CHAP. I. Of the Bills of Mortality, their beginning, and progress.

THe first of the continued weekly Bills of Mortality extant at the Parish-Clerks Hall, begins the 29. of December, 1603, being the first year of King James his Reign; since when, a weekly Accompt hath been kept there of Burials and Christnings. It is true, There were Bills before, viz. for the years 1592, -93, -94. but so interrupted since, that I could not depend upon the sufficiencie of them, rather relying upon those Accompts which have been kept since, in order, as to all the uses I shall make of them.

2. I believe, that the rise of keeping these Ac­compts, was taken from the Plague: for the said Bills (for ought appears) first began in the said year 1592. being a time of great Mortality; And after some dis­use, were resumed again in the year 1603, after the great Plague then happening likewise.

3. These Bills were Printed and published, not onely every week on Thursdays, but also a general Accompt of the whole Year was given in, upon the Thursday before Christmas Day: which said general Ac­compts have been presented in the several manners following, viz. from the Year 1603, to the Year 1624, inclusivè, according to the Pattern here inserted.

4 In the Year 1625, every Parish was particulari­zed, as in this following Bill: where note, That this next year of Plague caused the Augmentation, and Correction of the Bills; as the former year of Plague, did the very being of them.

5. In the Year 1626. the City of Westminster in imitation of London, was inserted. The grosse ac­compt of the Burials, and Christnings, with distinction of the Plague being only taken notice of therein; the fifth, or last Canton, or Lined-space, of the said Bill, being varyed into the form following, viz.

6. In the Year 1629. An accompt of the Diseases, and Casualties whereof any dyed, together with the distinction of Males and Females, making the sixth Canton of the Bill, was added in manner follow­ing.

The Canton of Casualties, and of the Bill for the Year 1639. being of the some forme with that of 1629.

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[Page 10] 7. In the year 1636, the Accompt of the Burials, and Christnings in the Parishes of Islington, Lambeth, Stepney, Newington, Hackney, and Redriff, were added in the manner following, making a seventh Can­ton, viz.

8. Covent Garden being made a Parish, the nine out-Parishes were called the ten out-Parishes, the which in former years were but eight.

9. In the year 1660. the last-mentioned ten Parishes, with Westminster, Islington, Lambeth, Stepney, Newington, Hackney, and Redriff, are entered under two Divisions, viz. the one containing the twelve Parishes lying in Middlesex, and Surrey, and the other the five Parishes within the City, and Liberties of Westminster, viz. St. Clement-Danes, St. Paul's-Covent-Gar­den, St. Martin's in the Fields, St. Mary-Savoy, and St. Margaret's Westminster.

10. We have hitherto described the several steps, [Page 11] whereby the Bills of Mortality are come up to their present state; we come next to shew how they are made, and composed, which is in this manner, viz. When any one dies, then, either by tolling, or ringing of a Bell, or by bespeaking of a Grave of the Sexton, the same is known to the Searchers, corresponding with the said Sexton.

11. The Searchers hereupon (who are antient Matrons, sworn to their Office) repair to the place, where the dead Corps lies, and by view of the same, and by other enquiries, they examine by what Disease, or Casualty the Corps died. Hereupon they make their Report to the Parish-Clerk, and he, every Tues­day night, carries in an Accompt of all the Burials, and Christnings, hapning that Week, to the Clerk of the Hall. On Wednesday the general Accompt is made up, and Printed, and on Thursdays published, and disper­sed to the several Families, who will pay four shillings per Annum for them.

12. Memorandum, That although the general yearly Bills have been set out in the several varieties afore­mentioned, yet the Original Entries in the Hall­books were as exact in the very first Year as to all particulars, as now; and the specifying of Casualties and Diseases, was probably more.

CAP. II. General Observations upon the Casualties.

IN my Discourses upon these Bills I shall first speak of the Casualties, then give my Observations with reference to the Places, and Parishes comprehended in the Bills; and next of the Years, and Seasons.

1. There seems to be good reason, why the Ma­gistrate should himself take notice of the numbers of Burials, and Christnings, viz. to see, whether the City in­crease or decrease in people; whether it increase pro­portionably with the rest of the Nation; whether it be grown big enough, or too big, &c. But why the same should be made known to the People, otherwise then to please them as with a curiosity, I see not.

2. Nor could I ever yet learn (from the many I have asked, and those not of the least Sagacity) to what purpose the distinction between Males and Fe­males is inserted, or at all taken notice of; or why that of Marriages was not equally given in? Nor is it obvious to every body, why the Accompt of Casu­alties (whereof we are now speaking) is made? The reason, which seems most obvious for this latter, is, That the state of health in the City may at all times appear.

3. Now it may be Objected, That the same de­pends most upon the Accompts of Epidemical Disea­ses, and upon the chief of them all, the Plague; where­fore the mention of the rest seems onely matter of curiosity.

[Page 13] 4. But to this we answer; That the knowledg even of the numbers, which die of the Plague, is not suffici­ently deduced from the meer Report of the Search­ers, which onely the Bills afford; but from other Ra­tiocinations, and comparings of the Plague with some other Casualties.

5. For we shall make it probable, that in Years of Plague a quarter part more dies of that Disease then are set down; the same we shall also prove by the other Casualties. Wherefore, if it be necessary to im­part to the World a good Accompt of some few Ca­sualties, which since it cannot well be done without giving an Accompt of them all, then is our common practise of so doing very apt, and rational.

6. Now, to make these Corrections upon the per­haps, ignorant, and careless Searchers Reports, I con­sidered first of what Authority they were in them­selves, that is, whether any credit at all were to be given to their Distinguishments: and finding that many of the Casualties were but matter of sense, as whether a Childe were Abortive, or Stilborn; whether men were Aged, that is to say, above sixty years old, or thereabouts, when they died, without any curi­ous determination, whether such Aged persons died purely of Age, as for that the Innate heat was quite ex­tinct, or the Radical moisture quite dried up (for I have heard some Candid Physicians complain of the darkness, which themselves were in hereupon) I say, that these Distinguishments being but matter of sense, I concluded the Searchers Report might be sufficient in the Case.

7. As for Consumptions, if the Searchers do but truly [Page 14] Report (as they may) whether the dead Corps were very lean, and worn away, it matters not to many of our purposes, whether the Disease were exactly the same, as Physicians define it in their Books. More­over, In case a man of seventy five years old died of a Cough (of which had he been free, he might have possibly lived to ninety) I esteem it little errour (as to many of our purposes) if this Person be, in the Table of Casualties, reckoned among the Aged, and not placed under the Title of Coughs.

8. In the matter of Infants I would desire but to know clearly, what the Searchers mean by Infants, as whether Children that cannot speak, as the word In­fans seems to signifie, or Children under two or three years old, although I should not be satisfied, whether the Infant died of Winde, or of Teeth, or of the Con­vulsion, &c. or were choak'd with Phlegm, or else of Teeth, Convulsion, and Scowring, apart, or together, which, they say, do often cause one another: for, I say, it is somewhat, to know how many die usually before they can speak, or how many live past any assigned number of years.

9. I say, it is enough, if we know from the Searchers but the most predominant Symptomes; as that one died of the Head-Ache, who was sorely tor­mented with it, though the Physicians were of Opini­on, that the Disease was in the Stomach. Again, if one died suddenly, the matter is not great, whether it be reported in the Bills, Suddenly, Apoplexie, or Planet­strucken, &c.

10. To conclude, In many of these cases the Searchers are able to report the Opinion of the Phy­sician, [Page 15] who was with the Patient, as they receive the same from the Friends of the Defunct, and in very many cases, such as Drowning, Scalding, Bleeding, Vomiting, making-away them selves, Lunatiques, Sores, Small-Pox, &c. their own senses are sufficient, and the generality of the World, are able prettie well to distinguish the Gowt, Stone, Dropsie, Falling-Sickness, Palsie, Agues, Plurisy, Rickets, &c. one from another.

11. But now as for those Casualties, which are aptest to be confounded, and mistaken, I shall in the ensuing Discourse presume to touch upon them so far, as the Learning of these Bills hath enabled me.

12. Having premised these general Advertise­ments, our first Observation upon the Casualties shall be, that in twenty Years there dying of all diseases and Casualties, 229250. that 71124. dyed of the Thrush, Convulsion, Rickets, Teeth, and Worms; and as Abortives, Chrysomes, Infants, Liver-grown, and Over­laid; that is to say, that about ⅓. of the whole died of those Diseases, which we guess did all light upon Children under four or five Years old.

13. There died also of the Small-Pox, Swine-Pox, and Measles, and of Worms without Convulsions, 12210. of which number we suppose likewise, that about ½. might be Children under six Years old. Now, if we consider that 16. of the said 229 thousand died of that extraordinary and grand Casualty the Plague, we shall finde that about thirty six per centum of all quick conceptions, died before six years old.

14. The second Observation is; That of the said 229250. dying of all Diseases, there died of acute [Page 16] Diseases (the Plague excepted) but about 50000. or 2/9 parts. The which proportion doth give a measure of the state, and disposition of this Climate, and Air, as to health, these acute, and Epidemical Diseases happening suddenly, and vehemently, upon the like corruptions, and alterations in the Air.

