CHAP. 1. Of Obligations to Ʋnity amongſt Chriſtians.

I. SO Vehement and Implacable have been the Diviſions amongſt Chriſtians, Managed not only with Tongue-ſhot, Diſputations, and all manner of Calumnies and Reproaches, but even with baſe Arts, moſt bloody Wars, and barbarous and inhumane Cruelties, that it might move an Enemy of our Religion, yea, perhaps an inconſiderate Perſon amongſt our ſelves, to think, that that ſaying of our Saviour, I Come not to ſend Peace, but a Sword, (Mat. 10. 34.) was not deſigned to forewarn his true Diſciples of the Perſecutions they are to expect from the wickedneſs of others, but rather to inſtruct and animate them in Quarrels, and to live as Cutthroats amongſt one another; And whatever are their Pretences, yet by daily Experience we ſee, That this is too much the Practice of many, who are ſo devoted to their Factions, that they ſtartle at the Name of Peace; And we have been told of ſome, whoſe Furious Raptures have Inſpired them with ſuch a blaſphemous Impudence, as to affront God with their impious Prayers, That he would Heighten and Increaſe the Diviſions of the Church. Theſe and other ſuch like Extravagancies have moved Me in the firſt place to Conſider what Obligations to Unity Chriſtians Lye under, for if they Lye under no ſuch Obligations, it is moſt certain, That the Name of Schiſm can hardly be ſo much as a Theological Sc •• e-crow; And they who keep ſuch a Coil for Peace, will be found the greateſt Violaters of it, as attempting to bring all Men to that which they are nothing bound to; But on the contrary, if there be ſuch Obligations, then it is as certain, That all dividing and unquiet Perſons do incur a Guilt proportionable to the Meaſure of their Proceedings, and the ſtrength of thoſe Obligations; And if it further Appear, That the Chriſtian Religion doth lay the ſtrongeſt Obligations to Unity upon all the Profeſſors of it, Threatens the breach of it with the higheſt Penalties, Rewards the Obſervation of it with the utmoſt Advantages, and Affords the beſt Means and H • lps to preſerve it, then all that Own the Name of Chriſtians muſt confeſs themſelves to be indiſpenſeably and eternally bound to the Peace, ſo as to continue in it, and procure it upon any termes but th • t of Sin, with which no Peace is to be had; But though I propound this particular with this very deſign, That the General Concernment and Obligations of Chriſtianity might make Men bethink themſelves, and abate their over-eager Propenſions, and obſtinate Adherence to their particular Parties; yet I ſhall be very brief, becauſe (unleſs it be ſome Religious Madmen, whoſe Brains are Heated with Enthuſiaſm beyond any Hope of Cure) even thoſe, who are too Active and too Guilty in promoting Diviſion, do yet upon any ſober Diſcourſe freely Acknowledge, That it is not only a good and a pleaſant thing for Brethren to dwell together in Unity, but alſo that it is a duty incumbent upon every Chriſtian in his Station, by all honeſt means to promote it, not only amongſt his own party, but with all Others, who have Given up their Names to Chriſt; And I wiſh they were as ſerious in their Practice, as they are free in their Acknowledgments, and would not amongſt themſelves Teach ſome private Tenets to Enſure their Partizans, whileſt they diſcourſe at another Rate with thoſe, whom they are too apt to Eſteem their Adverſaries.

II. And in the firſt place, If we Conſider the Nature of the Chriſtian Religion, what can be more evident, then that all its Principles and Doctrines, as they are moſt inſeparably Knit together, and ſubſervient to each other, ſo they tend to Effect and Confirm the ſtrongeſt Unity amongſt the Profeſſors of it. Saint Paul, beſeeching the Epheſians to Endeavor to Keep the Ʋnity of the Spirit in the Bond of Peace, preſſeth them more particularly with this very Argument, There is (ſaith he, Eph 4. 4. &c.) one Body, and one Spirit, even as ye are Called in one Hope of your Calling, one Lord, one Faith, one Baptiſm, one God and Father of all, who is above all, and through all, and in you all; And in this Profeſſion we have all Engaged our ſelves to be the faithful Servants of God and of Chriſt, and therefore ought joyntly to Serve the Intereſt, and Maintain the Honour of our Gracious and common Maſter: Nay, we not only hereby become Servants, but have the Honour of being Friends of Chriſt, Adopted Sons of God, and are taken into the ſame Family and Houſhold; And of how heinous and inſufferable a Crime they are Guilty, who are troubleſome in this Family, and make Factions in this Houſhold, we may Learn from that Saying of our Saviour, (Matth. 3. 25.) If a Houſe be divided againſt it ſelf, that Houſe cannot ſtand.

III. But poſſibly it may deſerve our particular Conſideration, That the Holy Scriptures ſpeak of all Chriſtians as being incorporated into one Body, and that in ſuch a manner, that the Hopes of our common Salvation depends upon our being Members of that one Body. Hence in relation to our firſt Admiſſion or Inſition, we are ſaid to be all Baptized into one Body, and that whether we be Jews or Gentiles, bond or free, (1 Cor. 12. 13.) Hence alſo our progreſs and Growth in Chriſtianity, is Attributed to that Nouriſhment, which as Members is Communicated to us by this Body, the Body it ſelf being Fitly Framed and Joyned together, by all parts drawing it from Chriſt the Head, Eph. 4. 15, 16. Col. 2. 19.) Hence the Church of God is ſaid to be his Body, (Col. 1. 24.) and this Church not to be many Bodies, but one, (Eph. 4. 4.) and that we might underſtand, That Salvation is not to be acquired, but by being Members of this Body; We are Taught, That Chriſt Works our Salvation by Reconciling us into one Body, (Eph. 2. 16.) And for this Reaſon the Apoſtle calls Him The Head of the Church, and the Saviour of the Body, (Eph. 5. 23.) from theſe and many other places of Scripture of the like Nature hath aroſe that common Axiom, Extra Eccleſiam non eſt Salus, Which the Ancient Fathers have upon occaſion Excellently Explicated, preſſed and proved againſt Schiſmaticks; But I have no mind to make a Flouriſh with Citations in a matter ſo well known, though I wiſh it were better Heeded; Only before I paſs away, I ſhall take the boldneſs to leave theſe Remarks. 1. That all particular Chriſtians, as Members of the ſame Body, are Reciprocally bound to each other, not only in the Common Offices of Juſtice, but even of Love, Kindneſs and Chriſtian Succours; So that if the Man live in England or Armenia, at Rome or Geneva, in the Enemies Countrey or our own, if he be a Chriſtian, I ought to wiſh and pray for his good, and if occaſion be offered in no caſe to decline the Promoting the good of his Soul; And if Circumſtances will permit, of his Body and Eſtate alſo. Secondly, That Chriſts Church and his Body, being terms convertible, it muſt conſiſt not only of the Preſent, but of the paſt Ages, even of all that either have or expect Salvation by Chriſt; So that no Perſon, by any Endeavors whatſoever can in the ordinary way diely hope for Salvation, as being a Member uf this or that particular Church, otherwiſe then as that particular Church by a Succeſſion of Doctrine and Worſhip, and conſequently of Lawful Paſtors and Governours, (without whom ſuch Worſhip cannot be duly Performed) is united to, and Embodied with the Catholick Church of God: for even the preſent Church diffuſed over the Face of the whole Earth, though it may be ſaid to be Catholick in reſpect of particular Churches, and of its Authority, as to the preſent living Perſons, yet in it ſelf it is not Catholick, otherwiſe then as deriving from, and united to the Church of the foregoing Ages, running up unto Chriſt their Head: Neither can any that comes after be accounted Catholick but as an acceſſion to the former; And this if well Weighed might be a means to make Men very ca • tio • s how they gathered ſeparate Bodies without extraordinary good Grounds. Thirdl • , that though every Schiſmatick do affront and injure the whole Church of God, yet the grea • eſt detriment is to himſelf. The Church may loſe an unprofitable Member, but he loſeth himſelf; For if Chriſt be only the Saviour of the Body, none can divid • from it, without apparent hazard of their own Salvation. So dangerous a thing is the Sin of Schiſm, though ſo lightly eſteemed in our dayes.

IV. But here ſome, who are ready to catch at every Twig, and think themſelves juſt drowning and loſt, if they muſt be bound to live peaceably and to be wiſe only to Sobriety will Object, That ſuch are the various apprehenſions, inclinations, inte • eſts, education and prejudices of Mankind, That this Doctrine, as meeting with inſuperable Dif • iculties, cannot be admitted without very great Abatements and Allowances? To theſe I might juſtly Anſwer, That in this Caſe I am not concerned for their Prejudices, Intereſt, or any ſuch Matters; And it were much better, if they were leſs concerned for 'um themſelves; for that Man that will be a Chriſtian, muſt not follow his particular Inclinations and Intereſts, much leſs his Humours and Whimſey, or any thing of like Nature; but muſt abide by, and keep cloſe to the Conſtitutions of his Saviour, and muſt caſt down Imaginations, and every high thing that exalte • h it ſelf againſt the Knowledge of God, and bring into Captivity every thought to the Obedience of Chriſt, (2 Cor. 10. 5.) But becauſe I had rather Unti • the Knot then cut it, I further Anſwer, That Opinions inconſiſtent with the Foundation of Faith, of a good Life, and a juſt Church Government and Diſcipline are never to be allowed; for theſe directly tend to the d • ſtruction of the Church, or our ſelves, or rather of both; but in things of remote conſequence, or private and leſs Concernment, there Ʋnio Voluntatum, non Opinionum is ſufficient; we may ſeverally opine as we ſee cauſe, provided that we ſeverally reſolve not to tranſgreſs the bounds of Charity; In this Caſe the Apoſtles Advice is, To forbear one another in Love, (Eph 4. 2.) and that the ſtrong ſhould not deſpiſe the weak, nor the weak judge the ſtrong, (Rom. 14. 3.) and to this purpoſe it is obſervable, That no Religion or Perſuaſion in the World ever Canonized Humility and Self-denial for Vertues; but the Chriſtian, thereby taking care at once both to moderate the Judgement and the Practice; The One Teaching us, (to uſe the Apoſtles phraſe) in lowlineſs of Mind to • ſteem others better then our ſelves; the other not to ſeek our own, but every Man anothers Wealth; And by this means Men would not only be Reſtrained from Running to the utmoſt Bounds of what may ſeem lawful, but be careful to learn and do what is moſ • expedient, whereby the Peace of the Church, and mutual love and kindneſs amongſt its Members would be conſtantly preſerved; Nor need our Men of Intereſt fear, that this Doctrine will undo them; For he, who like Iſhmael, hath his Hand againſt every Man, will moſt certainly have every Mans Hand againſt him; ſo that there is odds in the Match, that one time or other he will come by the worſt on't; But he, who by Chriſtian Condeſcenſion in a Reaſonable Cauſe denies himſelf, obligeth many others to do him the ſame kindneſs on the like occaſion, whereby one favour to another procures many to himſelf; And were this principle duely practiſed, a man would not only be out of danger in all place • , but ſhould never want that Comfort, Succour and Aſ • iſtance, which an honeſt Cauſe and Chriſtian Depo • tment can expect. But ſuppoſe, (as indeed it is more then a Suppoſal) that others will not do their duty herein; yet he that Aims at an Heavenly Inheritance 〈◊〉 not take the Meaſures of his Proceedings from thoſe, who value nothin • above their worldly Inter • ſt; Nor ought he to think much to Meet with ſome Rubs in his way, when the Crown of Glory he purſues, exceeds all that he can imagine; And let the worſt be ſuppoſed that can be, ſuch a Man obligeth all that are go • d or grateful: He enjoys the preſent ſatisfaction of a good Conſcience, and is ſo, much before others in a more certain Hope of his future Bliſs, as he is more true to his duty; whileſt thoſe that caſt off all care of this duty, whatever they may have of the Name, have nothing of the Sincerity of Chriſtians, and conſequently are not to expect the Reward.

V. This Argument hath engaged me longer then I intended, and therefore what others I ſhall take Notice of, I ſhall little more then mention, and certainly that Man who underſtands and values his Religion, will be concerned for the Honour of it, which is by nothing more blaſted (if not as to ſome wholly ruined) then by Contentions and Diviſions: It is Reported of Socrates, that he particularly gave God. Thanks for three Things, Viz. That He was a Man, and not ſome other Creature, That he was born in Greece, the then moſt Civiliz'd Part of the World; And that he had his Education in Athens, the then moſt famous School of Philoſophy in the World; How much greater Cauſe have we with daily Thanks and Praiſes to Celebrate Gods Holy Name, by whoſe Bleſſing we are Chriſtians, whereby we have not only an unerring Rule to walk by, but alſo from the Revelations and Promiſ • s of the God of Truth, and by the Earneſt and Pledge of his Sons Reſurrection and Aſcenſion, are aſſured of that Immortality and thoſe future Joys, which that wiſe Heathen only blindly Grop'd after? But can we think to perſwade others of the truth of this, by living unſpeakably worſe then they, who could pretend to no ſuch advantages? Or if this be true, then do not we by our Diviſions raiſe a great Scandal and Prejudice againſt ſuch glorious Truth: We Boaſt, That Ours is the beſt Religion in the World; Nay more, and that truly, That Ours is the only true Religion in the World. for there is Salvation in no Other, nor any other Name Given under Heaven whereby we muſt be ſaved, but that of the bleſſed Jeſus, (Acts 4. 12.) And I can ſtill remember, That when I was a Youth, I have heard pl • uſible Harangues in Sermons, and doleful Petitions in Prayers, about them who ſate in darkneſs, and in the Regions of the Shadow of Death; And doubtleſs, as the Caſe of the one was Lamentable, ſo the Zeal of the other was ſo far Commendable; But when I Conſider, that thoſe Men had deſtroyed the Mother that bore them, and thought the Goſpel was no further Advanced then their Schiſm was propagated; I cannot but wonder, with what Confidence a parcel of Seditious Rebellious Schiſmaticks could think themſelves the only Fit Men to bear the Light, to Conduct thoſe that lay in darkneſs into the bright Sun-ſhine of the Goſpel; But as I have heard little of their Endeavors, ſo leſs of their Succeſs; neither ought any in reaſon to hope for much better, who are ſtudious to promote Diviſions; For ſuppoſe a diſcreet Heathen ſhould come amongſt us, and obſerve how one Church Anathematizeth another, how every Party pretends i • ſelf to be in the right, and as peremptorily condemns all others to be in the wrong, and what Multitudes of Diviſions there are amongſt us, would not this be a ſtrong temptation to Him to be of that Religion, which they could not agree in themſelves? But when he ſhould further ſee the open violence and unuſual Miſchiefs which the Diviſions in all places produce, he would ſurely Reſolve with himſelf, of all others to Fly that Religion; for when all's done, let us ſay what we can, Men will believe what we do. Mens Words and Actions are often too far aſunder; But they generally Act what they really think, and therefore moſt perſons think it ſafer (where they can) to judge of Men by their Actions rather then their Sayings, as being ſurer Indices of their Minds, and having a cloſer Correſpondence with their Hearts and Deſignes, ſo that if they ſee Chriſtians to be of a froward perverſe Converſation, they will judge no better of their Religion; So great Reaſon we may ſee had the Apoſtle to give us in Charge, to Walk in Wiſdom towards them that are without, (Col. 4. 5.) The Reſult of this Conſideration briefly amounts to thus much, That Diviſions not only produce many foul Irregularities, and inexcuſable Enormities amongſt our ſelves; but alſo miſrepreſent and ſcandalize our Religion, ſo as rather to affright others from it, then allure them to it; by which means the Practice of Chriſtians is debauched, the Propagation of the Goſpel hindered, the Truth as unjuſtly as highly diſhonoured, and the whole deſign of Chriſtianity in a manner fruſtrated. And if any Man be ſo in love with Schiſm, as to think this a ſmall Crime, or ſo blind as not to ſee it; I ſcarce know what I can do more for him, except to pray to God to open his Eyes, and turn his Heart.

VI. And yet there is ſtill ſomething further, and very conſiderable, to be offered in this Caſe; for nothing is more directly binding then a Precept; and nothing more ſtrongly binding then a Precept from him, who hath the whole Propriety in us, and abſolute Sovereignty over us. So that if the God of all Power, who hath Created us, and his Son Jeſus Chriſt, to whom he hath Given all Power, have expreſsly required this Unity, then the indiſpenſeableneſs of the duty on our part can be no longer a diſpute, nor can this be a doubt to any, who have but lightly peruſed the Holy Scriptures; for though it may be enough to any Conſiderate Perſon, That the whole Current of Scripture bears againſt all Diſorderlineſs, Unrulineſs and Unquietneſs; yet that our Mouths might be for ever ſtopped, the thing it ſelf is Commanded in as plain and expreſs terms, as can be deſired. Thus St. Paul, 2 Cor. 13. 11.) Be of one Mind, live in Peace. Thus St. Peter, (1 Pet. 3. 8.) Be ye all of one Mind. And that we might know, that this Unity muſt be as well in Practice as in Judgement, we are Commanded as well to walk by the ſame Rule, as to Mind the ſame thing, (Phil. 3. 16.) And St. Paul takes not a little pains to explain the neceſſary duty of every Member of Chriſt, in walking orderly in their ſeveral ſtations, to this end, That there ſhould be no Schiſm in the Body, (1 Cor. 12. 25,) I could heap up many more Teſtimonies, but I think it needleſs, for any one ought to be enough to him, who owns the Holy Scriptures to be ſtampt with the Authority of Heaven, and to contain what is the Will of God, that we ſhould believe and do: And if a Word, a Nod, a Be • k from a Maſter, ſhall command or direct a Servant at his pleaſure, can we think not only to neglect, but to bid open De • iance to the Commands of the Almighty, and be guiltleſs or 'ſcape Scot-free? The Sin in violating any Command is always ſo much the greater, by how much the greater is the Authority of the Perſon Commanding; from whence we may learn how great a Sin is the Violation of that Chriſtian Unity, which is Commanded by the Almighty Maker of Heaven and Earth.

VII. But ſtill we are further in • ormed, of how great Moment this duty is from the rewards and puniſhments, that attend the performance or violation of it; The Breach of Unity is itſelf no ſmall puniſhment, for Diviſions naturally create Diſturbances, increaſe troubles, and tend towards deſtruction. Hence St. Paul gives us this Caution, (Gal. 5. 15.) If ye Bite and devour one another, take • eed that ye be not Conſumed one of another. So that the Advantages which flow from Unity, and the Miſchiefs which ariſe from the contrary, are ſufficient Motives to any Man, who minds his own good, to follow thoſe things which make for Peace. • ut leaſt this ſhould not be enough, all that further can affright us from evil, is added; And no leſs then eternal Damnation is made the po • tion of Tranſgreſſors in this kind; For St. Paul telling us what are the Works of the Fleſh, which they that do ſhall not inherit the Kingdom of Heaven; Amongſt them reckons theſe, Hatred, Variance, Emulations, Wrath, S • rife, Seditions, Hereſies, Envyings, (Gal 5. 20.) And the ſame Apoſtle tells us, That if any Man did but ſeem to be Contentious, they had no ſuch Cuſtom, neither the Churches of God, (1 Cor. 11. 16.) By which he ſeems to me to intimate, That ſuch Perſons do caſt themſelves out of the Church, and conſequently exclude themſelves from the Hopes of Salvation; But that we may not Complain of being Affrighted into Goodneſs, and terrified to our Duty, the puniſhment of the violation of this Duty is not ſo great, but the Reward of its due performance is every way equal; And beſides thoſe Comforts that are naturally contained in it, and flow from it, there is no leſs then eternal Happineſs entailed on it. Chriſt himſelf hath declared, That Bleſſed are the Peace-Makers, for they ſhall be Called the Children of God, (Mat. 5. 9) And if ſo, then certainly they ſhall have a portion and inheritance with the reſt of his Children, and be fellow Heires with Chriſt.

VIII. Now if all theſe Conſiderations were put together and well weighed, methinks no difficulties whatſoever ſhould be able to deterr or remove us from our duties, or to hinder us from ſtanding faſt in one Spirit, with one Mind, ſtriving together for the Faith of the Goſpel; For to Him that profeſſeth Himſelf a Chriſtian, and believes what he profeſſeth, what can all the Allurements and Temptations, all the Joyes, Troubles or Torments of this tranſitory Life Work, when ſet againſt the pains of Hell on the one Hand, and the Joyes of Heaven on the other? and yet even this pretence is taken away; And that we may not with any Shew of Reaſon plead any diſcouragements, we are aſſured that God will ſupply us with Strength and Succours in our faithful Endeavours, that ſo far as concerns us, we ſhall be able to overcome all difficulties, and diſcharge our Duties; And the difference is not much, whether there be no difficulties, or the difficulties be Conquerable; an idle fluggiſh Perſon perhaps would deſire the former, but he that is content to take pains for Heaven, and had rather exerciſe and Varniſh his Graces, then ſuffer them through diſuſe to be ſullied and weakned, poſſibly will think the latter more expedient for him. I do not ſay, that we ſhall be furniſhed with abilities to reduce all others, but that unleſs by our own default we ſhall not want Aſſiſtance to ſecure our ſelves; And then whatever the difficulties may really be or appear, we can have no juſt cauſe of Diſcouragement; And I know not what greater Comfort or Encouragement to this Duty could be given us, then what St. Paul tells us, (2 Cor. 13. 11.) Be of one Mind, live in Peace, and the God of Love and Peace ſhall be with you.

CHAP. II. Wherein this Ʋnity Conſiſts.

I. THis Unity is a Thing that ſounds bravely in the Eares of all Perſons, and Meets with a General Applauſe and high Commendation in all Places; And indeed it cannot Receive more Praiſe • then it deſerves; but when we come ſeriouſly and cloſely to conſider what it is, and wherein it conſiſts; When we think to graſp it, it Vaniſheth, and we fall foully together by the Eares about the Unity we joyntly Extol, and make it ſelf the occaſion o • our loſing it; the great Reaſon of which is apparently this, That when Men have fallen in love with ſome ſingular way, and ſet • p their Reſt in ſome dividing Principles, they do not fetch the Nature of Unity from the full Precepts of the Goſpel, which beſt Teach it, and the Practice of the Primitive Church which beſt Explains it, but Catching ſome Shreds of Scripture for pretence, they frame ſuch a Notion of Unity as may ſuit with their own Scheme, and rather then quit any of their darling Errours, they will undertake to Waſh a Blackmore white, I mean, to find out ſuch a Unity as ſhall be conſiſtent with Diviſion and Separation; But it is pity to fall out about Unity, and therefore leaving ſuch to their vain Imaginations, I ſhall diſcover my own Apprehenſions, wherein I think it Conſiſts: And if I fail in any part, I ſhall be highly obliged to that perſon, who ſhall bring Me to a clearer and fuller Underſtanding of its Nature; for certainly did we better underſtand what it was, we ſhould come nearer together, and better concur in the Obſervation and Practice of it.

II. But before I can proceed, I muſt for my own Security, enter a Caveat againſt the Pretences of extraordinary Caſes; And therefore do tell my Reader, that I ſhall limit my Diſcourſe to Gods ordinary Way and ſtanding Eſtabliſhment, to which all Perſons ought to have Regard. I will not here concern my ſelf upon what terms he may ſtand, who is faſt Lock'd in a Dungeon, or caſt upon an uninhabited Coaſt, or made a Slave amongſt Infidels, or Lies Concealed in a Cave for fear of his Life, or any of the like Nature; I make no doubt, but that for extraordinary Caſes God hath extraordinary Mercies; but then this is not Applicable to what is common or ordinary: There can be nothing more perverſe and unnatural, then to judge of the ſtated Caſe of Things by the Exceptions from it; Or to Confound the common Condition of Mankind with that, which is rarely and only at ſome times the ſad Misfortune of ſome few; And it is not poſſible to Gueſs, whither thoſe Mens Errours will lead them, who in ſtead of obſerving what are the Exceptions from a General Rule, do frame to themſelves a General Rule from exempt Caſes, and ſo overthrow the common Standard; And I muſt Confeſs, that I have not been a little ſcandalized, to find this very thing done in a great Meaſure, by Men otherwiſe of Eminence, Learning and Piety.

III. Now though this Chriſtian Unity be a Harmony of many parts, many of which muſt concur to make it true, and all ought to meet to make it Compleat; The firſt Bond in this Common Tye, or that from whence it takes its firſt Riſe and Beginning, is that Faith which was once delivered to the Saints; And he that doth unfeignedly embrace it, is ſo far forth united both to all thoſe, whoever heretofore received it; And all thoſe, who now live in Profeſſion of it; but yet we muſt go a great way further, or elſe we ſhall come ſhort Home.

IV. For though this Unity principally relates to the Catholick Church of God, Comprehending all Ages and places, which is that Body, whereof Chriſt is the Saviour, and to whom the great and precious Promiſes are primarily made; yet if we would ſpeak rather uſefully then magnificently, we are not ſo much to Conſider in this Caſe the Church we are united to, as the means whereby we are united to it, and therefore as Men on Earth we are to conſider our ſelves in ſtatu viatorum, as Men that are not only bound to believe, but to profeſs the Faith of Chriſt Crucified, (for our Bleſſed Saviour hath told us, That if we be Aſhamed of Him and his Words, He will be Aſhamed of us, when He cometh into the Glory of his Father, Mark 8. 38.) as Men ſo indiſpenſeably bound to that Profeſſion, that they muſt not only hazard, but even Actually loſe all that is near and dear to them, rather then depart from it, (for the ſame Chriſt hath told us, That if a Man come to him, and hate not Father and Mother, and Wife, and Children, and Brethren, and Siſters, yea, and his own Life alſo, he cannot be his Diſciple, Luke 24. 26.) as Men, who are bound to embody in a common Fraternity and Society, that they may joyntly as well as openly make this Profeſſion, not forſaking the Aſſembling of our ſelves together, as the manner of ſome is, (as the Apoſtle teacheth, Heb. 10. 25.) In a word, ſeeing we here live in expectation of the Promiſes, we muſt ſubmit to all the termes and conditions of the Covenant, upon which God hath made their Performance to depend; And being the whole tenure of the Goſpel, doth oblige us on Earth to joyn in a viſible Fraternity, to a viſible Profeſſion, to particular duties to viſible Profeſſors, and to a real not imaginary Obedience to them, who Rule over us and Watch for our Souls; I ſee not how we can Challenge the Name of Chriſtians, whileſt we caſt off all Care of theſe Duties. And hence it is Apparent, That we cannot be United to that great Catholick, Myſtical and Inviſible Church of God, but by becoming Members of his viſible Church on Earth, as being that part of his Church, wherein he hath placed, and to which the greateſt part of our Duties do particularly Relate. To Arrive to the ſtate of Glorified Saints and Angels, that Church without Spot or Wrinkle is our Hope and Endeavour; But whileſt we are on Earth, we are only on our Way towards it, and are particularly of that part of Gods Church, wherein grow Tares as well as Wheat, to be diſtinguiſhed and ſeparated in Gods good time: And by our faithful ſincere Obedience in this, we do through Chriſt Jeſus Require and Preſerve a Right and Title in time, to be made the immediate Members of the other.

V. This being our preſent ſtate and condition, our Unity ought certainly to be agreeable and ſuitable to it, and therefore muſt be viſible amongſt the viſible Profeſſoms of the Goſpel; and what that is, or wherein it conſiſts, is my preſent Buſineſs to deſcribe: But firſt from the foregoing Premiſſes I would make this Inference, That a Believer at large is only a Chriſtian in Fieri, his Faith alone without the other Duties and Accompliſhments, which the Goſpel preſcribes to all Chriſtians, is not ſufficient to give him the full Title of a Chriſtian; 'Tis true, he hath laid a good Foundation, but unleſs he proceed to build thereon, he can no more be ſaid to be a Chriſtian, then an Artificer can be ſaid to have Erected a fair Houſe, when he hath only laid the Ground-Work; And the Reaſon is plain, becauſe Faith in its own Nature doth not only incline, but oblige to Obedience; And I therefore not only more chearfully Obey Gods Commands, becauſe I believe Him faithful who hath promiſed, but I muſt condemn my ſelf as utterly inexcuſable, if I diſobey Him at the ſame time, that I pretend to believe in Him. Hence it is obſerveable, That the word Faith taken Objectively, is often in Scripture-phraſe uſed to Signifie not only Revealed Truths, but Precepts of Life, even the whole Goſpel of Chriſt Jeſus, or the Law of Faith; And where it ſpeaks diſtinctly of it, yet it will have the other to follow it, Commanding us to add to our Faith Vertue, (2. Pet. 1. 5.) And to Shew our Faith by our Works (Jam. 2. 8.) And accordingly the firſt Converts to Chriſtianity, upon their Owning the Faith, thought themſelves Obliged to go on to what the Law of Faith Required. Thus the Eunuch, when Convinced by Philip, that Jeſus Chriſt was the Son of God, doth not Acquieſce in that Faith, but proceeds as far as his preſent Circumſtances would permit, and of his own Accord beſpeaks Philip, See, here is Water, what doth hinder me to be Baptized? (Acts 8. 36.) And conſonantly, hereto it is Obſervable, That the primitive Church did Vouchſafe the Title of Fideles to no Adult Perſons, but ſuch as were in full Communion; And did Men perſwade themſelves that their Faith did ſo indiſpenſeably oblige them to all Chriſtian Duties, that without their ſincere Endeavour even Faith it ſelf became defective, it would make a fair Advance towards Unity; And till they do ſo, I ſee no Reaſon to hope for it.

VI. But now to Return to the thing in Hand, As we are Men on Earth, and Probationers for Heaven, our Unity muſt be ſuch as is Required by this our ſtate, and conſequently muſt conſiſt in ſuch matters as Unites all the viſible Profeſſors of the Goſpel into ſuch a Body or Society, which God hath inſtituted and deſigned for his Worſhip on Earth; But then we are to Conſider, That as we are United to the Catholick inviſible Church of God, by being United to his viſible Catholick Church on Earth, ſo we are United to this viſible Catholick Church, by being United to ſome true part of it, or by becoming Members of ſome particular Church; for no Member can be United to the Body all over, or to the whole immediately, but is United to the Body by being United to it in ſome part, For the Body is not one Member, but many, (1 Cor. 12. 14.) And as theſe fitly Framed altogether make the whole, ſo by Vertue of this Union each Member hath a Communication with the Whole. and is both capacitated to diſcharge his Duty to the Whole, and to Receive Supplies from, and claim an Intereſt in the Whole.

VII. Now, being that our Belief in the Son of God, and that he is the Head of the Body his Church, (if conſidered Antecedently to, and ſeparately from other Chriſtian Duties) doth rather capacitate us to become Chriſtians, then denominate us ſo, it will follow, That to have the beneſit of our Belief, we muſt take care to be Admitted into that Body, which it qualifies us to be Members of. Now in all manner of Societies, of what Nature ſoever, Members are Admitted by ſome Signal Ceremony, and known Form of Proceedings, that thereby they may be known to Others to be Members of that Society, and may undiſturbedly do the Exerciſes and enjoy the Priviledges of that Society. Now this Formal Way of Admiſſion into the Chriſtian Body or Society, is by the Sacrament of Baptiſm; And that even by our Saviours own Command and Inſtitution; for when they are ſo well Inſtructed as to believe, he will have them Received by being Baptized; Go ye, (ſaith he, Mat. 28. 19.) Teach all Nations, Baptizing them in the Name, &c. And though Unbelief alone be ſufficient to put a Man into a ſtate of Condemnation; yet Belief alone without Baptiſm doth not ordinarily put a Man into the ſtate of Salvation. This is our Saviours own Doctrine, (Mark 16. 16.) He that Believeth and is Baptized, ſhall be ſaved; And he that believeth not ſhall be damned. And the Reaſon is plain; for though Unbelief, as rejecting the Covenant of Grace, and its Author, is alone able to exclude us ſrom all benefit of it; yet Belief, though it lay hold on the Covenant, is not able alone to ſecure to us the benefits of it, if conſidered abſtractedly and ſeparately from the other neceſſary Conditions of it; for he that expects the benefit of a part, muſt obſerve not one, but all the neceſſary termes and conditions of it; from hence it may appear, how neceſſary it is, that we be all Partakers of that one Baptiſm; And this Conſideration ought to Alarm thoſe Perſons to examine well the Grounds whereon they proceed, who ſeparate from all other Chriſtians, making it the ſingular part of their Religion to deny Baptiſm, even to the Children of Chriſtian Parents, for though God is not bound up to withhold his Mercy, where the default is not in the Perſons themſelves; yet we have no certain Rule to aſſure us, that he will afford ſuch Mercy out of the way, that he hath preſcribed; but it is purely in his good pleaſure; And if Baptiſm be ordinarily the Way of Admiſſion and Entrance into that Body, whereof Chriſt is the Saviour; then ſuch Perſons, by denying them Baptiſm, do what in them lies to damn them, which doubtleſs is a very unchriſtian part. And though it be true in relation to Perſons out of the Covenant, that they muſt firſt be qualified not only with an actual but a profeſſed Faith, without which they are not capable of Admiſſion; yet in reference to Perſons in Covenant the Caſe is quite otherwiſe, for the Covenant is not to them alone, but to their Seed; And the Childre • being ſanctiſied in their Parents do follow their condition, and are b • rn to Priviledges in the Church, which thoſe without cannot claim; And th • refore ought not particularly to be denied this, without which they are not by the ordinary Laws of the Covenant, Entitled to the Reſt. But I will proſecute this no ſurther, my buſineſs being rather with Adult Perſons then Children. For though their Salvation is by being of the Body, yet they have ſmall Infl • ence on Chriſtian Communion; and until they loſe that Name are ſcarce able to diſturb or break the Unity of the Church, which is the thing I am to Explain.

VIII. The Parts of our Chriſtian Unity are ſo cloſe Knit together, that they ſeem to Lead Us by the Hand from the one to the other; ſo that it may ſeem ſomewhat a wonder how Perſons ſhould for the Generality be ſo wofully miſtaken about them; For having thus laid the Foundation of Faith, and being Actually Admitted by the Sacrament of Baptiſm, it will (I ſuppoſe) be eaſily Agreed on all Hands, That Perſons are not only Admitted to the Priviledges and Benefits of the Society, but come under an Obligation to obſerve the Laws and do the Duties of the Society; for no Society whatſoever, whether Sacred or Civil, ever admitted any to their Priviledges, without Tying them up to their Rules; 'Tis true, that in ſome Societies there are certain Honorary or Titular Members; but it is indeed only a Title: For where they are excepted from duty, they are excluded from benefit: But this is peculiar to the Chriſtian Religion, that it admits none ſuch; but whoever doth become a Member profeſſing it, muſt fall under an Obligation to perform the Duties it requires; And by this we may perceive what further Progreſs our Chriſtian Unity muſt make; for we muſt be United in the Conſent, Profeſſion and Practice of all thoſe things, which according to our ſeveral ſtations in that Society the Laws of Chriſtianity do require from us. Now theſe may have relation either to particular Chriſtians, or to them as embodied in particular Societies, or to them conſidered under the Notion of Subjects and Governours; Or laftly, to the Duty and Behaviour of Governours towards each other.

IX. Every particular Chriſtian is bound to the Sincere and conſtant Profeſſion and Exerciſe of all thoſe Chriſtian Duties, which the Goſpel requires of every one in their ſingle Capacities, as Humility, Sobriety, Temperance, Patience, and the like; And their Concurrence in, and due Obſervance of theſe things, is not only very profitable and Comfortable to Themſelves, but very Honourable to their Society; But above all we are Commanded to Put on Charity, (Col. 3. 14.) and that not only for this Reaſon, that it Virtually conteins, and in its own Nature directs and provokes to the Practice of all other Chriſtian Duties, on which Account the Apoſtle in the following words ſtiles it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , but alſo becauſe our Saviour himſelf hath made it the Character and Badge of his Followers. For (ſaith he, John 13. 35.) By this ſhall all Men know that ye are my Diſciples, if ye have Love one to another.

