Frontiers of the Republick, there being then nothing to hinder them. Ours, to prevent such an Af­front, immediately determined to follow them. For this purpose Colonni chose out the best and swiftest of his Gallies; and taking Equipage and Soldiers out of the others, he would have sent them into Candy with the rest of the Fleet, with a Resolution to fall on the Enemies, who were beyond Zant, or else to stay there for Don John, in case he were not yet arrived, and with him to pursue the Mis-believers; or, if it should be thought more convenient, to attack some Place in Peloponesus, being then in Condition to attempt great matters. The Spanish General was of the same Opinion; but the Venetians having debated this design amongst themselves, [Page 310] disapproved the execution of it, though for Reasons weak enough, on which Foscarini had grounded his Sentiment. They instantly desi­red Colonni to change this last Resolution, and return to his former. Colonni granted them this Favour, for which Sorantio in full Council thanked him in Terms, repleat with Prai­ses. The Reasons, alledged by the Venetians, were, that having neither Galeasses, nor great Vessels, they were neither in Condition to Re­treat, nor defend themselves, if they should meet with the Enemy; but in truth they fear'd, lest Don John and his Council, might find some new Subterfuge, to make them lose again this Campaign.

The Christians, weighing Anchor in the Night, perceived by break of Day the Ottoman Fleet. Louchali, who was as well informed of their Motions, as if he had been prefent at their Debates, made all the advantage of this Knowledge that could be expected from a great Captain. Finding himself too weak to hazard a Battle, he aimed only to keep them in conti­nual Alarm, coasting always near them, and presenting himself sometimes in their Front, sometimes in the Rear, incessantly watching to lay hold of any Advantages, that might be gi­ven him by the Generals want of Experience or Disunion, by the Disobedience of the In­feriour Officers, or by the Accidents of Wind and Sea. He rode before the Promontory of Toenarus, commonly call'd Metapan; and the Christians not daring with their heavy Vessels to keep the Chanel, the Barbarian made to­wards [Page 311] them on the Coast: Our Fleet drew in Battalia in the same order, that is, with the Gal­lies between the Galeasses and great Ships, the Infidels also ranking themselves as at first. In the mean time the two Fleets descried afar off a Vessel coming with full Sayl: 'twas a Vene­tian Ship, having aboard it a considerable quan­tity of Money for payment of the Soldiers, and laden besides with Powder and other Am­munition for Candy. This Vessel mistaking the Infidels for the Christians, made directly to them, and some of their Gallies were alrea­dy advanced to invest it. Ours, perceiving its Error, sent Quirini with the Five swiftest Gallies of their Fleet, to prevent the Enemies, and secure this Vessel. Quirini, having boar­ded her, took out the Money, and received Germanico and Mario Savorniani, two Noble Venetians, that had taken this opportunity of coming to the Fleet. The Ship securely took her way for Candy; and Quirini returned, Louchali not daring to make to him, for fear of being forc't to accept a Battle. In the mean time the Fleets by little and little approacht each other, the Infidels extending their Front to a great Length. Ours where fain to do the like, lest the Enemy might fall upon their Flank or Reer; their heavy Vessels being always on the Wings, according to their first order. The Left Wing of the Turks, trusting to their Swifness and Lightness, and contemning the sluggishness of the Christians heavy Vessels, ad­vanced a little too forward on our Right. The Galeasses and Ships gave them so warm a Re­ception, [Page 312] that they were glad to retreat in Dis­order. Sorancio, who commanded this Wing, animated hereby; made a sign to the other Gallies to fall upon these Fugitives, and him­self with incredible swiftness pursued them. Angelo Soriano so vigorously followed them, that falling into their Squadron, he in such a manner attackt one of their Vessels, as he was like to make himself Master of her The Chri­stians had undoubtedly gained this day a signal Victory, had their whole Right Wing charged at the same time as the Barbarians began to fly; but except five Vessels which followed Sorantio, not one seconded his Bravery. Colonni, transpor­ted by the Ardor and Alacrity of the Soldiers, who already set forth shouts of Victory, advanc'd with the body of his Fleet, not considering he left the two Wings behind him. Foscarini, who was in the Head, cried out loud enough to be heard by every one, That we ought to give them Battel; That the Infidels were in Disorder; and that Heaven declar'd in Favour of the Common Cause; but if the Enemies Disorder drew Co­lonni after them, the Reflexion, which follow­ed this first Motion, cast him into a strange Perplexity. He knew not, whether he should go on, or return to his first Post; nor was he less disturbed by the hope of Victory, than by the fear of being defeated. He remembred, how displeasing the Honours, he received at Rome, at his return from the last Campaign, were to Don John of Austria, and what ill Of­fices the Spaniards had done him with the King their Master; so that having no longer the [Page 313] same Protection, he had under the precedent Pontificat, he was ruined with Philip the Se­cond, though he should have gained the Victo­ry; Don John having forbidden him to make any Attempt without him. These were the true reasons which hindred Colonni from attack­ing the Enemies, though he alledged for his ex­cuse, that their Retreat was but a Stratagem to divide the Christian Fleet, by drawing after them the Gallies alone, which would have been defeated without the help of the greater Ves­sels. In the mean time Sorantio, complaining that he had been abandoned by his, had re-gai­ned his Post, seeing the Infidels recovered, and making a semblance to charge him. Louchali wondred not at the routing of his Left Wing, and their being pursued by ours; he threatned his People with Death, if they returned not to the Fight, and ordered the Officers to re-settle this Disorder, during a little Relaxation, which the Christians gave them, foreseeing, that he should himself be engaged by the Fugitives, if the Christians knew how to make use of their Advantage; he bethought himself of a Strata­gem, which demonstrated him to have the Ge­nius of an able Seaman; he caus'd his Admiral Ship to be insensibly towed backward, though still facing the Christian Fleet, which was al­ready at no small distance from the greater Ves­sels. Canale, who commanded the Left Wing, of which many Ships were but in a bad Con­dition, could not make so much hast as the rest of the Fleet; and the Enemies, on the contrary, recovered of their Fright, sayled in good order. [Page 315] 'Twas now the Christians turn to be in very great Consternation, and smitten with a sudden Terror, which presaged some Disgrace, they kept silence, as if they were on the point of be­ing defeated. Many of the Gallies left their first Rank, for to fight only in the Rear, where the Danger would not be so great, so that the Front was become very thin. Colonni, to re­medy this Disorder, took a Skiff, and passing round the Fleet, employed his Authority, joined with Reasons and Requests, to make these Gallies return to their first Station: he told their Officers, that they had to do only with the same Enemies, of whom they had kill'd above Thirty Thousand Men in the last Battel, and taken almost an equal number of Prisoners, though they were then commanded by excellent Generals, their Army being also compleat, and full of Confidence and Pride; That they were now Headed by a pitiful Slave, fit only to lead Thieves to a Robbery; That his Fleet was Tumultuously Assembled, and his Soldiers but Novices; That they need only to return to their Post, and the Infidels would be necessita­ted to fly, to avoid being a second time discom­fited. Colonni endeavour'd by these Discourses to re-assure those that were most alarmed, and re­call their Courages. But the Distrust Louchali had of his Forces, hindred his benefiting by this Consternation; and seeking no other advantage, but not to be beaten, he gave Canale leisure to get up with the great Vessels to the Fleet, whose Arrival made the Christians take Heart again. Thus these Two Generals, as expert as [Page 316] they were, committed each of them a Fault, which they could never repair.

The Two Fleets, having a long time mena­ced each other within the reach of Cannon Shot, retired about Sun-Set with mutual Re­proaches. The Infidels, who went first away, recovered Metapan, and the Christian Fleet re­turned to Cerigo. Sorancio publickly complai­ned against the Officers of the Right Wing, whose Disobedience, he pretended, had pluckt the Victory out of his Hands, and demanded, they might be prosecuted. Foscarini at his Re­quest informed against them; but the Friends and Credit of the Accused stopt these Prosecu­tions. This Impunity encouraged the Soldiers Insolence, and the Generals rendred themselves culpable by their Neglect of Discipline, with­out which there is no Assurance of any Success in War, as the Republick but too often expe­rimented in this.

The Christians, by the Favour of a seasona­ble Wind, sail'd from Cerigo to Zant. Colonni, thinking to meet Don John there, and go after­wards against the Enemies, found only the Marquess of St. Cross arrived, whom this Prince had sent with Orders to the Fleet, to come and attend him there. They were well pleased with their having prevented this Command, and flattering themselves, that they should soon seehim, sent back the same Marquess to be­seech him to hasten his Departure. Colonni had in the mean time, some days before, sent away a Spanish Officer, named Pedro Pardo, to inform himself of the Place, where the Ene­mies [Page 316] were, of the number of their Vessels, of their Strength, and [...]o go and give Don John an Account of what he should have learnt, and give him a particular Relation of all that had passed betwen the two Fleets. Pardo ha­ving in his Course heard near a certain Isle, a great Noise of Cannon, which lasted a long time, doubted not, but the Fleets were enga­ged. Being perswaded that ours was much much Weaker than the Ottoman, and that Dis­cipline was not well observed in it, he so strongly fancyed our being defeated, that ha­ving affirmed it to Bazano, whom he first met with, he made the same Report to Don John of Austria, who was then at Corfou. This Prince immediately prepared to gather up the Remains of the Christian Fleet, taking with him for this Expedition a certain number of chosen Gallies; but being ready to set Sayl, he re­ceived News quite contrary to what Pardo had told him, and understood that the Fleet atten­ded him at Zant. He changed his Design, and sent Colonni Word, to come and meet him at Cephalonia, for that he would part from Corfou, as soon as he should have re-fitted the Vessels he had disarmed. They look'd upon themselves obliged by Respect, to go with the whole Fleet as far as Cephalonia to meet him, not doubting his being already there: but a contrary Wind arising, when he was in sight of the Isle, had driven him back to Corfou. The too great Credulity of the Venetians upon uncertain Re­ports, made them commit a Fault of the ut­most Importance. They left their Heavy Ves­sels [Page 317] at Zant, without any Guard of Gallies, be­lieving the Enemy far from them: there was Advice given them on a sudden, that the Tur­kish Fleet was seen near the Isle, and that there were Fires lighted in the Cittadel, to give them notice of it; and in effect there was a great likelyhood, that Loucali observed their March, and cruis'd thereabout to surprize them. The Venetians, despairing to succour their Vessels, sent away Friggats in hast to burn them, for fear they should fall into the Infidels Hands: but this Order having been fortunately negle­cted, they understood that the Barbarians were not on the Coast of Zant; and these Vessels, condemned to the Flames, were thus miracu­lously preserved.

Don John, being returned to Corfou, sent for the whole Fleet thither, as the most commodi­ous Place for taking Resolutions. The Veneti­ans murmured at all the Courses they were made to take. They had been made to come from Cerigo to Zant, from Zant to Cephalonia, and then to Corfou, so that their Rowers were even spent with incessantly towing the great Vessels, and they justly complain'd of the con­tinual Delays that interven'd, to make them lose the Benefit of this Campaign.

Colonni also testified his resentment of it with so much the more Vehemency, in that he was publisht to be the Cause, and was more­over informed, that Don John, offended at his not having stayed for him at Corfou, had said, that Colonni, ambitious of the Honour to com­mand, had forgot to obey, and had, during this [Page 318] whole War, shewn a far greater Inclination for the Venetians, than for the King of Spain. Colonni, incensed by these Discourses, and be­ing no longer able to suffer the insupportable Pride of this Young Prince (who, having no greater Authority in the Councel of War than the other Two Generals, would nevertheless, though absent from the Fleet, have it steer according to his Caprichio, and sent his Orders to his Collegues, as if they were inferiour Offi­cers) advised the Venetians, who were no less displeased than himself, to seek some other Expedients for the security of their Affairs, and no longer to relye on the Assistance of the Spaniards.

The Fleet, drawn up in Battalia, received Don John with the Discharge of all their Can­non: but there were not any Vessels sent to meet him; nor did any of his, contrary to the common Practice, return the Venetians Saluta­tion. He nevertheless received civilly enough the Officers that came aboard him; but appea­red so highly offended with Colonni, that, tho' he let him enjoy all the Honours due to his Office, he long refu [...]ed him a private Confe­rence, in which he pretended to justifie himself, and would not so much as suffer his Cousin Pompey Colonni, who ordinarily entred into the Privy Councel with [...], to come there any more. Colonni for his p [...]rt talk'd a little too free­ly, and no [...] content with excusing himself, he cast upon this Prince almost all the Failings, of which he had been suspected; he offered also to leave the Fleet, and return into Italy; but [Page 319] Don John, fearing, lest this Retreat might draw an Envy upon himself, pacifyed Colonni by new Protestations of Amity, and promised him to live from henceforth with him, as he had for­merly done. The Venetians and Don John had also a Dispute, which Colonni by his Prudence terminated. Don John offered them Spanish Souldiers to fill up their Companies, and told them, he would not proceed in the War, un­less they were compleat. The Venetians, who had already experienced the ill effect of this Mixture, absolutely refused to receive any Strangers amongst them, so that this affair was like to produce bad Consequences, had not Co­lonni found out an expedient, by giving some of his Soldiers to the Venetians, and taking those of Don John of Austria.