15. The third Observation is, that of the said 229. thousand about 70. died of Chronical Diseases, which shews (as I conceive) the state, and disposition of the Country (including as well it's Food, as Air) in refer­ence to health, or rather to longaevity: for as the pro­portion of Acute and Epidemical Diseases shews the aptness of the Air to suddain and vehement Impressi­ons, so the Chronical Diseases shew the ordinary temper of the Place, so that upon the proportion of Chronical Diseases seems to hang the judgment of the fitness of the Country for long Life. For, I conceive, that in Countries subject to great Epidemical sweeps men may live very long, but where the proportion of the Chronical distempers is great, it is not likely to be so; because men being long sick, and alwayes sickly, cannot live to any great age, as we see in several sorts of Metal-men, who although they are less subject to acute Diseases then others, yet seldome live to be old, that is, not to reach unto those years, which David saies is the age of man.

16. The fourth Observation is; That of the said 229000. not 4000. died of outward Griefs, as of Cancers, Fistulaes, Sores, Ʋlcers, broken and bruised Limbs, Impostumes, Itch, King's-evil, Leprosie, Scald-head, Swine-Pox, Wens, &c. viz. not one in 60.

17. In the next place, whereas many persons [Page 17] live in great fear, and apprehension of some of the more formidable, and notorious diseases following; I shall onely set down how many died of each: that the respective numbers, being compared with the Total 229250, those persons may the better under­stand the hazard they are in.

18. In the foregoing Observations we ventured to make a Standard of the healthfulness of the Air from the proportion of Acute and Epidemical diseases, and of the wholesomeness of the Food from that of the Chronical. Yet, forasmuch as neither of them alone do shew the longaevity of the Inhabitants, we [Page 18] shall in the next place come to the more absolute Standard, and Correction of both, which is the pro­portion of the aged, viz. 15757 to the Total 229250. That is of about 1. to 15. or 7. per Cent. Onely the question is, what number of Years the Searchers call Aged, which I conceive must be the same, that David calls so, viz. 70. For no man can be said to die pro­perly of Age, who is much less: it follows from hence, that if in any other Country more then seven of the 100 live beyond 70. such Country is to be esteem­ed more healthfull then this of our City.

19. Before we speak of particular Casualties, we shall observe, that among the several Casualties some bear a constant proportion unto the whole number of Burials; such are Chronical diseases, and the dis­eases, whereunto the City is most subject; as for Example, Consumptions, Dropsies, Jaundice, Gowt, Stone, Palsie, Seurvy, rising of the Lights, or Mother, Rickets, Aged, Agues, Feavers, Bloody-Flux, and Scowring: nay some Accidents, as Grief, Drowning, Men's making away themselves, and being Kil'd by several Accidents, &c. do the like, whereas Epidemical, and Malignant diseases, as the Plague, Purples, Spotted-Feaver, Small-Pox, and Measles do not keep that equality, so as in some Years, or Moneths, there died ten times as many as in others.

CHAP. III. Of Particular Casualties.

1. MY first Observation is, That few are starved. This appears, for that of the 229250 which have died, we find not above fifty one to have been starved, excepting helpless Infants at Nurse, which being caused rather by carelesness, ignorance, and infirmity of the Milch-women, is not properly an ef­fect, or sign of want of food in the Countrey, or of means to get it.

2. The Observation, which I shall add hereunto, is, That the vast numbers of Beggars, swarming up and down this City, do all live, and seem to be most of them healthy and strong; whereupon I make this Question, Whether, since they do all live by Begging, that is, without any kind of labour; it were not bet­ter for the State to keep them, even although they earned nothing; that so they might live regularly, and not in that Debauchery, as many Beggars do; and that they might be cured of their bodily Impo­tencies, or taught to work, &c. each according to his condition, and capacity; or by being employed in some work (not better undone) might be accustom­ed, and fitted for labour.

3. To this some may Object; That Beggars are now maintained by voluntary Contributions, where­as in the other way the same must be done by a ge­neral [Page 20] Tax; and consequently, the Objects of Charity would be removed, and taken away.

4. To which we Answer; That in Holland, al­though no where fewer Beggars appear to charm up commiseration in the credulous, yet no where is there greater, or more frequent Charity: onely indeed the Magistrate is both the Beggar, and the disposer of what is gotten by begging; so as all Givers have a Moral certainty, that their Charity shall be well applied.

5. Moreover, I question; Whether what we give to a Wretch, that shews us lamentable sores, and mu­tilations, be always out of the purest charity? that is, purely for God's sake; for as much as when we see such Objects, we then feel in our selves a kinde of pain, and passion by consent; of which we ease our selves, when we think we have eased them, with whom we sympathized: or else we bespeak aforehand the like commiseration in others towards our selves, when we shall (as we fear we may) fall into the like distress.

6. We have said, 'Twere better the Publick should keep the Beggars, though they earned nothing, &c. But most men will laugh to hear us suppose, That any able to work (as indeed most Beggars are, in one kind of measure, or another) should be kept without earning any thing. But we Answer, That if there be but a certain proportion of work to be done; and that the same be already done by the not-Beggars; then to em­ploy the Beggars about it, will but transfer the want from one hand to another; nor can a Learner work so cheap as a skilfull practised Artist can. As for ex­ample, A practised Spinner shall spin a pound of [Page 21] Wool worth two shillings for six pence; but a learner, undertaking it for three pence, shall make the Wool indeed into Yarn, but not worth twelve pence.

7. This little hint is the model of the greatest work in the World, which is the making England as considerable for Trade as Holland; for there is but a certain proportion of Trade in the world, and Hol­land is prepossessed of the greater part of it, and is thought to have more skill, and experience to man­age it: wherefore, to bring England into Holland's condition, as to this particular, is the same, as to send all the Beggars about London into the West-Countrey to Spin, where they shall onely spoil the Clothiers Wool, and beggar the present Spinners at best; but, at worst, put the whole Trade of the Countrey to a stand, untill the Hollander, being more ready for it, have snapt that with the rest.

8. My next Observation is; That but few are Murthered, viz. not above 86 of the 22950. which have died of other diseases, and casualties; whereas in Paris few nights scape without their Tragedie.

9. The Reasons of this we conceive to be Two: One is the Government, and Guard of the City by Ci­tizens themselves, and that alternately. No man settling into a Trade for that employment. And the other is, The natural, and customary abhorrence of that in humane Crime, and all Bloodshed by most English­men: for of all that are Executed few are for Mur­ther. Besides the great and frequent Revolutions, and Changes of Government since the year 1650, have been with little bloodshed; the Ʋsurpers themselves having Executed few in comparison, upon the [Page 22] Accompt of disturbing their Innovations.

10. In brief, when any dead Body is found in England, no Algebraist, or Ʋncipherer of Letters, can use more subtile suppositions, and varietie of conje­ctures to finde out the Demonstration, or Cipher; then every common unconcerned Person doth to finde out the Murtherers, and that for ever, untill it be done.

11. The Lunaticks are also but few, viz. 158 in 229250. though I fear many more then are set down in our Bills, few being entred for such, but those who die at Bedlam; and there all seem to die of their Lunacie, who died Lunaticks; for there is much difference in computing the number of Lunaticks, that die (though of Fevers, and all other Diseases, unto which Lunacie is no Supersedeas) and those, that die by reason of their Madness.

12. So that, this Casualty being so uncertain, I shall not force my self to make any inference from the numbers, and proportions we finde in our Bills con­cerning it: onely I dare ensure any man at this pre­sent, well in his Wits, for one in the thousand, that he shall not die a Lunatick in Bedlam, within these seven years, because I finde not above one in about one thousand five hundred have done so.

13. The like use may be made of the Accompts of men, that made away themselves, who are another sort of Mad-men, that think to ease themselves of pain by leaping into Hell; or else are yet more Mad, so as to think there is no such place; or that men may go to rest by death, though they die in self-murther, the greatest Sin.

[Page 23] 14. We shall say nothing of the numbers of those, that have been Drowned, Killed by falls from Scaffolds, or by Carts running over them, &c. because the same de­pends upon the casual Trade, and Employment of men, and upon matters, which are but circumstantial to the Seasons, and Regions we live in; and affords little of that Science, and Certainty we aim at.

15. We finde one Casualty in our Bills, of which though there be daily talk, there is little effect, much like our abhorrence of Toads, and Snakes, as most poisonous Creatures, whereas few men dare say up­on their own knowledge, they ever found harm by either; and this Casualty is the French-Pox, gotten, for the most part, not so much by the intemperate use of Venery (which rather causeth the Gowt) as of many common Women.

16. I say, the Bills of Mortality would take off these Bars, which keep some men within bounds, as to these extravagancies: for in the afore-mentioned 229250 we finde not above 392 to haved died of the Pox. Now, forasmuch as it is not good to let the World be lulled into a security, and belief of Impunity by our Bills, which we intend shall not be onely as Death's-heads to put men in minde of their Mortality, but also as Mercurial Statues to point out the most dangerous ways, that lead us into it, and misery. We shall therefore shew, that the Pox is not as the Toads, and Snakes afore-mentioned, but of a quite contrary nature, together with the reason, why it appears otherwise.

17. Forasmuch as by the ordinary discourse of the world it seems a great part of men have, at one time, [Page 24] or other, had some species of this disease, I wonder­ing why so few died of it, especially because I could not take that to be so harmless, where of so many complained very fiercely; upon inquiry I found that those who died of it out of the Hospitals (espe­cially that of King's-Land, and the Lock in Southwark) were returned of Ʋlcers, and Sores. And in brief I found, that all mentioned to die of the French-Pox were retured by the Clerks of Saint Giles's, and Saint Martin's in the Fields onely; in which place I under­stood that most of the vilest, and most miserable houses of uncleanness were: from whence I con­cluded, that onely hated persons, and such, whose very Noses were eaten of, were reported by the Searchers to have died of this too frequent Maladie.