X. But here it is to be Conſidered, that theſe Vertues of particular Chriſtians have been, and may be ſo fairly Copied out, and handſomely Exerciſed by Heathens and Unbelievers, that to outward Appearance the one cannot be diſtinguiſhed from the other; And though the Vertues of Chriſtians are really diſtinguiſhable from the like in Heathens from their Principles and Ends, yet theſe Principles and Ends are things in themſelves not ſeen; And therefore that thoſe Vertues may appear to proceed from ſuch Chriſtian Principles and Ends, they muſt be practiſed in Conjunction with ſuch other Duties, as do apparently Teſtifie what Principles we own; And that Charity it ſelf may be a Mark of Chriſts Diſciples, it muſt carry them on to thoſe Exerciſes, which he hath Commanded his Worſhippers to joyn in. Now this cannot be done only by ſeparate well living, but by joyning in that Worſhip and Chriſtian Communion, which the Laws of Chriſt, and the Nature of that Church or Society he hath Inſtituted, doth Require; And in theſe we do moſt clearly own and profeſs our ſelves Chriſtians, and viſibly unite in the Body; And from hence it will follow, that all Chriſtians, under the penalty of excluding themſelves from this Body, are bound to joyn in all the publick Offices of the Church, and to bear their part in all Acts and Duties of Chriſtian Communion, and therefore Attendance to Ordinances is not only the benefit, but the neceſſary duty of every Chriſtian; And as Members of the Society they muſt do their parts, joyning in the publick Prayers, Praiſes. Thankſgivings, Confeſſions, and the like; And eſpecially ought to be careful to be duely partakers of the Lords Supper, as being that Act whereby of all others, we are moſt ſtrongly, firmly and cloſely anited both to • hriſt our Head, and to each other. Hence it is by way of Eminence, ſometimes called, The Communion; And hence it is, That amongſt the primitive Chriſtians, though a Man had openly profeſſed the Chriſtian Faith▪ had been admitted by Baptiſm, was not only an Auditor, but does Communicate in the Prayers of the Church, yet they did not Account him compleatly a Chriſtian, till he did partake of the Lords Table; And there is the ſame Reaſon for this ſtill, and perhaps greater Reaſon now then ever to urge it, when the moſt weighty Duties are moſt neglected, and People are ſo apt to ſet up their Reſt far ſhort of what our bleſſed Saviour hath made their Duties.

XI. That this Communion is maintained by Communicating with that particular Chriſtian Church, being neither Heretical nor Schiſmatical, whe • e every Chriſtian lives, ſeems to me out of doubt; For if he do not Communicate there, it is not poſſible he ſhould actually Communicate any where elſe, and therefore whatſoever Preparations of Mind may be pretended, the wilful or careleſs neglect of this, ſeems to Amount to no leſs then a Renunciation or Undervaluing of all Communion, which ſtrikes at the very Heart of the Chriſtian Religion. But yet for all this our Communion in that particular Church is Communion with the whole, whereof that is a part, by which we are United to the whole, in which we expreſs our Communion with the whole, and by which we draw Supplies from the whole; For our Communion in particular Churches Ariſes from the Neceſſity of our Natures, and the Condition of Humane Beings, which are not capable of Communicating with the whole altogether, but only by parts: And though particular Churches in reſpect of particular Chriſtians, and the Offices and Authority therein Exerciſed are truly called Churches, yet in reſpect of the Catholick Church they are but Members, whereby we are United to the whole, and Communicate with the whole; Both the Name and Benefit of Chriſtianity comes to us from joyning in Communion with that Church, which is Chriſts Body: And that is the Catholick Church, and it is to that we deſire to be United, and in that to Communicate by joyning with ſome true part of it, which is all our Natures allow us to do, and in Act can Compaſs; But if any Man Unite himſelf to, or joyn in Communion with any particular Church, either in oppoſition to all others, or without any relation or obligation to any other Church; As to Catholick Communion, he muſt ſuppoſe that particular Church to be that Body, whereof Chriſt is the Head and Saviour, or elſe he cannot Hope for Salvation in it and then (unleſs he have the Impudence to affirm, that there is no other true Church of God) he muſt make Chriſt have more Bodies then one, and in the immediate conſequence overthrow an Article of our Creed, which acknowledgeth but One Catholick Church. Our Communion therefore, though in a particular, yet by means thereof is both in and with the Catholick Church; And hence it is, that the Members of particular Churches, have an equal Right all the World over to Communion in all other Chriſtian Churches; And when they come to other Churches, are then actually bound to Communicate with them; Upon this Ground it was, that the primitive Chriſtians proceeded; for though they did debarr Strangers from Communion, till they did produce their Communicatory Letters or Credentials, whereby it might appear, that they lived in ſome particular Church of Catholick Communion, (that they might not be impoſed upon by Hereticks and Schiſmaticks) yet when the Church they came to was ſatisfied in that particular, they were not only acknowledged to have the ſame right with their own Members, but alſo to lie under the ſame Obligations; And if very ſatisfactory Reaſons were not given of their forbearance, if they did not then actually Communicate they were Treated as Schiſmaticks, ſo that that Schiſmatical Diſtinction of ſuch an Occaſional Communion as leaves Men at liberty where and when to Communicate, and that even in ſeparate and oppoſite Communions, was altogether unknown to the primitive Church, or if it had been ſtarted, would never have heen endured.

XII. From what hath been ſaid it may Appear, That in the Practical Notion, Unity, Uniformity and Communion, are words much of the ſame Importance; The two latter only more clearly Explaining the Nature and Manner of the former; And if it be true, that our Unity conſiſts in our Communion in the Solemn Acts of Worſhip, and publick Offices and Duties the Chriſtian Church, it will then unavoidably follow, that we muſt be United, and firmly adhere to the True and Lawful Paſtors of the Church, without whom thoſe Offices cannot be Lawfully diſcharged, and for want of whoſe Support and Miniſtry the Solemn Worſhip and daily Sacrifice would fail; And the greater Reaſon have all Chriſtians to take Heed to this good Order of Men; both becauſe our Saviour hath Inveſted them with his own Authority, ſo far forth as is neceſſary for the Officiating in, and Governing of his Church, and alſo becauſe he hath made them a ſpecial Promiſe of his Aſſiſtance in the diſcharge of their Offices: in Relation to the firſt he thus Commiſſionates his Diſciples, As my Father hath ſent Me, even ſo ſend I You, (John 20. 21.) In Reſpect to the latter he hath ſaid, I am with you alway, even unto the End of the World, (Matt 28. 20.) So that if not under the Law, much leſs under the Goſpel may any Man take this Honour to himſelf, but he that is Ca •• ed of God; And he that intrudes into this Office, without a derivation of juſt Authority, comes not in by the Door, but climbs up another way; And for that Reaſon ought to be Eſteemed a Thief and a Robber. This Authority of theirs is indeed of a ſpiritual Nature; They have no power of Coeroion, they cannot by force lay a Reſtraint upon any Mans Perſon; but yet their Authority is real, and in ſome ſenſe higher then theirs, who by Gods Commiſſion carry the Temporal Sword for the terrour of evil Doers, and Defence of thoſe who do well. For the ſame God who gave Authority to the Paſtors of his Church, hath Commanded the people to obey them, (Heb. 13. 17.) And doth interpret the diſ • bedience or neglect of them to be an Affront to Himſelf. For thus our Saviour Teacheth us, (Luke 10, 16.) He that heareth you, heareth me; And he that deſpiſe • h you, deſpiſeth me; And he that deſpiſeth me, deſpiſeth him that ſent me: And therefore, though ſuch Deſpiſers may not ſeem to ſuffer any t • ing here, yet they ſtand Accountable to a higher Tribunal, and do run a greater hazard then any temporal puniſhment; when their Cauſe is forejudged by their Spiritual Governours Hence, ſaith Tertullian, (Apol.) Summum futuri Judicii Praejudicium eſt, ſi quis ita deliquerit, ut à Communicatione Orationis, & Conventû • , & Omnis Sancti Commercii Relegetur. The Wickedneſs indeed of Spiritual Governours is of very dangerous Conſequence, the Influence of it makes many bad, and will not ſuffer others to be ſo good as they would: And as we read, that the L • wdneſs of Eli's Sons, made the People even to Abhor the Offering of the Lord; So by Moſes Law the Offering for the Sin of the Prieſt was the ſame as the Offering for the Sin of the whole People, and much exceeded the Offering for the Sin of the Civil Ruler. (Levit. 4) It is ſad with Gods Church when the Complaint lies at that Door: But yet even this will not Abſolve Chriſtians from their Obedience to them, in Matters which are within the juſt Bounds of their Authority, and properly belong to their Office: Even our Saviour himſelf, who ſo often warns his diſciples to Beware of the Leaven of the Phariſces, yet Commands them to obey the ſame Men, ſo far forth as they ſatt in Moſes Chair; And doubtleſs he doth not Require leſs Obſervance of thoſe who Sit in his own Chair; And though People are very apt to begin the Quarrel here, yet methinks they ſhould be more fearful of breaking Communion with their Paſtors, if they did Conſider, That this is the Door, by which always Schiſm enters; for it is not Conceiveable how they ſhould forſake Chriſtian Communion, but by deſerting their Paſtors in their Paſtoral Office. Hence the Fathers, (eſpecially St. Cyprian, then whom no man better underſtood or wrote of this Caſe upon all Occaſions) as they uſually deſcribe a particular Church by the Union of the Flock to their Paſtor, ſo they define Schiſm by a Separation from the Biſhop; Not that they meant it is no more, but that that is the Act which makes the Schiſmatick; and that by leaving his proper Biſhop, he forſakes not only the Communion of that particular Church, but of all other Churches, of whoſe Communion that Biſhop is; And Conſequently the Communion of the Catholick Church, if he be truly a Catholick Biſhop; And hence I think it may Appear, that for Maintaining Chriſtian Communion in Chriſts Body, the People muſt be United to their Paſtors, and that not only with Reſpect to Preaching the Word, publick Prayers and the Uſe of the Sacraments, but alſo with Regard to Matters of Diſcipline and Government, without which Order and Regular Proceedings in the Church, it cannot be upheld. Upon this Score the primitive Chriſtians were ſo Obſervant of the Rules, Orders and Cenſures of their Biſhop, That if any Man fell under the Sentence of Excommunication, they for ſo much as Related to them, vigorouſly put it in Execution, and not only would not ſuffer ſuch a One to joyn in Communion, but would not ſo much as Eat, Drink, Converſe, or ordinarily Traffick with Him; Which Practice ſeems to have had its Foundation from that of St. Paul, (2 Theſ. 3. 14.) If any Man obey not our Word by this Epiſtle, Note that Man, and have no Company with him, that he may be Aſhamed. As alſo from that, (1 Cor. 5. 11.)) Now I have written unto you, not to keep Company, if any Man that is called a Brother be a Fornicator, or Covetous, or an Idolater, or a Railer, or a Drunkard, or an Extortioner, with ſuch an One, No, not to Eat.

XIII. But that a Firm Chriſtian Unity may be in the Church of God, it is not ſufficient, that the Flock continue in a due Subjection to, and ſteddy Communion with their Paſtor, unleſs the Paſtors themſelves Maintain a fair Correſpondence, and keep due Order one amongſt another, For if the Trumpet give an uncertain ſound, who ſhall Prepare himſelf to the Battel? (as the Apoſtle ſaith, 1 Cor. 14. 8.) how is it poſſible, that an Army ſhould be Unanimous in it ſelf, or Employ its full force againſt the Enemy, if the Commanders Agree not, but give out contrary Orders? Nor is it poſſible, That the Unity of the Church ſhould be preſerved, if the Paſtors Govern their Flocks, not in Conjunction, but Oppoſition to each other, and ſet up ſuch termes of Communion, as other Churches cannot approve, but muſt withdraw from; It is indeed true, That every Biſhop in his particular Church, hath a kind of Sovereign Authority, and is to Govern his Flock Rationem Actûs, ſui Domino rediturus, (as St. Cyprian more then once phraſeth it,) Hence it is, That in ſome things a Chriſtian Man is bound to Obſerve the Orders of his own Church, and obey his own Biſhop, before any, if not all the Biſhops in the Chriſtian World; But then, this Authority muſt not be ſtretch'd beyond the Bounds of his own particular Church; And hence aroſe thoſe ſeveral different and often contrary Uſages and Cuſtomes in ſeveral Churches, which were not excepted againſt, becauſe they belonged to the Power of each particular Church, and conſiſted in ſuch things, That he that Communicated after the one Manner in one Church, might Lawfully Communicate after the contrary in another. Of this Nature was that known different Uſage of old, between the Churches of Rome and Millan; In the former they Faſted on Saturdays, in the latter not. And therefore St. Ambroſe, who was truly as ſtout a Biſhop as ever the Church had, though he ſtrictly Required Obedience to the Orders of his own Church, yet at Rome was as Obſervant of theirs, and Adviſed St. Auguſtine's Mother Monica to do the ſame. The Reaſon muſt be fetch'd from the Nature of the Things, which being indifferent in themſelves, might be Lawfully practiſed either Way, and therefore were in the Power of every Church to determine or not determine, as She found moſt for her good and Advantage; But when theſe Things are determined, Obedience put on the Nature of Duty, and Diſobedience of Sin: But though every Biſhop, in Reſpect of his particular Church or Flock, hath (according to the Old Eccleſiaſtical Language) his Throne, yet in Relation to the Catholick Church he is but a principal Member, who in Conjunction with Others of the ſame Authority is to Share in care of the whole; And therefore in Matters which have an Influence on Catholick Communion, he is Accountable to his Colleagues or Fellow Biſhops, and for any Miſdemeanour herein may by them be Suſpended, Depoſed or Cenſured, as they or a convenient part of them ſhall judge Meet, for the preſervation of the Churches Peace. And in this Caſe the Biſhops of other Churches did not only Exhort, but Require both the ſubordinate Clergy and the People to Refuſe Communion with their Biſhop, though in all other Caſes the ſeparating from the Communion of their Biſhops, and the Erecting another Altar, or ſetting up a Conventicle againſt him, was Accounted the peculiar Signature of Schiſm. And the Reaſon is plain, for though they could not hold Communion with the Church, but by Maintaining Communion with their Biſhop, yet they did Communicate in that Church as a part of the whole; And if he did break off from the whole, or was Injurious to the whole, if they ſhould Adhere to him therein, they muſt follow his Fate; And therefore here they might deſert him, and cleave to ſome other ſound part, and joyn in Communion Approved by Orthodox Biſhops. The Reaſon of the Biſhops abſolute Power in one reſpect, and his Subjection in another, ſeems to be briefly Couched in that ſhort Saying of St. Cyprian, Epiſcopatus unus eſt, cujus à ſingulis in ſolidum par̄s tenetur. (do un,) for though he held but part of that Epiſcopacy, by which the whole Church (Concordi multorum Epiſcoporum numeroſitate) was Governed; yet holding that Parte in ſolidum, he had the full Epiſcopal Authority, and was a Catholick Biſhop, and his Orders according to their Nature ought to be Heeded by all Biſhops: But then what he held in ſolidum, being but Pars Epiſcopatûs unius, he was Bound to Exerciſe his Office in Conjunction with them, who were equal Sharers with him; And herein was Anſwerable to his Fellow-Biſhops ſor any detriment or injury done by him to their Common Office and Common Charge. Hence a Biſhop was in ſome things Obnoxious, even to the delebility and loſs of his Character, (as Spalato hath proved againſt the fond device of the Schools lib. 2. cap. 4.) and was bound at his peril, not only to Preach the ſame Faith, but to Walk and Act according to the Cannons of the Church; And yet in other Things, his Act was ſufficient to Tye up all the Biſhops in the Chriſtian World; Both which Things are an invincible Evidence of the Senſe of Antiquity, of their Participation of the ſame Office, and of their Obligation to, and dependance upon each other in the diſcharge of it. Hence it was, that when a Biſhop was placed in any Vacant See, though he was never ſo Canonically Ordained yet he was bound to ſend abroad his Circular Epiſtles to other Biſhops, to Signifie his due Admiſſion to that great dignity, and withal to give in a Summary of his Faith, that they might Admit him to Catholick Communion, and upon occaſion might Communicate with him, and Aſſiſt him in the juſt diſcharge of his place: If he afterwards fell into Hereſie, or did any irregular Act, he was Tryable by his Peers, and might be Cenſured according to his demerits. On the other Hand, what wholeſome Orders he made for the good of his own particular Church, thoſe, who came from any other Church thither, were bound to obſerve them; And if he juſtly put any Perſon under the Sentence of Excommunication, upon his Certifying thereof with the Cauſe, all other Biſhops and all other Churches were bound to take that Perſon for Excommunicate, wherever he came, and to Reject him from their Communion; For in Caſes of this Nature, every Regular Act of Authority in one Church, was Regarded as the Act of the whole Church; And thus in all things particular Churches Acted in Relation to, and Communion with the Catholick, and Maintained their Unity Firm and Inviolable.

XIV. My Deſign hath been to Write a Chapter, not a Treatiſe of Chriſtian Unity, and therefore I may be excuſeable, if I have not Hit every thing; though I perſwade my ſelf, that had we theſe, the reſt would not be wanting; But my fear is, that my Accuſation will rather Lye on the other Hand, That I have Iaid the Platform of ſuch a Unity as in all its parts is no where on Earth to be found; And though the more is the pity, yet poſſibly it is too true: But then this Objection Amounts to no more (though that, God knows, is too much) then to ſhew the deplorable ſtate of the Church, and the woful degeneracy of Chriſtians; For the Religion we profeſs Requires ſuch an Unity; And de facto it has been had and practiſed in the Church; And till it be Reſtored, I ſee little Hopes that Matters can be brought to Rights, and that they are not, they muſt Anſwer who are the true Cauſe: If any enquire, What particular Perſons in this Caſe are to do? I Anſwer, that invincible Impediments may excuſe à tanto but not à toto, where we cannot do all we ſhould, yet we muſt do all we can: But more particularly, I think, Firſt, That every Man ought to joyn in Communion with that Church wherein Gods Providence hath placed him, if he cannot juſtly Charge the termes of its Communion with Sin. Otherwiſe there will be no End of Separation, and the • reach will daily grow wider, Secondly, That our Judgements and Cenſures on thoſe from whom we depart, be moderated with Charity; that we pick not Quarrels without a cauſe, nor Repreſent them worſe in Opinion or Practice then they are; for this exaſperates and alienates Mens Hrarts from Peace. Some Perſons have ſeemed to Me to have read their Adverſaries Books with a Deſign to miſtake them, which (alas!) is too eaſily done without giving our Minds to it. Thirdly, that in ſeparate Communions, P • opoſals might be made how far they can come up to each other, that it may be known how far they do agree, and that unquiet Spirits may not bear the Ignorant in Hand, that they agree in nothing, and then that the true Cauſes of the Difference may be ſett down, which would ſett generous Spirits on Work to Remove theſe ſtumbling-Blocks, and make up the Breaches; At leaſt, it would give opportunity to all Conſiderate Perſons to weigh the Matter, to caſt off real Scandals, and to come nearer together as they ſaw cauſe. Laſtly, That all Perſons be deſirous of true Chriſtian Union and Communion, that they heartily pray for the Peace of Jeruſalem, and to their power in their ſeveral Capacities endeavor it; That we come ſhort of this Unity is our Unhappi • eſs, and no Honour to our Religion; But if any do not truly deſi • e it, I ſee not how they can be excuſed from Schiſm, or ſomewhat worſe; f • r ſuch ſeem to be inſenſible and regardleſs of the Honour of Gods Church, the Glory of his Name, the Peace, Comfort and Encouragement of Chriſtians one amongſt another, and the daily Advancement and Propagation of the Goſpel of Chriſt; From which kind of temper the Lord preſerve every One who calls himſelf a Chriſtian.

CHAP. III. Of the Nature of Schiſm.

I. OUR Religion is ſo Unchangeable, That if an Angel from Heaven ſhould come and teach any other, then what we have already Received, he ought to be Accurſed; And therefore the nearer we come to the firſt Settlement, the ſurer we are to be in the Right; But ſome Men ſo doat on their fond Devices, and are ſo bewitched with the pleaſure of Coyning New Notions, that not content to delude themſelves, they labour all they can to perfwade others, that every thing that is old is ugly and to be Abominated. Thus that ſweet Harmony of the primitive Chriſtians, whereby they preſerved their Body Sound, againſt the Malice of Hereticks and Schiſmaticks, enjoyed free Communion in all Places, and were no where deſtitute of Comfortable Support and Aſſiſtance, whether Spiritual or Temporal, this (I ſay) has either been imputed to the folly of the firſt Converts, or the Tyranny of Hereticating Biſhops: But if there was any thing ill, and of Miſchievous conſequence to Religion, for this they became zealous Advocates, were ready to tell us, That the Devil is not ſo black as he is Painted, and ſo palliate the Matter, that at length they would draw it in to be uſeful. Amongſt Matters of this Nature nothing hath found more Patrons then Schiſm. Some have ſhuffled it to and fro, till they have loſt it; and ſome have Trick'd and Trimm'd, and Sett it out for ſuch a pretty harmleſs thing, as would almoſt tempt One to be in love with it. But being I have ſaid enough in the firſt Chapter to prove Schiſm a Sin of a deep Dye, I ſhall forbear to inveigh againſt it, and Sett my Self rather to make a diſcovery of it, that the Rock appearing we may be the better able to avoid it.

II, Schiſm in its general Notion ſignifies any Rent, Rupture, Diviſion, Separation or Solution of Continuity: But in an Eccleſiaſtical Senſe, as applied to the Church, it denotes ſome Breach or Separation among the Members or parts of that Body, growing ſo high as to cauſe Bandying into Parties, and ſetting up diſtinct and oppoſite Communions; or the like: But becauſe all Separation is not Schiſm, and that which is, is not always ſinful, therefore it may be convenient to enquire, by what means Separations are made, what Separation is Schiſm, and what Schiſm is ſinful.

III. Thoſe Perſons who are ſo far from any Communion in the Church, that they never did or would receive and embrace the Goſpel of Chriſt Jeſus, are really ſeparated and excluded from his Body the Church; But then in this they cannot properly be ſaid to depart from it. or make any Schiſm in it, becauſe they were never of it, nor any way Related to it. And therefore their Crime is not ſtiled Schiſm, but Infidelity; And the Perſons Infidels or Heathens, not Schiſmaticks.

IV. Some Perſons have Profeſſed the Faith, and Lived in the Communion of the Church, but through the powerful Inſtigations of the Devil, the ſtrong temptations of Worldly Advantages, Senſe of Torments, dreadful Apprehenſions of Danger, or the like ill Motives, have Renounced not only the Communion of the Church, but the Faith of Chriſt; But theſe are not properly Schiſmaticks; for Schiſm doth import ſome Relation ſtill to the Church, though it ſuppoſe a diſorderly behaviour in it, and a Breach and Violation of its Peace and Unity: But theſe are wholly gone off, and their Crime is in it ſelf of a higher Nature, though many times not ſo Miſchievous in its Effects; And it is commonly called Apoſtacy, and the Perſons Apoſtates, or in the Modern Language Renegado's,

V. There is a third Sort of Perſons who profeſs the Faith, and live in the Communion of the Church, but through Pride, Diſcontent, Wantonneſs, or the like Cauſes, are not careful to Attend to ſound Doctrine, but fall into Errours, and Entertain and deviſe Opinions prejudicial to the Goſpel of Chriſt, and the Salvation of Souls; But if th • ſe Men keep their Opinions to themſelves, whatever damage they may bring to their own Souls, they can make no E • cleſiaſtical Schiſm; but i • they Broach or Propagate them, then Schiſm is uſual • y the Effect and Conſequence of ſuch doings; but their Denomination i • from th • • articularity of their Crime, or obſtinacy in their ill Opinions, which is called Hereſy, and the Perſons Hereticks

VI. Now though Hereſy is of that turbu • ent Nature, that it ſeldom fails to produce Schiſm, yet it may ſo • e, that Perſons may be Sound in the Faith, and yet through Pride, Diſcontent, Ambition, or th • like ill Motives, may violate that Unity and Conjunction which ought to be amongſt • hriſtia • s in the Profeſſion of the Faith and Duties it Requires: So that Hereſy ſeems to be oppoſed to the Verity and Soundneſs of Religion, Schiſm to the Union of Perſons amongſt themſelves, profeſſing • eligion. Now becauſe the Acts of this Unity conſiſt in Chriſtian Communion, and it cannot be otherwiſe expreſſed and manifeſted but by ſuch Communion, therefore a Departure or Separation from that Communion muſt be that which we call Schiſm. Hence Heſychius explains 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which Signifies a Seceſſion or Separation. And hence it appears, That every Heat, Quarrel or Brabble, (how faulty ſoever it may otherwiſe be,) doth not Amount to Schiſm, unleſs it ſo influence the Communion as to make a breach in that; And therefore neither that Contention between Paul and Barnabas, nor that Conteſt between Polycarp and A • icetus, nor that Difference between Chryſoſtom, and ſome who had been his Auditors, nor that ſharp Conflict between the ſame Chryſoſtom and Epiphanius, nor that long debate between Stephen and Cyprian, were any of them to be Accounted or brought under the Notion of Schiſm; becauſe the Communion of the Church was ſtill kept up and Maintained by all the Parties; But when this Communion is violated and broken, then it comes to a direct and open Schiſm; And this may be done ſeveral wayes, all of them I pretend not to reach, and thoſe I ſhall mention I ſhall not dwell on.

VII. Some there are, who forſake the Communion of the Charch, but go not ſo far as to ſet up any oppoſite Communion, not that they have any honour for, or regard to Church Communion, but that they think it unneceſſary, if not prejudicial. Theſe, though they ſeem not to Fly ſo high as others, in that they Vex not the Church with oppoſite Communions, yet they really overthrow all Communion, and deſtroy the whole publick Worſhip of God, wherein his People are United for his glory and their own-benefit; And therefore theſe are nothing ſuch harmleſs Creatures as ſome think them; Amongſt theſe we may Reckon thoſe Rank Enthuſiaſts, who have overgrown Ordinances, and account themſelves far above all ſuch weak Helps and beggerly Elements.

VIII. I ſhall further propoſe it as a Queſtion, whether ſome Men by their particular Opinions or Declarations may not make themſelves Schiſmaticks, even whileſt they continue in the Communion of a Church that is truly of Catholick Communion? for though the Paſtor and Officers of the Church walk never ſo Canonically, and Perform all Services with relation to, and dependance upon the Catholick Church; yet if any Member ſhall ſo awkwardly adhere to this particular Church, as to oppoſe it to all others, and condemn all others, and refuſe Communion with any other, he ſeems to Me to make himſelf a Schiſmatick; For though the Church be of Catholick Communion, yet he communicates in it upon Schiſmatical Principles, and makes it Schiſmatical to him. The Church indeed is in Communion with other Churches, but he communicates in it in oppoſition to other Churches; And this ſeems in ſome Meaſure to have been the Caſe of the Church of Corinth; Paul, and Apollos, and Cephas were all Miniſters of the ſame Chriſt, great Maſter-Builders in his Church, and zealous Maintainers of its Communions; and yet ſeveral in the Communion of this Church, ſeems to have communicated upon narrower termes then the Conſtitution of it Required. For ſome were for Paul, and ſome for Apollos, and ſome for Cephas, and they that were for one were againſt the other two, and againſt all others, who did not joyn with them in the ſame quarrel. I will not ſay but that it might go higher, and that there might be oppoſite Communions; That St. Paul there Planting the Goſpel, might leave ſo many Congregations in that Church as the Number of Converts required; That Apollos coming after upon the increaſe of Converts, might leave them more Church-Officers, and increaſe the Number of their Congregations; And the firſt might ſtand ſtiffly for Paul, and the other for Apollos: However, the firſt is not improbable, and indeed both might be true ſucceſſively; They might firſt claſh in the ſame Communion, and then break into oppoſite Communions. But this I leave to the further Conſideration and Cenſure of Others.

IX. Where there is ſuch a Renunciation of Communion, as to ſet up oppoſite Communions, it may be Effected ſeveral Ways: Sometimes the Layety have forſaken their Paſtors, Congregated into Bodies, and of their own Authority Raiſed diſtinct Communions; I will not here diſpute whether they deſerve that Name; but certainly this is the Height of Preſumption and Madneſs; for though it be true, which Corah ſaid, (Numb. 16. 3.) That all the Congregation are holy; yet the ſad Story that follows. aſſures us, That they are not therefore all Prieſts and Levites, and that they may not preſume to enter upon, and promiſcuouſly diſcharge that Sacred Office and Function. Sometimes Subject Presbyters, and other Church-Officers have forſaken their Biſhop, carried away many of the Members of his Church, and gathered Sheep from all Quarters out of the true Fold; And this is the more Miſchievous, as carrying along with it ſome Shew of Authority. Sometimes Biſhops and their Churches have Rejected the Communion of other Biſhops and their Churches; Sometimes in like manner Metropolitans have oppoſed Metrop • litans, National Churches National, and Patriarchal Patriarchal. And the Sehiſm is ever the more Miſchievous, according to the Conſiderableneſs of the Perſons concerned in it, or the Extent of their Juriſdiction, or the Cauſe they divide upon. Too much of all this is in the preſent Diviſions of the Chriſtian World, which are managed with that Bitterneſs and Height, and have torn the Church ſo all-to pieces, that it is a Subject fitter for our Lamentation then Diſcourſe.

X. And yet after all it muſt be Acknowledged, that all Separation is not ſinful; for then wherever there was a Separation, they would be faulty on both Sides, as well they that made, as they that ſuffer by the Separation; Nay, if that ſhould be granted, a Man might be neceſſitated to Sin, which he never is or can be. For if unſufferable Corruptions or ſinful Uſages be brought into a Church, whereof any Perſon is a Member, and ſet up as termes of Communion; He cannot Communicate without Sin, nor can he Depart without Sin, but unavoidably muſt Split upon one of theſe two Rocks if all Separation be ſinful; And therefore to diſcover that Schiſm which is Sinful or Criminal, we maſt bring it not only a Phyſical but a Moral Conſideration. Such the Caſe may be, that the Separation may not only be lawful but neceſſary. It was Gods Command to the Iſraelites concerning Babylon, (Jerem. 5. 45.) My People, Go ye out of thae midſt of her, and deliver ye every Man his Soul from the fierce Anger of the Lord. And St. Paul, having deſcribed a Sort of ill Men, which in the latter times ſhould infeſt the Churc • , he gives this Charge to Tsmothy concerning them, (2 Tim. 3. 5.) From ſuch turn away. Actual Separation therefore may ſometimes be a Duty, when it is a Departure from thoſe who have before departed from the Right, and violated the Unity, and corrupted the Communion of the Church. But being there ought to be no Separation, but upon the ſcore of Avoiding Obligations to Sin, and no further then may ſecure us in that matter, there can be no Separation but there will be Sin on the one ſide or the other; And being the bare Separation may not only be lawful but duty, the Sin of Schiſm muſt Lie, where the cauſe and evil is found, and they are the Schiſmaticks who unjuſtly cauſe the Breach. And indeed ſimple Separation doth not include the whole Nature of Schiſm in an Eccl • ſiaſtical Senſe. For though thoſe, who depart from any true Church of God, as it is a part of the Catholick Church, do break off from the Body; yet thoſe, who depart upon juſt and warrantable Grounds, though they depart from the Schiſmaticks, yet they do not fo ſake the Church of God, but continue in its Communion, and are Members of that Body; and therefore cannot be Schiſmaticks: But I need not Diſcourſe this any further, becauſe (I think) it is Agreed on all Hands, that the Sin of Schiſm follows the Cauſe. Now from all that hath been ſaid, this or the like Definition of Schiſm may be Gathered, That it is an unjuſt Violation, Breach or Solution of the Unity of the Church: Or (to expreſs it more plainly) a Cauſeleſs Separation from Eccleſiaſtical Communion.

XI. How far ſome more moderate Perſon in the Church of Rome, may be willing to go along with Me in theſe Conſiderations, I cannot tell; the Generality of them I know go further; but that will not be the leaſt part of that Controverſie; However, here we muſt part. But becauſe I do proſeſs my ſelf a Perſon, who doth deeply Mourn over that diſmal ſtate of the Church, to which theſe Diviſions have brought it, (and that God, who knows the Secrets of all Hearts, knows that I ſay true) and do wiſh an End of their Broils, and would Contribute the utmoſt of my Endeavors to Repair the Breaches: And do moreover freely confeſs, That Schiſm is a Sin of a very dangerous Nature; it will therefore Concern Me to diſcharge my ſelf, from being either a Partner in, or an Abettor of that Miſchievous Evil, of which I Complain; And therefore now I ſhall endeavour to prove, not only that the Cauſe of the Schiſm between the Church of England and the Church of Rome lyes at the Church of Rome's door; But further, that let them pretend what they will, that Schiſm was firſt made, and ſtill Maintained and Upheld for ſuch Reaſons as ought to be Strangers to the Chriſtian Religion, and do drive on and keep up ſuch an unwarrantable and fulſom Intereſt, as is not Conſiſtent with the true ſtate of Gods Church. If any Man ſhall give me better Information, upon due Conſideration I ſhall be willing to receive it, and thankful for it. But if any Man ſhall pleaſe to ſet himſelf againſt Me, I would deſire him to deal with Me as a Man, who is of the Communion of the Chu • ch of England in ſenſe of duty, who never gave u • my ſelf to any particular Party of Men, and who in all my Studies have had a Special Eye to the Advancement of the Peace of Gods Church, and the Satisfaction of my own Conſcience.

CHAP. IV. Of the Liberties and Priviledges of the Britannick Churches: And of the Actual Separation.

HE who would Build true, will firſt clear the Ground; And therefore I muſt crave leave to Remove ſome old Rubbiſh out of my way, before I can deſcend to ſome ſuch particular Matters (for I pretend not to take in all) as I think may Juſtifie that Separation, which we now Maintain, (for we are not the Men who made it, but defend that Church, which we found, and were born and bred in, and therefore ought not to deſert it without juſt Cauſe) Two things with no lack of Confidence are Urged as a Prejudice againſt our whole Cauſe. Firſt, That theſe Churches, and even all their Biſhops did owe a particular Subjection to the Biſhop of Rome, either as Sole V • c • r and Plenipot • ntiary of Chriſt Jeſus on Earth, or at leaſt as the Weſtern Pat • iarch. Secondly, that ſuppoſing this to be otherwiſe, yet ſince the Separation Matters have been decided by a General Council, (viz. That of Trent,) to which all ought to ſubmit. I ſhall Endeavor to give a fair Anſwer to both theſe Objections; But firſt muſt premiſe, That ſuppoſing, not granting the truth of either or both theſe Objections, yet of themſelves they do • ot overthrow our Cauſe; for no Plea of any exorbitant Authority or Conciliar Determination can oblige us to a Sinful Communion; And if that Plea be made good againſt them, all their other Arguments Vaniſh into Air; For the Holy Ghoſt never Aſſiſted any Council to make wicked Determinations; Nor did the Ancients know of any ſuch Exotick Power in the Pope, as that he might be Obeyed in every thing; for though ſeveral Matters contributed to gain him an extraordinary Reſpect in, and Influence on the Church, yet they held him to the Canons; And if he deviated from them or the Truth, they without ſcruple oppoſed him. When Baſilides and Martialis, two Spaniſh Biſhops, juſtly depoſed, fled to Stephen Biſhop of Rome; And by Lyes and Flattery ſo prevailed with him, that he not only admitted them to Communion, but endeavored to reſtore them; St. Cyprian ſmartly oppoſeth it, writes not only to the Biſhops, but even to the People there to refuſe Communion with them, Commends the Subſtituting two other Biſhops in their Room, and ſays, That the Faults of Baſilides in Endeavoring his Reſtitution by Stephen's means, were Non tam abobita, quàm cumulata (Epiſt. 68. dd. Pam.) I could bring Inſtances enough of this kind, but this being a by-matter in this place, I will leave it and Return to the Objections.