The Venetians alledging, that the Island of Corfou, already much incommoded by the Incursions of the Infidels, would be entirely exhausted, if the Confederate Army stayed any longer there; a Council assembled, where it was resolved to set Sayl. The Fleet, depar­ting on the Second of September, arrived not at Cephalonia till after eight days Sayl, the Veneti­ans being very impatient at this slow manner of proceeding. Going thence towards Zant, Don John learnt by his Spies, that the Turkish Fleet was riding before Navarin, not so much in condition to attack the Christians, as to de­fend themselves This place is situated on the Bay of Lepanto, and is very considerable through the Commodiousness of its Harbour. The Generals were of opinion to sayl thither, with [Page 320] a Design to fight, if the Enemy would accept the Challenge, or else to block them up there. Those, who knew the Situation of the Port, assured them, that the Castle, placed on a rising Ground to defend it, could not much damnifie the Vessels, lying before it in the open Sea. A Review was taken of the Fleet, the great Ves­sels left at Zant, and the Gallies advanced as far as the Isles of the Strophades, which are in the mid-way between Zant and Navarin, where they passed the Night, to conceal their coming from the Enemy. Their Resolution was, to go as far as the Isle of Sapienza, not above three Miles from Modon, and stop that Passage, lest the Turks should go and shelter themselves in the Port of this last place. Had this Design, which was so well laid, been regularly execu­ted, they would, without striking a Blow, have made themselves Masters of above Threescore and Ten Gallies that were at Navarin; but the Christians, not being diligent enough, neg­lected the placing themselves in the Post, ne­cessary for the Success of this Affair, being the next day after Sun-rise but over against Prothe­no, but Ten Miles from Navarin; so that the Infidels, perceiving them, had time enough to get into the Port of Modon. The Blame was laid upon the Admirals Pylot, who, to excuse this ill Conduct, said, that he thought himself obliged to slacken his Sayls, during the Night, for fear of running a ground. But whether the Fault were in the Pylot, or whether Heaven was still angry with the Christians, 'tis evident, that the Confederates miss'd an opportunity of [Page 321] gaining a compleat Victory over the Barbari­ans. The Christians perceiving, that the Enemies hasted away with Sayl and Oar, Colonni proposed to Don John, the sending a Detachment of Gallies to fall upon their Rear, and offered to command this Detachment himself. This Design was approv'd, and Six and Twenty Gallies gi­ven him for the execution of it: but he was scarce got half his way with great hopes of a Glorious Success, when he received Orders to come and join the Fleet. Don John, to justifie this sudden Change, told the Officers, that the Infidels made a show of coming to charge him, and that 'twas necessary all their Forces should be together, for fear of a Surprize. The most clear-sighted were perswaded that Colonni's Ene­mies, jealous of his Reputation, had done him this ill Office. He went nevertheless after­wards to view the Barbarians, having with him but one Gally more, and offer'd to attack two of their Gallies, which lagg'd behind the rest of the Fleet; but these two being assisted by Six others, the Christians sent out Ten, which Louchali no sooner perceived, but he advanced with the greatest part of his Fleet, and esca­ped the Affront, they were like to receive, be­fore Don John could bring up his to oppose them. Colonni retreated in good order; and there was in this Rencounter a second opportunity lost of gaining a great Advantage; for if Don John had made Head against the Enemy, they would rather have abandoned their eight Gallies, than have fought, so weak as they were; but the sluggishness of the Confederates facilitated [Page 322] their Retreat into the Port of Modon, where they were secure. Don John drew up in Batta­lia, and presented himself before the Mouth of the Harbor. He a long time defied them with Injuries and Reproaches, and about Evening re­tired in the same order. Louchali, that he might not be convinced of shunning the Fight, came forth out of the Port of Modon, and drew up under the Walls of the place. Don John returned at the same time, and sounded to Battel. The Turk, trusting more to the Walls of the place, than to his Shipping, durst not come too far off, nor ours approach too near them; so that having a long time shot at each other, the Enemies returned into their Harbour, leaving the Christians Masters of the Sea. The next day Don John returned in the same order to the same place; but none of the Turkish Ships appearing, the Christians set Sayl, with the Honour of having forc't the Ottoman Pride to yield them the Sea, and went to take in fresh Water at Coron, a place of the Conti­nent, not very far off. Louchali landed Four Thousand Foot to drive them thence; but Paul Sforza, whom Don John had put ashore with a considerable Detachment, so vigorously char­ged this Foot, which already incommoded our Men, that having slain two hundred of them, he put the rest to Flight. The Christians on the Two next days again offered the Infidels Bat­tel; and Louchali was content with putting himself a second time in Battalia under the Ramparts of Modon.

[Page 323] The Christian Fleet putting in at the Isle of Sapienza, the most experienced Captains were of Opinion, to get an exact Understanding of the State, the Town and Port of Modon were then in. Don John highly approved of this Design, went aboard Colonni's Gally, attended by Foscarini, and some other Officers, to go and take a view of it himself. Having suffici­ently obsered the Strength and Weakness of the place, he resolved to attack the Enemies there, and for this purpose sent for the Great Vessels from Zant, to shelter the Gallies from the Fire of the Town: there were two Bottoms joyned together, and covered with great Planks, on which they Built a Fort, and filled it with Earth, for the better securing the Gallies. Don John was of opinion, that the Infidels, frighted with this Stupendious Machin, would leave their Vessels, and fly ashore; and without doubt this Project would have succee­ded, had the Execution of it been more speedy. But while the Squadron was expected from Zant, and the new Building went slowly on, Don John advanced to Navarin, either with an Intentention to surprize the Place (though the Venetians told him, the taking of it would be of little Importance to them) or because he thought he might more easily take in Wa­ter there, through the Commodiousness of the River. The Enemies, who had already seiz'd the Avenues of it, were ill treated by our Canon; and Sforza, at the Head of Five Thousand Men, driving them back into the Town, favoured the Christians Watring. Alex­ander [Page 324] Farnese attempted to besiege Navarin by order from Don John, who gave him Six Thou­sand Men with some Pieces of Canon, alrea­dy put in Battery. But the place was immedi­ly reliev'd by so great a number of Turks, flock­ing thither from all parts, the Christians got with all speed to their Ships, being glad to be quit with the loss of their Cannon. The De­sign also of setting upon the Turkish Fleet in their Harbor, for which all things were ready, was given over by Don John, the Venetians, alarmed by the Uncertainty of the Success, not caring to press him any further on it. They afterwards deliberated on the besieging Modon, but 'twas not thought fit to attempt any thing more, the Turks keeping themselves close, and the Spaniaràs testifying a desire to end the Cam­paign towards the middle of Autumn.

Their Impatience to return, made them about the midst of October represent to Don John, that he had long enough serv'd the Republick, and that he ought now to think of returning towards Sicily; and this Prince, who was no less impatient than they to leave the Morea, ac­quainted the Venetians, that he had spent his Pro­visions, having scarce enough left to carry him into Italy, where he was resolved to put the Fleet into Winter Quarters. He promised them to come the next year much earlier, and far better provided, and endeavour'd to per­swade them, that they ought to be contented with the Progress of this Campaign, and that 'twas no small Honour for them to have forc't the infidels to keep close within their Ports, and [Page 325] to have held them, as it were, besieged there. The Venetians, more troubled, than surprized, at this Discourse, and not able to comprehend that Don John, having made them wait for him all the Summer, should come from so plentiful a Country as Sicily, with not above Fifteen days Provision, earnestly besought him not to leave the Fleet in the very Moment, that seemed to give the Confederates the greatest hopes of entirely defeating the Infidels, and rendring the Christian Name formidable in all the Mediterranean Sea; representing to him withal, that 'twould be very shameful for them to separate, without having done any considera­ble Exploit; That the Vessels of the Ottoman Fleet, agitated by the South Wind, which blew violently at that time of the Year, and to which the Harbor of Modon was exposed, would of necessity fall foul one upon another, or that their whole Army, which, having exhausted all the Neighbouring places, began to be in want of Provisions, must either pre­serve themselves from Famine by Flight, or yield without Fighting; That they would oblige themselves to furnish him with whatever he wanted; That they daily expected Boats from Sicily, laden with Corn; That several al­so were coming to them from Venice; and that by delaying a little his Departure, he would return home crown'd with Glory and Honour, would do the Republick a Service, the Memo­ry whereof they should eternally conserve. Having spoken in this manner to the Prince, they complained fiercely to the Principal Offi­cers, [Page 326] that the Victory was pluck't out of their Hands, and that the Common Cause was pur­posely betrayed, to hinder them from recove­ring their Losses; That when they might vanquish without any danger either from the Sea, or the Enemy, they would retire upon pretence of wanting Provisions, and let an Ar­my escape out of their Hands, which was too weak to make a Defence, and too numerous, by the Auxiliaries they had drawn from all the Inland Places, to subsist long there. These just Complaints stayed Don John two days longer: He would not provoke the Venetians, for fear they should renounce the League; but this little delay being expired, he went aboard Foscarini's Gally, accompanyed only by Colonni, where by Caresses and fair Pretences of Amity, he got him at last to consent to his Departure. Colonni also pressed him to yield willingly to this insuperable Necessity; and Don John pro­mised him, that, if he met the Sicilian Convoy, or that any attempt were made on the Coasts of the Adriatick Gulf, he would come speedily and re-joyn them. He immediately set Sayl, and came with the Wind in his Poop to Anchor at the Port of Gomeniza, over against the Isle of Corfou. The Prince of Suessa, and Giovanni Andrea Doria, who came to meet him with Fourteen Gallies, boarded him at the same time; they were of opinion to stay some days there; but Don John, who fear'd the Popes ordering him to pass the Winter in Greece, would not hearken to it; and in effect the Ve­netians had secretly solicited Gregory about it, [Page 327] perswading him, that 'twas the only way to draw any Advantage from this War. Antonio Tipoli, whom the Republick sent into Spain after the Victory of Lepanto, had represented also to King Philip, that nothing so much hin­dred the Progress of the Christian Fleets, as their being so late before they joyned; but this Prince had rejected that Expedient, not being willing the Fleet, which was the Securi­ty of so many Realms, should Winter in pla­ces so remote, and be exposed to the Injuries of so Tempestuous a Season.

Don John, not to be worse than his Word, offered the Venetians Four Thousand Men to attack some places on the Coasts, and still kept on his way; but they refused these Re-in­forcements, fearing, lest the Antipathy be­tween the two Nations should rather prejudice than advantage their Affairs.

Don John determined to go into Spain pre­sently after his Arrival in Sicily; but the Vene­tians, foreseeing, that the farther he went, the later he would return in the Spring, besought the Pope to stay him in Italy. The Pope sent him Order so to do by Claudio de Conzaga, a young Lord, whose Wit and Address obliged the Prince to give his Holyness this Mark of his Obedience. Colonni, by the Consent of Gre­gory and the Republick, went into Spain, to incite the King in their Names to redouble his Zeal for the Defence of Christendom. The greatest part of his Ministers were not over­much inclin'd to it: some were tired with the Length of the War, made in so remote a [Page 328] Country; and others apprehended, lest Don John should become too Powerful by the com­mand of so considerable an Army. But Philip, thinking 'twould tend to his Disgrace, to put any Obstacle to the Success of an Enterprize, managed by the Soveraign Prelat for the Glory of the Christian Name, answered Colonni fa­vourably, and they began at Rome to enter into Debate about the Preparatives for the next Campaign.

Louchali, who despaired of saving his Fleet, and lookt upon himself as irrecoveraby lost, whether he staid in his Post, fought or fled, had assembled the intimatest of his Friends; and not knowing which would be most dangerous for him, to fall into the Hands of the Christians, or to appear before Selim, was already thinking of making his escape into Africk: but the Re­treat of the Confederates to Corfou having left him the Sea open, he found himself, contrary to all apperaance, dis-engaged from so cruel a Perplex­ity, and returned Triumphant to Constantinople. A strange Metamorphosis! When the murmu­ring of the Troops he had sent for to his assi­stance from the furthest part of Macedonia, re­proching him to his Face, with having impu­dently hazarded the Grand Seigniors Gallies, had reduced him to the utmost Despondence, the Christians Stupidity on a sudden changes his ill Fortune: and this Bassa, who was ready to go and hide himself in the Desarts of Africk, pre­sents himself before the Sultan like a Conque­rour, dissipates all the disadvantagious Reports, spread abroad against his Conduct, receives En­comiums [Page 329] and Caresses from the Grand Seignior for having protected a Fleet, weakned and dis­couraged by the last Defeat, though he had al­ways coasted the Enemies, who, desparing of ever being able to force them to Fight, were at last compelled to abandon Greece, without making any considerable Attempt. The Bar­barians, still amus'd at the Battel of Lepanto, thought they had gotten a Glorious Advantage, in that they were not again beaten, but had su­stained the Presence of a Victorious Army with unequal Forces. This Joy of theirs was so much the more grievous to the Christians, in that a few days before a Soldier of their Fleet, going in great hast to Rome, told them, that the Confederates, having worsted the Infi­dels in a great Sea-Fight before Navarin, were Masters of the Sea, and the People of the Mo­rea had made an Insurrection. The Report of a man, who affirmed, That he was himself in the Battel, was easily credited; and the Rumor of this false news redoubled the Confederates Confusion. The Impostor, who had invented this Tale, only to get some Money from the Pope, suddenly disappeared, and we learnt af­terwards the certainty of Don John's return in­to Sicily.

The Venetians, maugre the Distrust they had of the Spaniards, and all the publick and pri­vate Discommodities they suffered by the War, had so far confided in their Maritime Forces, as to flatter themselves, they should this Cam­paign drive the Infidels out of the Sea, and open themselves a Passage into Greece. But [Page 330] seeing all their Endeavors frustrated, and the Republick on the one side exposed to the Fury of the Barbarians, and on the other, menaced by the Spaniards, who in their Thoughts swal­lowed up their Towns upon the Continent, found themselves in a very perplex'd Conditi­on. The Antient Magistrates, who from the very beginning had no great Inclination either to the War or League, said, There was no longer any Relying on the Assistance of such Allies; That 'twas now evident, the Spaniards had no desire to oppose the Infidels, but were even sorry for the Victory of Lepanto; That it not having been then in their Power to resist the Ordinances of Heaven, they had done, what in them lay, to hinder the Venetians from en­joying the Benefit of it; That they, for this purpose, rais'd a Thousand Difficulties about Trifles; That they had for no other reason lin­gred out so much Time in Preparations, as not to be ready to set out till the very end of Sum­mer, but to ruine their just and reasonable De­signs; That they had given Ear to ridiculous Projects, during the Execution of which, the Republick was hindred from securing their Islands by their own Forces from the Incursions of the Barbarians; That having exahusted their whole Store of shuffling Tricks and Artifices, they alledged the pretended Troubles of France; That afterwards, on pretence of some conside­rable Enterprize, they had made most of their Gallies come from the furthest parts of Greece to Corfou, which Voyage had taken up more time than the War it self; That having stayed [Page 331] a few days, to make a shew, as if they desired to fight, they had let the Ottoman Fleet escape, though 'twere much weaker than their own, and might easily have been defeated by their keeping their Post; That the loss of Cyprus, the Ravaging of their Islands, the Taking of their Towns in Epire, and the Ruining of Dal­matia, whose Fields and Villages were all laid wast, even within reach of Cannon-Shot from their fortified Towns, were all Effects of the Spaniards Perfidiousness, who had neither set out in time, nor faithfully performed any one Article of the Treaty; That having many Gal­lies un-employed in their Ports, they had bor­rowed of the Republick; That Giovanni An­drea Doria, left in Sicily with Fourteen Ves­sels, could scarce find in his Heart to set forth time enough to meet Don John, as he was re­turning into Winter Quarters. Then one of the Principal of them, taking up the Discourse, said, And what? Do you not see, that our Fleet, our Generals, and all our Authority are subjected to the Spanish Tyranny? and that Don John bas by little and little made himself absolute Master of the Soveraign Power? That Colonni, who has hitherto opposed King Philip's Intention, now de­clares for him, letting himself be drawn by Consi­derations of Interest, of which he was not formerly susceptible. That our General himself, under pre­tence of shewing some Respect to the Prince's Qua­lity, lets go his Authority, suffering it to be usurpt by too much Condescendence; so that this Ambiti­ous young Man decides Soveraignty, and believes himself above the Laws and Conditions of the Trea­ty [Page 332] of Allyance; he ordains, he commands, with­out communicating with his Collegues; he rewards, he punishes, whom he pleases, and as he thinks good: And he, who could not suffer Venieri's chastising according to the Laws of War, three Re­bels, that deserved Death, exercises his unjust Au­thority over the Confederates, without advising or consulting with any one. Our Gratifying his Spleen by re-calling Venieri is the Cause, that none dare contradict his Sentiments. In vain did the Generals and the whole Fleet beseech him not to wast all the Summer in fruitless and superfluous running to and fro, he constrained them neverthe­less to come and join him at Corfou, without gi­ving them any of the Honours, which a Naval Army is wont on such occasions to receive; as if such a Concourse of Troops had assembled, and met together in that place, only to acknowledge him, and to give him alone all sort of Honour and Obedience.