18. In the next place, it shall be examined under what name, or Casualtie, such as die of these diseases are brought in: I say, under the Consumption: foras­much, as all dying thereof die so emaciated and lean (their Ʋlcers disappearing upon Death) that the Old-women Searchers after the mist of a Cup of Ale, and the bribe of a two-groat fee, instead of one, given them, cannot tell whether this emaciation, or leanness were from a Phthisis, or from an Hectick Fever, Atro­phy, &c. or from an Infection of the Spermatick parts, which in length of time, and in various disguises hath at last vitiated the habit of the Body, and by dis­abling the parts to digest their nourishment brought them to the condition of Leanness above men­tioned.

19. My next Observation is, that of the Rickets we finde no mention among the Casualties; untill the [Page 25] year 1634. and then but of 14 for that whole year.

20. Now the Question is, whether that Disease did first appear about that time; or whether a Dis­ease, which had been long before, did then first re­ceive its Name?

21. To clear this Difficulty out of the Bills (for I dare venture on no deeper Arguments:) I enquired what other Casualties before the year 1634, named in the Bills, was most like the Rickets; and found, not onely by Pretenders to know it, but also from other Bills, that Liver-grown was the nearest. For in some years I finde Liver-grown, Spleen, and Rickets, put all together, by reson (as I conceive) of their likeness to each other. Hereupon I added the Liver­growns of the year 1634, viz. 77, to the Rickets of the same year, viz. 14. making in all 91. which Total, as also the Number 77. it self, I compared with the Liver-grown of the precedent year, 1633, viz. 82. All which shewed me, that the Rickets was a new Disease over and above.

22. Now, this being but a faint Argument, I look­ed both forwards and backwards, and found, that in the year 1629, when no Rickets appeared, there was but 94 Liver-growns; and in the year 1636. there was 99 Liver-grown, although there were also 50 of the Rickets: onely this is not to be denyed, that when the Rickets grew very numerous (as in the year 1660, viz. to be 521.) then there appeared not above 15 of Liver-grown.

23. In the year 1659 were 441 Rickets, and 8 Liver-grown. In the year 1658, were 476 Rickets, and 51 Liver-grown. Now, though it be granted that [Page 26] these Diseases were confounded in the judgment of the Nurses, yet it is most certain, that the Liver-grown did never but once, viz. Anno 1630, exceed 100. whereas Anno 1660, Liver-grown, and Rickets were 536.

24. It is also to be observed, That the Rickets were never more numerous then now, and that they are still increasing; for Anno 1649, there was but 190, next year 260, next after that 329. and so forwards, with some little starting backwards in some years, untill the year 1660, which produced the greatest of all.

25. Now, such backstartings seem to be univer­sal in all things; for we do not onely see in the pro­gressive motion of the wheels of Watches, and in the rowing of Boats, that there is a little starting, or jerking backwards between every step forwards, but also (if I am not much deceived) there appeared the like in the motion of the Moon, which in the long Telescopes at Gresham-College one may sensibly dis­cern.

26. There seems also to be another new Disease, called by our Bills The stopping of the Stomack, first mentioned in the year 1636, the which Malady from that year to 1647, increased but from 6 to 29; Anno 1655 it came to be 145. In 57, to 277. In 60, to 214. Now these proportions far exceeding the dif­ference of proportion generally arising from the in­crease of Inhabitants, and from the resort of Ad­venae to the City, shews there is some new Disease, which appeareth to the Vulgar as A stopping of the Stomach.

[Page 27] 27. Hereupon I apprehended, that this Stopping might be the Green-sickness, for as much as I finde few, or none, to have been returned upon that Accompt, although many be visibly stained with it. Now whe­ther the same be forborn out of shame, I know not? For since the world believes, that Marriage cures it, it may seem indeed a shame, that any Maid should die uncured, when there are more Males then Females, that is, an overplus of Husbands to all that can be Wives.

28. In the next place I conjectured, that this stopping of the Stomach might be the Mother, for as much as I have heard of many troubled with Mother­fits (as they call them) although few returned to have died of them; which conjecture, if it be true, we may then safely say, That the Mother-fits have also increased.

29. But I was somewhat taken off from thinking this stopping of the Stomach to be the Mother, because I guessed rather the Rising of the Lights might be it. For I remembred that some Women, troubled with the Mother-fits, did complain of a choaking in their Throats. Now as I understand, it is more conceivable, that the Lights, ot Lungs (which I have heard called The Bellows of the Body) not blowing, that is, neither vent­ing out, nor taking in breath, might rather cause such a Choaking, then that the Mother should rise up thither, and do it. For me-thinks, when a woman is with childe, there is a greater rising, and yet no such Fits at all.

30. But what I have said of the Rickets, and stopping of the Stomach, I do in some measure say of the [Page 28] Rising of the Lights also, viz. that these Risings (be they what they will) have increased much above the general proportion; for in 1629 there was but 44, and in 1660, 249, viz. almost six times as many.

31. Now for as much as Rickets appear much in the Over-growing of Childrens Livers, and Spleons (as by the Bills may appear) which surely may cause stopping of the Stomach by squeezing, and crowding upon that part. And for as much as these Choakings, or Risings of the Lights may proceed from the same stuffings, as make the Liver, and Spleen to over-grow their due proportion. And lastly, for as much as the Rickets, stopping of the Stomach, and rising of the Lights, have all increased together, and in some kinde of correspondent proportions; it seems to me, that they depend one upon another. And that what is the Rickets in children may be the other in more grown bodies; for surely children, which recover of the Rickets, may retain somewhat sufficient to cause what I have imagined; but of this let the learned Physici­ans consider, as I presume they have.

32. I had not medled thus far, but that I have heard, the first hints of the circulation of the Blood were taken from a common Person's wondering what became of all the blood which issued out of the heart, since the heart beats above three thousand times an hour, although but one drop should be pumpt out of it, at every stroke.

33. The Stone seemed to decrease: for in 1632, 33, 34, 35, and 36. there died of the Stone, and Strangury, 254. And in the Years 1655, 56, 57, 58, 59, and 1660▪ but 250, which numbers although in­deed [Page 29] they be almost equal, yet considering the Burials of the first named five Years were but half those of the latter, it seems to be decreased by about one half.

34. Now the Stone, and Strangury, are diseases, which most men know, that feel them, unless it be in some few cases, where (as I have heard Physicians say) a Stone is held up by the Filmes of the Bladder, and so kept from grating, or offending it.

35. The Gowt stands much at a stay, that is, it an­swers the general proportion of Burials; there dies not above one of 1000. of the Gowt, although I be­lieve that more die Gowty. The reason is, because those that have the Gowt, are said to be Long-livers, and therefore, when such die, they are returned as Aged.

36. The Scurvy hath likewise increased, and that gradually from 12. Anno 1629. to 95. Anno 1660.

37. The Tyssick seems to be quite worn away, but that it is probable the same is entred as Cough, or Consumption.

38. Agues and Fevers are entred promiscuously, yet in the few Bills, wherein they have been distin­guished, it appears, that not above one in 40, of the whole are Agues.

39. The Abortives, and Stil-born are about the twentieth part of those that are Christned, and the numbers seem the same thirty Years ago as now, which shews there were more proportion in those Years then now: or else that in these latter Years due Accompts have not been kept of the Abortives, as having been Buried without notice, and perhaps not in Church-Yards.

[Page 30] 40. For that there hath been a neglect in the Ac­compts of the Christnings is most certain, because un­till the year 1642, we finde the Burials but equal with the Christnings, or near thereabouts, but in 1648, when the differences in Religion had changed the Go­vernment, the Christnings were but two thirds of the Burials. And in the year 1659, not half, viz. the Bu­rials were 14720. (of the Plague but 36) and the Christnings were but 5670, which great disproportion could be from no other Cause, then that above-men­tioned, for as much as the same grew as the Confu­sions, and Changes grew.

41. Moreover, although the Bills give us in Anno 1659 but 5670 Christnings, yet they give us 421 Abor­tives, and 226 dying in Child-bed, whereas in the year 1631, when the Abortives were 410, that is, near the number of the year 1659, the Christnings were 8288. Wherefore by the proportion of Abortives Anno 1659, the Christnings should have been about 8500, but if we shall reckon by the women dying in Child-bed, of whom a better Accompt is kept then of Stil-borns, and Abortives, we shall finde Anno 1659, there were 226 Child-beds; and Anno 1631, 112, viz. not ½. Wherefore I conceive that the true number of the Christnings Anno 1659 is above double to the 5690 set down in our Bills; that is about 11500, and then the Christnings will come near the same proportion to the Burials, as hath been observed in former times.

42. In regular Times, when Accompts were well kept, we finde that not above three in 200 died in Child-bed, and that the number of Abortives was about treble to that of the women dying in Child-bed, [Page 31] from whence we may probably collect, that not one woman of an hundred (I might say of two hundred) dies in her Labour; for as much as there be other Causes of a woman's dying within the Moneth, then the hardness of her Labour.

43. If this be true in these Countries, where wo­men hinder the facility of their Child-bearing by af­fected straightning of their Bodies; then certainly in America, where the same is not practised, Nature is little more to be taxed as to women, then in Brutes, among whom not one in some thousands do die of their Deliveries: what I have heard of the Irish-wo­men confirms me herein.