II. Two Titles are ſet up the better to ſecure us; But the one is purely forged: and the other is crackt, weak and bad, and not able to ſupport the Claim which is Founded on it; It is hard to ſay, what Authority the Biſhop of Rome doth not Challenge under the Notion of Chriſts Vicar; His Flatterers will ſcarce allow any Bounds to be Set to it, and Examine his Actions, and you will find that he Sets himſelf none, On this ſcore, not only we, but all the Chriſtian Churches in the World, which are not of the Roman Communion, are ſtigmatized for Schiſmaticks: On the contrary I think, that there is no one thing that doth better Juſtify our Separation, then the Challenge, and (what in him lies) Exerciſe of ſuch an Arbitrary and boundleſs Authority over all the Churches of God. Upon this Account this Matter will fall under a particular Conſideration, as one of the principal Grounds and Reaſons of our Separation; And therefore at preſent I will leave this great Vicar-General, and try if we can come to any better termes with the Weſtern Patriarch.

III. This latter Title, as leſs liable to Exception, hath been inſiſted upon of late by ſome, who would ſeem to be of more moderate Principles, and more tender both of the Liberty and Authority of particular Churches: nor is it to be denied, That the Biſhop of Rome had a Patriarchate in the Weſtern part of the Roman Empire, but by what Authority he came by it, and how far it was extended, and whether he hath forfeited and juſtly fallen from it, and other Queſtions of the like Nature, will fall in of themſelves in the Series of our Diſcourſe. In the mean time, I do think this Title to be ſet up at this time only as a Blind to Amuſe the more unwary and well Meaning Perſons, who are willing to ſubmit to Eccleſiaſtical Conſtitutions, though they deteſt all unjuſt, much more all inſolent and ſhameleſs Uſurpations; for if by a Charter from Chriſt he be his only Vicar, over the Univerſal Church, it is not only a Leſſening of his Holineſs, but a direct Aff • ont to our Saviour, to Cope up his Deputy within Bounds, and to Give Him a limited Juriſdiction by Eccleſiaſtical Authority, when he is Inveſted with all by Original Right, and needs not any which they can Give; And it would certainly be much greater Satisfaction to the Chriſtian World, to prove his Authority to be of God, rather then Men. Beſides, I would gladly know, whether the Biſhop of Rome will Acquieſce here, and Reſt Contented with the Title and Authority of the Weſtern Patriarch? For Patriarchal Authority is by Eccleſiaſtical Conſtitution, and was at firſt Suited to the Diviſions of the Empire, and the Grandeur of ſome principal Cities in it; And by the ſame Authority it was Given may be taken away, or placed elſewhere, as ſhall be judged moſt uſeful and beneficial to the Church of God. Now though all this may be eaſily proved, yet being applied to the Biſhop of Rome, (and according to the preſent ſtate of the Queſtion, it is as applicable to him as any other Patriarch) I fear the whole College of Cardinals Nemine Contradicente, would Cry out, Hereſie, damnable Hereſie. And therefore the ſtarting this Title at this time, I only look on as a Sly Device to let in the Cats Head, that ſhe may with greater Eaſe draw in her Body after.

IV. But be it as it will, without any regard to any ſuch ill Deſignes, which ſome Men may covertly Manage, let the Objection have its due force, and let us Examine, whether the Biſhop of Rome as Weſtern Patriarch, (ſo called in Relation to other Patriarchates in the Empire of another Site) had any peculiar and proper Juriſdiction over the Britannick Churches, or whether they were any part of his Dioceſs, as the word in its largeſt Acception ſignifies, A Diviſion containing ſeveral Provinces? And this I think will be fully Anſwered: if I prove, That in Relation to the Britannick Church, either he had no ſuch Juriſdiction, or no • e by Right.

V. That the Government of the Church was left in the Hands of the Biſhops, I ſhall prove hereafter. But for the more convenient and advantageous Management of the Churches Affairs, there began very early a particular Deference, Reſpect and Obſervance to be paid to the Biſhop of the principal City, where the Secular Governour had his Reſidence. He at firſt was called Epiſcopus primae Ʋrbis, or Sedis; Afterwards, a Metropolitan. But ſome overgrown Cities, whoſe Numbers, Wealth and Intereſt enabled them to overtop and oppreſs Others, as it were, Naturally Infuſed into their Biſhops a Spirit of Ambition to extend their Juriſdiction and Power, Anſwerably to the Grandeur of their City. Theſe Mens Encroachments were for a long time ſtoutly oppoſed, but Power naturally following Strength, Wealth and Intereſt, and an Advantage being given them by the New Diviſion of the Empire by Conſtantine, they in the End prevail'd, and Graſp'd ſo large Juriſdiction as to have ſeveral Metropolitans under them, and obtained their firſt Ratification in the Council of Chalcedon, as our late Learned Biſhop of Oxford hath clearly proved. (Account of Church-Govern.) Theſe at firſt were called Exarchs, afterwards Patriarchs, and ſometimes Primates. Of this new Booty, without fail, the Biſhop of Rome, as Biſhop of the moſt Renowned City in the World, and the Ancient Seat of the Empire, carried away no ſmall Share; for he was always of Kin to the Lion in the Fable, who, when the Prey came to be divided, made the Beaſts that Hunted with him, Content with a very ſmall pittance, if he was ſo gracious as to allow any thing: But yet this New Exorbitant Power did not ſwallow up the whole Church, but in many Places they ſtill Lived in their Ancient Liberty, Governed by their Biſhops and Metropolitans, without being ſubject to any Pratriarch; of which the Cyprian Churches are a famous Inſtance in the Eaſt, and I can yet ſee nothing to perſwade me to think otherwiſe of the Britannick in the Weſt.

VI. Never any Succeſſion of Men have ſtood ſo conſtantly on their Guard, and have been ſo watchful, diligent and induſtrious upon all occaſions, to depreſs others and Exalt themſelves, as the Biſhops of the Roman See: All was Fiſh that ever come to their Net; If they could at any time ſteal into a Juriſdiction, though never ſo unjuſtly, they would never quit it, or not without ſtrong Tugging and eternal Claiming. And therefore Conſidering this Temper it were a fair Propoſal, that Setting aſide Flams and Impertinencies, they would produce any fair Footſteps of a proper Juriſdiction exerciſed by the Biſhop of Rome over the Britons, within the ſpace of a Hundred years after the Council of Chalcedon; For when Men have always been ſo buſie in Acquiring, ſo tenacious in Keeping, ſo ſevere in Exerciſing Juriſdiction, and want no Records, (unleſs what themſelves have either falſifyed or abuſed); That theſe Men can produce no good Evidence for ſuch a Juriſdiction, to Me it ſeems a good Argument, that from the Beginning there was none. If bare Claims, (and thoſe coming after) were enough, no Man could live in Peace: And therefore he that will thruſt another out of poſſeſſion for his own benefit, muſt well and clearly prove his Title. Had theſe Iſlands belonged to the Roman Patriarch, there was no ſtrength in them to have kept out his Power, when it was back'd with the leaſt Shew of Right. If therefore it cannot be proved, that the Biſhop of Rome was in poſſeſſion of ſuch Juriſdiction, here, at or near the time that Patriarchates were ſetled, he may let his Suit fall; unleſs he have more Hopes from force or fraud, then Right; In this Cafe, if in any, that Common Rule, Idem eſt non eſſe, & non apparere, hold good; And the rather, becauſe the Canon that Confirms Patriarchates, ſuppoſeth the former Exerciſe of fuch Juriſdiction by Cuſtom. What by degrees he gained long after, may ſerve well enough to prove him an Uſurper, but can Create him no Right, as I ſhall prove Anon.

VII. Now though it be all the Reaſon in the World, that if the Romaniſts will pretend a Title, they ſhould prove it; yet I will not barely inſiſt upon Poſſeſſion on our part, without giving ſome Reaſons that may manifeſt our Right to it. If the Patriarchate of the Biſhop of Rome was Confined to the Suburbicary Churches, it is moſt certain, that the Britons lay too far off to be Hook'd in by that Title; What other Evidence can be brought for the certain Bounds of his Patriarchate, I cannot tell; I have met with no better: And this having been plainly Aſſigned to him, it will concern them to bring their Proofs, who will extend it further, and therefore I will not longer inſiſt on it. Yet this among other Reaſons moves me to think, that as Patriarch he had no proper Juriſdiction either over the Gallican or Spaniſh Churches, and divers others, otherwiſe then as he might ſometimes interpoſe as an Honourary Arbitrator, or at other times upon a nicking Opportunity with the diligence of a watchful Uſurper, invade their Rights. That the French Churches came not under his Authority in the ſame way and manner, that ſome Others did, the Liberties of the Gallican Churches ſo ſtoutly Maintained to this very day, are an irrefragable Inſtance; And perhaps that is almoſt the only Church of the Roman Communion, which affords us any Hope, that the Cauſe may one day come to a more equal Hearing, and Matters be brought more to Rights in the Church of God. But as for our ſelves, if the Biſhop of Rome never Exerciſed any ſuch Patriarchal Juriſdiction over the Bri • ons, nor would they own or ſubmit to any ſuch (conſidering the low Eſtate of the One, and the Power, Arts and indefatigable Induſtry of the other) it will be a Convincing Argument to any unprejudiced Perſon, that he never had any ſuch Juriſdiction here; That he did Exerciſe any ſuch Juriſdiction, I deny; And it will Concern them to Convince Me by clear Inſtances of the contra • y, who will Aſſert it; But if it were poſſible, that they could tell me Five Hundred Tales of Perſons ſent over hither by the Biſhop of Rome, I ſhall not Value it one Ruſh. For if wherever he ſends one of an Errand, he Requires the Juriſdiction of the place, as he hath the Privilege which never Man had; ſo if he hath not been very negligent and falſe to his own Intereſt, he might long ſince have gained the Juriſdiction of the whole World, and that is certainly too much for a Patriarch, which is our preſent diſpute. But though I am not bound to prove the Negative, yet to ſhew that he could have no ſuch Juriſdiction, I ſhall produce two Arguments, the one taken from the different Rites and Uſages of the Britons from the Romans; The other from the Brittiſh Biſhops downright diſclaiming ſuch Authority, and Aſſerting and Proving their Liberty.

VIII. Doubtleſs it doth more Concern us to be truly thankful, that God hath Vouchſafed us the Light of his Goſpel, and to be careful to live according to it, then ſcrupulouſly to enquire after the preciſe time, when the Britons Received the Chriſtian Faith. But if Enquiry ſhould be made, (which in our preſent Caſe may not only be allowable but uſeful) I am prone to think it would appear, That the Brittiſh Churches were ſo far from being the Slave, that they were the Elder Siſter of the Church of Rome; And if neither the Gift of Chriſt, nor the Canons of the Ancient Church have dealt her any hard Meaſure in this Matter, certainly the Prerogative of her Birth-right ought to inveſt Her with ſome Honour and Priviledge, at leaſt to Shield Her from Truckling too much to the Power and Petulance of her younger Siſter: And the rather becauſe ſhe hath not been unfruitful, as having brought forth the firſt Chriſtian King, furniſhed the World with the firſt Chriſtian Emperour, afforded the firſt (call her as you pleaſe) Chriſtian Queen or Empreſs, and of all Others firſt ſo Received the Faith, that it was the publick, Allowed and Authorized Religion of the place, in which Reſpect ſhe hath ſometimes been Honoured with the Title of Primogenita Eccleſia; But to paſs by theſe Honourary Titles, it is generally Agreed, That the Britons, as in ſeveral other Matters, ſo eſpecially in the Obſervation of the Feaſt of Eaſter, did differ from the Romans: And to find out the true Reaſon of this, I think the beſt Way will be to look ſtill higher, even to the firſt times of Chriſtianity. Our bleſſed Saviour was ſo far from ſeparating from the Jewiſh Church, that he made them his particular Care and Charge, and ſeems to have ſo deſigned all his Labours for their Conviction and Reformation, that all Nations might have been Aggregated to them in his Name; And therefore he was generally ſhy towards Others, and being Urged with Arguments in favour of the Woman of Canaan, plainly Anſwers, (Matth. 15. 24.) I am not ſent, but unto the loſt Sheep of the Houſe of Iſrael. This Honour towards the Jewiſh Church, (the only Church of God then on Earth) and Care that it might not be loſt, bat rather that the Wall of Separation being broken down, all Others might be let in to Her, continued with the Apoſtles and Diſciples of Chriſt, after his Death and Reſurrection, for they remained ſtill at Jeruſalem, preaching to the Jews. And when the Cruelty of Herod, and Malice of the Jews followed them ſo cloſe, that they were many of them forced to Fly out of Jeruſalem to ſave their Lives, yet their kindneſs to the Jews, and Hopes of their Converſion ſtill ſtuck cloſe to them, in ſo much that thoſe, who were ſcattered upon the Perſecution of Stephen, and went as far as Phenice, Cyprus and Antioch, Preached the Word to none but the Jews only, (Acts 11. 19.) And there was need of no leſs then a Miracle to perſwade Peter to go and inſtruct Cornelius a Gentile in the Way of Truth, (Acts 10.) and though he did go upon ſuch unanſwerable Motives, yet he was called to an Account for it: The going in unto Men Uncircumciſed was thought a Crime not to be ſuffered, unleſs extraordinary Reaſon could be given for it. And perhaps this Tenderneſs towards the Jews might be no ſmall cauſe of Peters Judaizing at Antioch. Now whileſt the Diſciples did Adhere ſo cloſe to the Jews, it is not only Reaſonable to ſuppoſe, that they Uſed their Cuſtomes and Rites; But we have Scripture Teſtimony of ſome Inſtances, wherein they did ſo, as in the matter of the Sabbath, (though they kept alſo the Lords Day) and Circumciſion, and ſome other things. And therefore it is likely, that they did obſerve with them their other • aſts and Feaſts, eſpecially that which was Accounted the Principal, the Paſſeover. For as they look'd upon theſe things as in their own Natures, to be matters then indifferent, ſo tbey did hope to draw off the Jews by degrees, and to let the Law of Moſes go off Honourably rather by Diſuſe then Contempt. And this Practice continued for ſome time after the Converſion of divers of the Gentiles by the Diſciples, who were diſperſed by the Perſecution at Jeruſalem. And therefore I take that Plea of Polycrates for his different Obſervation of Eaſter from Victor Biſhop of Rome, to be a Teſtimony of the very early Converſion of thoſe Aſiatick Churches, and that they were of the Firſt fruits of Chriſtianity. But after that God, by beſtowing the Holy Ghoſt on the Gentiles, and other clear Signes and Indications of his Will, had Convinced all the Apoſtles and Miniſters of the Word, that it was not only lawful, but their Duty to make known the Words of Eternal Life unto the Gentiles, and the Gentiles upon their Preaching in all places did plentifully Flock into the Church, then in thoſe Gentile Churches Chriſtian Liberty began in a greater Meaſure to be Maintained againſt the Moſaical Rites. And now Paul, who Circumciſed Timothy, refuſed to Circumciſe Titus; yea, even the Council at Jeruſalem disburthen of all thoſe Matters except ſome few things, which the Neceſſity of the Times would not permit them to take off, unleſs they ſhould have utterly diſobliged the Jews, of whom they had ſome Hopes. And about this time it is probable began the ſtrict Obſervation of the Lords Day, with the Neglect of the Sabbath; And the Celebrating the Reſurrection, not on the preciſe time of the Jewiſh Paſſeover, but on the firſt day of the Week, (Called the Lords Day, from his Reſurrection on that day) next following the Fourteenth of the Moon. And yet though this was Allowed in the Gentiles, yet in Communion with the Chriſtian Jews, a greater Regard was had to the L • w; And therefore when that great Aſſertor of the Gentiles Liberty St. Paul, came up to Jeruſalem, though the Diſciples Approved what he had done, yet they Adviſe Him to go purifie himſelf in the Temple, and do ſuch other Matters, that he might Appear according to the Opinion of the Jews, to Walk orderly and keep the Law, (Acts 21) But when neither Pains, Patience nor Arguments could prevail, but the Jews became more obſtinate then • ver in Adhering to the Moſaical Rites, and obtruded them upon all Others, with the Opinion of ſuch abſolute Neceſſity that they became a Scand • l to the Goſpel, and m • de the Death of Chriſt in vain, and upon this Account were the Impl • cable • nemies of the Chriſtians in all Places; Then to Vindicate the Goſpel the Chr • ſtians were under a Neceſſity to depart from them; And thoſe, who before Complyed all that could be with them▪ now leſt they ſhould ſeem to Countenance the Opi • ion, That Salvation was by the Law of Moſes, not by the Faith of Chriſt Jeſus, Fled as far as they could from them, and wou • d not joyn with them in, or Practiſe any of the Rit • s peculiar to the Law of Moſes; for the Matter was now come to that paſs, that they could not do it without betraying the Chriſtian Religion; ſo that now ceaſed the Obligation to theſe Matters, which the Council at Jeruſalem had formerly impoſed in favour of the Jews, and Hopes to Win them. And hence it is probable, many Churches took Occaſion to turn the Great Feſtival of the Jews the Sabbath into a Fa • t. And for this Reaſon amongſt Others, viz. That they might not Ground their Feſtival from any Jewiſh Rite, or becauſe they thought the Account not exact, they declined the Fourteenth of the Moon, and began that Feaſt on the Lords Day, reckoning from the Fifteenth to the One and Twentieth of the Moon. Now not to Run over the Stories of Simon Zelotes, Joſeph of Arimathea, and Others, who are Celebrated for the firſt Planters of the Chriſtian Religion in theſe Iſles: From theſe Premiſſes it is not irrational to Conclude, that the Britiſh Churches, obſerving the Feaſt of Eaſter after the Uſage which obtained before the Separation from the Jews, and the Roman Church more exactly as was deviſed afterwards, the Goſpel in all probability muſt have been Preached and Received in Brittain, ſome time before any Conſiderable Church was Gathered at Rome; And being this Uſage continued for ſeveral Hundreds of Years, though the Biſhops of Rome were ſo far from ſuffering it in, that they would ſcarce ſuffer it out of their Juriſdiction, it will follow, that theſe Churches were neither of Roman Converſion, nor Roman Juriſdiction.

IX. This Matter will be much clearer, if we now deſcend to Conſider the Debates, Behaviour and Actions of the Brittiſh Biſhops towards Auguſtine the Monk, who was ſent hither by Pope Gregory for the Converſion of the Saxons. But firſt to prevent miſtakes I muſt tell you, that I have no deſign either to Vindicate the Brittiſh Biſhops in the Obſervation of Eaſter, or to condemn the Roman; It Matters not to Me who was right or wrong; but it is the Difference and the Grounds whereon it was Maintained, which ſerves my Ends. The Britons were not Quartodecimani, as ſome have ſuppoſed; for thoſe kept the Feaſt on the Fourteenth of the Moon, on what day of the Week ſoever it fell; but the Britons expected the Lords Day. But I ſuppoſe none now will Conteſt it, but that the Romans were moſt exact and right in their Obſervation; but then that aroſe from this Nicety, That the Law of Moſes Commands the Paſchal Lamb to be ſlain in the Evening of the Fourteenth day of the firſt Month: Now according to the Jewiſh Account, who Reckoned the foregoing Night to the following day, that muſt be on the Beginning of the Fifteenth day: But the Britons, who Reckoned not from Sunſet, but from Sun-riſe, and ſo on the contrary joyned the following Night to the foregoing day, could not ſee this, but muſt of courſe take the Evening following the Fourteenth Day, to be part of the Fourteenth Day. And therefore their Practice being ſuitable to their Common Conceptions; And having obtained amongſt them from their firſt Entrance into Chriſtianity, it was unreaſonable that thoſe, who had no Juriſdiction over them, ſhould impoſe an Alteration upon them, and ſtill worſe to raiſe irreconcileable fewds, and make Diviſions in Gods Church for ſuch a matter; As if a Man could not be a good Chriſtian, without being an exact Aſtronomer, and Critically cunning in the Cuſtomes of other Nations.

X. But to Return to our Matter. Mauritius, according to Beda, (Eccl. Hiſt. lib. 1. cap. 23.) came to the Empire in the Year 582; In the Tenth Year of his Reign Gregory came to the Popedom; And he in the Fourteenth Year of the ſame Emperours Reign ſends Auguſtine to the Saxons, ſo that A • guſtines firſt Miſſion was about the Year 596, But though he and his Companions ſeem • d to ſet forth with great Chearfulneſs and Reſolution, yet whether from the dread of a Warlike and barbarous People, or from an Apprehenſion of their inability for the Work, as not underſtanding the Language, or what other Cauſe I know not; After mature deliberation in Council they fairly tack about, and Sail back again. This much troubled the good Pope, who by all Circumſtances ſeems to have Set his Heart on this Work; And he had the greater Reaſon for it, becauſe it was already half done to his Hands; And therefore he gently Reproves theſe faint-hearted Souldiers, but takes greater pains to encourage them; And that they might want nothing to Fit them for the Work, he Sends and Recommends them to Etherius Archbiſhop of A • les, who furniſheth them with Interpreters de Gente Francorum, (Bed. Eccl. Hiſt. lib. 1. cap. 24. & 25.) And now away they go for good, and Land in the Iſle of Thanet, and perhaps there was no great difficulty in Converting King Ethelbert, for it was now about 150 Years ſince the Coming in of the Saxons; And though their Quarrel was with the Britons, yet they could not in all that time but underſtand ſomewhat of the Chriſtian Religion from them. Beſides, Ethelberts Queen was a Chriſtian, and de Gente Francorum Regiâ (as Beda phraſeth it); And it was Conditioned at her Marriage, That She ſhould have the free Uſe of her Religion; And the Condition was duely kept; for whereas the King had his Court in Canterbury, the Queen had for her Uſe the then Ancient Church of St. Martin ſtanding at the Towns-End, and her Biſhop Lindha • dus, who Officiated; And any Body will ſuppoſe, That both She and her Biſhop would do all they could to Influence and perſwade the King: Furth • r, Beda (Eccl. Hiſt. lib. 1. cap. 25.) ſaith expreſsly, though ſomewhat mincingly, That Antea fama ad eum Chriſtianae Religionis pervenerat. And Gregory the Great in one of his Letters ſaith, They were deſirous of it. And whoſoever ſhall duely Conſider the whole Behaviour of King Ethelbert, will find in him no Averſion to the Chriſtian Religion, but that like a wiſe Prince he only took care ſo to manage the Matter, that he might Receive it with the Satisfaction of his Subjects, and draw them to it after him. Well, in a ſhort time the King is Converted, and A • guſtine becomes his Favourite: And yet before this, with the true Induſtry of a Monck, he Lends the Honeſt Biſhop Linhardus a Lift, who had prepared Matters for him, and by the Kings Favour gets Poſſeſſion of St. Martins Church. And here I know not well how to excuſe Beda from Partiality. For he ſaith as little as could be be • ore, but henceforward not a word of the endeavors of the Queen or her Biſhop, nor a tittle of all the labor and pains of the French Intetpreters, without whom this our Engliſh Apoſtle could have done nothing; But Auguſtine, like a true Son of the Roman Church, goes away both with all the Honour and all the profit. And now being grown too great for a Monck, he makes a Journey to Arles, and by the Arch-biſhop of that place, at the Motion of Pope Gregory, is Ordained no leſs then Archiepiſcopus Genti Anglorum, (Bed. Eccl. Hiſt. lib. 1. cap. 27.) a pretty Fetch before New Converts underſtood themſelves, to ſecure the whole Authority of the Nation to a Roman Miſſionary, and conſequently to the Pope, whoever ſhould be afterwards at the pains to convert them. However, after his Return he ſeems to have Laboured in the buſineſs, and after the Death of Pope Gregory, which Beda (Eccl. Hiſt. lsb. 2. cap, 1.) Refers to the Year 605, he obtains a Conference with the Brittiſh Biſhops, with a deſign to get their Aſſiſtance in converting the Saxons, and withal to Advance Himſelf by drawing them under his Juriſdiction; But whether in Hatred to the Saxons, their Mortal and indeed unjuſt Enemies, or through offence at Auguſtines pride and taking too much upon him, or in love to their old Cuſtomes, which Auguſtine unſeaſonably would not allow, the main Buſineſs miſcarried, and then firſt Aroſe the Paſchal Controverſie in Britain, ſo that at firſt daſh here Ariſeth a Preſcription of about 600 Yeares for the Britiſh Uſage.

XI. The Grounds whereon the Britons proceeded ſeem to be Chiefely theſe, That they would not give up their Ancient Liberties and Cuſtomes, nor depart from the Canons of the Church. And here Beda ſhews himſelf little favourable to their Affaires, as at other times he appears very ignorant in them; for though he ſtudiouſly Conceals Auguſtines Ambition, yet the Britons Anſwers plainly diſcover it. For their firſt Anſwer is this, Non ſe poſſe abſque ſuorum conſenſ • ac Licentiâ Priſcis abdicare Moribus. And in the ſecond Meeting or Synod their Anſwer is plainly this, That they will not Receive Him for their Arch-biſhop, (Bed. Ecc. Hiſt. lib. 2. cap. 2.) But the Anſwer of the Abbot of Bangor ſhews the Reaſon, why they neither could, nor ought to do it; and is ſo pat to the purpoſe, that I ſhall ſet it down as Sir Henry Spelman hath Tranſlated it from the Brittiſh, (Co. pag. 108.) Be it known, and without doubt unto you, That we all are, and every one of us Obedient and Subjects to the Church of God, and to the Pope of Rome, and to every godly Chriſtian, and to love every One in his degree, in perfect Charity, and to keep every One of them, by word and d • ed to be the Children of God; And other Obedience than this I do not know due, 〈◊〉 Him whom you Name to be Pope, nor to be the Father of Fathers to be Claimed and to be Demanded; And this Obedience we are ready to give and to pay to him, and to every Chriſtian continually. Beſides, we are under the Government of the Biſhop of Kaerleon upon Uske, who is to Overſee, under God, over us, to Cauſe us to keep the Way Spiritual. This Anſwer throughout ſavours the temper of the moſt early Primitive times, and ſhews, That the Afflictions of the Britons had kept their Churches from that Corruption and ſecular Pride, which had then too much invaded Others; And from it I will only obſerve three things. Firſt, That with a tender Care to expreſs their Communion with the Catholick Church, and their duty to all Chriſtians, they own no other Obedience to the Biſhop of Rome, then as Chriſtians they owe to any other Foreign Biſhops and their Churches; And ſo the Biſhop of Rome owed as much to Them as they to Him. Secondly, That the Authority which Auguſtine demanded, and the Power of any Foreign Biſhop to place him over them, was a thing utterly unknown and unheard of to them; ſo little were they Acquainted with the Patriarchate, which is now ſo Confidently Aſſerted. Thirdly, that they were ſo ſubject to the Arch-biſhop of Caerleon, That they did not think him ſubject to the Juriſdiction of any other particular Biſhop whatſoever, but that he was over them next under God. And accordingly we never hear of any Appeals from him to any Superiour See; But if any thing concerned them in Common, or was too weighty for him, it was Tranſacted Synodically. And it is Obſerveable, That though the Brittiſh Biſhops and Clergy Flockt to this Synod with their main ſtrength, yet the Arch-biſhop of Caerleon abſented himſelf, in all likelihood either in indignation at Auguſtines Claim, or leſt his Appearance ſhould ſeem any ways in the l • aſt to Countenance that Superiority, which he Challenged over him. The Effects of this Synod were very unhappy, for the Britons went away ſo Enraged at Auguſtines Pride and Pretences, that they would not Afford the leaſt Aſſiſtance towards the Converſion of the Saxons; Nay, when they were Converted, it is Apparent, That they looked on them as Schiſmaticks, or worſe, and would have no Communion with them: And in this untoward Humour they perſiſted, even when the Saxon Kings had •• ought the Brittiſh Kings under ſome kind of Subjection. This is evident from Beda, (Ecc. Hiſt. lib. 2. cap. 20.) who telling us, how Carduella King of the Britons Rebelled againſt Edwin then principal King of the Saxons, and by the Help of Peuda King of the Mercians, ſlew both Him and his only Son, and utterly Routed his whole Army; after he had beſtowed ſome ill words on them both for their pains, he has this Remarkable Paſſage concerning • arduella and the Britons, Sed nec Religioni Chriſtianae, quae apud eos exorta erat, • liquid impendebat Honoris: quippe cùm uſque hodie Moris ſit Britonum, Fidem Religionémque Anglorum pro nihilo habere, neque in aliquo eis magis Communicare, quàm P • ganis. So that hence it is plain, That they continued the ſame not only after Auguſtines time, but even to Beda's. But to Return again to Auguſtine, he being every way defeated of his purpoſe, meditates Revenge, and incenſeth Ethelbert ſo highly, That he ſtirs up Edilfrid King of the Northumbrians, and they together made that lamentable Slaughter of the Mon • ks of Bangor, which Beda, and after him the Romaniſts, as one Man Account as a Signal Judgement of God upon their Obſtinacy; But Others ſay, it was a Contrivance, and that God more Signally Vindicated their Innocence; For three Britiſh Princes with their Mirmidons met them both, whileſt they were Reeking hot with the Blood of theſe Innocents, and killed above ten Thouſand of their Men, ſore Wounded Edilfrid, and warmly purſued Ethelbert, by which means their ſinking Spirits were Recruited, their Wrongs in ſome Meaſure Revenged, and their Borders enlarged as far as the Humber, (Spel. Co. pag. 111. & ſeq▪)

XII. Hitherto the Britons preſerved their Eccl • ſiaſtical Liberties entire, though they had loſt the beſt part of their Count • ey; And neither Auguſtine's Reaſons, nor Ethelbert's Armies, could prevail with them to give up thoſe juſt Rights, which they had been ſo long poſſeſſed of. But when Auguſtine died, Laurentius ſucceeds him, a Man both pious and prudent, and of a much ſweeter temper then his Predeceſſor: And he in Zeal for the Propagation of the Faith Attempts to perſwade not only the Britons but the Iriſh to joyn with him in the Work, only he ſeems very deſirous, that they would all unite in obſerving Eaſter at the ſame time; But as for the Britons, they were ſo far from any Accommodation, that they would not Allow of any Communion with him: Nor was his ſucceſs at preſent much better with the Iriſh, for though he Hoped to find them otherwiſe, yet he was deceived, and upon Diſcovery it is Acknowledged with ſome Grief. Scottos (i. e. the Iriſh, for Beda's Scotti are Iriſh) nihil diſcrepare à Britonibus in eorum Converſatione, (Bed. Ecc. Hiſt. lib. 2. cap. 4) and the Behaviour of Digamus an Iriſh Biſhop did not a little trouble him, of whom he has this Complaint, Ad nos veniens, non ſolum cibum Nobiſcum, ſed nec in eodent hoſpitio quo veſcebamur, ſumere voluit, (id. ib.) ſo that it ſeems the Roman Biſhops would have been content to have Communicated with the Brittiſh and Iriſh Biſhops, and allowed them Orthodox; but the other would not own them to be ſo.

XIII. By the Way give me leave to obſerve, That the Britons, Scots and Iriſh all unanimouſly Agreed in the ſame Religious Rites. As to the Iriſh and Britons, it appears from what hath been ſaid already, and will be more evident from what ſhall follow. As for that part of the Iſland now called Scotland, it was then inhabited, partly by the Scotti, who Flockt thither out of Ireland, and from whom it afterwards took its Name; And partly by the Britons under the Name of Picts: For he that Conſiders Mr. Cambdens Reaſons to prove them Britons, will never be at the pains to fetch them ſo far as Scithia, (Brit. tit. Picti) And when Beda tells us of Columbanus an Iriſb Abbot going to Convert the Picts, he Confeſſes, That the Southern Picts had been Chriſtians long before; and ſo might the Northern too: though it is probable, that living in thoſe wilde Countreys, and continually Exerciſed in Wars and Rapine, they might be ſo far degenerated, that the Recovering them to the true ſenſe and ſtate of Chriſtianity, might not unfitly be called a Converſion. Now as Columbanus was an Iriſh Man, ſo Nynias, who long before Converted the Southern Picts, was a Briton, And therefore doubtleſs both Taught the ſame Rites, wherein both People Agreed. But perhaps much ſtreſs is not to be laid on the Story, ſo far as it Relates to Nynias; For Beda tells that part of it with an ut perhibetur, nor was he well skilled in the Ancient Brittiſh Affairs; And I am apt to think, That for the Honour of the Roman Way, which Beda upon all Occaſions promotes, he patch'd that Piece to his Heard ſay Tale, That Nynias was Romae regulariter Fidem & Myſteria Veritatis edoctus; for the Britons at that time had little or no Converſe w • th the Roman Chriſtians, though they ever kept a kind Correſpondence and Friendly Communion with the French. Nor can I find one clear inſtance, that any part of the Britiſh, Scotch or Iriſh Churches, t • ll after Auguſtines time, differed in their Religious Rites, eſpecially as to the Ob • e • vation of Eaſter. Nay, it will appear Anon, that the Roman Party themſelves, yielded them to be Unanimous in this thing. Yea, Beda expreſsly Affirms, That Omnis Natio Pictorum, &c. The whole Nation of the Picts obſerve Eaſter the ſame Way. (Ecc. Hiſt. lib. 3. cap. 3.) And for the other it is out of Queſtion.

XIV. But to Return to Laurentius; He was not only fruſtrated in his pious Defign by the Britons and Iriſh, but fell ſoon after into a great deal of trouble; For after the Death of Ethelbert Religion went backward amongſt the Saxont, the Pagan Worſhip and Wickedneſs got Ground daily, and a dreadful Storm ſeemed to grow up apace, and Hang over the Heads of the Chriſtians, in ſo much that Mellitus and Juſtus the Biſhops of London and Rocheſter, diſcouraged with their ill ſucceſs, and finding themſelves not ſafe, Retire into France, and Laurentius was once Reſolv'd to follow them. But it pleaſed God to be more merciful to theſe People, and propitious to his Endeavours; For he ſeems to have been a Man truly pious, and to have diſcharged all the Parts of a good Chriſtian Biſhop. And having happily Reclaimed King Eadbald, the Son and Succeſſor of Ethelbert, he recals Mellitus and Juſtus. And now it is very Reaſonable to ſuppoſe, That he Reſolved to lay aſide theſe Punctillo's and little Differences, and perſwaded Mellitus and Juſtus, who both in their Turns ſucceeded him, to do the ſame; that they might be more ſerviceable to the main Chriſtian Cauſe, and the Propagation of the Goſpel; For though the Britons could by no means be Wrought on, as either being Jealous of the Roman Clergy, or Exaſperated by the Injuries which they had and daily did Receive from the Saxons; yet the Iriſh and Scotch, who had not the like Quarrel as to their Territories, in a ſhort time fall to Labour in the Harveſt, and that very ſucceſsfully. But it ſhould ſeem, that they firſt Agreed to enjoy their own Liberties and Rites▪ For thoſe who were Converted by them of the Roman Way, kept Eaſter as the Romans did, and obſerved their Rites; And thoſe who were Converted by the Iriſh or Scots, followed the Iriſh Cuſtomes, which were the ſame with the Britons, and yet both Communicated with each other, and joyntly promoted the Common Cauſe: And this with ſome little Diſputes, which will always Happen in ſuch Caſes, continued without any breach of Communion, for a very Conſiderable time. Aidan a Scotchman, the firſt Biſhop of the Northumbrians, preached the Goſpel ſo powerfully, and lived ſo Exemplarily, That the Romaniſts themſelves had him in no mean Veneration; Nor doth Beda (except in the Matter of the Paſchal Solemnity, in which he forgives no Man) afford any Man a fairer or ſweeter Character throughout his whole Hiſtory. After ſeventeen Years toyl God ſends him a Writ of Eaſe, and he is Succeeded by his Countreyman Einan, who lived in the S • e ten Years; All this time both Romiſh and Britiſb Rites were promiſcuouſly uſed, according as every Man was inſtructed by him, who Converted him, and yet both Parties lived in great Charity and Chriſtian Communion. And thus it held till the third year of Coleman, Finans Succeſſor, which was in the Year of our Lord 664. (Bed. Ecc. Hiſt. lib. 3. cap. 26.) And then that turbulent Fellow Wilfrid ſet it on Foot again, and violently puſh'd on ſo far, that a Synod or Conference was had about it, where the King, the Prince. ſeveral Biſhops, and many of the Clergy appear. Now Wil • rid had ſubtilely nickt his time; for the King was wavering, the Queen and Prince ſure on his ſide, and Agilbertus Biſhop of the Weſt-Saxons, a ſtiff Aſſertor of the Roman Way, was then occaſionally come to that Court▪ The King opens the Conference, and deſires his Biſhop Coleman firſt to relate upon what Grounds he Relied; The Summe of whoſe Anſwer is this, That he had Received the Tradition • rom his Forefathers, who had all unanimouſly obſerved it; That herein they followed St. John the beloved Diſciple of our Saviour, and the Churches which he Governed; And that they had alſo on their ſide the Authority of Anatolius. Now conſidering how Euſebius relates Matters to have been long before Adjuſted by Polycarp and Anic • tas, (viz. That Charity and Chriſtian Communion being preſerved, each might follow the Ancient Cuſtomes of thoſe whom they ſucceeded) Any one would think this ſo fair a Plea, that it might deſerve both a Civil and Satisfactory Anſwer. Yet Wilfrid, then but newly made a Prieſt, with a Roman Modeſty puts the Fool upon the Good Biſhop Coleman and his whole Party. His Anſwer is Related by Beda with all Advantage, in which ſome things are true, ſome falſe. But it is Obſerveable, That he never tells them of any Miſſionaries from Rome, either to the Britons, Iriſb, Scots or Picts; He never tells them, that they had received the Faith by means of the Roman Church; He never Charges them ſo much as with Ingratitude, or to have fallen from what they had received; Nay, he doth not deny ſuch a Tradition amongſt them, but impugnes it as a too early Tradition, as more Ancient then he pretended to, or ought to be followed; And that they were ignorant of what was eſtabliſhed in the Church after the Separation from the Jews; And herein lies the main ſtrength of his Plea. But of all things inſiſted on by W • lfrid, nothing was ſo luckily urged, as that St. Peter had the Keyes of the Kingdom of Heaven. For the King, in no ſmall fear that he might be lock'd out if he diſpleaſed the Porter, preſently gives the matter on Wilfrids ſide. But all this nothing moved Coleman, who choſe rather to abandon his Biſhoprick, then forſake his Ancient Cuſtomes, and ſeem to betray the Rights of thoſe Churches and Biſhops, who had Ordained and ſent him thither; And accordingly he Retires into his own Countrey, with many others, who were of the ſame Perſuaſion: And no doubt but Wilfrid and the Romaniſts were well pleaſed, that they had all to themſelves.