These Discourses, held amongst the Anci­entest of the State in Derogation to the League, the funest Consequences of which they dete­sted, came to the Colledge of Ten. This Tri­bunal has Right to decide absolutely in matters of Peace and War. The Magistrates, which compose it, being secretly assembled, began with deploring the Death of the deceased Pope, whose Vigour and Authority kept in some sort the Spaniards to their Duty: and were more sensible of their Loss in that Soveraign Prelate, because they saw not the like firmness in his Successor. They then reckoned up all their Damages and other Disgraces; they lookt into the inability of the City to contribute any longer to the excessive Expences of the War; [Page 333] they considered the People of the Continent, as not in Condition to continue the Payment of their Taxes, as appeared by the daily Com­plaints they made to the Senate against the Ri­gor of these Exactions; and that, to augment the Misfortune, the Interruption of Commerce had considerably diminisht both the publick Revenues, and private Mens Estates: That the great numbers of Mariners, they had with­in these Three Years made use of, had so un­furnisht the Countries of Labourers, that the Land in many places remain'd untill'd; That the Excursions of the Infidels, even to the ve­ry Gates of the Towns in Dalmatia, hindred the bringing thither of Convoys, and famish'd their Garrisons and Inhabitants; That the In­land Parts of their Islands, so often ravaged, suffered the same scarcity; That there was no having of Corn from the Neighbouring Coun­tries to feed such a Multitude, without paying very great Custom; and yet this People with their Land and Sea-Forces must have a Subsi­stance; That they were daily seeking for Re­medies to those great Mischiefs, but could not find any; That though they should have Con­stancy and Courage enough to surmount them, and should want neither Money, Victuals, nor Ammunition, yet would it be impossible for them to draw any Advantage thence, as long as the Spaniards should delay their setting forth till the beginning of Autumn, and if, to excuse themselves from attacking the Enemy, they should still alledge the secret designs of the French Hugonots, with several other [Page 334] groundless Pretences, through which 'twas plainly to be seen, they had no other Aim, but to spin out the War in favour of the Infi­dels, and by this new Stratagem to weaken the Commonwealth; That they had unwilling­ly contributed to the only Victory, gotten over the Turks; and that, in fine, the Repub­lick could not forget, what their Embassadour with the King of Spain had written to them on the Subject of this Victory, of which Phi­lip had no sooner receiv'd the news, but he complain'd to his Ministers of Don Johns Dis­obedience, whom he had expresly forbidden to fight, and hazard his Fleet; so that one of his Favourites, taking thence occasion to praise the Severity of that Roman, who caused the Head of his own Son, though a Conquerour, to be smitten off, for having fought against his Orders, councelled him to renew so terrible an Example; That Doria had gain'd the Ca­tholick Kings Favor by declaring against the Senates Interest; Colonni on the contrary ha­ving utterly lost his good opinion, for being willing to promote it.

Nicholas Ponti, one of the Council of Ten, then assuming the Discourse, said, To what purpose do we tire our selves with continual Com­plaints, which shew nothing but our Weakness and want of Understanding, in delivering our selves now, more than ever, to Traitors, that have so osten abused us? Why are we transported against People, who wisely know how to make advantage of our simplicity, and far better understand their Interest, than we do ours? And in effect, since the [Page 335] defeating of the Ottomans will not any way be particularly beneficial to them, they aim, by pro­longing the War, to ruine our State, whose over-great Potency puts an Obstacle to their designs of invading Italy. If the Turks are vanquisht, we confirm the Extent of our Soveraignty; the King of Spain, who gains nothing by this Victory, would on the contrary lose much by the Defeat of the Confederates Army. Understanding this, they have nourisht the War, feeding us with vain hopes, to strengthen themselves against us: And do you not think, Gentlemen, 'twould be much more advantagious for us to imitate this Conduct, than condemn it? They'll willingly suffer us to stile them perjur'd and perfidious, provided they attain their Ends, and profit by our Reproaches and Injuries: For Good Faith, Religion, and Zeal to advance the Glory of the Christian Name, are all Specious and Magnificent Words, which they no longer esteem, than they may favour their Ambition. Having more than once tryed to our cost the Inequality of our Strength against the Turks, we now experiment the little Confidence we can put in the Assistance of our Allies. The Infidels, weakned by the Loss of a numerous Fleet, and scarce daring to appear before us, have had the Confidence to enter the Port of Constantino­ple in Triumph, for having escap'd being a second time beaten. What must we expect, when they shall return the next Spring with new Forces? In the mean time we are enfeebled, and reduced to the deplorable Estate, in which the Spaniards desire us, to make themselves Masters of Italy. Are we become insensible to these Evils, and neglecting [Page 336] what is essential and useful, shall we let our selves still be seduced by false Appearances, and continue a Prey to the Artifices of this Faithless Nation? Shall we never get out of this shameful Lethargy, and open our Eyes, to see our Misfortunes and Disgraces? 'Tis much more easie for us by a dex­terous Management to shelter our selves against the Ottoman Power, than to avoid the Ambush­es laid for us by the Spaniards.

These Reasons made the Council of Ten re­solve to attempt the Accommodation with the Port, not being able to promise themselves any Advantage by continuing so incommodious a War. They did not impart this Deliberation to the Senate, for fear of making it too pub­lick, trusting the Secret with none but Marco Antonio Barbaro, who was detained Prisoner at Constantinople: They charged him to under-feel the Grand Vizier, and conclude a Peace up­on reasonable Conditions; and in the mean time they consulted with the rest of the Ma­gistrates about the Subsistance of the Troops for the next Campaign.

The Venetians had good Garrisons in the Towns of Dalmatia: but the Infidels, posses­sing the Country, very much incommoded them by hindring them from Provisions. They seiz'd of a Tower on the Mouth of the River Salone, which was deliver'd up to them by him, to whom Baglioni had entrusted the kee­ping of it; and by a like Treachery they made themselves Masters of a little Castle, bearing the Name of a Rock, on which it was built, whence they much molested the Town of Spa­latro. [Page 337] These Traitors were punish'd according to the greatness of their Crimes. The Princi­pals were strangled, and then hung up by one Foot, (a fit Punishment for such Offenders) and their Accomplices were sent aboard the Gallies. In the mean time the Venetians solli­cited a Turk, to whom they offered great Re­wards, to engage him in the same Treachery, of which they had just made so rigorous an Ex­ample. This Infidel, testifying to them some desire of becoming a Christian, promised to surrender up Clissa into their Hands, and effec­tively kept his Word. This Town is the best fortified in all Dalmatia, full of Inhabitants, and on the Possession of which depended that of many Neighbouring Places. The Turks had heretofore taken it from the Hungarians, and were very vigilant in keeping it: the Plague, which then raged there, having driven away almost all the Garrison, the Traitor made use of so favourable an Opportunity to accomplish his Design: the Execution whereof was com­mitted to Hector Troni, who marching in the middle of the day at the Head of 1500. Foot to the Gate, which by Agreement was to be ope­ned, entred the Town, and made himself Ma­ster of it, with the slaughter of a few Soldiers that resisted. The War would have been en­ded on that side, had Troni known how to keep his Conquest. But thinking, that he rather went to plunder, than to take Clissa, he went out of it, laden with Spoil, excusing his not staying any longer there, by his not being strong enough to defend it against the Infidels, who [Page 338] would not fail to come speedily, and besiege it. The Senate being highly displeas'd at this Cow­ardize, Troni was recall'd to Venice, and im­prisoned; but his Credit and Friends appea­sed the Magistrates Wrath, as is usually done, when any Noble Venetian is questioned.

The Turks, re-taking Clissa, derided the Ve­netians miserable Conduct, with stinging Rail­ery counselling them, to renounce the Art of War, and to apply themselves for the future only to Traffick, Law-Suits, and State In­trigues. They afterwards plundred the Coun­try with several small Bodies of Horse, who, approaching the very Gates of the Town, held by the Segniory, carryed Terror and Dread on all sides. They aimed particularly at Cataro, because by driving the Venetians out of that Town, they were assured of all Epire. This place is scituated in the bottom of the Gulph, called by the Ancients, Rizonicus, there being no coming thither from Venice but by Sea. The Turks, who had the Fort of Castel­novo on the left hand of the Gulph, to make themselves Masters of the Passage, built, where the Gulph was narrowest, a Fort, defended by a Rampart, and deep Ditch, on which they raised a Battery of Eighteen Pieces of Canon. This Fort commanded the other side of the Gulph, so that it prohibited the entrance of any Venetian Vessels. The Catarians soon felt the Inconvenience of this new Work, and see­ing themselves at the point of being starv'd, sent to give them notice at Venice of their Ex­tremity. The Venetians, exceedingly concer­ning [Page] themselves for all places on the Adriatick Gulph, took speedy care for the Relief of this; and Venieri being already returned to Venice, Orders were sent to Giacomo Sorancio, that he should part immediately from Corfou with Twenty Gallies, to relieve Cataro. He obeyed without delay, and Fortune seconded his Fide­lity; for the Bassa of Epire, seeing no Ene­mies in Condition to attempt any thing, was gone to the remotest Frontiers of the Pro­vince, with what Troops he had, excepting Two Hundred Men, appointed for the Guard of this Fort. Sorancio landed Four Thousand, and after a gallant Defence, made by the Gar­rison, who were all put to the Sword, took the Fort, which he eas'd, having first carryed away the Canon; and thus the Catarians, being delivered, recovered the Liberty of the Sea. This Vigorous Action was performed in the year 1572.

After the Return of Don John of Austria with his Fleet into Sicily, the Venetians made very great Complaints against the Spaniards, beseeching him to oblige all the Consederates to labour unanimously for the Defence of Chri­stendom, and to support the Interest of the Common-Cause with more Vigour, than they had hitherto shewn. They at the same time represented to his Holyness, that 'twas in vain to agree upon the Condition of a Treaty, and confirm it afterwards by Solemn Oaths, if in­stead of punctually executing it, every one should, either as his Caprichio, or Interest might incline him, presume to explain it [Page 340] to his own Advantage; That 'twas ex­presly agreed, the Fleets should be ready to sail into Greece at the beginning of every Spring, and yet the Confederates were scarce by the end of the Summer got to the Enemies, in order to fight; that having only shewed the Infidels the number of their Vessels, they reti­red, without daring to attempt any thing; That but by staying a little longer at Sea, they might easily have ruin'd the Ottoman Fleet, and driven the Barbarians out of the Mediter­ranean; That Don John usurpt to himself all the Authority, contrary to an Article of the League, which shares it equally betwixt the Three Generals; That not content with ha­ving the sole Decision of Matters, when he commanded in Person, he pretended also to have the same Obedience paid to his Orders in his absence; That these Contraventions were insupportable, and that the Republick was in fine weary of bearing them. They had pri­vate Conferences with Gregory, at which they enlarged upon every one of these Grievances. In the first Assembly of the Cardinals and Mi­nisters, held by the Pope, touching the Affairs of the League, Paulo Tipoli insisted very much on the Expedition into the Morea; he deman­ded, that they should set forth much earlier, than they had done the two last Campaigns, and that an hundred new Gallies should be added to the Fleet; and in effect there was very great apparence, the Turks would the next Sum­mer be exceeding strong, considering the news they received of the Preparations making at [Page 341] Constantinople for the setting forth a very great Fleet: besides that, 'twas a piece of Policy in the Venetians to spread abroad these Reports, as being advantagious to them, whether they would conclude a Peace, or carry on a War. Tipoli proposed further, that an hundred Sayl should be chosen out of all the Christian Fleet, to go, as soon as the Sea should be Navigable, and ravage the Grand Seigniors Territories, take as many Slaves as they could, and at the same time secure the Venetian Isles from the like In­sult; That a new Adress should be made to the Emperor, and whatever he should desire, pro­mis'd him, to engage him in the League; That Application should be also made to the Kings of France and Portugal; That Embassadors should be sent to the great Duke of Muscovy, and the King of Persia, the Polonians being then busied about a new King: In fine, that all Potentates, and all Christian Nations, should be incited to take Arms against their Common Enemy. All these things were granted Tipoli; and 'twas re­solved, that the Confederate Princes should be requested to give their Agents sufficient Power, to the end the Consulations might not be delayed. The Cardinals afterwards propo­sed, that the Confederates should by the same Treaty, engage to have all the same Friends and the same Enemies. The Spaniards, who found their Advantage in this new Article, willingly accepted it; but the Venetian Embassadour ab­solutely rejected it, saying, That the Repub­lick would not enter into any new Engage­ments; and that this would put back many, [Page 342] who had promised to sign the League. Tipoli, seeing them propose Innovations, demanded, that the common Expences of the War should be examin'd. His Holyness had been long im­portun'd about it; but discouraged by the Sub­tilty of the Spaniards, and the over exact Reck­oning of the Venetians, had still put off so diffi­cult an Account. The Venetians affirmed, that they were near Three Milions of Livers afore­hand, and pretended to be re-imburst, what they were out above the share, they were obli­ged to; the Spaniards asserting the contrary, the Pope could not moderate the difference, because it was to be begun by making an Esti­mate of all the Venetians had furnisht out from the beginning of the War. However 'twas ap­parent through these Difficulties, that the Re­publick had expended more than his Contribu­tion. The Pope ordered, that, till their accounts could be more exactly stated, the King of Spain should pay the Venetians Threescore and Two Thousand Crowns of Gold for the Corn, they had procured of the Neapolitan Merchants, amounting to that Sum; and this expedient quieted for a time this Contention. Then they treated about the Management of the next Campaign. The Spaniards, who always en­deavour'd to carry the War into Africk, reque­sted, that the Rendezvous of the Fleet might be appoinred at Otranto: but Tipoli opposed it, representing, how urgent a necessity there was of preventing, at the beginning of the Spring, the Infidels Attempts, who would at­tack the Islands, and amongst the rest Gandy, [Page 343] if the Chirstians were not strong enough to hinder them The Spaniards insisted no farther on it, and 'twas agreed that the Confederate Fleet should be compos'd of three hundred Galleys, and meet at Corfou. The Spaniards then propos'd, that the Venetians, who were nearer the Rendezvous, and much better pro­vided of Gallies, than the rest of the Allies, should set forth some for the King of Spain, which his Catholick Majesty should at his own charge maintain: But on the Republicks be­half 'twas answered, that 'twas not just, they, who were scarce able to bear their own part of the Burden, should be loaded with anothers; That so Potent a Prince, as the King of Spain, who was Master of so many Coasts, Maritime Places, and Ports, could not but have supernu­merary Vessels; and that not having yet re­imburst the Venetians, what they had advanced, 'twas not reasonable for him to engage them in new Expences. And to prevent the Spaniards making any farther Reply, they said, the Ca­tholick King ought not to reckon in the num­ber of his Gallies, the Four, that were set forth by the State of Genoa, nor as many more added by the Knights of Malta, since they came Vo­luntarily to the Assistance of Christendom. They seemed to make the same Reproach to the Pope, in Respect of those, sent by the Duke of Savoy and Tuscany, that were incorporated into the Fleet of the Holy See. The particu­lar of all these Debates would not deserve a place in this History, were it not to shew the Spaniards Insolence and Pride, who, desiring [Page 344] to have the Advantage in every thing, declar'd, that this Expedition having been undertaken only in favour of the Venetians, the King their Master was no further concerned in it, than as having granted them his Protection. The Ve­netians in the mean time pleased themselves with framing Difficulties on the smallest mat­ters, purposely to tire out the Pope, and all those that medled in this Negotiation. But there arose a new Dispute of far greater Con­sequence. An Augmentation of the Gallies had been accorded, because of the prodigious Preparations, making at Constantinople; but the time, when they were to meet on the Coasts of Greece, was not agreed on. The Venetians desir'd they might be ready to fight by the Month of March, affirming, that the Success of this Campaign depended on their extream Diligence. The Spaniards, on the contrary, re­quired the whole Month of June, to put their Fleet in Condition. Every one murmur'd against them at Venice, when Tipoli gave the Senate advice of this unjust and dangerous Proposition. But the Council of Ten secretly rejoiced at it, because of the Leisure given them by it to learn from their Embassadour at the Port, what hopes there was of Peace, and take a Resoluti­tion, suitable to the State of their Fortune. They acquainted Tipoli with their secret Nego­tiations at Constantinople, giving him order to conclude nothing at Rome, to make no Relaxa­tion of the Time, by which the Fleets were required to set forth, and even to refuse the Augmentation of the Gallies, he had himself [Page 345] solicited. At his declaring himself in the As­sembly about this matter, every one mistrusted some Intelligence between the Port and the Commonwealth: These Suspicions very much cool'd their Negotiations, and matters were ex­tream slowly treated on at Rome. The Coun­cil of Ten no sooner understood, that Tipoli had, in Obedience to their Orders, perplex'd the Affairs, but they commended this Mini­sters Dexterity, as having, by his Address, put them in the best Condition they could desire; but one amongst them, rising up, said, Have a care, Gentlemen, of alienating the Confede­rates Minds, and breaking with them, before you know what to expect from the Port, and on what Conditions they will grant you Peace. This Dis­course obliged the Council to enter into new Deliberations, and fearing to see themselves expos'd on every side by being disappointed of a Peace, and at the same time breaking the League, they sent Orders to Tipoli to regulate the Conditions, on which he had shewn him­self so difficult.