44. Before we quite leave this matter, we shall in­sert the Causes, why the Accompt of Christninos hath been neglected more then that of Burials: one, and the chief whereof was a Religious Opinion against Baptizing of Infants, either as unlawfull, or unneces­sary. If this were the onely reason, we might by our defects of this kinde, conclude the growth of this Opinion, and pronounce, that not half the People of England, between the years 1650, and 1660, were con­vinced of the need of Baptizing.

45. A second Reason was, The scruples, which many Publick Ministers would make of the worthi­ness of Parents to have their Children Baptized, which forced such questioned Parents, who did also not believe the necessity of having their Children Baptized by such scrupulers, to carry their Children unto such other Ministers, as having performed the thing, had not the Authority or command of the Re­gister to enter the names of the Baptized.

[Page 32] 46. A third Reason was, That a little Fee was to be paid for the Registrie.

47. Upon the whole matter it is most certain, that the number of Heterodox Believers was very great between the said year, 1650, and 1660, and so peevish were they, as not to have the Births of their Children Registred, although thereby the time of their coming of Age might be known, in respect of such Inheri­tances, as might belong unto them; and withall by such Registring it would have appeared unto what Parish each Childe had belonged, in case any of them should happen to want its relief.

48. Of Convulsions there appeared very few, viz. but 52 in the year 1629, which 1636 grew to 709, keep­ing about that stay, till 1659, though sometimes rising to about 1000.

49. It is to be noted, that from 1629 to 1636, when the Convulsions were but few, the number of Chrysoms, and Infants was greater: for in 1629, there was of Chrysoms, and Infants 2596, and of the Convulsion 52, viz. of both, 2648. And in 1636 there was of In­fants 1895, and of the Convulsions 709, in both 2604, by which it appears, that this difference is likely to be onely a confusion in the Accompts.

50. Moreover, we finde that for these later years, since 1636, the Total of Convulsions and Chrysoms ad­ded together are much less, viz. by about 400 or 500, per Annum, then the like Totals from 1626 to 36, which makes me think, that Teeth also were thrust in under the Title of Chrysoms, and Infants, in as much as in the said years, from 1629 to 1639, the number of Worms, and Teeth, wants by about 400 per Annum of what we find in following years.

CAP. IV. Of the Plague.

1. BEfore we leave to discourse of the Casualties, we shall add something concerning that greatest Disease, or Casualty of all, The Plague.

There have been in London, within this Age, four Times of great Mortality, that is to say, the years 1592, and 1593, 1603, 1625, and 1636.

2. Now it is manifest of it self, in which of these years most died; but in which of them was the greatest Mortality of all Diseases in general, or of the Plague in particular, we discover thus. In the year 1592, and 1636, we finde the propor­tion of those dying of the Plague in the whole to be [Page 34] near alike, that is about 10 to 23. or 11 to 25. or as about two to five.

3. In the year 1625. we finde the Plague to bear unto the whole in proportion as 35 to 51. or 7 to 10. that is almost the triplicate of the former proporti­on, for the Cube of 7. being 343. and the Cube of 10. being 1000. the said 343. is not 2/5. of 1000.

4. In Anno 1603. the proportion of the Plague to the whole was as 30 to 37. viz. as 4. to 5. which is yet greater then that last of 7 to 20. For if the Year 1625. had been as great a Plague-Year as 1603. there must have died not onely 7 to 10. but 8 to 10. which in those great numbers makes a vast differ­ence.

5. We must therefore conclude the Year 1603. to have been the greatest Plague-Year of this age.

6. Now to know in which of these 4. was the greatest Mortality at large, we reason thus,

7. From whence it appears, that Anno 1636. the Christnings were about ⅖. parts of the Burials. Anno [Page 35] 1592. but ⅙. but in the Year 1603. and 1625. not a­bove an eighth, so that the said two Years were the Years of greatest Mortality. We said that the year 1603. was the greatest Plague year. And now we say, that the same was not a greater year of Mortali­ty then Anno 1625. Now to reconcile these two Positions, we must alledg, that Anno 1625. there was errour in the Accompots, or Distinctions of the Casu­alties; that is, more died of the Plague then were accompted for under that name. Which Allegati­on we also prove thus, viz.

8. In the said year 1625. there are said to have died of the Plague 35417. and of all other Diseases 18848. whereas in the years, both before and after the same, the ordinary number of Burials was between 7. and 8000. so that if we add about 11000. (which is the difference between 7. and 18) to our 35. the whole will be 46000. which bears to the whole 54000. as about 4. to 5. thereby rendering the said year 1625. to be as great a Plague-year as that of 1603. and no greater, which answers to what we proved be­fore, viz. that the Mortality of the two Years was equal.

9. From whence we may probably suspect that about ¼. part more died of the Plague then are return­ed for such; which we further prove by noting, that Anno 1636. there died 10400. of the Plague, the ¼. whereof is 2600. Now there are said to have died of all diseases that Year 12959. out of which number deducting 2600. there remains 10359. more then which there died not in several years next before and after the said year 1636.

[Page 36] 10. The next Observation we shall offer is, that the Plague of 1603. lasted eight Years. In some where­of there died above 4000, in others above 2000, and in but one less then 600: whereas in the Year 1624. next preceding, and in the year 1626. next follow­ing the said great Plague-year 1625. There died in the former but 11, and in the latter but 134. of the Plague. Moreover in the said year 1625. the Plague decreased from its utmost number 4461 a week, to below 1000 within six weeks.

11. The Plague of 1636. lasted twelve Years, in eight whereof there died 2000. per annum one with an­other, and never under 300. The which shews, that the Contagion of the Plague depends more upon the Disposition of the Air, then upon the Effluvia from the Bodies of Men.

12. Which also we prove by the sudden jumps, which the Plague hath made, leaping in one Week from 118 to 927: and back again from 993 to 258: and from thence again the very next Week to 852. The which effects must surely be rather attributed to change of the Air, then of the Constitution of Mens bodies, otherwise then as this depends upon that.

13. It may be also noted, that many times other Pestilential Diseases, as Purple-Feavers, Small-Pox, &c. do forerun the Plague a Year, two, or three, for in 1622; there died but 8000. in 1623; 11000: in 24. about 12000: till in 1625 there died of all Diseases above 54000.

CHAP. V. Other Observations upon the Plague, and Casualties.

1. THe Decrease, and Increase of People is to be reckoned chiefly by Christnings, because few bear children in London but Inhabitants, though others die there. The Accompts of Christnings were well kept, untill differences in Religion occasioned some neglect therein, although even these neglects we must confess to have been regular, and propor­tionable.

2. By the numbers and proportions of Christnings, therefore we observe as followeth, viz.

First, That (when from December, 1602, to March following, there was little, or no Plague) then the Christnings at a Medium, were between 110, and 130 per Week, few Weeks being above the one, or below the other; but when from thence to July the Plague increased, that then the Christnings decreased to un­der 90.

Secondly, The Question is, Whether Teeming-wo­men died, or fled, or miscarried? The later at this time, seems most probable, because even in the said space, between March, and July, there died not above twenty per Week of the Plague, which small number could neither cause the death, or flight of so many Women, as to alter the proportion ¼ part lower.

3. Moreover, we observe from the 21 of July to [Page 38] the 21 of October, the Plague increasing, reduced the Christnings to 70 at a Medium, diminishing the above proportion, down to ⅖. Now the cause of this must be flying, and death, as well as miscarriages, and Abor­tions; for there died within that time about 25000, whereof many were certainly Women with childe, be­sides the fright of so many dying within so small a time might drive away so many others, as to cause this effect.

4. From December 1624, to the middle of April 1625, there died not above 5 a Week of the Plague one with another. In this time, the Christnings were one with another 180. The which decreased gradually by the 22 of September to 75, or from the propor­tion of 12 to 5, which evidently squares with our former Observation.

5. The next Observation we shall offer, is, The time wherein the City hath been Re-peopled after a great Plague; which we affirm to be by the second year. For in 1627, the Christnings (which are our Standard in this Case) were 8408, which in 1624 next preceding the Plague year 1625 (that had swept away above 54000) were but 8299, and the Christnings of 1626 (which were but 6701) mounted in one year to the said 8408.

6. Now the Cause hereof, for as much as it can­not be a supply by Procreations; Ergo, it must be by new Affluxes to London out of the Countrey.

7. We might fortifie this Assertion by shewing, that before the Plague-year, 1603, the Christnings were about 6000, which were in that very year reduced to 4789, but crept up the next year 1604, to 5458, re­covering [Page 39] their former ordinary proportion in 1605 of 6504, about which proportion it stood till the year 1610.

8. I say, it followeth, that, let the Mortality be what it will, the City repairs its loss of Inhabitants within two years, which Observation lessens the Objection made against the value of houses in London, as if they were liable to great prejudice through the loss of In­habitants by the Plague.

CHAP. VI. Of the Sickliness, Healthfulness, and Fruitfulness of Seasons.

1. HAving spoken of Casualties, we come next to compare the sickliness, healthfulness, and fruitfulness of the several Years, and Seasons, one with another. And first, having in the Chapters afore­going mentioned the several years of Plague, we shall next present the several other sickly years; we meaning by a sickly Year, such wherein the Burials exceed those, both of the precedent, and subsequent years, and not above 200 dying of the Plague, for such we call Plague-Years; and this we do, that the World may see, by what spaces, and intervals we may hereafter expect such times again. Now, we may not call that a more sickly year, wherein more die, because such excess of Burials may proceed from increase, and access of People to the City onely.