XV. Theſe Conſiderations amongſt Others, do with Me not a little ſhake the Credit of thoſe Stories, that tell us how Phaganus and Deruvianus, (or by wh • t other Names they are Called, for they have not leſs then Twenty between them) were ſent by Pope Eleutherius to King Lucius, Palladius and St. Patrick by Celeſtine to the Iriſb; or of any other Perſons pretended to be ſent before Auguſtines time. I do not deny, but that there were ſuch Perſons, who were famous in their Generation, and did eminent Service in the Church of God; But the Aſſertions of all our Moncks, and as many more, will not half perſwade Me, that theſe Men were Roman Miſſionaries; For who can believe, That theſe Men ſhould come with Inſtructions from Rome, and yet every one of them ſhould Agree to Eſtabliſh ſuch Rites, as were not only different from the Church of Rome, but ſuch as the Biſhops of Rome were particular Enemies to? If any Man ſay, that theſe Rites in oppoſition to each other, had not clearly obtained, even in Rome it ſelf ſo early, ſo far as Relates to Eaſter, that early Conteſt between Polycarp and Anicetus confutes it. But if it be ſaid, that though ſuch Uſages were ſetled at Rome, yet they were not averſe, but that Others might be Taught and Practiſed in other Countreys, then that buſtle which Victor made over all the Chriſtian World will not ſuffer us to believe this. But that thoſe very Men, who were ſent by the Popes to Convert the Britons, ſhould Eſtabliſh thoſe Rites and Uſages, which they knew he would never endure, is ſuch a Riddle, as wants a better Oedipus then Me to u • fold it; And it is ſomewhat ſtrange, that in all the Conteſts between Auguſtine and his Followers, with the Britons and Iriſh, not one of theſe Men ſhould be Objected to the Brittiſh, Iriſh or Sc • ts, that they ſhould never be Check'd with Ingratitude to his Holineſs; that it ſhould never be ſaid that they had been taught otherwiſe, and were fallen from their firſt Principles and Converters. It is very Rare, that the Romaniſts forget themſelves ſo much, or are meal-Mouth'd in ſuch Caſes. And therefore it is not unlikely, that the Pope, in proceſs of time becoming the bold Man, who Challenged the Command over all, the Moncks of after-times, oweing their Privileges and unjuſt Ex • mptions from their Biſhops to him, in Requital made him that buſie active Man, who had ever done all; And therefore when they heard or read of any People Converted by any Perſon, imagining that he muſt have Authority from the • oman See, they without ſcruple plainly Aſſerted, that he was ſent thence; And their Fictions muſt now paſs for Hiſtorical Teſtimonies. And then as to the Perſons pretended to be ſent, Deruvianus, though Trim'd for Sound ſake, and ſet off with a Latine Termination, carries the plain Marks of a Brittiſb Name, and ſome write him Dwywan, which the Criticks may, if they can, make Latin at their leiſure; If it were lawful to Gueſs in this Caſe, I ſhould think his Name was Durwan. The like might be ſaid concerning Phaganus, but I paſs it by But then after the Conver • ion of Lucius, how theſe Men ſhould ſo readily find their way in Inſulam Avalloniae, (Glaſſenbury) where had been a Retreat for the Religious ever ſince the Goſpel had been Preached in this Iſle, is ſomewhat ſtrange; Perhaps, it was by Miracle, but it ſeems more probable, that upon Encouragement they came forth, or were ſent from their Monaſtery, and having Accompliſhed their Work, either for Reaſons to us unknown, or as a thing uſual in thoſe times, retired thither again. As for Palladius, from whence ſoever he came, it is cert • in he died too ſoon to effect any thing Conſiderable. And for St Patrick though there is no ſma • l ſtriving for him, yet the beſt Reaſons Conclu • e him a B • iton; And though ſome ſell him to the Iriſh, ſome to the Britons, yet it is moſt likely that he was Convey • d away young to the Iriſh, like Joſeph into Egypt, where in his Aſſliction learning their Language, he was the better Fitted for that great Work, for which God had deſigned him. Theſe Men all left the Brittiſh Rites in • orce, and made furth • r Emprovements upon the Stock of Chriſtianity, formerly pl • nted in this Iſland, which things, (conſidering alſo, that they all along Claimed to derive from St John) a • e a ſtrong Evidence, That this Illand was both of Early and Eaſtern Converſion. And perhaps that may be ſome Reaſon, that there are ſo many Gr •• k words in the Brittiſh Tongue, and in the ſame Signification in both Languages, i • being very likely that they might receive them from thoſe who firſt Conve • t • d Them to Chriſtianity.

XVI. This Digreſſion will not eaſily be pardoned by ſome: And yo • I ſhall Adventure to follow it with another: for it were manifeſt Injuſtice to the Gallican Churches, to paſs by that Chriſtian Prudence and Moderation, which they ſteadily uſed during all their Heats and Controverſies, between the Romaniſts on the one part, and the Britons, Scots and Iriſb on the other; For, as if Irenaeus had left a double Portion of his Spirit among them, they did not think themſelves bound to break Communion with any for theſe Matters, but did all they co • ld to promote the Common Cauſe; Thoſe of th • Roman Way were frequently Ordained by them, and indeed without their Help and Aſſiſtance at every Tu • n, they ſeem to have been able to do little or nothing in the Converſion of the Saxons, and yet at the ſame time they ſhew the ſame kindneſs both to the Britons and Iriſb, Friendly receiving their Biſhop • , Communicating with them, and if Occaſion required readily Ordaining for them. But between the Gallican and B • ittiſh • hurches, there ſeem • to have been a more inward kindneſs, and more cloſe Communion then ordinary; And they ſeem to have dep • nded more upon the mutual Succours of each other, then any other • hu •• h • s. Hence we find the Briton • Aſſiſ • ing in the Gallican Councils; And wh •• • he Pelagian Hereſie grew too ſtrong for them in Britain, they preſently h • v • Recourſe • o the Gallican Churches, and receive Succours thence, A Gallicanis A ••• ſtitibus a • xilium Belli ſpiritalis inquirant, ſaith Beda, (Ecc. Hiſt. lib. 1. cap. 17.) And whereas Pope Gregory, in his Letter to Queen Brunechild, ſeems covertly to upbraid both French and Britons for no • preaching the Goſpel to the Saxons, Who (he ſaith) were deſirous to receive it; (ſo that Auguſtine had no ſuch hard Work of it,) I know not what better Reaſon can be gi • en for the Slackneſs of the French in this Caſe, (who were then a Flouriſhing Church, and well ſtored with Men of Learning, Piety and Zeal) then their Reſentment of that barbarous Uſage, which their Old Friends the Britons had received from the Saxons. I wi • l not Heap up more Inſt • n • es in this matter; but that which will make it no impertinent • igreſſion is this, That the Britons were ſo inveterate againſt all Pretences of Roman Authorit • , that they would not ſo much as communicate with them; a • d yet at the ſame time the Gallican Churches held Communion with the Br • t • ns as Orthodox; Now had the Roman Patriarchate then either by Council 〈◊〉 Cuſtom • xtended over theſe Iſles, the Gallican Biſhops for this conſtant Practice w • ul • have been Condemned as Schiſmaticks, or at leaſt as Schiſmaticis ſav • nte & adhaerentes. B • t no ſuch m • tter was ever Attempted, and however 〈◊〉 Sto • ies have ſince involved things in da • kneſs, yet it ſeems t • e Matter was then too pl • in to be denied; Nor was the Biſhop of Rome then got to that Height, as to deal with all Churches as he Liſted; ſo that here we have the Teſtimony of a Neighbor Church, (who were then well Acquainted with the Britiſh Aff • i • s, and none of the meaneſt Churches in the Chriſtian World) for the Liberties of the Britiſb Churches for betwixt Six and Seven Hundred Yeares.

XVII. But now to return where I left off. The Conteſt with Wilfrid ſeems to have produced a Separation, and both Parties continued Reſolutely in their own way, even unto Beda's days, who Flouriſhed in the Eighth Century. 'Tis true, they got ſome little Ground on the Iriſh and Scots, but that very ſlowly, and not without great difficulty, as may appear from Beda's Narrative oſ the Travel and pains of Adamnanus, (Ecc. Hiſt. lib. cap. 16.) But as for the Britons, though oppreſſed on all Hands with their Enemies, they not only Aſſerted, but Enjoyed their Eccleſiaſtical Liberties, and by Beda's own Confeſſion even in his time, would no more Communicate with the Saxons then with Pagans. This Preſcription is ſufficient to ſecure the Right of their Liberties from the Popes pretence as Patriarch, as I ſhall preſently make appear; But yet they lived in poſſeſſion of theſe Liberties ſeveral Generations after, as may Appear from that known Teſtimony of Giraldus Cambrenſis, Epiſcopi Walliae à Menevenſi Antiſtite ſunt Conſecrati, & ipſe ſimiliter ab aliis tanquam Suffragan • is eſt Conſtitutus, nullâ penitus alii Eccleſiae factâ Profeſſione vel S • bjectione, i. e. The Biſhops of Wales are Conſecrated by the Biſhop of Menevia, (al St. Davids, the prime See) and he likewiſe is Conſtituted by the other Biſhops his Suffragans, without any manner of Account Given, or Subjection made to any other Church. And here by the way take Notice, That the Britons kept cloſe to the true and moſt early Antiquity, in paying a juſt deference to him, who was Epiſcopus primae Sedis, without uſing the Names of Metripolitan or Arch-biſhop, which were termes of later date.

XVIII. I was never an Admirer of Perſonal Quarrels, and therefore was never fond of heing engaged againſt particular Perſons; But that Arch-Traytor to his Countrey F. Parſons hath made ſuch a Blunder and Buſtle in this Matter, that it may ſeem needful to return a particular Anſwer to ſome things alledged by him; If ſcurrilous Language and Impudence be neceſſary Properties in an accurate Lyar, ſcarce any Man was ever better Accompliſhed: Only one Qualiſication he wanted, without which all the Learned have thought a Man can never dextrouſly Manage that Trade; for either he had a very frail Memory, or elſe thought all other Men to be very ſhort-Sighted, and would ſwallow down all his Aſſertions without any Examination. If a Conjecture of any Proteſtant fall in his Way, whether of any moment or not, he Teazeth it with all his might and cunning, and yet the greateſt part of his Proofs are meerly Conjectural, and often very • roundleſs. He is highly Offended with Sir Francis Haſtsngs, for ſaying, That the firſt Teachers of Chriſtian Faith in Britain, were rather Grecians, and of the Eaſt Church in Aſi • , then of the Weſt Roman Church. And for this he peremptorily ſays, That there is no Author at all, (3 Conver. cap 1. ſec. 4.) I will not inſiſt on it, that they were Grecians, they might be of the Jewiſb Nation; But with F. Parſons good leave, even the Romans themſelves owe their Converſion to the Eaſterlings, either Jews or Grecians, for they were b • fore them in Chriſtianity; And conſidering the early Converſion of the Britons, it could come from none other, unleſs Travelling thorough the Weſtern Parts of the World, made them of the Weſtern Church and no other. And if he were living, I would deſire him to tell me, what Countreymen Ssmon Zelotes and Joſeph of Arimathea were, whom he himſelf makes great Inſtruments of our Converſion. Beſides, the Feaſt of Eaſter was then Celebrated uncertainly, and the Controverſie not riſen, and not determined till long after: And it is an Argument that we were not under the Authority of the Biſhop of Rome, becauſe theſe Iſles did not ſubmit to their Determination. But afterwards, (cap. 3. ſect. 7.) forgetting himſelf he Acknowledgeth, That Coleman Alledged a Tradition from St. John and Anatolius; So that his Saying will be true, when St John and Anatolius can be proved to be of the particular Church of Rome, and Biſhop Col • man and Beda to be no Authors.

XIX. He proceeds, telling us, That it is a Notorious Lie of John Fox, in ſaying, That St. Beda Affirmeth this Cuſtom of Keeping Eaſter with the Jews to have been here in Britain in his time, as though all Britain had uſed it; whereas in divers places he doth expreſsly Attribute • he ſame to the Scots, that dwelled in the Iſland of Ireland principally, as alſo to ſome of them that dwelt in Britain, and to ſome Britains themſelves; But all the Engliſh Church, (ſaith he) was free from it. Indeed it is a Miſtake both in Parſons and Fox, if they thought any of them kept it with the Jews in the ſtrict ſenſe; For in that famous Northumbrian Diſputation, their Enemy Wilfrid doth not deny their Keeping it on the Lords Day, but accuſeth them with a falſe Account from the Fourteenth to the Twentieth of the Moon; But if there were any other ſome, who kept it the Roman way, I would know who they were, what were any of their Names, and in what pa • ts of theſe Iſlands they dwelt? Here all Inſtances utterly failed the Jeſuite, and therefore he ſubtilely paſſeth it by, never offering at any proof. But I need not inſiſt on this, becauſe I haue already proved, that all the Chriſtians of theſe Iſles till Auguſtines time kept Eaſter the ſame way, and different from the Roman. Beda himſelf tells us, That Wilfrid was Confident, that his Doctrine was Omnibus Scottorum Traditionibus jure Praeferendam. So that as Confident as he was, yet they were all againſt him by his own Confeſſion, without an • of F P • rſons Exceptions. And in the Beginning of the Diſpute Coleman's Aſſertion is this▪ Paſca hoc, quod agere ſoleo, à Major •• us meis accepi, qui me huc Epiſcopum miſerunt, quod omnes Patres noſtri viri D • o dilecti codem modo Celebraſſe, noſcuntur. (Bed. Ecc. Hiſt. lib. 3. cap. 25.) As for his Engliſh Church being ſree (i. e. from this Errour) nothing could be ſaid more imp • rtinent and ridiculous; For if he mean before Auguſtine's time, his Engliſh Church were then all Pagans; If he ſpeak of what was in or after Auguſtine's time, it is nothing to the purpoſe; for no Body denies but that Auguſtine brought in the Roman way; the Diſpute is concerning what was the Practice here before; And now F. Parſons may take his Lye again, as being the true Father of it.

XX. Upon this falſe Foundation he frames this Trifling Argument, which he ſeems to make great Account of: That the Britons can no more be ſaid to be of Eaſtern Converſion, then a Man could ſay the firſt Preachers to them were Pelagians, becauſe in Beda's time ſome Reliques of the Pelagian Hereſie might be ſound amongſt them. To which I Anſwer, That the Caſe is quite otherwiſe; And if in Beda's, or any others time, the Britons had been found as unanimouſly Agreeing in the Pelagian Hereſie as they were in the Paſchal Solemnity, and no Footſteps appearing that it had been otherwiſe, any Man would Conclude, That their firſt Preachers had been Pelagians, or Men infected with the ſame Hereſie, if they were not known by the ſame Name. And thus he ought to have laid his Argument to make the Parallel run true to the Reality of the Caſes: But he was more Crafty then ſo, for that had been to Confute himſelf. Next, he triumphs over Fox, for ſaying, That Beda affirms this Cuſtom concerning Eaſter, to have been in Britain almoſt 1000 yeares after Chriſt: Whereas (ſaith he) Beda was a much older Author, and died in the Year 735. Well, but what if all this ſhould be done by Miracle? (without one I know not how it could) and Beda ſhould appear almoſt 300 yeares after his Death to ſome drowſie Monk, and tell him this Tale? F. Parſons, if it had made for him would have Hugg'd ſuch a Revelation: But after all, it is only a miſtake, if not, a wilful One; though Fox's heedleſs way of Expreſſion gave too much Occaſion for it; for his meaning is this, That Beda affirmeth Eaſter to be ſo kept by the Britons in his time, and that the ſame Cuſtom continued after his time amongſt them ſo long, as to be Practiſed almoſt 1000 yeares after Chriſts time; And all this is very true, as ſhall appear Anon.

XXI. To Revenge this Wrong (as he thinks) done to Beda, he falls foul upon the Magdeburgenſes, for making Jeoffery of Monmoutb to live about 700 years after Chriſt. Jeoffery's Teſtimony indeed Gauled him ſorely, and therefore it was to be ſhuffled off by any means; Whether he hath done the Magdeburgenſes Right in that thing, I neither know nor care. For their Errour as to the time of Jeoffery's Life doth nothing invalidate his Teſtimony. But if it were good before their miſtake, it is ſo ſtill, ſo that this is only Cavilling. Beſides, though Jeoffery of Monmouth lived in the time of King Stephen, which is above 500 yeares ſince, and ſo is no Yeſterdays Author; yet the Work it ſelf is much older; For he was not the Author but Tranſlator of that Hiſtory, which was written Originally in the Brittiſh Language, and Accounted an Old Book before he was born, as Lambard and others have proved, and therefore the Teſtimony is more Conſiderable, and deſerves a better Anſwer after all the Magdeburgenſes Account, may Refer to the Matter of the Teſtimony, and Time when the thing was Tranſacted, not to Jeoffery's Life; and then it will be too Modeſt and too favourable; To leſs purpoſe is his time ſpent in proving Jeoffery to be no Cardinal. I ſhould be prone to believe him, if I had no other Reaſon, but his Relating a Truth ſo prejudicial to the Intereſt of the Court of Rome; But if he was not a Cardinal, he might be as honeſt a Man; 'Tis certain he was a Biſhop, and as ſuch was a much better Man; eſpecially if the Pope would ſuffer them to be what Chriſt and his Apoſtles made them, and not Appropriate all that Authority to the Roman See, to a Share of which every Biſhop hath as good Right and Title as himſelf.

XXII. At length, after a deal of Shuffling, Lying and Rayling, he comes to the Matter of Jeoffery's Teſtimony; And that he Anſwers eaſily, and ſo may any Man, who takes no Care to ſpeak Truth, but only what may ſerve his Turn; He ſays, There is not a Word in it of not Acknowledging the Pope • s Supremacy. I know not how there ſhould, for ſuch a Supremacy as is now Claimed, was not then Lick'd into form. He might have Remembred, that the Tranſactions there mentioned, relate to the time of Gregory the Great, then whom no Man wrote more fiercely againſt the Supremacy; Or, which is in effect the ſame thing, the ſetting up an Univerſal Biſhop; Or if he had bethought himſelf of what he elſewhere tells us▪ That the Brstons would not Communicate with Auguſtines Converts, then Dogs; he might have made it a ſtrong Argument for their profeſſing Obedience, and Subjection to the See of Rome. In fine, he will have their Anſwer Amount to no more but this, That only they would not Acknowledge Auguſtines Superiority over them, ſeeing he was ſent only to the Engliſh; And that the Authority of their own Arch biſhop was not taken away by his coming, for any thing they knew, but remained as before (3 Conver. cap. 2. ſect. 14.) What pity is it, that Auguſtine did not better inform them? it ſeems they would have been a very obedient People, had they known the Pope's Orders, and been told the Truth of the Matter. But it is an unlucky thing, that when a Man with Working his Wits has deviſed an Anſwer that would do the Buſineſs, he ſhould not have the Privilege to make it paſs for Truth, unleſs it be ſo in it ſelf. Now all this is ſpoken by a Figure called Fiction, which the rude Vvlgar call Lying. For the Britons no more regarded the Pope then they did Auguſtine. I have already ſet down the Anſwer of Dinothus Abbot of Bangor, to which Jeoffery's words Relate; and he who will be at the pains to read it will ſee, That it is as expreſsly and directly Levelled againſt the Pope's Authority or Supremacy, (if it muſt be ſo called) as could be well f • amed. They impugne Auguſtines Authority by denying the Pope, and own no Superiour but the Biſhop of Caerleon, who was to overſee under God over them, or (according to the Brittiſh) had the only Eye over them under God. And this they Confirm by their unanimous Practice, deſpiſing all Orders from Rome, and obſtinately refuſing all Communion with Auguſtine and his Succeſſors. Yet this and more F. Parſons Chymiſtry can melt into Obedience, and an Acknowledgement of the Pope's Supremacy. At this Rate who can doubt of Miracles in the Church of Rome?

XXIII. In the next place he is highly Offended with the Magdeburgenſes, ſor ſpeaking ſo irreverently of Pope Innocent the Firſt, and his Teſtimony, That all the Weſt Churches were Founded by St. Peter, on his Diſciples and Succeſſors. And it is no wonder if Pope Innocent ſpoke out for himſelf, and it may go a great way, where they have not to do with ſuch Hereticks as expect Proofs. If this be true, why has F. Parſons diſcovered ſome ſuch Firſt Founders of the Brittiſh Churches, as were none of Peters Diſciples or Succeſſors, His Forgetfulneſs ſometimes doth his Holy Father as much injury, as the Magdeburgians malice; neither doth it carry any force of Truth; b • cauſe by rheir own Confeſſion there was a time, when Eaſter was not ſo exactly obſerved, as now it is, whether there was a Stated Church at Rome then or not, and that the Converſion of the Britons was at that time, I ſee not any better Account can be Given. To Help out this, he tells us of Two more Popes, Honorius and John the fourth, who wrote to the Iriſh to reduce them from this • rrour; But Honorius will do him ſmall ſervice, becauſe in that Account which Beda gives of his Letter, (Ecc. Hiſt. lib. 2. cap. 19.) it is clearly implied, that the whole Nation was involved in it, and ſo we have a Pope on our Side to ſet againſt him that follows. His Pope John was ſcarce Pope then, at Beſt he was but Elect; And the Letter ſeems to come, (as I may ſay) from the Chapter in the Vacancy of the See; and of thoſe many who joyn in Writing it. Hilarius the Arch-Presbyter, not John, is firſt mentioned; but for once let John have the Credit of it, and he then will tell us, That this Hereſie (i. e. concerning Eaſter) was but lately ſprung up amongſt them, and only ſome few infected with it. But now how John and Honorius will Agree about this, I cannot tell; For once I will be ſo kind to F. Parſons, as to try if I can make them Friends. The Brittiſh and Iriſh Uſage was in this Weſtern part of the World a great Singularity in thoſe days; Now if John had a Mind to draw them off from it, who can blame him from ſpeaking favourably, and repreſenting the Matter as inoffenſively as could be: The Way to Win Men is not to provoke them; and we ſometimes ſeem not to believe, that a Man is ſo bad as we know he is, becauſe we would not harden him with ſhame, but have a deſire to make him better. But when Men purpoſely and deſignedly ſpeak ſparingly, their Wo • ds are not to be brought as an Evidence of the whole Matter. But the Truth is, they had little knowledge of our ſtate, but by uncertain Relations; Gregory the Great himſelf, when he ſaw the Engliſh Children Sold in the Market, knew not whether their Nation was Chriſtian or Pagan. Auguſtine even for ſome time after his Coming hither, knew not the Uſage of the Britons, yea, even Laurentius his Succeſſor had much ſuch an opinion of the Iriſh as F. Parſons, till Time and Experience undeceived him; And therefore ſuch Forreigners as were far more ignorant of our Affairs, we may juſtly except againſt as incompetent Witneſſes, eſpecially they being the very Men who taught theſe Men their Errour, which their Eyes and Eares after Convinced them of.

XXIV. But now comes the Knocking Argument to this Effect; That neither Damianus, and others ſent by Eleutherius, nor St. German and his Fellows, who came twice hither to oppoſe the Pelagians, make any mention of this Uſage, which they would have done and Amended it too, had they found it here, Becauſe (ſaith he) both Pope Pius and Pope Victor had before Condemned it for Heretical. I could thank the Jeſuite for this Argument, for it mortally Wounds his own Cauſe. I will not again diſpute the Miſſion of Damianus or Deruvianus, (or what other Names the Jeſuite will give Him,) nor will I inſiſt on it, that Germanus and Lupus were ſent by the French at the Requeſt of the Britons, and not by the Pope; But if that Uſage was univerſally practiſed by the Britttiſh and Iriſh, and no good Inſtance appear, that it was ever otherwiſe, as I have already proved, and that it continued for a long time after; then it will unavoidably follow, that the Britons were not under the Roman Juriſdiction, nor thought themſelves bound to ſtand to the Popes Determination: Yea further, that theſe very Men, whom he ſaith the Pope ſent were of the ſame Mind, or elſe dealt very unfaithfully in making no ſtir about it. Nay, being the French Churches did Communicate both with Brittiſh and Iriſh at that time, when they not only Maintained this Uſage in oppoſition to Rome, but refuſed Communion with their Biſhops; It is an Argument, that they neither thought the Biſhop of Romes Decrees did bind the Britons, nor that the thing was ſo Heretical in it ſelf; For certainly they would never have ſo freely and Friendly Maintained Communion with them, had they ſtood in open oppoſition, and profeſſed diſobedience to their proper Patriarch. By this a Judgement may be made of the Reſt of F. Parſons Arguments; I ſhall follow him no further. It is not the Obſervation of Eaſter which we diſpute with Rome, but we urge the Practice of the Britons and Iriſh, to prove the Liberty of theſe Iſlands.

XXV. Now to avoid Tediouſneſs in this particular, having left the Ancient Britons in poſſeſſion, we muſt ſuppoſe they held it, till it can be proved, they were ejected. Now the firſt (ſo far as I can yet find) who Attempted this to any purpoſe, was Henry 〈◊…〉 ; and he being a Wiſe as well as a potent Prince, thought the Subjecti • g the Welch Biſhops to the Metropolitan See of Canterbury might be a means to keep the Welch in order, and ſo ſar as concerned his own Kingdom, he herein dealt not only like a Politick Prince, but even the Laws of the Church did Countenance him; But then by the ſame Act he ſubmitted all the Welch Biſhops to the See of Rome, as things then ſtood, and ſo Compleated the Popes Conqueſt of theſe Iſles; which thing the iniquity of thoſe times would either not afford him Eyes to ſee, or not power to prevent; Accordingly he prefers Bernardus, a Norman, and his Chaplain, to the Biſhop • ick of St. Davids; But Liberty and Power are both ſweet things, and Bernardus being got in poſſeſſion grows reſty, and Aſſerts his Rights, and the Priviledges of his See; And here the Pope firſt got the • ingering of the Cauſe, ſo as to make his true Advantage of it: 'Tis true, Bernardus appeared Con • ident, and ſwagger'd bravely; but in vain did he think to carry a Cauſe in the Court of Rome againſt the Archbiſhop of Canterbury's Purſe, and the Pope's Intereſt, when at the ſame time, and in the ſame thing he alſo Croſs'd his own Kings deſign. There is no doubt but that his Holineſs ſwallowed this long-look'd for Morſel with a great deal of pleaſure and greedineſs; And yet the Sentence did not fully and quietly take place till a long time after, whi • h poſſibly is the Reaſon that our Authors ſo differ in Alligning the time of this Submiſſion, for the Welſhmen could not yet forget what they once were, and upon all Occaſions ſtrugled hard to retain their Government amongſt themſelves; ſo that as Affairs went with the Engliſh this matter either got or loſt Ground. If the Engliſh Power was at leiſure to wait on the Welſh Men and awe them, then the Welſb Biſhops were the Popes and his Grace of Canterbury's Grumbling Servants; But if the Engliſh Affairs were ſo involved that their Countrey had a little Reſt, the one was as ready to Caſt off the Eccl • ſiaſtical, as the other the Civil Yoke. And thus Matters ſeem to have ſtood Wavering till Henry the third, or Edward the firſt times; But about the thirty ſecond year of Henry the third, (Matt. Paris Hiſt. Maj. Hen. 3. page 715) the Engliſh Forces ſo Harraſſed Wales, that the Ground lay Untilled, Cattel neglected, the Famine Raged amongſt them; The Biſhop of St. David died, overcome with Grief for the miſeries of his Countrey, and the Biſhops of St. Aſ • ph and Bangor were reduced to that miſerable Condition, as to Beg their Bread in a Countrey waſted with Fire and Sword. But when Matters were ſomewhat Compoſed, St. Davids the Metropolitical See of Wales was ſound to be ſo Impoveriſhed, that it was thought a deſpicable Preferment for an Arch-Deacon of Lincoln, though Thomas Wallenſis in Commiſeration of his Countrey did accept it; And here th • Brittiſh Eccleſiaſtical Liberty ſeems to have drawn its laſt Breath, or to have given only ſome few Gaſps after; yet if we place its Fall in Henry the Fi • ſt his time, it will have laſted above 1000 yeares, but if in Henry the third's time, it will be above 1200. But henceforward 〈◊〉 till the Reformation, I think it muſt be Acknowledged, that the Pope Rode in fu • l Triumph over all p • rts of theſe Iſles; And though in ſome Matters he Met with ſmart Oppoſition, yet he Exerciſed an Authority nothing leſs then Patriarchal. It remains now therefore to be enquired, whether this his Intruſion or Poſſeſſion did create him any Right, or any ſuch Right, but that the Churches in theſe Iſles, as Matters then ſtood, might Reform themſelves, and lawfully Re-aſſume their former Liberties?

XXVI. Were it not that the Romaniſts make a Flouriſh with every little Argument, that ſeems to favour their Cauſe, as if there were ſome great thing in it; I ſh •• ld not think it worth my while to mention the Plea, from the Converſion of the Saxons by Auguſtine. For firſt, if it were good, that would give them but little Ground, for his Preaching ſeems not to have taken any Effect beyond Kent, the Eaſt-Saxons, and perhaps ſome ſmall Matter in the Eaſt-A • gles; As for the Kingdoms of the Northumbrians and Mercians, which were of greateſt Extent, they were apparently of Scotch or Iriſh Converſion; Nor will this Claim in the leaſt touch the Britons, Iriſh, Scots or Picts. But Se • ondly, if there be any thing in this, then ſuch Zealous Chriſtians as have gone out from any of th • ſe Iſles, and Converted Pagans, would obtain a Juriſdiction for the Metropolitans of ſuch Places from whence they went, in thoſe Countreys; But if any of our Biſhops ſhould on that ſcore Chall • nge a Juriſdiction in Germany, or other places, I am apt to think, that they would be well Laught at for their pains, and be eſteemed very idle impertinent perſons, if not worſe uſed. We are therefore ready Gratefully to Acknowledge all thoſe good Offices, which any of the Popes Predeceſſors have heretofore done for us, or he at any time ſhall do for us; But if for Others merits, or his own good Turns, he conclude he has gained us to be his Slaves; I think he Sells Kindneſſes the deareſt of any Man living, and we ſhall beg his Pardon, that we are not in Haſte to agree to ſo hard a Bargain.

XXVII. As for theſe Iſles, they having been truly and right • ully poſſeſſed of ſuch Eccleſiaſtical Liberties, they cannot be lawfully deprived of them by any fraud or force. If another Man take away my Goods, and keep them never ſo long, yet if I can prove them to have been my Goods, and that th •• were fraudulently and forcibly taken and detained from Me, no Poſſ • ſſion or Preſcription can Create a Right to him, who by unlawful means is poſſeſſed of that which Apparently belongs to another; de facto indeed it may be otherwiſe, but de jure it never ought or can; And therefore it was a Sanction of the Twelve Tables, Adverſus Furem aeterna Lex eſto. But the Canons of the primitive Church ſ • em more carefully to have ſecured the Rights of p • rticular Churches, then the Secular Laws have done the poſſeſſions of particular Men. The Biſhops of thoſe overgrown Cities, Rome, Antioch and Alexandria, b • g • n • ery early to make Uſe of their Reputation and Intereſt, to Augment their Power and Juriſdiction; But as none other had the like Advantages, ſo none Traded with ſuch Succeſs as the Biſhop of Rome; Theſe were the Occaſion of the 6th. Canon, of that truly Vener • ble, and ſo much Celebrated Councel of Nice, where in Relation to the Right of Metropolitans, it is thus determined, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . And though the latter part of the Canon ſeems to Confirm to them ſomething extraordinary, i. e. all that Cuſtom could then fairly and clearly entitle them to, yet notwithſtanding this Complement to Men then great and pious, it ſeems to have been made on ſet purpoſe, that it might be a Barr to their future Uſurpations.