These Contests having taken up all the Win­ter, the Pope, in fine, by his Authority ordai­ned, that his Fleet and the King of Spains should meet at Messina by the end of March, whence they should immediately depart to join the Venetians at Corfou; That they should all sail together into Greece, fight the Infidels, if they met them by the way, and attempt what­ever their Generals should judge necessary and advantagious for the Common Cause; That the Fleet should be composed of Three Hun­dred [Page 346] Gallies, Forty Vessels, and as many Gale­asses as the Republick could set forth; That the Army should consist of Threescore Thousand Men; That Every Gally should carry at least an Hundred and Fifty Soldiers; That they should have Four Thousand Five Hundred Horses, for fear the Enemy should attack any of the Confederates by Land; That no new Delay should be granted for the Departure of the Fleets; That the Generals should set Sail on the day appointed, with what Vessels they should have ready; and that the rest should follow, as soon as they should be in Condition to quit the Ports; and that other things should be ordered, as they were in the last Campaign. The Venetians obtained farther of his Holiness, That none of the Allies might withdraw his Forces from the Christian Army, should even his own Territories be attackt by some declar'd Enemy. All Differences being thus regulated, Tipoli pressed the Assembly for the speedy set­ting forth Three hundred Gallies, to pillage the Ottoman Islands, and secure the Republicks. The Spaniards, not daring to oppose it, because the Pope approved it, answered, that they must Adress themselves to Don John, to whom the King of Spain had probably sent Orders about it.

There was at the same time a Proposal made to Gregory about exchanging of Prisoners. There were sent to Rome some considerable Turks, taken at the Battel of Lepanto, whose Throats would have been cut in Prison, had the Venetians been hearkned to at first: but [Page 347] Pius the Fifth abhorring such Inhumanity, they thought best to ransom with them several Chri­stian Officers, who had lost their Liberty in their Service, for fear lest, after the Conclusi­on of the Peace, the Pope should refuse to put them into their Hands. There was amongst them two Sons of Haly by a Sister of Selim's, one of which dyed at Rome: The Mother re­quested the other of Don John by such moving Letters, accompanyed with such Magnificent Presents, that he yielded to her Importunities; her Daughter also, who passed for one of the Fairest Persons in the World, writ to this Prince in Terms so full of Tenderness, that he esteemed it an Honour and Pleasure to himself, to solicit her Brothers Liberty with the Pope, who granting his Desire, he sent him back to Constantinople, having first treated him like the Grand Seignior's Nephew. But his Holiness thought not fit to give the rest their Liberty so soon. One of the Principal amongst them was Mahomet Bassa of Negro Ponte, a Man, whose disposition was no way rude and barbarous, and who perfectly understood the Manners and Customs of the Europeans: He spake Italian reasonably well; and some Romans, who had been at Lepanto, took delight in discoursing with him about the Battel: He told them, that two things principally gain'd the Christians the Day: to wit, their great number of Musketeers, whose Arms were much better in a Fight than their Darts or Arrows; and the Boards set up­on the sides of their Gallies, in manner of Pa­rapets, with which their Soldiers being shelte­red, [Page 348] fired on the Enemy with far greater Assu­rance: but he hoped, we should not for the fu­ture have this Advantage over them, since the Experiment had cost 'em dear enough. One speaking to him of the Victory at Lepanto, as of a Loss to the Grand Seignior, far exceeding what he got by the Conquest of Cyprus: He smilingly answered, You have shaved our Beard, and the Hair will grow again: But the Venetians will never re-join to the Body of their State the Part, which we have cut off. Colonni, visiting the Prisoners, taken in this Battel, commanded his Officers and Soldiers to treat them courteous­ly; and then turning to Mahomet, said, Learn of us to practice Hamanity, you, who so barbarous­ly and cruelly treat our Christian Prisoners. To which Mahomet made him this witty Answer: Your Excellency will be pleased to pardon our Igno­rance, since we have been hitherto only used to take Prisoners, not having yet been such our selves in the Christians School. The Pope in the mean time solicited the Crowns to join their Arms to those of the Confederates; and the Cardi­nal of Lorrain, who came to Rome to assist at the last Conclave, had given Gregory Hopes that the Allyance between France and the Grand Seignior might be broken. This Cardi­nals Esteem amongst the French having giv'n him an entire Knowledge of that Kingdoms Affairs, and the Kings true Sentiments; His Holiness, on such good assurance, believed, he might successfully endeavour this Dis-union: He writ about it to Charles the Ninth, who answered him, He should willingly enter into the League; [Page 249] but the great Revolutions which had happened in his Kingdom, permitted him not to join with the Confederates.

France broken, and shattered into different Factions, was exposed to the Plunder of the Germans, and the Invasions of her other Neighbors. The Lorrain Princes, and other Principal Persons in the Court, retired into the Country, being neither able to suffer the Imperious Humour of the Queen, nor submit themselves to the King of Navarre. But these Princes, being a little after reconciled with An­nas de Mommorency, Constable of France, drew the King of Navarre into their Party, by gi­ving him new hopes of recovering his King­dom; and of diminishing the over-great Au­thority of Queen Catherine, and ruining the Projects of the Prince of Conde, they entred Paris, guarded by their Friends and Creatures, and drove all those of the opposite Faction from Court. Thus France, becoming the Stage of a Civil War, saw more Blood shed in most of her Towns, than in the Famousest Sieges and Battels of the last Age. They no longer amused themselves with Disputes and Controversies, the divided Families deciding Questions of Religion by the Sword. The first Battel was fought near the Town of Dreux, the Kings Army being commanded by the Con­stable and the Duke of Guise, and the other by the Prince of Conde and the Admiral de Coligni. The Success was equal on both sides, the Prince of Conde and the Constable being boht taken Pri­soners. The Duke of Guise laid Siege to Or­leans, [Page 350] and pressed it so close, that it was upon the point of yielding, when a Villain came to the Camp, and watching an opportunity for the execution of his Design, he slew this Prince with a Shot from a Carbine, as he was retur­ning from visiting the Works, attended only by Three Horsemen. The Duke of Guise's Death was extreamly prejudicial to France: besides his Military Perfections, which rendred this Duke the greatest Captain in the King­dom, he had gain'd the Peoples Hearts by such a Charming Sweetness, such admirable Libera­lity and Sincerity, and such Courteous and Fa­miliar Behaviour, that one could not forbear loving him. His Death almost ruin'd the For­tune of his House. A Peace was afterwards concluded, but 'twas only to give both Parties leisure to make Preparation for beginning the War afresh. The Prince of Conde, freed out of Prison, made great Levies in Germany, and soon got a new Army on Foot. He endeavou­red to surprize and carry away the King, as he was returning from Meaux to Paris: but a Bat­talion of Six Thousand Switzers, which guar­ded the Court in its March, and repulsed seve­ral Attacks by the way, ruin'd this Audacious Design. Some time after the Constable, dis­pleased with his Nephews, whom he accused of Ingratitude and Revolt, gave them Battel in the Plain of St. Denis, routed them, and raised the Siege from before Paris. The Constable, who was near Fourscore years old, received a Mortal Wound in his Reins by a Pistol Shot, as he was in the midst of the Fight, charging [Page 351] the Enemies with a Vigour, worthy his Name and his Office. The Hugonots though van­quisht, made Peace on what Terms they pleased, the Queen being obliged to accept them, as frighted with the great Number of Forreign and Domestick Forces, that filled the Kingdom. This Second Accom­modation was also but a Cessation of Arms, the War breaking forth again with more Fury than before. The Hugonots lost a Third Battel at Jarnac, gain'd by the Duke of Anjou, who commanded the King his Bothers Army, where the Prince of Conde was slain upon the Place.

Gaspar de Coligny was a Gentleman of a good Family, but much more considerable by that of his Mother, who was Sister to the Constable de Mommorency. His Unkle, whom [...]ecause of his singular Merit King Henry the Second honoured with his Favour, had procur'd him the Office of Admiral, one of the first of the Crown. Coligny had serv'd under him, during the Reigns of Francis the First, and Henry the Second, with no little Reputation. He had been employed in seve­ral Important Negotiations, by which he had acquired a perfect Understanding of Affairs. He was a Man of a thorow Experi­ence, but close, full of Address, naturally Eloquent, and no less a Statesman than a Soldier, tho' far more cautious, than ad­vent'rous. In the Year 1522. France being [Page 352] almost ruined, there was a new Agreement made.

The Admiral at the same time negotiated a Marriage between the Princess Margaret, the Kings Sister, and Henry King of Na­varre. Anthony, his Father, dyed some years before of a Wound, receiv'd at the Siege of Roan. The Admiral came to Paris to assist at the Marriage, followed by so great a number of Gentlemen and Vassals, that the King himself could scarce have found so Magnificent a Train. He was received with extraordinary Testimonies of Confidence and Friendship: He had often private Conferen­ces with the King; in which, 'twas known, they treated of making War upon Flanders; and this, we have since understood, obliged Philip the Second to stay in Italy, for fear of some Surprize from the French.

In the mean time there was a Rumour (whether grounded on Reallity, or invented by the Queen, who was laying a Snare for the Admiral, as her Enemies would have it) that the People, he had without any Order or Permission, brought to Paris, under pretence of being present at the King of Navarre's Marriage, conspired against the Royal Family. The Queen, whether the better to conceal her Design, or really fearing some secret Plot, caused the Guards of the Louvre to be dou­bled. Whilst these things ware doing, the Admiral, returning from the King to his own House, was wounded in the Right hand [Page 353] by a Shot from an Arquebush, which was, by some People, said to have been done by the Procurement of the Queen, or the Duke of Guise.

The Duke of Guise was accused, because the House in which the Assassin had planted himself, belonged to one of his Creatures, who had some time before left it empty, to prevent the discovery of this Action. These Suspitions were strengthned by the irrecon­cilable Hatred there was between the Prince and the Admiral; and though the King had made them both promise him to keep quiet till his Majesties Return to Paris; there was yet great likelyhood that the Duke of Guise attempted to destroy him.

Those that suspected the Queen, said, the Admirals Fortune and Authority created a Jealousie in this Princess; That she began to fear a Man she had raised too high; That she despair'd of re-setling Quiet in the State, du­ring the Life of so redoubted an Enemy; and that beside the miserable Condition of the Kingdom, the Murthers, Battels and Perils her self and Children had been exposed to, all which she laid to his Charge; she yet fu [...] ­ther mortally hated him, because of the shameful Discourses, with which he blemisht her Honour; That since she could neither punish him by Law no [...] Force, he had re­course to Stratagem; That she was as skilful in these sort of Intrigues as he could be; That she had drawn him and the chief of his Party to Paris, on the occasion of her [Page 354] Daughters Marriage, the more securely to destroy him; That he had been lur'd to Court by the Project of the Low-Gountry War, and the fair shews of Confidence and Esteem; That she had consequently pressed the young Duke of Guise to revenge on him his Fathers Murther, to which this Prince was too much inclin'd, having only refus'd to do it for fear of displeasing the King, and losing the Friendship of the Nobility, who would after this Action have look'd upon him, as a Man without Honour or Faith; That the Queen had eas'd him of this Scruple, by representing to him, that he would do a signal Service to the State in exterminating its most formidable Enemy; That 'twas the greatest Sign of Fide­lity he could shew the King; And, in fine, that the Duke of Guise engaged not in it, till he had first got an Order, written and signed by the Princesses own Hands.