[Page 40] 2. Such sickly years were 1618, 20, 23, 24, 1632, 33, 34, 1649, 52, 54, 56, 58, 61, as may be seen by the Tables.

3. In reference to this Observation, we shall pre­sent another, namely, That the more sickly the years are, the less fecund, or fruitfull of Children also they be, which will appear, if the number of Chil­dren born in the said sickly years be less, then that of the years both next preceding, and next following; all which, upon view of the Tables, will be found true, except in a very few Cases, where sometimes the precedent, and sometimes the subsequent years vary a little, but never both together. Moreover, for the confirmation of this Truth, we present you the year 1660, where the Burials were fewer then in either of the two next precedent years by 2000, and fewer then in the subsequent by above 4000. And withall, the number of Christnings in the said year 1660 was far greater then in any of the three years next afore­going.

4. As to this year 1660, although we would not be thought Superstitious, yet is it not to be neglected, that in the said year was the King's Restauration to his Empire over these three Nations, as if God Almigh­ty had caused the healthfulness and fruitfulness there­of to repair the Bloodshed, and Clamities suffered in his absence. I say, this conceit doth abundantly counter­poise the Opinion of those who think great Plagues come in with Kings reigns, because it hapned so twice, viz. Anno 1603, and 1625, whereas as well the year 1648, wherein the present King commenced his right to reign, as also the year 1660, wherein he commenced [Page 41] the exercise of the same, were both eminently healthfull, which clears both Monarchie, and our present King's Familie from what seditious men have surmised against them.

5. The Diseases, which beside the Plague make years unhealthfull in this City, are Spotted Feavers, Small Pox, Dysentery, called by some The Plague in the Guts, and the unhealthfull Season is the Autumn.

CHAP. VII. Of the difference between Burials, and Christnings.

1. THe next Observation is, That in the said Bills there are far more Burials, then Christnings. This is plain, depending onely upon Arithmetical computation; for, in 40 years, from the year 1603, to the year 1644, exclusivè of both years, there have been set down (as happening within the same ground, space, or Parishes) although differently numbered, and divided, 363935 Burials, and but 330747 Christ­nings within the 97, 16, and 10 out-Parishes, those of Westminster, Lambeth, Newington, Redriff, Stepney, Hackney, and Islington, not being included.

2. From this single Observation it will follow, That London hath decreased in its People, the con­trary whereof we see by its daily increase of Buildings upon new Foundations, and by the turning of great Palacious Houses into small Tenements. It is there­fore certain, that London is supplied with People from [Page 42] out of the Countrey, whereby not onely to repair the overplus difference of Burials above-mentioned, but likewise to increase its Inhabitants according to the said increase of housing.

3. This supplying of London seems to be the reason, why Winchester, Lincoln, and several other Cities have decreased in their Buildings, and consequently in their Inhabitants. The same may be suspected of many Towns in Cornwal, and other places, which probably, when they were first allowed to send Burgesses to the Parliament, were more populous then now, and bore another proportion to London then now; for several of those Burroughs send two Burgesses, whereas London it self sends but four, although it bears the fifteenth part of the charge of the whole Nation in all Publick Taxes, and Levies.

4. But, if we consider what I have upon exact en­quiry found true, viz. That in the Countrie, within ninetie years, there have been 6339 Christnings, and but 5280 Burials, the increase of London will be salved without inferring the decrease of the People in the Countrie; and withall, in case all England have but fourteen times more People then London, it will ap­pear, how the said increase of the Country may in­crease the People, both of London, and it self; for if there be in the 97, 16, 10, and 7 Parishes, usually com­prehended within our Bills, but 460000 souls as here­after we shall shew, then there are in all England, and Wales, 6440000 Persons, out of which substract 460000, for those in, and about London, there remains 5980000 in the Countrie, the which increasing about 1/7 part in 40 years, as we shall hereafter prove, doth [Page 43] happen in the Countrie, the whole increase of the Countrie will be about 854000 in the said time, out of which number, if but about 250000 be sent up to London in the said 40 years, viz. about 6000 per An­num, the said Missions will make good the alterations, which we finde to have been in, and about London, be­tween the years 1603 and 1644 above-mentioned. But that 250000 will do the same, I prove thus, viz. in the 8 years, from 1603 to 1612, the Burials in all the Parishes, and of all Diseases, the Plague included, were at a Medium 9750 per Annum. And between 1635 and 1644 were 18000, the difference whereof is 8250, which is the Total of the increase of the Burials in 40 years, that is about 206 per Annum. Now, to make the Burials increase 206 per Annum, there must be added to the City thirty times as many (ac­cording to the proportion of 3 dying out of 41 Fa­milies) viz. 6180 Advenae, the which number multipli­ed again by the 40 years, makes the Product 247200, which is less then the 250000 above propounded; so as there remains above 600000 of increase in the Countrie within the said 40 years, either to render it more populous, or send forth into other Colonies, or Wars. But that England hath fourteen times more People, is not improbable, for the Reasons following.

1. London is observed to bear about the fifteenth proportion of the whole Tax.

2. There is in England, and Wales, about 39000 square Miles of Land, and we have computed that in one of the greatest Parishes in Hampshire, being also a Market-Town, and containing twelve square Miles, there are 220 souls in every square Mile, out [Page 44] of which I abate ¼ for the overplus of People more in that Parish, then in other wilde Counties. So as the ¾ parts of the said 220, multiplied by the Total of square Miles, produces 6400000 souls in all London included.

3. There are about 100000 Parishes in England, and Wales, the which, although they should not con­tain the ⅓ part of the Land, nor the ¼ of the People of that Country-Parish, which we have examined, yet may be supposed to contain about 600 People, one with another, according to which Accompt there will be six Millions of People in the Nation. I might add, that there are in England, and Wales, about five and twenty Millions of Acres at 16 ½ Foot to the Perch; and if there be six Millions of People, then there is about four Acres for every head, which how well it agrees to the Rules of Plantation, I leave un­to others, not onely as a means to examine my Asser­tion, but as an hint to their enquiry concerning the fundamental Trade, which is Husbandrie, and Plan­tation.

4. Upon the whole matter we may therefore con­clude, That the People of the whole Nation do in­crease, and consequently the decrease of Winchester, Lincoln, and other like places, must be attributed to other Reasons, then that of refurnishing London onely.

5. We come to shew, why although in the Coun­try the Christnings exceed the Burials, yet in London they do not. The general Reason of this must be, that in London the proportion of those subject to die unto those capable of breeding is greater then [Page 45] in the Countrey; That is, let there be an hun­dred Persons in London, and as many in the Coun­try; we say, that if there be 60 of them Breeders in London, there are more then 60 in the Country, or else we must say, that London is more unhealthfull, or that it enclines men and women more to Barrenness, then the Country, which by comparing the Burials, and Christnings of Hackney, Newington, and the other Country-Parishes, with the most Smoaky, and Stink­ing parts of the City, is scarce discernable in any con­siderable degree.

6. Now that the Breeders in London are proportio­nally fewer then those in the Country arises from these reasons, viz.

1. All that have business to the Court of the King, or to the Courts of Justice, and all Country-men coming up to bring Provisions to the City, or to buy Foreign Commodities, Manufactures, and Rarities, do for the most part leave their Wives in the Country.

2. Persons coming to live in London out of curiosi­ty, and pleasure, as also such as would retire, and live privately, do the same, if they have any.

3. Such, as come up to be cured of Diseases, do scarce use their Wives pro tempore.

4. That many Apprentices of London, who are bound seven, or nine years from Marriage, do often stay longer voluntarily.

5. That many Sea-men of London leave their Wives behind them, who are more subject to die in the ab­sence of their Husbands, then to breed either with­out men, or with the use of many promiscuously.

6. As for unhealthiness it may well be supposed, [Page 46] that although seasoned Bodies may, and do live near as long in London, as elsewhere, yet new-comers, and Children do not, for the Smoaks, Stinks, and close Air are less healthfull then that of the Country; otherwise why do sickly Persons remove into the Country Air? And why are there more old men in Countries then in London, per rata? And although the difference in Hackney, and Newington, above­mentioned, be not very notorious, yet the reason may be their vicinity to London, and that the Inhabi­tants are most such, whose bodies have first been im­paired with the London Air, before they withdraw thither.

7. As to the causes of Barrenness in London, I say, that although there should be none extraordinary in the Native Air of the place, yet the intemperance in feeding, and especially the Adulteries and Forni­cations, supposed more frequent in London then else­where, do certainly hinder breeding. For a Woman, admitting 10 Men, is so far from having ten times as many Children, that she hath none at all.

8. Add to this, that the minds of men in London are more thoughtfull and full of business then in the Country, where their work is corporal Labour, and Exercizes. All which promote Breedings, whereas Anxieties of the minde hinder it.

CHHP. VIII. Of the difference between the numbers of Males, and Females.

THe next Observation is, That there be more Males then Females.

There have been Buried from the year 1628, to the year 1662, exclusivè, 209436 Males, and but 190474 Females: but it will be objected, that in London it may indeed be so, though otherwise elsewhere; be­cause London is the great Stage and Shop of business, wherein the Masculine Sex bears the greatest part. But we Answer, That there have been also Christned within the same time, 139782 Males, and but 130866 Females, and that the Country Accompts are conso­nant enough to those of London upon this matter.