XXVIII. This will more plainly Appear, if we Conſider the Eighth Canon of the General Councel at Epheſus, which was Compoſed with a Deſign both to Explain and Strengthen the Nicene Canon; For overmuch Greatneſs is hardly to be Conſined within Rules; And their Topping Biſhops had been at Work again. The Biſhop of Antioch had made fair Attempts to Seize the Iſle of Cyprus, and the Biſhop of Rome not only took his part, but by his Letters Condemned the Cyprian Biſhops, as not wiſe in the Faith for oppoſing, and plainly gave the Cauſe on his Side, which had been enough in all Conſcience, if he had been near ſo infallible or powerful then, as he is now; But when the Matter came before the Councel, the Fathers without any Regard to the Authority of the Roman See, are quite of another Mind. This Act of the Biſhop of Antioch, (which was the Ordaining Biſhops in Cyprus) they ſtile, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . An Innovation contrary to the Lawes of the Church, and the Canons of the Holy Fathers. And though the Complaint was particular as to the Province of Cyprus, yet they make it a Common Cauſe, ſaying that it was a Matter 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . which concerned the Liberties of all Churches. They Compare it to a Common Diſeaſe, which needs a ſtronger Medicine or Cure; And then having Reſtored the Cyprians to their Rights, leſt they ſhould ſeem negligent of other Churches, and leave them open to Uſurpe • s, they make their Decree General againſt all other Perſons, who ſhould invade the Rights of any other Church whatſoever, and that twice in the ſame Canon; ſo jealous and tender were they in this point. Firſt, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. That the ſame thing ſhould be Obſerved in all other Dioceſſes and Provinces whatſoever, that none of the moſt Holy Biſhops ſhould invade any other Province, which of old time and from the beginning had not been under the Government of him or his Predeceſſors; But leſt this ſhould not be enough, they Back it again with another Sanction, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. It hath ſeemed good to the Holy and Univerſal Synod, that the Rights of every Province, which Confirmed by old Cuſtom have been Held formerly, even from the Beginning, ſhall be preſerved pure and inviolable, and that every Metropolitan have free Liberty to take a Copy of their Tranſactions for his own Security. And here we have the Nicene Canon not only Confirmed, but we are informed what are thoſe 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , thoſe Ancient Cuſtomes, which they would have take place. They were ſuch, which were not only 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , not only of ſome time backward, but from the Beginning. And if theſe be they which muſt carry the Cauſe, I think the Churches of theſe Iſles are or ought to be as ſafe, as ever were the Cyprian. For theſe had not then ſo much as been Attempted, when the other were but a ſmall Matter from being quite Raviſhed, and had undoubtedly been ſwallowed up, had a General Councel been kept off but ſome few yeares longer. But that they might more effectually prevent the Miſchiefs which Attend ſuch Encroachments, and the Detriment and Diſhonour done to Religion by them, the Holy Fathers give no leſs then three Reaſons for this their Conſtitution. Firſt, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . That the Canons of the Fathers may not be tranſgreſſed, it ſeems the Laws of the Church had been all along againſt it. But what of that? What are Canons to the Pope, who is ſubject to none. 'Tis pity he was not excepted: But the true Reaſon is, becauſe the Fathers thought he ought not. The Plenitudo Poteſtatis, now ſo much boaſted of, was not then thought of; Or if it was, durſt not appear abroad, leſt it ſhould have b • en Knock'd o'th' Head for a Monſter. Popes themſelves in thoſe days pleaded the Canons, and were iudged by them: And this Canon hath a peculiar evil Aſpect upon him; for it is directly contrary to his declared Opinion and Determination in behalf of the Biſhop of Antioch. So that if the Popes now do not regard the Canons, it ſeems heretofore they as little regarded him. The ſecond Reaſon of the Canon is expreſſed thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . That the Pride and Vanity of Secular Power may not enter the Church, under a pretence of Diſcharging the Miniſterial Function, which ſeems directly to point to that Saying of our Saviour to his Diſciples, (Matth. 20 25. I Cite the Original, becauſe there is ſomething peculiar in the words, which our Engliſb Tranſlation could not eaſily reach, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Surely if theſe Fathers had not a Grudge at the Biſhop of Rome, they had a foreſight of his Progreſs. For put together what the Biſhop of Rome now Acts, and what, he Claims; And if that Typhus Seculi, which the Antients all along ſo feared and bitterly inveighed againſt, be not brought into the Church by him; I will be bold to ſay, that all their Feares were Follies, and that it neither is nor ever can be brought in whileſt the World ſtands. The third Reaſon ought to Affect any Man, who calls Himſelf a Chriſtian. It is this, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Leſt by degrees we loſe that Liberty, which our Lord Jeſus Chriſt the Redeemer of all Men hath purchaſed for us, (or beſtowed on us) with his Blood. If ſo, our Churches, in ſtead of being blamed, ought to be highly Commended for defending this Liberty: And as he, who ſhall invade it, ought at preſent to be diſcountenanced by all others, ſo it is to be feared, that he will have a ſad Account to make up in the day of the Lord Jeſus, though he pretend to be his Vicar. Now if Reaſon could prevail, here is ſufficient; But becauſe oftentimes Men will not be Ruled by Reaſon, therefore the Fathers yet take a further Care to Compel them by Law, and determine in the ſame Canon, That 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. If any Man do Seize anothers Province, and ſubject it to Him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , That He ſhall Reſtore it; And that they might take away all Pretences, they Conclude, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . That if any Man ſhould produce a Conſtitution contrary to what is now determined, it ſhall be void, or of no Authority. Now if there be any Reverence for, or force in a Canon, ſo carefully penn'd, by ſo Venerable a Councel, then it is plain, That we have withdrawn no Obedience which the Pope could lawfully Claim, nor Caſt off any Authority that he was poſſeſſ • d of in Right; For being there were then Churches in theſe Illes, ſetled under their Biſhops, according to the primitive Forme and Uſage, and Owed no Subjection to the Biſhop of Rome, either as Metropolitan or Patriarch, as hath been proved; then whatever Pretences he can now make for any Authority over us, are by the Councel determined to be void; And what Uſurpations ſoever he hath made, are Adjudged to be Reſtored; So that if they have no better Arguments then the Biſhop of Rome's Authority as Patriarch, that will do them no ſervice here; but it will rather Appear, That we have proceeded very Canonically in our Reformation▪

XXIX. Thus much will clearly Appear, That as the Biſhops of thoſe populous and powerful Cities, Rome, Antioch and Alexandria, were ever and Anon making Inroads upon other Mens Juriſdiction; So the Three Firſt General Councels were very careful to Fence the Liberties of the Church againſt their and all others Encroachments. For as for the S • cond General Councel, which I have Omitted, any Man may be abundantly ſatisfied, who will take the pains to Read The Account of the Government of the Chriſtian Church, written by the Learned Dr. Parker, late Biſhop of Oxford; Yet either Tyred with endleſs ſtrugling, or over-born with power, or out-witted by Cunning, or rather wrought on by all theſe means, the Fourth General Councel did plainly Amplifie their Power. For after the Tranſlation of the Seat of the Empire to Conſtantinople, the •• ſhop of that place by the favour of the Emperour, by the Power of the City, by the Aſſiſtance of Dependants, and by a lucky Opportunity offered from the New Diviſion of the Empire, ſuddenly ſtarts up from a mean Suffragan to be the Second, and perhaps moſt powerful Biſhop of the Empire. And now a Councel Meeting at Chalcedon, juſt under his Noſe, and Conſiſting moſtly of Eaſtern Biſhops, and many of them his Dependants, and where the Emperour ſome time Appeared in Perſon, and his Miniſters all along bore a great ſway. This he thought was the time, if ever, to get that done, which no Councel before would hearken to; And to obtain a Con • irmation of that exorbitant Juriſdiction, which that Ravenous See had ſeized in few yeares ſpace. But in doing this, he is conſtrained to do Others Buſineſs, that he might do his own. And here firſt. we find one ſet over the Head of the Metropolitan, and an App • al from Him Ratiſied by Canon; And thus the Biſhops of thoſe great Cities Mounted into Exarchs, afterwards called Patriarchs, and the Biſhop of Conſtantinople got the beſt Share. There was doubtleſs no mean Artifice uſed in the Managery of this Matter; for it ſeems to be rather Slurr'd upon the Councel, then Acted by them: And the Foxes themſelves, the Biſhop of Rome's Legats were here caught, and all they could do was afterwards to Proteſt againſt Proceedings in this Matter. But when Leo heard of it at Rome, he fell a Roaring at no Rate, not that he had too little, but that the Biſhop of Conſtantinople had too much; He was in a bodily fear of ſuch a dangerous Competitour, who on a ſudden had from almoſt Nothing Riſen to ſuch Greatneſs, that he was able to Cope with Him; And by the Grandeur of his City, his Intereſt in the Clergy, and favour of the Emperour, might in a ſhort time be able to over-top Him. It is not unlikely, that Leo might think, that he could have ſcrambled well enough for Himſelf without the Help of any ſuch Canon, and might poſſibly look on it as a Confinement. But whatever he thought, his Pl • a is clear contrary, and that he might depreſs the Riſing Conſtantinopolitan, he is • ooth and Nail for the Nicene Canons, and the power of Metropolitans, which by the Way is an Argument, that it was not then thought, that the Nicene Canons Erected Patriarchates, as ſome ſince Maintain. The Iſſue of this Quarrel I am not concerned to purſue; But granting the Biſhop of Rome to be here made Patriarch, you ſee he doth not care to accept it: But ſuppoſe him to be N • l • ns Vol • ns inveſted with it, yet the Churches in theſe I • les were out of the Reach of it, and lived long after in their former ſtate and freedom, and therefore may ſtill Challenge the Benefit of the Epheſine Canon againſt Uſurpations.

XXX. But now let us for once ſuppoſe, what can never be proved, viz. That the Patriarchate of the Biſhop of R • me was Legally and Canonically extended over theſe Iſles; yet what Feats will this do for him? even under Patriarchates, (ſor they did not obtain in all places of the Empire) the power of Metropolitans was ſtill Reſerved; they ſtill Ordained the Biſhops of their Provinces; they did Convene and hold Provincial Synods, and determined Matters as formerly; Only whereas the Metropolitan was before Ordained in his Province by his Suffragans, now he was to be Ordained by the Patriarch, or at leaſt with his Conſent, and there lay an Appeal from him and his Synod. In ſhort, the Power of a Patriarch Conſiſted in certain known Inſtances, but chiefly in Conjunction with the Biſhops of his Dioceſs or Exarchate. Now what a pitiful ſhrivel'd thing would the Pope think this, if it were offered him? How would he fret and ſtorm, if we ſhould thus Admit Him, and Tye his Hands behind Him? And yet as Patriarch this is all he can Claim; But to Claim that and ten times more, where he hath not ſo much as a Patriarchal Right, is ſuch a Piece of Impudence as none would be guilty of, but thoſe who can bluſh at nothing. And therefore it will be beſt not to truſt him, but hold our own as long as we can.

XXXI. Upon the ſame Suppoſition we may ſtill proceed further, and Enquire, whether a Patriarchal Power do Entitle a Man to all he can Graſp, or lay his Hands on? Are we ſo faſt bound, that there is no getting quit of Him, though he Command ſuch Matters as diſhonour God, diſturb the Church, miſlead Chriſtians out of the true Way, and does Actually Tyrannize over Mens Souls, Bodies and Eſtates? Patriarchal Authority was firſt Inſtituted for the good of the Church, that Order might be preſerved, Purity of Religion ſecured, all Perſons contained in and held to their Duties, and Hereſies and Schiſms prevented. But now, if this Power be made uſe of againſt all theſe Ends, muſt the good of the Church give way to it, or it to the good of the Church? That it has been and is abuſed by the Biſhop of Roms, contrary to all theſe Ends, might be fully proved by an Induction of Particulars, but that would lead Me into too large a Field; And I ſhall therefore Omit here, becauſe it will be done hereafter, when I ſhall inſiſt on thoſe particular Heads, which prove the Romaniſts guilty of the Schiſm. Beſides, a Patriarch is only a Biſhop with an extended Juriſdiction; The Biſhop is the higheſt O • der in Gods Church, the Patriarchate is only an Eccleſiaſtical Gift or Inſtitution, whereby the Biſhop of a certain place is Entruſted with the overſight of more Churches for the Enlarging Communion, and ſecuring Religion; Now if any Biſhop go againſt the Canons, or teach falſe doctrine, or encourage lewd Practices, and preach up ill Manners, his Flock might deſert Him, and joyn in Communion with ſuch as were Orthodox: If a Metropolitan took ſuch Courſes, the Biſhops of his Province might caſt Him off, and Govern their Churches by themſelves independently of Him. And if a Patriarch, who hath ſomewhat a greater truſt, ſhall at the ſame Rate abuſe it, he ought the more ſpeedi • y to be Renounced, to Avoid the greater Miſchief and Detriment, which will otherwiſe befal the Church of God. Eccleſiaſtical Conſtitutions muſt give way to Divine, and when inſtead of ſerving them, they overthrow or fruſtrate them, they are ipſo facto void and null. Let us ſuppoſe, that a Perſon were Recommended to the Pope to be Conſecrated or Inſtituted Archbiſhop of Canterbury, beſides the tedious Waiting and large Feeing that muſt be in the Caſe, his Holineſs will have for Firſt-Fruits, 10000 Florens, and for the Pall 5000, (for theſe were the old Rates,) And beſides all this, to ſecure the New Archbiſhep to be at his devotion at all times for the future, will force Him to take an Oath, not of Canonical Obedience, but of Fealty, (for that they have brought it to.) Now perhaps the King may not be willing, that ſuch great Summs of Money ſhould from time to time be dreyned out of the Nation;: And as much more Averſe, that his Subjects ſhould Swear Allegiance to another Prince, as thinking it prejudicial to his abſolute Sovereignty, and inconſiſtent with the ſafety and peace of his Kingdoms. What ſhall be the Iſſue of • his? Either the Perſon Recommended and King too muſt yield, or we muſt have no Metropoli • an, and the King ſhall be Excommunicated. And if he continue ſtubborn and obſtinate in the Right, perhaps the whole Kingdom ſhall be put under an Interdict; And ſo if your Purſes be not at the Popes ſervice, and your Perſons his Slaves, you ſhall not be ſuffered ſo much as to Worſhip God. Now is not this a fine Patriarch? And would it not be a great Sin to caſt Him off, and ſerve God whether he will or no? This Power the Pope has uſed, this Power he ſtill pretends to, and he that Claims an Authority againſt God and his Worſhip, who was only Entruſted for it, hath Forfeited his Truſt, and fallen from the Honour of it.

XXXII. I ſhall now only Advance one ſtep higher, and then leave this mighty Patriarch, ti • l we Meet him again in another diſguiſe. Let us ſtill ſuppoſe the Roman Patriarchate to have extended over theſe Iſles; Nay more, be it ſuppoſed that the Pope is his Holineſs indeed, and that he could be accuſed of no ill Management; yet I doubt not but his Patriarchate hath of it ſelf in courſe failed, ceaſed and become void, at leaſt ſo far as Relates to their Churches; And that too, by theſe very Laws and Canons of the Anci • nt Church, which may ſ • em to have Erected or Countenanced it. The Motives, Reaſons and Ends of a Law ought to be well Conſidered, becauſe It is not the Words and Phraſes, but the Senſe and Meaning which is the Law: And therefore we commonly ſay, That Ratio Legis Lex eſt. Now nothing can be more plain, then that the Bounds of Eccleſiaſtical Juriſdiction were Framed on purpoſe, that they might not interfere with the Civil Power; And as hereby the Church mani • eſted her Tenderneſs and Regard to it, and the Subjection of her Members, ſo She Reaped no ſmall Beneſit by it. Hence the Limits of Juriſdiction in the Church followed the Diviſions of the State: Where the Governour of the Province had his Reſidence, there of courſe the Metropolitical Authority placed it ſelf, and the Biſhop of that City was he, whom the Apoſtles Canons, (Can. 35.) call the Firſt, to whom all the other Biſhops of the Province are to have ſuch a peculiar Regard, that they are to Act nothing of Common Concern without his Concurrence. And ſo after the Diviſion of the Empire into Dioceſſes, ſuddenly roſe up that Rank of Men ſince called Patriarchs. But by the way we muſt obſerve, that this did not take in all places. For in ſome Cities where the Vicars of the Empire Reſided, were not of Strength, Intereſt and Power ſufficient to Mount their Biſhops into Patriarchs. Beſides, the Biſhops of the Church were exceeding jealous of this new ſtart-up Power, as ſavouring more of Worldly Pride, then Epiſcopal Care, and therefore kept it out wherever they could: And the wary African Biſhops made a Decree againſt ſo much as the Uſe of the Name; And great Reaſon they had for it, for it would be no hard Matter to prove, that by this means crept in thoſe Abuſes and Corruptions into the Church, which are now Maintained with a Pretence of Authority, and therefore the more Remedileſs. Moreover, as this new Honour was dangerous, ſo it was needleſs, for the Dioceſſes, though they ſeemed to ſwallow up, yet they did not deſtroy the Provinces; So that the Metropolitical Authority remained ſtill Suited to the Government of the State, and was much more ſafe and botter Fitted to keep out Secular Pride, Vanity and Worldly Pomp out of the Church; And though it was thought requiſite, that the Eccleſiaſtical ſhould Comply with the Civil Government, ſo far as to be uſeful in the State, yet it was never thought needful to run o • t into all Diviſions of Civil Government, ſo as to be prejudicial to the Church. But however, if thoſe Laws of the Church, which Erected or Confirmed Metropolitical or Patriarchal Power, proceed upon this Grand Reaſon, That the Government of the Church might be Agreeable to the State, then it is Apparent, that they never did immoveably Fix ſuch Authority to any particular places; for Alteratio • s often happening in States that might be clear contrary to their de •• gnes; Bùt the End, Senſe and Meaning of thoſe Laws muſt be this, that the Governours of the Church ſhould always be careful, that the Limits of Church mens Juriſdiction ſhould be made to Comply with the Diviſions and Limits of the Civil Government, under which they live, that both may Sit eaſie, and be uſeful to each other. And doubtleſs, the God of Order never int • nded, that his Church ſhould Fill the World with Diſturbance and Confuſion; which will be unavoidable, if thoſe two Powers be always Claſhing; If then ſuch Civil Diviſions are aboliſh • d, and the Government ceaſed or altered, for whoſe ſake ſuch Metropolitical or Patriarchal Power was Erected, then thoſe very Laws themſelves, which firſt Erected it, do in their profeſſed Deſign, Reaſon and Intention, not only diſannul it, but direct the Governours of the Church to eſtabliſh or procure the Eſtabliſhment of ſuch other Limits of Juriſdiction, as may be more ſatisfactory to the State, and beneficial to the Church. Indeed, all theſe Supereminent dignities, whereby one Biſhop was raiſed above another, were Erected either for he better Management of Affaires in the Roman Empire, or for the Grandeur of it; Or elſe ſprang up by degrees for the benefit of thoſe Cities, which were of greateſt Power and Intereſt, in which thing Rome had the moſt advantage, as being the Imperial City, and giving Denomination to the whole Empire. But now that Empire being broken, and Reſolved into ſeveral abſolute and independent Principalities, other Meaſures ought to be taken, and for the ſame Reaſon, that ſuch Authority was ſet up, it ought now to be taken down, or Reſtrained; And the Limits of Eccleſiaſtical Juriſdiction Confined within the Extent of the Civil Power, and Exerciſed for its Eaſe, Safety and Benefit. And it ſeems to Me to be a Matter not to be deſpiſed, that though the Holy Scriptures of the New Teſtament were written under the Government of the Roman Empire, and in the time of its greateſt Height and Glory; yet the word Emperour, (ſo far as I can Call to mind) is no where to be found there. Indeed there is a Precept Relating to Caeſar, by Reaſon of a particular Queſtion, which determined it to that Name, and the word Auguſtus and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , (which Anſwers it) are Hiſtorically mentioned; But theſe (what uſe ſoever Aftertimes made of them) were then Gentilitial or Honourary Titles: But the Name Emperour was that by which they then Ruled, and which Held all along, whatever other Titles or Diſtinctions were deviſed; And that I think is no where to be found in the New Teſtament, at leaſt, not in that ſenſe; Perhaps the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which moſtly Anſwers it, was thought too preſumptuous; However it is, the Security the New Teſtament gives them, is only by Commanding Obedience to the Higher Powers, or in the like Phraſes, never mentioning their diſtinct Title. But though the Name of Kings was odious to the Romans, yet moſt of the Evangelical Precepts, which Require Obedience to the Civil Power, expreſsly direct it to Kings; ſo that they ſeem to be given not only with a Spirit of Propheſie, that that great unweldy Body ſhould fall in pieces, and be divided into ſeveral Kingdomes, but alſo with a ſpecial deſign to ſecure and oblige all Chriſtians to Obedience and Submiſſion to ſuch Kings. And if we further conſider, that our Bleſſed Saviour hath told us, That his Kingdom is not of this World; And that the Chriſtian Religion teacheth Self denial and Renunciation of the World, and Requires all Chriſtians, eſpecially the Governours of the Church, to be of a moſt Humble, peaceable and exemplary Behaviour. This kind of Proceedings in its Covernment will ſeem moſt agreeable and natural to it; For the Buſineſs of Church-Governours is to promote the Intereſt and Power of the Goſpel, not pertinaciouſly to ſtrive for Juriſdiction to its prejudice and diſhonour. If each Changes happen in Mundane Affairs, that by Alteration of the Bounds of Temporal Principalities, one Biſhop gain and another loſe; yet the Church of God loſeth nothing but hereby gains its Peace, and a good opinion amongſt the Princes of the Earth; And Church-Governours have the greater freedom and more Advantage to do good. But the inſiſting upon Juriſdiction in another Chriſtian Princes Dominion, is to take his Subjects from him; It ever cauſeth Diſturbances, Creates Jealouſies in Princes, and makes them think thoſe who ſhould be the beſt Chriſtians, to be the worſt Subjects; And for that cauſe to have the meaner opinion of Religion it ſelf; It would therefore certainly be beſt with the Church of God, and moſt conduce to its happy Government, if this Rule were obſerved in all Chriſtian Kingdoms, that the Juriſdictions of Biſhops ſhould Comply with, and Conform to the Diviſions & Boundaries of the Civil Power. This was the true primitive Practice, and this the Biſhops have ever been inclinable to, when they have been able to withſtand that everlaſting Encroacher the Biſhop of Rome: Of which take this one Inſtance, Immediately after the Synod at Conſtantinople againſt Photius, a Controverſie aroſe, to whoſe Dioceſs the Bulgarians, then newly Converted to the Faith, ſhould belong. The Biſhop of Rome (who never loſt any thing for want of demanding it) made ſtrong Claim by his Legats. Upon this Account there Meets before the Emperour in his Palace, Ignatius Patriarch of Conſtantinople, then newly Reſtored, the Vicars of the Eaſtern Patriarchs, i. e. of Alexandria, Antioch and Jeruſalem, the Legats of the Biſhop of Rome, and the Legats of the Bulgarians. But upon debate, in ſpite of all the Endeavours of the Roman Legats, it is unanimouſly given to the Conſtantinopolitan, and ſuch a Reaſon along with it, as might have ſatisfied any Perſons, except Meſſengers from Rome, who are never to be ſatisfied with any thing, but with what ſhall be acceptable to their Maſters inſatiable Covetouſneſs, and boundleſs Ambition. For their joynt Anſwer is this, S • tis indecens eſt, ut Vos, qui Graecorum Imperium detrectantes, Francorum faederibus inhaeretis, • n regno noſtri Principis ordinando jura ſervetis So that though no ſort of Men were more given to Encroachments, then the Patriarchs, yet of Five, (and thoſe if I miſtake not, all that were then in being) we have four to one who are for the old Rule, That Eccleſiaſtical Juriſdiction ſhould be Suited to the Limits of the Civil Power.

XXXIII. What hath been ſaid upon Suppoſition of the Patriarchſhip extended over theſe Iſles, hath been Argued purely ex Abundanti; For having before proved, that it did not extend to them, we could not be bound to ſubmit to it; And though the Pope did by degrees thruſt in and poſſeſs himſelf of a Juriſdiction here for a long time, yet from the foregoing Arguments it will Appear, that he was only Poſſeſſor Malae Fidei, whom neither the Eccleſiaſtick nor Civil Laws will ſuffer by any length of time to preſcribe; And therefore he was Canonically thruſt out again. Hence it follows, That the Churches of theſe Iſles are Accountable to no other Church, or Church-man as Superiour, but remain only in the dependance of Coordinate or Si • ter-Churches to all Others, who all are mutually bound to each other what in them lies to uphold Communion, and Acquit themſelves of doing any thing, that may be detrimental or injurious to the whole; But for the Matter of Government, Order, Reforming Abuſes, and the like, the Power is in themſelves: Others may Adviſe, but cannot Contro • l, unleſs the Univerſal Church of God • e damnified by their Actions. And thus having found our Churches inveſted with a power of Governing and Reforming themſelves; We now have only to enquire, how it hath been made uſe of, which directly leads Me to the Actual Separation and Reformation.

XXXIV. If any Man will ſet Himſelf to Examine a great Action, which involves variety of Matter, is Carried on thorough Multitudes of difficulties, Managed by divers Hands, and neceſſarily requires no ſmall time for its Accompliſhment; And then expects that in all Parts and Circumſtances it ſhould be without Exception; He may ſo look for ſuch a thing in the Kingdom of Heaven; but if ever he can find it on Earth, I dare engage my ſelf to be his Bondſlave, and therefore unneceſſarily to put ill Conſtructions upon Matters, to pick little Quarrels, to Call in every mean and ſlight Failing, and to Rave againſt the Miſcarriages of particular Perſons, though diſallowed, this is only to fling dirt and calumniate, not to draw up a juſt Accuſation. If therefore they cannot Wound our Reformation in the Eſſentials, Chriſtian Charity would teach them to cover a multitude of ſmall • aults, and Common Prudence would Adviſe them not to ſtrive to no purpoſe. The moſt Celebrated Theme upon this oc • aſion is Sacril • ge; And h • re even thoſe, whoſe profound Ignorance ſuffers them not to ſtir a ſtep further then their Guides • onduct them, (and yet with a blind Obedience follow whitherſoever they lead them,) can be not only Eloquent but bitter: But as for thoſe, who have the Reins in their Hands, and would f • in be B • idling us, never any Subject yielded Matter for More Tragic • l Exclamations; But if Railing againſt Sacrilege would do us any good, we are as ready to do that as themſelves; We are ſo far from allowing it, that with ſorrowful Hearts we bem •• n it, and openly Avow that we deteſt it; And inde • d, of all other perſons it is we, who ſuffer moſt under it. Some Benefices (if they deſerve the Name) are ſo wofully impoveriſhed, that they will ſcarce afford the Curate Bred; ſo that if for the ſake of a bare Livelihood he do not give up himſelf right or wrong to Sooth up his Pariſhioners, every Plough boy will trample upon him, and they will ſet up ſome Mongrel Teacher or other of their own, on purpoſe to torment him And again, we being deſtitute of a tolerable Maintenance for ſo great a ſtock, as the Univerſities ſend abroad amongſt us, (which would be none too few, had not the Church been Robb'd of her Revenews) many diſcontented Spirits Fly over to the Church of Rome, not for Religion, but in Hope of Preferments, or through Vexation of Mind, or driven by want. So that this Sacrilege hath Fill'd their Seminaries, and plagued us with domeſtick Schifmaticks. In the mean time, that we ſuffer with patience the ſpoiling of our Goods, I think may rather deſerve any Mans pity then blame: But for the Spoylers themſelves I ſhall as little plead for them, as any Son of the Church of Rome: And I wiſh there were not too many, who are ſtill Gaping after, and Work all their Wits in contriving how they may ſeize the poor Remainder. But however the Catholicks, (as they call themſelves) ought to be extreamly wary how they accuſe or point out the guilty Perſons in this bad Caſe, leſt they Condemn themſelves. For if ſome ſuch Parable as Nathan put to David, were offered to the Romaniſt, it would be ſaid in the Concluſion, Thou art the Man. For let them deal fairly and ingenioufly with us, and the moſt Conſiderable Perſons who made ſuch a ſquander of the Churches Rights, will be found to be Men who died in the Roman Communion.

XXXV. And upon this Account it ſeems ſtrange to Me, why they ſhould ſo ſtrictly enquire into, and ſo nicely inſiſt upon Matters done by Henry the Eighth, and his Clergy; for if it be with a deſign to Charge us with them, it is much the ſame thing, as when a Villain cuts anothers Throat, and as ſoon as he hath done ſlips the bloody Knife into an innocent Mans pocket. For who were they that yielded up or ſeized their Monaſteries, and made ſuch havock of Church Lands? Who were they that firſt ſet up Henry the Eighth's S •• remacy, and Wrote in defence of it? Who was it that Maintained the Supremacy beyond the Seas in ſo groſs a ſenſe, that even Calvin Himſelf thought his Prerogative invaded, and was out of patience at it? Theſe Men all lived and died in the Roman Communion; And if they were not Roman Catholicks, what were they? Henry the Eighth after the Aſſuming the Supremacy, was judged ſo good a Catholick, even by the Pope Himſelf, that he could find no Fitter a Perſon ro Recommend for a Pattern to the Emperour. What Hereſie ſoever there might be in detaining the Peter-pence, or ſetting up his own power, it ſeems he was Catholick enough in his Proceedings upon the Six Articles. Any thing they imagine to be ill, muſt be Ours; But make Enquiry after the Authors, and they are all their own: Methinks it ſhould concern them to Acquit themſelves, before they fall foul upon us. Nay, if we proceed forward ſo far as to the Reign of Queen Mary, the Perſons who had the greateſt Influence on thoſe Revolutions will be found Men of their own Perſuaſion; for except ſome few, whoſe Proceedings were more eaſily Anſwered with Fagots then Arguments, thofe on our part will not be very Conſiderable, throughout the Reigns of Henry the Eighth and Edward the Sixth; Scarce any two Perſons ſeem to be deeper dipt in Sacrilege, then the Vicar-General Cromwell, and Dudley Duke of Northumberland; yet how profound Hypocrites ſoever they might live, our Oxford Church-Governour will have them both Roman-Catholicks at their Death; Others, if they think it worth their while, may Conteſt it with him; But for Me he may take them both, and make his beſt of them. Only I think it a Reaſonable Requeſt, that ſince he will needs have their Perſons, he would be pleaſed to take their faults along with them, and not accuſe us for the Crimes of his Brethren.

XXXVI. But let particular Perſons, whether theirs or ours, Anſwer for their own demerits; I can be heartily ſorrowful for the Men, but never will be an Advocate for their Miſ-deeds. The only Matters of any moment, for which we can be concerned, I conceive muſt be either Doctrine, Diſcipline, Worſhip or Government. Now though the Pope might think himſelf obliged to ſtickle for his profits, and above all for his Supremacy, yet the Roman Catholicks themſelves did not think the Changes in Religion of ſuch Weight, that upon that Account they ſhould make a perfect Schiſm. For till Felton fixed the Bull of Pius the Fifth upon the Biſhop of Londons Palace Gate, the Roman Catholicks freely frequented our Churches, and joyned in Communion with us: And this was no ſmall time, for this was not done till the eleventh or twelſth year of Queen Elizabeth; So that a ſmall matter would have made her Catholick, if ſhe could have digeſted the Roman Supremacy; And though the Romaniſts, ſo far as concerned Religion, thought themſelves bound to obey the Pope, yet the diſcreeter ſort of them were not a little offended, that they were thus thruſt headlong into ſo dangerous a Schiſm. For this we have the Teſtimony of Mr. Cambden, a Perſon beyond Exception, not only as he was a Man of Singular Judgement, and Learning, and a faithful and prudent Hiſtorian. But as being perſonally Acquainted with the Tranſactions of thoſe times; His Words are theſe, Caeterùm hanc Bullam Pontificii plerique moderatiores tacitè improbabant, quòd nulla ex jure admonitio praeceſſerit, & praevidentes molem malorum inde ſibi impendere, qui priùs privatim ſua ſacra intra pa •• etes Ja • is ſecurè •••••… nt, vel recepta in Ecclcſiâ Anglicanâ ſacra ſine Conſcientiae Scrupulo adire non Recuſârunt, Annal. Eliz. ad Ann, Dom' 1570.) So that the Reformation was indeed made on our part, for which we wanted neither good Cauſe, nor ſufficient Authority; But the Separation was made by the Pope; For had not He Excommunicated Queen Elizabeth, for what Reaſon the Romaniſts held Communion with us till ſuch Excommunication, for the ſame it might have continued to this day, and no Schiſm made. But if this Excommunication had neither lawful Authority, nor juſt cauſe, then will the Pope be not only the Author but cauſe of the Schiſm, and draw the whole guilt of it on him and his party. The proof of this in particular I will not inſiſt on here, becauſe it will be abundantly done in the progreſs of the Work, eſpecially in the ſecond and third part, if it ſhall pleaſe God that I live to Finiſh them. Only here I will leave this Choak-pear, which I deſire my Adverſary to ſwallow before he Attaqae me, That whoſoever undertakes the Defence of that Bull, (beſides all other Extravagancies which he ſhall be obliged to maintain) muſt in the firſt place fairly Confeſs himſelf to be a Rebel and a Traytor as to Principles of Civil Government, and obliged in Conſcience actually to be ſo, as often as the Pope requires, and of this the Pope to be the ſole and uncontroulable Judge.

XXXVII. Having here ſlipt into the mention of Queen Elizabeth, it may not be altogether impertinent to Acquit Her of one diſhonourable Scandal, wherewith ſome foul Mouth'd Romaniſts endeavour to Blaſt her Memory. If Henry the Eighth belonged to any, he was certainly theirs not ours; Yet in Handling the Reformation, they ſpare not to charge Him with all the indecencies true or falſe, which they can Rake together; But nothing is more exagitated then his two Firſt Marriages, and that often in ſuch fulſom and obſcene Language, as is not a little offenſive to chaſt Eares. The Deſign of all this is, that they might invalidate Queen Elizabeths Title to the Crown, upon which ſcore ſome ruder Romaniſts will at this day as ſamiliarly and confidently call Her Baſtard, as if ſhe had been found in the ſtreets, laid at ſome door in a Basket. It is well known, that ſhe was a Perſon ſo excellently qualified for Government, that even living ſhe ſtruck Envy dumb, and made thoſe who moſt implacably hated Her, to Admire Her? It might therefore juſtly move Indignation in any Generous Spirit to ſee every Aſs ſpurn at a dead Lion. But if this were as rrue as it is falſe, yet if they would deal ingeniouſly, they muſt confeſs, that this could no way effect the Church, as to that Power Conferred on it by God, and that Authority, which doth always diſtinctly and entirely remain in it ſelf; Only it may leave the Church deſtitute of any Legal Civil Sanction during her time; And if for tbat they will Condemn us, they may as well Condemn the Chriſtian Churches of the firſt three Hundred Yeares, and then we ſhall not be much afraid in ſo good Company. But there is nothing but Malice or Ignorance in the thing it ſelf, and the Romaniſts of all Men ought to be cautious in this Matter; becauſe whileſt they Fence with this Two-Edged Sword; intending to Cut Queen Elizabeth, they as deeply Wound Queen Mary. Neither will the Sickly Salvo of the Popes Diſpenſation ſtand them in any ſtead; for it is not only we who deny that his Power reached to it, but the greateſt part of their own Univerſities, gave it under their Hands and Seals. And indeed this was at that time ſo generally the Opinion of the Romaniſts, That the Author of Church-Government freely Acknowledgeth, (though little to the Credit of his Cauſe) that when Mary was Offered in Marriage Firſt to the Emperour Charles the Fifth, and after to Francis King of France, She was Refuſed by both on this Account, becauſe they doubted of the Lawfulneſs of Henry's Marriage with her Mother, (part. 5. cap. 2.) But for my part I am not of their Humour, who take a pleaſure in beſpattering Princes; and to do it by our own, can be no Honour to our ſelves. I do not ſee, that any thing Alledged, can be any real Prejudice either to Mary or Elizabet • , for the Succeſſion to our Crown depends neither upon Canons nor Councels, much leſs upon Popes Bulls and Decretals, but upon the Conſtitutions of our Kingdom. And it was never yet doubted, but that King Henry was Married as well to Katherine as Anue Bolen; And if the Marriage was Solemnized, the Children are Legitimate by our Laws, which abhor all thoughts of any ſuch thing as Baſtards in Matrimony. 'Tis true, our Laws permit and Authorize Eccleſiaſticks to divorce ſuch Perſons, who Marry within the degrees prohibited, but yet ſuffer no prejudice to be done to their Iſſue. And if the Parents, though too near of Kin, were Legally Married, their Children ſhall ſucceed to their Eſtates and Rights in the ſame manner, that other Perſons Children do, where the Marriage was without Exception. And it is very hard Meaſure to deprive a King o • that privilege, which belongs to the meaneſt of his Subjects, eſpecially in this Caſe, which may endanger to involve a Nation in Confuſion and Ruine. Let King Henry therefore Anſwer for his own faults, what iniquity ſoever there might be in his Marrages, yet being Married, his 〈◊〉 are Legitimated; And I doubt not but that Mary and Elizabeth were both in their Turns our Law • ul Sovereigns, I will therefore proſecute this no further, ſave with a Requeſt to the Romaniſts, that henceforward they would ceaſe to ſet the Childrens Teeth on Edge with the ſoure Grapes the Father Eat, and be as ready to Acknow • edge Queen Elizabeth a Lawful Sovereign as we are Queen Mary.