But whether it was the Queen, or the Duke of Guise, or neither of them that were the Authors of this Enterprize, the Ad­miral was no sooner carryed into his House, but the Hugonots ran thither in Crouds, fil­ling the Town with Complaints and Mur­murs. They had the Confidence to accuse the King, as well as the Duke, publishing, that none 'durst have committed such an At­tempt without his Majesties Protection; and yet the Queen had so carefully concealed it from him, that he knew nothing of it, till News was brought him of the Accident be­faln [Page 355] the Admiral. He went presently with the Queen to see him, testifying his Displea­sure and Sorrow, and promising to make an exact Enquiry into it, and severely to punish this Assassination. He left also his Guards about his House, as well for the Honor, as Security of his Person: but understanding at his Return to the Louvre, that the Hugonots suspected him to be privy to it, and accor­dingly were so impudent as to threaten him, he fell into a terrible Transport, which the Queen Mother, who absolutely Govern'd him, diligently fomented; taking hold of this favourable Moment to make him re­solve on a suddain Extirpation of his Rebel­lious Subjects, and ridding himself of an Enemy, so much the more dangerous, in that he was irreconcilable.

They were perswaded at Court, that, as soon as the Hugonot-Lords were departed, they would begin a new Rebellion, much more Bloody than any of the former, and would call in Strangers to their Assistance. The Admiral himself could not forbear let­ting slip some little Menaces, when the King, comforting him about his Wound, told him, It was not dangerous: I care not, answered he coldly, for losing the use of a hand: for, pro­vided I keep my Head, I hope, all will go well. It was said by some, that the King held af­terwards a Council with the Queen, and some of their intimatest Confidents, in which 'twas resolved no longer to endure [Page 356] these Insolencies, but forthwith to dispatch the Hugonots, and commit the executing of it to the Duke of Guise; and that the King, not to awaken their Distrust, sent him out of Paris on pretence of some Discontent; but he returned, according to Agreement, the One and Twentieth of August at Night, ac­companyed by the Duke of Angoulême, the Kings natural Brother, glad of the oppor­tunity of serving his Master, and also to Revenge himself without fear of Punish­ment.

But there went at the same time a Report, that the Admirals Friends, assembled in his House, had taken very wicked and detesta­ble Resolutions, he having himself, by a ve­ry pathetical Discourse incited them to rise up in Arms; That being all animated by the same Fury, they cryed out to go immediate­ly to attack the Louvre, and destroy the King, the Princes his Brothers, and the King of Navarre, whose Death they had resol­ved, though he were of their own Religion, because the Admiral feared his Wit and Courage. But whilst he loses time in being too curious to take his Measures, he delivers himself up to his ill Fortune; and the King, informed of his Practises, hastens the Punish­ment of the Rebellion. Some endeavour'd to make it be believed, that this Conspiracy was a Story, invented by the Queen Mother, who foreseeing the Horror, the destruction of the Hugonots would cause, endeavoured [Page 357] by these Calumnious Reports to mitigate the Peoples Indignation. However it was, the Duke of Guise about one of the Clock in the Morning forc't open the Admirals House. A young German Gentleman, who had been bred a Page with the Dukes Father, and was ambitious of the Honor to give him the first Blow, entred his Chamber. The Admiral, rising out of his Bed, conjur'd him to have Respect to his old Age and his Infirmities, and grant him his Life. But the German, reproaching him with Treason and Apostasie, mortally wounded him, and caused him to be thrown out at Window to the Duke of Guise, who guarded the entrance into the House. 'Tis said, Coligny fell down as dead, but hearing the Duke of Guise calling to have him thrown out, he made some resistance against those that went to take him up, and cast him forth into the Street, desiring them to let him dye in quiet; whereupon they dispatcht him. The Rabble, vomiting out a Thousand Curses against him, dragg'd him for some time in the Dirt; they tore him asunder, and filled the Town with pieces of his Body. A young Parisian cut off his Head, and carryed it on a long Pole into all the Publick Places, and the Trunk of his Body was hung up by the Feet on the com­mon Gallows.

Thus ended Gaspar de Coligni, Admiral of France, who was raised to so great a For­tune, that his Court was no less than the [Page 358] King's. He made himself redoubted by France and Spain, and though he made not War upon King Philip, he created him Trouble enough by stirring up the Low Countries and Germany, and under-hand protecting the Prince of Orange: He often imposed on the King his Master a Necessity of making Peace and War; but what renders his Memory most durable, is, that having been twice ta­ken Prisoner by the Spaniards, and lost three Battels, he still kept the same Authority with his Party, and never shewed more Courage and Constancy, than in the midst of his grea­test Disgraces: yet it is certain, he was rather a cunning, than a valiant Captain, very skil­ful in choosing his Post, but distrustful of the Fortune of War in Battels, and not engaging himself, but in the last Extremity.

The Count de la Rochefoucault, Teligny, Par­daillan, Clermont, d' Amboise, and several other Hugonots of Quality were slain the same Night. Mongommery was for some time pursued by the Duke of Guise, who eagerly sought to kill him; but he fled into England at the first Report of the Admiral's Death.

The Hugonots had so highly incensed the People, that it was impossible to moderate their Fury, till they had made a very great and lamentable Slaughter.

The Emperor gave always Hopes, that he would sign the Treaty of Allyance, though he had a very great Repugnance to make War [Page 369] upon the Infidels: he could not resolve to break the Pea [...]e with them, tho' their Faithlesness rendred it uncertain and ill assured. But he de­sired also not to discontent the Pope nor the Venetians. That, which held them thus in sus­pense, was the Passion, he had to get the Prince Ernestus, his Son, chosen King of Poland, Si­gismund Augustus, the deceased King, having left no Heirs. Maximilian consider'd this Crown, as an Acquisition, that would much augment his Power. The Polonians were then at Peace with the Port; but there was need of great Sums to purchase the Principal Electors Suffrages; so that the Money and Favour of the French prevailing above the Authority of the House of Austria, the Duke of Anjou was preferr'd before the Emperors Son. In the mean time Maximilian treated still with the Pope, shewing the greater earnestness, the su­rer he was not to take up Arms. The Confe­derates, resolved to refuse him nothing, that they might draw him in, and all Germany, gran­ted him Five Thousand Foot more than the Troops he had ask'd of Cardinal Commen­don. John Delphini, Bishop of Torcello, the Pope's Nuncio, with his Imperial Majesty, had agreed, That there should be given Five and Twenty Thousand Foot, and Four Thousand Five Hundred Horse, on condition, that Maximilian should bring into the Field as great an Army as the Succour of the Confederates amounted to. The Auxiliary Troops were to stay in his Service Six Months in the Year, to enter into Winter Quarters with his Army in [Page 360] such Posts, as were most commodious, and ad­vantagious for the Progress of the German Af­fairs, and this Treaty to continue, as long as the War should last; the Emperor desired far­ther, that, whoever of the Confederates should break the League, should be look'd upon as an Enemy, and that the Pope should with all re­quisite Solemnities issue out the greater Excom­munication against him; but this last Article was refused him, and in lieu thereof 'twas a­greed, That for the Payment of the Confede­rate Troops, destin'd to his Service, Money should be sent every Three Months to Ausbourg, for which the Richest Merchants of the Town should be security. The Emperor, on these Conditions, engag'd this Year to make War on Hungary, with a design to keep up the League; but he was determin'd to find daily new Pre­tences not to enter into the Field, excusing him­self sometimes on the Tediousness of Assem­blies and Diets, and sometimes on the difficul­ty of raising Soldiers and Money out of the Soveraign Estates of Germany. As soon as Gregory understood the Conclusion of the Trea­ty with the Emperor, he sent for the Venetian Embassadour, to whom he imparted this agree­able News, giving him Order to assure the Se­nate of it. The King of Portugal had promi­sed to send his Fleet this Year into Greece; and the Pope, to encourage the Venetians, made Preparations to augment that of the Holy See. These fair Hopes, which, the Venetians well knew, would come to nothing, serv'd only to [Page 361] make his Holiness take more heinously the Re­publicks Agreement with the Port.

The Spring was now far advanced, and the Ve­netians vehemently importun'd the Pope and the King of Spain to send their Fleets immediately to Corfou, when Tipoli received advice from the Senate, that the Peace was concluded at Constan­tinople. Barbaro had no sooner received Pow­er to treat with the Grand Visier, but he apply­ed himself seriously to it. He knew, 'twas the Intention of the Colledge of Ten, whose Fa­vour by this means he should gain: He also knew the Weakness of the Commonwealth, and that he should at the same time recover his own Liberty. The French Embassadour at the Port concerned himself much in this Affair by Or­der from the King his Master, and fervently sollicited Mahomet about it: but these good Offices served only to render this Minister more difficult, because he would not share the Honour or Profit of this Negotiation with any one. Barbaro, perceiving it, pretended to be sick, and ask'd leave for Solomon, the same Jew­ish Physitian, he had already made use of, to come to him. Solomon was no sooner entred the Chamber, where he was kept, but Marco Antonio making him Presents and Promises, conjur'd him to do his Endeavour, to procure an end to his Imprisonment, and Repose to his Country, letting him understand, that 'twould be no less to his Advantage than his Honour, if he brought it to pass. The Jew, leaving Barbaro, went to the Grand Visier, whom the difficulty of setting forth a new Fleet rendred [Page 362] much more tractable: He sounded him, to find how he was inclined to an Accomodation, and afterwards propos'd it to him. Mahomet at first entred into a particular Debate upon the Arti­cles of Peace, demanding, that the Republick should give the Grand Seignior the Isle of Cor­fou, the Towns of Cataro and Budua, and fhould pay him all the Charges of the War. Barbaro answered with a great deal of Con­stancy, that the Republick would part with nothing of what they possessed before the War, that they would restore Supoto, and only in respect make Selim a Present of Threescore Thousand Crowns in Gold, who should also cause the Lands, which the Turks had taken in Dalmatia, to be restored. The Grand Visier receded from the Demand of Corfou, but insi­sted on the Surrender of Cataro and Budua, say­ing, that Peace was not to be mentioned but on these Conditions, and threatning Soloman to have him strangled, if he did not oblige the Venetian to yield him these two Places. And what? added he with a fierce and angry Coun­tenance, The Venetians, to obtain a Peace, gran­ted Solyman the strong fortified Towns of Nau­plia and Malvafia, with all they had in Pelopon­nesus: and do they now make a Scruple of yiel­ding the Grand Seignior Two: One weak and half-ruin'd, and the other dispeopled by the Spoil, the Plague has made in it? To bring the Venetian Em­bassadour to his Bow, he spread a Report, That the Musulman Fleet should be composed of three Hundred Gallies, and as many small Vessels, and that the Ottoman Emperors had never as [Page 363] yet set forth so numerous and formidable an one; That the Grand Seignior, assisted by his Forces of Asia and Europe, would come in Per­son, and cover the Earth and Sea with Soldi­ers and Vessels. But Antonio, who knew the Pride of these Barbarians, fear'd not so much these ridiculous Menaces, as he did the Weak­ness and Necessities of the Commonwealth.

After many goings to and fro, and a very long discussion, the Grand Visier, who had certain Information of what was resolved on at Rome for the next Campaign, feared to break the Negotiation, and re-imbark himself in a much more troublesom War, than that, which it was in his Power to end; so that becoming much more reasonable, he agreed on a Peace with Barbaro on these Conditions: That the Venetians should restore Supoto, with all the Canon they had taken in that place; That the Inhabitants, who would not stay there, should have liberty to depart, and take with them their Moveables and other Goods; That the Grand Seignior and the Commonwealth should retain the places, of which they were then in pos­session; That the Ancient Limits of the two States should be re-establish'd, and that every one should re-enter into the Lands of the Con­tinent, he enjoyed before the War; That the Venetians should pay fifteen hundred Crowns a year Tribute for the Isle of Zant, though they had till that time paid but five Hundred; That they should give the Grand Seignior Three hun­dred and fifty Thousand Crowns in ready Mo­ney, and Threescore Thousand to his first Minister [Page 364] for his Negotiation; 'Twas added, that the Merchants on both sides should be set at Liber­ty, and their Effects restor'd; That an Esti­mate should be made of such as were no longer found in specie, and that in other things the Trea­ty concluded with Solyman should be executed. Barbaro presenting Selim this, to ratifie it by Oath, the Sultan, beholding him with a threat­ning Look, said nothing to him, but that he would exactly observe these Conditions, pro­vided the Venetians fail'd not in their Respect to him, and gave no Councel nor Assistance to his Enemies. Barbaro immediately dis­patcht his Son to Venice with a Copy of this Treaty. The Young Man, who knew of what Importance this Affair was, with which he was charged, made such speed, that he was but Twenty days in going from Con­stantinople to Venice, which was more than ever any Courier did before him. He went in his Turkish habit to the Doge's Palace, where the Council of Ten was then happily assembled. These Magistrates, having read his Dispatches, were of Opinion, that he should not appear all the rest of that day, and that his Arrival should be conceal'd, till the Senate was acquain­ted with the Conclusion of the Peace. They foresaw, that such surprising News would cause a very great Rumour and Commotion in the Town. The Council of Ten declar'd the next day in full Senate the urgent Reasons that had forc'd them to an Accomodation with the Port, and procur'd the Peace to be ratified, which was at the same time publish'd. One [Page 365] would have thought this News should have given no little Joy to People, bred up in Re­pose, and endebted for their Greatness to the Exercises and Arts, which are cultivated in Peace. In the mean time the People of Venice, though disquieted by new Preparations for War, incommoded by the Interruption of their Trade, and loaded with extraordinary Impositi­ons, were for some days in such a Consternation (so little do the Multitude understand their own Interest) that, to see the Dejection and Sor­row of the Inhabitants, you would have ima­gined the City to be threatned with utter De­solation. The People of the other Confede­rate Estates, who saw not the Commonwealths pressing Motives, conceived such an Odium a­gainst them, that their Subjects, nay their very Embassadors (whose Character is respected amongst the most Barbarous Nations) were not safe amongst them. The Emperor, whose slowness and delays were partly the cause of this Agreement, reproachfully ask'd Giovanni Corario, the Republicks Embassadour, What the Breakers of the Publick Faith merited; and this Minister did very Wisely to keep him­self for some days shut up in his Palace at Vien­na, and not expose himself to the Fury of the Vulgar, who were then ready to offer all man­ner of Outrage to those, they called Venetians. But soon after Maximilian, understanding that the King of Spain receiv'd this news with Indif­ference enough, treated Corario, who had threat­ned him to retire to Venice, and set the Repub­lick at difference with him, as civilly as before. [Page 366] When the Venetian Embassadour had told Phi­lip the Second, That his Masters had been for­ced by their Inability to put an end to the War, this Prince answered him calmly enough, That he engag'd in the League only at his Holynesses Request; That he believ'd the Senate wise enough not to do any thing without mature De­liberation; That 'twas sufficient for him to have shewn all Europe; that he had undertaken and carryed on this Affair with as much Zeal as Constancy; and in fine, that 'twas just to yield to the Sentiments of the Parties that were chiefly concerned.