2. What the Causes hereof are, we shall not trouble our selves to conjecture, as in other Cases, onely we shall desire, that Travellers would enquire whether it be the same in other Countries.

3. We should have given an Accompt, how in eve­ry Age these proportions change here, but that we have Bills of distinction but for 32 years, so that we shall pass from hence to some inferences from this Conclusion; as first,

I. That Christian Religion, prohibiting Polyga­my, is more agreeable to the Law of Nature, that is, the Law of God, then Mahumetism, and others, that [Page 48] allow it; for one man his having many women, or wives by Law, signifies nothing, unless there were many women to one man in Nature also.

II. The obvious Objection hereunto is, That one Horse, Bull, or Ram, having each of them many Females, do promote increase. To which I Answer, That although perhaps there be naturally, even of these species, more Males then Females, yet artificially, that is, by making Geldings, Oxen, and Weathers, there are fewer. From whence it will follow, That when by experience it is found how many Ews (suppose twenty) one Ram will serve, we may know what proportion of male-Lambs to castrate, or geld, viz. nineteen, or thereabouts: for if you emasculate fewer, viz. but ten, you shall by promiscuous copulation of each of those ten with two Females, (in such as ad­mit the Male after conception) hinder the increase so far, as the admittance of two Males will do it: but, if you castrate none at all, it is highly probable, that every of the twenty Males copulating with eve­ry of the twenty Females, there will be little, or no conception in any of them all.

III. And this I take to be the truest Reason, why Foxes, Wolves, and other Vermin Animals that are not gelt, increase not faster then Sheep, when as so ma­ny thousands of these are daily Butchered, and very few of the other die otherwise then of themselves.

4. We have hitherto said there are more Males, then Females; we say next, That the one exceed the other by about a thirteenth part; so that although more men die violent deaths then women, that is, more are slain in Wars, killed by mischance, drowned [Page 49] at Sea, and die by the Hand of Justice. Moreover, more men go to Colonies, and travel into foreign parts, then women. And lastly, more remain un­married, then of women, as Fellows of Colleges, and Apprentises, above eighteen, &c. yet the said thir­teenth part difference bringeth the business but to such a pass, that every woman may have an Hus­band, without the allowance of Polygamy.

5. Moreover, although a man be Prolifique fourty years, and a woman but five and twenty, which makes the Males to be as 560 to 325 Females, yet the causes above named, and the later marriage of the men, reduce all to an equality.

6. It appearing, that there were fourteen men to thirteen women, and that they die in the same pro­portion also, yet I have heard Physicians say, that they have two women Patients to one man, which Asser­tion seems very likely; for that women have either the Green-sickness, or other like Distempers, are sick of Breedings, Abortions, Child-bearing, Sore-breasts, Whites, Obstructions, Fits of the Mother, and the like.

7. Now, from this it should follow, that more women should die then men, if the number of Bu­rials answered in proportion to that of Sicknesses: but this must be salved, either by the alledging, that the Physicians cure those Sicknesses, so as few more die, then if none were sick; or else that men, being more intemperate then women, die as much by rea­son of their Vices, as the women do by the Infir­mitie of their Sex, and consequently, more Males being born, then Females, more also die.

8. In the year 1642 many Males went out of [Page 50] London into the Wars then beginning, in so much, as I expected in the succeeding year, 1643, to have found the Burials of Females to have exceed­ed those of Males, but no alteration appeared; for as much, as I suppose, Trading continuing the same in London, all those who lost their Apprentices had others out of the Countrey; and if any left their Trades, or Shops, that others forthwith succeeded them: for if employment for hands remain the same, no doubt but the number of them could not long continue in disproportion.

9. Another pregnant Argument to the same pur­pose (which hath already been touched on) is, That although in the very year of the Plague, the Christ­nings decreased, by the dying and flying of Teeming-women, yet the very next year after, they increased somewhat, but the second after, to as full a num­ber as in the second year before the said Plague: for I say again, if there be encouragement for an hundred in London, that is, a Way how an hundred may live better then in the Countrey, and if there be void housing there to receive them, the evacu­ating of a ¼th, or ⅓ part of that number, must soon be supplied out of the Countrey; so as, the great Plague doth not lessen the Inhabitants of the City, but of the Countrey, who in a short time re­move themselves from hence thither, so long, un­till the City for want of receit and encouragement, regurgitates and sends them back.

10. From the difference between Males and Fe­males, we see the reason of making Eunuchs in those places where Polygamy is allowed, the latter being [Page 51] useless as to multiplication, without the former, as was said before in the case of Sheep and other Ani­mals, usually gelt in these Countries.

11. By consequence, this practise of Castracon serves as well to promote increase as to meliorate the Flesh of those Beasts that suffer it. For that Ope­ration is equally practised upon Horses which are not used for Food, as upon those that are.

12. In Popish Countries where Polygamy is forbid­den, if a greater number of Males oblige themselves to Caelibate then the natural overplus or difference be­tween them and Females amounts unto; then multi­plication is hindred; for if there be eight Men to ten Women, all of which eight men are married to eight of the ten Women, then the other two bear no Chil­dren, as either admitting no Man at all, or else ad­mitting Men as Whores (that is more then one) which commonly procreates no more then if none at all had been used: or else such unlawfull Copulati­ons beget Conceptions but to frustrate them by pro­cured Abortions or secret Murthers, all which returns to the same reckoning. Now, if the same proporti­on of women oblige themselves to a single life like-wise, then such obligation makes no change in this matter of encrease.

13. From what hath been said, appears the reason why the Law is, and ought to be so strict against For­nications and Adulteries, for if there were universal liberty, the Increase of Man-kind would be but like that of Foxes at best.

14. Now forasmuch as Princes are not only Powerfull but Rich, according to the number of [Page 52] their People (Hands being the Father, as Lands are the Mother, and Womb of Wealth) it is no wonder why states by encouraging Marriage, and hinder­ing Licentiousness, advance their own Interest, as well as preserve the Laws of God from contempt, and Violation.

15. It is a Blessing to Man-kind, that by this over­plus of Males there is this natural Bar to Polygamy: for in such a state Women could not live in that parity, and equality of expence with their Husbands, as now, and here they do.

16. The reason whereof is, not, that the Husband cannot maintain as splendidly three, as one; for he might, having three Wives, live himself upon a quarter of his Income, that is in a parity with all three, as-well as, having but one, live in the same parity at half with her alone: but rather, because that to keep them all quiet with each other, and himself, he must keep them all in greater aw, and less splendor, which power he having will probably use it to keep them all as low, as he pleases, and at no more cost then makes for his own pleasure; the poorest Subjects (such as this plurality of Wives must be) being most easily governed.

CHAP. IX. Of the growth of the City.

1. IN the year 1593 there died in the ninety seven Parishes within the walls, and the sixteen with­out the walls (besides 421 of the Plague) 3508. And the next year 3478, besides 29 of the Plague: in both years 6986. Twenty years after, there died in the same ninety seven, and sixteen Parishes, 12110, viz. Anno 1614, 5873; and Anno 1615, 6237: so as the said Parishes are increased, in the said time, from seven to twelve, or very near thereabouts.

2. Moreover, the Burials within the like space of he next twenty years, viz. Anno 1634, and 1635, vere 15625, viz. as about twenty four to thirty one: he which last of the three numbers, 15625, is much more then double to the first 6986, viz. the said Pa­rishes have in fourty years increased from twenty three to fifty two.

3. Where is to be noted, That although we were necessitated to compound the said ninety seven with the sixteen Parishes, yet the sixteen Parishes have increased faster then the ninety seven. For, in the year 1620, there died within the walls 2726, and in 1660 there died but 3098 (both years being clear of the Plague) so as in this fourty years the said ninety seven Parishes have increased but from nine to ten, or thereabouts, because the housing of the [Page 54] said ninety seven Parishes could be no otherwise in­creased, then by turning great Houses into Tene­ments, and building upon a few Gardens.

4. In the year 1604, there died in the ninety se­ven Parishes 1518, and of the Plague 280. And in the year 1660, 3098, and none of the Plague, so as in fifty six years the said Parishes have doubled: Where note, that forasmuch as the said year 1604 was the very next year after the great Plague, 1603 (when the City was not yet re-peopled) we shall rather make the comparison between 2014, which died Anno 1605, and 3431 Anno 1659, choosing rather from hence to assert, that the said ninety seven, and sixteen Parishes encreased from twenty to thirty four, or from ten to seventeen in fifty four years, then from one to two in fifty six, as in the last afore­going Paragraph is set down.

5. Anno 1605, there died in the sixteen out-Pa­rishes 2974, and Anno 1659, 6988, so as in the fifty four years, the said Parishes have encreased from three to seven.

6. Anno 1605 there died in the eight out-parishes, 960, Anno 1659, there died in the same scope of Ground, although called now ten Parishes (the Savoy, and Covent-Garden being added) 4301, so as the said Parishes have encreased within the said fifty four years, more then from one to four.

7. Moreover, there was Buried in all, Anno 1605, 5948, and Anno 1659 14720, viz. about two to five.

8. Having set down the proportions, wherein we find the said three great Divisions of the whole Pyle, call'd London, to have encreased; we come next to shew [Page 55] what particular Parishes have had the most remark­able share in these Augmentations, viz. of the ninty seven Parishes within the Walls the Increase is not very discernable, but where great houses formerly belonging to Noblemen before they built others neer White-hall, have been turned into Tenements, upon which Accompt Alhallows on the wall is encreas­ed, by the conversion of the Marquess of Winchesters house, lately the Spanish Ambassadors, into a New street, the like of Alderman Freeman, and La Motte neer the Exchange, the like of the Earl of Arundells in Loathbury, the like of the Bishop of London's Palace, the Dean of Paul's, and the Lord River's house, now in hand, as also of the Dukes-Place, and others here­tofore.