XXXVIII. I did once Intend to have thoroughly Examined the Matter of the Reformation, but I find that it would oblige Me rather to Write a Volume then a Chapter; And after all, perhaps, I ſhould be accuſed of needleſs pains, for it hath been often and ſufficiently done already; And all Anſwers contain only the Crambe centies cocta, or ſome bold Fictions or tedious Triflings. Nor do I think that I can be Conſtrained to Anſwer for all that went before me: In this Church I was Born, Baptized and Bred; I had no Hand in the Making, Modelling or Altering it; Gods Providence caſt Me into it, and I take it as I found it. And if as ſuch it be defenſible, I need concern my ſelf no further. And therefore without troubling my ſelf to Rake the Dead out of their Graves, I ſhall Conſider our Church under her preſent Conſtitution; for if that will not Hold, we are gone without more ado; But if that be good, it is not ten thouſand faults of Men, who are dead and rotten, that can overthrow it.

XXXIX. I have al • eady proved, that the Romaniſts themſelves made the Breach; And it may be more fully proved, if need Require. But two Schiſmaticks may fall out, and both be in the wrong; And therefore that we may Appear to be in the right, ſomething muſt be ſaid to clear up the Juſtice of our own Cauſe; To this End I ſhall briefly Examine theſe two things, The Government and the Doctrine of our Church. Government will of courſe take in Diſcipline as the Fruits of it: And Doctrine will include Worſhip, becauſe there is no Abuſe or ill Practice in Worſhip, but it is Founded upon ſome Errour in Doctrine. Government ſeems to Me therefore to belong even to the Eſſence of every particular Conſtituted Church, becauſe without it Ordinances cannot be diſcharged, Sacraments Celebrated, nor thoſe things Performed, which they are obliged to do in joynt Communion, and as a Body of Men. That this Government be lawful and warrantable, it is to be wiſhed that the Governours might be always good, but it is abſolutely neceſſary, that they have Lawful Authority, and are rightly empowered to do ſome things, which other Men may not do. He who •• ith otherwiſe muſt with Corah and his Company lay all in Common, which the moſt Heatheniſh and Br • itiſh Religions have ever abhorred to do; For this, perhaps, the Romaniſts will not much quarrel Me; But if it were for my preſent purpoſe, I could accu • e him for being falſe to theſe Principles, by allowing the contrary in Practice. But to return to the Buſineſs, That Authority be lawful it is requiſite, that it be derived from ſuch, who were truly inveſted with ſuch Authority; for N • l dat, quod non habet. And further, th • t they have lik • wiſe a Power or Author • ty to convey and derive it to others; for it is often Perſonally Lodg'd in M • n, and Incommunicable; as Knights cannot make Knights nor Lords Lords; And therefore a Lawful Church-Authority muſt be ſuch as deſcends from thoſe, who received it from Ch • iſt with a Power to tranſmit it, Now I find not that our Saviour ſaid to any but his Apoſtles, As my Father hath ſent me, even ſo ſend I you, John 20. 21. And therefore from thoſe Hands wherein they left it, with the like power to transfer it to others, muſt all Lawful eccleſ •• ſtical Autho • ity come. The Way to Avoid this, is either with Eraſtus and H • bbs, (who learnt their Politicks from Jeroboams Practice) to place all Authority in the Civil Magiſtrate, or elſe with the Fanaticks to ſet up the extraordinary Call and Plea of an Authority immediately from God. Now though too many of late have put in Practice M. Hobs his doctrine, whilſt they Rail againſt his Perſon, • nd others are drunk with their pretended Viſions & Revelations, thereby Filling Mens Brains with Enthuſiaſm, and in many places making a Nullity of all Ordinances, yet theſe are not the Men I have now to do with, and therefore I will not here engage againſt them. And as for the Romaniſts, I think, I need not diſpute it with them; for though they ſtrangely doat on Miracles, yet I could never obſerve them either very fond of exeraordinary Miſſions, or very free in allowing any Eccleſiaſtical Authority to the Civil Magiſtrate. Now if they will take us at this Lock, we are ready to Joyn Iſſue with them; And to prove, that we have a good Succeſſion of Lawful Authority. They cannot fairly Refuſe us here, becauſ • this is one of the Preſcriptions, which Tertullian lays down againſt Hereticks. Edant ergo (ſaith he) Origines Eccleſiarum ſuarum, evolvant Ordinem Epiſcoporum ſuorum ita per Succeſſiones ab init • o decurrentem, ut primus ille Epiſcopus aliquem ex Apoſtolis vel Apoſtolicis viris (qui tamen cum Apoſtolis Perſeveraverint) habuit Auctorem & Anteceſſorcm, (de Praeſcrip.) Now as for a Succeſſion, poſſibly there is not any in the Chriſtian World ſo ſtrongly Twiſted, as that of the Engliſh Churches. If ſome of the Apoſtles, and other Apoſtolical Perſons being preſent in this Iſle, and planting Churches; If Ordination from the Britiſh, Iriſh, French or Roman Biſhops, or any or all of theſe could derive a Lawful Authority to us, we do not want it. We have more Ways of Conve • ance, and conſequently (of God) more Evidence of our Authority then the Romaniſts themſelves; And if the Reſt were laid aſide, we have the ſame which they have, and ſo cannot have leſs; ſo little Reaſon had the Author of Church-Government to Conclude his Book with ſuch a paſſionate Invective againſt our An • ocatacreſies▪ Indeed, could that Infamous Fable of the Naggs-Head Ordination have been made good, it would have made a foul Breach in our Succeſſion, if not, put a full ſtop to it; But never was a moſt malicious Contrivance more miſerably Baffled; Several Learned Pens have not only cleared the M • tter of Fact, but diſproved the probability, yea, the very poſſibility of ſuch a thing; ſo that if any thing more can, nothing more need to be ſpoken to it. If therefore any Romaniſt will ſtill urge it, in this particular I ſhall leave him as a Man either paſt ſhame, or given upto ſtrong deluſions to believe a Lye. Their other Objections are of two Sorts, Either againſt the Legality or the Validity of our Ordination. But becauſe Others have Anſwered them fully in every minute particular, I ſhall Content my ſelf with two General Anſwers; Firſt, That the Neglect or Overſight, (if any ſuch were) of ſome Circumſtances Required by Law, though it may make the Perſons obnoxious, yet it doth not invalidate the Ordination; Our Laws Allow Perſons to be Married only betwixt Eight and Twelve in the Forenoon; Yet if it Happen, that they be Married at Ten at Night, the Marriage is good, though the Perſons be puniſhable. Some Circumſtances in the Managery of Ordination may be Regulated by the Civil Power, i. e. So fa • as it hath Regard to the State; But the Ordination it ſelf, and the Va •• dity of it proceeds from a Power ſo diſtinct from the Civil, that no Civil Authority or Sanction can either make or diſannul it, And therefore ſuch Objections whi • h are made only againſt the Legality of our Ordination, do tacitely ſuppoſe the Validity of it; And ſo if they were true, are little or nothing to the purpoſe. As for the other ſort of Objections which relate to the Validity of our Ordination, thoſe indeed would be fatal, if they were ſufficient. But before I Return my General Anſwer thereto, I deſire it may be obſerved, That there is more of Intereſt then Matter in theſe Objections. For the Church of Rome hath ſuch a Jealouſie of this ſmall Church, that they think not themſelves ſafe while it is in being; Now if they could invalidate our Ordination, it would take away our Miniſtry, our Ordinances, and conſequently our Church, ſo that this is a • low at the Root. And therefore right or wrong they Reſolve to ſtick on this, which may Win ſome to them, keep Others from us, and Alarm all. And though their Arguments be never ſo weak, yet being Managed by ſubtile Heads, they will Appear the more Conſiderable; becauſe few Perſons are able to judge of a Caſe of this Nature. But if we were reduced to that ſtat • , that they thought themſelves out of all danger from us, our Ordination might eaſily paſs. A pretty inſta • ce of this hapned in the time of the Rebellion. The Loyal Clergy of this Church, being either ſtarved at home, or driven out into other Countreys, and little or no Hopes appearing, that they ſhould ever be Reſtored; Dr. Baſier, amongſt other places, (any place being then better then Home) Travels to Jeruſalem; And after the mention of his Reception from the Grteks, he thus ſets down his Entertainment by thoſe of the Roman Way. As for the Latins, they Received Me moſt Courteouſly into their own Convent, though I did openly Profeſi my ſelf a Prieſt of the Church of England: And after ſome Velitations about the Validity of our Ordination, they procured Me Entrance into the Temple of the Sepulchre, at the Rate of a Prieſt, that is, Half in Half leſ • then the Laymens R •• e; And at my Departure from Jeruſalem, she Pope's own Vicar, (Called, Commiſſarius Apoſtolicus Generalis) gave Me his Diploma in Parchment, under his own Hand and P • blick Seal; In it ſtiling Me, Sacerdotem Eccleſiae Anglicanae, & S. S. Theologiae Doctorem. But there was no need to have Travelled ſo far for an Inſtance, it being well known that King Edwards Biſhops were Admitted in the time of Queen Mary, without Re-ordination; ſo that it is not the validity of Ordination, but our Non-ſubmiſſion to the Pope which lies at the bottom. It is true, that a Diſpenſation from Rome was talked of, but that was only a Blind. A Diſpenſation may Re • ch Circumſtances, but not Eſſentials. If their former Ordination had been invalid and null, they ought to have been Reordained; for no Diſpenſation, nor all the Popes in the World can make thoſe to be true and valid Orders, which never were ſo in themſelves. He may as well Build Caſtles in the Air, or Erect ſtately Palaces without any Materials, as to make thoſe really and truly to be Orders, which never were • o; It is one thing to Diſpenſe, another to Ordain; Seeing he did only diſpenſe, it is plain that he accuſed them of no more then ſome Irregularities in the Circumſtances of their Ordination, which though we ſhall not yield, yet I think it unneceſſary to diſpute, becauſe, not being Re-ordained, their former Ordination muſt be ſuppoſed good. 'Tis true, they very devoutly burnt Ridley, and one or two others, without degrading them as Biſhops; And thence Conclude, that they were never truly ſuch, i. e. They ſet up a Novel Opinion, and prove it by their own wicked Actions; And the proof will be good, when they are as infal • ible in Matter of Fact, as they pretend to be in Matter of Right. But it is no New thing for the Court of Rome, to make quite contrary Determinations as to the ſelf-ſame thing, as their preſent Intereſt leads them. When Queen Mary firſt came to the Crown, and they wanted Help, then King Eawards Biſhops are to be Invited in, and Acknowledged with the ſlight Salvo of a Diſpenſation, that the Pope might ſeem to do ſomething; But when they were a little ſetled in the Saddle, and could Ride over all who ſtood in their way; Then none of his Biſhops were to be Acknowledged, who did not fully Comply with them; i. e. thoſe who joyned with them were good Biſhops; thoſe who oppoſed them were no Biſhops; though the Orders of both ſtood upon the ſame Foundation, and were either valid or null for the ſame Reaſon. But to avoid the tediouſneſs of diſcuſſing the whole Matter, I ſhall now only Give this General Anſwer, That in this Way of Arguing they take the Courſe to undermine and deſtroy all Succeſſion and Church-power; This I am apt to think, that many of them well enough ſee; But they think, that we ••••… er do not, or will not; and ſo they are ſafe enough, whileſt it only ſerves to Route us. The Arguments whereon they lay the greateſt ſtreſs in this Matter are ſuch, as may with equal, if not more advantage, be • eturned upon themſelves. 'Tis true, we are not deſirous to Moleſt others, we wiſh Peace to the Churches, Reaſonable things would Content us; and therefore we generally keep on the defenſive part, and ſtand all their Attacks and Oppoſition. But if by ſuch foul dealing they will continually provoke us, till we change the ſtate of this Scribling War, and bring it into their own Countrey, what Work will this make? For if they will Vouch thoſe Arguments to be good againſt our Orders; And we prove, that they are of no leſs force againſt their own, or that we have other ſtronger Reaſons againſt them, whither will they then go for Eccleſiaſtical Authority? their pride and ſtomach is too great to Truckle to the Greek, or any other Church, or to Borrow any Authority from them; But if they ſhould, they ought to Conſider, whether the ſame Arguments will not follow them; yea more, whether divers of their Hot-ſpurs have not Carried them thither already? If ſo, all their Labour is in vain: And if their Arguments be good, all Church power and Succeſſion is loſt. This indeed doth not ſo fatally affect us as it doth them; becauſe we for good Reaſons deny thoſe Arguments to be good, and ſo keep up our Succeſſion and Eccleſiaſtical Authority. But what will become of that Church, or what Remedy is left for it, which obſtinately maintains the Validity of ſuch Arguments, when they are proved as valid againſt her ſelf? eſpecially it being a Church of that pride and ambition, as to ſcorn to own any Authority in any other Church, which ſhe hath not more fully in her ſelf. Now, if rather then not deſtroy our Orders, they will what in them Lies overthrow all Eccleſiaſtical Authority and Succeſſion, though thanks be to God they cannot do it, yet it is Apparent, that they will hazard the very Worſhip of God, and ſhake the very Foundations of Religion, rather then be fruſtrated in their malicious Purpoſes and ambitious Deſignes. And this I take not to be any ſtrong Temptation to prefer their Communion before all Others.

XL. As for our Doctrine we are willing it ſhould come to the Trial; And I know no better Way to Try it, then by its Agreement with what was Taught by our Saviour and his Apoſtles; This is the Way Tertulliaen preſcribes us, both for the Security of the Church, and Excluſion of Hereticks; For after ſome things premiſed he makes this Inference, Conſt a • proinde omnem Doctrinam, quae cum illis Eccleſiis Apoſtolicis Matricibus & Origiualibus Fidei conſpiret, Veritati deputandam, id ſine dubio tenentem, quod Eccleſiae aeb Apoſtolis, Apoſto'i à Chriſto, Chriſtus à Deo ſuſcepit; Roliquam vero omnem doctrinam de Menda • io praejudicandum, quae ſapiat contra Veritatem Eccleſiarum; & Apoſtolor •• , & Chriſti, & D • i. And again ſpeaking of Hereticks in general, Ipſa 〈◊〉 doctrina • orum cum Apoſtolicâ comparata, ex diverſitate & contrarietate ſ • a Pronunciabit, negue Apoſtoli alicujus Autoris eſſe neque Apoſtolici. And then ſhewing how later Churches, or ſuch, which ſhou'd at any time after be Conſtituted, might defend themſelves againſt Hereticks, He ſaith thus, Ad hanc itaque formam Provocabuntur ab illis Eccleſiis, quae licèt nullum ex Apoſtolis vel Apoſtolici • A • cto • em ſ • am proſerant, ut mul • ò Poſteriores quae denique quotidie inſtituuntur; • amen in eâdem fide Conſpirantes, non minùs Apoſtolicae deputantur pro Conſanguinitate do • trinae, (de Praeſcrip.) Now let this be the Teſt, and in our Defence we ſay with Tertullian, Poſtcrior noſtrares non eſt, immò omnibus Prior eſt. Hoc crit Teſtimonium Veritaetis ubique occupantis Principatum, (de Praeſcrip.) Now let them Charge us, if they can, with Maintaining any Doctrine, as of neceſſity to Salvation, which came not from Chriſt or his Apoſtles; and when they can prove that all theſe did, they ſhall make Me believe any thing. Only by the Way I cannot but take Notice of the difference between this good Old Father, and the preſent Romaniſts in their Reſolution of Faith, or in the laſt Reſult, Standard and Trial of Faith. The One Refers us to what our Saviour taught by Commiſſion from the Father, and the Apoſtles by Authority from Him, and to Examine Matters by their Agreement herewith: The other without more ado Reſolves all into the Authority of the preſent Roman Church. The One ſaith, It is the Way of Truth, becauſe the ſame that Chriſt and his Apoſtles Taught; The Other ſaith, We cannot be deceived, becauſe the Preſent Roman Church Voucheth it to be Right. Now though for my own part I Adhere to the Opinion of the Father, and therein of the Ancient Church; yet I muſt Confeſs, that the Romaniſts, whether right or wrong, have laid their Plot well; for if they can once bring a Man to ſwallow this Propoſition, That the Roman Church is the only certain Rule and Judge of Truth; Or, That all thinge muſt give Way to their Determinations; Then as for Particulars, his Work is done, and he is bound with an implicit Faith to ſwallow them all without any ſcruple, or the leaſt Examination: Now this is ſure and quick Work; but too quick for Me, who as a Chriſtian lying under an Obligation, upon occaſion to Render a Reaſon of the Faith that is in Me, would be willing to know a Reaſon, that I may be able to do ſo. That the Roman Church ſaith ſo will be no Reaſon, till ſhe produce a better Charter for her Authority, then ſhe hath yet done; And till I and O • hers can be ſatisfied by good Reaſon or Evidence of ſuch Authority. For if a Reaſon be Required of Me, my Anſwer that Others ſay ſo will be none, unleſs I can convince them by good Evidence, that their Say-ſo is of ſufficient Authority and indubitable, the Plea indeed of Indefectibility were good, if it were true; But they rather urge that becauſe it ſerves their Turns, then that they have any good Evidence of it: And the Father, who directs us to trace Truth to the Apoſtolical Churches, ſuppoſes that particular Churches may fall from it. Sicut (ſaith he) Apoſtoli non diverſa inter ſe docuiſſent, ita & Apoſtolici non contrarià Apoſtolis edidiſſent, niſi illi, qui ab Apoſtolis deſciverant; & aliter praedicaverunt, (de Praeſcrip.) The Romaniſts indeed lay their Scene wiſely, they underſtand well enough what would do their Buſineſs, and accordingly fail not to plead what muſt do it with thoſe, who Admit their Plea without proof; The Conſequence or Building would be good, if the Antecedent or Foundation were ſound: But you muſt not narrowly Examine that, leſt a Rotten Bottom tumble all the ſtately Pageant down again. If the Roman Church be indefectible by Vertue of any Promiſe made to St. Peter, then other Churches may uſe the ſame Arguments, and lay Claim to the ſame Privileges as well as they; And our own Church as much as any; For their own Authors, and particularly our Sworn Enemy Father Parſons, ſay, that St. Peter Preached the Goſpel in Britany; ſo that here we are equal, unleſs it make any thing for their Advantage, that he was ſo well uſed here as to Go off ſafely hence; But after his Return was Martyred there; And ſo Rome may Value her ſelf for that which our Bleſſed Saviour upbraids Jeruſalem for, Killing the Prophets, and Stoning thoſe that were ſent unto Her, (Matt. 23. 37.)

XLI. This Matter will fall hereafter under a more particular Conſideration; And therefore to Return to Doctrine, it may be Conſidered either as Poſitive or Negative. It is true, that all Doctrine Reſolves it ſelf into poſitive Truth; That we Maintain any thing in the Negative is Accidental, and Ariſeth from the Difference and Quarrels amongſt Men; for when Parties cannot Agree, if One Affirm, the Other of courſe denies: In this Caſe, the Matter in Controverſie being either Falſhood or Wrong, if any Man Aſſert that which is contrary either to Truth or Juſtice, we are forced to go ſomthing the further about in defending them, by firſt denying and rejecting what is either falſe or unjuſt; but then this will terminate in ſomething poſitive, which is the Foundation and Summary of all. As for Example, if in Oppoſition to the Practices or Affirmations of Others I deny, That Divine Worſhip can be Given either to Angels or Saints; The Reaſon and Ground of that Denial muſt be this or the like poſitive Aſſertion, That Divine Worſhip is Gods Propriety, and to Him only to be directed. And therefore that we Maintain ſome things in the Negative, is not our but their fault, in Aſſerting that which is either falſe or unlawful; And whether they do ſo or not muſt be Tried by Particulars, which I ſhall come to hereafter.

XLII. As to poſitive Doctrines perhaps the Difference is not very great; the Quarrel lies more in what we do not hold, then in what we do; It is not to be denied that we have much Truth, but not enough as they think; And we are afraid of more, leſt it ſhould make us have leſs; for many Matters which they would thruſt upon us for Truth, are far remote from it; And ſhould we receive them, it were the way to corrupt the Truth we have; There was a time when ſome of their Prieſts ſet themſelves to Reconcile, (and without Allowance and Encouragement they durſt not have Attempted ſuch a thing) the very Articles of our Religion to a Catholick Senſe, (as they call it,) though many of them were purpoſely framed in oppoſition to ſeveral of their Opinions and Practices. The Author of Church-Government, (Part 5. page 206.) hath di • covered a Senſe, wherein that great Grievance of the Roinaniſts, The Oath of Supremacy may be lawfully taken, and that to no other Senſe then what he fetcheth from the 37th. of our Articles of Religion; And why then all that Labyrinth of Diſcourſe which follows after upon it, and ſerves to no other purpoſe but to Confound Himſelf and his Reader? For can it be imagined, that we our ſelves ſhould take it in a ſenſe contrary to our Articles of Religion? From our Book of Common Prayer might be Extracted a wholeſom Body of Divinity; And it ſhews to the World both what our Worſhip is, and how our Worſhip and Doctrine Agree; And if this may be Allowed of, methinks we ſhould not be Hereticks. Now what Vincentius Parapalia, the Pope's Legat, propoſed to Queen Elizabeth, I am apt to think was known to few; For on the one Hand the Honour of the Pope was concerned, if he ſuffered an open R • pulſe; On the Other, the Queen, rhough ſhe Admitted not his Propoſals, was unwilling to irritate his Perſon, he being then very Kind and Civil to Her, contrary to the Petitions and Endeavors of many powerful Adverſaries. But that ſome ſuch Conſiderable Matters were propoſed, that he was Jealous the Queen would think they would never be performed, or at leaſt not long kept, we have ſome Reaſon to Gueſs from the Concluſion of his Letter, which is one of the Kindeſt that ever any Pope wrote to one He Accounted a Heretick; For thus He Courts Her, Sed hâc de re pluribus verbis idem Vincentius tecum aget, & noſtrum tibi Paternum animum decla • abit, quem ut benignè excipias, diligentérque audias, eandémque ut ejus Orationi Fidem habeas, quam haberes Nobis: ipſis, S • r • nitatem tuam rogamus. (Annal. Eliz. part. 1. p. 48,) Mr. Cambden Confeſſeth, That he could not upon his own Knowledge ſay, what theſe Propoſals were, and he believes they would never truſt them in Writing, but as ſecret as they were kept, it ſeems they took Air, for he ſubjoyns this following Account, Fama obtinet P • ntificem Fidem dediſſe, ſententiam contra matris • uptias, tanquam injuſtam reſciſſurum; Liturgiam Anglicam ſuâ Anthoritate confirmaturum, & uſum Sacramenti ſub utrâque Specie Anglis permiſſurum, dummodo illa Romanae Eccleſiae ſe aggregaret, Romanaeque Cathedrae Primatum agnoſceret; imò & haec curantibus aliquo▪ a •• eorum miliia fuiſſe promlſſa. (id ibid. I cannot imagine with what Hopes Pius the 4th fed Himſelf; Or whether he were better Natured then uſually Popes are; But though after this the Queen would not ſuffer his Nun • io the Abbot of Martinego to come on Engliſh Shore, yet he continued the ſame Mildneſs towards Her; which being inſucceſsful, Pius the 5th. inſtigated by the King of Spain, and being angry enough Himſelf, tryes a ſeverer Courſe, and Thunders out his Excommunication againſt Her; But that ſucceeded worſe then the other: For it not only altogether Alienated the Queens Mind, but Compleated the Breach, and made a total Separation in Communion, which had not been till that time; And it is probable this might make ſome ſucceeding Popes milder; for Biſhop Babington though he Refer it to a Pope after both the former, yet whence-ſoever he had it, he ſaith plainly, That the Pope Offered to Allow the Book (i. e of Common-Prayer and Adminiſtration of the Sacraments, &c.) to Queen Elizabeth of Eternal Memory, if ſhe would have taken it of Him, as ſo Allowed of Him, (or N • mb 7) But what need of that? For as for the Uſe of the Sacrament in both Kinds, It is Chriſts own Inſtitution; And as for ou • Prayers, being in the Vulgar or known Tongue, it is according to St. Pauls Direction. And if theſ • two be not Authority enough without the Pope's Licence, then have we not the Liberty ſo much as to ſerve God even according to his own Appointment and Inſtitution, but how and when the Pope pleaſeth; And ſo if the Devil at any time ſhould be big enough in Him, it will be in his power and at his pleaſure, whether God ſhall be openly Worſhipped in the World or not. As for the Matter of the Book it is ſuch, that (except ſome few, which all Men of any ſober Communion never eſteemed otherwiſe then as Mad Men) Perſons of any Communion in the Chriſtian World may ſafely joyn in it. When any bring their particular Objections, whether Romaniſts or Others, they ſhall receive their Anſwers. As for the Romaniſts I am apt to think, that they would rather adde to it: But becauſe we think thoſe to be ſuch Matters as would corrupt it; That muſt be Tried by the Examination of Particulars, which is not the buſineſs of this place.

XLIII. As for the Ways or Means of Coming to the Knowledge of the Catholiciſm of any Doctrine; I know but two whereon the Ancients laid any Streſs, Scripture and Tradition. The Sufficiency of the Scriptures as a Rule of Faith, or that they contain all Matters in themſelves neceſſary to Salvation, we not only Maintain, but further ſay, That ſince God hath been pleaſ • d (for the ſecuring us from the ſcailtic of Mens Memories, the M •• guidance of Miſtakes, the Cheat of Impoſ • ures and the like dangers) to Cauſe his Will to be put in Writing, and Compleat the Canon of Scripture; The Scriptures are the only ſure and infallible Rule of our Faith; And whatſoever is fetch'd from thoſe Fountains cannot but be O • thodox and Right. Here is our ſure Ancho-Hold, and in this the Fathers go along with us. Nobis (ſaith Te • tu • . de Praeſcrip.) Curioſitate opus non eſt poſt Chriſt •• n Jeſ • m, nec Inquiſiti • ne poſt Evangelu • m. And Salvi • n, (de Guber. Dei lib. 3. p. 67.) Si ſcire vis, quid •• nendum eſt, habes Literas ſacras: Perfecta Ratio eſt hoc t • nere, qu • d legeris. He that Affects Citations may heap up enough to this purpoſe; Nor doth it do the Romaniſts Cauſe any Service; That many of their Authors ſpeak ſo meanly and diſgracefully of the Holy Scriptures; for 〈…〉 do not well • ear to Hear the Confeſſed Word of God 〈◊〉 • re • ted; And Mr. 〈◊〉 ſeems to Me to have been very imp •• dent in Entitling Part of his Anſwer to Dr. Teniſon, A Con •• tation of 〈◊〉 • octors Rule of Faith; for the Doctors Rule of Faith was no other then th • Scriptures; And a Con • utation of them would of all others be the Work for a Chriſti • n. If a difference Ariſe, Who ſhall Interpret this R • le. I Anſwer, Firſt, That whoſoever Interpreteth he is bound to his 〈◊〉 ▪ And it is not therefore the ſenſe of the Rule, becauſe he ſaith it; but he is therefore in the Right, becauſe he gives the true Meaning of it; If he ſpeak his own, and not the Rules Meaning, he doth not Interpret but deprave. Secondly, I Anſwer, That if the Prieſts Lips ought to preſerve Knowledge, and the People to ſeek the Law at his Mouth, then we have a Succeſſion of Lawful Paſtors duely Authorized, who no more depend on the Romaniſts then the Romaniſts on them; And ſo we ſtand ſeized of as good Authority to interpret Scripture as any they can juſtly pretend to; And that we uſe it more duely and rightly may appear hence, That we not only diligently uſe all lawful Means to come to the Knowledge of Truth, but Condemn all thoſe ill Arts which obſcure or co • rupt it; We have no Index Expurgatorius, to Expunge or Alter any Paſſages in the primitive Fathers, or any other honeſt Authors, if they do not pleaſe us; yet by this one baſe unpardonable Artifice the Romaniſts, whilſt they have been undermining the ſufficiency of the Scriptures, have ſhaken the Authority, and weakned the Evidence of Tradition, and ſo diſarmed the Church of her beſt Weapons of Defence; for certainly a Tradition is beſt proved by thoſe, who lived in or near thoſe times, when it was delivered; But how ſhall we believe their Teſtimony, when their Writings are daily Curtail'd, Changed and Falſified at pleaſure? And had not that God, who takes Care of his Church, cauſed the Cheat to be diſcovered, it would have done more Miſchief, then all the diligence and pains of all the Romaniſts in the World could ever have made a juſt ſatisfaction for. But this it is, for a particular Church to ſet up for Infallibility; which is a point that can never be gained, without putting out the Eyes of all at preſent living, and ſtopping the Mouths of all that went before them: For though I beleeve, that God will never deſert his Church in all parts of it in Matters neceſſary to Salvation, yet he has not given her any Power over the Faith, but She is Tied to that and that alone which was at firſt delivered to the Saints; And if the Roman or any other Church, or an Angel from Heaven ſhould teach any other doctrine, then what we have received, they ought to be ſo far from being regarded, that, if we follow St. Paul, they ought to be Accurſed. That we Adhere to the Scriptures, the Romaniſts cannot juſtly blame us, becauſe they themſelves Acknowledge their divine Authority. For, ſee the Council of Trent doth. (Seſs. 4. decret. de Caen Script') but they accuſe us as too ſtrict Scripturiſts, upon two Accounts, Firſt, becauſe we Admit not Tradition to be of equal Authority with the Holy Scriptures. Secondly, becauſe we receive not ſeveral Books as Canonical, or of unqueſtionable divine Authority, which they have thruſt into the Canon. As for Tradition and its Authority, I ſhall Treat of it more diſtinctly in the next Paragraph, and there anſwer this Accuſation. As for the Canon of Scripture, we own the very ſame and no other, which the Church of God hath Handed down to us, after the Canon of Scripture was Compleated: As for thoſe Books Called Apocrypha, which the Council of Trent firſt made Canonical, it is Apparent, That we do not by that Title utterly Condemn them, but rather Repute them of an Inferiour or Eccleſiaſtical Authority; becauſe we Read them in our Churches for Inſtruction of Manners, and inciting to good Living; And ſometimes uſe them for the Illuſtration of Doctrine, but never to Introduce or Found any Doctrine upon, and this is as much as the Ancients allowed them. The Jewiſh Church was the Keeper and Preſerver of the Canon of the Old Teſtament, as much as the Chriſtian is of the Old and New now: But they had none of thoſe Books in their Canon; And therefore if any Aſſert, that thoſe Books do belong to the Canon, the Conſequence will be, That the Jewiſh Church did not preſerve the Canon of Scripture entire and true, and for the ſame Reaſon any one may ſuſpect the Chriſtian, and ſo render the Authority of the whole dubious: So injurious are the Romaniſts to the Faith it ſelf, whileſt they ſet up their own Authority againſt the whole Church of God. Beſides, if they will not own, that we received the entire Canon of the Old Teſtament from the Jewiſh Church, they ought to tell us from whom we did receive it, and to whoſe Cuſtody it was Committed till the time of Chriſt and his Apoſtles? But whoever will be at the pains to read the Scholaſtical Hiſtory of the Canon of Scripture, Written by our Learned Dr. Coſins Biſhop of Dureſme, will be abundantly ſatisfied, that the Tridentines under pretence of Tradition have Enlarged the Canon of Scripture, contrary to the Tradition of the Church of God in all Ages, even to their own time. Thus when Modern Mens bare word muſt be allowed a ſufficient Authority to Vouch a Tradition, a Pretence of Tradition is ſet up againſt the truth of it, and ſo Tradition it ſelf rendred doubtful or uſeleſs; And therefore I ſhall not trouble my ſelf to purſue thoſe many particular ſhuffling pleas, which they uſe to Juſtify themſelves in offering violence to the Sacred Canon; But if you would know the true Reaſon, which it was their Buſineſs to Conceal; I believe Spalato hath Hit on it, Suas non poterant Naenias ex Sacrâ Scripturâ verè Canonicâ probare, ideoque noluerunt permittere, uc ſibi aliae Scripturae etiam non Canonicae eriperentur, quo ſuas qualeſcunque haberent pharetras, unde ſpicula deſumerent, ac praeterea viderent, ac praeterea ne viderentur re in aliquâ Proteſtantibus cedere aut conſentire, maluerunt etiam falſa tueri & definire. (de Repub. Ecc. lib. 7. cap. 1. Num. 28.)