Tiepoli receiv'd about Noon this News by an express Courier, and went immediately to ac­quaint his Holyness with it, who was gone to take the Air at Frescati, in the Vineyard of Car­dinal Altemps. The Pope ask'd him, smiling, What Good News he had to tell him: To which this Minister answered very seriously, That he came to communicate to his Holyness the Conclusion of a Peace between the Com­monwealth and the Grand Seignior. The Pope, strangely surprized, interrupted Tipoli, forbad him to say any more, and commanded him to be gone. The Embassadour humby did his utmost to pacifie Gregory's Displeasure; but he would hear neither his Reasons nor his Prayers, and passing into another Chamber, en­joined him to return immediately. Tipoli, fea­ring lest the People of Rome, or the Soldiers, who passed continually to go and embark at Na­ples, might offer him some Violence, assem­bled his Friends in his Palace. He met several [Page] of these Soldiers on his way, as he returned to Rome, who would have done him a Mischief, had they distrusted that he came from confir­ming the Reports of Peace, which were al­ready spread about the Town. One of his Domesticks, a Native of Padua, being behind his back, when he opened his Pacquets, cast his Eyes on the Letter, which gave advice of the Peace, and no sooner saw his Master on his way for Frescati, but he went to acquaint Cardinal Cornaro with the news. The Pope, perplex'd and troubled, returned at Night to Rome, and gave order for the Sacred Colledge to assemble on the morrow. His Holinesses sudden Return made this Matter very publick, and the Romans were so incens'd at it, that if any one would have Headed the People, the Venetian Em­bassadour would have been attack't in his Palace, against the Doors and Windows of which the ruder sort began already to throw Stones. The Venetians were publickly styl'd forsworn Trai­tors, some of them were outrag'd, and their very Name was for several days abhorred at Rome. The King of Spain's Ministers, who had the greatest Reason to be displeased, shewed nevertheless far more Moderation than the Popes Subjects. His Holiness, desiring to black­en the Venetians, and render them still more culpable, represented in full Consistory, that, when the Emperor was at his Request, in fine, a­bout to declare War against the Infidels; when the King of Portugal had assured him by his Embassadors, that he would enter into the League; when he hop'd on certain Conditions [Page 368] to break the Alliance between France and the Port; when, to compleat their Felicity, he had certain Advice, that the new King of Persia, the declar'd Enemy of the Ottomans, was set­ting on Foot a great Army, to invade Turkie; and when the Christians had conceived the grea­test Hopes Imaginable to break their Chains, and exterminate their common Adversary: the Vene [...]ians had overthrown all these great De­signs by perfidiously making a shameful Peace with these Barbarians. He then inveighed very much against them, treating them as perjur'd Traitors, and revoking all the Graces, his Pre­decessors had granted them in consideration of this War. He even enjoin'd them to restore the Money they had levyed on certain Benifices, to which they immediately paid an exact Obe­dience. He forbad all the Subjects of the Holy See to engage without his Leave in the Service of the Repulick, shut up the Granaries of Pu­glia and Marca di. Ancona, and did them seve­ral other Displeasures, which, though appa­rently very grievous, were much less terrible, than what the Senate expected from the publick Indignation, and the Wrath of a Soveraign Prelate, who might strike them with all the Thunders of Excommunication.

The Venetian Embassadour, who saw that Gregory affected to appear much severer than he naturally was, feared, lest in the first motions of his Choler, he might carry things to the utmost Extremities; but his Holiness breaking forth only in Reproaches and Menaces he procur'd the Venetian Cardinals to intercede [Page 369] with him. They besought him to consider, that the Destruction of the Commonwealth would be no less prejudicial to the Holy See, than the aggrandising of a Foreign Power, which already threatned all its Neighbours: that their Ruine would be fatal to all Italy, and draw with it that of the Ecclesiastical State. Tipoli observ'd, that these Reasons had already made some Impression on the Popes Mind. He did his endeavour to obtain an Audience; but Gregory still refus'd to give him any, telling those that sollicited it, He would not receive the excu­ses of the Venetians but in the presence of the Sa­cred Colledge, and other Witnesses of the Treaty, which they had so basely violated. In the mean time his Anger by little and little abated, and Tipoli knowing that he used a great deal of Vi­olence on himself to pass for an inflexible Man, proposed to the Senate the sending an extraordi­nary Embassadour to Rome, not doubting but so unusual a Proceeding, might find some favour with him. The Senate approved of this Expedient, and Nicholas Ponti, who was Four­score years of Age, was chosen for this Em­bassie. He departed immediately, and arrived sooner at Rome, than his Old Age seem'd to per­mit him. He found the Pope resolute not to give him Audience any where but in the Con­sistory. In the mean time some of the Princi­pal Cardinals obtained of the Pope, that he should be receiv'd in the same manner as the other Embassadours were. Ponti with a great deal of Clearness and Eloquence laid open the Reasons and Motives which obliged the Repub­lick [Page 370] to make their Accommodation with Selim. Gregory heard him quietly, and appear'd so much the more satisfied with his Discourse, as he flatter'd himself at the sight of this venera­ble Old Man, who was Ten years older than His Holyness, That he might live yet several years; and this agreeable Thought contributed not a little to the Satisfaction, which the Vene­tians receiv'd in this Audience. The Pope complained only of their making a Peace with­out acquainting him with their Intention, and dismiss'd the Embassadour with Testimonies of a perfect Reconciliation. Ponti visited all the Cardinals apart, confirming to them what he had said in publick to his Holiness, and leaving Tipoli in the Functions of his Employ, returned to Venice to give an account of the happy Suc­cess of his Voyage.




ABraham, his Descent. p. 47. Sent in quality of an Embassador to Venice. ibid. He enters Venice. 52. Acangii, what they are. 94.

Achomat made Governour of Epire. 184. He envies Perteau the Honour of the Surrender of Dulcino. ibid. His Drun­kenness. 16.

Actium, its War compared with that of Cyprus. 5.

Aegyptians, Masters of Cyprus. 251.

Aiton, King of Armenia. 6.

Albert Scotto, who he was. 96. Kill'd 99.

Alexander Farnese, the Duke of Parma's Son, slain, and by whom. 160.

Alexander Donati, through his Ambition, loses the oppor­tunity of taking Scutari. 180, 181. He voluntarily goes into Exile, and why. 184.

Alexandrinus the Cardinal sent Legate to Spain and Portugal. 155. His Speech to King Philip. ibid. His Exhortation to Don Sebastian, King of Portugal. 156. He goes to France, 158. His return to Rome, and his reception, 160.

Alvarez Basano, General of the Neapolitan Gallies, 69.

Amaury, made King of Cyprus by the Pope, 6.

D'Amboise the Admiral slain, 357.

Amurah, Seilim's Son's Character, 20.

Amuti, Embassadour from the Grand Seignier to France, stopt by the Venetians, 137.

Andimes, a Region in Cyprus, 2.

Andrew Doria, 65. He differs with Mark Antony Colonni, Pompey Colonni, and Alvarez Basano, about succouring Cy­prus, 69. Suspected by the Venetians, 71. He rivals Co­lonni, [Page] 72. Falls out with him, 115, 116. Carries his Gallies to Sicily, and goes himself for Spain, 116. His Skill in Sea Affairs, 147. He contends for Honour with Louchali, ibid.

Angelus Soriano, 119. His Valour, 312.

Antivari deliver'd to the Turks, 184.

Antonio Roscono, his Stratagem to prevent the taking Curso­lari, 186.

Antony Canali, 66. He is for going to succour Cyprus, 67.

Arabians, fall from the Turks, 44.

Ascaneus Corneo, a Councellour of the House of Austria, 218.

Astor Baglioni, Commander of a Garrison, 74. Governour of Famagusta, 77. His Courage, 79. Nicosia desires his Assistance, 100. Not suffer'd to depart from Famagusta, 101. Kills 3000 Turks, 195. Blows up 3000 at the Siege of Famagusta, 102. Makes a Sally out upon the Turks, and worsts them, taking a Standard, 203. His Death, 211.

Augustin Barbarigo, joint Commander of the Navy with Se­bastian Venieri, 123. Slain, and how. 252. His dying Words, ibid. He was the first that charged, and the first that routed the Enemy, 253.

Augustus, King of Poland, seeks for a Divorce, 171. Re­prov'd by Cardinal Commendon, ibid. The Queen dies, 172. The King dies, ibid. & 173. Henry Duke of An­jou, Brother to Charles the 9th. King of France, 173.


Baglioni, his Valour and Conduct at the Siege of Fama­gusta, 202. Kill'd, how, and by whom, 211.

Bajazet, Soliman's Son, betray'd by the King of Persia, is kill'd by his Father, 15, 16.

Baptista Scolumban, his Character, 101.

Bassa of Caramonia, 104.

Bernard Tipoly perswades the calling home Venieri, 268. Check'd for it, 269.

Bonrici, who, 47.

Budua demolished by Perteau, 185.


Caesar D'Avelois, Commander of the Ships of Burthen, 221.

Caesar Pioveni, 96. Surprizes the Turks, ibid. Kill'd, 99.

Candia, the principal Town in the Isle of that name, 71.

[Page] Captains Speeches to their Soldiers before the Fight, 239. Their Valour and Conduct, 245.

Caracossa, a famous Pyrate, 174. He covertly in the night views the Christian Fleet. 234.

Carpasso, a Region of Cyprus. 2.

Catarians not willing to yield to Perteau's proposal, 185. Two Gallies taken from them by the Turks, 119. The Town beset by them, ibid. Like to have been betray'd, 181. The Traytors punishment, ibid. Cataro besieg'd, and by whom, 338. Relieved by Giacomo Sorantio, 339.

Catharina, Mother of Francis, King of France, 249. Queen Regent of France, 350. Assisted by her Admiral, 351. Her Arts to kill him, 352.

Catherine Cornelia, Queen of Cyprus, 10. Leaves the King­dom to the Venetians, 11. She dies, and where. ibid.

Cerigo, anciently called Cythera. 178.

Cerines, a Region of Cyprus. 2. & 112. Deliver'd to the Turks, and by whom. 113.

Christian Fleet reviewed. 219. Sails for Greece. 220. The Names of the Commanders. ibid. They arrive at Corfou. 222. The number of their Ships, Strength and Provision. 221. Drawn up in order of Battel. 235. The Commanders Conduct in War. 236. Small Ships put out from the rest of the Fleet to prevent the Soldiers running away. ibid. Their devotion before Battel. 238. Preparation for a new Fleet. 285. Its Number. ibid. & 306. The Turks decline a Fight with the Christians, 321, 322. They enter the Turks Port. ibid. The Turks Fleet approaches Cyprus. 92. The Christian Fleet re­cruited. 343. A Decree of the Pope concerning the Fleet. 345. The Turk puts his Men ashoar at Cyprus. 93. The numerousness of his Fleet. ibid The good man­agement of the Venetian Fleet. 50. A Contagion hap­pens in it. 60. The mutual mistake of the Christian and Turkish Fleet. 235.

Claudio De Gonzaga. 327.

Clissa betray'd to the Venetians. 337. Foolishly deserted by them. ibid.

Commendon Cardinal John Francis opposes Granvil in behalf of the Venetians. 62.

The Pope by his advice sends Colonni to their Assistance, 139. He is sent Legate into Poland and Germany. 154. His Speech to Maximilian. 164, 165, 166, 167. The Emperor's Answer. 167.

[Page] Conde taken Prisoner. 349. Set at Liberty. 350. The Duke of Guise his Adversary. ibid. He takes up Arms against the King. ibid. Routed. ibid. Taken. ibid. Kil­led. ibid.

Constantinople affrighted at the succefs of the Christians. 272. Cyprus in possession of the Turks. 5.

Cornelii, their Resoluteness in a Sea Fight. 252.

Courage or Constancy, which most proper to the Turks. 246.

Cosmus de Medicis his great Fortune, 160. Why called Great Duke. 162. Maximilian offended at it. ibid. Why he granted his Assistance against the Turks. 286. A Contest between him and Alphonso, Duke of Ferrara, a­bout precedence. ibid.

Cretensians, their Sedition, and what follow'd. 177.

Crusso, a Region of Cyprus. 2.

Cursolari wonderfully preserved by Women, and how. 186.

Cyprus, its Situation 1. thought to be separated from the Continent. ibid. It's Cities, Towns, and Dimensions. 2. Its numerous Inhabitants. ibid. Its Antiquity. ibid. Its Fertility, their Habit of Body and Delights. 3. Loose­ness of their Women. ibid. Its Barrenness and Plenty. ibid. No Rain in it for Seventeen Years. 4. What things it abounds with. ibid. The unwholsomness of its Air. 5. Its Governours. ibid. & 6. In the possession of the Venetians. 6. Several Attempts of revolting from the Venetians. 73. Wholly in the power of the Turks, 212. A bold attempt of a Cypriot Woman. 8. A Cou­rageous Act of a Woman of Nicosia. 111, 112. Another horrible Act of a Matron of Nicosia. 109, 110. The Noble Men of Cyprus, desirous to fight the Turks, are hindred by Dandoli. 95. They attempt to go out privately. 97. Cypriots forbid to breed up Mules. 4. Cyprus Tributary to Aegypt. 10.

Cythera, now Cerigo. 306.


Dandoli, Podestat of Nicosia. 74. His Ignorance in Arms. 85. Born for the Ruine of Nicosia. 97. Angry. ibid. Kill'd at the taking of Nicosia. 98. Mustapha sends his Head to terrifie the Governours of Famagusta. 113.

Decemviri consult together for the good of the Republick of Venice. 332. They send Marco Antonio Barbaro to Con­stantinople to treat a Peace, where he is detain'd. 336. A wise Counsel. 345.

[Page] Decree o [...] the Pope about the Navy. 345.

Discipline neglected in the Navy, causes a great destructi­on in it. 308.

Discords among the Christians give opportunity to the In­fidels. 34.

A Dissuasive of the Spaniards from entring into a League with the Venetians. 127. The Pope commits it to Six Cardinals. 129. Laws made by the Pope. 155, 156. A difference decided amongst the Confederates. 342. Con­ditions of a League with the Emperor Maximilian. 169, 170.

Dragonares, Rocks over against the Promontory of Malea. 307.