9. Of the sixteen Parishes next without the Walls, Saint Gile's Criplegate hath been most inlarged, next to that, Saint Olave's Southwark, then Saint Andrews Holborn, then White-Chappel, the difference in the rest not being considerable.

10. Of the out Parishes now called ten, formerly nine, and before that eight, Saint Gile's, and Saint Martins in the fields, are most encreased, notwithstanding Saint Pauls Covent-Garden was taken out of them both.

11. The general observation which arises from hence is, That the City of London gradually removes Westward, and did not the Royal Exchange, and Lon­don-Bridg stay the Trade, it would remove much faster, for Leaden-Hall-street, Bishops-gate, and part of Fan-church-street, have lost their ancient Trade, Grace-Church-street indeed keeping it self yet entire, by [Page 56] reason of its conjunction with, and relation to London-Bridg.

12. Again, Canning-street, and Watlin-street have lost their Trade of Woollen-Drapery to Paul's Church-Yard, Ludgate-hill, and Fleet-street; the Mercery is gone from out of Lombard-street, and Cheapside, into Pater-Noster-Row, and Fleet-street.

13. The reasons whereof are, that the King's Court (in old times frequently kept in the City) is now always at Westminster. Secondly, the use of Coaches, whereunto the narrow streets of the old City are un­fit, hath caused the building of those broader streets in Covent-Garden, &c.

14. Thirdly, where the Consumption of Commodity is, viz. among the Gentry, the vendors of the same must seat themselves.

15. Fourthly, the cramming up of the voyd spaces, and gardens within the Walls, with houses, to the pre­judice of Light, and Air, have made men Build new ones, where they less fear those inconveniencies.

16. Conformity in Building to other civil Nati­ons hath disposed us to let our old Wooden dark houses fall to decay, and to build new ones, whereby to answer all the ends above-mentioned.

17. Where note, that when Lud-gate was the onely Western Gate of the City, little Building was Westward thereof. But when Holborn began to encrease New-gate was made. But now both these Gates are not sufficient for the Communication between the Walled City, and its enlarged Western Suburbs, as dayly appears by the intolerable stops and embares­ses of Coaches near both these Gates, especially Lud-gate.

CHAP. X. Of the Inequality of Parishes.

1. BEfore we pass from hence, we shall offer to consideration the inequality of Parishes in, and about London, evident in the proportion of their re­spective Burials; for in the same year were Buried in Cripple-gate-Parish 1191, that but twelve died in Trinity-Minories, St. Saviour's Southwark, and Botolph's Bishop-gate, being of the middle size, as burying five and 600 per Annum; so that Cripple-gate is an hun­dred times as big as the Minories, and 200 times as big as St. John the Euangelist's, Mary-Cole-church, Bennet's Grace-church, Matthew-Friday-street, and some others within the City.

2. Hence may arise this Question, Wherefore should this inequality be continued? If it be An­swered, Because that Pastours of all sorts, and sizes of Abilities, may have Benefices, each man according to his merit: we Answer, That a two hundredth part of the best Parson's learning is scarce enough for a Sexton. But besides, there seems no reason of any differences at all, it being as much Science to save one single soul, as one thousand.

3. We encline therefore to think the Parishes should be equal, or near, because, in the Reformed Religions, the principal use of Churches is to Preach in: now the bigness of such a Church ought to be no greater, then that, unto which the voice of a Preacher [Page 58] of middling Lungs will eafily extend; I say, easily, because they speak an hour, or more together.

4. The use of such large Churches, as Paul's, is now wholly lost, we having no need of saying perhaps fifty Masses all at one time, nor of making those grand Processions frequent in the Romish Church; nor is the shape of our Cathedral proper at all for our Preaching Auditories, but rather the Figure of an Amphi-Theatre with Galleries, gradually over-looking each other; for unto this Condition the Parish-Churches of London are driving apace, as appears by the many Galleries every day built in them.

5. Moreover, if Parishes were brought to the size of Colman-street, Alhallows-Barking, Christ-Church, Black-Friers, &c▪ in each whereof die between 100 and 150, per Annum, then an hundred Parishes would be a fit, and equal Division of this great charge, and all the Ministers (some whereof have now scarce fourty pounds per Annum) might obtain a subsistance.

6. And lastly, The Church-Wardens, and Over-seers of the Poor might finde it possible to discharge their Duties, whereas now in the greater out-Parishes ma­ny of the poorer Parishioners through neglect do pe­rish, and many vicious persons get liberty to live as they please, for want of some heedfull Eye to over-look them.

CHAP. XI. Of the number of Inhabitants.

1. I Have been several times in company with men of great experience in this City, and have heard them talk seldom under Millions of People to be in London, all which I was apt enough to believe, untill, on a certain day, one of eminent Reputation was up­on occasion asserting, that there was in the year 1661 two Millions of People more then Anno 1625, before the great Plague; I must confess, that, untill this pro­vocation, I had been frighted with that mis-under­stood Example of David, from attempting any com­putation of the People of this populous place; but hereupon I both examined the lawfulness of making such enquiries, and, being satisfied thereof, went about the work it self in this manner: viz.

2. First, I imagined, That, if the Conjecture of the worthy Person afore-mentioned had any truth in it, there must needs be about six, or seven Millions of People in London now; but repairing to my Bills I found, that not above 15000 per Annum were buried, and consequently, that not above one in four hundred must die per Annum, if the Total were but six Millions.

3. Next considering, That it is esteemed an even Lay, whether any man lives ten years longer, I suppo­sed it was the same, that one of any 10 might die with­in one year. But when I considered, that of the 15000 [Page 60] afore-mentioned about 5000 were Abortive, and Stil­born, or died of Teeth, Convulsion, Rickets, or as Infants, and Chrysoms, and Aged. I concluded, that of men, and women, between ten and sixty, there scarce died 10000 per Annum in London, which number being mul­tiplied by 10, there must be but 100000 in all, that is not the 1/60 part of what the Alderman imagined. These were but sudden thoughts on both sides, and both far from truth, I thereupon endeavoured to get a little nearer, thus: viz.

4. I considered, that the number of Child-bearing women might be about double to the Births: forasmuch as such women, one with another, have scarce more then one Childe in two years. The number of Births I found, by those years, wherein the Registries were well kept, to have been somewhat less then the Burials. The Burials in these late years at a Medium are about 13000, and consequently the Christnings not above 12000. I therefore esteemed the number of Teeming women to be 24000: then I imagined, that there might be twice as many Families, as of such women; for that there might be twice as many women Aged between 16 and 76, as between 16 and 40, or be­tween 20 and 44; and that there were about eight Persons in a Family, one with another, viz. the Man, and his Wife, three Children, and three Servants, or Lodgers: now 8 times 48000 makes 384000.

5. Secondly, I finde by telling the number of Fa­milies in some Parishes within the walls, that 3 out of 11 families per an▪ have died: wherefore, 13000 having died in the whole, it should follow, there were 48000 Families according to the last mentioned Acccompt.

[Page 61] 6. Thirdly, the Accompt, which I made of the Trayned-Bands, and Auxiliary Souldiers, doth enough justify this Accompt.

7. And lastly I took the Map of London set out in the year 1658 by Richard Newcourt, drawn by a scale of Yards. Now I guessed that in 100 yards square there might be about 54 Families, supposing every house to be 20 foot in the front: for on two sides of the said square there will be 100 yards of housing in each, and in the two other sides 80 each; in all 360 yards: that is 54 Families in each square, of which there are 220 within the Walls, making in all 11880 Families within the Walls. But forasmuch as there dy within the Walls about 3200 per Annum, and in the whole about 13000; it follows, that the housing within the Walls is ¼▪ part of the whole, and conse­quently, that there are 47520 Families in, and about London, which agrees well enough with all my former computations: the worst whereof doth sufficiently demonstrate, that there are no Millions of People in London, which nevertheless most men do believe, as they do, that there be three Women for one Man, whereas there are fourteen Men for thirteen Wo­men, as else where hath been said.

8. We have (though perhaps too much at Ran­dom) determined the number of the inhabitants of London to be about 384000: the which being granted, we assert, that 199112 are Males, and 184886 Females.

9. Whereas we have found, that of 100 quick Conceptions about 36 of them die before they be six years old, and that perhaps but one surviveth [Page 62] 76, we, having seven Decads between six and 76, we sought six mean proportional numbers between 64, the remainder, living at six years, and the one, which survives 76, and finde, that the numbers following are practically near enough to the truth; for men do not die in exact Proportions, nor in Fractions: from whence arises this Table following.

10. From whence it follows, that of the said 100 conceived there remains alive at six years end 64.

11. It follows also, that of all, which have been conceived, there are now alive 40 per Cent. above six­teen years old, 25 above twenty six years old, & sic deinceps, as in the above Table: there are therefore of Aged between 16, and 56, the number of 40, less by six, viz. 34; of between 26, and 66, the number of 25 less by three, viz. 22: & sic deniceps.