XLIV. He that doth believe the Scriptures to be the Word of God, muſt of courſe believe their Sufficiency, or that they contain all Matters neceſſary to Salvation, for they give this Teſtimony to themſelves: And he that believes them to be the Word of God, muſt believe the Teſtimony they give either of themſelves or others; St. Paul ſaith, They are able to make Man wiſe •• 〈◊〉 , (2 Tim. 3. 15. 16.) But that cannot be ſo, unleſs they cont • in at leaſt all things neceſſary thereto; But though the Scriptures be thus ſufficient, and contain a certain Senſe in themſelves, yet by reaſon of the diſtance of tim • , when they were Wrote, through Unskilfulneſs in Oriental Cuſtomes and Phraſes • h • re they were Wrote, through Ignorance of ſome parti • ular T • ners, which • ome Argumentative part of Scripture is Levelled againſt, and ſuch like C • uſe • ; But above all, through the Perverſ • neſs of evil Men and Seducers, it ſo falls out, That thoſe Scriptures which are of a certain Senſe, yea, plain in themſelves, are made obſcure to us; and we eith • r become doubtful of th • ir Meaning, or follow a wrong Meaning: for what is, or can there be ſo plain and eaſie, which ſome wicked Men have not or cannot render int • icate and p •• piex • d, eſpecially to weak Judgements and facile Tempers? Now for the Diſcovery of the true Senſe of Scripture in this Caſe, true and genuine Tradition is poſſibly the beſt He • p and ſureſt Reſuge, and to Wreſt the Scriptures out of the Hands of Here • icks, and Reſtore the Rule to its true Force, right Uſe and proper Meaning, perhaps there is not a ſurer nor more • ffectual way; for our Lleſſed Saviour Himſelf Wrote nothing, or at leaſt nothing which he deſigned to be a perpetual Standard and Rule to all his Followers; It is ſaid indeed, (John 8. 6.) That He Wrote with his Finger on the Ground: But what that was no Body can t • ll. Euſ • bius indeed Records an Epiſtle of his to Agbarus; but if the Story be true, (and I have no mind to derogate from the Reputation of ſo Learned and Induſtrious an Hiſtorian) yet it was to a particular Perſon, in Anſwer to a pa • ticular Requeſt; And the principal Contents are a Promiſe, That after his Death o • e of his Diſciples ſhould come, and both Cure and Inſtruct Him; Nor was it ever Accounted as any part of Canonical Scripture. The Apoſtles indeed being Led by the Spirit into all Truth, not only t • ught it to the then preſent Age, but Committed it to Writing for the benefit of •• ſterity; But then they Wrote nothing contrary or diſagreeing with what • h • y preach'd and taught, both before and after they wrote. And there is no doubt, but that thoſe Doctrines which they Comprized ſummarily in the S • ripture, were expounded more fully in their daily Converſation, a • d con •• n • ed diſcharge of their Miniſterial Function. If there o • e any doubt or Controverſie did Ariſe concerning the Meaning of Scripture, there could be no better way to determine it, then by enquiring in what Senſe thoſe Churches underſtood it, which the Apoſtles had planted, St where upon all Occaſions they at large Explained themſelves; for it is certain, That the Apoſtles • eſt knew their own Meaning; And when they were no longer living to tell it, let witty or wicked Men make never ſuch a Buſtle or fair Shew, it will be very difficult to p • rſwade any ſober Men, but that thoſe muſt needs beſt know their Meaning, to whom the Apoſtles themſelves moſt amply diſcovered it. Now it being the great Buſineſs of Hereticks to corrupt the Scriptures, and wreſt them to a wrong ſenſe, that they might ſeem to have a ſufficient Authority patronizing their Errours; When it ſo Hapned, the Ancient Church uſually declined the Nice Way of Cavilling and Captious Diſputes, and fe •• to enquire what was the Doctrine and Senſe of the Apoſtolick Churches; for it could not be but that thoſe, to whom the Apoſtles had preached all their days, muſt better underſtand their Meaning, then any Upſtarts who followed their own Imaginations, and were fond of New and p • ſtilent Notions; And by this means they not only Silenced Hereticks, but wr • ng the S • riptures and the Interpretations of Them out of their Hands, and then turned them againſt them, And whilſt Apoſtolical Men were living, this was a ſure Way; And ſo far as ſuch Tradition can be proved to have been preſerved genuine and true, it is ſtill a good Way: And when the Romaniſts have endeavoured to bring the Cauſe to this Iſſue, I think they have had no great Cauſe to boaſt of their Gains, Witneſs (to avoid Naming many) the Controverſie Managed by Biſhop Jewel and Harding. But then as to Tradition theſe Cautions would be obſerved. 1. That this is no prejudice to the Scriptures, being the only ſufficient Rule of Faith; for though the Apoſtles wrote and taught the ſame things, and ſo both were alike a Rule to the then living Perſons; yet when thoſe things were put in Writing, it was for this very Reaſon, That a Sure and Certain Rule might be Preſerved for Poſterity; For Tradition might in time be miſtaken, forgotten or corrupted; But the Scriptures would remain unalterable. So that the Scriptures are the Rule to us, though there are many Helps to lead us to their true Meaning of which perhaps genuine Tradition is none of the worſt. But this makes nothing againſt the perfection and ſufficiency of the Scriptures, which contain all things neceſſary to Salvation, though they do not find us Eyes to ſee, nor Ears to hear, nor Brains to Conſider; though God doth all this, and all other Helps abundantly. All Arts and Sciences are ſuppoſed to be Complete in themſelves, and to contain Rules ſufficient to inſtruct a Man in them; And yet ſome of the Nobleſt of them can never be thoroughly Attained, unleſs a Man be firſt Inſtructed in the Rudiments of ſome other Arts or Sciences preliminary, and preparatory to them. But the Scriptures being the moſt perfect Rule, as proceeding from the All-wiſe God, and leading to the Nobleſt End, why ſhould not Others or rather all be ſubſervient to them? yet this is ſo far from making th • m leſs, that it argues their greater Perfection. Secondly, That nothing be Admitted as a Tradition, which hath not ſome Apparent Foundation in Scripture, for that being the undoubted Word of God, whatever is not Agre • able thereto, much more whatſoever is contrary to it, ought never to be admitted. But by Reaſon of our own Weakneſs, or Others F • owardneſs, the Rule in ſome Caſes being not ſo clear, a true primitive Tradition, in relation to Matters contained in Scripture, may be very uſeful to lead us to the true Senſe, as in the Caſe of Infants Baptiſm, the Obſervation of the Lords Day, and ſome other Matters. For all the Churches of God from the firſt times, having Baptized Infants, and duely obſerved the Lords Day, it muſt be ſuppoſed, That the Apoſtles did unanimouſly ſo teach the firſt Churches, and conſequently that thoſe General Precepts concerning Baptiſm in Scripture, are incluſive of the Children of believing Parents; And that thoſe Scriptural Inſtances of the Obſervation of the Lords Day, were intended to direct our Practice: Nor let any Man think, that the Romaniſts will be Gainers by this; for I will never deny any Truth for fear of giving Advantage to an Adverſary: Whatever they can prove from Scripture, Expounded by ſuch truly primitive Tradition, as ſhall be agreeable to the two foregoing and the following Cautions, I ſhall freely yield to them or any other Party. But if the Matter come to this Iſſue, they muſt loſe all the moſt Conſiderable things, for which they Contend with us. I know they make great Flouriſhes, and pretend Scripture back'd with Tradition, for Purgatory and ſome other Fopperies; But what can I or any Man help it, if they will uſe the beſt means for the worſt Ends? They know good Rules, but uſe them ill. For as for ſuch a Notion of Purgatory, which they have ſet up, and ſuch a Uſe for it as they have deviſed; as there is not any Footſteps of it in Scripture, ſo was it utterly unknown to the primitive Church; or if it could have been known, would have been Abominated. And if Men will have the Impudence to pretend without any colour for their Pretences, yet I will not forſake a good Courſe becauſe they abuſe it. Thirdly, that nothing be admitted as a genuine Tradition, but what was univerſally received, and wherein all the primitive Churches were agreed, according to that known Rule of Vincentius Lyrinenſis, Quod ubique, quod ſemper, quod ab ••… nibus, or (as he otherwiſe phraſeth it) Ʋniverſitatis & Antiquitatis Conſenſio. Nothing can be ſo plainly ſpoken, but the Weakneſs, the Heedleſsneſs or the Malice of ſome Perſons may miſtake or corrupt it. Thus the Millenary Errour ſprang from Papias miſunderſtanding John the Elder; And his Authority again ſeems to have Influenced Irenaeus and Juſtin Martyr; But this Meeting with Oppoſition in the Church, and being in the End Exploded, it hath only the Reputation of a very early Miſtake, and ſerves well for an Inſtance to ſhew how quickly Tradition may be Corrupted, unleſs the Churches of God be exceeding vigilant. What the Apoſtles taught for the Common Concern of our Salvation in any one Church, they taught the ſame in all; and therefore unleſs they all Agree, that there is a Miſtake is certain, whether there be a Tradition, or where it lies is uncertain; and ſo at leaſt it is uſeleſs. But though here and there a Man might in ſome particular things miſtake the Apo • tles, and by their means Others might be deceived, yet that all Perſons of all Churches ſhould clearly miſtake the Apoſtles in any neceſſary matter, notwithſtanding they lived ſo long, and daily ſo Laboured in the Word and Doctrine, is a thing incredible: And therefore wherein they unanimouſly Agree concerning the Doctrine of the Apoſtles, no doubt but it is the beſt Expoſition of the Doctrine in the Scriptures; the ſame things being written for our perpetual Inſtruction, which were at firſt preached for the benefit of the then living Generation. Fourthly, That Traditions be always deduced from the Firſt Ages of the Church; for Traditions are received, not made; And if they proceeded not from Apoſtles and Apoſtolick Perſons, they can never become genuine Traditions afterwards. What was delivered to the firſt Churches, though ſince neglected, loſt or forgotten, was a true and genuine Tradition; and is ſo ſtill, if it can be diſcovered; But if any thing be Vouched as a Tradition, though of a Thouſand yeares ſtanding and more; yet if it came not from the Firſt Churches, it is not a Tradition but an Impoſture; And ſuch are moſt of the Roman Traditions, much like thoſe of the Phariſees, of whom our Saviour ſaith, That they had made the Commandment of God of none effect by their Traditions, (Mat, 15. 6.) and yet they called them the Traditions of the Elders, (verſe 2.) and ſtood then up for their Antiquity as ſtoutly as the Other do now. But (as Tertullian obſerves, lib. de Praeſerip.) Veritas mendacio prior eſt. And therefore here we are to follow, not qu • d Antiquum, but quod Antiquiſſimum. Laſtly, that a Difference be obſerved as to Traditions, according to their Nature and Rife; There are Traditions of particular Churches, ariſing moſtly from the Orders and Conſtitutions of ſome Venerable Apoſtolick Perſons, made and preſcribed to the Churches, which they reſpectively Governed; Theſe Claim a Reſpect, not only upon the Account of their ſuitableneſs to Order, but alſo in Honour of the Perſons from whom they came; but yet they oblige not other Churches. None indeed ought to contemn them, but they may lawfully either uſe or diſuſe them, as their preſent Churth-Governours ſhall think Fitting for the benefit of the preſent Churches. Some Traditions are more Univerſal, as proceeding from the Apoſtles themſelves; but if they be only concerning things in their own Nature indifferent, neither are theſe immutably binding. That ſome ſuch were is Apparent from that of St. Paul to the Corinthians, (1 Cor. 11. 34.) The Reſt will I ſet in Order when I come: But if any Man can certainly tell Me what Orders he made, Erit mihi magnus Apollo: And perhaps the Apoſtle never Committed them to Writing, leſt an over-great Veneration to Apoſtolical Authority ſhould Run other Churches into an inconvenience; For thoſe very Orders, though moſt wiſely Fitted to the Church of Corinth, might at the ſame time be inconvenient for other Churches, yea, for the very ſelf-ſame Church in following times. For though ſome indifferent things muſt of Neceſſity be determined, becauſe otherwiſe the Solemn Worſhip will unavoidably be diſorderly and indecent, yet ſuch Orders can never be ſo Fixed for all • hurches, as to be of a perpetual, immutable and unalterable Nature; For Climates, Cuſtomes, Times, Perſons, do variouſly alter the ſtate of Matters; ſo that what is prudently Conſtituted in one Church, may be very inconveniently and indiſcreetly enjoyned in another; And therefore, though ſuch Apoſtolical Conſtitutions deſerve Veneration, as being unqueſtionably b • ſt Fitted to the then preſent Churches; yet it remains in the Power of Church-Governours to lay them aſide upon juſt Occaſion, and Conſtitute Others in their Room, as may be moſt for the good of the Churches. Again, ſome Traditions concern the Practice of the Univerſal Church, which obtained in all places, and theſe have their Ground and Warrant from Scripture; but their particular Determination from Church-Authority, which is ſtill preſerved to us by Tradition; Of this we have a clear Inſtance in the Faſts and Feaſts of the Church, as Gods Signal Mercies require our Solemn Thankſgiving, ſo our own Sins, eſpecially the publick, Call on us openly to Humble our Souls before God, and to give manifeſt Teſtimony of our Repentance; Beſides, to tame our unruly Affections, and Fit us for the diſcharge of our 〈◊〉 , Acts of Mortification are very requiſite; To this the Scriptures direct us, and thereof gives us many Inſtances: But when this ſhall be done, (I mean publickly, for as to private Thankſgiving or Mortification, relating to M • ns private Concerns, they may uſ • their •• ſcretion, provided that they thwart not the Orders of the Church) is partly pointed out to us by the times, when ſuch Mercies were received, or Evil done; and partly determined by Eccleſiaſtical Authority. And this even Natural Reaſon it ſelf doth ſo fully teach, that there never were any Men of any Religion, how barbarous ſoever, but they had their Solemn Faſts and Feaſts. Upon this Account I was very ſorry to find a Relation in Mr. Ricaut (St. of Turk:) to this Effect, That certain Fanatical Merchants of ours Reſiding at S ••… rna, and ſome other parts of the Turks Domi • ion • , being obſerved to keep neither Faſt nor Feaſt, but to uſe every day alike, all Perſons preſently eſteemed them as Men of no Religion, and • ook'd on them as Perſons who thought they had no God, againſt whom they could offend, nor from whom they had, or might hope to receive Favours. But though theſe Men were of our Countrey, they were not of our Communion; And we are not to Anſwer for th • ir ill Examples, who have forſaken us chiefly for this Reaſon, that they might take their full ſwinge in Running a Whoring after their own Inventions. The moſt Ancient • ea • ts and Faſts are Appointed by the Conſtitutions of our Church, and 〈◊〉 by the Laws of the Land; If we regard not ſome in the Roman Church, it is becauſe they are Apparently of later date, and introduced by their own Authority, which obligeth not us; Beſides, we much doubt of the Popes Skill in diſcerning theſe later Saints, but more of his power to make them ſuch. If it be obſerved, that our own Faſts and Feaſts are ill obſerved among us; I grant it to be true, but I ſay it is not our fault; Ill Men and ill Times have been and ſtill are too hard for us; and not to Complain of the too many Obſtructions of Diſcipline, (without which no Church can long ſtand, much leſs flouriſh, which is the Reaſon that all Parties whatſoever have unanimouſly combined to hinder the Exerciſe of our Diſcipline, that by that means they might have opportunity, upon all Occaſions, to make their full blow at the Church it ſelf) though our Church hath had the Laws on her ſide, yet ſhe hath ever had the Lawyers (without whom the reſt could have done nothing) her Enemies, who have made even the Laws themſelves either inſignificant or hurtful to Her. I ſpeak not of the whole Body of them, for there are many Honeſt and Honourable Perſons amongſt them; But there want not enough, who are ſworn Enemies of Church-Diſcipline, and all Eccleſiaſtical Authority; who lay Trains and Snares for the Governours of the Church if they execute it; And if any Man be Conſtrained to defend the Sanctions or Rights of the Church, they will encourage Parties, and make Intereſts againſt Him, lead him thorough all the Courts in the Kingdom, till they have undone him; And expoſe Him as if he were the vileſt Man living: They will neither ſuffer the Cenſures of the Church to take place, nor her Rights to be gotten; Nay, more I will be bold to ſay, that partly by quite diſcharging ſome Tithes, and by Erecting lewd Mod • s's and upſtart Cuſtomes, and other Sly Tricks, they have deprived the Clergy of one fourth, of what the Bare-faced Church-Robbers left; And if they be ſuffered to go on at this Rate, they will in ſome few Generations inſenſibly Begger all the Livings in the Kingdom. Now what can we do againſt theſe, and many other powerful and inveterate Opponents, whom I will not Name? Our Conſtitutions are good; We wiſh and endeavour what we fairly can, that they may be kept: They muſt Anſwer it to God Almighty, who will not ſuffer it. But to leave Complaining, where we are like to have no Remedy, and return to our Matter: As to Traditions of Matters of Practice, diſtinction muſt be made between the Matter of the Tradition and the Circumſtances of it; Tradition as to Circumſtances may differ in different places and may be Altered by the Power of the Church. Thus as to the Feaſt of Eaſter, all Agreed in the Tradition, that it was to be obſerved; But divers Churches diſagreed about the time of its Obſervation, ſo that whileſt ſome were Faſting, and had not Compleated their Lent, others had Entred upon the Feaſt of Eaſter; Here the Church interpoſed her Authority, and to prevent Diſorder and Confuſion, reduced the Obſervation to a certain time, though it did not take place without a great deal of trouble, ſo tenacious are people of Ancient Uſages, and therefore ought Governou • s to be very tender of diſturbing them, without w • ighty Reaſons. But then as for the Matter of ſuch Traditions, which are genuine and truly primitive, (as of the Obſervation of Eaſter, and the firſt day of the Week, commonly called, The Lords Day, &c) I cannot perſwade my ſelf, that even the whole Church hatb Power to Alter or Abrogate them. What may be done in Plenitudine Poteſta • ts, I will not diſpute, becauſe it is a thing I have no kindneſs for. For when Perſons will be judges of the Extent of their own Authority, they will be ſure to C • rve libera • ly for themſelves; And when they will be Acting to the utmoſt Sounds of it, the odds is ten to one, that they go beyond them. Laſtly, other Trad • tions there may be whi • h relate to Doctrine, but this could be nothing but what the Apoſtles taught, and therefore muſt be fetch'd from thoſe they taught it to; And ſo muſt be derived from the firſt primitive Churches; If it ſt • rted up after, it was an Innovation not a Tradition, though older then Auguſtine or Ambroſe: for there could be no Tradition but from the Apoſtles, and wherein the Churches immediately following them unanimouſly Agree as to their Doctrine; It ſerves well for the Explanation of the Senſe of Scripture, as hath been ſhewn; But then it becomes not our Rule, though it is an excellent Help: for a Rule ought to be full, obvious and uſeful; He that will pretend it full, has doubtleſs an Aking Tooth at the Holy Scriptures, to explode them as Uſeleſs, and then he will leave us no Rule at all; for this pretended Rule is neither obvious nor uſeful as a Rule; For to fetch the Doctrines of the Chriſtian Religion from the unanimous Conſent of all the Apoſtolick Churches, is a Work for which not one in a thouſand is capable: Nay, take twenty for one of their own Prieſts, and either they are not able, or ſhall not be ſuffered to Attempt it; And is this Fit to be ſet up for a Rule in a Matter of the Eternal Salvation of all Men, which the moſt cannot, and many, if they could, muſt not uſe? This and ſome other Reaſon I could give, make me ſuſpect, that the • ridentines in defining the Scriptures and Tradition to be Received Pari Pietaetis affectu ac reverentiâ, had this in their Eye, that under the pretended Authority of Tradition they might foiſt in thoſe Corruptions, which they knew the Holy Scriptures would by no means patronize. But to leave this Matter, and draw a Concluſion from the Premiſſes, if according to our Conſtitutions, (for we are not to Anſwer for the Miſcarriages of any particular Perſons) both our Doctrine and Diſcipline, our Government and Worſhip are good and juſtifiable, then we cannot be Hereticks: If the Roman Patriarchate extended not to theſe Iſles, then the Maintaining or Re-aſſuming our juſt Liberties cannot make us guilty of Schiſm, as to his Patriarchſhip, but the firſt is proved, therefore the latter muſt be true.

XLV. I ſhould now have done with this Matter, were there not one Trifle in my Way. Men, who are Reſolved not to be Convinced, will be ſure to ſay any thing rather then be put to Silence. And ſo the Romaniſt, when driven from all his Poſts, Cryes out, You were once of the Roman Communion, anâ did Pay Obedisnce to the Biſhop of Rome; There was a Coaluion, and therefore there muſt be a Schiſm. Now though the Anſwer of this is plain from what hath been ſaid, yet ſome Men muſt be particularly Anſwered in every Impertinence, or elſe they will Cry up their Triſtings for unanſwerable Arguments. Whoever denied there was a Schiſm? Do not we bewail it, and heartily wiſh that Peace were Reſtored to the Houſe of Iſrael; That all Churches held a ſweet Correſpondence, and all Chriſtians might Communicate in all Churches whereſoever they came, without any Sc • uple of Conſcience, as in the primitive times? But our Enquiry is, Who are in the fault? And that the Romaniſts are the guilty Party I have in ſome Meaſure proved, and ſhall do it more fully hereafter, if it ſhall pleaſe God to Vouch • afe me Life and Leaſure. But to ſay the Truth, there is a ſub • il Gincrack in this Objection, which when they ſpeak out runs thus, You were once Ʋnited and Lived in Obedience to the See of Rome, and are now gone off from it; What do you tell us of Corruptions, Faults or ill Actions of the Church of Rome; You cannot be ſafe till you be reconciled, and again Ʋnited to it; becauſe that Church is the Mother and Myſtreſs of all Churches, and the Source of all Authority. This is indeed a nimble Way to take for granted the main Matter in diſpute; And if they could as eaſily prove it, as they are ready to beg the Queſtion, it would go very far. But by the Way take Notice, how ſtreightly She hath bound all other Churches in Fetters, and what a ſwinging Priviledge She hath Cut out for her ſelf. Let her do what She will, all others muſt follow Her; Let her do n • ver ſo i • l, none muſt ſo much as Accuſe Her. Let her hold here, and She is ſafe enough; It is well Con • rived, if theſe wicked Croſs grain'd Hereticks would but believe it. They who Claim ſuch ample Privileges, ought to produce their Charter: But when they come to proving, they produce nothing but ſuch wretched ſt • ffe, that Men are at a loſs to return them an Anſwer, by being ſtruck wi • h Admiration at their Impudence. That other Churches have as good Authority as the Roman, is already p • oved, and ſhall be more fully in due place; And therefore this Aſſer • ion is an inſolent Affront and Abuſe to all the Churches of God. But yet 〈…〉 Anſwer, That ſuppoſing ſome P • eeminence did belong to the Church of Rome, th • t cannot Juſtify them in an ill Cauſe. If ever any Church ſhould Claim to be the Fountain of all Authority, the Jewiſh Church, whether as Moſaical or Chriſtian, ſeems to bid the faireſt for it. Upon that Stock (as I may ſ • y) were the Chriſtians Grafted. What Pr • eminence St. Paul allows the Jews above the Gentiles, you may read, Rom. the 11th. and elſewhere; And what particular Reſpect all the Apoſtles had to the Jews, how for • earing they were towards them, how yielding to them, how tender of them, and now careful and deſirous to Maintain Communion with them, the Scriptures every where Teſtify. But yet when they became obſti • ate, and ſpake evil of Chriſtianity, even St. Paul himſelf depa • ted from them, and ſeparated the Diſciples. (Acts 19. 9.) Now we have caſt off a Uſurped Authority, and Reformed ſome inſufferable Abuſes; For this the Pope not only with the J • ws ſpeaks evil of us, but thruſts us away, and Curſeth us. Let him pretend what Privilege he will, if we be Schiſmaticks, we are Schiſmaticks with St. Paul: And in ſo good Company we are nothing concerned, though the Pope and his Teazers Rail and Bark at us all the Way we go. It muſt needs be, (ſaith our Saviour, Matt. 18 7.) that Offences come, but W • to that Man by whom the Offence cometh. So deplorable Schiſms there be, and perhaps more or leſs will be, till the diſſolution of all things put an end to them; But then Wo be to that Man, who to Maintain his enormous Greatneſs tramples on his Fellow Biſhops, and Tyran • izeth over all Chriſtians, and unleſs they will buy Peace at his unconſcionable Rates, will not ſuffer the Wounds of the Church to be healed, nor her Breaches made up▪ Nay, if they ſhould yield to him, it might indeed be ſome kind of uniting like Brethren in iniquity, but then it would be only a debauching, not regulating the Church, So that it was not for nothing, that Marcellus the ſecond, in a Silent Melan • holick poſture, Leaning his Head on his Hand, at length broke forth into this Expreſſion, I do not ſee it poſſible, how a Man in this High Dignity • a • be ſaved. But let them look to that, for having put in an Anſwer to the Claim of the Weſtern Patriarch, and briefly Juſtified the actual Separation, I ſhall now Examine, whether the ſo much boaſted Councel of Trent can do them any better ſervice.

CHAP. V▪ Of the C • uncel of Trent.

I. THough the beſt things, by the Frowardneſs and Contrivance of wicked Men and Seducers may be abuſed to the worſt Ends, and p • rverted contrary to their Nature, to ſerve the moſt pernicious Deſignes, as hath been too often the Fate of Councels: yet it ought not to be denied, but that General Councels, or others, are of greateſt Uſe and Benefit to the Church of God, when lawfully called and duely managed, where ſerious, continued and unanimous Prayers are put up for Gods Aſſiſtance, where Matters are freely and fairly debated, and where not only the Intentions but Endeavours of the Parties, are wholly bent to diſcover the Truth of God, not to Gratifie any Party of Men. For if God have promiſed to be with two or three, who are Gathered together in his Name, Surely, he will not be wanting to the Governours of his People, and the wiſeſt and ſobereſt of Chriſtians, when Met together, to diſcover to the Chriſtian World the poiſon of Hereticks, and to ſerve the Neceſſities of his Church, provided that they take due Cou • ſes; And it is Agreeable to Reaſon, that a Conſiderable Number of good and able Men Aſſembled together in the fear of God, where Matters are freely and fully debated, and all Moral Induſtry uſed, ſhould be better able to diſcover Truth from Falſhood, then any ſingle Perſon, or any ſmall Number of Men. And where Men are ſatisfied of the Regularity of their Proceedings, though they ſhould not be ſo well ſatisfied in their Determinations, yet the Authority of the Perſons, and unexceptionableneſs of their Proceedings, would be an Awe at leaſt upon all ſober and Rational perſons, and make them cautious of diſturbing the Churches Peace. Nor doth it ſeem to be without Encouragement and Direction, that the primitive Chriſtians in difficult Caſes Fled to General Councels as their Sovereign Remedy. For the Apoſties themſelves ſet them a Precedent, and the firſt Councel at Jeruſalem, (though ſmall, yet perhaps the moſt General that ever was) was a Pattern worthy Imitation. For though the Apoſtles had ſeverally the Hol • Ghoſt, and were the Perſons purpoſely Choſen to make known to Mankind the extraordinary Revelations of Gods Will; and ſo might have determined any Queſtion concerning any ſuch Matter by their own Authority; yet the Quarrel ariſing between the Jews and Gentiles concerning Circumciſion, and in the Conſequence concerning the whole Ceremonial Law of Moſes, though they knew that one great End of Chriſts Coming was to aboliſh it, to fulfil its Types, and ſet up a more ſpiritual Worſhip; yet the whole Church being divided by this means into two Parties, they would not determine the Matter till Met in Councel together; that a full debate, and their unanimous Conſent might give the greater ſatisfaction to all. And indeed their Proceedings are an admirable Copy, for all following Councels to write after; even they, who beſt might, do not Magiſterially give us their Naked Decrees and Definitions; for though they had the Holy Ghoſt, and in their Decree did ſay, It ſeemed good to the Holy Ghoſt and to us; yet they do not ſay this, before they had undeniably provod, that it did ſeem good to the Holy Ghoſt, and therefore ought to them. For St. Peter clearly proves, that God Himſelf had already determined the Matter in the Caſe of Cornelius; And then Barnabas and Paul as clearly proved Gods further Confirmation of it by Miracles and Wonders wrought amongſt the Gentiles, whileſt they Preached the Goſpel to them. So that here was nothing left for Men to ſay againſt the Decrees of the Councel, unleſs they would Argue againſt God. And though the ſame degree of Evidence and fulneſs of Authority do not Attend after Councels, yet it would be a great means to procure ſubmiſſion to them, when their Imitation of the Apoſtles, and Care of the Churches did Appear, by their Accompanying their Determinations with the cleareſt Evidence that might be.

II. Some Romaniſts will needs have every General Councel (i. e. ſuch as they Call Lawful) to be as infallible as that of the Apoſtles; but methinks they ſhould allow ſome difference, if it were only for this Reaſon, That the Apoſtles did infallibIy and fully diſcover to us the whole Truth of God in order to the Salvation of Man; All that come after them have nothing more to do, then to enquire after that Truth which they taught, and which Reſts upon their Authority as Inſpired by the Holy Ghoſt; And therefore certainly there is a great difference between them, and thoſe who follow them, and are bound to build upon them, and are certainly in the wrong, whenever they depart from them. Infallibility is a word that ſounds high, and promiſeth all that Man can deſire; And therefore the Romaniſts themſelves would have it upon no other termes, but ſo, that they may have both the poſſeſſion and the uſe of it. But when we come to look for this Salve for all Sores, we know not where to find it; for they themſelves are ſo miſerably divided, that they know not where to place it. And then how can we, or indeed they themſelves, be any thing the better for it? Some ſay it is in the Church, ſome ſay in Tradition, ſome ſay in a General Councel, ſome in a Councel together with the Pope, ſome in a Councel Confirmed by the Pope, (though theſe two laſt are often od • y Jumbled together) and ſome ſay in the Pope alone, when he defines pro Cathedrâ, and that is a Myſtery too. Now in all and each of theſe they entangle themſelves in ſome palpable Contradictions, and woful Abſurdities, that a Man might wonder, that ever ſuch Learned Men ſhould Appear in their Defence, did we not ſee by Experience, that extravagant Intereſt as well as great Oppreſſions often makes wiſe Men mad. The truth is, all theſe are ſet up as a blind, as ſhall appear in its proper place. And if their General Reaſons to prove, that there muſt be ſome ſort of perſonal Infallibility, be good, there muſt be another ſort of Infallibility ſet up then any of theſe, and ſuch as they themſelves will by no means approve, and which none have pretended to, but the worſt of Enthuſiaſts; And yet • heir Reaſons muſt prove this, if any; Such lewd Opinions do Men Run into, when they will take upon them to preſcribe to God, rather then obey him. And indeed it hath ſometimes ſtruck Me with horrour to ſee how boldly they tell us, what God muſt do, and how preſumptuouſly they charge him with breach of Promiſe, as Neglect of his people, if he do not make good all their Contrivances; As if God were bound to do, whatſoever their working Brains can think fit to Advance their unworthy and unchriſtian Intereſts. No doubt but God will not fail on his part, if we neglect not our own; But to Tye Him to ſerve our humours or baſeneſs, is to provoke Him to deſert us in thoſe things, which are really moſt needful for us. But theſe things I muſt not here particularly purſue, nor ſhall I engage in the Diſpute concerning the Infallibility of General Councels, both becauſe whatever they pretend, it is not that which they would have, as alſo becauſe they have Received ſuch Anſwers already in that Matter from Spalato, the moſt Reverend A. B. Laud, the Learned Dean of St. Pauls and others, that it is now altogether a Needleſs Labour.

III. He that takes his Aim, though never ſo carefully, yet may ſometimes miſs his Mark; And if that ſhould be my Misfortune in what I write in this place, I may in Equity expect the more favourable Uſage. For though in a good Senſe a Councel may be ſaid to be the Church Repreſentative, as I ſhall ſhew anon. Yet I have Conſidered and Conſidered again, and can by no means Reconcile to Reaſon that Notion or Propoſition, (in the ſenſe which ſome Men take and Explain it,) That a General Councel is Repreſentative of the diffuſive Body of the Church. For if it be ſo, it muſt either be by Inſtitution from God, or Delegation from Men. But that God in any Caſe hath Appointed the whole Body of Chriſtians to chooſe certain Perſons as their Repreſentatives, whoſe Acts by vertue of ſuch Election ſhall be as binding, as if it had been done by all and every Man, I think can no where be found; for my own part, I could never ſee any Footſteps of it, or any thing like it. If on the other Hand, it be by an unpreſcribed ſpontaneous Delegation from Men, it muſt either be by the whole Body of Chriſtians Met together for that purpoſe, or by Parts Aſſembled in particular Churches. The Firſt, I think, if it be not impoſſible, is altogether impracticable, as the ſtate of the Church now is: Nor was it ever put in Practice, when the Church being leſs, cloſer and better united, did not labour under thoſe difficulties which now it doth; As for the ſecond, it hath neither Scripture nor Antiquity on its ſide, and for that Little, which ſome may wreſt to look that way, it is ſo very little, that it may thence Appear, that the Churches of God never thought it neceſſary. For though Paul and Barnabas, and certain others were ſent up to Jeruſalem about the Controverſie between the Jews and Gentiles, (Acts 15. 2.) Yet there is not any Circumſtance to lead us to think otherwiſe, but that they went by Order or Agreement of theſe Governours of the Churches, (among whom that Controverſie had been debated, but could not be finally decided, by reaſon of the turbulency of the Jews) and not by Election of the People: And when the Councel Met at Jeruſalem, though all Chriſtians had freedom to Appear in it; yet when the Apoſtles and Elders are ſaid to come together to Conſider of the Matter, (verſe 6.) they Met by their own Authority. And further, if a Councel be ſo the Church Repreſentative, that in Order to its being a Repreſentative, it be neceſſary, that the Perſons Appearing be Elected from the Church-Members of particular Churches; the Conſequence will be, That the firſt four Famous General Councels were not lawful Councels; for they Met by the Emperours Summons, not by Election from the People; And therefore upon this Suppoſition could not be duely Convocated. Beſides, if a Deputation of the People or Church-Members be neceſſary, let the Honour or Orders of the Perſons deputed be what it will, they muſt Repreſent moſtly as Laymen; for ſuch are Incomparably the far greater Number; But we read not of any Biſhops Sitting in Councel, but as Biſhops, and ſubſcribing as Biſhops, and taking place there by vertue of their own Authority as Biſhops, not by any Deputation; unleſs perhaps ſome Perſon Appeared for ſome abſent Biſhop as well as himſelf, or as the Legate of ſome Biſhop; But then a Commiſſion or Deputation from that abſent Biſhop was ſufficient without ſo much as Conſulting any Church-Members. I do not ſay, but that ſome Perſons were Choſen on purpoſe to be ſent to Councels, but then they were either ſuch Prieſts or Deacons, as the Biſhops thought Fit to take along with them, or were pitch'd on by the Advice of their Clergy. And we have a Cuſtom amongſt our ſelves, that Two out of every Dioceſs be Choſen and ſent to the Provincial Synod or Convocation; And though it is Reaſonable that ſome ſhould be there, who by daily Inſpection and Experience underſtand the Countreys Affairs, and the Circumſtances of the Rural Clergy, upon whom not the leaſt part of the Burthen lies; yet the great Reaſon i • this, That the Determinations of the Convocation may paſs into the Law of the Land, which they cannot do, unleſs the Convocation conſiſts of ſuch Perſons as the Law requires, whoſe Acts muſt be Ratified by the King alſo to that purpoſe. But then thoſe Perſons ſo Choſe • are only the Proctors of the Clergy, not Deputies of the People: And C • non • for the Church might be made without them, though not Laws of the Land. And indeed the Romaniſts themſelves, though they talk loud of a Councels being the Churches Repreſentative, yet ſometimes they are as dumb again, and willing to let it ſleep, or to ſhift it off. When they have to do with private Perſons, or ſuch whom they Call Hereticks, then they talk big of their pack'd Councels, and what a Madneſs it is to withſtand the Repreſentative of the whole Church of God; This looks great, and ſeems to carry no ſmall Authority with it: But if Diſcoūrſe happen of a Councel in Relation to the Pope, then they are as Mute as Fiſhes, or Mince the Matter, and will by no means be induced to ſpeak out as to any ſuch Authority in Councels of themſelves. And it is well known, That the Tridentines were never ſuffered to uſe the Phraſe, Repraeſentans univerſalem Eccleſiam, though many ſtickled hard for it, the Pope being in no ſmall fear, that an Inferenc • would be thence drawn, That any Member, how great ſoever, was Inferiour to the Repreſentative of the whole Body of Gods Church, the Conſequence of which might have been fatal to Himſelf. But the Queſtion concerning the Right to, or Exerciſe of Authority in any diffuſive Body of Men, whether Eccleſiaſtical or Civil, perhaps deſerves a more thorough Examination, then it hath ever yet undergone; And conſequently, whether any can? And if any, then who and how far they can make a Repreſentative? I may perhaps have Occaſion to diſcourſe of it hereafter, but ſhall not in this place.