Durazzo, in vain besieg'd by Venieri. 153.

Dulcino, its Strength. 183. Vigorously assaulted by the Turks: They surrender. ibid.


Epirots Horse worst Syroc. 83. They alone are intended to sally out of Nicosia. 95. Yet retained by Dandoli, and why. 97.

Eugenius Sinclitici, Count de Rocas. 75. He badly per­forms his Embassie. ibid. & 76. Through his default Nicosia is taken by the Turks. 106, 107. Kill'd, and when. 107. His body mangled by the Conquerors. ibid.


Fabian Gratiani slain in a Sea Fight. 252.

Famagusta, its Merchandise. 7. Taken by the Genoese. 9. Taken from them, and by whom. 10. Those of Fama­gusta disagree with the Nicosians. 76. Its Situation. 197. Besieg'd by Mustapha, ibid. A rash Sally of the Greeks and Venetians. 198. The Enemies Works hinder their Sallying out. ibid. The Turks gain the Ditch 199. Driven back by the besieged's Fire. ibid. They under­mine the City. ibid. Six times beat out of the breaches they had made. 200. The Besieged build a double Wall. ibid. The Valour of their Women. ibid. The Cou­rage of the Bishop of the place. 201. Storm'd for se­veral days together by the Besiegers. ibid. The number of their Shot in one day. ibid. Baglioni, by setting fire [Page] to a mine, blows up above 3000 Turks. 202. Mustapha vexed hereat, exhorts his Soldiers to be more resolute. ibid. The diligence and watchfulness of the Besieged. 203, 204. Disappointed of a supply from the Venetians. 206, 207. A Famine amongst them. 208. Discourse about delivering up the City. 211. The manner of Bragadin's Death. 212. The Christians thereby animated to fight. 231.

Ferrara's Duke, the Great Duke of Tuscany's Rival. 286. 287. He goes into Germany. ibid.

Fenicia, its port repaired by Selim. 29.

Filebert, Duke of Savoy, one of the Confederates. 286. Why not made General of the Army. 134.

Flavius Cardinal Ʋrsin sent Embassadour into France. 249.

France, its Power whence. 348. The French Kings Answer to Cardinal Alexandrine, exciting him to enter the League. 159. His judgement of Henry King of Navarre. ibid. Angry that the Spanish Embassadour at Rome should find more favor than his. 277.

Francis Barbaro a Messenger of Peace to the Venetians. 364.

Francis Contareni, Bishop of Baffo, 108.

Francis, the French King, Successor to King Henry. 349. A Conspiracy against him. ibid. Dies. ibid.

Francis, Duke of Guise, slain. 350. His Encomium. ibid.

Francis Maria of Rovere, Son of Duke Ʋrbin, who. 220.

Francis Prioli. 11, 119. His Valour and Death. 120.

Francis Troni conducts Abrahim to Venice. 51.

Francomates, who. 2.


Gabriel Cerbellon, Councellor of Germany, 218.

Galeasses, what they are. 50. They first charge the En [...] ­my. 242.

Gaspar de Coligny, Admiral of the Protestants in France. 159. Marries a Wife, a Subject of the Duke of Savoy's. 286. Thought to have a design upon Savoy. ibid. He breeds a Discord between the two Kings. 301. Kills the Duke of Guise by his Emissaries. 350. His Character, 351. The Queen seeks his Death. 353. She commits the do­ing of it to the young Duke of Guise, ibid. & 354. He instructs his Party how to kill the King and others. 355. Himself killed, and thrown out at a Window. 356. His [Page] Encomium. 357. The names of those that were killed with him. ibid.

Genevre Salviati, Baglioni's Wife, her Love and Courage. 205. Sends to Perusia to raise men in her Husbands Defence. 206.

Gengirus, his own executioner. 15.

Genoeses placed after the Venetians by Petrin. 9. They con­tend with the Venetians about Priority. ibid. Conspire a­gainst the King, but being detected, are all killed. ibid. They make War with the Cypriots. ibid. They make themselves Masters of Famagusta. ibid. They assist the Spaniard with Four Gallies. 286.

Granvil Cardinal, his Birth and Character. 61. He saies the Venetians ought not to be assisted. 62. Contradicted by Cardinal Commendon. 62, 63. He hinders the League. 134. He incurs the Pope's Displeasure. 136. He is Go­vernour of Naples. 217. A Thanksgiving for the Victo­ry of the Venetian Navy. 260.

Greeks, two, Fugitives from Nicosia, perswade Mustapha to besiege it. 87.

Gregory Panteus. 96.

Gregory XIII. made Pope. 298. His Birth and by-past Life. ibid. Endeavours to bring the French King into a League with the Confederates. 348. Angry with the Venetians for making peace with the Turks. 366. In­veighs against them in the Consistory. ibid. & 349. His Decree against them. 369. Appeased by the Venetian Embassadours. ibid.

Gulielmus de Gonzaga, Duke of Mantua, assists against the Turks. 286.

Guidobaldus, Duke of Ʋrbin, offers to assist in the War a­gainst the Turks. 286.

Guises Adversaries to the Prince of Conde. 350.

Guise, employed by the King and Queen to kill the Admi­ral of France. 352.

Guy de Lufignan, dispossessed of his Crown, purchases Cy­prus. 6. His Family. ibid.


Hali, Admiral of the Turks. 86. Destroys several Islands belonging to the Venetians. 231. His Exhortation to an Engagement with the Confederates. 232. His Death. 247 [Page] His two Sons; one whereof dyed at Rome; the other was begg'd of Don John by his Mother. 347.

Hector Martinengo, slain upon the Rendition of Famagusta. 211.

Hector Podocatero, sent Embassadour by Mustapha to Fama­gusta. 196. His ill Treatment. ibid. Mustapha kills him. 197.

Hector Troni, cast in Prison for deserting Clissa, and let go▪ 337.

Henry of France, His League and Affinity with Philip of Spain. 349.

Henry, Brother to the French King, made King of Poland. 359.

Henry, King of Navarre, a Hugonot. 158. His mildness. 159.

Hermolaus Tipoli, who. 50, 119. He burns the City Scar­do [...]a. 180. Takes some Ships. ibid.

Hierom Grimani, his last Words concerning the League. 126.

Hierom de Martinengo, sent to succour the Cypriots. 43. Sa­vorniani's Rival. ibid. Dies. 81.

Hierom Ragazoni, Bishop of Famagusta, sent to ask Aid of the Venetians. 205.

Hierom Venieri, Podestat of Dulcino, deprived of his Ar­mour by the Turks. 184.

Hierom Zani, General of the Navy. 50.

Honorius Cajetan, a Commander in the Confederate Army. 220.

Hugo, the King of Apulia's Son, King of Cyprus. 6.

Hugonots in France, a 349. ad finem.

Humphrey Justiniani, sent to Venice with the news of the Sea Fight. 255. His Entrance into the City, and Rela­tion of the Victory. 257.


James Celsi. 66.

James Fosca [...]ini, deposed from his Generalship at Sea, 269

James Malateste, being too ve [...]turesom, taken by the Turks. 181. After two years Slavery released. 182.

James Nores, Count de Tripoli, Rocas's Rival. 76.

James Ragazone, sent to treat of a peace at Constantinople. 137.

James Sorantio, sent Embassadour to the Emp [...]ror Maxi­milian. 163. He is of opinion that the Siege of Leucade ought not to be undertaken. 264. Complains bitterly of Ve [...]ieri. 268. He raises the Siege of Cataro. 339.

[...], vindicates Venieri. 269.

[Page] Janizaries in the War of Cyprus. 86.

Jews Vagrants. 25. Their place of abode. ibid. Driven out of Spain. 26. They withdraw themselves into Por­tugal. ibid. They lose their Liberty. ibid. Driven out of Portugal. ibid. They feign themselves Christians. ibid.

Imissa, a Region of Cyprus. 2.

Don John of Austria. 132. Made Generalissimo of the whole Army by the Pope. 133. Goes over to Genoa. 217. His Councellors. 218. He gives the Sign to fall upon the Turks Fleet. 237. He encourages his Soldiers. ibid. An­gry with Venieri. 255. His stay in Sicily. 300. A Co­py of his Letter to Colonni. 304, 305. Determines to return for Sicily. 324. The Venetians court him to stay, but in vain. 325. Sets Sayl from Greece. 326. Accus'd to the King for having engag'd the Turks contrary to his order 334.

John Falerio, who. 97. Taken by the Infidels, is kill'd. 108.

John Legio, Providor of Dalmatia, last in prison at Ve­nice. 123.

John Sorantio sent to Rome, and why. 131. Ingrateful to Pope Pius. 132.

John Susomini, a prudent man. 78.

Isaac Comnenus, loses Cyprus to Richard King of England. 6.

Ismael, King of Persia, overcome by Selim, Soliman's Fa­ther. 32.

Ismael Tammas, the King of Persia's Son, why imprisoned by his Father. 158.

Italian Princes, their inclination to War. 285.

Julius Sav [...]rniani, enters Nicosia with a handful of Men. 12, 13, 14. He takes care for the preservation of Dalma­tia. 48. The Venetians put great Confidence in him. 192.


Landriani, Governour of Sicily, Councellour of Germany. 218.

Latin Ʋrsin, one of the Heroes in the Confederate Army. 220.

Lauredon, Doge of Venice, his Death. 55.

Laurence Tipoli, Podestat of Famagusta. 74.

Legates from Venice to Spain. 334.

Leiparus yields it self to the Infidels: Burnt by the Nicosi­ans, and why. 90.

Lesina burnt by the Turks. 187.

Letters treating of a Peace sent to Rome. 364. &c.

[Page] Letters of the Confederates intercepted by the Enemies. 100.

Leucade, its Situation. 265. In vain attempted by Veni­eri. 266.

Lewis Mocenigo, Doge of Venice. 56.

Lewis Requiescens, Governour of Milanese. 277.

Lewis, Son to the Duke of Savoy, King of Cyprus. 10. Driven out by the Mamalucks, ibid,

Liberty granted the Slaves, if they obtained the Victory. 243. Their outrages upon the Turks Gallies. 244.

Limisso, a Region in Cyprus. 2.

Louchali, an Arch-Pyrate. 174. His Actions in Crete. 175, 176. He quits the Inhabitants of Rhetimo with negli­gence. 176. His skill in Sea Affairs. 247. His Coun­sel in the War at Sea, carp'd at by Doria. ibid. He flies. 248. Succeeds Hali. 274. He prepares a new Fleet. ibid. Consults upon the news of the Arrival of the Christians. 307. His wonderful Sagacity. 310. His Warlike Courage. 313. Returns joyful to the Turks, after having avoided the danger he was in. 328.

Lucas Michaeli, chief Magistrate of Canea, repulses the Turks. 175.

Lucenses offer Money to carry on the War with the Turks. 35.


Mahomet, after Solyman's Death, takes Sigeth. 19. Wonder­fully conceals Solyman's Death. ibid. His Craft and Pow­er. ibid. He endeavours the Ruine of Mustapha and Piali. 24. Endeavours to turn the War from Venice. 35. Perswades to a War with Spain. 36. Which is ill re­sented by the Grand Seignior. 42, 43. His Arts to de­ceive the Venetians. 43. Requires Cyprus of the Veneti­an Embassadour. 45. Letters concerning the same. 52, 53. He is made Bassa of Negropout. 347. Taken in a Sea Fight and carryed to Rome. ibid. His opinion of the Victory. ibid. A witty saying of his. 348.

Malvasia, which the Ancients called the Epidaurus of Greece. 306.

Mamalucks having taken Janus, King of the Cypriots, carry him into Aegypt. 11.

Manolio Marmorio. 57. Taken at the Siege of Supoto. 179.

Margariti, the King of France's Sister, betroth'd to Henry K. of Navarre. 159.

Margariti, a City of Epirus. 49.

[Page] Mark Antony Barbaro, Embassadour from the Republick of Constantinople. 44. Puts the Venetians in mind of forti­fying Cyprus. ibid. His Letters intercepted by the Turks. ibid. Saves his Son from eminent Slavery. 47. His Wife presents Abrahim with a Silk Vest. 54. Offers The change of Prisoners with Mahomet. 138. The De­cemviri desire him to treat of a Peace. 336. Makes a League with the Turks. 360.

Mark Antony Bragadin, chief Commander in Famagusta. 74. He courageously defends it. 203. His Letters to the Senate, and his Sons. ibid. The Barbarity of the Turks towards him. 211, 212. The nature of his Death. 212. His skin stuffed with Straw. ibid.

Mark Antony Colonni, General of the Popes Gallies. 64. Pope Pius the Fifth's Favourite. ibid. Gets in favour with the Venetians. ibid. Austria of equal power with the Holy See, if not kept under. 133. Sent by the Pope to Venice 139. His Speech to the Venetians. ibid. and seqq. His Valour. 144. Having discharg'd his duty, he returns to Rome. 155. He strikes Sayl to join the Venetians. 151. His opinion concerning the carrying on the War. 224. His secret Counsels to the Germans and Spaniards. 225. He composes a difference between the two Dukes. 228, 229. His Words to appease Don John. 229. His Feats in the Naval Fight. 249, 250. Honou­red at his return by the Pope and the people of Rome. 262. Liberally rewarded, and Honourably dealt with are he and his Son. ibid. After the Popes Death he Sails for Naples. 298. His Counsel to hinder the Depo­pulation of the Venetians. 309. Why omitted. 310. Why he abstained from the War. 313. His Exhortation of the Cowardly. 315. He supposes Don John to be angry with him. 317. He goes into Spain, 327.

Mark Cato sent from Rome to take possession of Cyprus. 5. Brings the Treasure thereof to Rome. ibid.

Mark Quirini. 59. He requites the Senate for their Ingrati­tude for his former Services. 207. He sails for Sicily. 208.

Mark Quirini, Sirnamed Stenta, goes to succour Famagusta. 193. He sinks two Turkish Gallies, and takes another. ibid.

Marrani, what they are. 27.

Massota. a Region in Cyprus. 2.

Maximilian, angry at the Title of Great given to the [Page] Duke of Tuscany. 162, 163. Commendon pacifies him. ib. Not willing to enter into the League. ibid. More cunning than valorous. 164 His Answer to Commendon. 167. His [...]etter to him 169. A Consultation about a War with the Turks. 170. The Conditions of the League with him. 171. His Indignation because the Venetians had made War with the Turks. 265.

Mesarea, a Region in Cyprus. 2.

Miches, a Jew, Mustapha's Confident. 25. He perswades Selim to invade Cyprus. 27, 28. Selim in a debauch calls him King of Cyprus. Thought to have set on fire the Arsenal of Venice. 50.

M [...]don, its Port. 320.