Wherefore, supposing there be 199112 Males, and the number between 16, and 56, being 34. It fol­lows, there are 34 per Cent. of all those Males fighting Men in London, that is 67694, viz. near 70000: the truth whereof I leave to examination, only the ⅕. of 67694, viz. 13539. is to be added for Westminster, Step­ney, [Page 63] Lambeth, and the other distant Parishes, making in all 81233 fighting Men.

12. The next enquiry shall be, In how long time the City of London shall, by the ordinary proportion of Breeding, and Dying, double its breeding Peo­ple. I answer in about seven years, and (Plagues considered) eight. Wherefore since there be 24000 pair of Breeders, that is ⅛. of the whole, it follows, that in eight times eight years the whole People of the City shall double without the access of Foreigners: the which contradicts not our Accompt of its grow­ing from two to five in 56 years with such accesses.

13. According to this proportion, one couple viz. Adam and Eve, doubling themselves every 64 years of the 5610 years, which is the age of the World according to the Scriptures, shall produce far more People, then are now in it. Wherefore the World is not above 100 thousand years, old as some vainly Imagine, nor above what the Scripture makes it.

CHAP. XII. Of the Country Bills.

WE have, for the present, done with our Obser­vations upon the Accompts of Burials, and Christnings, in, and about London; we shall next pre­sent the Accompts of both Burials, Christnings, and also of Weddings in the Country, having to that purpose inserted Tables of 90 years for a certain Parish in Hampshire, being a place neither famous for Longevity, [Page 64] and Healthfulness, nor for the contrary. Upon which Tables we observe,

1. That every Wedding, one with another, produ­ces four Children, and consequently, that that is the proportion of Children, which any Marriagable man, or woman may be presumed shall have. For, though a man may be Married more then once, yet, being once Married, he may die without any Issue at all.

2. That in this Parish there were born 15 Females for 16 Males, whereas in London there were 13 for 14, which shews, that London is somewhat more apt to pro­duce Males, then the country. And it is possible, that in some other places there are more Females born, then Males, which, upon this variation of proportion, I again recommend to the examination of the curious.

3. That in the said whole 90 years the Burials of the Males and Females were exactly equal, and that in several Decads they differed not 1/100 part, that in one of the two Decads, wherein the difference was very notorious, there were Buried of Males 337, and of Fe­males but 284, viz. 53 difference, and in the other there died contrariwise 338 Males, and 386 Females, differing 46.

4. There are also Decads, where the Birth of Males and Females differ very much, viz. about 60.

5. That in the said 90 years there have been born more, then buried in the said Parish, (the which both 90 years ago, and also now, consisted of about 2700 Souls) but 1059, viz. not 12 per Annum, one year with another.

6. That these 1059 have in all probability contri­buted to the increase of London; since, as was said even [Page 65] now, it neither appears by the Burials, Christnings, or by the built of new-housing, that the said Parish is more populous now, then 90 years ago, by above two or 300 souls. Now, if all other places send about ⅓ of their encrease, viz. about one out of 900 of their Inhabitants Annually to London, and that there be 14 times as many people in England, as there be in London, (for which we have given some reasons) then London encreases by such Advenae every year above 6000: the which will make the Accompt of Burials to swell about 200 per Annum, and will answer the encreases. We observe it is clear, that the said Parish is encreased about 300, and it is probable, that three or four hun­dred more went to London, and it is known, That about 400 went to New-England, the Caribe-Islands, and New-found-Land, within these last fourty years.

7. According to the Medium of the said whole 90 years, there have been five Christnings for four Burials, although in some single Years, and Decads, there have been three to two, although sometimes (though more rarely) the Burials have exceeded the Births, as in the case of Epidemical Diseases.

8. Our former Observation, That healthfull years are also the most fruitfull, is much confirmed by our Country Accompts; for, 70 being our Standard for Births, and 58 for Burials, you shall finde, that where fewer then 58 died, more then 70 were born. Having given you a few instances thereof, I shall remit you to the Tables for the general proof of this Assertion. Viz. Anno 1633. when 103 were born, there died but 29. Now, in none of the whole 90 years more were born then 103, and but in one, fewer then 29 died, viz. [Page 66] 28 Anno 1658. Again Anno 1568, when 93 were born, but 42 died. Anno 1584, when 90 were born, but 41 died. Anno 1650, when 86 were born, but 52 died. So that by how much more are born, by so much (as it were) the fewer die. For when 103 were born, but 29 died: but when but 86 were born, then 52 died.

On the other side Anno 1638, when 156 died per Annum, which was the greatest year of Mortality, then less then the meer Standard 70, viz. but 66 were born. Again Anno 1644, when 137 died, but 59 were born. Anno 1597, when 117 died, but 48 were born. And Anno 1583, when 87 died, but 59 were born.

A little Irregularity may be found herein, as that Anno 1612, when 116 died (viz. a number double to our Standard 58 yet) 87 (viz. 17 about the Standard 70) were born. And that when 89 died 075 were born: but these differences are not so great, nor so often, as to evert our Rule, which besides the Autho­rity of these Accompts is probable in it self.

9. Of all the said 90 years the year 1638 was the most Mortal, I therefore enquired whether the Plague was then in that Parish, and having received good sa­tisfaction that it was not (which I the rather believe, because, that the Plague was not then considerable at London) but that it was a Malignant Fever raging so fiercely about Harvest, that there appeared scarce hands enough to take in the Corn: which argues, considering there were 2700 Parishioners, that seven might be sick for one that died: whereas of the Plague more die then recover. Lastly, these People lay long­er [Page 67] sick then is usual in the Plague, nor was there any mention of Sores, Swellings, blew-Tokens, &c. among them. It follows, that the proportion between the greatest and the least Mortalities in the Country are far greater then at London. Forasmuch as the greatest 156 is above quintuple unto 28 the least, whereas in London (the Plague excepted, as here it hath been) the number of Burials upon other Accompts within no Decad of years hath been double, whereas in the Country it hath been quintuple not onely within the whole 90 years, but also within the same Decad: for Anno 1633. there died but 29, and Anno 1638 the above-menti­oned number of 156. Moreover, as in London, in no Decad, the Burials of one year are double to those of another: so in the Country they are seldom not more then so. As by this Table appears,

[Page 68] Which shews, that the opener, and freer Airs are most subject both to the good and bad Impressions, and that the Fumes, Steams, and Stenches of London do so medicate, and impregnate the Air about it, that it becomes capable of little more, as if the said Fumes rising out of London met with, opposed, and ju­stled backwards the Influences falling from above, or resisted the Incursion of the Country-Airs.

10. In the last Paragraph we said, that the Burials in the Country were sometimes quintuple to one ano­ther, but of the Christnings we affirm, that within the same Decad they are seldome double, as appears by this Table, viz.

Now, although the disproportions of Births be not so great as that of Burials, yet these disproportions are [Page 69] far greater then at London: for let it be shewn in any of the London Bills, that within two years the Christnings have decreased ½. or increased double, as they did Anno 1584, when 90 were born, and An. 1586, where­in were but 45: or to rise from 52, as Anno 1593, to 71, as in the next year 1594. Now, these dispropor­tions both in Births, and Burials, confirm what hath been before Asserted, that Healthfulness, and Fruit­fulness go together, as they would not, were there not disproportions in both, although proportional.

11. By the Standard of Burials in this Parish, I thought to have computed the number of Inha­bitants in it, viz. by multiplying 58 by 4, which made the Product 232, the number of Families. Hereupon I wondered, that a Parish containing a large Market-Town, and 12 Miles compass, should have but 232 Houses, I then multiplied 232 by 8, the Product where­of was 1856, thereby hoping to have had the num­ber of the Inhabitants, as I had for London; but when upon enquiry I found there had been 2100 Com­municants in that Parish in the time of a Minister, who forced too many into that Ordinance, and that 1500 was the ordinary number of Communicants in all times, I found also, that for as much as there were near as many under 16 years old, as there are above, viz. Communicants, I concluded, that there must be about 27, or 2800 Souls in that Parish: from whence it follows, that little more then one of 50 dies in the Country, whereas in London, it seems manifest, that about one in 32 dies, over and above what dies of the Plague.

12. It follows therefore from hence, what I more [Page 70] faintly asserted in the former Chapter, that the Country is more healthfull, then the City, That is to say, although men die more regularly, and less per Saltum in London, then in the Country, yet, upon the whole matter, there die fewer per Rata; so as the Fumes, Steams, and Stenches above-mentioned, al­though they make the Air of London more equal, yet not more Healthfull.

13. When I consider, That in the Country se­venty are Born for fifty eight Buried, and that be­fore the year 1600 the like happened in Lon­don, I considered, whether a City, as it becomes more populous, doth not, for that very cause, become more unhealthfull, I inclined to believe, that London now is more unhealthfull, then heretofore, partly for that it is more populous, but chiefly, because I have heard, that 60 years ago few Sea-Coals were burnt in London, which now are universally used. For I have heard, that Newcastle is more unhealthfull then other places, and that many People cannot at all endure the smoak of London, not onely for its unpleasantness, but for the suffocations which it causes.

14. Suppose, that Anno 1569 there were 2400 souls in that Parish, and that they increased by the Births 70, exceeding the Burials 58, it will follow, that the said 2400 cannot double under 200. Now, if London be less healthfull then the Country, as certainly it is, the Plague being reckoned in, it follows, that London must be doubling it self by generation in much above 200: but if it hath encreased from 2 to 5 in 54, as aforesaid, the same must be by reason of transplantation out of the Country.