IV. He that proceeds only in a deſtructive way, gives too much Advantage to Looſe Wits, and in ſtead of Inſtructing unſettles weak Heads. It is therefore but juſt, that he who oppoſeth what he thinks a Miſtake, ſhould ſet down what he thinks right; leſt he do more hurt by leaving nothing to build upon, then he doth good by diſcovering an Errour, which perhaps might be harmleſs, if Conſequences of too great moment were not Wire-drawn from it. If therefore we ſhould ſay, That a Councel, (i. e. as far as Relates to ſuch Churches, whoſe Biſhops Appear in Councel) is the Church Authoritative; and in Conſequence the Repreſentative, as bringing with it all that Authority Chriſt left in his Church, and which he Lodg'd in his Church-Officers, by Vertue of which Authority they Repreſent, and not by any Deputation from the People or Church Members; I think that (with ſubmiſſion to better Judgements) it would be much more plain in the Explication, and facile in the Reaſons of it; And thence would Evident • y Appe • r the true Grounds of the different force of their Decrees and Canons. For in what Relates to Diſcipline and ex • ernal Government, every Biſhop ha • h Power to make Orders in his own Church; And when they are Met in Councel together, for the Agreement and Harmony of Churches, and better upholding Communion, they may make Rules binding all thoſe Churches, and in all things lawful and honeſt they are to be obeyed. For in their Hands God left the Government of his Church as a Church. And it is no leſs then an Apoſtolical Command, in • eſerence to Church-Governours; Obey them th • e have the Rule • ver you, and ſubmit your ſelves, &c. (Heb: 13. 17.) And this is ſo clear from the Practice of the p • imitive Church, that to bring a few Inſtances, were only to light a Candle to the Sun. But then thoſe Regimental Rules or Orders were not binding to thoſe Churches, whoſe B • ſhops were not there either by themſelves or their Delegates, and Conſenting to them, though they were bound to obſerve them, whenever upon any Occaſion they came to any of thoſe Churches, on whom they were laid; And alſo had a Power to Receive and Confirm them, if they found them convenient for their Churches, and ſo to make them Obligatory ex poſt facto, though they themſelves were not at the Councel. And it is further Obſervable, That Conſtitutions of this Nature were never thought to be ſo unalterable and binding. But that not only fo • lowing General Councels might alter them, but even Provincial Councels in ſome Caſes migh • Reſeind, what more General Councels had Appointed. For no Laws are binding contrary to their own End and Deſign. Now the End and Deſign of their Conſtitutions being the Peace and B • nefit of the Churches, and for the moſt part in Matters of themſel • es by Nature indifferent or mutable; It can hardly be, that in all things their General Sanctions ſhould Hit the Condition of all Churches, for Climates alter Men much; And the Humours, Inclination • and Cuſtomes of People much vary in different places, yea, not ſeldom in the ſame place, in different Ages. So that what is convenient, eaſie and uſeful in one place, may be inconvenient, uneaſie and unprofitable in another. If therefore by Reaſon of the Condition of ſome particular Church or Churches, which was not well made known to the General Councel, ſome of their Conſtitutions ſhould prove to be really and truly Burthenſom and Oſſenſive to ſuch Churches: If there be no Proſpect of another General Councel near at Hand, a Provincial Councel of their own, who underſtand their ſtate and neceſſities, may Relieve them, by making other Orders more Fit and Practicable for them; but always with Honour and Obſervance of thoſe Conſtitutions, where they do take place, and without any Contempt or diſreſpect, where they are laid aſide, To this Effect is that Anſwer of our Learned Dr. Beveridge to his f •• ward Obſervator, Nemo neſcit Synodos Poſteriores ſape ali • , nonnunquam & • entraria conſtituiſſe ac quae prioribus conſtituta fuerant, idque licèt Priores i • ae acu ••• icae ſive Ʋniverſales & Poſteriores ſingularium tantummodò Provinciarum Synodi 〈◊〉 , quod ſexcentis, ſineceſſe • ſſet, exemplis demonſtrare licet, (Cod. Can. Ecc. •• i. lib. 1. cap. 3.) In theſe things (if I miſtake not) conſiſts the greateſt 〈◊〉 moſt direct Power of Councels; for theſe things are to be received and obſerved by vertue of their own Authority. And hence it is Obſervable, That in moſt ancient Councels, the greateſt Part of their Canons relate to Diſcipline and Government. And they never Ca • ed to meddle with Matter of Doctrine, unleſs the Troubles of the Church and unquietneſs of Hereticks conſtrained them to it. And though in this Caſe, not only Men in inſeriour Orders, but even prudent Lay men may be Conſulted with, and have liberty • o Adviſe and freely ſp • ak their Thoughts, that the ſtate of the Church may be the better known, yet the deciſive Voice is in the Biſhop: And that the Contrary Aſſerted by Spalato is a great Miſtake; I ſhall happily have Occaſion to prove; when I come to ſpeak of the Nature, Power and Rights of Epiſcopacy, in oppoſition to the Roman See, whoſe Uſurpations have not only diminiſhed, but in a manner deſtroyed that Order, to the irreparable damage of Gods Church, and without the Reſtoration of which to its juſt Rights, I ſee not how the Church can hope for either Unity or Peace.

V. But though in Relation to Government and Diſcipline the Power of Biſhops in Councel is very great, yet in Matters of Doctrine it is by no means the ſame. For he that Committed to their Truſt the Government of his Church, gave them no Power over the Faith. Rules for Diſcipline may alter, as Caſes alter; But the Goſpel of Chriſt Jeſus muſt be yeſterday, and to day, and the ſame for ever. No Monckiſh Evangelium aeternum, nor Fanatick Evangelum armatum, muſt be ſuffered to thruſt this out of doors; What Chriſt and his Apoſtles delivered to the Saints at firſt muſt be the Rule to the laſt: And therefore here the Buſineſs of Councel • is not to Appoint but Enquire; Not to Conſtitute, but declare: They have no Authority to make us a New Goſpel, or any New Article of Faith, but to diſcover the Old; And therefore here their Authority goes equal pace with their Sincerity, Diligence and Skill. And if theſe Qualifications be truly in them, and duely uſed; It • s all the Reaſon in the world that we ſhould Acquieſce in their Determinations, and that not only becauſe we cannot have any better or more able Body of Men to decide the Controverſie; But alſo becauſe we have good Grounds to believe, that God will Afford them his Aſſiſtance; for the Promiſe made to the Diſciples of bei • g with them always to the End of the World, is not capable of any other Conſtruction, but of his Affording not only to them, but to their Succeſſors ſufficient Aid and Aſſiſtance to preſerve, diſcover, teach and declare that Truth and Doctrine, which our B •• ſſed Saviour and his Apoſtles taught, and left with them to be taught to th • End of the World, for the Salvation of Souls. And though even Laymen, as being all Concerned in the Common Salvation, may Challenge a Right to Appear in Councel in orderly Manner and Number, yet certainly the greateſt Authority lies in them. To whom God hath Committed the Care of all the Churches, and who muſt Anſwer for others Souls as well as their own. Where therefore the Paſtors of the Church are M • t together about Matters relating to the Neceſſities of the Church, and are Honeſt, Induſtrious and able; I doubt not, but that in Matters of Religion their Authority is the greateſt of any Men on Earth. God, I think, would not ſuffer ſuch Men, ſo qualified, to deceive us in any thing of neceſſity to Salvation, and therefore they are not lightly to be regarded. And if th • ſe things could be truly ſaid for the Councel of Tr •• t, I ſhould have a better eſteem for it, then I am like to have in • aſte. Put on the other Hand, • f any Paſtors of the Church, how many ſoever, though never ſo able and induſtrious, Meet together, and be not Honeſt and Sincere, but (at leaſt by the prevailing Number) for baſe Intereſt, labour by ſubtile and unworthy Arts not to Amend, but Eſtabliſh groſs Errours, Abuſes and Corruptions; Theſe Men not only Offer the greateſt Affront to God and his Chriſt, but Attempt to put th • moſt pernicious Cheat upon the Chriſtian World; And in ſtead of Aſſiſtance from God, they may rather expect, that in Judgement he ſhould give them over to ſtrong deluſions, to believe a Lye. And theſe are to be A • ominated, and with as great indignation Rejected, as good and lawful Councels are with Reverence to be received and followed. And in which of theſe Rancks the Councel of Trent ought to ſtand, I ſhall now Enquire

VI. And in the firſt place, it may not be Amiſs, to Conſider what time was taken to Frame and Mould this Councel to the Popes Mind. The Councels of Conſtance and Baſil having Eclipſed the Roman See in the very Height of its Greatneſs and Glory, the Popes ever ſince have looked with a maligne Aſpect upon General Councels, and the very Naming one was enough to put any of them into a Fit of a Feavour; And indeed this made following Councels not only uſeleſs but noxious. For if the Neceſſities of the Church ſeemed at any time to Require a General Councel, the Pope would never ſuffer it to be, but in ſuch place that he could Command; And always took care, that it ſhould Conſiſt of ſuch Perſons, who at leaſt for the greater Number were at his devotion; And yet even then was wofully uneaſie, till it was Finiſhed; ſo unwilling are Popes to truſt themſelves with a Councel, though themſelves have the packing of it. But that Spark, which firſt fell through the Claſhing of Luther and the Pardonmongers, being blown to ſuch a Flame, that no Common Help could quench it, a General Councel ſeemed neceſſary: But to Manage it for the Advantage of the Roman See, and to hold it in convenient place was a Matter of no ſmall difficulty in ſuch times of Confuſion; ſo that it ſeemed to be as dangerous to the Pope, as it was neceſſary for the Church. It was well for the Court of Rome, that the greateſt Princes of thoſe times were perſwaded that it was the Popes Right, (though meerly Founded upon Uſurpation • ) to Call General Councels: For by this means they gained time to Fit Matters for their Turn; And yet though the moſt Refined Politicians in the World, it was not a little time did ſerve their Turn; For though the Popes ſucceſſively ſeemed daily willing, that ſo they might ſtop Mens Mouths, and Gratifie their Importunity, yet was it not leſs then Twenty ſeven yeares before theſe perfect Crafts-Maſters could Contrive Matters to their Mind, and then too they were rather Neceſſitated then willing, and in no ſmall fear that their Wings would be Clipt. Luthers firſt Appeal to a • eneral Councel, which was quickly followed with the deſires of all Germany, was in the Year 1518. But the Councel of Trent did not open till the 13th. of December 1545. So long did this Compaſſionate Succeſſor of St. Peter ſuffer the Wounds of the Church to Lye Bleeding, and at laſt only Cured them as Chyrurgions do Gangrenes, by Cutting off the Members. As for the Indictions at Mantua and Vicenza, I make no Account of them; for as it may Reaſonably be ſuſpected, that they were only Shams to gain time; ſo had either taken effect; it is certain it was a Device to keep the Councel in greater Slavery, then it was at Trent, though it was ſo great there, that little good could be expected from it, as ſhall preſently appear. And now after ſo long Plotting, having got ſomething like a Councel, in a frightful place, at a time when Chriſtian Princes were moſt jealous of each other, and the Pope had Leaſure and Opportunity to play his Game; Let us enquire into its State and Actions; And if juſt Exceptions cannot be brought againſt it, let it take place.

VII. I do not pretend to bring all the juſt Exceptions, which may be Alledged againſt the Councel of Trent; It is ſufficient, if thoſe few I ſhall bring; or any one of them be ſo material and to the purpoſe, as to Juſtify our Rejecting it. Now the firſt Quarrel I have againſt them is, that the prevailing Part all along carried on a Deſign to betray the Liberties of all the Churches, and the Power of all Biſhops to the Pope, and to make him the abſolute Monarch of the whole Church. And what good can we expect from Men, who were Traitors to their own Order? But though there could be no greater baſeneſs and falſeneſs then ſuch a Deſign, yet it muſt be Confeſſed, that never was an Intrigue Managed more Neatly, or more Slily brought about, for they never Offer to put his Supremacy to the Vote, nor by any expreſs Canon or Decree declare or give it him; for that might have Awakened the Sleeping Biſhops, and Alarm'd the World, and perhaps they might not have Carried it; Or if they had, yet what one Councel gave, another might take away; At leaſt he muſt have been beholding to them, and held it as their Gift, which would not do the Pope's Buſineſs. But more craftily, whileſt the Councel was intent upon other Matters, they upon all Occaſions Slu • r in ſuch words into the Decrees and Canons, which though nothing to the purpoſe, as to the Matter to be decided, (and therefore in all likelihood little Heeded) yet might infer the Pope's Supremacy by an Antecedent or Divine Right; And thus they inſenſibly put him out of the Reach of all Councels, and did their Work more effectually, then if they had ſpoke never ſo plainly, Thoſe who Heedfully Read over the Canons and Decrees of the Councel of Trent, may furniſh themſelves with plenty of Inſtances; To Avoid Tediouſneſs I ſhall only mention ſome few. For a Trial how this would glide down, the Decree for Reformation is Uſhered in with theſe words, Eadem SS. Synodus Piis Summorum Pontificum, & Probatorum Conciliorum Conſtitutionibus inhaerens, (Seſs. 5. cap. 1.) Here the Pope is not only put before the Councels, but that ye might ſee by what Right he is Adorned with the Epithet Summus; And though the Councels are ſuffered to wait on-him, yet it is with a Reſtriction, they muſt be ſuch as are Probata: Now what thoſe are, and who ſhall have the Approving them, any Man may gueſs without being ſuſpected for a Conjurer; For with them the meaneſt Provincial Councel is as good as a General, if Confirmed by the Pope, and without his Confirmation the moſt General is not worth a Ruſh. Thus what ſhrivelled things are Councels to a Pope? But as if all Reformation Conſiſted in exalting the Pope, in the Decree of Reformation, (Seſs. 6. cap. 1:) He is ſtiled, Ipſius Dei in Terris Vicarius; They could hardly have made him greater, unleſs they had ſtiled Him, Our Lord God the Pope; And in the latter part of the ſame Decree they declare him to be Captain' Mend-all, with a power to puniſh at Diſcretion, even the Higheſt Prelates of the Church; And that not by Vertue of any Truſt repoſed in Him by the Councel, but Suae Supremae Sedis A • ctoritate: This I think is pretty fair, they did deſerve to be ſtroked and called his white Boys for it. When they come to determine the Matter concerning the Reſervation of Caſes, which extreamly needed Reformation, (for by that means Perſons oft were forced to Travel to Rome, from the farth • ſt Countreys at vaſt Charges, and often for meer Trifles) in ſtead of Reforming, they Juſtify it; A • d for fear of loſing the booty, they ſeem willing that ſome othe • Biſhops ſhould have a Sh • re with Subordination to his Holineſs; But 〈◊〉 for th • Pope himſelf, they tell us roundly, that he may do it 〈…〉 Poteſtate, ſibi in Eccleſ • â Ʋniverſâ traditâ. (Seſs. 14. cap. 7 〈…〉 the Na • home, and Clinches it too; for it his be the Sup • em • P • wer in the univerſal Church, that Man o • Men had n • ed be Back'd with a ſtrange Authority, who ſhall dare to Cont • oul or oppoſe Him▪ Further, the Matter is ſo Ordered, that the Councel frequently gives the Pope the Title of Dom • n • s neſier, and the Conſequence can be no leſs, but that they were or ought to be his Humble Servants. Perhaps ſome will ſay, that this was done in good Manners, and by way of Complement. But put a Complement upon the Pope, and if it ſerves his Turn, he interprets it a Reality; And the Decrees and Canons of this Councel are Reſtrained to his Interpretation, that they can only ſpeak what he pleaſes, ſo th • t he m • y make the utmoſt Uſe of it; And we know, that Sayings, whi • h do not by the hundredth part ſo much Countenance his Supremacy, are Confidently brought in to prove it. An endleſs and needleſs Labour it would be to purſue all Inſtances of this kind, and therefore I ſhall Content my ſelf with one more. When moſt Men were Tyred out and grown Sick of the Councel, and the Papalins being in fear of the Popes Death, were Reſolved to Conclude it in a Hurry, in the very laſt Seſſion this Decree paſſeth, Poſtremò Sancta Synodus, omnia & ſingula, ſub quibuſcunque cla • ſulis & verbis, quae de Morum Reformatione, atque Eccleſiaſticâ Diſciplinâ, tam ſub fel. rec. Paulo 3 tio, ac Julio 3 tio quèm ſub Beatiſſimo P • o 4to Pontificibus Maximis, in hoc Sacro Concilio ſtatut a ſunt, declarat, ita decreta fuiſſe, ut in his Salva ſemper Auctoritas Sedis Apoſtolicae & ſit & eſſe, intelligatur, (cap. 21.) Now if they had done any thing as to the Pope before, this had undone it all: And this, with the Help of ſuch a Conſtruction as the Pope may put upon it, may enable Him to do what he will; He is now left to Carve for Himſelf, and if he want any thing it is his own fault. By what Surprize this Decree was obtained, the Hiſtorian briefly tells us. When a Councel was juſt Shutting up, few Men gave their Minds to Heed or ſtick at any thing; and therefore in the Cloſe of the day this is paſſed as a thing granted, though it had never been mentioned in any Congregation, (Hiſt. C. T. lib. 8 pag. 812,) Now what the Authority here deſigned is, you may give a ſhrewd Gueſs by the Acclamation in the Shutting up of the Councel, Beatiſſimo Pio Papae, & Domino noſtro, Sanctae Ʋnivsrſalis Eccleſiae Pontifici, &c. What can he deſire more? It ſeems the Diſpute about Ʋniverſalem Eccleſiam and Ʋniverſas Eccleſias, was out of their Heads now.

VIII. As to the Authority of Biſhops, it was the Contrivance of the Councel all along, by all Arts poſſible, to bring it in a manner to nothing. 'Tis true, ſome were ſenſible of the Miſchief of this, and amongſt ſuch the Spaniards deſerved no mean Commendation, eſpecially Granata, then whom there was not a more brave and Magnanimous Prelate in all the Councel: It wanted not much once, but that they had out-witted the early Legats; but their honeſt Plot being diſcovered, they were quickly over-born by the Italians and Penſioners, who never Conſider what is Right, but what will ſerve the Pope's Turn: And to exalt him, it was neceſſary to depreſs all other Biſhops; for if other Biſhops be Chriſts Vicars as well as the Pope, they will be in danger to be his Fellows; but if they be only Vicars, or Delegates of Chriſts-Vicar, then they muſt ſubmit to Him as their Head, from whom they derive all their Authority. And to bring it to this Paſs they uſed many Arts, though none more effectual then this, which ſhall be the only Inſtance I ſhall produce in this place. In the Matter of Reformation it was neceſſary to ſeem to do ſomething, (though God knows their Reform • tion was much like Boccaline's in Parnaſſus, which after a mighty Buſtle, and vaſt Expectations, Amounted to no more then the Moderating the Price of Cabbages and Onyons.) Now though in things of greateſt Concern, the Reformation was left to the Pope, which was Magno conatu nihil agere; yet all could not be ſo Referred, and the Execution of ſuch things had been always left to the Biſhops. Now to have Committed them to any other Hands, would have been not only to bring themſelves under Eternal Infamy, but to put the World in a Mutiny; On the other Hand, to leave it to them would ſeem to infer a Right, if not a Divine Right in prejudice of the Pope. One would think here they had been taken in a Nooſe, but they ſlip the Knot with eaſe; And certainly never any thing was more Neatly taken away in the very giving. For when Matters came under debate, which did Require the Exerciſe of Juriſdiction upon the place, they then Committed it to the Biſhops, but with this Reſtriction, As Delegates of the Apoſtolick See. Here indeed the Biſhops Received a Power to Exerciſe ſome Authority, but in the very Accepting it they gave up their Right, and placed all Authority Originally in the Pope; ſo that if he pleaſed at any time to undelegate them, he did in effect unbiſhop them. And yet the only Reaſon which moved the Cardinals, St. Clemens and Alexandrinus to perſevere in their Opinioe to the laſt againſt the Confirmation of the Councel, was this, That too much Authority had been Given to Biſhops in that Councel, (Hiſt, C. T. lib. 8. p 817.) So Jealous is the Roman Court of the Authority of Biſhops, that they are not willing to Allow them the Shadow of it; And indeed they have Reaſon for it, ſor if every Bird had her own Feather, thoſe Jolly Cardinals, now Princes Mates, would Appear to be only a parcel of bald C • otes. For this and ſome other Reaſons the Councel of Trent might have Waited for a Confirmation, had not Hugo Buoncompagno Biſhop of Beſtice, not only clearly Convinced the Pope, that he was no Loſer by the Councel; but alſo taught Him a Trick how He might make what he pleaſed of it, and become no ſmall Ga •• er by it, (Hiſt. C. T. p. 816.) To all this the B • goted fort of Roman • ſt • 〈◊〉 Return, that it is the Pope's Right. But if it be not his Right, then •• th He and that Councel are guilty of a World of Wrong done to the Churches of God. But that Diſpute is not proper in this 〈◊〉 , but will be fully Hand •• d in the Particular of Supremacy; And if they be caſt in that, they muſt be ſo in this,

IX. • t hath ever been Held to be one nec • ſſary Qualification of a General Councel, That it be free; And therefore I may Reaſonably put in this Exception againſt that at Trent, That it was in manifeſt Slavery all the time. If there were nothing more to be urged but the Decree Proponentibus Legatis, that alone were ſufficient; For by this m • ans the Biſhops, who beſt knew the ſtate of their Churches, could not offer any thing in Councel, how needful ſoever they knew it to be; And what ſhould be debated, was wholly left to their pleaſure, who either could not underſtand the ſtate of the Churches; Or if they did, yet did not regard it, but made it their whole Buſineſs to Advance the Intereſt of the Court of Rome. And though it was Pleaded, that this was a New Thing never beſore done in any Councel; though at ſeveral times ſtrong Reaſons were brought to prove, that it Infringed the Liberty of the Councel; And from time to time great Interceſſion was made to take off that Decree, yet it could never be obtained; And we may Reaſonably believe, that it was Reſolved it never ſhould, whatſoever they might pretend. For when this Decree with no ſmall Art had paſſed, the Pope was ſo well pleaſed with the News, that he wrote privately to the Legats, That they ſhould Maintain it firmly, and put it in Execution, without Relenting one jote, (Hiſt. C. T. lib, 6. p. 470.) But though this was too much yet this did not ſatisfie them; But they took ſtill a greater Liberty to Enſlave all the Reſt. For when they had propoſed any Matter, iſ the debate did not proceed to their Mind, they took upon them to interrupt Men in their ſpeaking, and to Check, Reproach or Threaten Others; ſo that ſeveral died of Grief or Indignation for the Diſgrace and Abuſe Received; And ſome pretended Neceſſity of Buſineſs, or want of Health, and Asked leave to depart, and were not a little glad they were got away. If this did not do, then by Prorogations and Delays they wearied Men out, and would do nothing till an Opportunity Preſented for their purpoſe. Neither was the Councel under leſs Reſtraint as to time, then Matter; they were ſo far from having any Power to Sit, till they had diſpatched the weighty Affairs they came about, that they could not Sit an Hour longer then they pleaſed their Maſters the Legats; For they had a Bull by them, empowering them to pro • ogue, transfer or diſſolve the Councel as they ſhould think Fit. So that let the Neceſſities of Chriſtendom be what they will, if the Deſignes of the Legats were not carried on, all the Biſhops in Councel muſt either Sit ſtill and cool their Heels, o • March off and be gone; And that they were Reſolved to take this Courſ • , if they could not Compaſs their Ends, is manifeſt from that rude Tranſlation of it to Bol • gna. And yet one would think there ſhould be little need of all this Caution; for the Councel conſiſted wholly of Perſons ſworn to the Pope, in as full and ample Manner as any Oath of Allegiance can be made by a Subject to his Law • ul Prince, as is plain from the Form of the Oath ſet down by our Learned D. of St. P. ( •• nd. A. B. L. cap. 8. p. 491.) ſo that they could Practice nothing contrary to the Pope's Will without being guilty of Perju • y; And the Legates upon Occaſion did not fail to put them in Mind of it. Inde • d, it may more proper • y be called a Faction then a Councel, for there were none Admitted but the Pope's Party; And was it likely, that they ſhould do right, who were Complained of for doing all the wrong? The Proteſtants are not ſuffered to Come and Sit as a Part of the Councel, but to be heard as Criminals: And they had great Encouragement to come, who w • re Condemned before-hand. Three Safe Conducts were Granted to the Proteſtants, Two under Julius 3tius, and one under Pius 4tus, but not one of them will Admit them as Members of the Councel, but ſuppoſeth them to come as Offenders, with a • iberty to make the beſt of their Cauſe they can. But he, who ſhall Heedfully read the firſt Safe-Conduct, will ſee, that it was rather intended for a Snare to Trepan them, then an Inſtrument to Secure them. That Phraſe, Quantum adipſam Sanctam Synodum ſpectat, looks ſuſpitiouſly, as if they intended it as a Reſerve for another to do that, which they were aſhamed of themſelves; and there is the greater Reaſon to think this, becauſe the very laſt words of the Safe-Conduct ſhew, that they did intend to proceed againſt ſuch, whom they ſhould judge Hereticks; Only they promiſe, that they ſhall have Judices ſibi benevolos, i. e. They ſhall be Hanged with Silken Halters. And what kind of Entertainment they were like to find, we may hence Gueſs, that it is ſometimes plainly ſaid by ſome in Councel, That their Coming thither was to Condemn the Lutherans; And when Vega ſpake of a Lutheran Opinion, as Reconcileable with what they called Catholick, the Councel was highly Offended, as thinking it a prejudice, that any of the Differences might be thought Reconcileable, (Hiſt. C. T. p. 208.) yet they had the beſt Knack at Reconciling, when they had a Mind to it, that I ever knew; for they could Reconcile differences amongſt themſelves, that were as oppoſite as Light and Darkneſs, without Condemning either of the Contraries; Witneſs among others, the Controverſie between the Dominicans and Franciſ • ans about the immaculate Conception. They were ſo b • nt on this deſign, that they would Admit none into the Councel, who were thought in the leaſt to favour the Reformers. When Vergerius Fled to the Councel, though as a Biſhop he had Right to a place there, yet the Legats would not ſuffer him to be there, but ſend him to the Pope to clear himſelf from the Imputation of Lutheraniſm; And he was glad to be gone, and at laſt to get out of Italy, though he did in ſome Meaſure Requite the Kindneſs afterwards. For in Revenge he wrote a Book to prove, that all Liberty was taken away from the Councel, and that it was Called by the Pope, not to Eſtabiſh the Dect • ine of Chriſt, but the Servitude and Oppreſſion of poor Souls, (Hiſt. C. T. p. 436.) And though he had been ſoully abuſed, and was an angry Man, yet in this he was too much in the Right. But as ſome were not Admitted, ſo ſuch as did Sit there were upon their good Behaviour, and might by one Device or another be • etcht out of the Councel at pleaſure. Even one of their greateſt Creatures the Biſhop of Bitont • , was Cited from the Councel to Appear before the Auditor of the Rota at Rome, ſuch a piece of Impudence as was never before Practiſed, and enough to have made the Councel Aſſert its Authority againſt the Pope, if there had been any Conſiderable Number of • ny Courage or Honeſty. But though upon the Biſhops modeſt Complaint • he Legats were aſhamed of it, and the poorer Biſhops began to be Muinous, yet the Pope made his Advantage of all. For laying hold on this Opportunity, as it were, in Compaſſion to ſuccour the meaner Biſhops, he • ade Penſioners and faſt Friends of thoſe, who were in danger to be his Enemies; and gained a clear Inſtance of the Pope's Exerciſing Juriſdiction over a Councel. And though this ſhews Him to have been a dextrous Artiſt, who could ſo eaſily turn his danger to his gain, and Kill two Birds thus with one Stone; yet it ſpeaks little in Commendation of thoſe, who what in them lay ſold the Liberties of all Chriſtians ſo Dog-cheap. And though the Pope was thus ſecured of them, yet they were not truſted: But when the Legats had prepared any thing, if it was not treated of in all Points to their liking, it was either utterly quaſhed, or laid aſide at pleaſure. When as Matter of Reformation it was propoſed to ſet down the Qualities, requiſite in the Promotion of the greater Prelates and Miniſters of the Church, which certainly might have been of great uſe and profit to ſo diſordered and corrupt a ſtate, as the Churches Affairs were then in; It was all preſently turned out of doors, and that chiefly for this Reaſon, Becauſe more then two Thirds of the Benefices aere Reſorved to the Apoſtolick See, unto which it is not Fit to Preſcribe a Law, (Hiſt C. T. lib. 2. p. 216.) When the Matter of Reſidence was treated of with ſome little Heat, they were all preſently cooled, and the Matter put off, Cardinal Monte, after ſome ſpecious Pretences, plainly telling them, That the Pope's Wi •• was Reſolutely ſo, (Hiſt. C. T. lib. 2. p. 232.) And with this they are all ſtruck dumb. And as they might not ſpeak but with Leave and Licence, ſo what they did was inſignificant, if it Chanc'd afterwards not to pleaſe the Pope. For the Councel having taken Care for Correcting the Vulgar Edition, and for procuring an exact Impreſſion, and having Employed Deputies on the Work; When this News came to Rome, the Pope undoeth it all by his own Authority, and the Legats in purſuance of his Order, cauſe the Deputies to deſiſt from the Work, and to bring all they had done to them, and this without any Reſpect to the Councel, or ſo much as making them privy to it. It ſeems ſomewhat ſtrange, that they ſhould have no more at leaſt ſeeming liberty, but be uſed ſo fcornſully; For the Pope had ever the Major Party in the Councel. It began, if not altogether, yet for the moſt part with his own Creatures: And they, when but a contemptible Number, and (as the Hiſtorian ſaith) for the greater part a very ignorant Parcel of Men, deſined Matters of the greateſt Concern, which were never before defined; And too ſoon then. But when Cardinal Pacce • o gave Information, that the Spaniſh Biſhops, Men of exemplary Piety and great Learning, were coming to the Councel, the Legats thought (as they truly •• u • d) that their Tas • would be harder; And therefore they begin timely to look about them, and ſollicit the Pope to ſend them truſty Biſhops to out-Vote the Ʋltramontans, (as they called them) (Hiſt: C T. lib. 2. p. 142.) This did well enough all the time of Paul and Julius; But when the F • ench were preparing to come to the Councel in the time of Pius 4 tus, the Rumour of ſuch Mens coming, who were naturally of a daring temper, and free Speech, and in no great danger of incurring the diſpleaſure of their King for either, fo Alarm'd the Pope, that he openly and with little leſs then a profeſſed Deſign for out-Voting them, ſent ſuch a ſtrength of Confidents and Titulars, that the Papalins in Councel were themſelves a ſhamed of it; for by that it was manifeſt, that nothing could be done in that Councel, but what was Carried by his Creatures, and conſequently by himſelf. This will ſtill be more plain, if we Conſider the Number of Prelates in Trent. The Catalogue at the End of the Councel tells us, that they came from fourteen Nations; but if it were well Examined, it would Appear, that many of the Prelates of thoſe ſev • ral Nations were only Titulars, or the Pope's Penſioners; But the Number of all together, (and yet they never were all together) Amounts to 281. Now all of this Number, (take Procurators and all) which Appeared at various times from thirteen Nations, were only 91, the Reſt were all Italians, the Pope's Devotees, who either for fear durſt not, or for Intereſt would not in the leaſt oppoſe him; and they Amounted to 189, which makes ſomewhat above two Thirds of the Councel. Now when all the Complaints were againſt the Court of Rome, let any Man judge what could be • ar • ied in a Councel, wherein the Pope had ſo much the Major Party, and Voices were Numbred and not weighed. And when the Councel is Called by Him, and Conſiſt, chiefly of Perſons, whoſe dependance is on Him, and all Sworn to Him, and when they are Met, muſt Treat of nothing but what is Propoſed by his Order, nor then any further, or in any other Manner then makes for his Intereſt; And if any thing diſpleaſes, are liable to be ſent packing away when he pleaſes; And their Orders may be diſcharged without their • onſent, and are in all things under his Government, who will never ſuffer them to follow their own Judgement. I Humbly deſire to know by what Figure ſuch a Councel is called Free, for in proper ſpeaking it cannot be ſo.

X. Another ſmall Objection which I have againſt this Councel is this, That the D • crees and Canons ſet forth in that Councels Name, were really not the Decrees and Canons of the Councel: for the Truth is, it was a meer Sham, and only a Skreen or Curtain drawn between the World and the Pope, that he might play his Game more ſafely out of Sight. For what do they tell us of Trent? If there was any Councel, it was at Rome; for thero all was really Tranſacted and Concluded. In Trent th • y did only Act the Play which Others made, and therefore it is unjuſt that they ſhould be Accounted the Authors of it, and Rob Others of their Glory; for though they carry the Name, yet in Truth the Tridentine Fathers, were neither Fathers nor Mothers of thoſe Decrees and Canons, but were only the Midwives to deliver the Pope and Conclave of a Brat, which they had long been big with; though they were partly forced and partly Hired to take it upon themſelves, leſt the World ſhould have judged it a Baſtard-Child. By the Orders of Paul the 3d. to the Legats, they were to receive from him what they ſhould propoſe, deliberate and conclude, and not to publiſh any Decree in Seſſion, before they had Communicated it at Rome, (Hiſt. C. T. lib. 2. p. 164) And all along there were Deputies in Rome kept over the Councel, that nothing could be diſpatched in Trent, till they had firſt Conſidered, Corrected and Concluded the Matter, and ſatisfied the Pope in it: And then he ſent it to Trent, that it might paſs for their Decree. And to this purpoſe Diſpatches came from Rome every Week at leaſt once, and ſometimes twice, unleſs the Waters were up, (as they often were there) and then the Pope could not inſpire them, but the Legats were forced to make delays, and Buſie the Councel in By-matters; of all which a very pleaſant Account is given in the Letter of the Biſhop of Five-Churches to the Emperour. And ſometimes it Hapned, that the Deputies in Rome did not underſtand the Affair ſo well as the Legats, who were upon the place; And ſo the Pope ſometimes put things upon them that were uneaſie or unſafe; And then they were at a Stand, whether they ſhould follow his Orders or his Intereſt; But the Common Reſolution was to Employ the Councel in ſomething elſe, till they could give the Deputies more full Information and Satisfaction, that the Orders might be Corrected, but ſtill nothing could be Concluded in the Councel, till it was firſt Agreed on and determined at Rome; And from that they were not to depart. Now I cannot underſtand, but that thoſe who made the Decrees and Canons, were more effectually the Councel, then thoſe who publiſhed them. And being Romaniſts are apt to Ask, what Objection can be made againſt the Councel of Trent, which may not alſo be made againſt the Councel of Nice? I deſire to know of them, whether they will ſay, that theſe things can be truly Objected againſt the Councel of Nice? If not, then they muſt Acknowledge a wide difference.

XI. But ſuppoſe theſe and other Objections did not Lye againſt it, yet what is the Councel of Trent to us? If the Acts of that Councel bind us it muſt either be from the Authority of the Councel, or the Nature of the things determined. If from the Nature of the things, then they are binding before, and without the Councel: And ſo where the Councel of Trent is in the Right, we may receive it • or its own ſake, not the Councels; becauſe it is true, not becauſe the Tridentine Fathers ſo determined; And ſo the Plea of the Councel is laid aſide to Examine the Nature of the thing. But if thoſe Acts muſt be ſuppoſed Binding by Vertue of the Authority of the Councel, I would know how that Authority Reacheth us? for Councels bind thoſe Churches; whoſe Biſhops are preſent and Conſenting to them. And though the Pope hath Uſurped the Privilege to be the only Confirmer of Councels, yet Anciently his Confirmation Reached no further then to his own Church of Dioceſs at moſt; And every Biſhop had as much power to Confirm Councels as He, and the Councel ſtood in as much need of their Confirmation as his in Reſpect of their particular Churches; And their Common Stile in Subſcribing was, Ego A. B. Confirmavi, Corroboravi, or the like. And if they did not do thus, the Decrees and Canons of the Councel were not Reputed to be Binding to their particular Churches. If the Determinations of the Councel were thought to be of General Concern, then they were ſent to other Churches, whoſe Biſhops were not there, and they might Receive or Reject, either in whole or in part, but what they received they bound themſelves to, but not but by their own Act. Now what Biſhops of ours were at Trent? or when did we receive it or approve it ex poſt facto? Henry the 8th. was ſo far from ſending any Biſhops to that Councel, that he Proteſted againſt it. Edward the 6th. was leſs a Friend to it. What Queen Mary would have done, I know not; But all the time of her Reign the Councel was under a Suſpenſion, and ſate not; And though it was Revived again in Queen Elizabeths time, yet it is well known, that ſhe thought, that neither the Pope had Right to Call a Councel, nor equal that he ſhould Preſide in it; Neither did any of the Biſhops of her time, (either of thoſe put out, or thoſe put in) Appear there. As for the Blind Iriſh-man, he is nothing to us, and as little I think to his own Nation. It is indeed true, that Cardinal Poole an Engliſbman, whom even Proteſtants Honour for his Moderation and Piety, was in that Councel ſome ſmall time under Paul the Third; But he Sate there as the Pope's Legat, not an Engliſh Biſhop: Nay, at that time he was not a Biſhop, at leaſt not of any Engliſh Church, nor deputed by any Biſhop of Ours; And therefore could not Carry with Him the Authority of any one of our Churches. I wonder the Pope had not ſo much forecaſt, as to Set up ſome Titulars to ſupply this defect; But if He had, we ſhould have little Regarded ſuch a Mo • k-Authority. And as none of our Biſhops were there, ſo there is not the leaſt Colour to ſay, that we Received it ſince; And therefore they may Keep their Councel for a Snare to themſelves, it doth not bind us. And this Argument ought to be Held good, even in the Opinion of the Councel of Trent it ſelf, for when in Order to Carrying a Matter under debate, the Determination of the Councel of Florence was urged, it was preſſed as an Argument againſt the Spaniards, not againſt the French; And for this Reaſon, that the one Nation had Received that Councel, but not the other. And thus I have done with the General Part, and now we muſt come to a more cloſe Fight, inſiſting upon ſuch Particulars, as may both Juſtify our Separation, and withal make manifeſt, that whatever they pretend, the t • ue Reaſon of their Adherence to thoſe Matters is only a Selfiſh and Unchriſtian Intereſt.