Mongommery, Master of the Horse. 357. A great Religioso. 349. Overcomes the Protestants in France. 350. Kill'd. ibid.

Moors, their Strength and number in Spain. 37. Their usage there. ibid.

Mufti, the Turkish Priests. 36.

Mustafero. 108.

Mustapha, Selim's Sycophant. 19. By his Valour Selim o­vercomes Bajazet. ibid. Is offended at Mahomet. 23. Mahomet cunningly contrives his Death. 24. He speaks for himseld, and what follow'd. ibid. He perswades the Grand Seignior to an Expedition against Cyprus. 31, 41. Prime Commander of the Land Forces 86. He deter­mines first to besiege Nicosia. 89. His Letter to the Cy­priots. ibid. Besieges Nicosia. 92. The Wells therea­bouts being poysoned, he causes new ones to be digged. ibid. He makes a general Assault. 103. His eagerness in it. ibid. Takes the City. 108. His Cruelty on the Inhabitants. 111. Goes to besiege Famagusta. 113. He consults how to do it. 194. Perswades the Inhabitants to a Surrender. 196. His dubiousness of the Event. 202. His Arts to hearten the Soldiers. ibid. His Perfidy. 210, 211. Raises a notorious Calumny, contrary to the Treaty, the better to kill the Christians. 212.


Naval Fight; It's beginning. 241. Heat of the Contest. 242. Its various changes and Fortune. 242, 243. The beginning of the Victory. 246. The Consummation of it. 249, 250. The number of the Turks slain and taken [Page] Prisoners. 250. Ships taken, burnt and sunk; Christian Slaves redeemed; the Soldiers suffered to plunder. ibid. & 251. Loss on the Christians side. 251, 252. What passed after the Victory. 266.

Navarin, a City. 319. Farnese intends to besiege it, but in vain. 324.

Nicholas Ponti's Speech to the Senate, preferring Peace be­fore War, ab 152. ad 158. His Speech upon the make­ing the Peace. 334. Being sent to Rome he appeases Pope Gregory's Anger towards the Venetians. 349.

Nicholas Donati, sent to succour Famagusta. 206. The fatal­ness of his delay. 208.

Nicholas Gradenigo. 96.

Nicosia, a City of Cyprus. 12. A dispute between it and Famagusta about the transportation of Grain. 76, 77. Besieged. 91. Hotly assaulted. 104. Taken. 108. The miserable treatment of the Captives. ibid. 111. The num­ber of the slain. 111. The Fame of this great Booty draws abundance of Turks to the War with the Cypriots. 194.


Octavi [...] Farnese, Duke of Parma, assists in the War against the Turks. 286.

Opportunity neglected by the Christians of overcoming their Enemies. 320.

Ottomans, their Parsimony. 16.


Paphia, or Baffo, a Region in Cyprus. 2.

Paul Jourdan Ʋrsin, one in the Confederate Army. 220 His Valour in the Sea Fight. 249.

Paul Sforza, a principal Man in the Army. 220.

Paul Tipoli, one of the Decemviri, puts the Senate upon treating of a Peace, and the Alterations thereupon. 144. He dissuades from Peace. 145. Affects to be Admiral of the Sea. 268. Sent Joynt Embassador with Sorantio to Pope Pius V. 277. His Speech concerning the War with Greece. 283. Hated by Pope Gregory, and why. 368. Rome's Envy against him and the Venetians. 369. His means to appease the Pope. 369, 370.

Paul Ʋrsin, one of the Heroes in the Confederate Army 220. He takes and ruines the Castle of Margariti. 266.

Peace concluded upon by the Venetians with the Turks. 363.

[Page] How it was taken by their Confeder s. 365. &c.

Pendengia, a Region in Cyprus. 2.

Perteau Piali strangled. 174. His perfidy at the Surren­der of Dulcino. 184. He in vain sollicites the Catarians to a Surrender. 185. He infests Corfou. 187. His opi­nion about avoiding a Battel with the Christians. 232. He doubts the event before the Battel begins. 241. Be­ing overcome, he makes his escape. 249. Banished from Constantinople by the Grand Seignior. 273.

Peter Justiniani, and the Knights of Malta, their Valour in the Sea Fight. 248. He is taken Prisoner, but relea­sed. ibid.

Peter, King of Cyprus, his Character. 7. Conquers Alexan­dria. ibid. Goes to Rome to the Pope. ibid. Makes War on the Cypriots. ibid. Kill'd by the Artifice of a bold Woman. 8.

Peter Fregosa. 9. He makes himself Master of Famagusta, and how. ibid.

Pedro Pardo sets on foot a false Report, That the Christian Fleet was vanquished. 316.

Peter Strozzi worsted by Cosmus de Medicis. 161.

Philip the Second his Answer to the Popes Legate about entring into the War. 127. Another to Cardinal Alex­andrine. 156. His Letters to Gregory XIII. ibid. Re­ceives the News of the Peace made with the Turks in­differently. 265.

Philip Bragadin desirous to pursue the frighted Turks by Sea, is refused it by Venieri. 263.

Piali, a Foundling. 18. Selim's Son-in-Law. ibid. Maho­met's Enemy. 23. Deprived of his Dignity, but re-inve­ [...]ted with it. ibid. Admiral of the Sea and Navy. 86. He designs first to besiege Famagusta. 88. Chid by the Grand Seignior. 118. His Successor, who. 174.

Pius the V. Pope, gives the Venetians leave to transport Corn from Anconia. 51. Averse to the Venetians at the beginning of his Pontificate. 61. Helps the Venetians in the War. 64. Instigates the King of Spain to a War. 65. Endeavours to joyn him in a League. 126. Consults his Cardinals and Legates upon the same. 129. Is very ear­nest in the business. 131. Sends Philip threatning Let­ters upon it. 132. Sends M. Antony Colonni to aid the Venetians. 139. Commands Articles of a League to be drawn. 154. &c. Hires some Gallies of Don John. 151. [Page] Why he desired Margaret, the King of France's Sister, to be given in Marriage to Sebastian, King of Portugal. 158. Gives God Thanks for the Victory of the Navy. 260. Commands Colonni to be honourably entertain'd at his re­turn. 261. His Munificence towards him and his Son Ascanius. 262. Venetians counsel him to remove Venieri. 269, 270. Gives a reason for the carrying on the War. 285. Falls sick. 287. What he thought his best Phy­sick ibid. His Holy Death, and Elogium 281. His Family and his Works. 288, 289. He gives the King of Spain power to levy a Fine upon the Clergy. 303.

Pisani rased by the Turks. 184, 185.

Plague rages in the Venetian Fleet. 60.

Podocatero besieg'd. 92.

Pompey Colonni, 69. The Pope sends him into Spain. 137.

Popes Navy pursues the Enemy, and why. 152.

Prey devided after the Victory by Sea, and why. 256.

Prosper Colonni. 257.

Protheno, an Island. 320.

Ptolemy, King of Aegypt, Lord of Cyprus, kills himself. 5.

Publius Clodius taken by Pyrates. 5. Let go free. ibid. He made Cyprus a Province of the Roman Empire. ibid.


Ramagasio Sequani, Knight of Malta, his Skill and Valour in Sea Affairs. 250.

Requiescens his Opinion about the War with the Turks. 218.

Rhetimo in great danger of being besieged, 175.

Richard, King of England, takes Cyprus by Force. 6.

Rocas Count, Governour of Cyprus in the Kings absence. 7. Takes upon him the King's power. ibid. Accused; ac­quitted. ibid. Through his fault the Turks get upon the Walls of Nicosia. 106. His Death. ibid. & 107. The Turks insult over him, being dead. ibid.

Rome, its gratitude and thankfulness for the news of their Navy's Victory. 262.


Salt, the Staple Commodity of Cyprus. 4.

Salomon, a Jewish Doctor, sent to mediate a Peace be­tween the Venetians and Turks. 265.

Sapienza, an Island. 320.

Sasines, a Region in Cyprus. 2.

[Page] Sciara Martinengo, Providor of Cataro. 183. Being stript of his Arms at the taking of Dulcino, he is let go. 184.

Scutari's being taken omitted by the Venetians. 180.

Sebastian, King of Poland, his Answer to Cardinal Alexan­drine concerning the League. 157. His Piety and Reli­gion. 158.

Sebastian Venieri takes Supoto. 58. Succeeds Zani in his Ad­miralship. 122. He in vain attempts the taking of Du­razzo. 153. Loses seven Ships. ibid. He Advises Don John to make hast. 222. Advis'd to avoid a meeting with Don John. 230. His Valour in the Sea Fight. 250. Gets in favour with Don John. 253. He is against a whol­som advice, and vexes Don John again. 255. Made Friends by Colonni. 256. His vain Counsel after the Victory. 263. He in vain attempts to take Leucade. 266. Admiral of the Navy displaced. 270. Commanded for his Honour to have a care of the Adriatic Gulph. 271. His Fortune and Life. ibid.

Sedition in the Navy. 226.

Selim, Solyman's Son and Heir of the Empire. 16. Go­vernour of Adrianople and Cilicia. ibid. His ill manners. ib. His Drunkenness. ibid. His Intemperance in all sorts of pleasure. ibid. Contemn'd by the Soldiers. 20. A Fa­vourer of the Jews. ibid. He commands Mustapha to be beheaded. 23. Why he design'd to invade Cyprus. 51. His Inconstancy. 35. Offended with Mahomet. 43. His Letter to the Venetians requiring the rendition of Cyprus. 52.

Sforza Pallavicinus, Captain General of the Land Forces. 59. Admitted one of Zani's Counsel. 66. His opinion about not engaging the Enemies. 80.

Sforza, Count of St. Flora, Counsellor of Don John. 218.

Sinam, Bassa of Aegypt. 23. He accuses Mustapha. ibid. Siroc sent before into Cyprus with Twenty Five Ships. 92, 93.

Solyman takes ill Cyprus being set upon by the Turks. 14. His Sons. 15. He commands Mustapha his eldest Son to be killed. ibid. Besieges Belgrade, takes Rhodes, and very much incommodes the Venetians. 32. He threatens them. 33.

Soriani, the Venetian Embassadour lov'd by Pope Pius. 132. His praise. ibid.

Strophades. 320.

[Page] Suda burnt by Perteau. 155.

Supoto taken by the Confederates. 57. The Turks re-take it. 179. Taken again by the Christians. 266. Restor'd to the Turks again. 362.

Swedish Prince. 326.

Salviati Bishop, goes Legate from the Pope into France. 302.

School master makes himself head of the Cypriots. 73.

Spaniards disgusted at the Popes preferring Colonni before Don John. 261. They aim to turn their Arms upon Africk, 280. Their Councels in War, 282. Their De­lays give cause to suspect their Fidelity, 217. Their Opinion of the reasonableness of the War, 223. Dissenti­on between them and the Venetians, 276. Spaniards ge­nerally hated, 303.

Ships of Burthen not to be trusted to. 306. A Ship sent to succour the Christians wonderfully prevented from be­ing seized by the Turks. 311.


Taenarus, a Promontory, now Metapan. 310.

Tammas, King of Persia, his manner of Life. 157.

Temple Knights bought Cyprus, 6. Sold it again, ibid.

Triumviri created at Venice. 122. They put Zani in Chains, 124.

Turks by an Invasion receive a great overthrow of the Ni­cosians, 98. They act more warily, 99. Take several of our Ships. 119. The chief of them being taken, are brought to Rome, and Christianly treated by the Pope, 256. They repair their Fleet, 274. Obtain several places in Dalmatia, 336. Their Infidelity, 110. The Works, Progressions and Havock made at the Siege of Famagusta, 198. The num [...]er of the slain there, 204. The number of the Soldiers set on shoar at Cyprus, and their provisions for War, 85, 86. The whole Turkish Fleet its number, 174, 175. They contemn the Christi­ans, 232. A quick reparation of their Fleet, 274. [...] number and strength, 306. They hinder the succouring of Dalmatia, 336. Their Mosques, 30. Their Hospitals adjoining them, ibid. & 31. How built, 31.


Venice, a false report brought thither about Cyprus, its being [Page] freed from danger. 120. Of the taking of Famagusta, 192. Their Arsenal burnt, 38. The damage it did, ibid. Their suspicion of the Author of it, 39, 40. Venetians afraid of the Turkish Fleet, 191. Triumviri created. 122. A general joy at the News of their Na­val Victory, 257. Publick Thanks therefore. 260. Cy­prus bestowed on them by Queen Catharine, 11. Their Answer to Selim's Embassadour, requiring Cyprus, 53. The Pope assists them in carrying on the War, 63. They make their Slaves free for the use of the War, 84. The ill provision of their Fleet, 121. They consult about a Peace, 136, 137. Accuse Doria of Treachery, 276. They desire the Fleet might Winter in the Ports of Greece, 326. A great fear at Rome, lest they should make War with the Turks. 344. Their Counsel in carrying on the War. 130. The reason of the Fleets removing, 154. An Embassie to the King of Persia, 157. Their Answer to the Embassadours sent from the Cursolaries, 187. A twofold reason for the Coinage of Money to carry on the War, 188. Their Navy suffers upon the account of the suspicion of Doria, 248. A Consultation about kiling the Turkish Captives, 256. The nature of a Republick. 267. A Speech for the detaining Don John, lest he should leave them, 325. Some Janglings among the Head of the Army. ibid. & 326. Complaints made to the Pope and others, 339. Discourse about a Peace, 330, A rash Counsel, 340. Some Alterations with the King of Spain, 343. One Oration of one of the chief Spaniards, 331. A Decree of the Senate about entring into the League, 154. Two Opinions among the Patritii, or Noblemen of Venice, 267. They com­plain of the new Taxes, 188, 189. Embassadours sent to them thereupon, ibid. A Tribute gathered of them every year for the carrying on of the War, 191. Their Embassador at Constantinople, 136. Turks imprisoned by them during the War. ibid. & 137.

Victory of the Navy, its beginning, 246.

Vincent Alexandri sent by the Venetians to Tammas King of Persia, 157.

Vincent Vitelli, a Christian Hero, 220.

Visconti, a Region of Cyprus, 2.

Ʋscots, who, 52, 53.


Walaques expel Bogdan their King, 172.

Want of Money now supply'd at the Siege of Famagust [...], 204.

Warlike Inventions for a Naval Fight, 243.

Wells poysoned by the Cypriots, 92.

Wind wonderfully favours the Christian Fleet, 240.

Wine of Cyprus its Excellence and Abundance, 4.

Womens Authority in France. 349.


Zachary Sal [...]moni his Valour and Fidelity, 185.

Zanetius Dandoli, 97.

Zani, Admiral of the Sea and Navy. 50. Wisely desires one to be sent in his place, 122. Imprisoned, 123. Crimes objected against him. ibid.


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